The Guarani

Under Spanish R ule in

thè Rio de la Piata

BARBARA GAN SO N

Stanford University Press

Stanford, California
2003
 To my mother, Eiaine M . Ganson,
my late father, Richard C . Ganson,
and G .A .M .,
who all have a special place in my
heart and who encouraged my
appreciation o f history and Native
American cultures

Stanford University Press

Stanford, California
© 2003 by thè Board ofTrustees o f thè
Leland Stanford Junior University
Published with thè assistance o f Florida Atlantic University
Printed in thè United States o f America
on acid-free, archival-quality paper

Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Ganson, Barbara Anne
The Guarani under Spanish rule in thè Rio de la Piata / Barbara Ganson.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
i s b n 0-8047-3602-2 (alk. paper)
1. Guarani Indians— Government relations. 2. Guarani Indians— Missions.
3.Jesuits— Missions— Paraguay. 4. Seven Reductions,War o f thè, 1754-1756.
I.Title.
F2230.2.G72 G35 2003
323.i'i98382082'09033— dc2i
2002030455
Originai Printing 2003
Last figure below indicates year o f this printing:
12 11 io 09 08 07 06 05 04 03
Typeset by BookMatters in 10.5/12.5 Bembo
 Contents

List of Illustrations ix
Acknowledgments xi

Introduction i

Part One:The Invasionfrom Within

1. Early Encounters 17
2. The Footprints o f Saint Thomas 30
3. Daily Life 52

PartTwo:The Invasion from Without

4. From Resistance to Rebellion 87

5. The Guarani in thè Aftermath o f thè Expulsion
ofthejesuits 117
6. Our Warehouses Are Empty: GuaraniResponses to thè
Reorganization o f thè Missions 137
7. Guarani Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 164

Appendices 191
Glossary 205
Notes 207
Bibliography 257
Index 285
 Illustrations

Maps

1. Spanish Mission Territory Ceded to Portugal by thè Treaty of

Madrid, 1750 2
2. Jesuit Province of Paraguay with Locations of Guarani
Reductions 3
3. Jesuit Reductions in Guairà, Early Seventeenth Century 32
4. Jesuit Province of Paraquariae, 1732 33
5. Guarani Map o f Missions Santos Reyes deYapeyu, La Cruz, 60
Santo Tome, and San Francisco de Borja, 1784
6. Jesuit Mission Landholdings along thè Paranà and
Uruguay Rivers During thè Mid-Eighteenth Century 66
7. The Jesuit Missions along thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers, 1749 90
8. The Rio de la Piata, 1754 106
9. The Jesuit Missions Divided into Five Departments, 1768-1827 139

Figures

1. Yerba Maté Leaf and Bombilla 13

2. Tupi-Guarani Lamentations 21
3. The Cario-Guarani, c. 1537 24
4. Mission San Juan Bautista in thè Eighteenth Century 42
5. Evolution o f thè Jesuit Mission Indian Population, 1641-1803 54
6. Guarani Sculpture of Infant Jesus Asleep 69
7. Guarani Woman at her Spinning Wheel 74
X Illustrations

8. Guarani Drawings on C h u rch -F loor T ile at Mission

Santisima Trinidad 75
9. D raw ing o f thè V irg in M ary and Infant Jesus in Explicación
del Catecismo, by Nicolas Yapuguay, 1724 82
10. Facsimile o f Letter o f C orreg id o r M igu el Guaiho, 1753(?) 99 Acknowledgments
11. T h e Guarani in Brazil as D ep icted b y je a n Baptiste D ebret 157
12. Mission San M ig u el in 1842 158
13. Guarani Sculpture o f T h e V irgin Mary, Mission Santa Rosa 178

I would like to thank those many individuate who have been so generous
with their time and ideas. Susan Deans-Smith, who directed thè disserta-
tion on which this book is based, stimulated my interest in thè fields o f
colonial Latin American history and ethnohistory through her excellent
teaching at thè University o f Texas at Austin. She provided judicious guid­
arne, inspiration, and support at cruciai stages in thè development o f this
project. I am ateo grateful to historical archaeologist Samuel M. Wilson o f
thè University ofTexas at Austin for further developing my interest in thè
field o f ethnohistory. Several other scholars have been o f great assistance.
William B. Taylor, James Schofield Saeger, Jerry W. Cooney, Cynthia
Radding, Jesus F. de laTeja,Alan Knight, and Jonathan C. Brown offered
insightful comments and suggestions for improving various versions o f thè
manuscript. Lic. Ida Beatriz Genes assisted me with thè Spanish transla-
tions o f Guarani manuscripts. Carlos Mayo and Eduardo Saguier helped
me find sources at thè Archivo General de la Nación and thè Archivo de la
Provincia de Buenos Aires “ Ricardo Levene.” Ernesto J. A. Maeder, Rafael
Carbonell de Masy, S.J., Alfredo Poenitz, Jorge Francisco Machón, and
John Hoyt Williams offered suggestions for sources at different stages o f
thè research. Arno Alvarez Kern, José Proenza Brochado, thè late José
Antonio Perasso, Adriano Irala Burgos, Bartomeu Melià, S.J., Branislava
Susnik, Miguel Chase Sardi, Pedro Inàcio Schmitz, S.J., and Ruth Adela
Poujade allowed me to examine and photograph their archaeological
findings from mission sites or shared their ideas about Guarani cultural
adaptation. I am indebted to Caroline Castillo Crimm for her artistic tal-
ent in recreating several maps.These individuate, among many others, made
this book possible.
M y appreciation to thè directors and staffs o f thè Benson Latin American
xii Acknowledgments

Collection o f thè University o f Texas at Austin, Archivo General de las

Indias, Centro de Estudios Antropológicos o f thè Universidad Católica
Nuestra Seriora de la Asunción, Archivum Romanum Societatus Iesu in
Rome, Archivo General de Simancas, Archivo Histórico Nacional de
Madrid, Archivo del Palacio Orientai in Madrid, Bibliothèque Nacionale in
The Guarani
Paris, thè British Library, Archivo General de la Nación in Buenos Aires,
Museo Mitre, Archivo de la Provincia de Buenos Aires “ Ricardo Levene,” Under Spanish Rule in
Archivo de la Provincia de Corrientes, Museo de Arte Hispanoamericano thè Rio de la Piata
Isaac Fernàndez Bianco, Archivo Nacional de Asunción, Museo Etnogràfico
Andrés Barbero, Archivo de la Curia Metropolitana de Asunción, Arquivo do
Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Instituto Histórico e Geogràfico do Rio
Grande do Sul, Arquivo Publico in Porto Aiegre, Arquivo de la Curia
Metropolitana de Porto Aiegre, Biblioteca Nacional in Rio de Janeiro,
Museu do Indio, Museu da Chàcara do Céu, thè Vatican Film Library, Pius
XII Memorial Library at Saint Louis University, New York Public Library,
and thè libraries o f Florida Atlantic University and thè University o f Miami.
A number o f institutions and foundations have also supported my
research and writing in various ways over thè past several years.The U.S.
Department o f Education granted me a Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Disserta-
tion Research Fellowship to Argentina, Paraguay, and Brazil in 1990-91.
Several grants from thè Department o f History and thè Institute o f Latin
American Studies o f thè University ofTexas at Austin financed research in
Spain, Argentina, Paraguay, and Brazil in 1990-91. A National Endowment
for thè Humanities Doctoral Dissertation Research Fellowship, 1993—94,
provided a full year o f support to organize and write thè dissertation. An
Andrew W. M ellon Fellowship supported additional research at Saint
Louis University in 1995.The Division o f Sponsored Research at Florida
Atlantic University provided two international travels grants and a gener-
ous research award, which made this publication possible.
It is a pleasure to have this hook come out with Stanford University
Press. I am grateful to my editor, Norris Pope, for his patience and valu-
able advice, and to my excellent readers for thè Press, Erick Langer and
Dauril Alden, whose insightful comments and criticisms greatly improved
thè hook’s final version. I greatly appreciate thè meticulous efforts o f pro­
duction editor Anna Eberhard Friedlander and copy editor Alex Giardino.
Responsibility for final contents is, o f course, mine.
Finally, I would like to thank my sister, Ricarda, brother, Michael, and
faculty colleagues at Florida Atlantic University, especially Mark Rose and
Stephen Engle, for providing great humor as I completed thè project.
These individuai, along with my friends and relatives in Paraguay, Ar­
gentina, and Brazil, were always a source o f inspiration.
 Introduction

on july 20, 1753, Nicolas Neengiru, a Guarani cacique, musician, and

corregidor (magistrate in charge o f an Indian town council) from thè Jesuit
mission o f Nuestra Senora de la Concepción wrote a letter in his native
Guarani language to thè Spanish governor o f Buenos Aires, José de
Andonaegui, to protest theTreaty o f Madrid (1750).The cacique expressed
disbelief that “ it could not be in thè heart o f thè King o f Spain to make
them [thè Guarani] relocate,” or order thè Indians to give up their land to
their traditional enemies, thè Portuguese, because they had a separate let­
ter from thè king stating that thè crown would look after their needs and
always protect them (see Appendix i).1
The Jesuits described Neengiru as tali in stature, dignified, and more
ladino than other Guarani. This cacique was thè direct descendant o f
another chief Nicolas Neengiru w ho had helped Father Roque Gonzàlez
and other Jesuits establish several missions among thè Guarani along thè
Paranà River in thè early seventeenth century. His father had served as a
sargento mayor (a lower-ranking olficer) in thè Guarani militias trained by
thè Jesuits that had expelled thè Portuguese from Spanish territory at
Colònia do Sacramento, Uruguay, in 1704 and 1705. Like his father before
him, Nicolas Neengiru was named after his ancestor and was highly
esteemed by his people for his eloquence.2 Neengiru became thè main
leader o f thè rebellion against Spain and Portugal in thè Guarani War,
1754—56 (also known as thè War o f thè Seven Reductions).
TheTreaty o f Madrid signed by Spain and Portugal in 1750 stipulated
that thè Spanish territory o f seven Jesuit missions east o f thè Uruguay
River in thè region o f thè Rio de la Piata was to be turned over to Portu­
gal in exchange for Portugal’s withdrawal from Colònia do Sacramento, an
entrepót o f smuggling and Portuguese stronghold in Uruguay across thè
 2 Introduction

Map 1 . Spanish Mission Territory Ceded to Portugal by thè Treaty o f Madrid,

1750. The area was made up o f severi Jesuit-Guarani reductions, along with
ranches that belonged to these towns, and other reductions west o f thè Uruguay
River. (Adapted from “ Mapa de la governación de Paraguay y de la Buenos Aires
con la linea divisora de las tierras de Espana y Portugal, adjustada entre las dos
coronas, ano de 1750” [1752]. From Guillermo Furlong Cardiff, S. J., Cartografia
jesuitica del Rio de la Piata, Buenos Aires: Casa Jacobo Peuser, 1936, p. 78, no. 23)

estuary from Buenos Aires (see Map i).T h e approximately twenty-nine

thousand Guarani in thè seven missions were to pack up their belongings
and move with their missionaries to reductions in Spanish territory west
o f thè Uruguay River (see Map 2). They could remain, but their land
would now belong to thè Portuguese, and they would be subjects o f
Portugal. Although Neengiru resided in a mission where thè Guarani were
not forced to relocate under thè terms o f thè treaty, thè residents o f
Concepción had dose ties with those east o f thè river. Several Guarani Map 2. Jesuit Province o f Paraguay with thè Definitive Locations o f thè Thirty
Guarani Reductions Along thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers, as well as thè Two
families had left Concepción to settle in two o f these missions. Mission
Northern Reductions Established Am ong thè Tobati-Guarani, c. 1750. (Adapted
Concepción, along with at least three additional missions west o f thè Uru­ from Sélim Abou, The Jesuit “Republic” of thè Guaranis (1609-1768) and Its Hentage,
guay River, also had a stake in thè abandonment o f all thè mission lands. translated by Lawrence J. Johnson, N ew York: Crossword, 1997)
4 Introduction Introduction 5

They too owned cattle ranches and yerba maté plantations in thè territory muskets and were ready to defeat Spanish and Portuguese troops.6 The
that fell into Portuguese possession. image o f Emperor Nicolas I as depicted in thè European pamphlets, how­
In his letter, C h ief Neengiru referred to thè Guarani as Christians who ever, was not that o fa Guarani chief but o fa Spanish Jesuit.7 N o proofwas
prayed every day and who had not offended anyone to deserve relocation ever uncovered to substantiate these damaging rumors.8 However, gossip
and thè loss o f their lands.The Jesuits, he explained, had “ taken care o f us, derived from thè reputation o f a Guarani chief and allegations that thè
had loved us always, and never spoken o f relocating before . . . until Jesuits had incited thè Guarani to rebel played a vital role in thè expulsion
now.” 3 He could not understand why thè Spaniards had brought his ances- o f thè Jesuits from Portuguese and Spanish America, respectively in 1759
tors out o f thè forest, educated them, and now wanted to sacrifice every- and 1767.
thing. Neengiru also explained to thè governor how “ God had given them Neengiru’s story provides a metaphor for an entire historical period
their land,” but that they, not thè Spanish or thè Portuguese, had worked and for Guarani historical agency: thè Indians’ resistance, adaptation, and
it with their own hands.4 His people, he noted, constructed thè magnifi- ultimate accommodation to Catholic missionary contact under Spanish
cent churches and thè attractive Spanish-style towns and took care o f thè rule. His life reveals that thè encounter between thè Guarani and thè
vast cattle ranches, yerba maté, and cotton plantations.The Guarani leader Jesuits was a highly complex one, shaped by different historical processes,
neither gave an ultimatum nor made any threats to thè Europeans. His let­ cultural adaptations, and survival strategies that changed over time. These
ter was rather one o f clarification and a statement o f discontent with thè factors were not determined solely by thè goals and intentions o f thè
terms o f theTreaty o f Madrid. However, Neengiru warned his people that Europeans but also by those o f thè Guarani.9 Above all, Neengiru’s letter
thè Spaniards and Portuguese intended to seize not only thè seven towns, illustrates thè centrai concern o f this book: thè disparities between
but all thè territory o f thè Jesuit missions and that they would mistreat thè Guarani culture as presented in extant accounts o f thè Jesuit missions, and
Guarani as thè Spanish did in Paraguay.5 Guarani culture (and indigenous voices) as revealed in many heretofore
Neengiru’s letter, along with similar letters from thè Indian corregi- unanalyzed native documents.
dores o f thè seven missions, demonstrates that thè Guarani attempted to Up to now, thè literature on thè Jesuit missions in thè Rio de la Piata,
work within thè Spanish colonial System to redress their grievances before written from a Eurocentric viewpoint, has suffered from an emphasis on
proceeding to extralegal methods.When thè Spanish officials ignored their thè ecclesiastical and administrative roles o f missionaries. Scholars have
petitions, Neengiru became one o f two prominent leaders o f thè rebel- traditionally depicted mission Indians as passive receptors o f European
lion.The other leader, Captain José (Sepé) Tiaraju, a cacique from Mission culture and institutions, rather than as agents who helped shape a major
San Miguel, initially led thè Guarani forces. Following Tiaraju’s death in part o f their own history. Philip Caraman, S.J., for example, in The Lost
February 1756, Neengiru assumed command o f native militias and fought Paradise: The Jesuit Republic in South America (1975) views these indigenous
against thè Spanish and Portuguese troops at thè battle o f Caaibaté, south people merely as a reflection o f European culture or a part o f thè exotic
o f Mission San Miguel. Several hundred Guarani soldiers died in that background o f South America.10 Anthropologist Elman R. Service, by
episode. Neengiru survived, but later thè Jesuits removed him from his contrast, contends that thè Guarani rapidly lost their native culture in early
position as corregidor, banished him from Concepción to another mis­ colonial Paraguay.11 In reality, however, these indigenous people shaped
sion, and confiscated all o f his personal belongings. Nevertheless, he thè encounter with Europeans and retained aspects o f their native culture
remained a powerful chief in thè mission territory after thè rebellion. Like in this remote province throughout thè colonial era. Native texts, Indian
his ancestors before him and a large proportion o f thè mission Guarani testimonies, late-eighteenth-century descriptions o f their religious festiv-
Indians, Neengiru chose to remain under colonial rule and accepted thè ities, mission Indian artifacts, and thè widespread use o f thè native lan-
terms o f thè Treaty o f Madrid. guage in upper region o f thè Rio de la Piata all demonstrate Guarani cul­
Jesuits in thè Rio de la Piata associated Nicolas Neengiru with thè tural resiliency.
rumors, rife in Europe, that thè Jesuit order operated in Paraguay an opu- Influenced by Charles Gibson’s seminai work, TheAztecs Under Spanish
lent state independent o f Spain.This Jesuit republic, it was said, minted its Rule: A History of thè Indians of thè Valley of Mexico, 1519—1810 (1964), this
own coins, had a king, Emperor Nicolas I, who sat on a throne, and main- study will focus on thè responses and adjustments that indigenous peoples
tained an army o f sixty thousand, who were well armed with artillery and made and how they coped with Spanish colonial rule.12 It will examine
 6 Introduction Introduction 7

thè adaptive processes o f thè tropical lowland Guarani in South America, Robert Southey, a leading figure in British romantic literature. Besides
thè persistence o f their indigenous value systems, and thè melding o f being a poet, Southey was a historian and author o f a three-volume study,
European and Guarani cultures in this part o f colonial Spanish America. thè History ofBrazil (1810, 1817, and 1819), which includes an account o f
Like a growing number o f recent borderland studies, this study will pres- thè Guarani War. In 1825, Southey wrote a long poem, entitled “ A Tale o f
ent a revisionist interpretation o fth e Jesuit missions in Paraguay.13 It will Paraguay,” in which he tells thè story o f a Guarani family that flees into
stress thè importance o f human agency with regard to understanding thè thè jungle to escape pestilence in their village.18All thè villagers had per-
impact o f colonialism and Christianity in thè N ew World. The research o f ished, except Quiara and his wife, Monnema, who later have a child.
Nancy Farriss on thè colonial Maya {Maya Society Under Spanish Rule) Quiara dies, but his wife and child survive, and thè child helps to comfort
(1984) in part leads me to test her hypothesis regarding thè cultural adap- its mother. For this Guarani family, thè forest is a refuge or sanctuary.
tation o f indigenous people under Spanish domination. Farriss argues that Southey writes that thè forest is a place where “ never evil thing . . . had
Indians should not be viewed as passive objects, but rather as independent power to enter” and where Indians are safely isolated from corrupting
agents who helped shape a major part o f their cultural reality. Farriss’s influences.19
work raises thè question o f whether mission Indians were able to deter­ The image o f thè Guarani in this poem is again that o f children o f
mine their own historical reality.14The Catholic Church and thè colonial nature, simple and pure, but stili subject to tragedy because they are unable
state certainly were important influences in their lives, but as this study to escape death.Yet, Southey seems to admire thè Guarani not because o f
will demonstrate, thè Guarani in thè Jesuit missions were able to make their closeness to nature but because o f their closeness to God and their
many o f their major life decisions and determine their own destinies.The willingness to absorb religious instruction from thè Jesuits. He portrays thè
Guarani not only helped shape thè formation o f Paraguay’s hybrid culture Guarani as happy and thè Jesuit missions as places where there was no
but also were active participants in thè historical processes o f thè Rio de conflict between thè Indians and thè missionaries and where thè Guarani
la Piata. had a secure subsistence at all times.20
Since thè late Renaissance, European literature has shown a tendency to Southey’s idealization o f thè Guarani and thè Jesuit missions in thè Rio
romanticize these missions and their native people. Montaigne, Voltaire, de la Piata was similar to thè writings about native people in North
and Montesquieu are among thè notable writers whose portrayals o f thè American literature during thè early nineteenth century. As part o f this
Tupi-Guarani as innocent children o f nature, noble savages, or cannibals romantic literary movement, authors envisioned human nature as good
often reveal more about thè nature o f Western culture itselfthan about thè when uncorrupted by thè evils o f civilization. Romantic writers often
originai beliefs and cultural traditions o f these “ others.” In his masterpiece, assumed that all native people loved their families and mourned their
Candide,Voltaire expresses both admiration and contempt for thè Jesuits in dead. Warriors were always brave. The Indians’ major shortcoming was
his description o f Candide’s fictitious visit to thè missions o f Paraguay. their childlike understanding o f thè world.21 These images o f native peo­
According to Voltaire, thè government o f thè Jesuit missions is a “ most ple and thè missions appear to have served thè agendas o f other cultures.
admirable thing,” but thè “ Padres have everything and thè people have They support thè view that missionaries did good deeds, protected thè
nothing.” 15 He refers to thè Jesuits as individuate “ who here make war on natives from harm, and were beloved by their Indian charges. If native
thè Kings o f Spain and Portugal and in Europe act as their confessors.” 16 people had childlike minds, then European and American missionaries
Voltaire, in effect, blames thè Jesuits for inciting thè Guarani to rebel. N ot could more easily instili in them their culture and religion. It ateo implied
all writers o f thè Enlightenment were so criticai. Montesquieu (1689- that Europeans needed to do something for them and bring them up to
1755), for example, admiringly compared thè Jesuit missions o f Paraguay thè European level o f “ civilization.” 22
to ancient Greek civilization.17This French philosopher, however, appears In thè early twentieth century, British author Robert B. Cunninghame
to have had a more positive attitude than his peers; this could be because Graham idealizes life in thè Jesuit missions for different purposes in A
he died in 1755 and thus was not infìuenced by thè negative press thè Vanished Arcadia (1901), primarily to fit his own politicai agenda. He
Jesuits received in Europe following thè Guarani War. depicts thè missions as a kind o f socialist state.23 In 1870, he traveled to
Portrayals o f thè Guarani as innocent children o f thè jungle or noble Argentina to learn about cattle ranching. For eight years, he remained
savages can ateo be traced to thè writings o f England’s poet laureate, there working as a rancher, horse trader, interpreter, and surveyor o f thè
 8 Introduction Introduction 9

Paraguayan yerba maté tea trade. Following his return to Great Britain, however, assumes incorrectly that thè Jesuits were heroic defenders o f thè
Cunninghame Graham founded thè Scottish Labour Party in 1880, along Indians’ rights, willing to give up their lives for thè Guarani. The histori­
with Keir Hardie.24 His view o f thè Jesuits was highly favorable. He con- cal evidence indicates that thè Jesuits never fought against thè Spanish and
tends that thè Society o f Jesus did much good, worked among thè Indians Portuguese military forces. O n thè contrary, several feared for their lives
like apostles, and made them happy. Cunninghame Graham defends thè because during thè rebellion thè Guarani took them hostage.
Jesuits by writing that they did not conduct thè missions as a business In thè film’s final scene, Joffé and Bolt show Guarani children paddling
enterprise but “ rather as thè rulers o f some utopia.” 25 Referring to thè away in a canoe, returning to a naturai state in thè jungle. The tropical
expulsion o f thè Jesuits in thè late eighteenth century, he concludes that forests once again appear as virgin territory, a refuge from corrupt Euro-
“ thè Arcadian life, which had subsisted more than two hundred years, in peans and imperialist designs. As in A Vanished Arcadia by Cunninghame
thè brief space o f two short years was lost.” 26 By romanticizing thè work Graham and Caraman’s The Lost Paradise, thè missions appear to end with
o f thè Jesuits and Guarani life in thè missions, Cunninghame Graham thè departure o f thè Jesuits. The impression thè film leaves, like that o f sev­
indirectly criticizes his own society and uses thè Guarani Indians and thè eral literary works, is quite erroneous; thè missions continued to exist into
Jesuit missions as a model o f what society ought to and could be.27 thè early nineteenth century.
The motion picture The Mission, winner o f thè Palme d’O r at thè This ethnohistorical study thus seeks to challenge these passive por-
Cannes Film Festival in 1986, is set in thè Paraguayan Jesuit missions dur- trayals o f thè Guarani. By examining thè ideas and actions o f thè indige-
ing thè 1750S; it culminates in thè Guarani War and thè defeat o f thè mis­ nous people, along with those o f thè missionaries, it will provide a more
sion Indians.The film, however, provides little historical understanding o f balanced view o f thè history o f thè Jesuit missions. It will demonstrate that
thè Guarani or their experiences under colonialism and Christianity.28 It thè historical roles o f thè mission Indians were greater in thè colonization
portrays them only as happy, innocent children o f nature. The film’s British o f thè Rio de la Piata than previously thought. Indeed, without thè mis­
director, Roland Joffé, and screenwriter, Robert Bolt, also depict thè Jesuit sions and thè accommodation o f these semisedentary people, thè Spanish
missionaries as heroes and thè Portuguese and Spanish as corrupt. Another would not have had much o f a presence in thè Upper Piata region.
major shortcoming was that Joffé used Onanis, Amerindians from C olom ­
bia, as actors to portray thè Guarani, rather than Guarani-speaking Indians M airi T h em es and L im ita tion s
themselves.The Onanis in thè film also appear to be hunters and gather-
ers, not agriculturists like thè Guarani o f thè time. The centrai period covered in this book spans thè half-century from
Native people appear frequently in thè film, but mainly as part o f thè 1750 to 1800. The second half o f thè eighteenth century is o f particular
scenery and not at center stage. Thus Guarani voices in thè film are some- scholarly interest because it was a criticai period o f transition, an impor-
what muted. W hen they speak, their words sometimes are not translated tant stage in thè changing relations between thè Guarani and thè Spanish
into thè subtitles, although Father Gabriel does interpret some o f thè and Portuguese within thè larger period 1500 to 1848. It was also one o f
chiefs’ reactions to thè Treaty o f Madrid. The film is historically accurate thè most controversial eras in thè history o f thè Jesuit order in Europe,
in that thè Guarani did teli thè Jesuits that they would rather fight thè Asia, and thè Americas. Many o f thè missionaries in thè Rio de la Piata
Spanish and Portuguese settlers than give up their land, homes, and region suddenly faced forced relocation themselves, when they were ex-
churches to their traditional enemies. But they also fought by writing let- pelled from thè empires o f Portugal, France, and Spain. Although histori-
ters o f protest against thè treaty, such as thè one written by Neengiru.The ans have explored thè reasons thè Jesuits were expelled from Latin Amer­
movie culminates in thè death o f several Jesuits who have sheltered thè ica, they have tended to overlook how Amerindians themselves reacted to
Guarani in thè missions; thè killing o f Guarani men, women, and children; this important event. Many have also focused on thè Jesuit period, rather
and thè burning o f thè newly founded Mission San Carlos by Spanish and than this era o f transition. However, in this work neither thè early colo-
Portuguese troops. According to thè historical record, there were no nial era nor thè early nineteenth century has been neglected. The work
Jesuits, women, or children at thè battle o f Caaibaté.These images o f death encompasses a rather ambitious time frame in order to analyze more pre-
and destruction provoke a more powerful emotional response from thè cisely thè persistence o f native culture and its alterations by thè end o f thè
audience than would thè killing o f trained Guarani militias.The audience, colonial period.
 io Ititroduction Introduction 11

This book is divided into two parts. Part One, “ The Invasion from ods.The Guarani did not passively accept thè imposition o f a new System
Within,” is a study o f thè pre-Columbian cultural landscape o f thè region o f government for thè missions, Spanish and Portuguese incursions into
o f thè Rio de la Piata and its inhabitants, and o f European-Guarani inter- their territory, or thè rise o f economie opportunities in thè region o f thè
actions from thè sixteenth through thè mid-eighteenth centuries. Al- Rio de la Piata. Many responded to these changes by abandoning thè mis­
though it is virtually impossible to unravel thè close-knit fabric o f social sions to seek work elsewhere. Some engaged in cattle rustling, homicide,
relations or to identify an ideological System before thè arrivai o f thè and theft. Often, however, thè Guarani chose to collaborate with thè
Europeans, Chapter i provides a basis for analyzing thè incorporation o f Spanish authorities by working within thè channels o f thè colonial System.
thè Guarani into thè Spanish Empire and thè hybridization o f culture in The study concludes with a discussion o f thè significant cultural and
Paraguay. By accenting thè violent nature o f thè Guarani-European religious transformations that occurred in thè missions. It describes how
encounter, it sheds light on subsequent Guarani behavior and helps to thè Guarani developed a Catholic folk tradition while retaining some o f
explain why some Guarani were receptive to thè arrivai o f thè Jesuits at their traditional native beliefs and practices into thè late colonial period.
thè beginning o f thè seventeenth century. It also sketches how Guarani culture affected thè lives o f thè missionaries.
Chapter 2 examines thè initial intercultural contact between thè Finally, Chapter 7 reexamines thè complexity o f thè Guarani-European
Guarani and thè Jesuits. It explains how thè Guaranies’ and Jesuits’ lives encounter, shaped by thè introduction o f diseases, Indian slavery, European
were changed by their contact with one another in thè seventeenth cen­ trade goods, international wars, forced removai, migration, and social dis-
tury. Chapter 3 looks at thè extent to which thè Guarani conformed to or placement, as well as by thè character o f native society. These were often
accepted their lives in thè Jesuit reductions when these were at their peak thè same processes that took place in many other parts o f thè N ew World.
in thè mid-eighteenth century. It demonstrates how thè Jesuits, too, were Indeed, in retrospect, thè Guarani responses to Spanish colonialism were
important historical agents, who built on thè existing politicai, economie, not so different from those o f other Amerindians, except for thè native
and social structures o f native society and dramatically transformed many militias formed to combat Indian slave traders and defend Spain’s interests
Guarani lifeways. At thè same time, it highlights how these indigenous in thè Rio de la Piata. But in colonies, such as Florida, ethnic soldiering
people retained their cultural autonomy. among Amerindians was known to have existed for a brief period. H ow ­
Part Two, “ The Invasion from Without,” examines how thè Guarani ever, in N ew Spain, thè native troops served as auxiliaries in contrast to
responded to and resisted thè colonial policies imposed on them by Spain thè Guarani who were thè army.What may be even more distinctive were
and Portugal, as well as thè Catholic Church, during thè late colonial thè Europeans’ responses to contact with thè Guarani: their early reliance
period. To date, scholars have not analyzed in great depth thè roles o f thè on native wom en’s labor and thè few elements o f native culture they
Jesuits, thè Guarani, and ideology in thè Guarani War. Chapter 4 demon­ adopted, especially language, diet, popular beliefs, and thè use o f native
strates that this rebellion was not conceived or led by Jesuits, but was instead herbal medicine, which to this day can be observed in Paraguay and
a conservative native rebellion intended to preserve thè mission System and neighboring parts o f South America.
to prevent thè forced relocation o f thè Guarani from seven missions.
Chapter 5 examines thè Guaranies’ reactions to thè expulsion o f thè
Theoretical C onsiderations and Sources
Jesuits from Latin America. Contrary to some claims that thè mission
Indians simply returned to thè forest, thè historical evidence shows that A discussion o f that elusive term culture is necessary before this social
thè bulk o f thè indigenous population remained in thè missions. Judging and cultural analysis o f thè indigenous people who congregated in thè
by thè Guaranies’ own words, their reactions ranged from acceptance, sor- Jesuit missions and what became o f them can proceed. Culture has been
row, and concern for thè future to resignation at thè prospect o f new mis- defined by anthropologists as an idealized pattern o f meanings, norms, and
sionaries and secular administrators. Rather than openly challenging social values shared by thè members o f a society.29 Culture can encompass
Spanish rule, thè Guarani chose strategies o f accommodation and non- all thè characteristics o f a group o f people organized together to meet
confrontational forms o f resistance, especially massive flight. their basic needs for living. Such characteristics include politicai, eco­
Chapter 6 provides an analysis o f thè native responses to thè reorgani- nomie, and social organization; religious beliefs; social values; and tech-
zation o f thè missions during thè late colonial and thè early national peri- nology. Culture is also expressed symbolically in language, art, dance,
 Introduction 13
12 Introduction

music, mode o f dress, and ritual, and it provides order and meaning to thè
universe for its adherents.30 For thè purposes o f this account, culture refers
to thè wide range o f activities that took place in thè mission region—
European, Guarani, and a hybrid o f thè two. These may be seen in thè
mixing and selection o f European and indigenous modes o f subsistence,
thè use o f both Guarani herbal remedies and European medicai tech-
niques, and new ways ofperform ing traditional activities.31 The Jesuits also
introduced a new social and economie complexity into native life by
establishing a functional hierarchy based on occupation. Indian artisans
practicing European arts and industries constituted a new group distinct
from those involved only in subsistence activities.
Transculturation refers to thè complex processes by which these colo-
nized peoples selected and invented new traditions from thè materials or
elements introduced to them by a more dominant European culture.32
This idea lends itself well to this study o f historical agency because thè
Guarani selected, rejected, or reinvented from thè ideas, material culture,
and customs introduced to them by thè “ other.” The colonized people, for
example, shaped European institutions such as thè cabildo to meet their
own needs in this periphery o f thè Spanish Empire. One may also readily
observe some traits that were indigenous or European in origin and oth-
ers that arose from thè blending o f thè two cultures to form entirely new
traditions in this region. South Americans in Paraguay, Argentina,
Uruguay, and Rio Grande do Sul, for example, daily consume large quan-
tities o f yerba maté from a wooden, metal, or squash gourd (maté) using a
metal straw known in Spanish as a bombilla (see Figure i).T h is popular
South American drink has indigenous roots.33 Apparently Tupi-Guarani
natives consumed this herb for medicinal purposes. Beginning in thè early
seventeenth century, Spaniards and mestizos, both men and women, in
Figure 1. Yerba Maté Leaf and Bombilla (metal straw) (M. César Famin, Chili,
Paraguay, Argentina, southern Brazil, Uruguay, and as far away as Chile and
Paraguay, Uruguay, Buenos Ayres, Patagonie, Terre du-Feu et Archipel des Malouines.
Perù developed a taste for this stimulating beverage, which, like coffee, is
Paris: Firmin Didot Frères, 1840)
rich in caffeine.34 Another example o f a transculturative process is thè
adoption o f a new writing System by thè Guarani. By thè mid-eighteenth
century, thè Guarani learned to read and write in their native language. sions power as something people are constantly negotiating and deploy-
Although their private letters have not been preserved, their petitions ing, whether they belong to thè dominant group or to thè dominated. He
convey how thè Guarani adapted to thè new colonial milieu and negoti- contends that power is always exercised with a specific objective in
ated with colonial authorities. mind.37 The concept o f power may not have an exact equivalent in thè
Related to thè idea o f culture is thè concept o f power. Jean and John Tupi-Guaram language. The Guarani, however, understood that a warrior
Comaroff have defined power as “ thè capacity o f human beings to shape had strength and courage (abà eté or abà mbaraté meant that a warrior was
thè actions and perceptions o f others by exercising control over thè pro­ courageous) and that a shaman had magic.38The concept o f power is not
duction, circulation, and consumption o f signs and objects.” 35 According something easily studied or understood in thè Jesuit missions because
to Michel Foucault, power is all pervasive and deeply rooted.36 He envi- much o f thè historical evidence is scattered and fragmented. W ith an
14 Introduction

incomplete historical record, it is difficult to contextualize how power is

exercised by whom, over whom, and with what objectives and conse-
quences. Nevertheless, it is worthwhile to try to work out how thè Jesuits
managed to exercise their will against thè resistance o f thè Guarani, and
vice versa. The concept o f power may be applied to this analysis in order PART ONE
to determine how thè Guarani, as historical agents, negotiated with thè
Spanish, Portuguese, and members o f thè Catholic Church, or utilized The Invasion from Within
their institutions as a means o f retaining influence over their own lives.
Power is also an appropriate concept to apply to this study because o f thè
social Controls and other means o f persuasion used by clergymen and
Spanish authorities in thè missions. Power therefore refers not only to
politicai power in thè generai sense but also to thè manipulative and coer-
cive methods used by thè representatives o f church and state to influence
thè behavior and beliefs o f thè Guarani.39
To reconstruct how thè Guarani asserted their cultural autonomy, this
study approaches these native people with thè help o f some o f their voices
in Guarani texts and supplements these with traditional sources, such as
Jesuit accounts that transcribe thè words o f thè Guarani, Guarani native -
language dictionaries, officiai correspondence from colonial bureaucrats to
their superiors in Spain and Portugal concerning Indian policies, and judi-
cial records. Native sources are fairly abundant and provide evidence o f
Guarani behavior and voices during thè eighteenth and early nineteenth
centuries.40These native documents serve as an important guide to under-
standing thè continuities and changes in Guarani culture, mentality, and
even consumer habits, since one o f thè documents is a kind o f Guarani
shopping list. Other valuable sources exist that illuminate thè lives o f thè
Guarani.These include Jesuit censuses, maps drawn by thè Guarani, mission
artwork, archaeological evidence, and material culture. Criminal records
are especially important because they contain thè testimonies o f illiterate
Guarani, male and female, commoners o f mission Indian society. These
documents provide a contrast to most o f thè native texts, which tend to
represent thè view o f thè elite, especially thè cabildantes. This rich variety o f
documentation yields a great deal o f information about thè Guarani: their
thoughts and sentiments, their social values and religious beliefs, their
hopes and fears, their rage and sense o f oppression, their daily experiences.
This study will suggest that a multiplicity o f cultural processes were
involved in shaping thè encounter between thè Guarani and thè Euro-
peans.The Guarani responded to Western contact depending on thè dy­
namics o f Guarani culture, their individuai interests and experiences, as
well as thè changing politicai, economie, and social realities o f thè late
Bourbon period.
 CHAPTER

Early Encounters
1

an o u t l i n e o f pre-Columbian Guarani politicai, economie, and social

organization, gender roles, and religion serves to establish a framework for

illustrating thè processes that demonstrate how thè Guarani, an agricultural
people, were incorporated into thè Spanish Empire in thè mid-sixteenth
century.1These historical processes included military alliances, thè forming
o f kinship relations through intermarriage and cohabitation, Indian slavery,
rape, thè encomienda, and missions. At thè same time, thè chapter will high-
light thè patterns o f interactions that show how thè Spaniards and their
mestizo offspring adopted many elements o f Guarani culture, including
their language, diet, and material culture, to survive in this new environ-
ment. Together thè Guarani and thè Europeans, willingly or unwillingly,
created thè beginnings o f a new hybrid culture prior to thè arrivai o f thè
Jesuits in thè Rio de la Piata during thè late sixteenth century.

T h e C u ltu r a l Landscape

The Tupi-Guarani-speaking peoples were centrai Amazonian in origin,

although they evolved independently ofon e another during thè past 1,500
to 2,000 years. According to thè archaeological record, thè spread o f thè
Amazonian Polychrome Ceramic Tradition correlated with thè migration
o f thè Tupi and thè Guarani from centrai Amazonia. This migration must
have started at least by 200 b .c ., a conservative estimate.2 Among other
tropical lowland native peoples, thè Tupi occupied most ofBrazil, and thè
Guarani established villages in southern South America, along thè Paranà,
Uruguay, and Paraguay Rivers and their tributaries.3 The Guarani also
occupied thè subtropical forests, hills, and grasslands o f Guairà, Tape, and
thè area o f Lagoa dos Patos in southern Brazil, as well as thè island o f
Martin Garda and thè area east o f thè Tigre River delta in thè Rio de la
 l 8 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Early Encounters 19

Piata.4 The Avà-Chiriguanos migrateci from thè region east o f thè ferment corn, native women made a mild alcoholic beverage called carivi,
Paraguay River and settled along thè eastern mountain ranges o f thè Andes canouin, or cagui (maize beer) in large earthen vessels, a common practice
in present-day Bolivia.5 Cario, Guarambarense, Itatin, Mondayense, among many Amerindians in South America.12
Paranà, Uruguayense,Tape, and Mbaracayuense were among thè principal Each village or long house where thè Guarani extended their cotton
guàras (regional-ethnic groups) o f thè Guarani. Together thè various hammocks was headed by a patrilineal chief called a tuvichà. The chiefs
Guarani communities may have numbered approximately 1.5 million in were responsible for governance in their communities, warfare, diplomacy,
1500 a .d . at thè time o f thè first European contact.6 and forming marriage alliances. Guarani societies generally operated
The Guarani usually referred to themselves as abà (men) or nande ore according to thè concepts o f reciprocity and mutuai consent. Chiefdoms
(all o f us). According to their mythology,Tupi and Guarani were brothers were hereditary offices passed on from thè father to thè son. In thè ab-
whose wives fought with one another over thè ownership o f a large col- seifce o f a son, thè position went to a brother or another male relative. If
orful parrot. Following thè dispute, Tupi, thè older brother, and his wife a tuvichà were an eloquent orator or a great warrior, he might rule over
remained in Brazil, while thè younger brother, Guarani, and his family left several villages.13
to establish new villages in thè subtropical lowlands o f thè Rio de la Piata The Guarani societies were patrilineal and matrilocal, according to
River systems.7 The native peoples mentioned as Guarani in Spanish and which when a couple married, they went to live in thè household o f thè
Portuguese historical documents spoke different dialects o f thè Tupi- wife and were surrounded by her family members or clan.14A tuvichà usu­
Guarani language. Guarani, which means “ warrior” in their language, was ally had more than one wife, a Symbol o f prestige, although some o f thè
thè more common name thè Europeans in thè Rio de la Piata used to refer indigenous groups were monogamous. Women, unlike men, faced death if
to these people, a name evidently acceptable to thè Guarani themselves caught committing adultery. Divorce, however, was relatively easy for both
because it appears as a self-reference Symbol in one o f their texts.8The men and women to obtain. Couples simply separated and went their own
Guarani rarely referred to themselves as Indians, a European category. way.15 Guarani women practiced abortion, but sources indicate neither
Approximately 2,000 years before Christ, bands o f Guarani hunters and how frequently this occurred nor thè reason women ended their unwanted
gatherers learned thè slash-and-burn method o f agriculture. Both men pregnancies.16 As an agricultural people, they rejected infanticide because
and women used thè branches o f thè trees, along with straw, to build their they needed their children to work alongside them in thè fields.
long houses. These were usually one or two large straw-thatched huts There were few social distinctions among thè Guarani. Unlike thè
where multiple families resided under thè same roof in villages often sur- Aztec and thè Maya nobility, who wore elaborate clothing to distinguish
rounded by wooden palisades.9These settlements offive or six long houses themselves from native commoners, most Tupi-Guarani did not cover
usually had two to three hundred inhabitants, but never had more than a their bodies, but women sometimes wore a small cotton garment called a
thousand. Every three to five years, when their soils were exhausted, thè typoid7 For warmth during thè winter, shamans covered themselves with
Guarani abandoned their villages and selected new sites to plant their animai skins or feather robes and decorations, which also served certain
crops and build long houses.10 religious purposes.18
The division o f labor was predominantly based on gender. Men engaged Shamans (pajé or opara’tva, meaning “ one that sings” ) played a promi-
in intermittent activities. When not hunting, fishing, or burning or clear­ nent, dual religious-political role in Guarani societies. Because these
ing thè fields, they made fish nets and small wooden benches, prepared for shamans were thè most influential individuals in society, many tuvichàs
and engaged in warfare, and visited other villages. Women always were became shamans to increase their power among their people. Shamans
more burdened than men were, at least from thè perspective o f sixteenth- enjoyed special status in society by virtue o f their link with thè spiritual
century Europeans. Female activities included all thè planting and har- world and their performances in ritual dances and songs.19 Aside from
vesting o f manioc, corn, beans, peanuts, squashes, and sweet potatoes using being healers, as spiritual leaders they were in charge o f all thè ceremonial
digging sticks, as well as thè collection o f roots, fruits, and cotton. Women rituals and keepers o f thè tribe’s orai traditions. Their rituals included thè
also transported water, gathered honey and palm hearts, made pottery, veneration o f thè ancestors, whose souls were believed to remain in thè
spun cotton, wove baskets and hammocks, cared for thè children, did bones.20 Shamans led thè religious chants and dances, used charms and
domestic chores, and prepared thè food.11 In addition, using their saliva to amulets, and pipe-smoked tobacco, which was believed to have magical
 Early Encounters 21
20 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN

powers.21 The gourd rattles o f thè shamans were indispensable musical

instruments that set thè rhythm o f thè natives’ ceremonial dances and
served as links to thè spiritual world.22Although it was uncommon, native
women could become shamans {cunambaye) .23 If they did, they never mar-
ried or gave birth to a child, so as to avoid losing any influence or respect.
In this manner, they differentiated themselves from other women o f lower
social status, prestige, or power.24
Sixteenth-century Europeans imagined that thè Tupi-Guarani were
godless.The first Jesuit Provincial in Brazil, Manuel da Nóbrega, described
them in 1549 as having no knowledge o f God and as worshipping noth-
ing.25Jean de Léry also observed during his visit to thè coast o f Brazil in
1556 as a member o f a French expedition that theTupinambà had no rit-
uals or idols.26 Many early explorers and missionaries assumed that Amer-
indians’ minds were a tabula rasa on which they could easily inscribe thè
Catholic faith.
Tupi-Guarani religion was animistic. These native peoples believed in
nature and in thè importance o f thè sun, moon, thunder, lightning, and
other naturai forces.TheTupinambà in Brazil especially feared thè anthro-
pomorphic spirit o f thunder, whom they envisioned to be a destructive
figure. The Tupi-Guarani identified their guardian spirits with good
weather, abundant harvests, and thè ability to wage warfare successfully
against other indigenous groups.27 They also believed in a number o f evil
spirits who could cause them harm through sickness, death, defeat in war­
fare, and drought.28Animalism, which anthropologists define as thè con-
cept o f supernatural powers in animai form, was another feature ofTupi-
Guarani religion. Sometimes evil spirits underwent metamorphoses and
became animals; or animals themselves were thought to have special pow ­
ers. Birds were important symbols because they were believed to accom-
pany thè souls o f thè dead to thè sky.29The Guarani also linked birds and
other animals to thè development o f individuai personality traits. If some-
one touched an owl, they would become lazy, because owls do not fly Figure 2. Tupi-Guarani Lamentations (Jean de Lèry, History of a Voyage to thè Land
of Brazil. i 6th Century. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University o f California Press,
much. If a pregnant woman saw parrots, she might become more talka-
tive.30 Unlike thè Aztecs, Inca, and Maya, thè Tupi-Guarani had no mon­ 1990)
umentai temples or calendars to measure time but only counted thè
phases o f thè moon. They recognized two seasons: summer (Quarti pucu, especially a shaman, he would be buried with his cotton hammock
or long sun) and winter (ara ro’y, or thè time when it is cold).31 wrapped around him, along with some necklaces, feathers, and other per­
The Tupi-Guarani believed that in thè afterlife their human spirits sonal belongings.33Women, on thè death o f their husbands, inflicted great
resided in thè mountains and danced in beautiful gardens.32W hen a vil- bodily harm on themselves, by puncturing holes in their bodies with
lager died, native women wailed for at least half a day (see Figure 2).The pointed sticks, or crippling themselves by jumping off a cliff.34
body was buried in a near-upright fetal position in a large ceramic funeral Similar to thè belief o f Amerindians in North America in a happy
urn (yapepó) or covered by these ceramic pots. Ifit were a respected elder, hunting ground, thè Tupi-Guarani believed in yvy murane ’y (a land with-
22 THE IN V ASI ON FROM WITHIN Early Encounters 23

out evil).The foremost seventeenth-century Jesuit linguist,Antonio Ruiz nibalism because o f a protein deficiency.41 Garcilaso de la Vegas account
de Montoya, defìned yvy marane’y in Tesoro de la lengua Guarani (1639) as provides some evidence to support his hypothesis too.The Peruvian mes-
“ intact soil, where nothing stands,” perhaps referring to virgin land. tizo wrote that thè Avà-Chiriguanos were fond o f eating meat, for none
Marane’y alone meant “ purity, innocence, or virginity.” The absence o f exists in their own country.42 Nonetheless, there appears to have been ade­
references to thè concept o f thè land without evil in other Jesuit accounts quate protein sources, such as fish, deer, capybara, birds, monkeys, wild
and native texts may signify that this concept was less significant to thè boar, insects, nuts, and other plants and animals in thè Upper Piata region,
colonial Guarani than in thè nineteenth and twentieth centuries or, more which casts some doubt on this interpretation. Like thè Araucanians in
likely, that thè missionaries did not fully understand thè importance o f Chile, thè Tupi-Guarani most likely used their reputations as cannibals as
this concept. Almost completely opposed to thè notion o fa land without a form o f resistance to intimidate outsiders entering their territory. The
evil, thè Tupi-Guarani believed in thè imminent destruction o f thè thought o f being taken captive and devoured must have struck fear in thè
world, either by fire or a great flood.35 Jean de Léry noted that thè hearts o f their enemies. Religion served to explain this ritualistic behavior
Tupinambà believed in thè myth o f a great flood, which reminded him o f to members o f their society. The Tupi-Guarani consumed pieces o f human
thè story o f Noah. Some sixteenth-century friars considered thè Amer- flesh to obtain thè magical or symbolic powers o f their captives or family
indians’ belief in a deluge to be evidence that they once had knowledge members. Psychological warfare, thè need to defend one’s naturai territory
o f Christianity long past and now they only needed to be reintroduce^ and seek revenge, along with religion, thus appear to have been primary
to thè faith.36 motives behind Tupi-Guarani anthropophagy.
The Tupi-Guarani had thè reputation o f being cannibals. The
Tupinambà, for example, ate pieces o f their war captives’ bodies, which
E arly S p a n ish -G u a r a n i R elations
they believed possessed symbolic or magical powers.37 Cannibalism among
Amerindians in generai has been thè subject o f many scholarly debates. In Spanish explorers, conquerors, and settlers carne to thè southeastern
The Man-Eating Myth: Anthropology and Anthropophagy (1979), W. Arens coast o f South America in thè early sixteenth century without prior
asserts that he has been unable to uncover adequate documentation o f knowledge o f thè indigenous peoples that inhabited this region. Lured by
cannibalism as a custom in any society.38 He attributes reports and rumors stories o f gold and silver, they carne in search o f a geographical passageway
o f cannibalism to thè need o f Spaniards to justify thè enslavement o f that would lead them to Inca wealth in Perù.Juan Diaz de Solis entered thè
Indians. In thè case o f thè Tupi-Guarani, however, there is some evidence area in 1516 and discovered thè river thè Guarani called Paranà-guazu, thè
that suggests that they practiced cannibalism. A native term (avaporu) for yet-to-be-named Rio de la Piata (River o f Silver). Native peoples, perhaps
thè eating o f human flesh exists in thè Tupi-Guarani language. Archaeolo- Querendi or Guarani, who resided near thè mouth o f thè estuary o f thè Rio
gists in Brazil recently uncovered skeletal remains at sites that appear to de la Piata killed him using clubs and bows and arrows. Ferdinand Magellan
have been fractured and distributed among various households in such a spent a few months there in 1520 without incident en route to thè Pacific
manner as to serve as corroborating material evidence. However, addi- Ocean. In 1528, Sebastian Cabot traveled to thè Upper Piata, where he
tional studies o f pre-Columbian Guarani sites are needed to validate these encountered fierce resistance from thè Payaguà, a Guaycuruan tribe that
recent fmdings.39 Garcilaso de la Vega (1539-1616), thè son o f a Spanish dominated thè Paranà and Paraguay rivers. Unable to “ reason” with these
conqueror and an Inca “ princess,” also notes in his Royal Commentaries of nonsedentary Indians, his men fired on them using cannons, harquebuses (a
thè Incas and General History of Perù (1612) that thè Avà-Chiriguanos “ ate firearm having a matchlock operated by a trigger and supported for firing
human flesh which they obtained by raiding neighboring provinces, with a hook), and crossbows.The Payaguà returned their fire with bows and
devouring all their captives without regard for age or sex.”40 Garcilaso de arrows. In 1536, Pedro Mendoza’s expedition to thè Rio de la Piata had to
la Vega States that thè Avà-Chiriguanos consumed not only their neigh- be abandoned because o f starvation and attacks by thè nomadic Pampas
bors’ flesh but their own people’s as well. O n thè other hand, Garcilaso de Indians. Unable to adapt to thè environment in thè sparse pampas, thè
la Vega may have been exaggerating in order to make thè Incas appear Spanish explorers under thè command o f Juan de Ayolas traveled more than
more “ civilized” than their indigenous neighbors.The Paraguayan anthro- one thousand miles upriver, where in 1537 as many as twenty-four thou-
pologist Miguel Chase Sardi asserts that thè Tupi-Guarani practiced can- sand semisedentary Cario-Guarani resided (see Figure 3).43 Led by their
 24 THE IN V ASI ON FROM WITHIN Early Encounters 25

live with and bear thè children o f thè Spanish. These Guarani women may
have been well disposed toward thè Spanish because they valued thè gifts
o f clothing and other material objects thè Europeans gave them. The
Cario-Guaranì women evidently obtained a certain amount o f prestige
from these unions.The Guarani referred to thè Spaniards as Carni (mean-
ing astute, but usually translated into Spanish as smor).This was a term o f
respect and authority, usually applied to powerful shamans. W ith their sail-
ing vessels, horses, crossbows, harquebuses, armor, swords, and hatchets, thè
Europeans must have looked very powerful to thè Guarani, but not like
priests or gods, according to what is known about thè early contacts.46
Expressions o f goodwill between thè Spaniards and Cario-Guaranì,
however, did not last long, as happened in many cases o f intercultural con­
tact in thè N ew World. Within less than two years o f thè founding o f
Asunción in 1537, a major Guarani uprising took place.47 Taking advan-
tage o f thè preparations for thè Spanish celebration o f thè Catholic holi-
day o f Corpus Christi, several chiefs carne to Asunción on thè pretext o f
participating in thè religious festivities and confirming some marriage
alliances between thè Spaniards and thè Guarani. In reality, these leaders
planned a rebellion with more than eight thousand Guarani, because thè
Figure 3. The Cario-Guaranì, c. 1537 (Ulrich Schmidl, Warhafftige und liebliche
Beschreibund etlincherfurnamen indianischen. Frankfurt, 1567. Span. trans. Historia y Spaniards were treating them as tappi (inferiors or virtual slaves) instead o f
descubrimiento del Rio de la Piata y Paraguay. Buenos Aires: MAP, 1881) as relatives and friends. A Guarani woman revealed their plans to a
Spaniard, Juan de Salazàr. Like La Malinche (Malitzin or Dona Marina),
Hernando Cortés’s Indian mistress in sixteenth-century M exico, a traitor-
cacique, Lambaré, thè Cario-Guaranì greeted thè Spaniards with a shower ous Guarani woman provided thè Spanish with cruciai information, with
o f arrows. After two days o f intense fighting, thè Spaniards succeeded in which they thwarted thè revolt. Feeling a great sense o f betrayal, thè
subjugating thè Guarani warriors.The Spaniards proceeded to establish an Guarani caciques attempted to leave Asunción. Governor Domingo
outpost called Nuestra Senora de Santa Maria de Asunción.44 Martìnez de Irala took them captive and hung ten o f them to discourage
Initially defeated in battle, thè Cario-Guaranì acted more amicably others from plotting a similar action. After suffering this serious defeat, thè
toward thè Spaniards because o f thè benefits they could expect to derive Cario-Guaranì referred to thè Spaniards not as their relatives but as
from thè association. In exchange for metal hardware and assistance in “ thieves, adulterers, and scoundrels.” 48
defeating thè nomadic Chaco Indians, thè Cario-Guaranì offered thè As Spanish-Guarani relationships broke down even further, thè Spanish
Spaniards food and labor, as well as their wives and daughters, not only as Crown ordered Governor Martìnez de Irala to establish a more formai
concubines or even wives but also as agricultural laborers.The Spaniards mechanism to extract tribute (a head tax) from male Indians between thè
in turn became heavily dependent on thè Cario-Guaranì women, since ages o f eighteen and fifty in thè form o f forced labor, thè encomienda (a
native women, not men, were thè primary agricultural producers in that grant usually given to a Spaniard o f thè right to receive tribute and/or
society, and their labor was needed to plant and harvest their crops and labor from a group o f Indians; it carried thè obligation to Christianize thè
prepare their food. The first Spanish governor, Domingo Martìnez de Irala Indians). Those who were caciques were exempt from tribute payment.
(who had at least seven Indian concubines who bore several mestizo The Guarani originarios (those who were subjected to encomienda) worked
offspring), wrote in 1541 that seven hundred Guarani women were serv- perpetually for their encomenderos (grantees o f encomiendas) in their
ing thè Spaniards.45 Although some Guarani women were given as a sign households and on their farms, ranches, and vineyards. Indian women
o f friendship, it is difficult to determine conclusively why others chose to spun cotton for coarse cloth to be made into blankets and ponchos for
 26 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Early Encounters 27

locai consumption. They neither owned land nor had ties to any indige- Furthermore, thè Spanish conducted Indian slave-raiding expeditions, pil-
nous communi ties. Since no precious metals were ever found in this laged villages, and burned and cut Guarani cornfields, thus destroying one
province, Spaniards used Guarani labor to build their economy around o f thè natives’ main sources o f sustenance. On occasion, Spaniards captured
agriculture, livestock, and shipbuilding.49 native women and separated them from their spouses and children, includ-
In 1556 an estimated twenty thousand Cario-Guarani were divided ing their newborn babies, leaving their infants to die. In one instance,
among 320 Spaniards. Most o f these indigenous peoples resided in villages eleven or twelve elderly Indian women, incapable o f defending themselves
near Asunción and beginning in 1580 in Franciscan reducciones (Spanish- against Spanish attacks, hung themselves to avoid capture.55 Governor
style villages into which Indians were resettled often under thè use o f Domingo Martinez de Irala traded to thè Portuguese a number o f Guarani
arms) that were established in thè centrai regio n o f thè province.50 The women to work as slaves in Brazil in exchange for horses, small quantities
encomiendas o f Guarani serving their turns o f forced labor (mitayos) lived o f iron, and tools.56 For thè Spaniards living in thè area o f Asunción, thè
in thirteen Franciscan reductions ofAltos, Atirà, Caàzapà, Guarambaré, Ita, Guarani represented, above all else, a resource to be exploited.57
Tobati, Yaguarón, Yuti, Ytapé, Ypané, Perico, Jejuy, and Itati, all founded By 1605, reports o f abuse became so prevalent thè Spanish Crown
between 1580 and 1615.51 All thè Guarani in thè Franciscan reductions ordered thè president o f thè Audiencia o f Charcas to send a royal inspec-
were subjected to encomienda. Males between ages eighteen and fifty tor to observe thè conditions o f thè native peoples and to adjust thè price
worked for their encomenderos for two months per year. During thè o f tributes in thè provinces o f Paraguay, Rio de la Piata, and Tucuman.
other ten months, they worked in their own fields. In contrast to thè orig- During his visit several years later, Francisco de Alvaro observed that there
inarios, thè mitayos had access to land and lived in reductions under thè were Indian families who were often separated and that thè labor o f chil­
spiritual guidance o f thè Franciscans.They were in extended contact with dren was used, despite thè laws. He also noted that there were Indians held
colonial society due to thè proximity o f their villages to Spanish towns in encomienda for more than ten years and who stili had not received any
and demands for their labor. religious instruction. In addition, thè Guaycuruans o f thè Chaco and other
Indians often enslaved natives and sold them to thè Spaniards who also
traded them. To remedy thè situation, Alfaro advocated eighty-five new
D em ographic D isa ster
ordinances in 1611, which were confirmed in a royal decree in 1618.58
As it did throughout thè N ew World in thè fìrst century o f European Among thè numerous ordinances, Alfaro ended personal Service, meaning
contact, thè indigenous population in thè province collapsed by 1600. thè Guarani could no longer pay their tributes to encomenderos in thè
Unfortunately, it is impossible to measure thè extent o f thè decline with form o f labor for an established period o f time. He also stipulated that
any accuracy because o f thè lack o f censuses and tributary records. Most reductions were to be founded near Spanish towns so thè Indians could
inhabitants died because o f new epidemie diseases for which thè Guarani have their own lands, learn artisan trades, and serve thè Spaniards in their
had no naturai immunities.52 Fewer native children were also bora as a households and on their haciendas. Each reduction would have a church.
consequence o f thè extensive intermarriage between thè Spaniards and Indian children between thè ages five and eleven were required to study
Guarani women. As early as 1547, a Franciscan friar noted that there were catechism for a half hour each morning. Priests could make use o f one or
numerous mestizos in thè province. Moreover, many Guarani simply per- two Indian boys between age seven and fourteen in order to serve them
ished because thè Spaniards overworked them under thè encomienda. in their households, along with one adult male to dress them, and an eld­
According to a report by thè governor o f thè province in 1597, thè erly female cook. Alfaro called for thè establishment o f Indian cabildos in
Guarani worked “ every year and even on thè day thè holy church sets every reduction. These would include one or two alcaldes and no more
aside . . . on their farms and in their towns . . . which causes notable harm than four regidores, depending on thè size o f native population, as measured
and diminution o f thè Indians.” 53 Spaniards had also begun using Indian by thè number o f houses. These Indian officials would be elected every
women as wet nurses to breastfeed Spanish infants.The native infants thus year on N ew Years Day and would serve to keep thè peace in thè com-
received less o f their mothers’ breast milk and probably died from malnu- munities. He prohibited Spaniards, mestizos, mulattos, and Negroes from
trition.The use o f indigenous wet nurses was so widespread in thè Rio de residing permanently in thè reductions and from having contact with
la Piata that thè Spanish Crown had to intervene and forbid this practice.54 native women. Married Indian women and their children were required
28 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Early Encounters 29

to reside in thè same reduction as their spouses. Single Indian women, to be translated into thè language commonly spoken in this province,”
however, could reside with their children in their own reduction until referring to thè native language.61 For a period o f time, thè Spaniards must
they married. The Indians could work as thè Spaniards did, by thè day or have spoken a pidgin language with thè Guarani in order to communicate
by thè year, but they could not be paid less than 20 pesos annually. If they their basic needs. The majority o f their mestizo offspring most likely
had their own children, then Indian women were prohibited from raising acquired their knowledge o f thè Guarani language from thè maternal side.
thè children o f Spaniards. However, in thè event that their children died, And each group learned something about each other’s cultural ways.
they could raise Spanish children. Finally, Alfaro prohibited thè sending o f Spanish settlers learned to sleep in hammocks, and corn and manioc
Guarani males to extract yerba maté from thè forests o f Maracayu in became main Staples in their diets. The Guarani adopted European iron
Paraguay because it resulted in so many deaths and caused notable harm tools, especially knives and axes, cotton and wool clothing, and other items
to thè Indians. These new laws served as an early blueprint for thè gover­ o f trade and material culture. The Spaniards, thè Guarani, and their mes­
n a l e o f thè reductions and Spanish-Indian relations.59 tizo offspring also formed entirely new traditions. By thè turn o f thè sev-
Alfaro’s ordinances raised strong protests throughout thè provinces.The enteenth century, they began to consume Paraguayan tea on a daily basis.
members o f thè cabildo from Villa Rica del Espiritu Santo (who most These patterns o f cultural adaptation in tropical lowland South Am eri­
likely were all encomenderos themselves), for example, complained to ca closely resembled those in other fringe areas o f Spanish and Portuguese
Alfaro that his ordinances were too strict and impossible to obey “ because America where there were semisedentary Indians and thè absence o f nat­
o f their miserable state o f impoverishment.” 60Although they were unsuc- urai resources, especially precious metals, which thè Europeans could
cessful in changing Alfaro’s mind, thè settlers most likely simply ignored exploit. Until thè eighteenth century, thè cultural trajectories o f southern
many o f his ordinances, given their need for Indian labor and thè lack o f Brazil and Paraguay were quite similar in that these two areas lacked
resources in this remote backwater region o f thè Spanish Empire. The dynamic economies and sustained European migration. Those Europeans
crown also made no serious attempts to enforce thè law because o f thè who carne to these backwater regions resided in towns surrounded by
apparent ruin to thè colony. satellite Indian villages or reductions. This worked to produce similar
Unfortunately, thè violence and abuse o f thè Guarani was not unique results: an intense process o f miscegenation and thè adoption o f thè native
in thè N ew World. Kidnappings, enslavement, use offorced native labor in language. Similar to thè Maya in Yucatàn, thè Guarani could more easily
encomiendas, sexual abuse o f women, and warfare were common modes retain many o f their traditional lifeways because o f thè absence o f
o f contact throughout Spanish America. What was rare in thè upper Europeans in their environment. Above all, Guarani native culture did not
region o f thè Rio de la Piata was thè heavy reliance o f thè Spanish on simply fade away, contrary to thè argument put forth several decades ago
female Indian labor. To survive in this new environment, Spaniards sought by anthropologist Elman R. Service. Indeed, Guarani culture showed great
Guarani women not only for sexual favors as their wives and concubines, residence in resisting and adjusting to thè encroachment o f Europeans.
but also because they were skilled at agriculture and could provide them The Guarani appeared to have incorporated thè Spaniards into their own
with sustenance. Guarani men also hunted, fished, built houses and ships, cultural System to some extent, as they too became part o f thè Spanish
as well as occasionally served as guides to thè explorers who crossed thè Empire. The Spaniards in turn would never have had much o f a presence
Chaco region into Alto Perù. or have survived in thè Rio de la Piata in thè sixteenth century without
Despite thè violent nature o f thè encounter, a pattern o f cultural bor- thè Guarani.Together thè Spaniards and their mestizo offspring established
rowings developed in this backwater region o f thè Spanish Empire begin- many Spanish towns, including Ciudad Reai (1557), Santa Cruz de la
ning in thè mid-sixteenth century. Each side learned from one another to Sierra (i$6i),Villa Rica del Espiritu Santo (1570), Santa Fe (1573), thè sec-
some extent. The Guarani language became predominant, since only ond Buenos Aires (1580), Corrientes (1588), and other villages.
small numbers o f Spaniards settled in thè Upper Piata, and even fewer o f Along with thè arrivai o f Spanish settlers carne Roman Catholic mis-
their wives joined them. In thè absence o f Spanish women, most Spanish sionaries, who lived in or near Guarani native villages.The Guarani found
men intermarried with Guarani women and had numerous concubines. methods for both thè accommodation o f and resistance to thè pressures o f
Mestizo children tended to take on “ Spanish” status, but they spoke thè missionization. Ultimately, thè Guarani helped to shape thè terms o f Jesuit
Guarani language. In 1566, a Franciscan priest wrote that a “ catechism had accommodation in thè reductions.
 The Footprints o f Saint 'Thomas 31

in early contact situations. It reveals an interaction between thè Europeans

and thè Indians that manifest thè efforts o f thè Guarani to assert control
CHAPTER over their lives and retain their autonomy. At thè same time, it also demon-
strates how thè Jesuits’ lives were changed too, as they carne into extended
The Footprints o f Saint Thomas contact with thè Guarani. Additionally, thè early encounter between
Amerindians and missionaries provides a context for understanding why
thè Jesuit missions and thè Guarani were so important to thè Spanish state
in stabilizing thè border with Brazil and resisting Indian slave expeditions
from Sào Paulo.

T h e J e s u it O rder

The Jesuits were not present during thè conquest period; thè order
arrived late in Paraguay, as it did in other parts o f Spanish America.
m a r a c a n à , a powerful Guarani shaman, and several o f his followers in
Founded in 1540, thè Society o f Jesus was established during thè Counter-
thè region o f Guairà, now part o f thè state o f Paranà in southern Brazil,
Reformation in Europe and was an outgrowth o f Spain’s crusading zeal. In
told thè first Jesuit missionaries who entered their territory about Sumé,
1588, thè first Jesuits to arrive in Asunción devoted much o f their time to
an important mythical figure in Tupi-Guarani cosmology. They explained
baptizing several thousand native peoples in thè forest.3 Encouraged by
to thè men dressed in long black robes how their Great Spiritual Father
thè creole governor in Asunción, Hernando Arias de Saavedra, thè Jesuits
had seqt Sumé, an extraordinary wise man who was tali and had a long
established their first reductions in remote areas o f thè provinces o f Para­
white beard, to teach them agriculture, moral and religious precepts, and
guay, Guairà, and Itatin, since thè Franciscans established reductions in thè
thè value ofyerba maté and manioc.1 Once thè Guarani had acquired this
centrai part o f thè province (see Map 3) among those held in encomienda.
valuable knowledge, Sumé returned to thè other side o f thè ocean, leav-
The Jesuit reductions were located in what thè missionaries referred to in
ing only his footprints on diverse hilltops as evidence that he had visited
Latin as Paraquariae, or Paraguay (see Map 4). The Jesuit Province o f
them.
Paraquariae encompassed thè secular provinces o f Paraguay, Buenos Aires,
The Jesuits responded to this narrative by telling thè Guarani that Sumé
Tucumàn, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, and even parts o f Perù. The Jesuits
was not just any old wise man, but Saint Thomas, one o f thè twelve
called this vast area o f southern South America Paraquariae because thè
Apostles. Saint Thomas, they explained, had come to thè N ew World even
Society o f Jesus had established its first colegio (college) in thè upper region
before thè arrivai o f thè Europeans and had taught thè Indians how to
o fR io de la Piata in Asunción.4
grow manioc and corn, what to believe, and how to behave. They also
Nearly three-quarters o f thè Jesuits who carne to thè Rio de la Piata
explained that Saint Thomas had come specifically to make preparations
between 1550 and 1749 were European born, thè rest were creoles.5They
for their arrivai. Indeed, with thè passing o f time, thè Guarani would all be
were men o f many nationalities. Approximately 74 percent o f all thè
resettled into towns by men carrying crosses in their hands.2 In this man-
Jesuits were from Spain, Italy, thè Netherlands, Austria, and France.6 Most
ner, thè Catholic missionaries discovered an important Tupi-Guarani
o f thè foreign Jesuits arrived after 1690. At thè time o f expulsion, seventy-
myth and made use o f it to gain thè Indians’ confidence, in hopes o f rad-
seven Jesuits resided in thè thirty-three missions among thè Guarani and
ically transforming Guarani ways.
Tobatines in thè area o f thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers. Among thè
Beginning in thè early seventeenth century, thè Jesuits worked dili—
Europeans were forty-two Spaniards, thirteen Germans, eight Italians, two
gently to spread Christianity among thè Guarani. For example, they
Hungarians, and one Frenchman. Eleven Jesuits were creoles born in thè
introduced Christianity through thè co-optation o f locai gods or deities,
Rio de la Piata.7 Nearly all were considered middle-aged or elderly men.
as illustrated in thè myth o f Saint Thomas orTomàs Sumé.An analysis o f
O f thè seventy-seven missionaries in thè reductions in 1763* none was
their efforts provides a rare glimpse into how indigenous cultures changed
under age thirty; nine were between thirty and thirty-nine; twenty-eight
Map 3 (above). Jesuit Reductions in Guairà, Early Seventeenth Century (Adapted
from Pablo Hernàndez, S.J., Organización social de las doctrinas guaranis de la Com­
parila de Jesus, Barcelona: Gustavo Gilig, 1913)

Map 4 (right). Jesuit Province o f Paraquariae, 1732 (Hand Drawn by Francisco

Retz, S J .“ Paraquariae Provinciae Soc.Jesu cum adjcentib. 1732.” Gondra C ollec-
tion. Map #2808. Courtesy o f thè Benson Latin American Collection, University
ofTexas at Austin)
 34 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN The Footprints o f Saint Thomas 35

were between forty and forty-nine; eighteen were between fifty and fifty- River, which became known as San Ignacio Guazu. C hief Arapizandu had
nine; eighteen were between sixty and sixty-nine; and fbur were over sev- traveled to Asunción to ask Governor Arias de Saavedra to send missionar­
enty years old. O f these, eleven were either too ili or physically unable to ies to his village. His behavior and words signified that thè Paranàe-
provide for thè spiritual and material needs o f thè indigenous people.8The Guarani favored accommodation, after more than half a century o f fìerce
age structure suggests that these missions were not merely religious com- resistance against thè Spanish.This new strategy may have been result ofthe
munities established for thè conversion o f thè Amerindians. By thè mid- serious demographic collapse o f thè native population in Paraguay. His
eighteenth century, thè Guarani reductions were places where a number actions were not simply an issue o f wanting to fend off slavers and avoid
o f aging priests retired after many years o f missionary Service. Indeed, sev- encomenderos because thè Paranés were stili subjected to forced labor un­
eral missionaries had resided among thè Guarani for more than two or der thè encomienda at thè Jesuit reduction o f San Ignacio Guazu. Arapizan-
three decades, including Jesuit Superior Mathias Strobel, Father Bernardo dù was apparently receptive to thè missionaries because he believed that
Nusdorffer, Father José Cardiel, and Father José Ribarola.9 These priests they could act as intermediaries with thè Spanish colonial world into which
had thè opportunity to establish relationships o f confidence with thè they were coming more and more into contact. The Paranàes offered thè
Guarani by thè time international politics affected thè missions. Jesuits a meal o f beans, manioc, and corn.To gain their trust and friendship,
The Jesuits approached their missionary work from a standpoint o f cul­ thè Jesuits distributed among thè Paranàes gifts o f rosaries, mirrors, pins,
tural superiority. This perceived superiority was based on their advanced needles, combs, scissors, glass beads, metal fishhooks, and other items.16The
education, technical skills, knowledge o f thè arts and Sciences, and strong native people coveted iron objects because metals were rare and were more
sense o f moral rightness. They were entirely convinced that their inten- practical than stone tools in making certain domestic implements and
tions were good and that thè Guarani needed their protection and guid- weapons.The Guarani quest for Catholic missionaries soon became part o f
ance. Like members o f other religious orders in thè N ew World, many a broader pattern in thè Rio de la Piata. Several other Guarani caciques,
Jesuits held a low opinion o f thè spiritual and intellectual abilities o f including Cabacamby and Tabacamby, also heard o f thè benefits to be
Indians.10 Some perceived them as being childlike, as lacking any creative derived from thè missionaries’ presence and invited thè Jesuits to establish
abilities o f their own, as naturally lazy, and inferior to thè missionaries.11 reductions among their people along thè Alto Paranà River.17 In 1619, after
Some Jesuits thought that by nature thè Guarani had “ a very limited visiting mission Itapua, cacique Nicolas Neengiru requested a missionary
capacity, and understood nothing except what immediately falls under thè for his people in thè regions ofTapé and Uruguay.18
senses.” 12 Others viewed them as irresponsible.There were, however, some At nearly thè same time that thè reduction at San Ignacio Guazu was
exceptions. Several members o f this religious order believed that thè being established, two Italian Jesuits set out from Asunción in thè com­
Guarani were in some respects equal to Europeans. They praised thè pany o f Rodrigo Ortiz de Melgarejo, a creole who had resided in thè re-
Guaranies’ abilities by noting that “ they succeeded, as it were, by instinct gion for many years, to found thè first two reductions among thè Guarani
in all thè arts, to which they are applied.” 13 Some greatly admired a tal- in Guairà in thè valley o f Paranàpanema, Nuestra Senora de Loreto del
ented Guarani musician by thè name o f Paica who “ played all kinds o f Pirapó, and San Ignacio del Ypaumbuqu. Between 1610 and 1630, thè
instruments with great skill.” 14 O ne Jesuit asserted that thè Guarani, if Jesuits founded more than a dozen reductions in or near indigenous com-
taught properly, could embrace and retain thè Christian faith, learn arti­ munities east o f thè Spanish towns o f Ciudad Reai, Santiago de Jerez, and
san crafts, and a good measure o f “ civility.” 15 Such attitudes reflected thè Villarrica, on thè tributaries o f thè upper Paranà River. They established
missionaries’ own sense o f cultural superiority and determination to alter fourteen more reductions among thè Tapé-Guarani in thè Banda Orientai
native ways. o f Uruguay. Beginning in 1632, thè Jesuits founded twelve other reduc­
tions among thè Itatin-Guarani in present-day Mato Grosso do Sul in
Early M ission ary C o n ta ct Brazil.19Along with thè Spanish towns, these Jesuit reductions served as a
temporary bulwark against Portuguese expansion in these areas and pro-
In 1609 two Jesuits set out from Asunción with Parané-Guarani cacique vided thè Spaniards with labor through thè encomienda. The Jesuits
Arapizandu to establish a reduction in his village south o f thè Tebicuary received fmancial support from thè Spanish Crown to establish these
 36 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN
The Footprints o f Saint Thomas 37

reductions and convert thè Guarani to Christianity. King Philip II pro- America, it was thè Jesuits who gave it new life.22 Catholic missionaries
vided 1,000 pesos for thè sustenance and clothing o f thè missionaries, needed to construct a foundation on which they could establish a church.
along with an annual 1,400 peso stipend.20 O f course, it is improbable that Saint Thomas ever traveled to thè N ew
Before entering a village to establish a new reduction, thè Jesuits sent World before thè European discovery. W hat is significant is that this Old
word to thè caciques, expressing their interest in baptizing them using a World tradition was apparently widely accepted by thè Guarani.The myth
Guarani messenger loyal to them. The caciques responded in a peaceful o f Saint Thomas or “ Tomàs Sumé” in Brazil and Paraguay, and thè
manner by offering their women to thè missionaries. To avoid offending identification o f Saint Thomas and thè Indian divinity Quetzalcóatl in
thè chiefs and to obtain their approvai, thè Jesuits spent several days in thè seventeenth-century Mexico, were prime examples o f syncretism in thè
village in thè company o f these women but refrained from any sexual N ew World.23 Listening to thè stories o f thè Tupi-Guarani, thè early Jesuit
contact because o f their vows o f celibacy. Once initially accepted, thè mis­ missionaries in Brazil and Paraguay interpreted them according to their
sionaries asked thè Guarani to construct a hut for them to serve as a own Catholic traditions, which had originated in far off and rather exotic
chapel in or near thè village. From their earliest contacts, thè Jesuits places like thè H oly Land, China, and India. They remembered thè pil-
adopted thè native lifestyle in order to gain thè respect o f thè Guarani. grimage o f San Ignacio de Loyola, and thè exhortation o f Jesus Christ to
They ate manioc roots, bananas, sweet potatoes, and occasionai wild game his apostles to spread his faith throughout thè entire world.24W hen thè
that thè Guarani offered them or what they could gather, grow, or hunt for Jesuits were expelled from Spain and its possessions in 1767, thè Guarani
themselves.The little wheat they planted only sufficed for their commun- o f Mission San Luis east o f thè Uruguay River wrote, in a letter to thè
ion wafers. There was never enough for their daily bread, nor did they Spanish governor in Buenos Aires, “Apostle Saint Thomas had spread thè
have salt or beef, as they were accustomed. The little wine they brought faith among our ancestors in this land.” 25 It appears that thè belief in thè
from Asunción for thè ceremonial Mass had to last for nearly five years.21 myth o f Saint Thomas was more widespread among thè Guarani in
The Jesuits’ adoption o f native ways not only ensured their survival but Paraguay than in M exico.26 In both colonial M exico and Paraguay, this
also was an important means for obtaining acceptance by thè Guarani. myth and beliefs in native divinities theologically served to support thè
To accomplish their goals, thè Jesuits adapted their evangelistic message notions that Christ could not have overlooked a major portion o f human-
to thè conceptual framework o f their potential converts. By reinterpreting ity in thè N ew World and that his apostles indeed had gone out and
thè legend o f Sumé, for example, thè Jesuits could more easily appropri­ preached to all people on all thè continents.27
ate thè natives’ past, unite Tupi-Guarani and Catholic traditions, and direct
cultural change. If Saint Thomas had taught thè Guarani their agricultural
and manufacturing skills, then his followers, thè Jesuits, could more easily S p iritu a l C onfron ta tions

instruct thè natives in what to believe and in how to cultivate new plants, While many o f thè Guarani appeared to welcome thè missionaries to their
such as wheat; and how to raise cattle, grow fruit trees, manufacture goods villages, several powerful shamans strongly resisted all Jesuit efforts to alter
in workshops, and behave according to European social norms. Jesuit mis- their lifeways. As priests, thè Jesuits posed a serious threat to thè shamans’
sionary Nicolas del Techo notes that thè Guarani believed that there was power and control over their Indian followers. Many o f thè shaman-chiefs
a hilltop between thè towns o f Sao Paulo and Archangel, which was thè combated thè missionaries with their eloquent verbal skills. C hief Artiguaye,
burial place o f Saint Thomas. They also believed that thè saint’s footprints for example, went to visit thè missionaries in Guairà. Fle shouted:
remained near thè Spanish town ofVillarrica in a spot where thè Jesuits
built a reduction. Techo further observed that near Asunción was a sharp You are not priests sent by G od to save us, but only devils from hell, sent by your
prince, to see to our ruin. What doctrine have you brought us? O ur ancestors lived
rock that, although fiat on top, bore thè man’s footprint.
with freedom, having as many women as they wanted . . . with w hom they lived
Stories o f Saint Thomas spreading Catholicism throughout thè world
and spent a happy life, and you want to destroy our traditions and want to burden
are an old Catholic tradition. Among Christians in India, there has long us by tying us to only one wom an.This will not happen. I will make sure o f it.28
been thè belief that Saint Thomas evangelized that part o f Asia. Franciscans
claimed that Saint Thomas had visited India. In Mexico, thè Franciscans By referring to thè Catholic priests as “ devils from hell,” thè shaman most
were also largely responsible for thè legend o f Saint Thomas. In South likely used thè same terms thè missionaries had used to refer to him.29
 38 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN The Footprints o f Saint Thomas 39

Artiguaye left thè village before thè Jesuits could respond to his complaints. ing. He then told his followers that they could now keep as many wives as
Guarani shamans had difficulty understanding thè Jesuit vows o f they pleased. He also had all thè baptized children unbaptized by washing
celibacy. One shaman mocked a priest by calling him “ grandmother ,” 30 their heads in hot water, scouring their tongues with sand, and scraping
The Guarani probably did not know what to make o f celibacy because, in them with a shell so as to wipe away thè salt that had been given to them
their society, men o f authority and prestige were expected to have had by thè Jesuits.37 The shamans said, “ I baptize you in order to unbaptize
sexual relations with numerous women. Possibly thè Guarani referred to you.” 38These political-religious leaders associated thè Christian sacrament
thè Jesuits as abaré (diverse men, or men different from other men) o f baptism with thè outbreak o f epidemie disease and subsequent death o f
because o f thè missionaries’ vows o f celibacy. many Guarani.39W hen thè iron church bell accidentally fell and broke at
A major grievance for thè shamans was thè missionaries’ intention to thè reduction o f Loreto, a shaman claimed responsibility.40 This was an
instili thè social value o f monogamy. Before agreeing to baptize them, thè impressive strategy intended to challenge thè Jesuits and increase thè
missionaries initially required thè Guarani to marry their first woman. shamans own power and influence among his followers. Similarly, in thè
Several men who wanted to be married to their favorite concubine, how- French Jesuit missions o f Canada, Huron shamans and elders waged an
ever, told thè Jesuits that they had no other woman.31 Finally, after Con­ ideological war o f resistance against their missionaries in thè early seven­
sulting with Rome on this issue, thè Jesuits permitted these men to take teenth century. During an epidemie, Huron shamans developed their own
any woman as their wife, as long as they had only one woman. Many version o f baptism as a means to cure thè sick.41
Guarani, however, stili were reluctant to do so. At thè reduction o f Santa One o f thè Jesuits’ main goals was to supplant thè shamans as thè prin-
Maria la Mayor, after being warned that they would have to take only one cipal religious and politicai leaders in all aspeets o f native life. The Jesuits
wife before receiving instructions for baptism, a group o f Guarani fled knew how to attack thè shaman “ demons.” Father Antonio Ruiz de
back into a remote part o f thè forest.There they built a new village and Montoya, for example, set fire to two o f their secret temples near thè
renounced Christianity.While thè fugitives were away hunting and cutting reduction o f Loreto. O ut o f sight o f thè Jesuits, however, many shamans
wood, however, two Jesuits, with thè assistance o f several loyal Guarani, set continued to practice their rituals. The Guarani constructed sacred reli­
fire to their huts.32 gious sites on hilltops where they kept thè bones o f renowned dead
The Jesuits were not reluctant to use force against thè Indians,nor were shamans. Inside these huts, thè Guarani hung thè shamans’ skeletons in
thè shamans reluctant to respond with violence against their Jesuit com- hammocks decorated with multicolored feathers. Along thè walls o f thè
petitors. W hen a shaman shook his gourd rattle at thè missionaries to huts they hung offerings o f fruit, which thè shamans ate and distributed to
intimidate them and threatened to kill them and their converts, thè chief their followers. These early Guarani responses to Christianity were quite
Jesuit ordered loyal converts to seize him.Then thè priests had thè shaman distinct from thè notion o f idols behind altars in thè literature on religious
whipped in public.33Total banishment from thè area was another method adaptation in Spanish America. B y practicing clandestine rituals on hill­
relied on by thè Jesuits. The “ demon” Tayubay, for example, was publicly tops in thè middle o f thè forest, these indigenous people tended to be
whipped, then banished from thè reduction o f San M iguel.34 Various accommodationists because they avoided a direct confrontation with thè
shamans, such as Nezu and Yeguacapu and their followers, took as many as Catholic priests. At thè same time, their meetings probably served to
seven Jesuit lives on different occasions in thè early seventeenth century.35 renew their sense o f identity. Perhaps they offered thè Guarani an oppor-
According to thè testimonies o f Pablo Arayu and cacique Guirayu, reduci- tunity to “ fili out” sacred power and ritual as thè Jesuits presented it to
dos (neophytes) from thè reduction o f Candelaria on November io, 1631, them in thè reductions.
Nezu had ordered thè killing o f thè Jesuits because their presence among By performing Mass at altars inside straw huts and singing religious
them meant they would no longer have any women and their children songs in thè forest, thè Jesuits subtly altered thè methodology and content
would be baptized without their consent.36 o f thè shamans’ craft. At thè same time, many shamans began mimicking
After killing a Jesuit, one shaman put on thè fallen missionary’s black thè Jesuits by building wooden altars in thè forest, wearing black clothing,
robe, and then over it he placed his own animai skins or feather robes. It and drinking cangui (maize beer) using thè same hand movements with
was as though he had assumed thè Jesuits’ power by wearing their cloth- which thè Jesuits drank wine during thè Catholic Mass, raising thè sacred
 40 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN The Footprints o f Saint Thomas 41

cup toward thè sky. In effect, thè Guarani were not merely reproducing they pleased. For a priest to cut or pulì an Indians hair was a deep humil-
European culture but also transforming their own culture radically and iation. Nevertheless, thè Jesuits ignored thè royal decrees and shortened
decisively.42 thè Indians’ hair to achieve uniform styles.
The missionaries also undermined thè shamans’ position by creating The chiefs from Mission Yapeyu traveled to Buenos Aires, where they
generational conflict in native society. The Jesuits, like their predecessors pleaded with thè Spanish governor not to allow thè Jesuits to cut their
in other parts o f Spanish America, thè Franciscans, focused their attention hair. Their willingness to travel such a long distance and appeal to rivai
on thè religious instruction o f Guarani children. Catholic missionaries authorities suggests thè seriousness o f their request. It demonstrates that
concentrated on children because it was easier to alter their behavior and Guarani were quite adept at recognizing thè significance o f tensions
thinking and to instili what was considered “ proper” behavior.43The chil­ within thè Spanish world and were capable o f manipulating events to their
dren could also be used to influence thè behavior o f their parents and to own advantage. To redress serious grievances, it was not unusual for
inform on them. A Guarani boy, for example, betrayed his relatives by Amerindians to travel so far from their communities. Steve J. Stern shows
revealing to Jesuit Nicolas del Techo thè location o f clandestine Guarani that as early as thè 1550S, Andean peoples o f Fluamanga traveled as far
religious sites. In addition, missionaries publicly mocked thè shaman- away as Lima to redress locai grievances.46 Indigenous peoples seemed to
chiefs in front o f their followers. Children, particularly boys, played an learn early on where power rested and attempted to resolve their
active role in making fun o f thè shamans. In one instance, children differences, often using Spanish mechanisms. By thè late 1630S, there had
laughed at a shaman who received a hundred lashes and “ made sport at been a Spanish presence in thè Rio de la Piata for a century. Guarani
him,” or they flung mud in a shaman’s face in front o f other Guarani.44 caciques, such as Arapizandu, knew that if they made requests in person to
Through such extended contact in thè reductions, thè Guarani gradu- men o f authority, colonial oflìcials may meet their demands.This Guarani
ally accepted thè Jesuits as their new native priests. Mimicry, which was protest in Buenos Aires was successful. Little by little, however, thè other
part o f thè process o f cultural adaptation during thè early contact period, indigenous residents at Mission Yapeyu acquiesced to thè haircuts, until
on occasion represented a form o f flattery. The Guarani were curious eventually all wore their hair in thè same short style.47
about and attracted by thè Jesuits’ use o f song and music, which they This episode reveals how thè Guarani struggled to retain their cultural
attempted to emulate with their own voices. In other instances, however, autonomy. Although much o f thè politicai authority stili rested with thè
mimicry could be a form o f mockery and a means o f increasing power. By missionary fathers, negotiations took place between them, thè members o f
putting on thè black robes o f Jesuits who had been killed, for example, thè thè Indian cabildo, and thè caciques. This incident illustrates that, by ap-
Guarani shamans may have increased their influence in thè eyes o f their pealing to secular authorities, thè mission Indians were willing to work
followers. within thè channels o f thè Spanish colonial System to air and resolve such
Cultural identity was perceived in various ways. For example, at Mis- differences. Even though some chiefs were excluded from participation in
sion Santos Reyes de Yapeyu, which was composed o f diverse indigenous thè cabildos, Guarani caciques’ concerns and interests were not ignored.
groups including Guarani, thè caciques greatly resented thè cutting o f The Jesuits increased social differentiation within Guarani society and
their long hair, which was a Symbol o f their independent spirit and tradi- rewarded individuals by allowing certain people to wear rather elaborate
tional ways. The wearing o f long hair and thè manner in which it was clothing made o f wool, cotton, and even silk and velvet. Members o f thè
combed were also expressions o f cultural identity, and most likely had reli­ cabildo, military offìcers, aitar boys, and dancers all wore special costumes
gious significance. Some Amerindians associated certain children’s hair- or uniforms on days o f celebration, along with shoes and socks.48As soon
styles with good health; if their children’s hair were shorn, they believed as thè celebrations were over, however, thè Jesuits usually locked up their
that thè children would die. The royal cédulas o f 1581 and 1587 in thè uniforms, apparently believing thè Guarani were too irresponsible to care
Recopilación de las Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias (thè great compilation o f for these expensive garments. Figure 4 shows thè Guarani militias parad-
Spanish colonial law published in 1681) specifically recognized that some ing in their fine Spanish military uniforms in thè churchyard o f Mission
Indians in thè N ew World regarded long hair as an “ ancient and venera- San Juan Bautista. Militia offìcers carried canes o f office denoting their
ble ornament.” 45 Priests were not supposed to cut thè Indians’ hair even special status. A crowd o f Guarani women stands by thè main entrance to
for baptism and were supposed to allow thè Indians to wear their hair as thè church, separated from thè men, most likely near thè entrance o f thè
 42 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN
The Footprints of Saint Thomas 43

coty guazù. The Jesuits themselves dressed in homespun gowns that were
ileged groups within society also reflected certain Jesuit conceptions
dyed black, woven, and sewed by thè Guarani. To clothe thè Indians, thè
about thè nature o f hierarchy in a Christian community. Their idea that
missionaries distributed cloth to families from thè community o f goods in
men o f importance should wear more elaborate clothing on special occa-
thè warehouses. Guarani women did thè sewing at thè school in thè com ­
pany o f other women.49 sions probably did not differ from thè beliefs o f most members o f secular
society. The wearing o f such fine silk and velvet costumes by certain
For thè Guarani, thè wearing o f elaborate Spanish dress implied more
Guarani, however, may have increased thè jealousy o f other churchmen
social prestige than thè modest clothing styles o f native commoners.Their
and settlers in thè province who resented thè Jesuit missionary enterprise.
adoption o f European-style clothing signified that thè mission Indians
Throughout most o f thè year, Guarani males wore white cotton shirts
outwardly accepted some o f thè material culture, values, and customs o f
and pants. Many men wore hats like thè Europeans, but they usually went
thè foreign culture. The wearing o f European-style gowns by more priv-
without shoes or socks. On religious holidays, though, some wore socks o f
various colors.50 All Guarani women wore long white tunics that were
made o f a rough cotton called typois and had embroidered necklines.The
origins o f this native dress are obscure. Similar gowns probably were first
worn by thè mestizas and Guarani women from thè Franciscan reductions
in thè centrai region o f thè province that had been established prior to thè
Jesuit reductions.51 These loosely fìtted dresses reflected early Christian atti-
tudes.The Catholic missionaries sought to disguise thè shape ofthe female
body by requiring women to wear these costumes o f virgins. O f course,
they demonstrate that modesty and morals were a source o f concern to thè
Jesuits. The long gowns worn by thè women did not stress individuality.
The emphasis on clothing style in thè missions instead was on achieving
uniformity among all thè females and male Indian commoners.The choice
o f cotton clothing by men and women was governed by thè warm tropi­
cal lowland climate. During thè winter months, men wore a poncho made
o f wool or cotton. Missionaries probably encouraged thè wearing o f white
clothing simply because white was thè cotton’s naturai color and thè use o f
dyes would represent an additional expenditure.
Learning thè native language facilitated thè transformation o f Guarani
culture and religion.The early missionaries used interpreters and relied on
thè catechism translated into Guarani by Franciscan friar Luis de Bolanos;
later on they read thè grammars, vocabularies, and dictionaries written in
Guarani by Jesuit Antonio Ruiz de Montoya. The Jesuits could more
effectively confront thè shamans once they had mastered thè Indians’
words. In this, their seminary training in foreign languages helped.
Eventually, thè Jesuit fathers used another method to compensate for any
problems thè missionaries might have in speaking Guarani. Following thè
daily Mass, they relied on a Guarani chief to repeat and explain their ser-
mons to thè indigenous audience.
Figure 4. Mission San Juan Bautista in thè Eighteenth Century (Ministerio de Educación y Several Guarani women responded to their religious instruction with
Cultura, Archivo General de Simancas, M.P. y D., II-14)
fervor. Jesuit accounts vividly describe thè miraculous behavior o f a few
 44 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN
The Footprints o f Saint lliom as 45

female converts. Two women, they asserted, had died and visited heaven Paulistas (inhabitants o f Sào Paulo) made repeated raids, burned down
and hell before coming back to life again. They then retold their experi- Jesuit reductions and Spanish towns, and carried away as many as sixty
ences to others in thè reductions. O ne o f them claimed that she had seen thousand Guarani in Guairà alone between 1628 and 1631.56 A list o f
thè Virgin Mary, who was all shiny and gold, surrounded by all thè saints Guarani captives dated 1615 reveals that approximately 70 percent were
in heaven. She also claimed that she saw members o f their congregations women and children. This preference for women appears to reflect thè
who were dressed in elegant clothing. Another Guarani woman said she division o f labor in agriculture, in which women played a primary role in
had heard demons hissing like snakes during her visit to hell. She claimed planting and harvesting.57 Guarani women were also sought because they
she had seen thè tormented souls o f several individuai, including some could serve as concubines, wives, and domestic servants. Those Guarani
that she recognized from their village.The Jesuits insisted that she was an who were captured and who survived thè long journey to thè Brazilian
apostle among her people. One Jesuit later claimed to have been respon­ coast were sold as slaves to work on thè sugar plantations, estates, or in thè
sive for performing a miracle himself by taking thè rosary from one o f thè urban households o f Bahia, Pernambuco, and especially Sào Paulo and Rio
native women w ho had died eight or nine months earlier. He gave it to a de Janeiro.58
sick child who miraculously recovered during an epidemie while almost The enslavement o f thè Guarani was illegal. Spanish and Portuguese
all thè children in thè village died. The woman’s body during that time royal legislation had repeatedly prohibited it and declared thè freedom o f
had not decomposed whatsoever and had no odor. It was exhumed thè captured Indians.The king o f Spain also ordered thè provincial gover-
because thè space was needed for another Indian burial and then reburied. nors o f thè Rio de la Piata and Paraguay to use any means possible to pun-
Following these rather miraculous events, thè priests summoned all thè ish thè Paulistas.59 In 1637, Father Ruiz de Montoya traveled to Madrid as
chiefs and asked them for their help in securing thè souls o f their procuracbr (business agent, trade representative, or an individuai who pro-
relatives.52 moted thè interests o f an organization or a community at thè courts o f
Visionary experience represented a point o f convergence between thè Spain and Portugal) o f thè Company o f Jesus to request thè Jesuits be
two cultures.The recounting ofdreams and visions was an essential feature given thè right to arm thè Guarani.60Ruiz de Montoya also sent two o f his
o f Guarani religion and early modera Christianity.53 One can only spec­ Jesuit subordinates to Salvador, Bahia, thè colonial capitai o f Brazil, to see
ulate on thè reasons why these Guarani women embraced Catholicism. thè Portuguese governor generai to protest thè cruel treatment and
Certain elements o f Christianity were evidently appealing to them, in­ enslavement o f thè Guarani. The pope, moreover, excommunicated from
cluding thè reverence for thè Virgin Mary and other female saints. Select thè church anyone w ho seized, used, or traded thè Guarani slaves in
men and women assisted thè Catholic priests as members o f thè two con­ 1639.61 Nevertheless, thè slave traders and masters found loopholes in thè
gregations in each town: thè Congregación de San Miguel Archangel and laws or simply ignored all o f these attempts to put an end to Indian
Congregación de Beatisima Madre de Nuestra Salvador.54 However, we do enslavements.62
not know thè depths o f their beliefs or whether they were converted to
Catholicism, since thè women did not speak for themselves in thè docu- G uaran i M ilitia s and G row ing Tensions in thè Provinces
mentation. Guarani women and men appear to have been receptive to thè
teachings o f thè Jesuits partly because these missionaries sought to fend off Armed with only bows and arrows and clubs, thè Guarani and thè
encomenderos and slavers. Jesuits at first had difficulties resisting thè Paulistas, w ho wore armor
breastplates, carried muskets, and always used between fifteen hundred and
two thousand Tupi as allies.The concentration ofthe Guarani into reduc­
E nslavem ent
tions actually made it easier for thè Paulistas to capture them. The slave
Life for thè Guarani and thè missionaries on thè frontier was perilous. raids devastated thè reductions so severely beginning in 1631 that thè
The early Jesuits were forced to abandon many o f their reductions not Jesuits decided to relocate them to new sites south o f thè Tebicuary River.
long after their founding and rebuild them in less vulnerable sites south- Some Guarani accompanied thè Jesuits to found new reductions in thè
ward along thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers.55 UsingTupi as auxiliaries, thè Province o f Itatin. But later on, these too had to be abandoned because o f
 46 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN The Footprints o f Saint Thomas 47

Paulista raids.63 O f an estimated thirty thousand Guarani in Guairà, fewer served thè interests o f Spain at thè sanie time that they contributed to thè
than twelve thousand moved voluntarily to thè new area designated for accommodation o f thè Guarani. The crown had no regular troops in thè
them.64 Many refused to abandon their naturai terrìtory because o f strong Rio de la Piata, and in exchange for certain benefits and special privileges,
attachments to thè land. Others died in epidemics.65The decision ofm ore thè Guarani were willing to fulfill this duty in effect without costs to thè
than half o f thè mission Indians to remain in their naturai territory repre- royal treasury. Although thè Guarani troops occasionally suffered military
sents a loss o f confìdence in thè Jesuits by thè Guarani and thè need for defeats and were poorly equipped, these militias provide evidence that thè
accommodation. Guarani were not powerless. Indeed, this institution strengthened their
Those several thousand who did relocate to thè newly founded reduc- position within colonial society. The crown was willing to allow thè
tions o f thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers, hundreds o f miles away from thè Guarani to retain a greater degree o f autonomy, as long as it was in thè
Paulistas, stili suffered enormous hardships. Epidemics o f typhus, measles, best interests o f Spain.
and dysentery broke out for three continuous years soon after their The formation o f Guarani militias trained by Catholic priests was a dis-
arrivai.66As many as 5,536 mission Indians died in thè epidemics o f 1634 tinguishing feature o f these missions. Ethnic soldiering, however, was quite
to 1636. During thè three-year period from 1637 to 1639, in thè reductions common throughout many Spanish colonies, including Cuba, Puerto Rico,
in thè area o f thè Uruguay River, 4,600 Indians died o f disease and Florida, Mexico, Panama, N ew Granada, Perù, and Guatemala. Similarly in
famine.67 In terror, many Guarani fled from these reductions.To make mat- northern N ew Spain, thè Bourbon regime used small numbers o f Opata
ters worse, in 1636 and 1638, closely following thè epidemics carne even and Pima warriors from thè missions as auxiliaries as a means o f lowering
more Paulista raids. Several thousand Guarani were driven in chains to Sào thè costs o f frontier defense in Sonora.72 In contrast to northern N ew
Paulo. Many others were slain or escaped and fled back into thè forest.68 Spain, however, thè Guarani in thè Jesuit reductions were thè military, not
Even before thè news o f royal approvai arrived in thè Rio de la Piata, just auxiliaries like thè neophytes in N ew Spain. Eight companies served
thè Jesuits had already armed some o f thè Guarani in time for a major all thè thirty Jesuit missions along thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers. Each
confrontation with thè Paulistas in 1641.69A Guarani force o ffo u r thou­ mission had its own armory, where a portrait o f thè king o f Spain was dis-
sand defeated some four hundred Paulistas and two thousand and seven played as a reminder to thè Guarani to remain loyal. N ot all Guarani mili-
hundred Tupi auxiliaries in thè battle o f Mbororé. A Jesuit priest, tia offìcers, however, were always compliant. In 1661, a Guarani captain,
Domingo Torres, a former veteran o f thè Spanish army, led thè Guarani cacique Mbaiugua, and several other caciques from five missions south o f
soldiers under thè command o f Captain General Nicolas Neengiru on thè Paranà River rebelled against thè Jesuits. Mbaiugua demanded that thè
land, while cacique Captain Ignacio Abiaru took charge o f thè Guarani Guarani be left in charge o f their temporal affairs and that thè missionar-
forces on thè Mbororé River, commanding some seventy canoes mounted ies only look after their spiritual needs. The Jesuits quickly put down this
with firearms. In 1642, thè Jesuits and thè Guarani soldiers together put an uprising. They identified thè leaders who received corporal punishment
end to thè slave raiding in that region with a second defeat o f thè and confmement in mission jails at San Ignacio Guazu and Santos Reyes
Paulistas.70 These important victories renewed thè indigenous peoples’ de Yapeyu.73
sense o f pride; they also increased Jesuit prestige in thè eyes o f thè Because criollos feared Indian uprisings, thè Jesuits did not easily
Guarani, which for warrior societies like thè Guarani meant a great deal. achieve thè arming o f thè Guarani. For a brief period, thè Jesuits were
Although trained by thè Jesuits, Guarani males renewed their sense o f required to store their weapons not in thè armories in thè reductions, but
autonomy, power, and traditions o f warfare through thè formation o f mili- in Asunción. In 1664, however, thè Jesuits obtained royal permission to
tias and thè acquisition o f firearms. Guarani men readily volunteered for keep some o f thè Indians’ weapons in thè missions because it was too
military Service because they could continue their warrior traditions impractical to keep thè arms at such a far distance. Following another
through this new institution. Bravery and courage were traditional social Paulista raid on four missions in 1676, thè Jesuits succeeded in getting all
values among thè Guarani.71 Highly respected in both Spanish and their weapons returned to thè reductions by a royal cédula o f July 25,
Guarani cultures, these common values fostered understanding between 1679.74This achievement marked thè beginning o f a period o f consolida-
thè Amerindians and thè Europeans. Equally important, thè native militias tion o f thè Jesuit missions.
 48 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN The Footprints o f Saint Thomas 49

JESUIT MISSION F OUNDATI ONS , 1 6 0 9 - I 7 5 0 75

Asunción for several months, evidently hoping to be restored to office. In
Guarani Reductions along thè
early 1651, he retired in Chuquisaca, his birthplace, thereby putting an
Paranà and Uruguay Rivers
end to this crisis.76
1609 San Ignacio Guazu 1633 Santa Ana Occasionally, policies emanating from Spain conflicted with those o f
1610 Loreto 1634 San Cosme y Damian thè Jesuits in thè Province o f Paraguay. In 1680, thè king o f Spain ordered
16 11 San Ignacio M ini 1651 Santa Maria de Fé
1615
thè relocation o f one thousand Guarani families to Buenos Aires to build
Encarnación Itapuà 1685 Jesus
1619 Concepción new fortifications.The Jesuits protested this measure by using delay tactics
1690 San Borja
1622 Corpus Christi 1691 San Lorenzo and ignoring thè orders o f thè governor. The Guarani also complained
1626 Santa Maria la Mayor 1698 San Juan Bautista that thè port city was too cold for them and that “ when thè more robust
San Nicolas Santa Rosa male adults go there for a few months, they usually get sick and die.” 77
San Francisco Xavier 1705 Trinidad Guarani women especially lamented thè idea o f having to leave their
1627 Santos Reyes deYapeyu 1707 Santo Angelo homes in thè reductions to reside in thè land ofthe Spanish. They tore out
Candelaria their hair and refused to eat or prepare food. Elderly Guarani women
1631 La Cruz Itatin-Guarani Reductions recalled thè words o f Nezu, a deceased shaman who predicted that those
San Carlos in Northern Paraguay
Guarani w ho resided in reductions would eventually be taken to thè land
Santos Màrtires 1746 Joaquin o f thè Spanish.78The Guarani effectively communicated their needs and
1632 San M iguel 1749 San Estanislao
desires to thè missionaries w ho would negotiate for them. The Jesuits fi-
Santiago
Santo Tomé nally reached a compromise with thè Spanish governor in Buenos Aires by
San Luis agreeing to send three hundred Guarani male volunteers to work in thè
Apóstoles construction o f thè fort for only four or five months at a time.79Although
San José not ideal, this was a better solution to thè hardships thè Guarani would
have endured during their relocation. The fact that thè missionaries got
Tensions, nonetheless, were rife between thè Jesuits and thè Franciscans their transfer to Buenos Aires reversed is significant.These native people,
and settlers in Paraguay who competed for Indian souls and labor. In through thè use o f intermediaries, were capable o f protecting their own
1644, Bernardino de Càrdenas, thè Franciscan bishop o f Paraguay, forbade interests. Their native voices were heard by Spanish authorities through
thè Jesuits to preach within thè capitai and challenged their missionary thè Jesuits and were not ignored.
work. He openly announced that he would expel thè Jesuits, confiscate Although thè primary function o f thè Guarani militias was to defend
their property and reductions, and seize their revenues. He was resentful thè mission territory, thè governors o f Asunción and Buenos Aires fre-
o f their growing influence. He also excommunicated Governor Gregorio quently used thè Guarani militias to accomplish their secular objectives.
de Hinestrosa twice after a series o f insults. W hen thè governor learned Guarani militias occasionally did reconnaissance along thè Rio de la Piata
o f a plot to seize thè Jesuit colegió, Hinestrosa warned thè Jesuits and and thè Atlantic Ocean to defend Spanish towns. In 1697 and 1701, two
summoned six hundred Guarani soldiers to come to his assistance. On thousand Guarani soldiers and officers defended Buenos Aires against
March 16, 1649, Càrdenas and his supporters looted thè Jesuit colegio pirate attacks and smugglers. In 1704 approximately four thousand
and set fire to thè building. In response to this attack, thè Audiencia o f Guarani soldiers expelled thè Portuguese from their stronghold at Colonia
Charcas sent one o f its members, Don Andrés de Leon Garabito, as an do Sacramento in Uruguay across thè estuary from Buenos Aires. Colònia
oidor (royal investigator) to Asunción. Leon Garabito denounced Càrdenas do Sacramento, however, was returned to Portugal under thè Treaty o f
and summoned him for trial in Alta Perù. After ignoring thè summons, Utrecht o f 1715 and remained a strategie center for contraband trade in
thè royal inspector marched on Asunción with Spanish troops and three thè Rio de la Piata.80
thousand Guarani soldiers loyal to thè Jesuits. He proceeded to thè cathe- The crown also sent Guarani militias to put down a major criollo
dral where he found Càrdenas. He kissed thè bishop’s ring, and then rebellion, known as thè Comunero Revolt (1721-32) o f Paraguay, against
ordered him to leave thè province. Nevertheless, Càrdenas remained in a Spanish governor in Asunción. Criollos led byjosé de Antequera y Castro
50 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN The Footprints o f Saint Thomas 51

murdered Asunción’s Spanish governor, Manuel Agustin de Ruyloba, lives o f thè Guarani underwent change as a result o f their contact and
because he was considered to be too partial to thè interests o f thè Jesuits. confrontations with thè priests. The Jesuits influenced these indigenous
News o f his homicide spread quickly to Lima and Buenos Aires. In peoples by imposing restrictions on their marriage and divorce practices.
Madrid, thè report o f his murder was not well received. Both Philip V and The Guarani also witnessed thè destruction o f their sacred sites on hilltops
Ferdinand VI were sympathetic to thè Society o f Jesus; their confessors where in hammocks inside huts they hung thè skeletons o f their great
were Jesuits. The governor o f Buenos Aires ordered thè Jesuits to arm six shamans.The eradication o f their cannibalism, however, is unclear in thè
thousand Guarani troops and put down this revolt. José de Antequera y fragmented documentation. Possibly these religious practices went under­
Castro was captured and sent to Lima to stand trial. He lingered in prison ground or were substituted with Catholic rites.Above all, as a result o f thè
from 1726 to 1731, awaiting thè outcome o f his trial, until thè king o f European encroachments into southern Brazil and thè Rio de la Piata, thè
Spain ordered his public execution.81 Underlying thè causes o f thè rebel- Guarani suffered from enslavement, disease, and displacement from their
lion were thè criollos’ increased demands for Guarani labor, special privi- naturai environment. Demands for their labor, especially in thè collection
leges granted to thè Jesuits by thè crown, and thè growing competition in o f yerba maté in faraway places, often took a devastating toll on Guarani
thè yerba maté trade.82 Beginning in 1661, Guarani male adults who en- lives and probably undermined family life in thè reductions. Guarani mili-
tered thè Jesuit reductions no longer were obligated to provide labor to tias also significantly increased thè mobility o f men and brought them into
thè criollos in encomienda with thè exception o f Mission San Ignacio more direct contact with thè Hispanic world.The soldiers and officers ac-
Guazu, thè first reduction established by thè Jesuits. Instead, they paid trib- quired new knowledge about thè arts o f warfare from thè Jesuits in order
ute directly to thè crown.83These tensions led to thè outbreak ofviolence, to protect themselves better and establish safer havens. In certain respects,
as it erupted in 1723, 1724, and 1730. Although thè Guarani militias occa- thè formation o f Guarani militias represented a form o f co-optation by
sionally suffered serious defeats on thè battlefield, they did manage to put thè Spanish colonial state. But they also served Guarani interests in their
down this rebellion. To avoid further conflicts, following this event all cultural survival. Eventually, thè Guarani militias would turn their military
thirty reductions under thè Jesuits were transferred to thè jurisdiction o f tactics against thè Spanish and thè Portuguese in thè Guarani War.
thè governor in Buenos Aires. The Guarani at Mission San Ignacio Guazu Guarani cultural adaptation and thè dimensions by which thè Jesuits
in Paraguay also became exempt from thè encomienda.84 Tensions bet- exercised control over their lives in thè reductions were at their height
ween thè Jesuits and thè criollos, however, lingered throughout thè eigh- during thè early eighteenth century. During this period, many Guarani
teenth century. carved out a new existence for themselves, given thè changing circum-
The first century o f Jesuit contact with thè Guarani was characterized stances, and retained a greater degree o f autonomy than thè traditional
by a series o f confrontations and accommodations between indigenous historiography suggests. One must grasp this before looking closely at thè
peoples, missionaries, thè crown, settlers, and slavers. Although thè Jesuits Guarani War.
established all their reductions in remote locations, they could not isolate
their charges from those who so desired their valuable labor. The Jesuits,
nevertheless, offered thè Guarani some protection from both thè Paulistas
and a life o f servitude in encomiendas, which endured in Paraguay as late
as 1803.85 EarlyJesuit missionary methods closely resembled those ofother
Catholic missionaries in thè N ew World. For example, they concentrated
on converting children, especially males, although Guarani women were
attracted to thè faith. Some o f their tactics, such as thè use o f banishment,
imprisonment, and corporal punishment, nevertheless, appear harsh by
modern standards, but acceptable within their ideological framework o f
thè seventeenth century.
As yet, little has been understood about thè early intercultural interac-
tions between thè missionaries and thè Guarani. It is quite notable that thè
 Daily Life 53

Am erica.1 In 1732, their peak year, they reached a total o f 141,182. By

comparison, in the missions o f Chiquitos in Bolivia, the semisedentary
CHAPTER indigenous population was nearly twenty-five thousand at their height on
the eve o f thejesuit expulsion in 1766. Similarly, the Franciscan missions
Daily Life among the semisedentary Guarani-speaking Chiriguanos in southeastern
Bolivia housed an estimated twenty-five thousand at the apogee o f their
mission System in 18io .2The Guarani mission Indian population along the
Paranà and Uruguay Rivers, nevertheless, fluctuated widely during the
eighteenth century (see Figure 5 on the evolution o f the mission Indian
population, 1641-1803). After 1732, the peak year, the mission population
reached its lowest figure, 73,910, in 1740.TI1ÌS represented a massive loss o f
more than 67,000 inhabitants or 47.7 percent o f the total mission Indian
population in only eight years. By 1750, however, the total had recovered
how d i d t h e Jesuits manage to control and exert influence over more
to approximately 91,000.3 Five years later, the population grew to 104,483
than one hundred thousand indigenous people in the reductions? To what inhabitants.4 The increase in the indigenous population during certain
extent could the Guarani shape their own world and retain some o f their years suggests that the population grew naturally, extensive migration
traditional lifeways? To address these questions, one must assess how occurred, or that the missionaries successfully recruited many Guarani and
power was exercised by whom, over whom, and with what consequences other indigenous groups from the forest. The Jesuits also practiced irriga-
during the early eighteenth century, and how the Guarani carne to accept tion, diversified crops, used lime to nourish acidic soils, and occupied
or reject a new lifeway and distinctive patterns o f labor in permanent lands suitable for cattle grazing, even in dry periods, which allowed them
urban settlements. Such analysis explains much about daily life in the to support such sizable populations.5 In other years, serious epidemics
reductions, particularly the cultural conflicts, continuities, and changes in devastated the towns. Jesuit censuses indicate, for example, that 18,733
the politicai, economie, and social roles o f the Guarani in the mission Sys­ Guarani died in the thirty reductions on the Paranà and Uruguay Rivers
tem, as well as their gender relations. in 1733. O f this sum, 5,840 were adults and 12,933 were infants. A total o f
The Jesuits were agents o f cultural change who employed a variety o f 126,389 Guarani resided in these missions that year.6The number ofdeaths
strategies to reshape Guarani behavior. Along with the Spanish colonial in 1741 was substantially lower; only 3,067 Guarani died in the thirty
state, these missionaries were important influences in the everyday lives o f towns. O f these, 798 were adults and 2,269 were infants.7The Guarani suc-
the Guarani. We must not lose sight, however, that the Guarani themselves cumbed to European diseases even though they lived in the missions
displayed a degree o f autonomy under Spanish rule. Some avoided, de- under the care o f the Jesuits.8 Because o f concentrated native populations
flected, and manipulated engagements with the missionaries in their com- in more dense urban settings, diseases could spread quickly from one
munities. Most, however, adapted to town life and became active partici- household to another.
pants, along with the Jesuits, in the development o f a new hybrid culture. Marriage patterns appear to have been endogamous. According to the
Governed largely by their own leaders, caciques and cabildantes, and to an Jesuit census o f 1702, 1,564 couples married in the reductions.9 In 1733,
extent by their own traditional patterns o f work, these indigenous people near the peak o f the mission population, some 2,516 pairs were joined in
collaborated with the Jesuits to build some o f the largest and most pros- marriage.10 Prior to the celebration o f a marriage, a Guarani bride offered
perous missionary complexes in the N ew World. her groom a gift o f a hollow gourd, which later she would use to bring
water from the river. The groom in turn presented his bride with a piece
o f wood for the campfire that the couple kept lit in their houses or huts.
D em ographic Patterns
Jesuit censuses reveal some Guarani attitudes toward marriage. They sug-
By thè early eighteenth century, thejesuit reductions ofth e Paranà and gest that many Guarani couples conformed to Christian ideals by cele-
Uruguay Rivers far exceeded the populations o f other missions in Spanish brating their marriage in a church ceremony. The Jesuits, accordingly,
 Daily Life 55

accepted thè naturai coupling o f young Guarani men and women, since

C ol. Angelis, BNRJ, 1-29,5,42; A G N IX 18-8-5; ARSI, Roll 156, Paraquarie 13; Ernesto J.A. Maeder, Las misiones de Guaranies:
Figure 5. Evolution o f thè Jesuit Mission Indian Population, 1641-1803 (Data from M G 17050; M G 985; M G 5 7 i;M G 1664;
thè mission Indians married at an early age, fourteen or fifteen for young
women and sixteen or seventeen for m en.11 Had thè Guarani married in
their mid- to late twenties, as was common in Western European marriage
patterns during thè eighteenth century, then one could assume that thè
Jesuits had substantially altered Guarani marriage patterns and social rela-
tions. B y encouraging marriage at an early age, when thè Guarani reached
an age o f sexual maturity, thè missionaries would not have to be so con-
cerned about prenuptial pregnancies. The Jesuits could also better control
thè Guaranies’ sexual behavior, which tended to be much freer than in

Historia demogràfica y conflictos con la sociedad colonial, 1641-1807. Madrid: M APFRE, 1992, p. 51)
Western European societies.
O Following marriage, thè Spanish Crown imposed a policy o f patri-
rv
locality in thè reductions, meaning that all newly married Guarani couples
were required to live among thè relatives o f thè groom, rather than among
those o f thè bride. If thè husband became a fugitive, however, thè wife and
her children were expected to reside either in his mission or among her
own relatives in thè town o f her birth. Alfaro’s ordinances allowed single
women with children to reside in thè town o f their birth until marriage.12
Since individuai marriage records from individuai reductions have not
been preserved, it is unclear whether thè Guarani lived up to this policy,
which tended to reinforce male dominance in society. Nonetheless, it
o
_o illustrates how thè crown and thè Jesuit missionary enterprise could bring
IV
considerable upheaval and reconstruction to native society.
As might be expected, infant and child mortality rates were extremely
high. Infant mortality rates varied from one mission to another, although
thè reasons for these regional variations are unclear. At Mission Santa Rosa
south o f thè Tebicuary River, for example, which had thè highest rate o f
all thè missions, thè infant mortality rate was 781.5 per one thousand.This
means that more than three quarters o f all thè infants who were bora
there soon died. At San Miguel east o f thè Uruguay River, by contrast,
which had thè lowest infant mortality rate, thè rate was 471.9 per one
o thousand.13 We have no comparable figures for thè neighboring Spanish
LO
vO towns. However, this lowest rate was substantially higher than thè infant
mortality rates that are available for Western Europe during thè same
period.14The value o f this comparison, o f course, is limited because thè
i i i i i i i i i i i i i i r
O 0 environmental and historical contexts were so distinct. A comparison with
150,000

§
0 8 8 0
0
0
0
(N 8 0 0
ro thè demographic patterns in Alta California for thè same period is also not
-J3
particularly valuable because thè California missions were established
suBjpuj uojssi^j p J3qujn|\|
among small numbers o f hunters and gatherers. Equally important, thè
data is not comparable. We do not have complete parish registers for any
o f thè missions in Paraguay during thè Jesuit period. The Jesuits only
56 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Daily Life 57

noted thè total number o f Indian souls (almas), infants, adults, widows, mother’s milk, ashes o f earthworms, drops o f donkey blood, deer’s horns
widowers, and families, as well as thè number o f confessions, marriages, and teeth, garlic, parsley, radishes, fish oil, toad powder, celery seeds, eggs,
and baptisms they performed, along with thè number o f deaths o f infants goat’s milk, and goat’s liver.21 The missionaries’ willingness to use plants
and adults that occurred at every reduction on an annual basis.15 indicates that thè Jesuits borrowed elements from thè native culture. Their
The Jesuit missionaries attempted to save lives, nevertheless, by having use o f native herbs for medicinal purposes also suggests that thè mission­
thè Guarani build separate infirmaries for men and women and yet aries displayed a certain respect for thè vast knowledge o f thè Guarani o f
another infirmary for women who were pregnant and about to give medicinal plants. Some o f thè Jesuit remedies, however, were probably
birth.16 Ideally, thè Jesuits had thè Indians construct these infirmaries out- harmful to thè patient, causing further infections and possibly death,
side thè missions, but a few were built near thè main plaza. The Jesuits also although most seemed harmless. The missionaries’ intention, o f course,
instructed thè Guarani to build many temporary, individuai huts, called was to relieve thè suffering o f Guarani men and women under their care
teyupas, for those they suspected might have a headache or who displayed and guidance.
other early warning signs o f a disease. This way, those Guarani who were
coming down with an illness were isolated from their families and other
P oliticai O rg a n iza tio n
members o f thè community. During epidemics, thè missionaries also
asked those individuals who had recovered from a previous illness to care A common stereotype o f thè Jesuit missions in Paraguay is one o f an
for those who were sick. Evidently, thè Jesuits knew that certain Indians extreme autocratic regime.22 Charles A. Washburn, a nineteenth-century
had built up immunities that might prevent them from fading ili again. U.S. diplomat to Paraguay, in his two-volume work, The History of Paraguay
The voluntary nurses usually fed thè sick a special diet o f squash (1871), describes as absolute thè power o f thè Jesuits within thè reductions.
(andai), barley, and other vegetables instead o f thè usuai meat, manioc, and Jesuit influence, he asserts, went far beyond thè confines o f thè mission
mbeyu (manioc pancakes). The Jesuits sometimes administered a native territory and could be felt throughout thè country. He associates thè Jesuit
herbal remedy, called aguaraibay, which thè Guarani used in bathing to regime with thè rise o f dictatorships in nineteenth-century Paraguay. The
heal sores on their bodies.The missionaries also burned this native plant only difference, he points out, is that power under thè Jesuits rested in a
inside thè hospital, believing that thè smoke stopped thè spread o f disease hierarchy, rather than being wielded by a single individuai.23 The rise o f
by purifying thè buildings.The clothes o f those who fell ili and recuper- dictatorships in thè national period, o f course, is much more complex than
ated were also burned, and these people were given a new set o f clothes Washburn’s anti-Jesuit critique. He obviously exaggerates their influence,
before returning home.17 All o f these protective measures may have helped since most o f thè Jesuit missions were not even located within thè terri-
prevent thè spread o f disease in thè Jesuit missions.18 torial boundaries ofm odern Paraguay. William Henry Koebel in his pop-
At each mission, there were at least four to eight curuzuyà (indigenous ular account o f thè missions, In Jesuit Land: The Jesuit Missions of Paraguay
medicai practitioners, or literally those that carry crosses), nurses, and (1912), depicts thè Guarani as “ gentle, helpless creatures,” who lived in a
curanàeros (medicine men, or healers) who relied on their traditional herbal state o f tutelage under thè Jesuits.24 R. B. Cunninghame Graham similarly
remedies to cure thè sick. These practitioners consulted with thè mission­ views thè Jesuits as all powerful in his book, A Vanished Arcadia: Being Some
aries, who served as physicians and had access to medicai books in thè Account of thè Jesuits in Paraguay, 1650-1767 (1924)- He notes that even
mission libraries.19 Unfortunately, moreover, no major medicai advances though thè appearance o f thè administration o f thè missions was “ demo-
took place in eighteenth-century Europe that thè missionaries could have cratic,” thè Jesuits named all members o f thè cabildo. He neglects thè roles
introduced to lower thè high infant mortality rate. European medicine o f caciques in thè governance o f thè missions, who tended to cooperate
proved to be as ineffective as some o f thè native remedies.20Jesuit Father with thè cabildantes and thè missionaries. An authoritarian view tends to
Sigismundo Asperger, for example, recommended thè consumption o f a prevail in some recent studies. British geographer John Hemming in his
medicinal powder made from a native herb, yerba de Santa Maria (man- work Red Gold: The Conquest of thè Brazilian Indians, 1500—1760 (1978)
zanilla), mixed with rabbit fur, honey, and flour for thè treatment o f a bro- asserts that thè Jesuits were thè “ absolute masters o f these missions.” 25
ken arm or skull. Other ingredients in his various concoctions included Similarly, American historian John F. Schwaller claims that “ thè mission-
58 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Daily Life 59

aries controlled all aspects o f life, directly or indirectly.”26 Schwaller, how- thè same indigenous surname remained in 1801.32 These included thè
ever, carefully points out that power was shared by thè Jesuits, cabildantes, chiefdoms o f Yacaré, Cheracu, Guaibaiyu, Arayeyu, Yaipà, Mbocarerà,
and caciques in thè reductions. Aguaney, Zesaca, Quandarey, Moboatà, and Parobi, among others. Many
In thè last two decades, scholars, especially ethnohistorians, anthropol- caciques, however, had fled from thè missions, leaving their chiefdoms in
ogists, and archaeologists, have begun to explore how Amerindians, their thè hands o f other Guarani.33 These elites sought refuge in Spanish and
native culture, and locai conditions shaped life in thè N ew World follow- Portuguese towns because, like Indian commoners, they too were subject
ing European contact. Through mining thè archivai and archaeological to compulsory labor demands in thè missions and were equally drawn by
evidence and by using an ethnohistorical approach, they reveal how economie opportunities elsewhere. Guarani caciques had more privileges
native cultures tempered thè encounter between Europeans and Amer­ than commoners, but probably fled periodically from thè missions to
indians. This study builds on these recent trends in order to assess thè avoid epidemics or join other relatives that had already abandoned or
significance o f thè collaboration o f thè caciques and cabildantes in thè refused to enter thè reductions.
governance o f thè missions. Unfortunately, thè scanty nature o f thè his- The Jesuits expanded on thè Guarani politicai structure by introducing
torical record, especially thè loss o f most cabildo records from thè Jesuit thè Spanish concept o f thè municipality in thè form o f an Indian cabildo
period, makes it extremely difficult to learn about thè level o f operation at each mission, in accordance to thè Ordinances o f Alfaro. The cabildo
o f Guarani cabildos and how these native people used this Spanish insti- was headed by a cacique who became thè corregidor. He was thè primary
tution to negotiate with thè Jesuits and Spanish authorities on a daily offìcer o f thè town council, who was responsible for thè recruitment o f
basis. native labor. Only men occupied positions in thè town councils, which
To make thè missions function properly and prosper economically, thè reinforced male dominance in mission society. Representing thereby a
Jesuits utilized thè politicai, social, and economie structures in Guarani form o f indirect rule, these councils formed part o f thè basic administra-
society to ensure continuity and stability. For instance, they maintained tive structure o f thè Spanish Empire. The cabildos were at thè bottom o f
Indian chiefdoms, or cacicazgos. Guarani warriors and village elders stili thè hierarchy, under thè jurisdictions o f thè provincial governments o f
selected their caciques for their bravery, knowledge, and speaking ability. Paraguay until thè Comunero Revolt (1721-35) and thè Rio de la Piata,
The Jesuits, however, made these hereditàry chiefdoms. Certain traditional as well as thè Audiencias o f Charcas and Buenos Aires and thè Viceroyalty
families, such as thè Neengiru, retained their influence throughout thè o f Perù.34They fell under thè jurisdiction o f thè Viceroyalty o f thè Rio de
colonial period.27 Each cacicazgo usually comprised between twenty and la Piata when it was created in 1776.
thirty families.28 Caciques, including those who were cabildantes, and Certain basic activities were fundamental to thè operation o f thè
their wives were given thè titles o f “ don” and “ dona.” These patterns o f cabildo. These included appointing offìcials, recording finances, maintain-
“ don” usage illustrate thè importance o f their social status in mission soci­ ing an archive, and constructing a municipal building (casa de cabildo) for
ety. These Guarani élites, however, never led sumptuous lifestyles like a meetings. The Jesuits in charge o f each mission named two or three can-
fortunate few Peruvian kurakas (chiefs) and Mexican caciques who some- didates, usually those chiefs who were thè most favored and thè most
times owned fine houses in Spanish cities and managed their affairs as acculturated, to occupy positions o f authority in thè missions.The Jesuits’
though they were absentee landlords or hacendados.29 The absence o f recommendations for thè high office o f corregidor were confirmed later
Guarani wills suggests that perhaps they did not accumulate much wealth by either thè governor o f Buenos Aires or thè governor o f Asunción,
in comparison to their counterparts in Mesoamerica and Perù. depending on thè missions politicai jurisdiction. The missionaries also
There was some continuity in thè chiefdoms under thè Jesuits because selected other cabildo offìceholders, including a lieutenant corregidor
many endured into thè early nineteenth century, unlike those o f thè Maya (second highest councilman who assisted thè corregidor in carrying out
in Yucatàn, for example.30 This can be observed in thè few remaining his duties) two alcaldes ordinarios (municipal magistrates), four regidores (sec-
parish records available and thè mission censuses for Corpus Christi and ondary offìcers), one alferez reai (a lower ranking military offìcer), two
Santa Rosa. O f forty-six cacicazgos at Corpus Christi in 1759, forty-two alguaciles (constables), a mayordomo (steward), and a secretary. As thè posi­
o f thè same chiefdoms existed eighteen years later.31 O f approximately tions descended in rank toward thè lowest levels o f offìceholding, thè
twenty-three cacicazgos at Santa Rosa in thè 175OS, twenty chiefdoms by scope and range o f their duties and authority narrowed.35The members o f
 Daily Life 61

thè cabildo named thè sacristans, military captains, thè Indians in charge
o f thè warehouses, and those who watched over thè women and children
in thè coty guazu (shelter, or big house).36 N o cabildantes, military officers,

Map 5. Guarani Map o f Missions Santos Reyes de Yapeyu, La Cruz, Santo Tomé, and San Francisco de Borj
musicians, or artisans received a salary, although cabildantes carried a cane
o f office as a Symbol o f their authority. The cane o f thè corregidor was
silver-tipped, unlike that o f thè other officeholders.
The cabildo had to provide thè locai community with thè public Serv­
ices and regulation necessary for thè maintenance o f an orderly society.
Cabildantes heard grievances, meted out punishment after Consulting with
thè priests, and scrutinized other Indians’ behavior to ensure that they put
in a full measure o f work. The Jesuits oversaw thè division o f labor, thè
planting schedules, thè mission school, and thè training o f thè militia. In
thè event a cabildante failed to perform his duties, was abusive, or was cor-
rupt, this individuai could be removed from office by thè Jesuits or de-
posed by his own people. If a dispute arose, thè Jesuits acted as thè fmal
arbitrator.The Guarani cabildantes and caciques, however, appealed to thè

1784 (Courtesy o f thè Archivo General de la N ación, Buenos Aires)

Jesuit superior at thè mission capitai o f Candelaria to resolve more serious
conflicts and disagreements. The cabildantes utilized thè cabildo as a
means o f negotiating with thè Spanish through thè writing o f petitions.
One o f thè cabildo’s functions, for example, was land regulation. If a dis­
pute over land ownership with thè Spaniards arose, thè Jesuits, along with
members o f thè cabildo, attempted to settle these disagreements. Some
cabildantes, for example, drew maps o f their missions’ landholdings to sub-
stantiate their claims. Map 5 is a reproduction o f a Guarani map o f mis­
sions Santos Reyes de Yapeyu, Nuestra Senora de la Cruz y Bororé, San
Borja, and Santo Tomé. This map became a document for litigation in
colonial courts. It serves as evidence that thè Guarani challenged Spanish
power and defended their community interests using thè European tradi-
tion o f mapmaking, which represents a unique cultural adaptation.37

E conom ie O rg a n iza tio n and A lteration s

in thè D iv isio n o f L abor

The missions’ economie activities were devoted to agriculture, cattle

raising, and artisanal production. The mission complexes were economi-
cally successful by thè standards o f thè eighteenth century, since they
proved capable o f supporting such sizable populations in relative prosper-
ity. The missions had extensive herds o f beef cattle, sheep, oxen, horses,
goats, mules, and burros.The production o f cotton was another important
economie activity, since thè Guarani spun and wove their own clothing.
By 1742, five or six reductions already had established their own yerba
62 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Daily Life 63

maté plantations nearby. Within twenty years, nearly all thè reductions had pared meals, did domestic chores, and cared for thè children. In thè reduc­
their own yerba maté plantations.38 Nonetheless, there were occasions in tions, they were also required to make a certain quantity o f cotton thread,
which thè economies suffered, especially during troubled times, such as thè which thè male artisans used to make cloth using large wooden looms in
Comunero Revolt o f 17 2 1 -3 5 .The Guarani became hungry and slaugh- thè workshops.The Guarani women then took thè cloth and sewed cloth-
tered thè cattle to satisfy their appetites. As estate managers, thè Jesuits ing for themselves and for members o f their families. Like thè women,
strove for developing self-sufficient communities. Generally, they achieved mission Indian men planted, cultivated, and harvested a variety o f different
their goals because food did not need to be imported. Exterior commer­ crops, in addition to performing their traditional activities, such as clear­
cial relations were a secondary goal. Through thè export o f yerba maté, ing thè fìelds, hunting, and fishing. Although thè Europeans introduced
cloth, candle wicks, and other items, thè Jesuits raised capitai for thè pay- some new plants, such as wheat, they did not dispiace indigenous crops in
ment o f debts, tributes for males between ages eighteen and fifty, and thè thè agricultural System. The Guarani men and women continued to plant
purchase o f church ornaments and other goods not readily available in thè and prepare their traditional foods: corn, squash, sweet potatoes, and man-
reductions. A few reductions specialized in a particular trade. Missions ioc, especially mbeyu, chipà (manioc bread), and cangui (corn beer).43The
Loreto and Santa Maria la Mayor, for example, had printing presses and men, however, most likely resented doing “ women’s w ork” in thè fìelds.
published books under thè direction o f thè missionaries. Planting, weeding, and harvesting were normally wom en’s tasks in pre­
The Jesuits required thè vast majority o f men to work as farmers and contact indigenous societies. The Jesuits’ depictions o f them as “ lazy” per­
day laborers, rather than hunters and warriors. Men, women, and children haps was a sign o f their resistance to this change in gender roles.44 Guarani
worked as horticulturists on plots o f land that belonged to their families alcaldes also did not always obey thè missionaries. They overlooked those
and were called abambaé (man’s possession), and also on communal lands, persons who did not want to work in thè fìelds, especially their own rel­
called Tupambaé (God’s possession), used to feed thè orphans, widows, w i- atives and friends. They helped some Guarani to hide from thè priests,
dowers, thè disabled, women in thè coty guazu and thè sick.39The Jesuits w ho often assumed thè police role to ensure that thè mission Indians fed
utilized thè pre-Columbian agricultural pattern o f communal landhold- their own families and provided for thè community.45
ing, although they introduced thè concept o f private property in thè form The Jesuits introduced new agricultural technology to thè Guarani in
o f individuai family plots.40 N o one, including caciques and cabildantes, thè form o f iron plows, hoes, shovels, wedges, hatchets, and knives, all to
was exempt from providing agricultural labor, except perhaps some arti- increase production. The Jesuits also provided each Guarani farmer with
sans, thè disabled, a few elderly, and females without relatives in thè coty one or two teams o f oxen during thè month o f June. The missionaries,
guazu. however, often had difficulties getting thè Guarani men to use oxen to
The Guarani began their day at dawn. After attending Mass, thè plow their fìelds.The Indians, thè missionaries complained, killed thè oxen
Guarani worked in thè fìelds until noon. Then, following lunch, they they were working and used thè wooden handles o f plows as fìrewood.46
rested for a few hours before returning to work. In thè late afternoon, thè The Guarani were selective in their acceptance o f new metal tools intro­
missionaries gathered them together again at thè church to say their after­ duced to them by thè Europeans. Even though thè Guarani may have
noon prayers, recite their catechism, and say thè rosary. After receiving favored metal objects, they never entirely abandoned their use o f lithic
their rations, they then retired to their homes for thè evening. During thè implements for certain purposes. Indeed, thè material culture o f thè
growing season, June through December, Guarani farmers worked their Guarani as uncovered by archaeologists at thè mission sites o f Candelaria,
family plots four days a week,Tuesdays through Fridays. On Mondays and San Lorenzo, and Trinidad suggests that these European iron tools, certain
Saturdays, they worked on thè communal lands. During thè remaining types o f ceramics produced in workshops, and ornaments were utilized in
months o f thè year, January through May, Guarani men worked in thè col- addition to, rather than a replacement of, aboriginal items.
lection and processing o f yerba maté, herding o f cattle, thè manufacturing Guarani adult males extracted from thè forest large quantities o f yerba
o f canoes, ceramic tiles, and bricks, and building construction.41 maté, their favorite beverage and thè missions’ major export item. Groups
There were changes as well as continuities in thè gendered division o f o f Guarani, accompanied by wagons pulled by oxen and carrying food and
labor.42Women, however, were not displaced from their traditional house- supplies, traveled to Maracayu, northeast o f Asunción, and other places
hold work and agricultural labor. They planted and harvested crops, pre- several hundred miles from thè missions.There they cut thè small branches
Ó4 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN
Daily Life 65

o f thè yerba maté tree, toasted them over a hot fire, and then ground thè head o fb e e f cattle, 5,700 oxen, 46,118 sheep, 6,977 horses, 3,257 mules,
leaves and stems, not too fine like flour, but more like tea. The Guarani 295 burros, and 39 goats.51 Nearby Mission Santo Tomé also had numer-
stored thè Paraguayan tea in large leather bags and transported it by boat ous cattle, including 40,000 sheep.52 Although Guarani “ cowboys” rode
or wagon to thè Spanish town o f either Santa Fe or Buenos Aires, where horses to round up thè livestock, these agricultural people never developed
two Jesuit procuradores stored thè tea in warehouses until it was sold.47 a horse culture as a strategy for survival like thè nonsedentary Guay-
Returning to thè reductions, thè sailors received distributions o f clothing, curuans o f thè Chaco and thè Araucanians (Mapuche) o f Chile.
rather than wages, as compensation. W ith thè introduction o f beef cattle, thè Guarani diet changed. The
The missions sold 12,000 arrobas o f yerba maté (304,200 pounds; 1 archaeological evidence, however, indicates that thè Guarani continued to
arroba is equivalent to 25.35 pounds) annually to Santa Fe and Buenos hunt small game even though they depended on rations o fb e e f and grew
Aires, where some o f thè yerba maté was shipped overland in wagons to a variety o f their traditional crops on their lands.53 Guarani consumption
Chile and Perù.The Guarani, however, gathered much larger quantities o f o f beef, nonetheless, caused health problems, such as parasites, that often
yerba maté than what was exported from thè missions to pay their annual were fatai, because they usually ate their rations o fb e e f nearly raw.54The
tributes because they themselves consumed great quantities o f thè raising o f cattle may also have been disruptive, since thè cattle could in­
Paraguayan tea. According to one report, covering thè years 1715 to 1736, vade their fields. However, by thè mid-eighteenth century, thè landhold-
thè Guarani from thè Jesuit missions sometimes collected between 16,000 ings o f thè missions were rather extensive (see Map 6).
and 18,000 arrobas o f caàmim (finely ground Paraguayan tea) and between Even though thè king o f Spain had prohibited thè Spanish from remov-
25,000 and 26,000 arrobas o f yerba de palos (yerba maté ofinferior quality, ing Indians from thè reductions to work on neighboring ranches and in
containing small stems).48 Sometimes thè Guarani took a nurse or a curan- Asunción and other Spanish towns, or allowing thè Indians to travel off thè
dero with them to attend to thè workers who became ili while harvesting missions without thè written permission o f thè Spanish governor, several
thè yerba maté.49Traveling hundreds o f miles to extract yerba maté from thousand Guarani migrated on their own from thè Jesuit missions during
thè forest, thè Indians were exposed to all kinds o f dangers, including thè early eighteenth century.55 In thè pampas near Buenos Aires, they
snakebitesjaguar attacks, slave hunters, and disease.The collection o f yerba found work as agricultural laborers or farmers. Most found employment as
maté itself was demanding work because thè Guarani had to carry from ranch hands and received a monthly salary o f 6 or 7 pesos. A few earned as
150 to 225 pounds o f yerba maté (between 6 and 9 arrobas) in one or two much as 8 pesos per month, including thè cost o f their meals. Most, how­
leather sacks on their backs before loading them onto wagons or boats. ever, received their salaries in kind, rather than in silver. After a few years,
The Jesuits’ eventual discovery o f how to cultivate this rather delicate some Guarani fugitives in thè pampas acquired oxen, beef cattle, and horses
plant probably resulted in fewer deaths because thè Guarani no longer with their earnings. There was so much open land, they grew crops and
needed to leave thè reductions. By thè mid-eighteenth century, several raised animals with little objection from thè locai ranchers. Perhaps they
missions had yerba maté fields, although some Guarani stili extracted thè purchased clothing, knives, hatchets, tobacco, yerba maté, alcohol, and
Paraguayan tea directly from thè forest.50 other items from thè locai pulperta (country store and tavern).56
Guarani men performed a variety o f other tasks. Guarani herders super- Once they left thè reductions, a few Guarani fugitives were appre-
vised thè cattle that thrived on thè ranches belonging to thè reductions. hended by Spanish authorities. For example, Luis (no last name cited)
We have no mission inventories for thè mid-seventeenth century, soon from Mission Itapua, approximately thirty years old, was arrested for steal-
after European domestic animals were introduced, but by thè time o f thè ing some merchandise (it is not clear what kind) belonging to a Don
Jesuit expulsion in 1767, thè thirty missions o f thè Paranà and Uruguay Joseph Zevallos in Corrientes.57 Cristóbal, another mission Indian work­
Rivers owned 698,353 head o fb e e f cattle. Mission Santo Reyes deYapeyu’s ing as a peon, killed a Guarani from thè Franciscan mission ofYuti in a
economy, unlike that o f other missions, was based predominantly on stock knife fight following a dispute over a Guarani woman. Cristóbal was sen-
raising instead o f yerba maté because it was situated on savannas. In thè tenced to two hundred public lashes, as was customary for thè Guarani
1690S, thè number o f beef cattle in this missions various ranches rose mission Indians w ho committed homicide. Because thè historical record
slightly from 70,436 head in 1690 to approximately 80,000 in 1694. By thè is quite fragmented, it is impossible to teli how many serious crimes thè
period o f thè expulsion, Mission Santos Reyes de Yapeyu owned 56,979 Guarani committed during thè Jesuit period.58
 66 THE IN V A S I O N FROM WITHIN
Daily Life 67

tremely difficult to estimate thè numbers o f Guarani who decided to

reside permanently in newly founded villages in more remote areas o f thè
Rio de la Piata or those who joined neighboring indigenous tribes.
Guarani flight was a means to escape social constraints in thè missions.
Several caciques from Mission Candelaria, for example, regularly aban-
doned their community because they were punished for being thieves and
reboltosos (troublemakers). Spanish officials suspended Vizente Tiribe, thè
lieutenant corregidor o f Apóstoles, from his job because he was at Can­
delaria along with other Guarani for more than six months and neglected
his duties. Many other Guarani left their towns and went to other mis­
sions, which, according to Spanish officials, caused notable harm to thè
mission economies; these individuals did not work in thè communal fields
or on their own private plots o f land.59 Many also apparently wanted to be
free-wage earners. In 1744, several fugitives, individuai as well as entire
families, appear in a census o f thè Province o f Buenos Aires. In thè district
o f Matanzas, Faustino, thirty years o f age and from thè mission o f San
Ignacio, was married to Paula, a twenty-eight-year-old from thè same
town who had a two-year-old daughter named Sisilia. They lived on a
ranch belonging to Pedro Morales.60
It is not always clear whether thè Guarani listed in thè Spanish censuses
were from thè Jesuit missions or from those founded by thè Franciscans in
centrai Paraguay. Some were listed simply as Indio Guarani, Indio Tape, or
Indio del Paraguay. Several, however, were listed as Indios misioneros (Indians
from thè missions), most likely referring to those from thè Jesuit missions.
The family o f Graviel is one example. Graviel, a forty-year-old who was
married to Margarita, aged twenty-five, from thè same town worked with
Pablo, twenty-eight; Juan, twenty-two; Juan’s wife, Petrona, thirty; and
their four-year-old daughter, Jacinta. All carne from thè missions.The men
worked as peons on thè property o f D on Juan Cavesas in Matanzas.61
Most migrants w ho resided near Buenos Aires were adult males
between thè ages o f twenty and forty. Some worked for thè Spaniards and
A.CCASTILLOCRIMM'97
creoles who rented property from thè Company o f Jesus. A few worked at
Map 6. Jesuit Mission Landholdings along thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers D uring
kilns designed for making bricks in thè district o f Arravales. Another one
thè M id-Eighteenth Century (Adapted from Guillermo Furlong Cardiff, Misiones
y sus pueblos de Guaranies, Buenos Aires: Imprenta Balmes, 1962) named Joseph worked as a servant in thè residence o f thè Jesuits, located
in what is today thè neighborhood o f San Telmo in Buenos Aires. Joseph
probably was not a fugitive from thè missions but was brought to thè city
The Guarani fugitives probably preferred living outside thè missions, by thè missionaries.62 N ot all migrants were men.Two women, Magdalena
away from thè eyes and thè rigid control o f thè missionaries. Many and Martina, Indias misioneras, worked as agregadas (domestic servants) in
Guarani fled temporarily from their missions in response to Chaco Indian thè household o f Don Francisco Suero in thè district o f Barrancas. Other
raids, particularly from thè missions south o f thè Tebicuary River in Indian women from thè missions were described as chinas misioneras (Ch-
Paraguay, as well as to avoid epidemie disease. Unfortunately, it is ex- inese mission women), a typical phrase used in thè Rio de la Piata to refer
68 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Daily Life 69

to indigenous women during thè colonial era because o f their Oriental-

looking eyes.63
It is interesting to note that none o f thè Guarani and Tape Indians listed
in thè census maintained their indigenous last names. The census takers
may have simply dropped those names because they were difficult to pro-
nounce and speli. If they listed thè Guarani surnames, moreover, they may
have been required to return to thè missions. B y dropping their last
names, thè Guarani fugitives themselves may have eased acceptance
among thè Spanish.The loss o f their Guarani names may also suggest that
thè mission Indians lost a sense o f their cultural identity once they carne
into frequent contact with thè Spanish. Nevertheless, thè clustering o f
small numbers o f Guarani in certain districts, such as Matanzas, suggests
that they may have formed small ethnic enclaves, which helped to pre­
serve their sense o f identity.

G uarani A rtisa n s

To satisfy thè daily needs o f thè community and to make thè missions
more self-sufficient, thè Jesuits taught some Guarani highly skilled crafts
and required them to work at these activities regularly. The Guarani
acquired skills to work as blacksmiths, carpenters, tanners, rosary makers,
hatmakers, weavers, shoemakers, dyers, leather workers, sculptors (santo
apohavà, makers o f saints), woodcarvers, (retablo apohàva, those who carved
reliefs), makers o f musical instruments, painters, goldsmiths, silversmiths,
printers, embroiderers, lacemakers, and potters.64 Nearly half thè statues
carved by thè Guarani under thè supervision o f thè Jesuits were Catholic
saints and angels. Images o f Saint Joseph were common because he was
especially favored by thè Society o f Jesus and valued as a figure o f com-
passion. Images o f Jesus, thè Virgin Mary, and Saint Michael slaying thè
devii were also very common. According to Gauvin Alexander Bailey,
many images o f saints and angels carved by thè Guarani rank among “ thè
great Works o f world art.” 65
The Guarani, however, did not simply imitate European crafts but Figure 6. Guarani Sculpture o f Infant Jesus Asleep (Courtesy o f Museo de Arte
showed creativity in their own right on occasion. Some o f their saints and Hispanoamericano Isaac Fernàndez Bianco, Buenos Aires, no. 1397)
angels display a sense o f serenity and calmness that is different from much
Iberian and Latin American religious art.66The Guarani artisans, in addi- Guarani artwork o f thè Infant Jesus asleep. The relaxed pose suggests that
tion, incorporated thè European baroque style with native images such as thè Guarani artist displayed a high degree o f sensitivity to human expres-
birds, mburucuyà (passion fruit) flowers, papaya leaves, and thè caraguatà sion.The base o f this sculpture incorporates elements from thè Old World
plant (a kind o f wild pineapple). One statue from thè Mission San Cosme and thè New, such as depictions o f birds, a snake, a cow, and Guarani hunt-
and Damian has distinctive native elements: almond-shaped eyes and thè ing prey. This small statue does not at all resemble European religious art
features o f a Guarani woman. Figure 6 is a photograph o f Hispanic- during that same period. Although most Hispanic-Guarani baroque art-
 70 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Daily Life 71

work is anonymous, a number o f Guarani musicians became well known ordered by thè missionaries, thè mission Indians first paid their annual
in thè Rio de la Piata. Inacio Paica, for example, knew how to make and tributes, then brought back goods imported from Spain, such as iron tools,
play bugles and trumpets; he also made astronomical spheres. Gabriel knives, swords, rifles, gunpowder, religious ornaments, oil paints, silver and
Quiri, a Guarani musician from thè mission o f Santo Tome, invented new gold for thè jewelry makers, and silk and other fine cloth for thè cabil-
types o f organs and repaired old ones. He also made a copy o f an astro­ dantes’ clothes, as well as for thè uniforms o f thè military officers, chiefs,
nomical clock with such fine workmanship that thè Jesuits thought it was musicians, and other Indians “ o f some distinction.” 72They also purchased
manufactured in Europe.67The Guarani, however, went far beyond repro- glass beads, which thè Guarani highly valued for their rituals and thè mis­
ducing European art and crafts to create a hybrid form — some o f thè most sionaries could use to reward certain Indians for their labor.73The Guarani
delightful baroque art in thè N ew World. sailors usually only made this trip once a year. W hen not traveling, thè
Artisans had more social status than most native commoners. Abarey (an Guarani sailors made canoes and boats, repaired bridges, cleared roads, or
ordinary man or commoner) was thè term thè Guarani used for those worked in thè manufacturing o f ceramic tiles and bricks for thè con-
without a trade. Abà guaipi or abà m (men that were ordered around or struction and repair o f churches, houses, workshops, thè hospital, and thè
men without value) were other terms that were used to refer to individ­ mission school.74
u a i without a trade.68The artisans were “ better paid” than other Indians
in that they received more o f thè mission goods distributed for their daily
A ltera tio n s in P hysical Space
consumption. Besides toiling in thè workshops, however, most artisans stili
labored in thè fields, cultivating their crops.69 Under thè direction o f thè Jesuits, thè Guarani built their reductions
All thè specialized trades were done by men. Pottery now was around a centrai plaza similar to other Hispanic towns throughout thè
redefmed as a masculine job, perhaps because thè Jesuits introduced thè N ew World. The missions usually were built on elevated lands, which had
pottery wheel, which required training and demanded that potters work access to riverine resources and woodlands. Raised areas or hilltops served
more intensively in workshops, which, in turn, were strictly male domains a strategie function because they could be more easily defended and be
in thè missions. Ethnographic studies in many parts o f thè world indicate used as outlooks to observe any approaching enemies. The church, thè
that men are thè primary potters in workshop industries, and females are largest and most imposing structure in every mission, always faced a large
typically thè major pottery producers in domestic spheres.The Jesuit mis­ rectangular churchyard. A belfry stood alongside thè church or was con-
sions in Paraguay in this respect followed thè worldwide pattern. Guarani structed in thè main plaza. Some church buildings constructed by thè
women stili made pottery for their domestic use.70The emergence o f craft Guarani had as many as five naves. The church at Mission Santissma
specialization was linked to thè ability o f thè mission society to produce Trinidad, for example, was a most impressive structure. Milanese architect
an agricultural surplus to support these nonagriculturist segments o f thè Father Gianbattista Primoli designed it soon after his arrivai in Paraguay
native population. in 1716. Its depictions o f Guarani musicians along thè walls o f thè church
Guarani mission Indian riverboat captains and sailors made trips to are a distinguishing feature. To construct this and other fine baroque
barter surplus goods produced in thè missions at thè port o f Las Conchas churches, Jesuits directed Guarani laborers who quarried rock, cut it into
on thè outskirts o f Buenos Aires or at Santa Fe on an annual basis. By for- squares, and transported thè red stone blocks to thè site where they built
bidding thè Guarani sailors to load and unload their goods at thè port o f thè church buildings, casas de cabildo, living quarters for thè priests, work­
Buenos Aires, thè Jesuits limited their contact with thè Spanish. These shops, storerooms, higher status Indian houses, and other buildings ar-
Guarani men encountered Spaniards, nevertheless, and were influenced by ranged around a plaza. Under thè careful guidance o f thè Jesuits, Guarani
their behavior. Like sailors everywhere, thè Guarani sailors got drunk, artisans carved reliefs, wood and stone religious statues o f saints used to
became belligerent, had knife fights over women, and sometimes landed in adorn thè main aitar and niches, as well as stone baptismal fonts and foun-
jail. Using their own sailing vessels to ship their goods, Guarani mission tains.The baroque sculptures o f God thè Creator, Jesus Christ, and all o f
Indians bartered yerba maté, cotton cloth, candlewicks, sugar, and ta­ thè saints served to make thè message o f Christianity more reai to thè
bacco.71 The sailors carried a list o f thè goods they transported in their indigenous people.75
native language, along with a list translated into Spanish by thè Jesuits. As Descriptions left by Jesuit missionaries, mission censuses, inventories,
 72 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Daily Life 73

and thè ruins o f thè missions themselves indicate that these complexes missionaries, however, had a different agenda. They restructured relations
were thè size o f large towns, with as many as six thousand inhabitants. A and physical space within thè missions with thè intention o f protecting
few missions, such as Santos Reyes de Yapeyu, Loreto, and San M iguel wom en’s honor and virginity, as well as their physical well-being. W ith
were comparable in size to thè Spanish town o f Asunción, which had a these objectives in mind, thè Jesuits created thè coty guazu.This enclosure
population o f 0,475 in 1761.76 Most inhabitants in Paraguay were concen- within thè mission complex was a place where women o f all ages could
trated within a 50-mile radius o f this town. As thè province’s capitai, it had retreat, temporarily or for many years. It was a dwelling where they could
an influential cabildo, which tended to be dominated by locai Spanish and enjoy a “ good” social standing in thè eyes o f thè missionaries. The Jesuits’
creole elites. Beyond this town were several villages, including Villarrica, main concern, however, was to prevent unattached women from fading
Pilar, and Curuguati. As late as 1803, some six thousand Guarani living in into “ temptation” and “ sinning in public.” 80 If thè husband o f an Indian
reductions administered by thè Franciscans provided forced labor to thè woman was expected to be away from thè mission for a long period o f
Spanish under thè encomienda.The dimensions o f thè more isolated Jesuit time, she entered this residence so as not to live alone and be unprotected.
missions and their populations also greatly exceeded those o f thè Indians’ In addition, those women whose husbands had abandoned them also
traditional villages, which usually had fewer than two hundred inhabi­ resided in thè coty guazu.
tants.77 Brazilian historical archaeologist Arno Alvarez Kern has uncovered The coty guazu also was intended for thè raising o f girls, orphans, and
some native influences in thè construction o f thè Jesuit missions among young Indian women until they were married. Some were placed there by
thè Guarani. He notes that thè gridiron pattern o f thè reductions was not missionaries against their wishes for having displayed “ scandalous” behav­
unlike some traditional Tupi-Guarani villages, which were also laid out in ior.81 Many women, especially widows, also moved there o f their own free
a rather uniform pattern. Most scholars, including Alvarez Kern, however, will, but primarily for economie reasons. In thè early eighteenth century,
concur that thè primary source o f inspiration for thè reductions was thè approximately 5 percent o f thè total mission population was composed o f
gridiron pattern o f Graeco-Roman cities, as specified by thè Laws o f thè widows. The census o f 1724 indicates that there were 6,860 widows and
Indies.78 345 widowers. According to thè 1747 Jesuit census, there were 5,068 w id­
The majority o f thè Guarani lived in straw-thatched huts made o f ows and 305 widowers. At San Ignacio Guazu, which had 2,247 inhabi­
wood, adobe, and bamboo, not in thè stone houses with tile roofs, pillars, tants, there were 201 widows and 14 widowers.82 The disparity between
and covered verandas commonly depicted in illustrations o f these sites. thè number o f widows and widowers suggests that there may have been a
The row o f houses that faced thè churchyard in each o f thè missions tendency for thè Jesuits to attract women, rather than men, to thè reduc­
belonged to thè Indian nobility, thè caciques and cabildantes and their tions.The coty guazu may have represented a safe haven for them. Guarani
families. Their residences, however, were not single-family dwellings, men, by contrast, may have migrated from thè reductions more frequently
according to recent archaeological findings. In this respect, Guarani cus- than women. Mortality rates o f males, more significanti^ may have been
toms tended to prevail, and thè Jesuits could not entirely impose their own substantially higher due to thè dangers thè Guarani were exposed to while
preference for an individuai nuclear family residing under a single roof. collecting yerba maté and serving in thè militias in thè interests o f thè
Many Guarani elites and commoners actually spent much o f their time crown. The disparity between widows and widowers may also partly be
outside in thè open air, because their homes always were full o f smoke and attributed to thè fact that women tend to live longer lives than men.
covered with soot from thè cooking fires burning inside.79 Extended Thus, usually two or three older women in thè coty guazu raised thè
Guarani families or multiple households, nevertheless, had to adapt to liv­ younger females and thè orphans. Indian women could not leave these
ing in more restricted quarters. shelters except during religious celebrations, and only when all thè resi-
Religious ideology affected how thè Guarani lived and their gender dents went together.They attended daily Mass and afternoon rosaries.The
relations in that wom en’s behavior was carefully controlled at nearly all Jesuits expected thè women to contribute to their economie well-being.
times. Before thè Jesuits arrived, Indian males had carefully observed thè Women spun cotton or wool thread, did sewing, and worked in thè fields.
behavior o f their wives, sisters, and daughters to ensure their well-being Every Wednesday, their skeins o f yarn or thread were weighed by an alcalde
and protect them from harm, especially during enemy raids.The Catholic to ensure that thè assigned amount o f wool or cotton had been spun by
 74 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Daily Life 75

fr in it o Ma-

Figure 8. Guarani Drawings, Including O ne o f a Bird (right), on C hurch-FloorTile

at Mission Santisima Trinidad

by thè early eighteenth century thè missions offered them a greater sense
Figure 7. Guarani Woman at Her SpinningW heel,W inding o ff thè Bobbin ofYarn o f security. Nevertheless, women saw more restrictions placed on their
from Her Spool into a Ball (Drawing by Jesuit Missionary, Father José Sànchez movements and behavior. Guarani women found themselves increasingly
Labrador. Courtesy o f Joseph D e C ock, S.J., Director, Archivum Romanum confined to a more rigid and narrowly defined “ woman’s domain.” This
Societatis Iesu, Rome)
extended beyond thè household to a public sphere in which European
and Indian men played virtually all thè significant politicai, religious, and
each woman.83 Figure 7 is a late-eighteenth-century Jesuit drawing o f one economie roles. Little is known about whether matrilocality persisted in
o f these women at her spinning wheel, winding off thè bobbin o f yarn thè missions, since marriage records have not been preserved. Possibly
from her spool into a ball.The stick she is using is called a notespindes. From when a couple married, they went to reside in or near thè household o f
thè handspun cloth, women made clothing for their families. thè husband and, less frequently, among thè w ife’s relatives.
Because so few Indian voices are heard in thè archivai documents, espe- Although thè Guarani greatly outnumbered thè two or three mission-
cially female voices, it is difficult to assess how thè Guarani felt about these aries at each reduction, thè Jesuits were influential figures in their daily
separate spheres and thè coty guazu. Some o f thè men from Mission Santo lives. Guarani drawings inscribed on thè wet clay floor tiles in thè main
Reyes de Yapeyu suspected that thè priests locked their women inside church o f Mission Trinidad, San Ignacio Mini, and San Joaquin illustrate
these enclosures, with thè intention o f giving them away to thè Spaniards thè apparent reaction o f these indigenous people to thè Jesuits and thè
at some point.84 It is also difficult to know whether thè quality o f gender missions (see Figure 8). A Guarani drawing suggests that thè church was an
relationships improved in thè missions. The historical evidence suggests important structure in thè Indians’ minds; it is thè only building in thè
that under thè Jesuits thè status o f women rose dramatically. In compari- mission complex that thè Indian potter drew. The church, with its bell
son to thè early contact period when native women had low social status tower, was also significant to those Indians who made similar drawings at
(sometimes they were taken captive or even exchanged for metal hard­ Mission San Joaquin.These motifs may reflect a certain pride thè Guarani
ware), Indian wom en’s lives probably improved under thè Jesuits because had in their fine baroque churches, which corroborates thè same feeling
76 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Daily Life 77

expressed in their texts. In contrast to one happy, smiling face o f an Indian owers. Indian women and girls carried wooden figures o f thè Virgin Mary
in a drawing from San Joaquin, thè drawings o f faces or profiles from and other saints to thè fìelds where they worked on their familial and
Trinidad were expressionless or rather somber. One Jesuit profile was thè common plots o f land.89 For those who worked far from thè towns, there
most detailed o f all thè drawings o f people. This reflects a certain curios- were small chapels on thè ranches belonging to thè missions.
ity about thè missionaries and indicates that thè missionaries were domi- Every day at dawn or even before sunrise, thè two or three Jesuits at
nant figures in their lives.85 each mission had thè church bells rung to wake thè Guarani for their
morning prayers. Guarani children beat little drums as they walked along
thè streets until they reached thè churchyard. In separate groups, boys and
Social C o n tro l
girls filed into thè church by thè side doors led by one or two elderly men
To influence thè Guaranies’ behavior and to make them more submis­ and women. On their knees on thè ground or in their pews, thè children
sive, thè Jesuits used various methods o f social control, including religion, said their daily prayers and repeated questions and answers according to
education, music, song, and dance; thè use o f rewards and corporal pun- their catechism. Once all thè children had finished reciting, they went
ishment; and military discipline. As thè Indians learned to read and write outside again.The priests then had thè main doors o f thè church opened
in thè mission schools, thè translation o f ideas o f thè dominant culture and rang thè bells, calling all thè Indians to attend Mass.The boys entered
into thè native language, particularly through thè Catholic catechism, was first. Men followed and sat next to thè boys.The girls then filed in and sat
a powerful force o f cultural domination. Catholic values and concepts behind thè boys, followed by thè Guarani women.Together they heard thè
were more easily transmitted through thè repetition o f sermons by Mass, either sung and accompanied by Indian musicians, or unsung with
caciques, as directed by thè Jesuits. By allowing thè Guarani to dance at prayers. O n religious holidays and Saturdays, thè Guarani choir sang Mass,
religious fiestas, thè Jesuits also made Catholicism more compatible with accompanied by seldom fewer than twenty-four Guarani musicians. They
traditional native culture. played violins, harps, organs, and other instruments that thè Guarani arti-
One reason thè religious festivals were an effective mechanism o f social sans manufactured themselves.90 O n special holidays, following thè Mass,
control is that they brought people out into thè main plazas and thè thè Guarani left thè church and then proceeded to walk around thè main
streets, where thè missionaries and cabildantes could scrutinize their plaza in procession. Guarani dancers dressed “ a la Espanda,” wearing for­
behavior. They also provided a respite from thè rules and constraints o f mai attire made o f imported silk, damask, velvet, and wool. Some wore
everyday mission life. Religious holidays interrupted thè normal weekly costumes o f angels.91
work routine; thè Guarani took three or four days preparing for thè pro- Dancing provided thè Indians with an outlet through which they could
cessions.86The Catholic missionaries celebrated numerous religious holi­ express their feelings about themselves and their society.92 By wearing fine
days. In addition to each town’s celebration o f its patron saint’s day, European-style clothing, dancing Spanish dances, and forgoing thè steps o f
thè missionaries and Guarani observed Christmas Day, Pasqua de Reyes their shamans, however, thè Guarani mission Indians expressed thè values
(Three Kings), Easter, Corpus Christi, Assumption, Annunciation, thè o f what was, by thè mid-eighteenth century, thè dominant culture. They
saints’ days o f Peter and Paul, and several others.87 During Holy Week, be- also created new traditions by making up dances to celebrate thè anniver-
tween Palm Sunday and Easter, many o f thè Guarani, even boys as young sary o f their victory over thè Paulistas at M bororé.They usually danced,
as six, flagellated themselves as a form o f religious discipline and as a dis­ however, to illustrate thè battles between thè Moors and thè Christians
play o f their devotion.88 and thè Indians and thè Christians.93 Although outwardly they accepted
Contemporary Jesuit accounts reflect how nearly all mission activities Catholicism, some Guarani maintained traditional native beliefs and prac-
done throughout thè day emphasized thè centrai role o f thè Catholic rit- tices, as suggested by small ceramic figurines uncovered at thè mission sites
ual in thè daily existence o f thè Guarani and thè Jesuits. Guarani men, o f Apóstoles and San Juan Bautista.These sacred objects possibly were tal-
women, and children attended Mass, afternoon rosaries, and confession, ismans or amulets from a shamans medicine bag, which are signs o f thè
according to gender. Groups o f male agricultural laborers carried with bonds o f thè Guarani mission Indians and thè spiritual world. These small
them a wooden statue o f one o f thè saints to thè familiar plots and com­ figures with half-human and half-animal features could easily be hidden
mon fìelds set aside to feed thè orphans, thè disabled, widows, and wid- from thè eyes o f thè missionaries.
 78 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Daily Life 79

The Jesuits used corporal punishment to influence and control thè with one day in jail and six or seven lashes for missing church; punishment
Indians’ conduct. The missionaries were primarily responsible for thè was issued more severely in cases ofintoxication.97The Jesuits’ need to use
severity o f thè punishments, although Guarani alcaldes administered thè force to compel some mission Indians to participate in church ceremonies
lashes.94Whippings on thè buttocks for adult males, females, and children suggests that not all thè Guarani readily embraced Catholic practices.98
alike were thè primary punishment for correcting misbehavior.95 The The missionaries justified thè severity o f their actions by claiming thè
Jesuits treated thè Guarani not as they would slaves, but more as a strict Guarani understood that they received beatings “ for their own good,” not
father would treat his own children or a schoolmaster would a classroom out o f any hatred for them. O ne father wrote that after being whipped,
ofpupils. Life for thè Guarani was never as oppressive as it was for African thè Guarani kissed thè priests’ hands and thanked them for giving them
slaves on a plantation in thè southern United States or in Latin America. understanding."
The mission Indians were never bought and sold by thè missionaries, their Perhaps more important than coercion were incentives and a System o f
family members were not usually separated, and thè Jesuits were never rewards. Caciques, along with a dozen Indians from each mission nomi-
known to take Indian women as their concubines. Nevertheless, thè nated by thè Jesuits, were exempt from tribute payment. Those male adults
Jesuits’ methods demeaned thè adult Indians because these were exem- w ho recently entered thè reductions also received a special exemption
plary punishments administered in front o f their peers in thè churchyard. from tribute payment for a period o f at least twenty years following their
The Jesuits also confined Guarani men in thè mission jail. It is unclear baptism. All male commoners between thè ages o f eighteen to fifty in thè
whether thè coty guazu served as female prisons. This obviously limited reductions, by contrast, were obligated to pay a tribute in thè amount o f
thè Indians’ sense o f freedom and hurt their independent spirit. 1 peso o f 8 reales o f silver each year to thè crown beginning in i668.This
Indian alcaldes patrolled thè streets to take anyone to thè mission jail was a common practice throughout Spanish America.100
who wandered around at night. Alcaldes frequently visited thè Indians’ Following thè morning Mass, thè Guarani who attended also received
lands, both their individuai family plots and thè communal lands, to see if their daily rations o f caàmim (fine quality yerba maté), salt, and tobacco
they had planted their fields.They informed thè missionaries if thè fields from thè priests at thè church door. The Guarani drank their yerba maté
were neglected.The Guarani cabildantes had an interest at stake in ensur- before leaving for work in thè fields or thè artisan workshops.The radon
ing an orderly society. If they performed their duties well, they could be was sufftcient to last until thè afternoon rosary, when thè priests distrib-
reappointed or promoted to a higher office within thè cabildo thè fol- uted another one.101 The rationing o f yerba maté immediately following
lowing January. These men obtained a certain amount o f prestige by serv- all thè daily religious Services served as an incentive for thè Indians to
ing thè Jesuits. They occupied thè houses made o f bricks, stones, and tile attend church.102 Through these rations, thè Guarani became dependent
closer to thè main plaza, rather than thè straw and wood huts o f thè com- on thè missionaries, who could then induce them to give up other aspects
moners far from thè churchyard. Their other privileges may have included o f their native culture and become more culturally Spanish.103The Jesuits,
more frequent distributions o f clothing for their families. Their relative in addition, rationed food, because thè Guarani were reluctant to store it.
autonomy, however, was jeopardized in that they depended on thè Jesuits The missionaries could not make them understand that it was necessary to
for thè approvai o f their actions. Nonetheless, these individuals could keep food for thè next day. According to thè Jesuits, thè Guarani did not
manipulate thè missionaries by fading to identify those friends and rela- worry at all about thè future.104 This was a common complaint o f mis­
tives whom they wanted to protect. sionaries in thè N ew World.
If thè mission Indians refused to work, they faced corporal punishment.
In i747,Jesuit Father José Cardiel, S.J., observed that one-fourth o f thè M issio n Schools
mission Indians worked in thè fields without any use o f corporal punish­
ment. These primarily included thè cabildantes, musicians, and artisans. In thè daily sphere, thè missionaries gained control over thè socializa-
The remaining three-quarters, however, now and then received a few tion o f children by controlling thè content o f their education, primarily
lashes.96 The number o f lashes thè Guarani received for minor offenses, teaching thè Indian boys Catholic religious doctrine, as well as reading,
such as missing Mass, is unclear. According to thè Recopilación, however, writing, and mathematics in their native language in mission schools. Like
which was in effect in thè missions, an alcalde could punish an Indian thè Franciscans, thè Jesuits paid special attention to thè sons o f thè elite,
 80 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Daily Life 81

knowing that they would become thè leaders o f thè next generation and that only Spanish be spoken. Charles III ordered that thè “ Indians be
could influence thè community.105 The missionaries accomplished this at taught thè dogmas o f our religion in Spanish, and that they be taught to
thè social cost o f depriving Indian parents o f some influence over their read and write in this language only . . . in order to improve administra-
own children.The parents, nevertheless, continued to teach their children tion and thè spiritual well-being o f thè naturai ones [Indians], and so that
how to hunt and fish, how to use a bow and arrow, and other traditional they can understand their superiors, love thè conquering nation, rid them-
survivai skills. selves o f idolatry, and become civilized.” 113 The Guarani resisted this
The Jesuits taught thè Guarani in their own native language, rather than change in language policy. The missionaries explained that thè Guarani
in Spanish. The very acceptance by thè Jesuits and other missionaries o f “ expressed a certain love toward what was their own,” their native lan­
thè native language suggests that thè Europeans thought that elements o f guage.114 The Guarani in thè Franciscan missions in Paraguay also were
native society were not incompatible with Catholic ways. Although reluctant to learn Spanish. In 1744, according to Joseph Cayetano, thè
Spanish law required Catholic missionaries know thè Indians’ native lan- bishop o f Paraguay, following a visit to thè missions, thè Guarani “ prefer
guages, in 1743 Spain altered its language policy by insisting that thè to be punished, rather than learn thè rational language [Spanish].” 115
Jesuits encourage thè Indians to use Castilian in thè missions. By requir- Individuai Guarani, by contrast, may have had more o f an incentive to
ing instruction in Spanish, thè Bourbons intended that Amerindians learn Spanish, particularly thè riverboat captains, sailors, and soldiers who
would obtain a better understanding o f Christian concepts. The king o f carne into periodic or extended contact with Spaniards outside thè mis­
Spain specifically ordered thè provincial o f thè Company o f Jesus in Para­ sions. Indeed, there was a tendency in thè Guarani militias o f thè Rio de
guay to teach Spanish to Indian children that same year. la Piata to adopt Spanish names in thè eighteenth century.116
The Jesuits, however, found it nearly impossible to put this decree into I(! is nearly impossible to assess how many or what percentage o f thè
effect because thè Guarani language was so widely spoken, not only in native population became literate in thè Guarani language and retained
thè missions but in thè entire Province o f Paraguay, even in thè Spanish their ability to read and write throughout their lives. Literacy was not
towns.106 Following a tour o f thè province in 1744, thè bishop o f Paraguay, always reserved for members o f thè Indian elite; conversely, even some
José Cayetano Paravicino, observed: “ The customs and language o f thè members o f thè elite were illiterate. Interestingly, Guarani mission Indian
Spaniards born here as well as that o f Negroes and mulattos o f which fugitives, most o f whom became day laborers or ranch hands living in
there are many, is that o f thè Indians, with few differences.” 107 A Jesuit Buenos Aires and Santa Fe in thè mid-i750s, kept in touch with events in
observed, “ In Paraguay many have forgotten thè Spanish language and their mission towns “ through thè letters they received” from other mission
adopted that o f thè Indians, which they use in their homes in thè towns Indians.117 Among Amerindians in North America, by comparison, native
and in thè rural areas where as many live as in thè towns, and where no language literacy was also uncommon, although several cases are known.
one knows another language other than that o f thè Indians.” 108 Boys, he Puritan missionaries, for example, encouraged literacy among thè Massa-
noted, studied Spanish in thè schools, but did not know it well and were chusett Indians so that thè Indians could have direct access to thè scrip-
punished if they spoke Guarani in class. As soon as school was out, how­ tures. The Jesuit missionaries in Paraguay similarly used thè Guarani lan­
ever, they would speak Guarani. Few females knew how to speak Spanish, guage in thè missions, taught male children how to read and write it, and
because girls never studied thè language at school.109 published books in it on mission printing presses.
The presence o f only two or three Spanish speakers in thè midst o f sev- A number o f Jesuit and a few Guarani authors published their works at
eral thousand Guarani in each mission also made any progress in Spanish thè missions o f Santa Maria La Mayor and San Francisco Xavier during
language acquisition nearly impossible.110 Furthermore, not all thè Jesuits thè early eighteenth century. These included thè works by Father José
may have taken thè king’s order seriously. A missionary noted, in a draft o f Serrano, De la diferencia entre lo temporal y lo eterno, Crìsol de desenganos, con
a letter, that all thè missions had fine schools and “ thè best kind o f instruc­ la memoria de la eternidad (1705), which included forty-three illustrations by
tion one could ever desire.” 111 He asserted that “ there was no need to a mission Indian, Juan Yapari; by Father Antonio Ruiz de Montoya,
establish anything new in this case,” referring to thè mission schools.112 Vocabulario de la lengua Guarani (1722) and Arte de la lengua Guarani, with
The crown circulated a similar decree in 1760, encouraging thè eradica- notes by Father Restivo (1722); and by Guarani musician and cacique
tion o f thè diverse languages spoken in thè Spanish Empire and requiring Nicolas Yapuguay, Explicación del catecismo en lengua Guarani (1724) and
82 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN Daily Life 83

cated with one another. These indigenous people also used their literacy
as a weapon ofresistance in response to theTreaty o f Madrid (1750).
The evidence presented above illustrates thè variety o f ways in which
thè Jesuit missionary enterprise had a significant impact on thè daily lives
o f thè Guarani. By thè mid-eighteenth century, thè influence o f shamans
evidently declined, as thè Jesuits became more powerful figures in thè eyes
o f thè Guarani. Rather than serving thè Jesuits, perhaps these politicai and
religious leaders preferred relying on cabildantes and caciques for shield-
ing them from interference by thè missionaries. Rewards and punishments
probably encouraged thè mission Indians to follow thè guidance o f thè
Jesuits and benefit from their association with thè priests. By thè mid-
170OS, several generations o f Guarani found sufficient reasons to adapt and
accommodate to life in thè reductions under thè Jesuits. Under Jesuit
direction, thè Guarani had constructed their own dwellings, churches,
chapels, workshops, schools, armories, warehouses, and hospitals. The
Guarani, however, stili had opportunities to be independent and act on
their own. Many evaded some o f thè obligations imposed on them by thè
missionaries. To elude them, several chose to reside in makeshift huts on
their individuai family plots o f land, rather than near thè center o f town.
Flight, whether temporary or permanent, was another option some
Guarani used to avoid thè missionaries and thè regimented lifestyle o f thè
reductions.The fact that several hundred Guarani resided in Buenos Aires
indicates that thè level o f social control o f thè missionaries was limited.
Equally important, thè Guarani utilized thè Spanish mission System itself
to defend their material interests and cultural autonomy. Guarani cabil­
dantes and caciques negotiated with thè missionaries and appealed to thè
Figure Q. Drawing o f thè Virgin Mary and Infant Jesus in Explicación del Catecismo, Jesuit superior at Mission Candelaria or to Spanish authorities in Buenos
by Nicolas Yapuguay, Mission Santa Maria la Mayor, 1724 Aires.This dispute resolution procedure was based on long-established tra-
ditions o f thè Spanish state that encouraged negotiation and compro­
Sermones y ejemplos en lengua Guarani (1727).118 Nicolas Yapuguay used mise.120 By appealing to different factions within colonial society, thè
Guarani throughout most o f his text Sermones y ejemplos en lengua Guarani, Guarani were on occasion capable o f playing one group against another.
but Father Restivo added footnotes in Spanish and several passages in However, these native people seemed to have preferred utilizing thè Jesuits
Latin.These were hybrid works. All thè Spanish nouns in thè Guarani ser- as their intermediaries with thè Spanish colonial world. The Guarani
mon were Catholic concepts, such as thè Holy Spirit, Christmas, thè Mass, perhaps recognized that as leading teachers and scholars, and as men
angels, and thè names o f saints.119 Figure 9 is an illustration o f a drawing who often led them successfully into battle, thè influence o f thè members
o f thè Virgin Mary holding thè Infant Jesus that appeared in Explicación del o f this religious order was greater than their own in dealing with thè
Catecismo published in 1724. By becoming adept writers in their own lan- Spanish world. Ultimately, their actions expressed both elements o f self-
guage (and even learning mathematics), a number o f mission Indians government and subordination to colonial rule.
learned to keep track o f their community property, conducted their daily European patriarchal society and cultural values, moreover, had a
affairs under thè direction o f thè Jesuits, carried out trade, and communi- significant impact on Guarani culture. Missionary contact affected
Guarani men and women differently. M en’s lives changed considerably,
84 THE INVASION FROM WITHIN

while women’s changed only slightly from their precontact patterns,

although women carne to lead more protected lives.Traditionally, Guarani
women appeared to be more influential in thè area o f thè economy, at
least from thè perspective o f Europeans. The missionaries, nevertheless,
greatly expanded thè economie roles o f Guarani men, much more dra-
PART TW O
matically than those o f women, even though women continued to play
vital production roles in agriculture and in their households. Guarani men
participated more actively than ever before in thè expanding regional The Invasionfrom Without
economy o f thè Rio de la Piata. Over time, these indigenous people
became increasingly dependent on thè lands that they had secured under
thè Jesuits and defended for several generations using their militias.
Despite all their missionizing efforts, thè numerically outnumbered
Jesuits could not fully eradicate all thè Guarani traditional ways. As part o f
a process o f transculturation, thè Guarani were selective in their accept-
ance o f things European. They chose to adopt what proved to be useful
and rejected those things o f little value to them. These native people
incorporated new writing skills, artisan crafts, and produets into their eco­
nomie and social lives, which became more complex, less egalitarian, and
socially differentiated. Many aspeets o f Guarani society changed in thè
reductions, but then there were notable continuities and ampie evidence
o f Guarani resistance, particularly on thè part o f men. Finally, thè Guarani
and thè Jesuits created a N ew World culture in thè reductions, which
resulted from thè blending o f European and native traditions, diets, med-
icines, material culture, and technologies.The growth and development o f
their Hispanic-Guarani-baroque towns in thè subtropical forest eventually
carne to an end with thè onset o f thè struggle between thè Spanish and
thè Portuguese Empires over their boundaries in South America.
 CHAPTER

From Resistance to Rebellion

in the MiD-eighteenth century, Felicitas, an elderly Guarani widow from

thè Jesuit mission o f Nuestra Senora de Bororé y La Cruz, spoke o f a
prophecy o f doom and destruction to other people in her town. They
wrote her words down on paper and circulated them from mission to mis­
sion. Felicitas predicted that her town would become depopulated, that it
would be overwhelmed by death and total destruction, that there would
be an end to everything. In her native language, she spoke o f mbabufu
oicone, which means that “ the great work, a great death,” would be the fate
o f the missions.1A t the same time, as a devout Catholic, she went to Mass
every day, said the rosary, went to confession, took communion, and cele-
brated the fiestas o f the Virgin. According to the Jesuits, she also prayed in
the mission church at dawn “ without fail and without being ordered” and
brought gifts o f fish to the missionaries from the Uruguay River every
Friday.
In many ways, Felicitas symbolizes the incorporation o f Catholic prac-
tices into the existing native belief System in the Jesuit missions. Inwardly,
however, Felicitas remained true to her native religioni she believed in the
importance o f premonitory visions and dreams. Her narrative illustrates
the disparities between native culture, as presented in extant accounts o f
the Guarani revolt, or the War o f the Seven Reducdons, and indigenous
voices, as revealed in unstudied Guarani texts.

Historiography o f the R ebellion

The documented history o f the Guarani War has been based over-
whelmingly on Spanish and Portuguese sources. Several scholars, prima-
rily Jesuits, have provided narrative accounts o f the Guarani War relying
 88 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT From Resistance to Rebellion 89

on thè documentary record left by thè missionaries and colonial officials. nous people cope with thè crisis o f thè 1750S, yet manage to survive in
In six articles, Francisco Mateos, S.J., describes thè main events o f thè war, spite o f thè tremendous odds against them in confronting Spain and Por­
particularly its major battles, as well as its diplomatic background.2 Mateos tugal? The individuai communities directly affected by thè treaty fought
convincingly argues that thè Jesuits were not responsible for inciting thè hard and with great perseverance to preserve their land.The Guarani reac-
Guarani to rebel. As a Jesuit, however, he tends to downplay or ignore thè tions, as measured in thè behavior and beliefs o f thè mission Indians, var-
evidence o f thè increasingly strained relationship that developed between ied from mission to mission and ranged from a reluctant acceptance all thè
thè missionaries and thè Guarani during thè confhct. In El tratado hispano- way to a full-scale rebellion. Although not at all as widespread or as costly
portugués de limitei de 1750 y sus consecuencias; estudio sobre la abolición de la in terms o f human life as thè Tupac Amaru II rebellion o f 1780-82 in thè
Comparila de Jesus (1954), another Jesuit, Guillermo Kratz, similarly de­ Peruvian highlands, thè Guarani War was long and intense.9 It was a piv-
scribes, in great detail, thè geopolitical and diplomatic background o f thè otal event that marked thè beginning o f thè destruction o f thè Jesuit mis­
Guarani War, its major battles and minor skirmishes, and thè reasons for sion System in thè Rio de la Piata.
thè annulment oftheTreaty o f Madrid in 1761.3 Professor Jorge Couto o f
thè University o f Lisbon also analyzes thè geopolitical history o f this treaty
T h e Treaty o f M a d rid (1750)
and thè rebellion from a Portuguese perspective.4 Brazilian historian
Aurelio Porto, in História das missòes orientais do Uruguai (1954), investigates A new boundary agreement, not native communities’ complaints o f
thè war’s geopolitical background and thè generai history o f thè seven locai abuses by settlers, slavers, and missionaries, led to thè rise o f Guarani
reductions; but, like many others, neglects thè war’s aftermath, particularly resistance and thè insurrection. O n January 13, 1750, thè Spanish and
thè impact o f thè rebellion on thè indigenous population.5Jaime Cortesào Portuguese ministers, D on José de Carvajal y Lancaster and DomTomàs
has compiled thè officiai diplomatic correspondence between Portugal da Silva Téllez, signed thè Treaty o f Madrid. Spain and Portugal hoped that
and Spain and their representatives in Brazil and thè Rio de la Piata in thè new treaty would settle thè boundary conflicts between thè Spanish
Alexandre de Gusmào e 0 Tratado de Madrid 1750 (1950—63).6 Another and Portuguese Empires in South America.The treaty replaced thè demar-
Brazilian scholar, Rejane da Silveira Several, examines thè degree o f par- cation line originally established by thè Treaty ofTordesillas (1494), which
ticipation o f thè Jesuits during thè crisis o f thè 1750S using printed Jesuit fixed a boundary between thè two empires 370 leagues west o f thè Azores
accounts and secondary sources, not archivai manuscripts, in his A Guerra and granted Portugal only thè eastern edge o f South America. The Treaty
Guaranitica (1995).This author judiciously concludes that thè missionaries o f Madrid discarded thè Tordesillas line in favor o f thè principle o f utis
did not actively participate in thè rebellion, although many Jesuits posisdetis, giving possession to thè occupants o f thè land. In signing thè
objected to thè Treaty o f Madrid and used delay tactics in carrying out thè new treaty, Spain’s objectives were to halt thè westward expansion o f thè
agreement. Ultimately, thè missionaries obeyed thè orders o f thè Spanish Portuguese into what theoretically was Spanish territory. Spain also
king, thè Pope, and their own superiors, and complied with its terms.7 In wanted to eliminate thè Portuguese presence in Uruguay across thè estu-
Red Gold:The Conquest of thè Brazilian Indians, 1500—1760 (1978), geogra- ary o f thè Rio de la Piata, which made Buenos Aires vulnerable and
pher John Hemming relates thè events o f thè Guarani War stili using encouraged Anglo-Portuguese trade that was illegal under Spanish law.
Spanish and Portuguese documentation. He accepts thè prevailing inter- Portugal, in turn, sought undisputed sovereignty o f thè mining districts in
pretation that thè Guarani War was a spontaneous and genuine native thè centrai and far western region o f Brazil, thè security o f Brazil’s fron-
rebellion.8 tier in Rio Grande, control o f thè territory o f thè prosperous Jesuit mis-
An important oversight in these earlier studies is thè role o f Guarani sions, thè Amazon Basin, and navigation rights on thè Tocantins,Tapajos,
ideology during thè rebellion. What led Guarani elites, especially cabil- and Madeira Rivers.10
dantes and military commanders, to take up arms against Spain and Por­ According to A rtide 14 o f thè treaty, Portugal ceded thè town o f
tugal, after more than a century and a half o f missionary contact? What Colònia do Sacramento and all its adjacent territory along thè Rio de la
grievances did they specifically express in their rare native texts? To what Piata (in present-day Uruguay) to Spain. In return, thè Spanish king ceded
extent did thè dynamics o f thè relationship between thè Guarani, thè to Portugal thè lands south o f thè Ybicui River and east o f thè Uruguay
Spanish Crown, and thè Jesuits deteriorate? Finally, how did thè indige- River, which comprised thè territory o f seven missions: San Nicolas, San
 90 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT
From Resistance to Rebellion 91

guese claims to lands occupied in thè Amazon region and Mato Grosso.
A rtide 16 ordered thè Jesuits to leave thè missions along thè eastern side
o f thè Uruguay River, taking with them all their furniture and personal
belongings; it also allowed thè Guarani to settle on other lands belonging
to Spain.The Indians could also remove their furniture, belongings, arms,
munitions, and gunpowder from thè missions. The seven missions there -
after belonged to Portugal, as did thè surrounding lands, including thè vast
cattle ranches that had belonged to four other missions west o f thè
Uruguay River. The Guarani could choose to leave or to remain, as could
thè Portuguese residents o f Colònia do Sacramento. Those w ho left, how-
ever, would lose their holdings.12 Finally, A rtide 23 stipulated that thè
terms o f thè treaty be carried out within one year.
The Spaniards and Portuguese in Europe who approved thè treaty were
unfamiliar with thè geography o f thè Rio de la Piata region. They thought
there was plenty o f land and wide-open space where thè Jesuits could
relocate thè indigenous people. The seven reductions along thè Uruguay
River, however, were among thè most populous o f thè Jesuit reductions in
South America. According to thè Jesuit census o f 1750, a total o f 26,362
inhabitants resided in them, and numerous other indigenous peoples
resided nearby (see Map 7).13 A 1751 Jesuit census indicated that there
were 29,203 inhabitants in thè seven towns and 97,582 Indians in thè
thirty-two reductions, including thè newly founded northern missions o f
San Joaquin and San Estanislào.14 The area contained vast naturai re-
sources: fertile soils, pasture lands, rivers, streams, woods, orchards, planted
fields o f yerba maté, cotton, and several thousand head o f cattle. To
begin anew in thè wilderness would have caused severe hardship for thè
Guarani, who by thè mid-eighteenth century had adapted to living in an
urban environment in thè missions.To round up and drive so many cattle
such long distances and across difficult terrain and wide rivers would have
resulted in great losses. It would have taken several years to transplant and
grow new yerba maté trees, valued by a Jesuit provincial to be worth more
than 400,000 pesos, without which thè Guarani could not pay tributes.15
Map 7. The Jesuit Missions along thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers, 1749 (Created It would take more than a year, moreover, to transport all thè material
by José Quiroga, SJ. B y permission o fT h e British Library. Add Ms 17665 B.) goods in each o f thè missions to new locations.16 All o f these conditions
made compliance with thè treaty nearly impossible for thè Jesuits and thè
Guarani.
Miguel, San Luis, Santo Angelo, San Juan Bautista, San Lorenzo, and San
Borja, along with thè ranches o f missions La Cruz, Concepción, Santo
Tomé, and San Francisco Xavier west o f thè Uruguay River (see Map i) .“ J e s u it Resistance and C ollaboration
The Treaty o f Madrid, in addition, recognized Spain’s dominion over thè
Because o f thè vast distance across thè Atlantic Ocean, it took several
Philippine Islands and adjacent islands. Spain in turn recognized Portu-
months for thè missionaries to learn o f thè treaty. Then, thè Jesuits held
 92 THE IN V A S I O N FROM WITHOUT From Resistance to Rebellion 93

thè bad news back from thè Guarani until Aprii 1751, most likely because Jesuits in Cordoba reminded Spanish officials and their own superiors
they hoped that thè unfavorable treaty would be annulled. Many Jesuits in in their correspondence that in thè past thè Portuguese had committed
thè Rio de la Piata and Perù did not always agree with thè policies ema- excessively cruel acts toward thè Guarani; therefore, thè treaty was indeed
nating from Spain; they disliked thè Treaty o f Madrid, in particular, seeing harmful to their interests.19Jesuit father José Quiroga in his letter to José
that it threatened to destroy more than a half century o f their missionary de Carvajal y Lancaster, president o f thè Council o f thè Indies and chief
work in thè seven reductions. It was highly favorable to Portuguese inter- minister o f Spain, also stressed that thè treaty would result in thè possible
ests from their perspective.17 destruction o f all thè reductions, along with thè Spanish town o f
Jesuit missionaries denounced thè treaty, using primarily economie and Asunción; that that there could be a significant increase in illicit trade with
religious arguments to defend their cause. In a letter to thè Jesuit comisario Brazil; and thè Guarani would be unable to pay their tributes due to thè
(thè individuai charged with carrying out an assignment) Luis Lope de loss o f their yerbales. He also noted that thè treaty would do serious harm
Altamirano (1697-1767), w ho was Rom e’s representative in Spain, and to Spain’s conversion efforts because thè Guarani would become more
thè Jesuit General in Rome, Father Bernardo Nusdorffer, detailed thè suspicious o f missionaries.20 Despite many objections by Jesuits, thè Jesuit
economie losses to thè seven towns and thè missions west o f thè U ru­ generai in Rome, Francisco Retz, and his successor, Ignacio Visconti,
guay River, if thè terms o f thè treaty were carried out. Six o f thè reduc­ ordered thè Jesuits to evacuate from thè area, in accordance with thè
tions in thè area o f Mission San Nicolas and Santo Angelo, he noted, had treaty, and comply with its terms.
well-established yerbales (yerba maté plantations), easily accessible to thè The Portuguese captain generai and governor o f Rio de Janeiro, Gomes
Guarani, with a total o f 120,210 plants; each valued at 5 pesos, for a total o f Freire de Andrada, interpreted thè Jesuits’ delay as a tactic while they
601,050 pesos. In thè missions that had no yerbales, thè Guarani were armed themselves and thè Guarani. He contended that thè Jesuits had
required to travel long distances through perilous forests to extract tea established a wealthy and powerful state with a population o f nearly one
leaves directly from thè jungle or bartered for yerba maté in order to pay hundred thousand and later blamed them for inciting thè Indian rebel­
their tributes and satisfy their daily consumption. Nusdorifer estimated this lion.21 The Jesuits, however, were not busy building up their indigenous
activity to be worth 162,750 pesos.The total losses in this sector ofthe mis­ military forces; on thè contrary, they were unable to persuade thè vast
sion economy were valued at 763,800 pesos. Cotton was important, thè majority o f thè Guarani to relocate. The missionaries pleaded with thè
missionary noted, for thè making o f thread and clothing for thè Indians, Jesuit comisario Altamirano for a three-year extension. In February 1752,
who otherwise would go naked. Each o f thè seven towns had its own cot­ Altamirano and Spanish officials arrived in Buenos Aires to carry out thè
ton fields, each valued at 5,000 pesos, representing a total loss o f 35,000 terms o f thè treaty. To help with thè costs o f thè relocation and as com-
pesos. The mission territory affected by thè treaty, additionally, contained pensation for thè loss o f Indian lands, Altamirano removed 28,000 pesos
more than one million head o f cattle, which could not be easily rounded from thè royal treasury in Buenos Aires, 4,000 pesos for each o f thè seven
up and driven across rivers without suffering serious losses. Nusdorffer esti­ missions, or approximately 1 peso per Guarani, quite an insignificant
mated their value to be 999,999 pesos. Finally, thè territory o f thè seven amount. He also packed gifts o f clothing, hats, metal axes and hatchets, and
towns had several magnificent churches, priests’ residences, Indian houses, batons for thè Guarani. Before he could consider granting thè Jesuits an
and coty guazu estimated to be worth 960,000 pesos. The natives’ fields extension, thè rebellion had begun.
under cultivation, moreover, were worth 600,000 pesos. Orchards and gar-
dens were valued at 27,000 pesos. In all, Father Nusdorffer estimated thè G row ing A n ta g on ista B etw een thè G uarani and thè J esu its
total losses to be 3,522,167 pesos, a sizable sum for thè eighteenth century,
aside from thè notable spiritual harm thè treaty would cause thè Indians by The vast majority o f thè Guarani in thè seven missions refused to
requiring them to relocate elsewhere.18 Nusdorffer may have slightly over- search for new lands, while others decided to abide by thè crown’s deci-
estimated thè value o f these reductions, as a tactic to draw more support for sion but then found obstacles to settling in these new areas.They claimed
their cause to save thè vast missionary territory. Nevertheless, thè Jesuits that all o f thè sites were either too rocky, lacked wood or water, were full
had thè reputation o f being highly successful estate managers and accurate o f ants, or already belonged to other indigenous peoples who were will-
record keepers; a few were notable mathematicians. ing to defend them. The residents at Mission San Juan Bautista, for exam­
 94 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT From Resistance to Rebellion 95

pie, noted that all thè lands in thè south were already occupied by thè only represented something to farm and to raise cattle on but also was
nonsedentary Charruas, and that thè Portuguese posed a threat to thè closely linked to thè spiritual world. After a Jesuit had selected and
lands near Mission Corpus Christi. The Payaguà, riverine native peoples approved a new location for a mission between Trinidad and Itapuà north
who dominated thè Paranà and Paraguay Rivers, made hazardous other o f thè Paranà River, thè Guarani told him, according to thè testimony, that
locations suggested by thè missionaries to thè Guarani. The mission “ we do not need those lands because we already have thè lands o f our
Indians o f San Luis agreed to join Mission Santo Tomé.They traveled with ancestors who were always here and lived well, and we have had for many
mission Indians from Yapeyu to thè other side o f thè Mirinay River to years our well-constructed church and town all built by thè sweat o f our
select a new site, but thè Charruas threatened them. After reaching an brow and cannot leave because a priest, Rafael Genester, w ho loved thè
agreement, however, thè Charruas allowed them to settle on their lands. Indians so, was buried here.” 27A group o f seventy armed Guarani from thè
Nevertheless, other mission Indians from San Luis preferred to migrate seven towns also rode to Concepción to pay their respects to Father
to other reductions rather than construct a new one. But later, they all Roque Gonzàlez, whose bones rested in thè mission, and to ask for help
changed their minds, decided not to move, and deposed their corregidor.22 and protection from him and thè Virgin Mary, whose statue he had used
After visiting lands to thè south, groups o f Guarani from San Borja told to convert them.28This evidence confirms that thè Guarani stili practiced
a missionary that they no longer needed to move because they had met a an ancient bone cult; that is, paying reverence to thè bones o f thè Jesuits,
porteho (a resident o f Buenos Aires), Antonio Murioz, w ho had informed w ho had by this rime replaced their shamans as their spiritual and politi­
them that thè treaty had been annulled in Spain.23 However, this was only cai leaders. Their responses were similar to those o f thè Guarani at a
a rumor. The Guarani o f Mission San Lorenzo also expressed interest in Franciscan mission in Paraguay. The Guarani kept thè bones o f their
joining their relatives at Mission San Maria La Mayor, from where they Catholic priest, Antonio de la Cruz, in an urn above a statue o f thè Virgin
had originated. But they requested that thè lands already designated for on thè aitar at thè church ofYuti in 1725.29As in many Native American
thè inhabitants o f San Nicolas be given to them because thè Guarani from cultures in North America, thè Guarani wanted to preserve and protect
that mission had refused to relocate. A group o f one hundred men, their traditional burial grounds.
women, and children, including thè corregidor, moved with their priest Although at times thè Guarani extolled ancestor worship, on other
from San Lorenzo to a site called Tuyungufù, near thè Paranà River occasions they used Catholic symbolism. For spiritual guidance, thè Gua­
between thè missions o f Itapuà and San Cosme and Damian, and they rani from San Miguel invoked their patron saint, Michael thè Archangel,
began building huts and planting crops. However, when thè priest back at w ho according to thè Book o f Revelation was thè leader o f thè heavenly
San Lorenzo wanted to send some ornaments for their new church, thè armies that were locked in a Constant battle against Satan and his evil
Guarani there resisted and refused to allow anything to be taken from forces. Guarani sculptors depicted him as an angel wearing a helmet, car-
their town. They demanded that thè residents w ho left be returned, and rying a shield in one hand with a sword in another, standing over a black
they forced thè Jesuits to name a new corregidor. In mid-September 1753, dragon representing Satan. A boy had a vision that Saint Michael thè
ten families fled from thè new site in canoes across thè Paranà River and Archangel had appeared before him and had advised thè Guarani not to
returned to San Lorenzo. The other families followed them in October.24 abandon their towns or churches.The saint did not want them to live in
Finally, thè Guarani from Mission Santo Angelo burned all thè wagons, other lands because God had designated thè site o f thè mission for them
which thè priests had ordered them to build to transport their belongings. and because their ancestors had lived there. Although thè Jesuits discounted
They warned thè Jesuits, “ If thè Portuguese wanted our towns and our this revelation, saying that thè boy’s mother had made thè whole thing up,
lands, then they will pay for them with their blood.”25 thè Guarani most likely were sincere and heeded thè saint s words because
The Guarani reacted to what they perceived as an immediate threat to they stili believed in thè power o f dreams and prophecies.30 Revelations o f
their way o f life or a violation o f thè reciprocai exchanges and obligations this kind undoubtedly strengthened thè Guaranies’ will to resist. Similarly
they had established with thè Spanish colonial state. A cacique remarked in Perù during thè 1780 Tupac Amaru II rebellion against “ bad govern-
that since thè rime o f his ancestors and since thè beginning o f thè mis­ ment,” thè creoles, mestizos, and Indians o f Arequipa invoked their own
sions, they had owned thè land on which they now lived, and thus this patron saint as a protector and guide during those troubled times.31
whole question o f moving was strange to him.26 Land for thè Guarani not The Guarani o f Mission San Nicolàs employed several other preventive
 96 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT From Resistance to Rebellion 97

measures to thwart European plans to relocate them. W hen thè Jesuit and then killed a cabildante for wanting to give up their lands. Returning
superior, thè corregidor, and some younger Guarani who were favorites o f to thè mission, thè Guarani opened thè priests’ correspondence, verbally
thè priests were preparing to select a new location, several Guarani hid insulted them, and accused thè Jesuits o f wanting to turn them over to thè
their horses so they could not depart. One also shot an arrow at and Portuguese.35
“ swore” at thè corregidor. Once thè Jesuit missionary had departed, a The Jesuits therefore resorted to a new strategy. O n Christmas Day in
group o f Indians (it is not known how many) armed themselves with 1752, on their knees and with tears in their eyes, they pleaded with thè
bows, arrows, and lances. On his return, they approached him and stated Guarani for cooperation.The Guarani o f San Juan Bautista, Santo Angelo,
that they did not want to relocate and that if thè Jesuits had plans about and other missions were deeply moved by thè priests’ gestures and agreed
shipping their goods out o f thè mission they would kill thè oxen that to relocate. Although they displayed intentions to comply, their words
pulled thè wagons. In a show o f force, thè mission Indians then lined up were only words. Succeeding attempts to find new sites soon ended in
in a battalion formation in thè churchyard. During this early phase o f thè failure, as earlier ones had. On January 8,1753, for example, FatherThadeo
rebellion little is known about native leadership; in this case, military Enis, a Bohemian priest at San Juan Bautista, left thè mission accompanied
officers and caciques that were not members o f thè cabildo led thè rebel­ by 223 Guarani. By January 16, they had arrived at thè Uruguay River.
lion.32 Following this incident, thè Jesuit superior in Candelaria sum- O nly 3 deserted along thè road, and thè next day, thè Guarani feigned that
moned a Guarani cacique and a Jesuit from San Nicolas. The missionaries only 30 more had fled. In reality, however, 70 had abandoned thè mis­
threatened to take away his cane o f office, thè symbol o f his higher social sionary. To persuade thè Guarani to cross thè river, Father Enis promised
status. The chief replied that “ he did not need his cane and such foolish- to distribute tobacco among them; but by January 18, only 70 o f thè 223
ness.” 33The Jesuits thought that thè rebellious Guarani leader had become individuai remained with him. That figure subsequently fell to 30. Only
deranged. thè most “ loyal” Guarani abided, especially members o f thè cabildo and
The corregidor o f San M iguel pleaded with thè missionaries not to ask helpers with thè Mass. Father Enis inquired why so many people had
him publicly to make thè decision to relocate but to petition other chiefs deserted him. The Guarani replied that a small group, including a cacique,
first so that his followers would not depose him for being a tool o f thè from missions San Miguel and San Lorenzo had trailed behind and spread
Jesuits. Fearing that their ultimate fate would be servitude, thè Guarani o f word that thè Jesuits had sold them to thè Spaniards and that a huge
San Miguel deposed their corregidor for having betrayed them to their galleon was waiting for them on thè Paranà River, ready to take them to
enemies. Caciques and commoners seized weapons from thè corregidor’s Buenos Aires.36This incident corroborates that thè Guarani feared slavery
house, threw him on thè ground, clubbed him, wounded him with an and uncertainty.
arrow, and threatened to kill him before a missionary intervened to save Finally, in February, 1753, thè joint Spanish and Portuguese boundary
his life. The Jesuit wanted to take thè corregidor to thè church, but thè commission approached Santa Tecla, thè ranch o f Mission San Miguel.
Guarani refused. Instead, an unidentifìed indigenous captain allowed thè They encountered a group o f native soldiers, led by Captain SepéTiaraju,
Jesuit to put thè corregidor in thè mission jail and to sew up his wounds. who had decided to bar thè Portuguese and Spaniards from their lands.37
To appease thè Guarani, thè missionary selected a new corregidor w ho Two Jesuits, one Spanish and one Portuguese, who accompanied thè
was more acceptable to thè Guarani.34 These attacks reveal that thè boundary commission attempted to persuade Captain Tiaraju otherwise,
Guarani did not intend to murder priests, although thè missionaries were but to no avail.The military captain not only had thè widespread support
important targets for their anger. Instead, they wounded, killed, or deposed o f thè Guarani in thè seven towns but also that o f thè Guarani fugitives
their own townsmen for cooperating too readily with thè Jesuits and residing in Buenos Aires, Santa Fe, and Montevideo. A few individuals had
colonial authorities. Guarani artisans from Mission San Miguel, for exam- retur ned from these Spanish towns to join his forces and defend their mis­
ple, went to thè entrance o f thè priests’ living quarters and threw their sion lands from European encroachment.38 There appears to be no evi-
batons on thè ground. They said that they no longer wanted to practice dence whatsoever that thè Jesuits had ordered Captain Tiaraju to resist any
their trades unless they worked in their own town. W hen several families encroachments on their territory. Captain Tiaraju and his native troops,
traveled in wagons to a new site halfway from thè mission ranch to thè not thè Jesuits, were directly responsible for impelling thè Europeans to
river, a group o f Guarani rode up to them, seized their horses and mules, retreat.39
98 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT am eycyt. L'orni y iteu i rXtiìruplytyitoyeMutàt&pZ*
i>i£è »
- Latri
Cu C&oi amo (ói^uoh catgut avere idei»fifra pytrit.j^uava m pl.
oro ncmoiro Quatte n**c.n.<~-
G uarani Protest and Insurrection t>renici p o ta v i n i 6 voyoyo r o m o c a n t o ju ae i
Vini ■ vtu.ngx rattuai ore.j 0reptuèojvame
9 *'tu ju e r p e r ir C u p e j C dodrtycU nrfJ-uyo, tteatu i Le b x ty i
The Guarani, however, did more than force thè Spanish and Portuguese xvttca.t'y
tLttt’tn.t'j^ &£jy rrv™- ‘tiìaauiccrctoiava/moj
KCrxaays.iohara.vnt eYffvteo tatù e r i rutti. norame e i’ù eHCjt
off their lands. Having learned thè power o f thè written word from thè rtm
remai iiodi
-i C u *tro m oo ooidi)
hitiA’Lra.'m itd j 01 Croa ti*
olirai pot&
lu*.J0 tiram eh teekajotj Cuneo. M adre.yjti.txc
mùmèi YLta.ro/mOj
mLm.il rLta.ya.yn.Oj oyevecotuila.ptpts
o v ev ito fu iiay ip V},
ì. tutoted Jancct ffleuhe.jyjlttù^
Jesuits, thè Guarani wrote their own letters o f protest (see Appendices i xhAVOrj 0*eÀ^yctuÌ^LApiuó.rtuLj
re et me mava-harx, 0veZu-ncLu tejfjyx-jua-tm .j /la. ymo
/'utym r£cru t, tram* rcju
o vtìótrtLutrptm* rcyfCài t
and 2). Indeed, thè Guarani used their literacy as a weapon o f resistance teuu.,&rt.tc*
f i * ncletl JontaJjtecùx^ filande vrtu m nim $*t*Yafiufx.-r*&cttuUj&
fot j f t f / u f f
and as a means o f explaining their current predicament in hope o f finding a rja tfìiy Cementarlo rw*.u ty p o ia t vin i ndevo u rlitn cn ij Coiaifife*
ruffteSXttrtann^
a solution. It was a sophisticated strategy, short o f further violent con-
frontations.The Guarani had no voice in thè process ofsettling thè terri- trorafooayL. oroitObPj ( K a m l t m j . m net
hoay&hey e»L j C ovivi^uropuai G ji e t aio
torial boundaries in thè Rio de la Piata, but they created one by writing yne
era ila iunL j necydoeyedoj
{itmimiota mV* ^ a.
&^avayuatyjl*?
ju *tyju ^ mew^rih o? miorei
y 'menXmemtrikoZmi
vmxjfuniyjjue. * morie, Ju t/e rem.
hu Jtuyoxtcr.i.
orainu
letters to express their grievances.Their response in part represents a cre­ niZtta. ùutye. ym eèid j Co rive ffliontt tneltOj ceti orono00)ZrUtv*tu.yonej yeti Aheu
ative adaptation: they were able to forge something new out o f existing >eco iajuaromo ileo ym éko. $ ljy vrVt14rrdty&voiia tuyi tanaf fflueemti- “note. ru ju a i
elements in their environment. In collaboration with thè Jesuits, thè mfi* nei m&sytrotiq. tieni OrertnuméoctyecuLj piatiti tcnxtya 0 re.recatejeritd
tutu y i/ovel M ei tot tttio&t. A ,yn orarmi u&C y Ptyui yn orctetticit menu
Guarani had written and published books in their native language before,
Ubo htcha.tu.aujfyraM t ia e .J u p d VpivttuJuntoj0»reyiÀ ju e u u Mafie,
but not letters o f protest. These letters justified their behavior and Ytij C*Uy Ju yH recoile. vUmo Iute m boyero'iùt*haPtjAyyoram t u icV c
attempted to convince others o f their rightful ownership o f their land and -rojjCLroima. yyoYaléi ictooie. ayele J u y i n ìtey trovi* Uirje.j@Ciy vuffl4 mieytv*
property.The cabildantes wrote thè letters but claimed to have written thè la. ytriubu rejx numi oyecpo r&noj cg u jj^ c
\ boa. 1 K
letters on behalf o f all thè men, women, and children in thè missions. rxM t oa-e.
The role thè Jesuits may have had in encouraging thè corregidores to Cotur.e mop tjttL
compose these letters is difficult to assess.There is no evidence that indi- rnhovytlo/ytp y. fultóPo oren& Cànfl*71^***,
------- - jv u y t ra t. fic y rnJLj ruley te i ertplàgutKuo .
cates that thè missionaries wrote these letters, even though thè Jesuits had fàutnoi ayt
bayuLj lìd e y ìw j r e it oveyeyuruYaveheyuio orerai fuM M ttrm ne U ruÌiretetni
opposed thè Treaty o f M adrid— they feared losing significant economie yOeeex hapt Jjhtvujy'i evoytpiholoj ndc.»*ht>ye.voiiu.l>i> ol£y (
interests in thè region, and were also concerned that thè treaty would Petorajìvtyoetti Coyit {Jovu^uet 'nte.ve.nJot^oo art Co tittt. ffluba
nu hufii*u.TncLrufldtu 0r&canto ju a c u (iu^u.lyo.j no. htcetch
mean an end to more than a century o f their missionary efforts to convert 't u
L**J>erceduti jyeoonu hujuccmx.Yujuu.1 ore.***.»*» ^ ~u u '

thè Guarani. The Jesuits, however, were directly responsible for translating htytAa. rru^ntii avere cobo, ycna-hit.^ JìU y n d i Anarexalota catu ohiCtl, ùiety»
thè letters from thè native language into Spanish and submitting them to 'ripLy ^e ,a r* CfiuffL auaràm A , neàioya r e *tf*r i*iu rame orerLtoUia
~ iat noteyorevenuti m4* , triip o ru . ytahec* ***** * tevcAe^yejieiyjo
thè proper authorities. The corregidor, Miguel Guaiho, members o f thè
r , ta *yeJforca nuot-ve.ee y t p l i».ey ek.tu y e n je t opino tc tatutu^et.
cabildo, and thè caciques o f San Juan Bautista, for instance, wrote to their
ore.rth.t- y ty i
priest, requesting that he present thè letter directly to thè Jesuit commis- Q ~ iL A j.u t ù fte> y C S 6 r
sioner, Luis Altamirano. Later, it was sent to thè governor in Buenos Aires » <£y / ul va
C atx.cu . had'
vnctra.-nya.ru. h a £ COde.
(L i Ledetele/
Cedetelef ejouuitu
e pucatu veM et Ovortcmeeyejua^
ve/mec- wmm. — „
ex eay L
and even thè king (see Figure io and Appendix 3).40 hae LÀu^uex
Che. Có. reta re i t i
heie. e. C CAc.ru. la.
CtiLvcibu^iy C ura
Cura frem en do amia Ut
These texts reveal that thè Guarani refused to comply with thè treaty ore 'uacia. ^ 0
tnor
£ L y f u ? Lnor
~ tì upe. ymed»
J- f-Yym oro tup*Uu.
^ rumo
r ed»/Jj orotunduram fRx
e*-)t/^/
^ S m
y j-
because they were asked to turn over their towns, churches, homes, and
'.Y > f" (Lune. hxea. ^ e m e n d e aya- C o‘ pore
O J a n t» J o in t. ce ti
ri. educai#. U bK pfijrni.
land to thè Portuguese, their traditional enemies. They remembered that
&io
thè Paulistas had carried away thousands o f their ancestors to work as ( L - 'ù i 0C^encnd, Q ìà t D hQ m Ù<ì & m " S fruJ>t C 1»» Q u e n U n
slaves in Brazil.41 Because o f that old enmity, most mission Indians pre- mtedbo. S r i «ta
/•y -Z
ferred to remain subjects o fth e king ofSpain rather than Portugal. When
thè Spanish decided to turn over their towns to Portuguese control, how­ Figure 10. Facsimile o f a Letter o f Corregidor M iguel Guaiho, Mission San Juan
ever, they were willing to take up arms even against Spain to defend their Bautista, 1753[?] (Estado 7426, Ministerio de Educación y Cultura, Archivo
people and land.Their animosity toward thè Paulistas and Spain’s refusai to General de Simancas)
 100 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT From Resistance to Rebellion ioi

defend their interests ultimately drove thè Guarani to carry out a rebellion where to search for a priest and where to build their reduction. The
against both European powers.42 Guarani invoked God, a popular saint, and thè Holy Spirit as spiritual
Much o f thè tone o f thè letter from San Juan Bautista is conciliatory. The guardians to protect them, to legitimate their claim o f thè mission towns
Guarani wanted to throw themselves at thè feet o f thè monarch and show and lands, and, in thè case o f thè Holy Spirit, to justify a cruel war against
him thè fort at Buenos Aires they had built for thè crown. Many indigenous thè Portuguese if G od’s will were not respected. The religious references
people, according to thè Jesuits, had voluntarily flagellated themselves and symbols suggest that religion was an important aspect o f their daily
when they heard thè news o f thè death o f King Philip V. The Guarani also lives; but more significantly, by framing their arguments in Catholic terms,
reminded thè Spaniards o f thè “ great love and feelings thè Catholic King their ideas may have gained more acceptance by thè Spaniards. It was a
had for thè Indians,” which suggests that thè mission Indians sought his strategy that served to protect them from accusations o f adherence to their
protection and wanted to avoid any reprisals from thè Europeans.43 traditional native religious beliefs, similar to Guaman Poma de Ayala.46
The Guarani wanted to make it clear that they were rebelling against Their assertion that “ hell is a good place for thè Portuguese” indicates
Spanish policy, not thè authority from which it emanated. This was an- that thè Guarani were familiar with thè Catholic concepts o f heaven and
other example o f “ Death to bad government, long live thè King,” thè sen- hell. Some o f thè mission Indian artists themselves had drawn vivid illus-
timent common in rebellions in eighteenth-century Spanish America. trations o f heaven and hell in Guarani catechisms published in thè Jesuit
Nevertheless, thè Guarani again made it very clear in their letters that they missions.47 In their letter, they do not refer to any o f their traditional
were willing to fight even thè Spaniards.They warned thè Europeans that guardian spirits. Either Christianity had altered some o f their traditional
they would get “ incredibly angry” if thè Spaniards and Portuguese entered beliefs and practices through extended contact in thè missions or, con-
their lands and asserted that they would never get tired o f fighting. As part versely, thè Guarani were deliberately trying to protect them by hiding
o f their rhetoric, they mentioned that three thousand Indian soldiers had them from thè Spaniards and missionaries.
defeated thè Portuguese on occasion and temporarily driven them from A form o f verbal resistance in these letters was to torment their ene-
Colònia do Sacramento.44 They reminded thè governor that they had mies with insults. The Guarani o f San Juan Bautista reminded thè
fulfilled their obligations with thè Spaniards but now thè colonial officials Portuguese that they had made ashes out o f their relatives. For both thè
had transgressed thè bounds o f a “ moral economy” that had previously Guarani and thè Europeans, being denied thè right to give their own rel­
guided Spanish-Guarani relations.45 Above all, thè Guarani, with their atives a proper burial was a serious insult. For centuries, thè Tupi-Guarani
well-trained militias, were not submissive or powerless. They had thè may have used these kinds o f verbal insults in warfare with one another
means to wage a war against thè Spanish and thè Portuguese, even though and other indigenous groups. N ow they used this psychological warfare
they were not well equipped. Although thè Guarani traditionally had against thè Spaniards and Portuguese.
aligned themselves with thè Spanish, they were willing to fight against The Guaranies’ most important form o f self-representation was as loyal
them on this occasion. There appears to be no evidence o f thè Guarani subjects o f thè Spanish king who rendered him important Services because
playing one European power against another, as sometimes was thè case o f o f their love. In exchange, thè Guarani, like all royal subjects, expected
Amerindians in North America. some protection or compensation for their Services.They hardly expected
The Guarani at San Juan Bautista asserted their ethnic and cultural banishment from their homeland and loss o f their ancestral lands to thè
identity by looking to their ancestors and common past.This strong sense Portuguese. Stili, thè mission Indians did not personally blame thè king. As
o f identity, distinct from thè Europeans and other indigenous groups in was common in other rebellions in Spanish America, they thought o f him
thè region, including those Guarani in thè Province o f Paraguay, was as a divine king— evidently in purely European terms, for thè Guarani had
rooted in thè land that was sacred to them because it contained their no word or concept for king in their own language.They believed that he
ancient burial grounds, and it was based partly on their collective memo- was a good, holy king who had been deceived by thè Portuguese, their
ries o f their ancestors who had been enslaved by thè Paulistas. mortai enemies. This, too, was an important strategy intended to avoid
Nevertheless, thè Guarani reconstructed their own history o f thè found- Spanish reprisals.
ing o f thè reductions in terms o f a vision: God had sent a Catholic saint, This is thè context in which chief Nicolas Neengiru o f Mission
Saint Michael Archangel, from heaven to thè Guarani and told them Concepción and thè corregidores from San Luis, San Nicolas, San Borja,
 102 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT From Resistance to Rebellion 103

San Lorenzo, San Miguel, and Santo Angelo wrote similar letters o f protest thè territory belonging to thè seven reductions via thè Rio Negro and thè
to thè governor o f Buenos Aires in i753.They explained to Spanish officials Uruguay River, intending to cut off their supplies and reinforcements
that they had attempted to relocate on more than two occasions but could from thè Paranà reductions, while Gomes Freire de Andrada and his troops
not find suitable sites for their missions. They pleaded with thè Spaniards were to proceed westward and northwestward from its new base at Rio
not to make war o n “ us poor Indian Christians.”48They expressed thè same Pardo.54
disbelief that thè “ good Holy King” could want to do them harm. They The Jesuit superior at Candelaria stili argued against forcing thè Indians
accused thè Portuguese o f cattle rustling, o f murdering five Indian ranch- off their lands. He thought thè mere presence o f well-armed troops might
ers, and o f enslaving their women and children.The Guarani also could not convince thè Guarani to relocate to new sites.55The Guarani, however, stili
understand why Spain would want to exchange their seven magnifìcent persevered to defend their territory.56 Jesuit commissioner Altamirano,
towns and land for thè single town o f Colònia do Sacramento.49 while touring thè mission o f Santo Tome, responded by threatening them
Neengiru, in his letter, complained about Commissioner Altamirano’s with excommunication. Hearing o f this pronouncement, a group o f
inability to communicate or to understand thè Guaranies’ desires. Guarani from San Miguel left to search for him.They first broke into their
Altamirano, he asserted, had only told them to take their things and go out warehouses to take yerba maté, clothes, tobacco, and other supplies. Then
into thè forest to search for their sustenance.The end result o f this, Neen- they asked thè Guarani from other missions to join them.The priest at San
girù warned, would be thè dire impoverishment o f these Guarani.50The M iguel warned Altamirano o f thè impending threat to his life. In thè mid­
mission Indians perceived Father Altamirano as Portuguese rather than dle o f thè night, Altamirano and his assistant, Father Alonso Fernandez,
Spanish because he wore secular clothing as thè Portuguese did in Rio de fled from mission Santo Tomé to Santa Fe and then back to Buenos Aires
Janeiro rather than thè traditional black robes o f thè Jesuits.51 Clothing was escorted by sixty to eighty militia soldiers from Spanish towns.57
an important visible symbol for thè Guarani. The indigenous people nat- Altamirano later described thè Guarani from thè missions o f San
urally were suspicious o f thè priest’s intentions because o f his layman’s M iguel and San Nicolas as “ totally nuts.” 58 He also noted that thè Indians
clothing. It reminded them that he represented outside authority. from these missions had shouted at him in thè churchyard, threatening to
Spanish officials were not convinced by these Guarani letters. The take his life and throw him into thè river.59 Before departing thè missions
Marqués deValdelirios, thè Spanish envoy in charge o f thè boundary com- west o f thè Uruguay River, Altamirano distributed axes, knives, plows,
mission, and others thought thè Jesuits, not thè Guarani, had written them clothing, and other gifts among more “ loyal” mission Indians from San
because they believed that Guarani were incapable o f composing such fine Cosme, Santo Tomé, San Lorenzo, San Borja, and Santos Reyes deYapeyu.
manuscripts. Like most Europeans, they were unfamiliar with thè writing The native troops from San Miguel followed thè surveying party but
ability o f thè Jesuit-educated mission Indians. They were also more never caught up with it. They continued to inquire about Altamirano’s
inclined to suspect thè Society o f Jesus because thè Guarani had been such whereabouts, however. The Jesuits feared that thè numerous Guarani
“ obedient” Indians. The Jesuits themselves had promoted this myth, which fugitives already residing in Buenos Aires would harm him.60 O n safely
ultimately worked against them.52 arriving in Buenos Aires, Altamirano offered to exempt thè Guarani from
The Marques deValdelirios, thè governor o f Buenos Aires and captain tribute payment for ten years if they agreed to relocate. But this repre­
generai o f thè Rio de la Piata, José de Andonaegui, and thè Portuguese sented small compensation for thè loss o f mission lands, homes, churches,
captain generai o f Rio de Janeiro, Gómez Freire de Andrada, met on thè and other communal property. Commissioner Altamirano attempted to
island o f Martin Garda in thè Rio de la Piata on July 15, 1753, to deter­ settle thè rebellion peacefully, if thè Guarani were willing to comply with
mine how they would proceed.They declared thè Guarani to be rebellious thè terms o f thè treaty. Otherwise, he threatened to use force. He issued
and made preparations for war with them.53 In response, in Spain, thè king orders to thè missionaries: burn any existing gunpowder and refrain from
ordered a junta o f theologians to study whether thè sword or thè cross had buying additional supplies; stop manufacturing lances; seize any arrows
conquered thè Guarani, and whether Spain could legally oblige them to made o f iron, and other weapons; keep thè Indians “ obedient” ; punish
give up their lands and leave their missions. The Portuguese and Spanish anyone who wanted to protect thè “ troublemakers” ; encourage thè
Crowns jointly decided to back thè use o f force against thè Indians. For Indians to relocate; break all sacramentai cups, so thè Indians could not use
thè initial military campaign, Governor Andonaegui was to advance on them for purposes o f idolatry; report back to him about thè Indians’
 104 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT From Resistance to Rebellion 105

intentions; and finally, if they were unable to relocate thè Indians by bills as propaganda against thè Europeans. Their leaflets, which they dis-
August 15, 1753, he ordered all priests to flee for their lives and to refrain tributed to all thè missions, called on thè mission Indians west o f thè
from administering thè sacraments.61 Uruguay River to make war on thè Spaniards. In one war leaflet, thè
Most Jesuits complied with Altamirano’s orders. However, thè Guarani Guarani described thè Marqués de Valdelirios as thè Marqués Yabaù (thè
coerced several missionaries not to abandon them. At Santo Tomé, for ugly marquis).68The creation o f nicknames was a form o f native resistance
instance, thè Guarani took away thè Jesuits’ horses so thè missionaries and part o f a war o f words.69 These leaflets evidently were anonymous
could not leave, except on foot. A few priests also remained at their mis- documents. None have been preserved in thè archives. Their anonymity,
sions o f their own volition to administer thè sacraments, hear confessions, o f course, served to protect their authors.The use o f war leaflets by these
and assist thè sick and wounded. Despite rumors to thè contrary, none native people is another example o f a transculturative process. Never
ever participated in battles or ordered thè Guarani to fight. A few actually before had thè Guarani engaged in thè use o f war leaflets with thè intent
became virtual prisoners o f thè Guarani. O ne fearful Jesuit suffered a to discredit their enemies and persuade others o f their right to remain on
nervous breakdown, and others had nightmares during thè ordeal.62 their lands. They had learned to fight thè Europeans on their terms.
According to thè Father Superior in Candelaria, “ We no longer govern, Some Guarani west o f thè Uruguay River in Santos Reyes de Yapeyu,
they [thè Guarani] do, and we obey.” 63 Santo Tomé, San Francisco Xavier, Concepción, Apóstoles, Santa Maria la
O n September 9, 1753, during thè Sunday sermon at Mission San Mayor, and other missions did join forces against thè intrusion o f Spanish
Nicolas, thè Guarani shouted at thè priest as he translated letters from thè and Portuguese militias into mission territory because they also suffered
governor o f Buenos Aires and a Jesuit from a mission across thè Paranà losses due to theTreaty o f Madrid. One Guarani repeatedly struck his long
River.They told thè priest to be quiet, that they did not want to hear any- bow on thè ground, complaining that thè Spaniards had sold thè Indians
thing more on politicai matters, and that they only wanted to hear spiri­ and their lands for only four thousand pesos, referring to thè amount thè
tual messages from him. Forasteros (Indian migrants, most likely from other Jesuits had received from Altamirano. Fie accused thè missionaries ofbeing
missions) went to thè pulpit, ripped thè letters from thè Jesuit’s hands, and “ deceitful tricksters, liars, and swindlers.” 70 The Guarani told them to
twisted his arm. The Jesuit asked other parishioners to help him, but none return thè money because his people would rather die than leave their
intervened. Later, thè Guarani burned thè letters in thè churchyard.64 lands. Cacique Neengiru concurred that thè Jesuits who received 4,000
W hen thè Guarani learned that troops from Buenos Aires, Corrientes, pesos at each o f thè seven missions had betrayed their cause.71
and Santa Fe were preparing to make war on thè seven missions, a group At Mission Santos Reyes de Yapeyu, two native leaders, Don Rafael
o f about one hundred armed Guarani from various towns traveled to Paracatu and Santiago Caendi, deposed their corregidor because he dis-
Candelaria and asked to speak to Father Altamirano. Jesuit superior liked war. They then freed all their women in thè coty guazu because they
Nusdorffer told thè group that thè solution was out o f his hands because feared thè Jesuits intended to send them to work as servants or slaves in
Altamirano had already departed for Buenos Aires.To pacify them, he gave Spanish towns. Later, they went to their priest and told him that from now
them yerba maté, tobacco, and beef.65 The Guarani returned home to on, he would only take care o f thè cross and run thè mission. Seizing thè
defend their families and communal interests. keys to thè warehouses, they distributed yerba maté, tobacco, knives,
There was further intercommunity action. The Guarani in thè seven plates, fine cloth, cotton cloth, and other items among their followers.The
missions utilized information from fugitive Guarani spies residing in mission Indians at Santos Reyes de Yapeyu held thè Jesuits as hostages and
Santa Fe, Cordoba, Montevideo, and Buenos Aires to keep track o f thè treated them like criminals after they attempted to escape on two occa-
locai militias.66 O n February 22, 1754, a group o f three hundred Indian sions. The mission Indians ordered their priests to go barefoot just like
soldiers from missions San Luis, San Lorenzo, and San Juan Bautista Jesus Christ and thè Apostles.The mission Indians observed with resent-
attacked a small Portuguese settlement on lands belonging to one o f thè ment that thè Jesuits had not practiced humility, contrary to Catholic
missions in Rio Pardo in Rio Grande do Sul. Although thè native troops teachings. They also gave them fifty to sixty lashes, tossed them into
sacked thè Portuguese huts, they suffered a military defeat when thirty o f their quarters, and denounced them. It is difficult to assess how severe a
them were killed.67 whipping this was. Evidently these attacks were not disabling or life-
The Guarani then resorted to writing their own war leaflets and hand- threatening, because thè priests continued to administer thè sacraments
 From Resistance to Rebellion 107

and hear confessions from thè sick.72 Corregidor Neengiru intervened to

end thè mistreatment o f thè Jesuits.73 Under Paracatu’s leadership, thè mis-
sion Indians at Santos Reyes de Yapeyu, joined by others from Nuestra
Senora de Bororé y La Cruz, San José, Candelaria, and Santos Martires,
attempted to prevent four hundred Spanish militia soldiers from marching
across mission territory.Too poorly armed, they failed; Paracatu and fifty-

Map 8 . The Rio de la Piata, 1754 (By permission o fT h e Bntish Library. Add Ms 17769 R.)
four Indians were captured and later imprisoned in Buenos Aires. There,
they worked in thè construction o f thè church. One by one, however, they
slipped back to their mission.74
During a second attack on thè Portuguese in Rio Pardo in present-day
Rio Grande do Sul in 1754, five hundred Guarani under Captain Sepé
Tiaraju’s command suffered a defeat. Nine Guarani were killed, including
a lieutenant from San Miguel. Forty others were wounded.75 Under a
truce flag, Portuguese militias lured fifty-three Indian soldiers into thè fort
by offering them food and drink. W hen thè Guarani got intoxicated, thè
Portuguese seized their weapons and put them into irons. For several days,
they refused to feed thè prisoners.They then loaded them on a boat. On
board, thè mission Indians managed to get a knife away from thè ship’s
cook and revolted, but thè Portuguese killed thirty-nine o f them. The
remaining fourteen were tried, released, and sent back to their missions on
foot, fully clothed.76The Portuguese apparently spared their lives because
they had offered no resistance, unlike thè others.
The Spanish and Portuguese spent thè entire next year preparing for a
major campaign against thè Guarani insurgents. Because many Spaniards
and mestizos were reluctant to volunteer, Governor Andonaegui drafted
blacks and free mulattos from Buenos Aires. Potentially, there were many
native soldiers other than Guarani who could have been sent to thè mis­
sion frontier.The governor, however, prohibited indigenous soldiers from
joining thè Spanish forces because he did not want his troops either to
have much sympathy with thè Guarani or to face an uprising.77
The joint military campaign, however, faced many delays, partly due to
thè inclement weather, including continuai rains, flooding, and freezing
temperatures.78 Portugal also blamed thè Jesuit Altamirano for Spain’s fail-
ure to hand over thè seven missions.79 In thè meantime, thè Guarani built
cannons out o f bamboo to use against thè Spanish and Portuguese troops.
Even women armed themselves with bows, arrows, clubs, lances, and
sticks. Some offered to fight alongside their spouses if necessary. The
Minuanes, Charruas, Guenoas, and other indigenous groups south o f thè
missions also exchanged information with thè Guarani about their
approaching enemies.80 Finally, late in 1755, thè Spanish and Portuguese
joined forces near thè headwaters o f thè Rio Negro, and advanced north
t
 108 THE INVASI ON FROM WITHOUT From Resistance to Rebellion 109

and northwest toward thè mission territory o f thè seven reductions. In Cardiel, only 14,000 were relocated, and thè remaining 16,000 fled into
early 1756, Spanish and Portuguese forces numbering more than 3,000 thè hills on their ranches, refusing to abandon their lands.87
marched toward thè ranch o f thè Mission San Miguel. The Guarani troops Those who stayed were obliged to pledge their obedience to thè
numbered about 1,300.The joint European forces thus outnumbered thè Spanish. Little is known about their day-to-day experiences under thè
Guarani by more than two to one. The bamboo cannons and four pieces military occupation o f their missions. According to thè Jesuits, thè soldiers
o f regular artillery proved to be no match for thè thirty pieces o f artillery raided thè Guaranies’ fields and lived off their cattle. Across thè river,
in thè European possessioni1 O n February 7, 1756, Spanish troops killed Yapeyu lost twenty-four thousand head o f cattle to thè two armies.88 As
Captain Sepé Tiaraju in a minor skirmish.82 with all occupying armies, thè soldiers established sexual relations with
The Guarani evidently had no other military leader comparable to many o f thè indigenous women, although there were no reports o f rape.89
Captain Tiaraju.83 They chose Neengiru as their new military com- A Jesuit from San M iguel led three hundred families to settle in missions
mander. Neengiru was a great orator, but he did not have combat experi- west o f thè Uruguay River, but most o f thè Guarani did not want to leave
ence. Therefore, most o f thè contingents o f native soldiers followed thè and remained on their lands. They chose to stay in what they thought
orders o f their individuai caciques from each mission.84 This response, would become Portuguese territory.
along with thè use o f bows, arrows, and lances instead o f firearms, proved The Spanish and Portuguese governors temporarily detained two o f
disastrous against thè Europeans.85 Andonaegui later declared that 1,511 thè Jesuits, Father Enis and Father Balde, who had accompanied thè
Guarani soldiers died on thè battlefield at Caaibaté on February io, 1756, Guarani, but two weeks later released them. Spanish minister Ricardo Wall
and 154 Guarani were taken prisoner. Among thè Spanish, three soldiers also ordered eleven Jesuits banished from thè province, but Pedro de
died and ten were wounded. O nly one Portuguese soldier perished and Cevallos declared them innocent. Although word arrived from Spain
thirty suffered wounds.86 blaming thè Company o f Jesus for thè rebellion, it is apparent that thè
In response to thè news that thè invading armies had occupied Monte Guarani had acted independently, even though they had shared some
Grande, thè lieutenant left in charge o f San Miguel ordered all thè inhab- common interests with thè Jesuits in wanting to preserve thè missions.
itants, particularly thè women and children, to flee. Guarani defenders Ultimately, thè Guarani had made their own decision to protect their ter­
from thè missions o f Santo Tomé, San Borja, San José, and San Carlos ritory and fight a defensive war.90 Interrogations o f Guarani caciques in
gathered to wait for thè approaching armies. W hen thè soldiers from San San Borja and Santo Tomé further revealed that thè Guarani knew o f thè
Borja and Santo Tomé passed by thè hundreds o f dead bodies strewn on king o f Spain’s order to relocate but had remained loyal to their own
thè battlefield o f Caaibaté, however, they withdrew to their missions. cause.
Frustrated, thè Guarani from Santo Angelo killed most o f their sheep and Nicolas Neengiru addressed a letter to Governor Andonaegui on Aprii
then destroyed thè tile roof o f their priest’s house as acts o f revenge. 16,1756, in which he reiterated thè reasons for thè rebellion. He expressed
disbelief that thè king had ordered thè transfer o f thè mission territory to
Repercussions o f thè R ebellion thè Portuguese, their traditional enemies. He explained that he and others
from Concepción had armed themselves to defend thè territory o f thè
In spite o f their defeat, many Guarani were stili determined to defend seven missions because even some o f thè Spaniards from Paraguay did not
their lands. Two thousand men from San Miguel, San Nicolas, La Cruz, believe that thè king wanted to hand over these lands to thè Portuguese.
and Santo Angelo, armed with firearms and bows and arrows, formed a He described himself as thè king’s “ humble servant” and a “ poor Indian,”
half-circle using wagons and artillery at one o f thè ranches at San Miguel. who always had been loyal to thè king and willing to carry out his wishes.91
They confronted thè enemy, killing several Spaniards. Eight Guarani died. Governor José de Adonaegui gave thè vast majority o f thè Guarani
On May n , these allied Indian soldiers evacuated thè Guarani from San insurgents clemency but ordered them to turn over all their weapons
Miguel. The Jesuits accompanied thè refugees to Piratini where they within fifteen days. He also made it illegai for thè Guarani to gather with
planned to live in thè open air.When thè Guarani in thè other six reduc­ Indians from other missions. Unlike during thè Comunero Revolt in
tions heard o f thè events in San Miguel, nearly half abandoned their mis­ Paraguay (1721—35) and that ofTupac Amaru II in thè Peruvian highlands
sions, escaping into thè forest. According to a letter written by Father José (1780—82), in which thè leaders were publicly executed to dissuade other
 HO THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT From Resistance to Rebellion 111

creoles, mestizos, and Indians from rebelling against thè crown, thè Jesuits took refuge in thè church. At least four Guarani died in thè confrontation.
only banished Nicolas Neengiru from Concepción to thè nearby mission Many others fled to a site called Rosario, established by thè refugees from
o f Santisima Trinidad and confiscated his personal belongings.92 There Mission San Miguel.
were probably no public executions o f Guarani leaders because capitai Although many Guarani had been displaced due to thè rebellion, sev-
punishment was not practiced in thè Jesuit missions. The Guarani, fur- eral thousand remained on thè mission ranches o f their own towns. More
thermore, took no Jesuit lives during thè war. Sepé Tiaraju had already than two thousand Guarani from San Miguel, for example, stayed on their
perished in battle.The crown evidently was lenient because Spain did not mission ranches and carne under Portuguese authority. Nearly 700 others,
want to provoke further rebellion.The Guarani from thè seven towns had however, went to Mission Concepción, 480 to Mission Santa Rosa, and
suffered enough, losing their relatives in battle, as well as their lands, 431 to Mission San Cosme and Damian. Similarly, more than 1,500
homes, and other resources to thè Portuguese. Following thè rebellion, thè Guarani from San Nicolas resided on their mission ranches; 1,357 lived at
Guarani who remained in their missions also faced thè military occupa- Mission Apóstoles; 864 at Santa Maria La Mayor; 353 at Jesus; and 147 at
tion o f their towns and, later, forced relocation to other missions east o f San Ignacio Guazu. More than 1,000 Guarani from San Juan Bautista lived
thè Uruguay River. on their missions ranch. Nearly 900 Guarani relocated to San Ignacio
W hile being escorted across thè river by Spanish troops, some Guarani Mini; 857 lived at Mission Santos Martires; and 764 lived at thè mission
fled into thè forest to live independently. Others went to work on Spanish capitai o f Candelaria. By 1757, 14,284 Guarani were relocated in other
ranches or in thè extraction o f yerba maté in thè fields belonging to thè missions west o f thè Uruguay River.97
seven missions, along with thè Guarani from missions west o f thè Uruguay Before thè Spanish could turn over thè territory o f thè seven reduc-
River.93 Martin Tuama, a Guarani peon from thè mission o f Santo Angelo, tions to thè Portuguese in exchange for Colònia do Sacramento, there
was arrested with two creoles, one from Cordoba and another from were more delays. A serious earthquake occurred in Lisbon and thè
Tucumàn, who deserted from thè troops sent to Santo Angelo after work­ Portuguese were not ready to occupy thè missions. Neither Spain nor
ing five months on thè frontier without pay. Although Tuama was not Portugal trusted each others good will to transfer thè territory. Gomes
declared a deserter because he had not been employed in thè Services o f Freire demanded thè removai o f all o f thè Jesuits to thè other side o f thè
thè king, he was held prisoner at San Juan Bautista.94 river for having “ incited” thè Indians to rebel. He claimed that instead o f
More males than females fled thè missions, leaving thè elderly, women, teaching religion, thè Jesuits had taught thè Guarani thè arts o f war.98
and children to be taken captive by thè occupying armies. O f a group o f Spain, in turn, wanted to reconstruct seven entirely new towns for thè
forty-eight people, eight were men, thirteen were women, and twenty- Indians before turning over thè mission territory to Portugal.
seven were young adults, children, or infants.95 Sometimes entire families Despite Spanish opposition, Gomes Freire departed thè missions for thè
were relocated to new Spanish towns. For instance, seven families from Fort o f Rio Pardo, taking with him seven hundred native families and
San Lorenzo and San Miguel were taken to settle in thè newly established more than 150,000 head o f cattle. These seven hundred families comprised
village o f San Fernando de Maldonado in what is today Uruguay.96 several thousand Indians, thè equivalent o f an entire mission. Don Pedro
Governor Andonaegui allowed thè war refugees to take only what they de Cevallos protested. Gomes Freire ordered two hundred families to
needed to survive along thè road. Their cattle, their cloth, and all thè rest return to their missions, but thè other five hundred voluntarily followed
o f their goods were confiscated by thè occupying troops. thè Portuguese army. Before they abandoned their towns, Gomes Freire
D on Pedro Cevallos Cortés y Calderón replaced Andonaegui as gover­ most likely had assured them that they would be better off settling in new
nor o f thè Province o f Rio de la Piata in 1756. He took charge o f thè towns in Rio Grande than enduring military occupation o f their missions.
Spanish occupation forces, used Indian prisoners and Guarani-speaking Unlike thè Spaniards, he denounced thè confiscation o f thè Indians’ mate­
priests, Jesuit and Mercedarian, to search for Guarani who had fled and rial and personal possessions. The Portuguese also won thè Guaranies’
persuade them to return to thè missions west o f thè Uruguay. The priest favor by visiting them in their homes and giving them gifts o f clothing.
at San Nicolas could not convince thè Guarani there to move to other The Guarani families who followed thè Portuguese army established
missions.They abandoned their lands only under force. Many threw rocks several new villages in Rio Grande. These included Estreito, San Nicolas
at thè three hundred soldiers sent to move them, as women and children de Rio Pardo, Cachoeira do Sul, GuaradaVelha deViamao (today Santo
 112 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT From Resistance to Rebellion 113

Antonio da Patrulha), and Aldeia dos Anjos (Gravata!). Once settled, in missions in N ew M exico in 1680 in particular will provide some valuable
exchange for beef rations they worked as peons on neighboring ranches insights into thè characteristics o f these two rebellions. The Guarani and
and in thè construction o f forts, barracks, and arsenals. Some engaged in thè Pueblos shared certain cultural patterns, although they inhabited
cattle rustling to sustain themselves and their families, much to thè dislike different types o f naturai habitats. Both indigenous groups were horticul-
o f their Portuguese neighbors. B y 1763, thè village o f dos Anjos alone turists who supplemented their diets with hunting, gathering, and fishing.
numbered more than 3,500 Indians." Both had monogamous and polygamous marriage patterns prior to mis-
Pedro de Cevallos searched for other refugees, but more than one thou- sionary contact. Following thè arrivai o f thè Spaniards, thè Guarani and
sand men, women, and children never returned to thè missions. Many Pueblos endured forced labor under encomienda, Franciscan missionary
joined other indigenous groups, such as thè Minuanes, and planted new rule, and Jesuit control in thè case o f thè Guarani. N ew M exico, like
fields.They also took with them beef cattle, horses, mules, and sheep from Paraguay, was a fringe area o f Spanish America where there was an over-
thè missions to raise. Other Guarani, especially children, died in epidemics whelming native presence and an insignificant Spanish population. The
that broke out in all thè missions during thè years immediately following Pueblo and Guarani cultures and traditions had remained strong in thè
thè end o f thè war.100 For example, out o f a total o f 90,545 inhabitants liv- two regions in thè face o f Spanish domination. Similarly, Spaniards and thè
ing in thè thirty missions along thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers, 7,414 died Indians borrowed elements from each other’s cultures, as thè different
in thè epidemie o f 1764.The following year, another 4,615 died o f disease, peoples met in conflict and accommodated themselves to thè other’s pres­
which lowered thè total mission population to 85,266.101 Even these epi­ ence. This led to extensive cultural hybridity, thè blending o f traditions,
demics were less devastating than those that occurred in thè early 1730S. cultures, and beliefs, which is stili evident today in Paraguay and New
Nevertheless, more than six thousand Guarani adapted to thè new mis­ M exico.
sions.102 And more than seventeen thousand returned to their homes in The church controlled a large proportion o f thè native population in
thè seven missions across thè Uruguay River, beginning in 1761 following thè two regions. From 1581 to 1680, thè Franciscans provided thè impe-
several years o f abandonment. A new Bourbon king, Charles III, had come tus for thè colonization o f N ew M exico, while in Paraguay, thè Fran­
to power, and that year annulled thè Treaty o f Madrid that had proved so ciscans were present beginning in thè 1540S, while thè Jesuits operated
unfavorable to Spanish interests.103The territory o f thè seven missions and from 1588 until 1768. Both thè Franciscans and Jesuits recognized thè
Colònia do Sacramento was confirmed to Spain in thè Treaty o f San Ilde- importance o f thè conversion o f Indian youths and created generational
fonso o f 1777.104 According to thè Jesuit census o f 1762, 11,084 Guarani conflicts within thè native societies. The Franciscans in N ew Mexico,
from thè seven towns stili resided in other towns in that year. The vast however, placed little emphasis on learning thè Puebloan languages.Their
majority o f families resided at missions Itapuà, San José, San Francisco most frequently cited excuse was thè difficulty and diversity o f N ew
Xavier, San Ignacio Mini, Santos Martires, Trinidad, and Jesus.105 But by M exico’s native dialects.107 The Franciscans also often suffered from per-
1764, thè reconstituted seven missions had a total population o f 21,209. sonnel shortages in contrast to their Jesuit counterparts in thè Rio de la
According to this census, 6,519 inhabitants w ho originally lived at thè Piata. The Jesuits, by contrast, received some pertinent training in foreign
seven missions never returned to them. They remained in their newly languages. The Jesuits taught their Guarani converts to read and write in
established homes in missions west o f thè Uruguay River and north o f thè their native Guarani language. The native Guarani language was spoken
Parana.106 Most Guarani preferred a mission setting, rather than establish- throughout thè province o f Paraguay, which facilitated thè learning o f this
ing new villages or joining neighboring indigenous groups. Several thou­ language by thè missionaries. Along with thè economie successes and reli-
sand, however, fled to Brazil. gious consequences o f thè Jesuit missionary efforts in Paraguay, thè impor­
tance given to thè study o f native languages by thè Jesuits helps to explain
T h e G u a ra n i R eb ellio n fro m a C om parative Perspective
why thè Guarani negotiated with thè missionaries and sought their guid-
ance, rather than harming them. From examining thè Guarani letters,
The history o f thè Guarani rebellion offers both striking similarities Jesuit accounts, and other sources written at thè time o f thè rebellion, his-
and contrasts to its counterparts in other regions o f Spanish America. A torians can better reconstruct thè historical events o f thè War o f thè Seven
comparison o f thè Guarani War with thè Pueblo rebellion in Franciscan Reductions and approximate a native perspective. Many documents from
 114 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT From Resistance to Rebellion 1 15

thè period o f thè Pueblo Revolt o f 1680 in contrast were destroyed dur- have had effective military leadership under Pope, although historians will
ing thè rebellion. never be able to reconstruct how these indigenous people had planned
Although we have no native Pueblo sources, a cruciai distinction their revolt. Equally important, thè small Spanish population in N ew
between thè two rebellions is that thè Pueblos were not caught between M exico lacked a single presidio.
two European rivals wanting to transfer ownership o f thè mission terri- The late-eighteenth-century rebellions at thè missions in Alta Califor­
tory from one to thè other, and in thè process dislocating them. The nia were not comparable to thè Guarani War because thè indigenous peo-
Pueblos also had different intentions from thè Guarani with regard to ples in California were nonsedentary, unlike thè agricultural Guarani. At
what they wanted to achieve by rebelling.The Pueblos sought to drive thè thè California missions o f San Diego, Santa Barbara, San Miguel, San
Spanish out o f N ew Mexico. Prior to thè outbreak o f thè revolt, they had Gabriel, and Santa Cruz, small numbers o f hunters and gatherers aimed
suffered from years o f severe drought, meager maize production, Apache violently to eliminate from their territory all thè Spaniards, including thè
attacks, and a decade o f abuse by thè Franciscans and settlers. Conse- friars, several o f whom they poisoned or murdered.109 In this respect, thè
quently, thè Pueblos murdered 21 friars and 380 settlers in thè colony.108 Alta California Indian revolts more closely resembled thè confrontations
In contrast, thè Guarani War was a conservative Indian rebellion. The between thè Guarani shamans and thè Jesuit missionaries in thè seven­
Guarani wanted to maintain prevailing conditions in thè missions and keep teenth century than thè contemporaneous Guarani War.
their lands, not rid them o f missionaries and Spanish rule. These native Similar to thè Tupac Amaru II rebellion, thè Guarani War was regional
people remained firmly convinced that if only thè king knew, he would in scope and long in duration; it lasted more than three years. Some acts
redress their grievances, as had been thè case with many eighteenth- o f thè collective violence were directed against their own native elites
century rebellions. In this thè conflict differed dramatically from thè con- w ho were perceived as collaborators with thè Spanish. But it promised no
frontations between thè Guarani and thè missionaries in thè seventeenth imagined return to a utopian native past, as did thè conflict in Perù. N o
century and thè Pueblo Revolt o f 1680. The Guarani directed their anger cacique mestizo by thè name ofjosé Gabriel Tupac Amaru carne forth to
at some Jesuits, especially thè crown’s representative, but there was no loss try to restore conditions as they had been before thè arrivai o f thè Spanish
o f clerical life. The Guarani responded primarily to external influences, in thè N ew World. The Guarani War was not composed o f multiethnic
changes in international politics, especially thè loss o f their lands; not thè coalitions; it was strictly a native rebellion. In thè Andean revolts, mestizos,
mission System itself. The Guarani inhabited a borderland, which posed Indians, and creoles played an important role.The locus o f debate in Perù
different problems for thè Jesuits and their Guarani converts. Jesuit- concerned thè forced distribution o f goods in Andean native villages, new
trained Guarani militia soldiers and officers confronted Portuguese and taxes, thè need for judicial reform, and abusive practices o f authorities,
Spanish troops only after they had marched on mission territory. especially corregidores. Creoles and mestizos primarily sought relief from
The Pueblos were successful in driving thè Spanish out o f N ew Mexico. excessive taxes. Andean native peoples, above all, wanted an end to tribute
In contrast thè Guarani suffered a serious military defeat against better and forced labor under thè mita System.110 Similarly, in thè Comunero
organized joint military forces that invaded their territory. They also lost Revolt o f 1781 in N ew Granada, Spanish creoles, Indians, mestizos, and
their land, many lives, material goods, and cattle, and endured forced relo­ mulattos protested against Bourbon fiscal reforms and did not seek to rid
cation and military occupation. Although thè Pueblos could not halt themselves o f Spanish rule. These comuneros were primarily concerned
European expansion in their territory indefinitely, thè Europeans who carne with rising taxes and royal monopolies, particularly on tobacco and liquor.
in thè early eighteenth century could not take thè Pueblos for granted. Indigenous people played a lesser role in this revolt; they sought relief
Unlike in other peripheral^ areas, such as Paraguay, thè Pueblos in N ew from excessive tribute payments, forced labor demands, and extractions
Mexico were no longer subjected to forced labor under thè encomienda in from thè clergy. The creole leaders o f thè Comunero Rebellion shouted
thè eighteenth century. The Spaniards also reduced tribute requirements “ Long Live thè King,” “ Death to bad government.” As in thè late-eigh­
significantly for thè Pueblos. What accounts for thè success o f thè Pueblos teenth-century rebellion in Quito, as described by Anthony McFarlane,
and thè utter defeat o f thè Guarani? The premature death o f Sépe Tiaraju thè insurgents wanted to avoid any suggestion o f disloyalty toward thè
may have been a deciding factor in thè Guarani War. The Pueblos appear to crown and sought to legitimate their rebellion with claims o f loyalty to
 IIÓ THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT

thè king.111 Like thè Guarani, thè comuneros were convinced that if only
thè king knew o f their situation, he would alleviate their grievances, as thè
fountainhead o f justice in thè Spanish colonial world.112
Except for its size and duration, thè War o f thè Seven Reductions in
certain ways resembled thè short-lived revolts in eighteenth-century The Guarani in thè Aftermath o f
Mexican villages.The Guarani wanted to keep thè status quo or had spe-
thè Expulsion o f thè Jesuits
cific grievances they wanted thè Spanish to address. In colonial Mexico,
women led thè attacks and were more visibly aggressive than men in at
least one-fourth o f thè more localized rebellions examined by William B.
Taylor.113 Women were more noticeable than men apparently because
their spouses were frequently away when these village uprisings occurred.
The Guarani War took on thè characteristics o f a regional rebellion, in
which Guarani soldiers fought against Spanish and Portuguese colonial
militias in minor skirmishes and in a major battle far from thè reductions
so as not to allow thè troops to enter and occupy any o f their mission ter- on february 28, 1768, thè Guarani cabildantes from Mission San Luis
ritory. It was better to fight out in thè open than to allow thè missions to explained in a letter to thè Spanish governor in Buenos Aires, Francisco de
be destroyed or wait for a siege. The Guarani soldiers and officers fought Paula Bucareli y Ursua, that only thè Jesuits would look after their needs,
a defensive war, away from their homes but on their own land. The not thè parish priests, since thè Jesuits had lived with them from thè very
Guarani men also sought to protect their women and children from these beginning and knew how to get along with them.They expressed concern
invading troops. Mexican colonial villages were not militarized in contrast that if thè Jesuits left, their towns would no longer prosper or even con­
to thè Jesuit reductions. The historical contexts were quite distinctive. tinue to exist (see Appendix 3).They explained,“ Our children are now in
The evidence presented above illustrates that thè Guarani did not live thè forest.When they return to thè town, and do not see thè parsons, thè
up to thè stereotypical image o f docile mission Indians, always obedient to sons o f San Ignacio, they will go off into thè forest to lead a bad life.
thè Jesuits and loyal to thè crown. These native peoples questioned Spanish Already thè people o f San Joaquin, San Estanislao, San Fernando, and
and Portuguese policies, put up resistance, and defended their lands. Tim bó have dispersed.” 1
Although thè Guarani were defeated in battle, they did not lose all aspects Their letter is one o f ten Guarani texts written in 1768.2These letters
o f their native culture. The Guarani professed to be Catholics; yet, a dose are elite documents. O n this occasion, nevertheless, elite viewpoints most
scrutiny o f thè historical documentation from this period shows that syn- likely did not differ substantially from those o f native commoners. The
cretic religious elements were evident. These syncretic beliefs served to Tobati-Guarani left temporarily from thè northern reductions o f San
provide thè Guarani with a common sense o f identity and allowed them Joaquin and San Estanislao. Most apparently left to work in thè extraction
to resist thè Europeans better. They could also deal better with their dis- o f yerba maté.3 According to thè governor o f Paraguay, Carlos Morphy,
locations once they were defeated on thè battlefield. Following thè expul- who was in charge o f thè expulsion o f thè Jesuits in northern Paraguay,
sion o f thè Jesuits, many o f these native people emigrated from thè reduc­ thè corregidor and cabildo o f Mission San Joaquin informed him that thè
tions to thè lower Rio de la Piata and Brazil, where they clung to their Tobati-Guarani were content with their new missionaries. Morphy, how-
native culture as they intermingled with thè Spanish and Portuguese. ever, may not have accurately described their reactions, because thè gov­
ernor sought to impress thè crown with thè news that thè expulsion o f thè
Jesuits in Paraguay went smoothly, without any kind o f resistance or mas­
sive flight. Spanish offìcials, however, were not impartial observers. The
bureaucrats had their own hidden agendas in expressing certain points o f
view that may have served to advance their careers.The bishop o f Buenos
Aires, Manuel Antonio de la Torre, also remarked that thè Tobati-Guarani
 118 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT TheAfterm ath o f thè Expulsion o f thè Jesuits 119

“ rejoiced” because o f thè news.4 De la Torre never toured thè mission Despite this drastic measure, however, thè church continued to function as
region himself to observe thè natives’ reactions. Thus, he was writing to a highly privileged institution. It had vast financial resources derived from
please other clergymen who welcomed thè banishment o f their competi- its urban and rural reai estate, income from tithes, stipends, and other
tors for Indian souls.5
investments.
The Tobati-Guarani were more prone to leave in greater numbers The Jesuits were primary targets because they were considered ultra-
because only recently they had settled in reductions. W ith a population o f montane, meaning that they normally supported thè Pope against nation-
1,805 in 1769, San Joaquin was founded in 1746. San Estanislao, which had alistic tendencies within thè churches in Spain and Portugal.9The fact that
two thousand inhabitants, was founded in 1750 (refer to Map 2). The thè Jesuits served as confessors to members o f royal families, as late as 1754
Tobati-Guaram were more sensitive to their own cultural autonomy and in Spain and other countries, was another source o f resentment.10 C o n ­
identity because they had vivid memories o f life before thè Jesuits. At thè fessors did more than listen to thè confessions o f sins o f thè members o f
thirty missions o f thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers, by contrast, thè Guarani royal families. They were a combination o f politicai agents, theologians,
had lived under Jesuit rule in missions for several generations.The bulk o f priests, advisors, and ecclesiastical administrators.11 The influential Por­
these people remained in reductions under thè guidance o f secular admin- tuguese minister Sebastiào José de Carvalho e Melo (later known as thè
istrators and Franciscan, Mercedarian, and Dominican missionaries for thè Marqués de Pombal), in particular, was suspicious o f thè Jesuits because o f
duration o f thè eighteenth century.6 their influence over thè Portuguese royal family. He barred them from
W ith thè exception o f thè Guarani letter from Mission San Luis, thè entering thè palace and serving thè royal family in this capacity. Another
Guarani appeared to have felt unconcerned about thè expulsion, or more major reason for thè suppression o f thè Jesuit order was economie. Pombal
likely, they did not fully understand thè implications o f their departure believed thè church hindered PortugaPs colonial prosperity.12 Pombal, in
during that first year (1768). As early as 1769, however, thè Guarani his relentless campaign against thè Jesuits, cited thè attempt on thè life o f
suffered from thè effects o f thè expulsion and expressed their discontent King José I on September 3, 1758, as a final pretext to expel them from
with thè changes in royal policies. Many reacted by abandoning thè reduc­ Portugal and its overseas empire. O n Aprii 20, 1759, King José I sent a
tions in increasing numbers. As a consequence o f epidemie disease and letter to Pope Clement XIII (1758—69), reiterating various accusations
flight, thè Guarani missions experienced further significant losses in thè against thè Jesuits. He blamed them for thè attack on his life. Although thè
native population during thè period from 1770 to 1800 (refer to Figure 5 Pope did not want thè king to expel thè entire order from Portugal, a law
on thè evolution o f thè mission population). Earlier studies o f thè Guarani o f September 3, 1759, declared that they be expelled from thè Portugal
did not adequately contextualize thè lives o f thè Guarani that fled thè and its empire.13
reductions; Guarani reactions to thè expulsion are viewed below within a Other opponents o f thè Jesuits authored an anonymous pamphlet enti-
context o f changing church and state relations. tled Histoire de Nicolas I: Roy du Paraguai et Empereur des Mamelus (History
o f Nicolas I, King o f Paraguay and Emperor o f thè Mamelucos) (1756) in
T h e C o n te x t o f C h u rch and Sta te R elations hopes o f discrediting thè religious order.14This work contended that thè
Society o f Jesus had its own army o f six thousand men, and a Jesuit ruler,
Beginning in thè 1750S, thè Portuguese and Spanish Crowns had Nicolas I, thè “ King o f Paraguay and Emperor o f thè Mamelucos,” who on
attempted to curb thè power o f thè church, their foremost institutional July 27, 1754, was crowned with all thè pomp o f a royal coronation.
rivai. Supported by capable ministers, thè Bourbons attacked thè few Nicolas Neengiru II was associated with this particular rumor, rife in
remaining checks on thè royal prerogative that they had inherited from Europe, that thè Jesuits operated a state within a state in Paraguay. N o
thè Hapsburgs. By thè Concordat o f 1753, thè King ofSpain Fernando VI proof was ever uncovered to substantiate these harmful rumors. However,
had obtained from thè papacy thè right o f patronato universal, or appoint- hearsay derived from thè reputation o f a Guarani chief and allegadons that
ment o f all bishops and certain other higher clerics to all prebends, thè Jesuits had incited thè Guarani to rebel played a vital role in thè expul­
canons, and benefices with thè exception o f fifty-two that were reserved sion o f thè Jesuits.
for thè Pope.7 The decision to expel thè Jesuits was thè Iberian crowns’ The direct cause o f thè Jesuit expulsion was thè belief that they had
most decisive action in church matters during thè eighteenth century.8 instigated thè Hat and Cloak Riots that took place in Madrid on March
 120 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT The Aftermath o f thè Expulsion o f thè Jesuits 121

23, 1766. Madrilenos rose up on this occasion against thè unpopular capitai o f thè missions.” 21 His order also stipulated that “ it would be
decree o f March io, 1766, forbidding them thè use oflon g capes and com­ beneficiai to allow some Spaniards to reside in thè missions so as to
mon broad-brimmed hats and prescribing instead thè French w ig and foment reciprocai commercial relations.” 22 Equally important, thè decree
three-cornered hats. This uprising coincided with poor harvests and stated that thè new missionaries would only be in charge o f thè spiritual
excessive food prices, especially for bread, oil, and wine. Charles III, well-being o f thè Indians. N ew ly appointed criollo administrators were
nonetheless, blamed thè Jesuits for these violent riots and used thè cir- responsible for thè temporal affairs o f thè missions. W hile thè expulsion o f
cumstances as a pretext to expel thè Jesuits from his territories.15 Scholars thè Jesuits had a chilling effect on thè church and Latin America’s social,
may never know his exact motivations because thè first part o f a report by cultural, and economie life; for thè Guarani, thè departure o f thè Jesuits
thè committee preparing thè expulsion has disappeared from thè archives. initiated a period o f uncertainty and instability in thè missions.23
In Charles III’s own words, thè king said that he was “moved by weighty In 1767, Conde de Aranda entrusted thè execution o f Charles III’s
reasons, conscious o f his duty to uphold obedience, tranquillity and justice order o f expulsion in thè Rio de la Piata to thè governor in Buenos Aires,
among his people, and [was also acting] for other urgent, just, and com- Francisco de Paula Bucareli y Ursua. An entire year lapsed before thè
pelling causes, which he was locking away in his royal breast.” 16The king Spanish governor and his troops acted against thè Jesuits. Bucareli had to
o f Spain was influenced by events in neighboring countries, especially develop a careful pian o f action to expel thè Jesuits while at thè same time
Portugal, under Pombal’s influence, and France, which had expelled thè avoiding another native rebellion. He could not simply order thè removai
Society o f Jesus in 1764 following a fmancial scandal involving a Jesuit o f thè Jesuits without taking into account that thè Guarani had waged a
procurador in thè Antilles.17 major rebellion more than a decade earlier. In September 1767, in antici-
Charles III issued a decree o f expulsion on February 27, 1767, banning pation o f thè impending arrests, Bucareli ordered thè Jesuit superior o f thè
thè Jesuits from Spain and its overseas territories and confiscating thè missions to send a Guarani chief and corregidor from each o f thè thirty
Order’s movable and immovable property.18 From thè outset, seculariza- missions in thè region o f thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers to meet with
tion had been thè intended royal policy in thè N ew World. The crown him in Buenos Aires. The colonial governor had several reasons for issu-
entrusted regular orders with thè evangelization o f native peoples with thè ing this order. First, he wanted to know if thè Jesuit superior obeyed him.
idea that thè members o f these orders would eventually be replaced by thè Then, he wanted to see how thè native people would react to this meas-
secular clergy. Missions were never expected to endure forever. According ure, as well as “ to free them from slavery and thè ignorance in which they
to a royal order o f September 5, 1766, Charles III ordered thè bishop o f live.”24 More importantly, if necessary, he wanted to take thè native elites
Paraguay to remove thè Jesuits from their missions and replace them with as his hostages when thè time arrived when he had to arrest thè Jesuits and
secular priests.19The ecclesiastics in Asunción, however, did not carry out establish a new System o f administration in thè missions.25 Bucareli, more-
this decree because o f a shortage o f priests in thè province. Missions under over, used thè opportunity to bribe thè Guarani chiefs and corregidores.
thè spiritual guidance o f regular orders thus endured in more remote In November 1767, after thè Guarani caciques representing thè thirty mis­
regions, such as Paraguay. The crown had issued similar orders in other sions had arrived in Buenos Aires, Bucareli wined and dined them and had
parts o f Spanish America, such as Durango in northern N ew Spain, as them dressed in fine Spanish clothing. He treated them like Spanish nobles
early as thè 1740S.20 Missions, however, were only being established for thè or men o f great distinction to ensure their cooperation and to avoid a pos-
first time in Alta California, beginning in 1769, and secularization in that sible uprising. The bishop o f Buenos Aires sang a Mass for these Guarani
region did not begin until after Mexican independence. in thè main cathedral. O n November 4, 1767, following thè Service, thè
Principal religious, military, and civil authorities in thè province attended
T h e E x p u lsio n o f thè J esu its fro m thè R io de la Piata a special dinner held in thè Guarani chiefs’ honor at thè fort o f Buenos
Aires. In spite o f this display o f gifts and goodwill, however, Bucareli
Several days after thè signing o f thè decree o f expulsion, thè Spanish thought that he had failed to win their confidence and friendship. The
minister Conde de Aranda declared that “ all thè missions administered by Jesuits, he contended, had instructed thè Guarani not to believe anything
thè Company o f Jesus in America and thè Philippines would fall under thè he might teli them.26 To thè contrary, according to a letter o f March io,
jurisdiction o f a governor appointed by thè king who would reside in thè 1768, in thè Guarani language from thè sixty corregidores and caciques to
 122 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT The Aftermath o f thè Expulsion o f thè fesuits 123

King Charles III, these men expressed gratitude toward Bucareli and named thè new corregidor o f his mission.32 One text suggests that some
shared his views (see Appendix 4). Had thè Jesuits instructed them not to Guarani experienced an easy transition to life under new missionaries. In
say much about conditions at thè missions, it is certainly not apparent in August 1768, thè lieutenant corregidor o f San Miguel, D on Valentin
this text. The chiefs and corregidores in fact complained that they were Ybariguà, welcomed thè new priests in a brief note to Francisco Bruno de
obliged to perforai hard labor under thè Jesuits. They thanked thè crown Zavala, a Spanish officiai under thè command o f Bucareli. Ybariguà
for offering to send new priests and stated that they were pleased that thè explained that “ with thè help o f thè priest, they [thè residents o f San
governor was planning to “put an end to our misery and life as slaves.”27 Miguel] are happy,” implying that they had good jobs and enjoyed a good
The tone o f thè letter was conciliatory. The native elites accommodated lifestyle. Another cacique, D on Christobal Arirà o f Mission Itapuà, wrote
themselves to thè expectations o f thè Spaniards by expressing a willingness a letter o f introduction on behalf o f himself and his family, most likely
to learn Spanish and thè Catholic religion, as well as their happiness with with thè hope o f being named corregidor or to another position in thè
their new European clothing. Above all, thè chiefs and councilmen looked cabildo.33Their behavior was not unusual.Whenever a new priest arrived
forward to having one o f their children enter thè Catholic priesthood. A at a mission, some Guarani welcomed thè opportunity to become his loyal
Guarani Catholic priest may have signified that they could regain more o f followers. These individuals knew where power lay and what thè crown
their autonomy. wanted.
Guarani cabildantes at Mission San Luis, by contrast, had claimed in a Accordingly, thè cabildantes and caciques expressed certain attitudes
separate letter o f February 28, 1768, that “we are not slaves.” 28 It is highly and displayed particular behaviors, such as gift giving, which were accom-
unlikely that those temporarily visiting Buenos Aires knew thè contents o f modating to thè Spanish. Sebastiàn Joseph Oguendà, thè corregidor o f
this letter. O ne way to interpret this contradictory evidence is that thè Mission Corpus Christi, cooperated with thè missionaries in incorporat-
caciques and cabildantes in Buenos Aires had been under thè influence o f ing thè Guayanas, a Gé-speaking people, into their mission, according to
Bucareli for several months and were writing to please thè governor, thè his letter to Bucareli in 1768.34 Oguendà thanked God and King Charles
king, and his ministers. A t Mission San Luis, however, thè members o f thè III for bringing them these people “ w ho happily left thè forest to be bap-
cabildo were influenced by thè Jesuits and may have been thè priests’ most tized” and for thè priest who found them in “ thè land which protected
devoted followers. them as a nation near thè great water,” referring to thè Iguazu waterfalls.35
Bucareli also visited Nicolas Neengiru at Mission Santisima Trinidad D on Chrysanto Tayuaré claimed he taught thè Spanish language to many
and treated him in thè same fashion as he did other leaders from thè mis­ young native women and offered to say a rosary for thè governor.36 Several
sions. O n September 16, 1768, he presented him gifts o f fine Spanish Guarani caciques also wrote letters to demonstrate their loyalty. C h ief Juan
clothing and brought him and his family to Buenos Aires to forestali resist- Antonio Curiguà, for example, thanked thè Spanish “ for giving us this
ance.29 By concentrating on thè native elites to obtain their approvai, thè humble land where our houses stand” on behalf o f thè “ poor men,
Spanish governor appears to have been successful in retaining thè loyalty women, and children” in thè mission.37 By “ poor” (poriahù) in thè Guarani
o f thè principal Guarani caciques and cabildantes. More importantly, language, thè chief was not referring to thè poverty o f his people but
however, thè Guarani did not rebel simply because thè decree to expel “ poor” in thè sense o f humbleness, submission, or bowing down to some-
thè Jesuits did not directly affect thè Indians’ subsistence. Only fifteen one who was superior. Curiguà perceived mission land not as something
years earlier, thè Guarani also had experienced a serious military defeat at thè native people always had owned since before thè arrivai o f thè first
Caaibaté.30 Europeans, but as property granted to them by thè Spaniards, which they
Several Guarani were preoccupied with thè everyday affairs o f their recognized had belonged to thè king o f Spain.As expressed in this letter,
missions in that first year following thè expulsion. A t Mission San Miguel, thè Guarani carne to accept European ideas and attitudes toward land and
lieutenant corregidor Don Valentin Ybariguà asked Governor Bucareli to private property by thè late eighteenth century.The Guarani, in addition,
send more horses so that thè Guarani ranch hands could round up thè cat- provided thè Guayanas with gifts o f land and calves within thè boundaries
tle.31 Others pursued their self-interests and tried to take advantage o f thè o f their own mission territory, as well as constructed a road so thè
change in administration. In September 1768, D on Chrysanto Tayuaré, for Guayanas could visit thè mission.38 Gift giving was another strategy o f ac-
example, asked Bucareli’s permission to visit Buenos Aires and to be commodation employed by thè Guarani. Benito Fanuira, a Guarani from
 124 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT The Aftermath o f thè Expulsion o f thè fesuits 125

Mission Yapeyu, sent thè governor in Buenos Aires twenty loaves o f bread mission Indians who witnessed thè book burning ever testified against thè
(mbuyape) as a present. According to a Spanish officiai, Pedro Chaguari, Jesuits. O f course, it is extremely doubtful that they would have known
Ignacio Guaiuri, Cornelio Yaicha, and Luis Ariapa also traveled by boat to anything about thè Jesuits’ private writings. Since thè missionaries had
Buenos Aires from Yapeyu to present thè governor with exotic birds.39 burned their journals, Spanish authorities did not have enough evidence
Argentine anthropologist Guillermo W ilde notes that these practices o f to charge thè Jesuits with subversion.45
gift giving suggest that reciprocai relationships were stili important to thè From thè missions, thè Jesuits traveled by wagon or in boats along thè
Guarani.Thus, there was more Guarani cultural continuity, rather than dis- Paranà and Uruguay Rivers to Buenos Aires, where they were kept iso-
ruptions, at thè time o f thè Jesuit expulsion.40 lated from all outsiders and under armed guard for three weeks at a
W ith thè possible hostages (thè principal chiefs and corregidores) monastery before being shipped across thè Atlantic to thè port o f Càdiz in
under his authority in Buenos Aires, Bucareli apprehended all thè Jesuits, Spain. One elderly Jesuit, however, remained at Mission Apóstoles because
first those in thè colegios in Buenos Aires, Cordoba, Santa Fe, Corrientes, he suffered from poor health.The novices also could choose either to join
and Asunción, and then thè ones in thè missions.41 O n May 24, 1768, he other religious orders or leave with thè other exiles.46 It is unclear
set off on thè expedition, accompanied by three companies o f cavalrymen, whether any novices remained, but most o f thè exiled Jesuits eventually
sixty grenadiers, and two hundred militia soldiers from Corrientes, as well settled in thè papal States in Italy.
as missionaries from thè Dominican, Franciscan, and Mercedarian orders.42
It took thè governor and his officials less than four months to take captive G u a ran i F lig h t
all thè Jesuits in thè Rio de la Piata. At each mission, Spanish authorities
conducted thè expulsion in an orderly manner. Usually at night, a single Judging native responses to thè expulsion o f thè Jesuit by their feet,
soldier knocked on thè doors o f thè priests’ living quarters, requesting to which may be more important than their words, several thousand Guarani
say his confession. W hen thè missionaries opened thè door, armed troops in thè thirty missions along thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers abandoned thè
entered their quarters along with Spanish authorities, either thè colonial reductions. AnnW ightm an stresses thè importance o f migration as a forni
governor, military officers, or a judge. The soldiers then gathered thè o f native resistance in her excellent study, Indigenous Migration and Social
Jesuits into a large room where thè judge read them Charles III s decree Change: The Forasteros of Cuzco, 1570-1720 (1990). She observes that most
o f expulsion. The soldiers took away their keys to their offices, quarters, studies on indigenous migration tend to view Indian flight mainly as a
warehouses, and thè church.43 result o f other developments within colonial history. She treats Indian
To prevent thè Jesuits from destroying alleged incriminating evidence, migration as both a consequence and cause o f historical change. In other
Spanish authorities prevented thè missionaries from packing their personal words, Wightman views migrants as historical actors who played an active
belongings. Despite their fears, Bucareli and his men only found cate- role in thè transformation o f indigenous society under Spanish colonial-
chisms, Bibles, and thè usuai personal belongings o f thè Jesuits. In ism.47Wightman’s approach is useful for understanding thè significance o f
November 1767, at Mission Yapeyu, however, some o f thè Jesuits burned Guarani flight from thè missions. Guarani flight appears to have been a
their writings, apparently after hearing thè news o f their expulsion. consequence o f thè reorganization o f thè missions, as well as one o f thè
Cacique Don Chrysanto Tayuaré notified Bucareli that a Jesuit had main causes o f their eventual decline.
ordered an elderly man, Ignacio Javier Taori, to hide five books under his The historiography on Guarani migration is thin. In an arride, Argentine
poncho and take them to thè kitchen, where a Jesuit threw them into a historian José M. Mariluz Urquijo has already demonstrated that follow-
fire, making sure that all thè pages had burned. In July 1768, Spanish ing thè expulsion, thè vast majority o f thè Guarani fugitives did not return
authorities investigated this book burning.44 It is not difficult to under- to thè forest but rather left to work in towns and ranches o f thè Rio de la
stand thè motivation o f this cacique Don Chrysanto Tayuaré. A cacique o f Piata and Brazil.48Anthropologist Branislava Susnik notes in her study o f
Yapeyu but not a cabildante, he may have thought he had more to gain by thirteen missions following thè expulsion that 55 percent o f thè fugitives
denouncing thè missionaries who were soon leaving thè missions anyway. were males and 45 percent were females.49 More recent research by
A few Guarani, especially those who were chiefs and not members o f thè Argentine scholars Ernesto J. A. Maeder and Alfredo Bolsi, by contrast,
cabildo, wanted to exercise more politicai power. Flowever, none o f thè shows that mortality played a more significant role than migration in thè
 I2Ó THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT The Aftermath o f thè Expulsion o f thè Jesuits 127

decrease in thè mission population during thè late eighteenth century.50 In self, instead o f helping one another in their everyday jobs.” 58These con-
nearly every census that contains data on Indian deaths and fugitives, thè tradicting statements may be interpreted by concluding that thè Guarani
number o f deaths was higher than thè number o f individuai w ho fled experienced a conflict o f values during thè late eighteenth century, as a
from thè missions. There were exceptions. At Missions San Luis and San consequence o f their contact with Spanish colonial society. B y requesting
Miguel, for example, far greater numbers o f Guarani fled from these mis­ thè governor to leave thè missions, Diego Guacuyu’s letter also indicates
sions than died in certain years, such as 1798.51 a loss o f personal initiative on his part.The vast majority o f thè Guarani
Immediately following thè expulsion, during thè four-year period w ho fled thè missions never requested permission to leave. They simply
1768 to 1772, there was a substantial rise in migration to towns and thè left even though it was illegal, although some returned later. Spanish
countryside in thè Rio de la Piata and southern Brazil. At thè eve o f thè troops also captured and returned several Indians to thè missions.59 In
expulsion, thè thirty missions o f thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers had 1769, Spanish oflìcials in Buenos Aires ordered that thè Guarani fugitives
88,864 inhabitants.52 By 1772, this total figure had declined to 80,956.53 be returned to thè missions and required that they be paid 6 silver pesos
This figure represented a serious and continuing decline o f nearly eight per month for thè Services they thus far had rendered. Later, Spanish
thousand mission Indians. O f course, thè missions always had been subject oflìcials published notices in various towns, offering thè fugitive men and
to wide population fluctuations.Their departure, however, did not neces- women amnesty for six to eight months for having left thè missions or for
sarily mean that thè Guarani never returned to thè missions. On thè con- having committed any crimes that may have impelled them to leave and
trary, many returned several months later after traveling to Buenos Aires to not return to their homes. Given thè continuing decline in thè mission
sell their surplus produce and goods. There they remained for several population during thè late eighteenth century, these measures proved to
months on thè outskirts o f thè city, working as peons, artisans, and domes- be ineffective.
tic servants, especially near thè port o f Las Conchas where thè mission B y 1801, thè total population o f thè thirty missions along thè Paranà
ships arrived. These travelers usually took as long as six or seven months and Uruguay Rivers had declined dramatically to 45,639, which represents
before returning to their towns.54 a loss o f 35,317 or 43.62 percent in comparison to thè 1772 population
As evidenced in thè single letter o f Diego Guacuyu, a native from figure o f 80,956.60 O f course, there were regional variations. The mission
Yapeyu, to thè Spanish governor in Buenos Aires, thè Guarani appeared to population in thè department o f Candelaria rose dose to 50 percent in a
have been attracted by better economie opportunities elsewhere and free- single year from 13,390 in 1779 to 19,580 in 1780.61 At thè Mission La
dom from providing compulsory labor in their communities. D iego Cruz in thè southern region thè population remained relatively stable dur­
Guacuyu asked Governor Bucareli for permission “ to go anywhere I want ing thè last three decades o f thè eighteenth century. In 1801 it had 3,238
to.” 55 He explained that he “ would like to go to a place where I could inhabitants. At other missions, in contrast, thè native population had seri-
work and be paid for thè work I do so that all my earnings do not go just ously declined. O n thè eve o f thè expulsion, Mission Jesus, for example,
to thè community.” 56 Guacuyu also expressed concern over thè rapid eco­ which is located north o f thè Paranà River, had 2,999 inhabitants.62 By
nomie decline o f Mission Yapeyu. He noted that “ there are five persons 1801, only 1,036 Guarani resided there, thè mission having lost nearly two-
who guard thè warehouse but there is not much inside them. There was a thirds ofits population. San Ignacio Guazu, thè first reduction founded by
small distribution o f goods among thè Indians, but many poor Indians did thè Jesuits, similarly lost more than half o f its population by 1801; in that
not receive anything . . . but they did not complain.”57 Diego Guacuyu year it had a total population o f 712. Guarani from San Ignacio Guazu
was a bit o f a character because, unlike other literate Guarani, he apolo- apparently were more inclined to abandon their town due to growing
gized to thè governor for “ giving him such a headache.” His letter suggests encroachments by settlers. Governor Làzaro de Rivera y Espinosa’s census
that during thè late eighteenth century, as thè Guarani were coming more o f thè Province o f Paraguay in 1799 reveals a growing Spanish, mestizo,
and more into contact with Spanish colonial society, some adopted more and black presence in several missions closest to Asunción. A t San Ignacio
o f a European attitude toward labor. Guazu, for instance, approximately 25 percent o f thè population was non-
By contrast, thè caciques and members o f thè cabildo o f San Luis stated indigenous in 1799. At Santa Maria Nuestra Seflora de la Fe 13 percent
that they did not like “ thè Spanish custom o f each one working for him- was non-Indian, and at thè missions o f Santiago, Santa Rosa, and San
 128 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT The Aftermath o f thè Expulsioti o f thè Jesuits 129

Cosme and Damiàn nearly 5 percent.63The presence o f Spaniards, mesti- Epidemics o f influenza and measles may have motivated many Guarani
zos, and blacks in these missions suggests that these ethnic groups were to flee. In 1778, at Mission Santa Maria de Fe, for example, more than 603
occupying indigenous lands and that miscegenation was on thè rise.64 Guarani o f both sexes and o f all ages died. In thè years 1786—87, many
The population pyramid for Mission La Cruz in 1801 further suggests indigenous people at thè missions o f Apóstoles, San José, Santo Tomé, La
that there was a tendency for adult males, especially between thè ages Cruz, andYapeyu also died from a widespread epidemie that first affected
twenty and thirty-five, to abandon thè reductions.65 In that year, there thè Charrua native population in thè province and then later spread
were 52 males and 109 females between thè ages o f twenty and twenty- among thè Guarani. At Mission Apóstoles, an epidemie o f measles (la
four in thè town. Am ong those w ho were between thè ages twenty-five Mancha) took 81 lives, although 183 people recovered.Those that survived
and twenty-nine, there were 103 males and 185 females. Finally, among had developed an immunity to this disease. In 1797, some Guarani, espe­
those between thè ages thirty and thirty-four, there were 116 males and cially children, received inoculations for measles or smallpox. M iguel de
150 females.66 Since cattle ranching was a primary economie activity o f Ubeda, a Spanish physician, inoculated sixty-three patients at Santa Rosa.
thè southern mission region, perhaps these male fugitives abandoned their All thè patients briefly carne down with a fever and other symptoms o f a
town temporarily to work as ranch hands for thè Spaniards. disease, but then fully recovered. Ubeda did not describe in detail thè
According to thè census o f 1801, o f thè 725 fugitives that fled from cowpox type o f inoculation he used to build up thè Indians’ immune Sys­
Mission Jesus north o f thè Paranà River, 479 or 66 percent were males.67 tems.70 Evidently he exposed thè native people to someone w ho was ili.
Eleven fugitives were caciques or their wives, representing a relatively high These inoculations, however, did result in some Guarani deaths at other
incidence o f flight among native elites, given that there were twenty-six missions. A physician noted that even though these treatments were usu-
cacicazgos. It suggests that this institution was weakening at thè end ofthe ally quite beneficiai and that he used thè same procedures as were being
colonial era.As in thè time o f thè Jesuits, caciques left thè reductions even used in Europe, a Guarani girl died at thè mission o f San M iguel follow-
though they had special privileges. Am ong thè fugitives were twelve wid- ing her inoculation.71 O f 126 mission Indians who were inoculated at
ows and seventy-four widowers.Widowers comprised nearly io percent o f Yapeyu, 15 also died as a result o f being exposed to a virus intentionally.72
thè entire fugitive population, which illuminates why there were always Although fear o f thè spread o f epidemics may have been a motive for
more widows than widowers in thè reductions. Nearly all thè 244 females abandoning thè reductions, many Guarani also fled temporarily in
either had fled with their spouses or were female children who accompa- response to Chaco Indian raids, particularly at thè missions south o f thè
nied their parents. In a few instances, Guarani women had abandoned Tebicuary River. D ue to thè fragmented historical record, it is extremely
their spouses or were single women accompanied by other relatives. The diffìcult to estimate thè numbers o f Guarani who decided to reside per-
average age o f thè fugitive population was 36.7. manently in Spanish towns, in newly founded villages in more remote
The migration patterns from Mission San Ignacio Guazu were slightly areas o f thè Rio de la Piata, or those who joined neighboring tribes.
distinctive in that for certain age groupings there were more males than Guarani fugitives may have also wanted to be free-wage laborers.73The
females, according to its population pyramid.68 Am ong its residents growth o f thè littoral o f thè Rio de la Piata in thè late eighteenth century,
between thè ages twenty and twenty-four, there were forty-three males due to thè decree o f free trade o f 1778, which authorized direct trade
and thirty-five females; among those between thè ages o f twenty-five and between Buenos Aires and select Spanish ports and permitted intercolo-
twenty-nine there were thirty-four males and eighteen females; and six- nial trade, appears to have created some new opportunities for thè
teen males and twenty-nine females between thè ages thirty and thirty- Guarani that were not available in earlier decades. Bourbon commercial
four. The 1801 census o f San Ignacio Guazu indicated that there were reform resulted in increased economie activity in thè region, especially
fourteen fugitives in that single year. Their average age was twenty-nine. thè rise in thè export o f hides to Europe, although there were periods o f
The number o f widows appeared greater than thè number o f widowers. ups and downs, and regional differentiation in thè Rio de la Piata.74At thè
At San Ignacio Guazu, for example, there were forty widows and ten wid­ same time, thè Guarani appear to have abandoned thè missions primarily
owers. Migration, again, appears to have been a determining factor in due to thè economie decline o f their own towns. Cattle censuses for thè
explaining why there were always more widows than widowers in thè missions reflect a sudden decline in thè early 1770S and only a slight
reductions.69 recovery in thè early 1780S.75 In 1772, primarily as a result o f cattle
 130 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT The Aftermath o f thè Expulsion o f thè Jesuits 131

rustling by other Guarani, Spaniards, and Portuguese, there were only brickmaking, public works projects in thè city, and on small plots o f
342,481 head o f cattle in thè thirty missions, representing a dramatic land as a means o f earning a living, avoiding tribute payment, and being
decime from thè 698,353 head o f beef cattle in thè thirty towns at thè arrested and returned to thè missions.82 Nevertheless, several Guarani fugi­
time o f thè expulsion.76 By 1783, this figure had risen to 573,420 in only tives, such as Miguel Cayut, Miguel Cuaraichu,Ygnacio Antonio Antunez,
twenty-three missions, and may have totaled as many as 600,000 in all thè Francisco Xavier Gonzàlez, Presidario Santiago Yacuri Pasquala Arachiyu,
Indian towns.77This sector o f thè mission economies never fully recovered and Maria Rosa Arichu, were apprehended and returned to their towns.
during thè post-Jesuit period. Yerba maté production, however, nearly Most migrants, however, eluded authorities because they preferred to
tripled during this period. Unlike in thè times o f thè Jesuits, there were no work off thè missions as free-wage laborers. The impetus to have thè
restrictions on mission exports o f yerba maté to Buenos Aires and other Guarani fugitives returned to thè missions did not originate with Spanish
Spanish towns. Between thè years 1781 and 1789, thè missions sent an offìcials in every instance. In 1798, Ana Maria Martinez, a Guarani woman
annual average o f 30,000 arrobas (760,500 pounds) to Buenos Aires. The from Mission Loreto, for example, solicited thè return o f her husband,
yerba maté, however, was inferior in quality, since most shipments were M iguel Cavanas, who was in M ontevideo.83
comprised o f yerba de palos, rather than caàmini. The administrators N ot all thè Spanish in thè Rio de la Piata were pleased with thè policy
apparently failed to have thè Guarani plant new seedlings o f yerba maté, o f returning thè Guarani to thè missions because they desired to exploit
so that by thè beginning o f thè 1790S, yerba maté fields became somewhat their labor. Tomàs Estrada, a Spanish officiai at Colonia del Sacramento,
depleted.78 Throughout thè region o f thè Upper Rio de la Piata, yerba explained in a letter to thè viceroy in Buenos Aires, D on Nicolas de
maté production expanded dramatically. Bourbon commercial reforms Arredondo, that thè Guarani from thè missions “ were very practical peo­
served as a catalyst in stimulating growth in this sector o f thè regional ple.” 84 He observed that many individuals would have to leave his juris-
economy.79 diction, which would cause notable harm to Spanish interests. In response
Indian flight, in addition, was a means to escape social constraints in thè to thè viceroy’s decree o f March 16, 1790, to round up and return thè
missions. Several caciques from Mission Candelaria, for example, regularly Guarani to their missions, Vicente Ximénez, thè alcalde o f thè village o f
abandoned their town because they were punished for being thieves and Concepción del Uruguay in Entre Rios, complained that “ there are no
revoltosos (troublemakers). Spanish offìcials suspended Vizente Tiribe, thè other peons in thè area, other than thè Indians.” 85 Ximénez remarked that
lieutenant corregidor o f Apóstoles, from his job because he was at “ thè quality o f these people [referring to Guarani] is well known.” 86The
Candelaria along with other Guarani for more than six months and neg- Guarani, particularly males, greatly outnumbered thè Spaniards in C on ­
lected his duties. Many other indigenous people left their towns and went cepción del Uruguay by a ratio o f more than three to one. There were
to other missions, which, according to Spanish offìcials, caused notable approximately 309 Guarani, including 68 women, and only 100 criollos in
harm to thè mission economies because these men and women no longer this village.87
worked in thè communal fields or on their own private plots o f land.80 The Spanish Crown employed nearly one hundred Guarani from thè
Most Guarani fugitives appear to have left thè missions to work as missions o f Corpus, Trinidad, and Ytapuà to cut firewood along thè
peons in thè Spanish countryside. Guarani peons, or conchavados (hired Coastal areas o f thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers and to transport it by boat
hands), usually received a monthly salary o f 6 pesos.Ysidro Caseres o f to thè port o f Las Conchas west o f Buenos Aires. Firewood was in great
Santa Maria La Mayor, for example, worked on an estancia (ranch) outside demand in Buenos Aires because thè colonial city was situated in thè pam-
Buenos Aires near Lujàn. Some were carpenters. Three single Guarani pas and not surrounded by any wooded areas.88 Many o f these Guarani
males, Lorenzo, Tadeo, and Esteban, from Mission San Borja lived in thè who worked in thè firewood industry o f Buenos Aires were fugitives from
household o f a Dona Sebastiana Delgado in Buenos Aires along with one thè missions. They received monthly wages, as well as rations o f beef, yerba
o f thè Spanish administrators from thè missions, Don Francisco Antonio maté, tobacco, salt, candles, and soap. Those Guarani who chopped wood
Cavallero.81 Several entered military service in thè Province o f Buenos received only 30 reales per month. Those who worked as boatmen and
Aires. Bernardo Paraguallo o f Mission Corpus Christi, for example, transported wood along thè river received 4 pesos. Guarani riverboat cap-
worked on thè frontier as a blandengue (a member o f a cavalry). Often in tains received 714 pesos. W hile working in Buenos Aires, Guarani from
thè company o f other Amerindians, a number o f Guarani worked in thè missions often encountered other Guarani from thè reductions. After
 132 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT The Aftermath o f thè Expulsion o f thè Jesuits 133

working for thè crown for nearly six months at a time, thè Guarani Spaniard. The social status o f thè mestizo children was not derived from
returned home from thè port o f Las Conchas on ships belonging to vari- thè father but thè mother who was an “ Indian.”95 At thè time judicial
ous missions.89 authorities were trying this case, thè two children were working in thè
Several Guarani artisans, musicians, and their families settled in Buenos Service o f thè locai parish priest at San Ignacio Guazu, Father Pedro Blas
Aires and Montevideo, where they continued to practice their skills. A de Noseda. Spanish authorities determined that thè priest could no longer
Guarani musician from San Carlos, Cristóbal Pirioby (1764-94), taught employ these children, along with numerous others in that community,
music to several members o f thè porterio élite. Once arriving in Buenos without properly compensating them for their Services.96
Aires, Pirioby changed his Guarani name to José Antonio Ortiz, perhaps Several other Guarani migrants formed part o f thè poor and mendicant
to gain greater acceptance by thè members o f thè colonial elite. He was population in both Buenos Aires and Montevideo. Juan Joseph Ayaca, for
among thè few exceptional Guarani, along with Pasqual Areguaty and his example, was a blind native from Mission Santa Rosa who was arrested in
sons, who learned Spanish.90 Although thè details o f his life story are 1786 for begging in Buenos Aires. Although he had been bora in Santa
rather thin, they are, nevertheless, revealing in that they show that some Rosa, he grew up on a ranch in Quindy in Paraguay. He then spent sev­
Guarani fugitives apparently lost a sense o f their native identity or under- eral years in Corrientes before arriving in Buenos Aires. Ayaca supported
went a more thorough process o f Hispanization, once they abandoned himself there by begging in thè streets. Spanish administrators in thè mis­
their family members at thè missions to settle in Spanish cities. Had he not sions were reluctant to pay for his food, clothing, or return trip to Santa
been a talented musician and teacher, it is doubtful that Pirioby would Rosa because Ayaca had been absent from thè mission since he was a child
have found acceptance by some o f thè members o f thè porteno elite. and “ was useless” because o f his disability.97 Another impoverished
Guarani female migrants worked as seamstresses, cooks, bakers, laun- Guarani, Maria Basilia Ocariyu, was a widow from Mission San Borja,
dresses, and domestic servants.91 A few appear in thè censuses o f Buenos whom Spanish authorities described as a “pobre miserable” (an impover­
Aires and its hinterland in 1778, 1779, and 1794. Ignacia Vri and her ished person).98 She supported herself and her seven-year-old son in
daughter o f Mission San José were among those who resided in thè city.92 Barrio de la Residencia (present-day San Telmo) by doing odd jobs and
Although thè historical record is fragmented, thè available data on Guarani possibly by begging. Ocariyu pleaded with authorities not to send her
migrant women suggests that a number o f them led rather humble lives in back to thè missions. She explained that she was having her son educated
Buenos Aires.Teodora (no last name cited), for example, was a widow who so that with time she could support herself through more “ honest
owned only one skirt and apparently little else o f value at thè time o f her means.” 99 Ocariyu and Acaya are two examples o f uprooted indigent peo-
death. One ofTeodora’s friends, however, Rosa Boyri, was employed as a ple from thè reductions. Their lives were not unique for thè period in
baker. Teodora died a violent death. She was stabbed with a kitchen knife colonial Spanish American cities. Guarani migrants also formed part o f thè
in a room she rented in a house. Authorities suspected that she had been underclass in Las Viboras, near thè town o f Colonia do Sacramento in
killed by another Guarani migrant, a peon and widower, Juan Felix Uruguay. According to thè burial records from thè period, out o f a total
Tapary, after she refused to marry him. Although suspected o f thè crime, o f twenty-six burials o f Guarani in thè cemetery o f thè parish o f Nuestra
Tapary denied any knowledge ofTeodora’s death and was released.93 In Seriora de Remedios, Las Viboras, during thè years 1775-90, seventeen (65
another criminal case, a woman from Mission San José had left her hus- percent) were charitable burials, which were those burials provided by thè
band and met a mulatto whom she told authorities was her husband after priests for thè poor. Some o f thè deceased may not have had relatives in
she was apprehended at thè port o f Las Conchas, near Buenos Aires. thè area or their families were too impoverished to pay for their church
Intendant Francisco de Paula Sanz sent her back to Mission San José in a burials. A priest described one Guarani, who had died far from thè parish
boat in chains to prevent her from escaping along thè way.94 In a separate after having wandered throughout thè countryside, as “ utterly poor.” 100
case tried in Buenos Aires in 1802, thè two children o f a female Guarani Although Las Viboras was a multiethnic community, thè Guarani did
fugitive named Jacinta Maniga were returned to Mission San Ignacio not marry outside their own ethnic group based on thè parental data in
Guazu even though their father was a “ noble” Spaniard and their mother thè baptismal records for this parish during thè years 1772-89. According
had abandoned them. The children were sent back to reside in thè place to these church records, thè Guarani adopted thè Hispanic institution o f
o f birth o f their mother because she never was legally married to thè compadrazgo (godparenthood) in colonial Spanish and Portuguese towns.
 134 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT The Aftermath o f thè Expulsion o f thè fesuits 135

Their godparenthood ties are an indication o f thè groups they socialized among Guarani couples. The total number o f marriages was reduced
with away from thè missions. Bentura Amarillo and Maria Ignacia because there was only a small Guarani presence in this parish. The
Balenzuela, for example, were naturales (Indians) from thè missions who remaining fifteen marriages were celebrated between Guarani and mem-
became thè godparents o f a child born in Las Viboras in 1781. In one bers o f different ethnic and racial groups. In contrast to Triunfo, Nossa
instance, a negro slave, Juan Narbona, became thè godparent o f a Guarani Senhora dos Anjos in Gravata! had a large number o f Guarani migrants
infant, Mariano Josef de los Remedios, whose parents had migrated to from thè missions. In thè 1770S, there were more than 2,600 Guarani in
Uruguay from Mission Santa Ana. Individuai o f higher social status, this town. Beginning in thè 1780S, however, thè Guarani population
Spanish colonists D on Pedro Arroyo and Mercedes Flores Rodriguez, who declined to 1,362 due primarily to outward migration.The native people
formerly resided in Buenos Aires, also served as godparents to a Guarani sought better opportunities elsewhere as wage laborers and peons. Those
infant in i783.These examples demonstrate that some o f thè migrants’ w ho remained to work on communal and individuai plots o f land only
social linkages were altered as thè Guarani became incorporated into received rations o f beef and never any monetary compensation for their
colonial society.101 labor.104
Unknown numbers o f Guarani migrated from thè missions to thè cen­ Baptismal records from thè parish o f Nossa Senhora dos Anjos during
trai region o f Paraguay north ofTebicuary River in thè area o f Asunción. thè ten-year period 1784 to 1794 suggests that illegitimacy rates were low
O nly one infant, Juana Guayaqui, thè daughter o f mission Indians from among thè Guarani in Rio Grande do Sul. O f thè 402 Guarani children
Santa Rosa, however, appears in thè baptismal records o f thè main cathe- baptized, 355 were filho 0Jìlha naturai (legitimate sons or daughters) and
dral in Asunción.102The absence o f Guarani from thè missions in thè bap­ only 47 (approximately 11 percent) were illegitimate. These illegitimate
tismal records is difficult to interpret. It does not signify that they were not children were thè offspring o f single mothers, widows, or, in a few excep-
present in thè colonial city or that they did not have their children bap- tional cases, o f married Guarani women whose husbands had been absent
tized. Many parents may have had their children baptized in their own from thè village for a lengthy period o f time. The high legitimacy rate
mission towns rather than in Asunción. Yet, it suggests that Guarani migra- (approximately 89 percent) among thè Guarani in dos Anjos suggests that
tion took place primarily in a southward direction and to Brazil. most Guarani married in thè church rather than formed free unions.
Most Guarani who migrated to Brazil settled in thè towns o f Sào Many may have married in thè missions before migrating to Brazil fol-
Nicolau in Rio Pardo,Villa de Sào Pedro, Triunfo, and Nossa Senhora dos lowing thè Guarani War. Once in Rio Grande do Sul, however, they evi-
Anjos along thè fertile banks o f thè Gravata! River in Rio Grande do Sul. dently continued to observe thè Catholic ritual o f baptism. These bap­
At Gravata!, a Portuguese administrator was responsible for organizing all tismal records often indicate thè names o f thè originai missions from
thè Indian laborers. Franciscan priests looked after their spiritual needs which thè parents o f thè children who were baptized had been born.
until 1780, when secular priests replaced thè mendicants.The Guarani in Nearly all o f thè parents were from thè seven missions closest to Brazil:
Brazilian towns received rations o f b eef and served in thè militias. Several Santo Angelo, San Miguel, San Nicolas, San Juan Bautista, San Borja, San
Guarani from dos Anjos were employed as boatmen and as manufacturers Luis, and San Lorenzo.
o f bricks, tiles, and dishes using a kiln constructed in thè town. They also The identities o f godparents o f thè newly baptized Indians teli us
constructed and worked in a mill for thè grinding o f cereals and manioc something about social relationships in thè Brazilian community. There
flour (jarinha de mandioca). The majority o f males, however, worked as were a few instances in which black slaves served as padrinhos (godparents)
peons or temporary workers on ranches in Rio Grande do Sul. The type in dos Anjos. For example, Francisco (no last name), slave o f Captain José
o f labor done by Guarani women is unclear, but many probably worked as Carneiro, was thè godfather to Maria, whose parents were from thè mis­
domestic servants.103 sion o f San Borja. In another case, Apollinario, a slave, and Maria (no last
There was a greater tendency for thè Guarani from thè missions to names cited) were thè godparents o f Antonio, a Guarani infant who was
marry outside their ethnic group in southern Brazil than in thè area o f thè baptized on February 19, 1790, as thè son ofYgnacio Antonio and Luzia
Rio de la Piata during thè late eighteenth century. According to thè mar- Maria, Guarani from Mission San Luis.105The Guarani thus socialized with
riage records at thè Igreza Matriz de Senhor Bon Jesus do Triunfo, 1758— other nonelites and those o f a different caste in Portuguese colonial towns,
1815, only six out o f a total o f twenty-one marriages were celebrated as evidenced in their selections o f godparents for their children.
 136 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT

There was a tendency for some Guarani migrants, especially males, in

thè Spanish and Portuguese towns to adopt Hispanicized last names. At
thè village o f dos Anjos, for example, marriage records indicate that CHAPTER

Guarani males were inclined to adopt Portuguese last names and drop thè
indigenous names o f their fathers. Guarani women, by contrast, main- O ur Warehouses Are Empty: Guarani Responses
tained their indigenous last names. For example, Xavier dos Santos (a
to thè Reorganization o f thè Missions
common Portuguese last name) was said to be thè son o f Pedro Ayegua
and SeciliaYrahi (Guarani surnames). His wife,AntoniaYaguarete, was thè
daughter o f Aniceto Guaracay and Martina Yaguarete. Eugenhio Marques
was thè son o f Thomas Parave and thè late Izabel Maria (no last name
cited, most likely because it was an indigenous one). M iguel Soares was
thè son o f Gregorio Tarayu and Salome Abjaisu, and married Eufrazia
Cunhagatu. M en most likely adopted Portuguese last names to a greater
extent than women because they often were employed away from their
village and thus had more contact with Brazilian settlers from whom they Jesuit expulsion, Spain abruptly altered thè politicai or-
f o l l o w i n g t he
learned some Portuguese words. During baptism, each Guarani in thè ganization o f the missions in the Rio de la Piata. Spanish bureaucrats de-
missions had received a Hispanic Christian name, which probably was vised new plans for their governance.These administrative plans, however,
chosen by thè priest.106 Some o f thè Guarani migrants in colonial towns never achieved their desired results. B y the end o f the eighteenth century,
most likely adopted thè Hispanic surnames o f those Spaniards and Portu­ the massive exodus o f the Guarani, along with periodic incursions by the
guese who served as baptismal sponsors. Haskett notes that, in Cuerna- Spanish and Portuguese into mission territory and administrative incom-
vaca, members o f thè Indian nobility often took thè surnames o f promi- petence and corruption, ultimately led to a decline o f the former Jesuit
nent Spaniards.107 It is difficult to assess thè significance o f thè changes in missions.1Yet, the economie history o f the missions during the post-Jesuit
thè Guarani naming patterns. Possibly, they meant that thè Guarani felt a period was not simply one o f deterioration. As a result o f the Edict o f Free
sense o f cultural inferiority and sought to eliminate any obvious signs o f Trade o f 1778, there were some periods o f economie recovery followed by
their “ Indianness.” Unlike what occurred in M exico, there appears to be decline. This was particularly noticeable in the 1780S at Mission Santos
no evidence o f Guarani with Hispanic last names who added a second Reyes de Yapeyu, whose economy was based almost entirely on cattle rais-
indigenous surname just before thè coming o f independence.108 ing and the exportation ofhides.2 Nevertheless, by the end ofth e century,
Along with thè impact o f disease, Guarani migration was both a cause the conditions o f the Guarani and the missions had indeed worsened.
and consequence o fth e decline o fth e form erjesuit reductions in thè Rio Jesuit scholar Philip Caraman in his The Lost Paradise gives the impres-
de la Piata. Guarani flight had been apparent in thè rime o f thè Jesuits but sion that the ultimate reason for the missions’ decline was the expulsion o f
accelerated dramatically following thè expulsion. Rather than openly the Jesuits.3 Another Jesuit historian, Guillermo Furlong, however, more
challenge Spanish rule, however, in response to thè expulsion, thè Guarani carefully points out that the missions continued to exist long after their
chose strategies o f accommodation and nonconfrontational forms o f departure but entered a state o f decline.4 In most o f the current histori-
resistance, especially massive flight. Desertion was less risky than other ography, scholars tend to blame the new Spanish administrators, most o f
forms o f native resistance. Although thè Guarani were motivated by both who were criollos, for the deterioration o f the missions. John Lynch, for
internai and external factors, including epidemics, Chaco Indian raids, example, contends that the administrators often benefited personally from
labor obligations, and new economie opportunities elsewhere, their the Indians’ wealth.3W hile much scholarly attention has focused on the
migration patterns partly reflect thè growing discontent among thè native incompetence o f secular administrators, less is known about the native
leadership and commoners with thè state o f thè missions at end o f thè reactions to the reorganization o f the missions.
colonial period. An analysis o f native texts and Spanish sources reveals that the Guarani
were not merely passive, submissive puppets before the imposition o f a
 Our Warehouses Are Empty 139
138 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT

new form o f government. The Guarani asserted their rights by following

a strategy o f accommodation and through resistance.6 A study o f their
accommodation is especially important because often thè Guarani chose
to collaborate with Spanish authorities by working within thè channels o f
thè colonial System. The existing native cabildo records demonstrate that
cabildos made accommodation a desirable response for thè majority ofthe
Guarani, since caciques and sometimes commoners could air their griev-
ances to Spanish authorities. Individuai Guarani, cabildantes, and caciques
expressed their discontent with thè new System o f government by writing
petitions, particularly against those who abused power. Many responded
through absenteeism from thè workshops and labor slowdowns. A few
engaged in cattle rustling, homicide, and theft. According to James C.
Scott, cattle rustling, murder, and theft can be considered as acts o f resist­
ance depending on thè intentions o f thè participants. For example, if peas-
ants sought to advance their own claims to work, land, and respect, then
their crimes can be considered as acts o f resistance. But these acts could
also be just crimes.7 O f course, deciphering human motivation across
different cultures and time periods even under thè best o f circumstances
is complex. Attributing motivations to individuai Guarani who often
testified under duress using defective and incomplete evidence makes thè
task even more daunting or nearly impossible with any degree o f accuracy.
Their criminal acts, nonetheless, demonstrate that thè Guarani were not
acquiescent to Spanish rule. Individuai Guarani, caciques, and cabildantes
made important decisions about thè fate o f their own lives and those o f
their families, and about their communities’ lands and naturai resources.

T h e Politicai R eorga nization o f thè M issio n s

A.C.CASTILLO CRIMM '97
After thè expulsion, thè missions depended politically on thè govern­
ment in Buenos Aires, which became thè capitai o f thè newly created Map 9. The Jesuit Missions Divided into Five Departments, 1768-1827 (Courtesy
Viceroyalty o f thè Rio de la Piata in 1776. In charge o f all thè missions, a o f Alfredo Poenitz)
secular officiai, a governor, at Mission Candelaria had an accountant and a
legai assessor, while in Buenos Aires a generai administrator oversaw both
Concepción became thè cabecera for missions Santa Maria la Mayor, San
thè administrative and economie life o f thè communities. In 1773, thè
Francisco Xavier, Santos Màrtires, San José, Apóstoles, and San Carlos. San
Spanish governor o f thè Province o f thè Rio de la Piata, Juan José deVertiz
Miguel became thè cabecera for missions San Nicolas, San Luis, San
y Salcedo, divided thè thirty missions along thè Parana and Uruguay Rivers
Lorenzo, San Juan Bautista, and Santo Angelo. Finally, Santos Reyes de
into fi ve distriets, each with a cabecera (principal town). Santiago became
Yapeyu became thè cabecera for thè reductions o f Santo Tomé, La Cruz,
thè cabecera o f thè district in Paraguay, which included missions Santiago,
and San B oga (see Map 9). As before, Spanish policy in thè late eighteenth
San Cosme and Damian, Santa Rosa, Santa Maria de Fe, and San Ignacio
century sought to maintain an adequate supply o f labor for thè Spanish
Guazu. Candelaria became thè cabecera for missions Santa Ana, Loreto,
and to persuade thè Guarani to settle permanently in reductions so that
San Ignacio Mini, Corpus Christi, Santisima Trinidad, Itapua, and Jesus.
 140 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT O ur Warehouses Are Empty 141

they could be converted to Christianity. Spanish colonial policy worked and Catholic religion in thè Spanish language.15 The crown ordered all
on thè principle that Indians could best be controlled through familiar instruction to be in Spanish in thè Indian towns in thè hope o f improv-
institutions.The basic Spanish System o f native cabildos continued, as did ing their understanding o f thè Catholic religion and ridding them o f their
thè Guaranies’ cacicazgos as thè primary unit in mission society. “ rusticity.” 16The new language policy was one o f thè eighteenth-century
As during thè period o f thè Jesuits, thè members o f thè cabildos held Bourbon reforms. It was intended to created more cohesiveness through-
many responsibilities within their communities.The corregidor assisted by out thè empire.
bis lieutenant, thè two alcaldes, four regidores, thè mayordomo, and other The Spanish viceroy in Buenos Aires, thè Marqués de Aviles, approved
councilmen assigned labor to thè workshops, community lands, and cattle thè appointment o f one ofth e first native Guarani schoolteachers, Andrés
ranches and was responsible for keeping thè public order in thè towns.The Arano, o f thè mission o f Apóstoles in 1801.T0 qualify as a teacher, Arano
cabildo also certified whether thè Spanish administrators and Catholic had to take an examination in reading, writing, mathematics, religion, and
priests had fulfilled their obligations to thè missions.8They made recom- thè Spanish language. Andrés Arano earned 6 pesos per month in addition
mendations to request new administrators or priests.9The corregidor and to receiving thè same rations as thè corregidor and lieutenant corregidor.
cabildantes, moreover, collaborated with thè Spanish judicial System by Loreto Curiano was another Guarani teacher who taught in thè school at
describing certain events that may have led to serious crimes committed Mission San Borja. In 1799, both thè Spanish administrator and cabil­
by mission Indians, thè weapons used, and thè corporal punishment they dantes had proposed to Governor Gabriel Avilés y del Fierro, Marqués de
had given thè accused.10 Avilés, that he and several other Guarani, including Lorenzo Cambayri,
Furthermore, thè corregidor and members o f thè cabildos fulfilled a Juan de Dioguaratio, Juan Climaco Gayrumba, and Don Adalberto Aripi
military function.They informed thè Spanish governor o f thè number o f be appointed as teachers in thè mission schools. The Guarani cabildantes
troops they had ready to send, on his request, to Buenos Aires or other described thè candidates as “ capable, o f good conduct, literate, possessed
parts o f thè Rio de la Piata.11 The royal decree o f July 25, 1679, that knowledge o f mathematics, understood Spanish, and could draw.” 17 In
allowed thè Guarani to make and carry fìrearms was stili in effect. The addition, many Spanish teachers in thè missions had indigenous ayudantes
Guarani were to be instructed in thè use o f muskets to defend their mis­ (teachers aides).18 GasparTarupé, Eusebio Aguarà, and Andrés Payon were
sions and to have access to them in case o f any reoccurring attacks by among those who worked as teachers aides.19These individuals, however,
Chaco Indians and thè Paulistas. Governor Bucareli, however, instructed received no compensation for their labor.The best Guarani pupils received
thè cabildantes not to allow thè sale o f weapons and to seize any muskets prizes o f cloth, glass beads, and other trinkets for their mothers. Their
from those who were not militia soldiers.12 teachers and thè missionaries judged their work by thè quality o f their
The cabildo named thè Guarani captains o f these vessels and thè crews handwriting or their ability to answer questions about thè Catholic reli­
o f sailors who transported mission goods on thè Paranà River to thè port gion or to recite their prayers.20 Despite this new language policy, how ­
o f Las Conchas.13 The Spanish governor, however, selected all thè ever, thè vast majority o f thè Guarani clung tenaciously to their own lan­
appointees for thè important office o f corregidor. In thè past thè Jesuits guage.21 According to Father Gabriel Méndez, a missionary at Mission La
had selected thè appointees who later were approved by thè governor in Cruz, only three Guarani in thè town knew Spanish in 1800, and that was
Buenos Aires. Spanish authorities desired that their candidates be “ good because they had been raised in Spanish towns or worked as peons for
Christians, hard-working, and serve as an example to others and make Spaniards.22 As late as 1822, a few Guarani from thè missions composed
them work.” 14 The Spaniards also preferred that thè members o f thè letters in their native language rather than adopt Spanish.23
cabildo be literate and have some knowledge o f thè Spanish language. The Franciscan, Mercedarian, and Dominican missionaries who
Spain attempted to impose its Spanish-language policy more vigorously replaced thè Jesuits often lacked knowledge ofthe Guarani language. This
during thè post-Jesuit years and placed education in thè hands o f secular lack o f training served as an impediment to converting all thè Guarani to
teachers rather than thè missionaries. Teachers, most o f whom were Catholicism. Each mission was supposedly to have two priests to look after
Spanish or criollos, did not allow Guarani boys to speak in their native thè spiritual needs o f thè Guarani, although in reality several often had
language in thè mission schools and taught reading, writing, mathematics, only one clergyman, except for many Franciscan missions.24 At Mission
 142 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT O ur Warehouses Are Empty 143

Santo Angelo, for example, thè Mercedarians took two years to replace cabildantes warned thè priest “ not to mistreat their sons in thè manner in
one o f their missionaries because there was no one who knew thè native which he had mistreated thè cook, and if he were to do it again, they
language.25 would inform thè Viceroy” and make sure that he would be removed from
The new missionaries administered thè sacraments without notable his position. The next day, thè Guarani placed a horse next to thè door
differences compared to their predecessors. There were only a few distin- where thè priest slept and told him to go to another town.The cabildantes
guishing features between thè religious orders. A higher percentage o f thè also informed him that they did not want to have a priest w ho abused
Jesuits seemed to have been o f European origin in comparison to their them. Urbon’s beating o f Caninde with a cane was severe enough that a
successors.26 Most o f thè Franciscans, Dominicans, and Mercedarians were Spanish physician treated him for his injuries. Following an investigation
born either in thè Rio de la Piata or other parts o f South America. In thè o f this incident, thè governor in Candelaria, Francisco Bruno de Zavala,
past thè Jesuits had required thè Guarani to attend Mass and say thè rosary removed Urbon from his position as curate o f San Juan Bautista.31 At Santos
on a daily basis, not only on Sunday as in colonial Mexico. According to Màrtires, thè corregidor complained about thè excesses o f a Dominican.32
a secular officiai, who tended to be criticai o f thè clergy, thè missionaries This priest whipped and hit thè mission Indians himself, which caused
who replaced thè Jesuits said thè Mass when they felt like it rather than resentment on thè part o f thè Guarani. Although thè crown investigated
according to a strict schedule.27 these charges o f abuse, thè outcome o f this investigation is unknown.The
The celebration o f a secular holiday, thè king o f Spain’s birthday, in thè Guarani at Mission Santisima Trinidad also complained to thè governor
missions reflects a shift in church and state relations during thè late eigh- about thè Dominicans for causing confusion and having continuai dis-
teenth century. O n this day, thè corregidores, caciques, and cabildantes putes with thè members o f thè cabildo and thè administrator. According
held a banquet at thè casa de cabildo (town hall). Guarani passed by a por- to them, thè new missionaries were saying that “ thè Indians are not
trait o f thè king displayed on thè front door o f thè church, shouting, fulfilling their obligations,” but later, someone else contradicted them by
“ Long Live thè King, O ur Lord, Charles III,” as an expression o f their asserting that “ they are doing their jobs very well.” 33 The division o f thè
devotion. Later, there was dancing in thè streets and fireworks.28 Prior to temporal and spiritual affairs among a secular administrator and priests
thè reign o f Charles III, thè church and state had been mutually depend- when such affairs had rested entirely in thè hands o f one or two priests
ent partners in thè N ew World. The Bourbon king s attempt to expand caused a great deal o f conflict in thè late eighteenth century.
royal power at thè expense o f thè church was symbolized in thè hanging The introduction o f intendants in 1784 created more confusion. The
o f his portrait on all thè church doors in thè missions. process o f implementation actually began in 1782, when thè Viceroyalty o f
The tensions between church and state did not end with thè expulsion thè Rio de la Piata was divided into eight intendancies. In 1783 thirteen
o f thè Jesuits but continued between secular officials and members o f o f thè thirty missions south o f thè Tebicuary River were assigned to thè
other religious orders. At Mission Santisima Trinidad, on one occasion, Intendancy o f Paraguay and seventeen to Buenos Aires. The two northern
fistfights broke out between thè Catholic priests and thè administrator. At missions in Paraguay always remained within thè orbit o f Asunción.
Mission San Carlos, Father Alexandro Chaparro charged that thè admin­ Intendants, appointed by thè crown, had complete control o f matters o f
istrator, D on Pedro Nolasco Alfaro, had bitten him in thè face and was a justice, fiscal policies, war, and generai public administration.Their respon-
thief who should be taken away to Buenos Aires in shackles. Although thè sibilities overlapped those o f existing members o f audiencias, viceroys,
administrator’s superiors claimed that Nolasco Alfaro always performed his governors, and religious authorities. Relationships between thè intendants
duties well, all thè mission buildings, especially thè church, were in dis- also never were clearly defined.The intendants were to keep an eye on thè
repair and thè chapels o f Santa Barbara and San Isidro in utter ruins by conduct o f other officials, improve thè collection o f revenues, resolve
1790.29 jurisdictional conflicts, promote agriculture, industry, and trade, and fur-
Guarani cabildantes occasionally expressed their dissatisfaction with nish reports on thè conditions in thè intendancy.34
some o f thè new missionaries. The cabildantes objected to thè errant be- Spanish intendants noted that account books kept by Spanish adminis-
havior o f a Franciscan priest at Mission San Juan Bautista. Father Antonio trators in thè missions were confusing and often in disorder. Many o f these
Urbon hit Pedro Juan Caninde, a Guarani cook, in thè head, stomach, and administrators also lacked experience in thè management o f large enter-
arms with a cane because Caninde had not prepared his eggs well.30The prises, such as thè missions. Some evidently took advantage o f their posi-
 144 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT O ur Warehouses Are Empty 145

tions and cheated thè Guarani, although evidence o f fraud is always cepción illustrates how a Guarani corregidor and other members o f thè
difficult to document.35 Don Simon de Sonoa, thè administrator atYapeyu, cabildo were influential authorities and served as thè primary intermedi-
for example, was removed from his position temporarily in thè early 1780S aries between mission Indian society and thè Spanish colonial state. In a
because 28,000 hides, which belonged to thè mission, had disappeared. similar case, cacique D on Eugenio Mbacaro o f Mission Santa Ana wrote
Don Juan Angel de Lazcano, thè Spanish administrator for all thè Guarani to thè Spanish governor on behalf o f all thè chiefs in his town to express
missions along thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers, and other officials wrote a their concern about thè mistreatment o f his people and thè loss o f thè
letter on Sonoa’s behalf stating that they never received any complaints mission’s assets due to theft and thè administrators inexperience and thè
about Sonoa’s behavior. In 1780, Corregidor Felix Cure, alcalde Felix cabildo that supported him. He used these words:
Mbacurare, alcalde Santiago Samandu, and chiefs D on Inocente Tabacà,
We declare that we have received continuous bad treatment from thè
Don Melchor Abera, and Don Ignacio Asunercà wrote a letter on behalf o f Administrator, Sr. Antonio de Herrera and thè cabildo; well, it only has resulted in
Simon de Sonoa stating that since thè time he became administrator, thè thè loss o f thè town with thè robberies that have been committed in thè ware-
mission Indians atYapeyu never lacked clothing, and their ranches were house; they have punished thè mayordomo, ordering him to do various things for
well stocked with cattle.Their letter o f support indicates that thè members him, this man Herrera, and even though we have complained to thè governor . . .
o f thè Indian cabildos formed alliances and collaborated with thè Spanish show courtesy and give us justice . . . and may thè administrators be men ofexp e-
administrators.36 rience and not boys like they are.40
Occasionally cabildantes and caciques petitioned thè removai o f their C h ief Eugenio Mbacaro then described a horrible incident in which a
secular administrators. The members o f thè cabildo and thè chiefs at Guarani woman named Juana had her leg broken when a lieutenant (cor­
Santisima Trinidad, for example, complained to thè Spanish governor in regidor?) knocked her down with his horse. He asserted that even preg-
charge o f all thè missions, Francisco Bruno de Zavala, about thè poor nant women were punished for having left Santa Ana temporarily. Guarani
treatment they received from their administrator, D on Juan Anguera, and women were compelled to work while pregnant and when nursing their
thè excessive amount o f work he demanded. They charged that he had newborn infan ts.41 Although caciques su eh as Mbacaro had relinquished
excessively punished their women, besides having a number o f scandalous some o f their politicai power to thè cabildos, many were stili influential
affairs with them. Francisco Bruno de Zavala informed thè governor in locai figures in mission society.42This suggested a politicai continuity with
Asunción, Joaquin de Aids y Bru, o f their complaints. The final outcome pre-Hispanic times, despite thè introduction o f thè cabildo.
o f this case is unclear.37 O n February 15, 1788, corregidor Pedro Arayre, The Guarani caciques and cabildantes had a vested interest in thè mis­
lieutenant corregidor Don Vizente Tiribe, and other members o f thè sions. Their livelihood and that o f their families, friends, and other mem­
cabildo at Mission Nuestra Senora de la Concepción petitioned Spanish bers o f their chieftaincies to a large extent depended on thè administra-
authorities to have their administrator, Don Pedro Fonsela, replaced with tion o f their towns. I f they did not collaborate with thè Spanish
a new one because o f his incompetence.They expressed their concerns to administrators, corregidores and other cabildantes might also be removed
thè Spanish lieutenant governor at Mission San Carlos, Gonzalo de from power or more likely, not be reappointed thè following year.43 Such
Doblas, by writing:
was thè case o f corregidor D on Thomas Abacatu, who refused to use cor-
If a poor person requests two yards o f cloth to clothe himself, or asks for a poral punishment to correct Guarani behavior at Mission San Ignacio
horse . . . he (Fonsela) throws him out for thè wrong reasons, and orders him to Guazu in 1780. Consequently, thè lieutenant corregidor, Ignacio Yabe,
work so he can buy whatever he may need. Since his arrivai, this administrator has alcaldes Valeriano Cade and Estanislao Guacuy, other members o f thè
not taken care o f thè sick and even doubts they are ili. . . .W e have always been cabildo, and cacique D on Hermen Borepe petitioned D on Joseph
disposed to obey whatever you have ordered . . . remove him from this town Barbosa, thè lieutenant governor o f thè Department o f Santiago, to have
because we want a man w ho knows how to do his job .38
Abacatu removed from his position for being too lax in carrying out his
The following day Gonzalo de Doblas recommended that Fonsela be dudes.The cabildantes cited an instance in which several Guarani received
removed from his post because he had little knowledge and limited expe- only a verbal reprimand from thè corregidor, instead o f thè usuai lashes.
rience to occupy that position.39 This cabildo letter from Mission C on- In their letter, they described Abacatu as inept and unwilling to adminis-
146 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT O ur Warehouses Are Empty 147

ter corporal punishment to those who “ refused to work, were lazy, or demonstrates that at thè end o f thè eighteenth century thè Guarani had a
committed other offenses.” 44 D on Thomas Abacatu, they insisted, spoke separate sense o f identity and were a distinct social group from thè
out against using corporal punishment because too many people from thè Spanish gauchos o f thè pampas, although in many respects, thè lifestyles o f
mission “ fled to thè lands ofthe Spaniards.” 45This Guarani text reveals that Guarani peons who left thè missions may have resembled those o f thè
those natives who collaborated with thè Spanish as cabildantes accepted gauchos. These various cases suggest that thè Guarani cabildantes and
thè methods that thè Catholic missionaries had used to correct thè behav- caciques were successful in negotiating with Spanish officials.The Guarani
ior o f thè Guarani. A few individuals, such as D on Thomas Abacatu, how- petitioned Spanish authorities and their grievances were not ignored.
ever, perceived these as harsh and refused to resort to them because o f
their harmful effects on thè indigenous community. On June 30,1780, thè
L egai Redress
protector generai de naturales (an officiai appointed to assist Indians in their
suits and complaints and to prosecute or even punish directly cases o f Corregidores, caciques, and, less frequently, native commoners ex-
abuse o f them) in Buenos Aires determined that it was convenient to pressed their grievances to Spanish officials in petitions and occasionally
remove Abacatu from power because o f thè complaints he received from used thè Spanish courts to redress their differences with settlers, adminis­
thè other members o f thè cabildo.The Spanish fiscal upheld his decision. trators, missionaries, and other individuals. In this respect, thè Guarani
Several Guarani cabildantes and caciques sought Spanish administrators elites were not unlike their equivalents in M exico and Perù. As in M exico
who were efficient and honest. Caciques D on Protacio Arey and Don and thè Andean highlands, thè Guarani cabildantes oversaw locai affairs in
Antonio Guaymiguaà, for example, who resided at one o f thè ranches thè missions and represented their community before thè Spanish author­
belonging to Mission Yapeyu, explained in their letter to thè viceroy in ities.53 On several occasions, thè Guarani cabildantes asserted their rights
Buenos Aries that they wanted D on Francisco de Paula Turnien as their to their lands, as Spaniards more frequently occupied untilled or under-
administrator because “ no one looked after things as well as he did” and utilized lands belonging to thè missions than in thè time o f thè Jesuits.54
he never stole from them, unlike their current administrator, whom they Some o f these squatters were “ poor Spaniards” who occupied small plots
wanted to have replaced.46 O n March 1,1785, Fratuoso Berapoti, thè may- o f land and owned only a few head o f livestock.55 In 1780, for example,
ordomo, and all thè caciques at Mission Santisima Trinidad also wrote a four paraguayos (Paraguayans) established ranches on lands belonging to
letter to thè intendant in their native language praising their former Mission San Ignacio Guazu south o f thè Tebicuary River. Although some
administrator, Don Lucas Cano, and requesting that he be paid for thè lands were rented to them, a few ranches were established without thè
Services he had performed for thè past year and a half.They claimed that consent o f thè Guarani. By 1797, at least sixteen Paraguayans rented land
he was “ a good person” and were pleased to have had him as their admin­ from Mission San Ignacio Guazu.56 An unsigned letter o f September 19,
istrator.47 They explained that “ since he left thè town on 24 September 1800, also mentioned thè influx o f Spaniards on lands belonging to thè
1786, everyone was sad,” and that “ things were no longer going well” in five missions in thè Department o f Santiago, including Santa Rosa and
thè absence o f a “ good, prudent, and strict administrator” who served Santa Maria de Fe.57
them well.48 W hile there were growing Spanish pressures to use Guarani labor and
At Santisima Trinidad, thè cabildantes and chiefs petitioned thè Spanish simply steal thè vast herds o f cattle that once belonged to thè Jesuit mis­
intendant and thè governor o f thè missions to remove their interim sions, there was not much demand for thè mission lands until thè end o f
administrator because o f improper conduct.The Guarani asserted that he thè eighteenth century. This was a very different case from centrai M exico
had sold many o f their assets and emptied their warehouses without their and Perù, where there was significant pressure on thè land. One conflict
authorization.49 Spanish officials removed this administrator from his posi- between a Spanish merchant, Francisco Martinez de Haedo, and Mission
tion and seized his assets, which consisted mainly o f a large cattle ranch in Yapeyu began in 1763 and endured for more than twenty-eight years.
Paraguay.50The Guarani caciques and cabildantes from Paysandu success- Martinez de Haedo claimed ownership o f land between thè Uruguay,
fully had their current administrator removed from his position.51 Negro, and Queguay Rivers, ownership o f cattle in this area, and thè profits
Interestingly, in their letter, they mentioned that “ gauchos never harmed from thè sale o f hides.58 In 1773, thè Guarani from Mission Loreto south
their ranches because they were afraid” o f thè Guarani.52 Their remark o f thè Paranà River and Paraguayans from Villarrica had another dispute
148 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT Our Warehouses Are Empty 149

over lands belonging to thè missions, after they had discovered espanoles to receive special consideration within Spanish courts.65 Maria Pasquala
(Spaniards) stealing yerba maté from their fields. Armed Guarani soldiers Castro, a Guarani widow and fugitive, attempted to have her children
from this mission had expelled several Paraguayans from their yerba maté returned to her with thè assistance o f thè protector generai de naturales in
fields several decades earlier in 1716. To substantiate their claim to their Buenos Aires in i788.Whatever she told thè protector de naturales appar-
property, thè Guarani drew a map o f thè area. The protector de naturales ently appeared in proper Spanish legai form in a petition. Castro originally
supported thè Indians’ claims.59 carne from Mission Candelaria but resided in Rincón de San Pedro north
There appear to be far fewer cases o f litigation initiated by thè Guarani o f Santa Fe. W hen Maria Pasquala Castro remarried and went to reside
from thè missions in comparison to thè Amerindians in colonial M exico near thè port o f Las Conchas west o f Buenos Aires, she had left her two
and Perù. Stern shows how Indians in Perù often engaged in litigation legitimate children, Felix and Bernarda, in San Pedro with their grand-
using thè Spanish justice System as early as thè sixteenth century.60 mother who educated them. The boy attended school, learned how to
Woodrow Borah also demonstrates how thè Indians in M exico made use read and write, and studied thè Christian doctrine. The girl also received
o f thè Spanish court System and had their own General Indian Court, an education until thè grandmother died. After her death and in their
which was established in 1592 and functioned for more than two cen- mother’s absence, thè alcalde de la santa hermandad (thè person in charge o f
turies.61 Although members o f thè Guarani cabildos had obtained some a religious brotherhood) removed thè two children from her home. He
judicial experience in resolving disputes over ownership o f land and cat- turned Felix over to thè locai priest to work as his helper and gave
tle with Spaniards, thè vast majority o f thè mission Indians had not Bernarda to a criollo sergeant to help his wife. The judge o f thè audien-
learned to use Spanish courts to defend their rights. Neither thè Jesuits cia in Buenos Aires ruled that thè woman’s children should be returned to
nor their successors educated thè Guarani in thè subject o f law, or admit- her “ without any excuse against thè conduct o f thè petitioner.” 66 The
ted them to thè practice o f law. In fact, it was extremely rare throughout viceroy in Buenos Aires, Marqués de Loreto, ordered that thè children be
Spanish America for an Amerindian to study law.62There was also no evi- returned to their mother. Locai authorities in San Pedro, nevertheless,
dence o f Guarani litigants using judicial skills against one another, unlike raised several questions about thè mother’s improprieties, scandalous
in M exico and Perù. Thus, in comparison to M exico and Perù, Guarani behavior, and ability to support her children. In a letter to thè viceroy, they
mission Indian society appears to have been less dependent on Spanish claimed that she had abandoned her legitimate husband, thè late Vicente
authorities to resolve their internai differences.This, however, did not sig- Franco, and went off clandestinely with another man to become fugitives
nify that thè Guarani had fewer conflicts than their counterparts in other on thè other side o f thè river near Buenos Aires. They described Maria
regions o f Spanish America. There probably were far fewer cases because Pasquala Castro “ as a widow in extreme poverty,” who had to be sup­
o f thè type o f frontier that thè Guarani inhabited. Unlike some mission ported by another relative because she lacked fmancial resources o f her
frontiers, thè Jesuit missionaries in Paraguay tried to segregate and protect own.67 The protector generai de naturales verified these claims and ruled
their charges from contact with thè Spanish society.This policy was appar- that her son remain with thè priest so that he could learn a trade and
ent in that thè Jesuits prohibited thè Guarani sailors from entering thè receive a Christian upbringing and education. There is no mention o f thè
port o f Buenos Aires. Instead, thè sailors were restricted to Las Conchas, a fate o f Bernardina. In thè end, Maria Pasquala Castro’s children apparently
smaller port upriver, so as to prevent them from having contact with thè were taken away because o f her extreme poverty and improprieties. This
portenos. Following thè expulsion, however, due primarily to migration, case provides corroborating evidence that a number o f thè Guarani
greater numbers o f Guarani were in extended contact with Spanish colo­ migrants formed part o f thè underclass in rural Spanish American society
nial society. in thè Rio de la Piata. Maria Pasquala Castro’s rights as a mother were not
Those few Guarani who sought legai redress in thè Spanish courts protected, and her children were taken away to work as servants for thè
relied on protectores de indios, or protectores de naturales, to write petitions criollos.
in their favor.63 Under Spanish law, Indians were considered miserables In thè 1790S, there were two other instances in which Guarani children
(impoverished, their status was thè same as minors).They supposedly were were removed from their communities. A female orphan child named
incapable o f defending themselves in thè courts o f law.64 Widows, thè Rita, who was described as “ agile, alert, and without any relatives,” was
poor, thè aged, crippled, and seriously ili, at least in theory, were supposed taken from Mission San Joaquin “ to be raised, educated, and to serve [a
 150 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT O ur Warehouses Are Empty 151

criollo] until thè end o f her days.” 68 A criollo in Paraguay had asked thè from thè mission ranch o f San Pedro, as well as stripping a Spanish capataz
administrator o f that mission to send him a chinita (Indian woman) to (overseer) o f his clothes. There was no need for an extended confrontation
serve him.69 In one instance, thè Spanish viceroy in Buenos Aires inter- atYapeyu because thè Guarani achieved their immediate goal o f releasing
vened to have a Guarani girl called Catalina returned to Mission Santa their chief from jail that night.
Maria de Fe from thè household o f a colonel Josef Espinola in Paraguay.70 Similar to thè leaders o f some revolts in eighteenth-century Mexico,
The removai o f children from their families signified that thè pre- thè chiefs directed their anger at thè representative o f thè Spanish state,
Columbian labor mechanism o f naboria was stili in effect in late-colonial San Martin, and thè jail, which symbolized outside authority and oppres­
Paraguay. Naboria is a System o f labor adopted by thè Spaniards in which s io n i The prisoners atYapeyu were later freed because they had already
Amerindians provided labor perpetually, especially as domestic servants, spent rime in prison and never posed any reai threat to Spanish officials.
but could not be bought or sold like slaves. Legally, they were free, but in Judges determined that these events did not constitute an actual rebellion
reality they had to endure many restrictions as servants.The institution o f because thè Guarani had not used firearms.The protector de naturales also
thè coty guazu probably was in a state o f decline by thè end o f thè colo- ruled against Juan de San Martin because no member o f a cabildo, unlike
nial period, which may help explain why these female orphans were Indian commoners, was supposed to be shackled and locked in jail.72 In a
employed as servants in Spanish households. similar incident, thè Guarani from Mission Santa Maria de Fe resented thè
imprisonment o f their corregidor, thè Spanish administrator, and several
O th e r Form s o f Resistance Guarani, even though they had pilfered funds belonging to thè mission.
Spanish authorities identified Crisanto Tayucuy as thè leader o f an upris­
Rebellions among thè Guarani were far and few between during thè ing. Tayucuy was imprisoned at thè royal jail in Asunción. Unfortunately,
late-colonial period. There were, nevertheless, two minor confrontations at there are too few details to reconstruct and analyze thè events in greater
MissionsYapeyu and Santa Maria de Fe, respectively, in 1778 and 1789.The detail.73
dispute atYapeyu was mainly a verbal confrontation with locai authorities Guarani women at Mission Santa Maria La Mayor disobeyed their cor­
rather than any kind o f rebellion or uprising. A group o f Guarani chiefs regidor and Spanish administrators by refusing to spin thread and perform
led by Don Felix Arey and Ignacio Asurica went to speak to thè lieutenant other tasks that were required o f them. Fifty Guarani women complained
governor o f thè Department ofYapeyu, Juan de San Martin (thè father o f to thè corregidor and thè Spanish administrator that they were sick and
Argentina’s future independence leader, José de San Martin) and unable to w ork.The corregidor, however, evidently did not believe them.
demanded thè release o f an alcalde, D on M elchor Aberà, from thè jail at These women may have been ili, but it is more likely that they were
thè nearby Mission Nuestra Senora de Bororé y la Cruz. Following his protesting labor conditions and thè ili treatment they received in thè mis-
arrest, D on Felix Arey testified that even though he had spoken with San sions.74 Their motivations were not explicit in thè fragmented historical
Martin “ with humility” to ask for thè release o f their cacique, thè lieu­ documentation. W hat is significant, however, is that these Guarani women
tenant governor refused, stating that he was governor by order o f thè king. took thè initiative to resist through labor slowdowns, feigning illnesses,
The Guarani chiefs exchanged some harsh words with him (they did not and even flight after being mistreated by Spanish administrators. Nancy
cite these in their testimony), asserting that he did not want to carry out Farriss notes that thè existence o f an open frontier enabled thè Maya who
thè orders o f thè crown. Arey and thè other Guarani chiefs then took mat- were disaffected to escape thè colonial regime. Similarly to thè Maya, thè
ters in their own hands by having an indigenous blacksmith break thè lock Guarani chose flight as a strategy for resolving their conflicts with thè
at thè mission jail to set Aberà free. The following day, D on Juan de San criollos.75
Martin took thirty men to search for and arrest several o f thè chiefs,
including Don Juan Pastor Tayuaré, Don Juan Guarina, Don Bartolome
C a ttle R u stlin g and T h eft
Cananu, Dan Francisco Xavier Aizuca, Don Martin Parapuy, Andrés
Manduré, and others who had accompanied thè chiefs thè night o f thè Several Guarani, especially fugitives, committed theft and engaged in
uprising. Clemente Guirapoti and Pasqual Erete were also arrested for cattle rustling to sustain themselves.76 Ignacio, a Tape conchavado (hired
inciting their neighbors, thè nomadic Minuanes, to invade and steal horses hand) from Mission Santisima Trinidad, robbed his employer, Don Pedro
 152 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT O ur Warehouses A re Empty 1 53

Pablo Flores, in Paraguay. He stole tobacco, clothing, thread, a hatchet, a earlier.82 By 1800, nearly half o f thè mission population had been absorbed
silver comb, and a silver bombilla.77 Clothing was thè most popular item into thè colonial societies o f thè Rio de la Piata and Brazil or perished due
stolen by petty Guarani thieves, since it was an indicator o f social status to disease, which undoubtedly undermined thè stability o f thè mission
and along with other small items could be easily resold or bartered in communities. In addition, many Guarani mission Indians lacked clothing;
exchange for other goods. Ignacio’s theft appears to have been a crime, in many places none had been distributed since thè time o f thè Jesuits,
rather than an act o f resistance directed toward thè mission System. according to some officiai reports.83 Under thè circumstances, it is not sur-
However, perhaps he robbed his employer as an act o f retaliation for thè prising to fmd evidence o f growing dissatisfaction among thè Guarani
mistreatment he had received. Other Guarani viewed cattle rustling as a with thè Spanish mission System.
means o f securing their livelihood and subsistence. For more than four Beginning in thè nineteenth century, thè Guarani, especially their
years, two Guarani migrants from Santisima Trinidad, Pedro Ignacio and communal landholding and labor practices, carne increasingly under attack
his son by thè same name, supported themselves by stealing calves and from governments that believed that corporate bodies constituted an
butchering and selling thè beef in thè village o f Villeta near Asunción. obstacle to “ progress.” Until then, Spanish colonial law, policies, and insti-
They sold meat, grease, and soap to thè villagers in exchange for pesos, tutions to a certain extern had provided thè Amerindians with some pro-
corn, cotton, and other commodities.They never planted their own fields, tection and a means o f resolving their conflicts and defending their com­
and thè villagers never suspected that they had stolen their beef. munities’ interests. The co-optative relationship that developed between
Authorities sentenced them both to six years o f hard labor in shackles in thè Spanish Crown and thè Guarani militias also allowed thè Guarani to
public works projects in Asunción. The two, however, managed to escape preserve their traditions o f warfare and empowered them. O n thè eve o f
from thè royal jail on thè day o f their sentencing.78 A few Guarani from independence, however, only two companies o f Guarani soldiers remained
Mission Yapeyu became cattle rustlers near Corrientes. They slaughtered in thè missions. Both were inadequately trained and poorly armed. One
cattle “ because they had none to eat” and were unwilling to work in thè company had a single officer in command. Nonetheless, thè Guarani mili­
fields or work for others as peons.79 Hunger became a problem at several tias assisted thè Spanish in thè defense o f Montevideo during thè British
missions. The cacique o f thè nearby mission o f Santa Ana, Don Eugenio invasions o f thè Rio de la Piata in 1806 and 1807, in one last attempt to
Mbacaro, explained to Spanish officials in Buenos Aires that “ our women serve thè interests o f thè imperiai realm.84
and children suffer such hunger that many leave thè town to look for their W hile thè Guarani militias often defended Spanish territory, their very
sustenance, primarily in Corrientes andYtaiti, and if they return, they are existence also implied that they could become potentially hostile forces
punished with cruelty; this is thè motive why many are afraid o f being against thè social bases that created them, as had occurred during thè
punished, and they do not return, and they wander dispersed wherever Guarani War o f thè i750S.The generai anarchy o f thè wars o f independ­
their misfortune may lead them.” 80 Eight caciques, Don Ygnacio Maegue, ence in thè Rio de la Piata enabled one Guarani soldier, Andrés Guacaravi,
Don Christoval Arira, Don Juan Chave, Don M iguel Mboio, Don Felipe to rise high in thè ranks o f thè military and command troops on his own
Guarova, Don Tovais Guaibica, Don Rincizo Amambi, and Don Miguel in defense o f thè mission territory against Portuguese and Paraguayan
Ybaie, also noted that when thè poor were hungry and asked for food, incursions.The Guarani, as a whole, continued to struggle to shape their
they were given twenty-five lashes by order o f thè corregidor and thè own destinies after 1800, even though their missions further deteriorated.
administrator at Mission San Juan Bautista.81
W ith thè threat o f hunger thè situation o f thè Guarani and thè missions
B rea ku p o f thè M is s io n s ’ L abor and L a n d h old in g Practices
were in melancholy contrast to what thè Jesuits and thè Guarani had
achieved through thè mid-eighteenth century. Many o f thè mission build- In 1800, thè Spanish viceroy in Buenos Aires, thè Marqués de Avilés,
ings were in disrepair. Their warehouses were empty. Many o f their vast decreed thè exemption o f three hundred Guarani families from thè obli-
herds o f cattle had been stolen or consumed. In 1788, thè two departments gation o f providing communal labor. Each family received small plots o f
o f Candelaria and Santiago had 243,906 heads o f beef, representing a loss land, two milk cows, plenty o f seeds, agricultural tools, and access to thè
o f 272,465 heads o f beef cattle, or nearly 53 percent o f their herds, in com- use o f thè community oxen and carts.85 Thus, several thousand Guarani
parison to thè 516,371 heads o fb e e f cattle that were present twenty years mission Indians no longer were required to work communal lands used
154 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT Our Warehouses Are Empty 155

to feed thè orphans, widows, widowers, thè disabled, and thè sick. It is sions.The Guarani welcomed this opportunity because many had grown
unclear how many Guarani actually received exemptions during that first accustomed to working as peons on ranches belonging to thè Spanish. By
year. At thè seven missions east o f thè Uruguay River, 2,169 Guarani thè end o f thè colonial period, many incorporated attitudes that they had
became Indios libres (free Indians), while 10,009 remained as Indios de comu- learned from thè Europeans into their own outlook. Even prior to thè
nidad (Indians w ho were required to work thè communal lands).86 decree, several Guarani caciques had petitioned Spanish authorities to leave
This new Bourbon decree, which accelerated thè process o f seculariza- thè missions and be free o f thè obligation o f providing communal labor. In
tion in thè missions, reflects thè ideals o f thè Enlightenment.The Spanish 1791, cacique Don Diego José Asaye o f Mission Santiago requested his
agenda was to turn thè Guarani into small, independent, yeoman farm- freedom, having worked as thè mayordomo, tenedor de libros de la comunidad
ers.87 Vast amounts o f corporately owned properties such as thè mission (accountant), and alcalde.93 In that year, cacique Modesto Tarara o f Mission
Indian communities, which were set apart from thè rest o f colonial soci­ Santo Reyes deYapeyu made thè same request to thè Spanish viceroy, after
ety, became special targets o f thè Bourbon reformers.88Through thè dis- serving his community for more than twenty years in different capacities.94
tribution o f mission lands, Spain hoped to achieve thè assimilation o f thè Once they were exempt in 1800, Guarani such as Luis Ayuai o f Mission
Guarani into Spanish colonial society. Enlightened ministers in Spain San Francisco Xavier wrote to King Charles IV and thè viceroy in Buenos
sought to create a nation o f peasant proprietors and eliminate constraints Aires, thè Marqués de Avilés, to express his contentment with thè new
on individuai interests. The Bourbon reformers believed that from thè Spanish policy.95 Francisco Romualdo Aranbi, Don Juan Tapi, and several
labor and production o f independent farmers, wealth and freedom would others from Mission Itapuà also expressed their gratitude toward Charles
then emerge to thè benefit o f Spain.89 It was a vision o f society that IV for granting them their freedom from this labor obligation.96The cor-
affected government policies on both sides o f thè Atlantic and was appar- regidor and cabildantes at Mission Santa Maria la Mayor, in addition,
ent in thè plans Spanish officials devised for thè missions in 1800. The expressed their appreciation toward thè Spanish for “ ridding them o f their
bishop o f Paraguay, Luis de Velasco, also contended that thè communal Sys­ oppression.” 97 A Dominican friar at Mission San Carlos, Father Vicente
tem did nothing more than benefit thè civilian administrators and mer- Paz, moreover, observed that as soon as thè several hundred Guarani fam-
chants who took advantage o f thè Guarani. He advocated its abolition and ilies were no longer required to work on communal lands, many other
thè dispersal o f communal lands.90 Guarani made similar requests.98 The granting o f this exemption to thè
What did thè exemption from performing labor obligations in their Guarani, nevertheless, did not mean an immediate end to all communal
communities mean to these indigenous people? John Lynch notes that landholding and thè mission Indian cabildos.The secularization ofthe mis­
prior to thè decree, thè Guarani may not have had their freedom, but fol- sions was not accomplished with thè signing o f a single decree, but grad-
lowing it, they suffered hunger.91 The Spanish intendant, Làzaro de Rivera ually occurred over thè course o f more than half a century, continuing well
y Espinosa, also observed that thè former Jesuit missions Teli into worse dis- into thè national period. The cabildo, which allowed thè Guarani to have
array. Intendant Rivera noted that thè Spanish viceroy, Marqués de Avilés, a voice in their affairs and a channel for expressing their grievances,
had no firsthand knowledge o f thè impact o f thè decree on thè indigenous endured into thè mid-nineteenth century, in particular among those few
communities because he never toured them. Intendant Rivera’s views, missions that escaped thè destruction o f thè independence wars."
those o f thè viceroy, along with thè various letters written by thè Guarani,
were submitted to thè Council o f thè Indies for further consideration. In L o ss o f thè Seven M issio n s to Portugal
1803, thè Council o f Indies ruled in favor o f thè Spanish viceroy and
extended thè principle to all thè Guarani in thè missions.92 In certain A dramatic event, having immediate consequences for thè Guarani,
respects, Viceroy Marqués de Avilés’s decree only gave a formai stamp o f accelerated thè breakup o f thè mission Indian communities: in 1801,
approvai to developments, which had already taken place since prior to thè nearly five hundred Portuguese militia soldiers seized thè territory o f thè
expulsion o f thè Jesuits. Attracted by economie opportunities elsewhere, seven missions, which had belonged to Spain, and was reconfirmed in thè
thè Guarani exercised their own will by fleeing from thè missions in Treaty o f San Ildelfonso o f 1777. These were thè same seven missions,
significant numbers to seek work as free-wage laborers away from thè mis- which thè Guarani had risen in rebellion to defend and prevent from
I $6 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT O ur Warehouses Are Empty 157

being transferred to Portugal under thè terms o f thè Treaty o f Madrid in

i750.These seven towns, however, were not taken without some resist-
ance. Guarani militias killed at least fifty-two Portuguese soldiers in minor
skirmishes during thè 1801 War o f Oranges in thè Rio de la Piata. This
conflict was thè result o f European developments as well as renewed ten-
sions on thè Spanish and Portuguese frontier in South America. As an ally
o f France, King Charles IV had been at war with Britain since 1796.
France under Napoleon pressured thè King o f Spain Charles IV to declare
war on Portugal, after this country refused to renounce its alliance with
Great Britain. Spanish troops rapidly defeated thè Portuguese. In thè Rio
de la Piata, thè conflict was essentially a frontier dispute.100
Embroiled in European conflicts, Spain could not prevent thè expan-
sion ofthe Portuguese Empire into thè mission region.101 Napoleon nego-
tiated thè Treaty o f Badajoz in 1801, which required Portugal to dose its
ports to Great Britain. Spain, in return, yielded territory conquered dur­
ing thè war, including thè territory o f thè seven missions o f San Miguel,
San Nicolas, San Borja, San Luis, San Lorenzo, San Juan Bautista, and
Santo Angelo to Don Juan Principe Regente o f Portugal. Spain thus lost
seven productive settlements. Later that same year, Napoleon’s brother
renegotiated thè treaty changing thè borders o f French Guyana and
Portuguese Brazil. Economie losses for thè Spanish missions amounted to
125,097 head o f beef cattle, 37,554 horses, 7,343 sheep, 4,673 oxen, 11 cot-
ton plantations, and goods stored in warehouses valued at 34,647 silver
pesos.102
The Guarani from thè seven missions gradually abandoned thè towns.
The French botanist Auguste de Saint-Hilaire (1779-1853) visited Rio
Grande and noted that in 1801, 14,000 Indians resided in thè seven mis­ Figure 11. The Guarani in Brazil as Depicted in thè Early Nineteenth Century by
sions. By 1804, there were 12,174 Guarani in thè seven towns.103 Five years Jean Baptiste Debret Jean Baptiste Debret, Viagem Pitoresca e Histórica ao Brusii,
i8j4,Vol. 1. Sào Paulo: Libraria Martins Editora, 1940)
later, approximately 8,000 inhabitants resided there.104 By 1814, their pop-
ulation decreased to only 6,395. Rather than migrate to Spanish territory,
male and female Guarani left thè seven missions between 1815 and 1822 Mission San Nicolas had also entirely collapsed. In thè absence o f a priest
and worked in Brazil as peons, horse tamers, and day laborers. Figure 11 is to administer thè sacraments, thè Guarani from this village traveled to Rio
a reproduction o f early-nineteenth-century-paintings o f thè Guarani in Pardo to hear Mass, have their children baptized, and to get married.
Brazil done by thè French artist Jean Baptiste Debret. Saint-Hilaire also According to thè 1854 census, San Nicolas had only 254 inhabitants. Most
observed that thè Portuguese settlers took over thè land o f thè seven mis­ adult males worked as peons. Six Guarani males were employed as musi-
sions, which had some o f thè best pastures in Rio Grande. The mission cians, two were shoemakers, one was a blacksmith, and another was a
buildings, in addition, were in ruins, thè churches were ransacked, and thè goldsmith’s apprentice. The bulk o f thè Guarani families in this village,
herds o f cattle had been consumed or stolen.105 An 1842 illustration o f however, had become utterly impoverished, according to Brazilian author-
Mission San Miguel in Rio Grande depiets thè cathedral in a dilapidated ities.106 Vecinos (residents) from Montevideo as well as Portuguese settlers
state with wild horses grazing in thè churchyard, as thè subtropical vege- had stolen thè herds o f cattle on thè twenty-six ranches belonging to thè
tation reclaimed thè land (see Figure 12). By this period, thè church at missions.107
 O ur Warehouses Are Empty 159

As could be expected, an examination o f fifteen judicial cases reflects thè

violent tenor o f life on thè frontier. Seven o f these cases involved homi-

Figure 12. Mission San M iguel in 1842 (By permission o f thè Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris. P185741)
cide. In 1819, three Guarani males killed a Portuguese settler named
Antonio Rodriguez Alves, his mother, and three others w ho were not
identified. In 1820, a twenty-year-old Guarani single male, Pedro Dias,
murdered a pardo (black or mulatto). In 1822, Pedro Erohy, a Guarani
peon, killed a capataz from his mission o f San Borja.108Two murder cases
entailed domestic violence. In 1815, Gertrudes Maria (no last name cited),
a Guarani woman, murdered her husband, using an accomplice, another
Guarani named Francisco Joào (no last name cited), and who was evi-
dently her lover. All three had worked together at a charqueada (a place
where beef was salted and dried). In 1817,Tomàs Arapi, a drunken Guarani
male, killed his wife, who was also a Guarani from thè missions.109There
were five incidents o f assault with a knife. In one case, a Guarani male
wounded another Guarani while both were intoxicated. In another inci-
dent, a married Guarani woman, Maria Antonia (no last name cited),
wounded a Portuguese soldier, after she refused to accompany him to a
church celebration. The three remaining cases were all nonviolent crimes
involving theft o f household items and, in one instance, a horse. As in
Spanish America, Portuguese authorities preferred to put Guarani mur-
derers to work, impose long prison sentences, or banish them from thè
province, rather than hand down any death sentences.Those found guilty
o f assault or theft were either fined, served a brief rime in prison, or were
deported. A few Guarani were acquitted o f their crimes for lack o f evi-
dence. Several Guarani criminals perished in jail prior to sentencing
because o f thè unhealthy prison conditions and thè lingering judicial
process.
Although thè motives o f Guarani murderers were often sketchy, there
appeared to be a link between thè excessive use o f alcohol and thè com-
mitting o f violent crimes. The records from Rio Grande also suggest that
there was a higher incidence o f drink-related crimes toward thè end o f
thè colonial period in comparison to thè late eighteenth century. Finally,
these judicial reports provide corroborating evidence that thè Guarani
commingled with different ethnic and racial groups in Rio Grande, occa-
sionally coming into conflict with them.
Indeed, thè breakup o f thè mission landholdings, new labor practices,
and thè loss o f thè seven missions led to growing miscegenation through-
out thè vast mission region.The Spanish viceroy Marqués de Avilés him-
self had encouraged intermarriage between criollos and thè Guarani as a
means to accelerate thè assimilation o f thè Indians into colonial society.
Those Spaniards who married Guarani were entitled to receive a portion
I ÓO THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT O ur Warehouses Are Empty 161

o f mission lands that were distributed after 1800.110 By 1809 and 1810, sev- generai commander o f thè Province o f Misiones. Andresito began his mil-
eral Indians and criollos obtained titles to lands belonging to Mission itary career as a simple soldier in thè compania de naturales (Indian militias)
Yapeyu. José Paulino Guirapoti, for example, described as a “ neighbor and o f Mission Santo Tomé. He was born on November 30, 1778, at Mission
a rancher [hacendado]becam e one o f thè first Guarani to receive a land San Borja but taken to Santo Tomé by his mother where he was educated
title to his property. Interestingly, these titles stated that “ we were taught at thè mission school. In 1811, following Belgrano’s failure to annex Para­
to live in society” (nos ensena vivir en sociedad) ,lu As was common through- guay using military force, he joined thè forces o f Argentine General
out thè Americas, however, far more Guarani never acquired property Manuel Belgrano in Montevideo, along with three hundred Guarani sol-
titles for thè lands they inhabited. diers. In 1812, together with other Guarani soldiers, Andresito joined
B y thè mid-nineteenth century, a growing number o f settlers o f Artigas’s forces, fought against thè Portuguese at Mission Santo Tomé, and
different ethnic and racial groups inhabited thè territory o f thè missions eventually adopted Artigas’s surname.
south o f thè Tebicuary River.The 1846 Paraguayan census, although not as Andrés Guacaravi Artigas’s career followed a familiar pattern in thè his-
revealing as might be desired, reveals a growing ethnic diversity in thè tory o f thè regioni thè emergence o f a Guarani regional leader in times o f
area. According to this census, there was a small pardo (black or mulatto) great social upheaval, especially when thè subsistence o f thè mission com­
presence at several missions in thè Department o f Santiago. At San Ignacio muni ties was threatened. Like his predecessors, Captain Sepé Tiaraju and
Guazu, for example, 146 residents were black and mulatto slaves or libertos Nicolas Neengiru, Andresito chose strategies o f accommodation or resist-
(freedmen) out o f total population o f 4,623. At Santa Maria de Fe, which ance depending on thè changing circumstances. He also refused to accept
had 2,488 inhabitants, 276 were black and mulatto slaves or libertos. At thè terms o f treaties signed by Spain and Portugal in Europe without first
Santisma Trinidad in contrast nearly all thè Guarani had abandoned this resorting to thè use o f military force. As a sign o f changing times, however,
mission by thè mid-nineteenth century.112 Andresito formed an interethnic coalition with Uruguay’s independence
leader to defend thè mission territory. Between 1812 and 1815, Andresito
became a regional caudillo himself by developing a large personal follow­
T h e R ise o fA n d resito , a G uarani C a u d illo
ing. In return for his loyal support, Artigas promised Andresito autonomy
As if thè Bourbon attacks on mission landholdings, labor practices, and and independence within his confederation.114
thè loss o f thè seven reductions were not enough, profound changes took In 1815, under orders from Artigas, Commander General Andrés
place in lives o f thè Guarani resulting from thè collapse o f Spanish rule Guacaravi and nearly two thousand Guarani soldiers under his command
and thè chaos o f thè wars o f insurgency. W ith thè coming o f Paraguay’s seized five o f thè fifteen missions, which now belonged to Paraguay. Scat-
independence from Spain in 1811, thè missions belonging to thè two tered Paraguayan troops could not prevent his taking o f these towns.115
departments o f Candelaria and Santiago, which included Candelaria, After a series o f extended battles, however, with Andresito retreating west-
Santa Ana, Loreto, San Ignacio Mini, Loreto, Corpus Christi, Santiago, San ward into Corrientes, Paraguay’s dictator, Dr. José Gaspar Rodriguez de
Cosme and Damian, Santa Rosa, Santa Maria de Fe, and San Ignacio Francia (also known as E1 Supremo), ordered thè evacuation o f thè five
Guazu, Santisima Trinidad, Itapua, and Jesus, became Paraguayan territory, missions in thè Department o f Candelaria. In thè early months o f 1817,
but were coveted as well by thè United Provinces o f thè Rio de la Piata. Paraguayan troops crossed thè Paranà River, pillaged thè towns, and set fire
The following carne under thè orbit o f thè United Provinces o f thè Rio to Candelaria.116
de la Piata: Santa Maria la Mayor, San Francisco Xavier, Santos Màrtires, In 1816 and 1817, Artigas sent Andresito with his sizable Guarani army
San José, Apóstoles, San Carlos, Yapeyu, Santo Tomé, and La Cruz. Also to recover thè territory o f thè seven missions in Rio Grande. Nearly all his
threatened by thè Portuguese, thè vast mission territory south o f thè Guarani troops, however, were driven back or killed by Portuguese sol­
Paranà River became ravaged by cattle rustlers, bandits, thè invading diers and settlers. In 1817, Andresito set up headquarters at Mission
armies o f caudillos (strong men), and thè Paraguayan cavalry.113 Apóstoles, where he planned thè recovery o f thè mission territory that
In 1811, José Gervasio Artigas, a gaucho caudillo and thè leader o f thè remained in Portuguese hands.Two years later, Andresito led another raid
federalist provinces, especially Uruguay, against thè Province o f Buenos on thè seven missions, but on this occasion, thè Portuguese wounded and
Aires, appointed a Guarani mission Indian, Andrés “ Andresito” Guacaravi, captured him and sent him to Porto Aiegre. Later, thè Portuguese trans-
I Ó2 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT O ur Warehouses Are Empty 163

ferred Andresito to thè island o f Las Cobras near Rio de Janeiro, where he In summary, despite thè continuai deterioration o f thè missions, thè
died in prison in 1821 or 1822.117 Guarani attempted to defend their communities on numerous occasions
Overthrown by one o f his subordinates, Artigas and a small group o f without thè assistance o f missionaries. W hether thè Guarani cabildantes
supporters fled into Paraguay in 1820, seeking asylum. Dr. Francia allowed and caciques acted in thè interests o f thè communities and families or for
him to remain and assigned thè fallen caudillo a generous state pension their own personal benefit, however, is not always clear in thè historical
and a parcel o f land in northeastern Paraguay, near San Isidro de Curu- documents. Nevertheless, it is quite apparent that thè Guarani displayed a
guatay. Meanwhile, Dr. Francia made a serious attempt to control thè dis- great deal o f initiative in seeking to eliminate acts o f injustice and abuse
puted area by sending large numbers o f Paraguayan cavalry to occupy thè in their towns. The frequency o f their petitions is indicative that thè
missions. The Paraguayan militias kept trade routes open and thè area Guarani did not fit thè mold o f meek and docile mission Indians. The
south o f thè Paranà River became a buffer zone.118 B y thè end o f 1820, Guarani, on thè contrary, actively sought to protect their autonomy and to
Guarani resistance carne to an end.119 determine events in their locai communities, often using thè Spanish insti-
Those Guarani who remained in Paraguayan territory were required to tution o f thè cabildo for their own needs. Similar to Indians in thè Moxos
work by Dr. Francia’s government in textile workshops to produce cloth region o f thè Amazon Basin, thè Guarani had learned from thè Jesuits to
for thè manufacture ofmilitary uniforms.120 Guarani musicians also played resist new demands by secular authorities.125These characteristics and thè
their instruments in thè naturales musicos de la patria (native musicians o f Guaranies’ abilities to adapt to a changing colonial world, along with their
thè republic), which after 1836 became known as thè musicos de tropa (mil- willingness to cling to some o f their native traditions, enabled many o f thè
itary bands) o f thè Paraguayan army. Several Guarani artisans, in addition, Guarani to endure, but unfortunately in a sorrowful state, as their missions
were employed by thè state.121 were plundered.
Only thè former Jesuit missions north o f thè Paranà River were spared
thè physical destruction o fthe wars o f independence.These were thè ones
isolated by Dr. Francia. However, even under Dr. Francia’s authoritarian
rule, there were signs o f growing social disorder and banditry in thè coun-
tryside.122 In 1824, under thè influence o f nineteenth-century liberalism,
Dr. Francia replaced thè mendicant orders that oversaw thè spiritual needs
o f thè mission Indians with secular priests. The Guarani failed to respond
to thè departure o f their missionaries with any uprisings or rebellions, sim-
ilarly to thè period o f thè expulsion o f thè Jesuits. In 1842, Dr. Francia’s
successor, Carlos Antonio Lopez, however, introduced a new measure to
divide thè communal lands and cattle belonging to thè towns among
Indians whom thè government considered to be “ capable,” “ deserving,” and
“ well-behaved.” This decree divided thè few remaining Guarani be-
tween those who could and could not own land.123 Finally, in 1848, Carlos
Antonio Lopez divested all thè Indian cabildos in Paraguay. According to
this decree, thè Indians in twenty-one pueblos de indios (Indian towns),
including thè former Franciscan and Jesuit missions, were declared citizens
o f thè Republic o f Paraguay. The Guarani thus lost all formai mechanisms
for protecting their communal lands and rights. The order also signified
that thè Indians could be made liable for military Service. Equally impor­
tane all thè Indians’ communal properties were confiscated by thè state
without providing compensation to thè Guarani.124This decree marked thè
final dissolution o f thè missions as corporate entities.
 Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 165

To what extent could thè Guarani preserve distinctive elements o f their

native heritage, particularly their religion, in thè face o f overwhelming
CHAPTER
economie, politicai, social, and cultural pressures from thè Europeans?
H ow were thè lives o f missionaries affected by their contact with these
Guarani Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations indigenous people? Guarani native religion did not die in thè reductions
but lived on within thè new syncretic version created by them.4 Native
texts and missionary accounts offer glimpses o f more originai beliefs, such
as occasionai references to thè importance o f thè worship o f ancestors,
which demonstrate that thè Guarani retained some o f their originai reli-
gious practices. For thè Guarani, following old native religious beliefs and
rituals provided a way for maintaining continuity with thè past, as well as
a separate sense o f cultural identity. Nonetheless, it is quite evident even
from thè rather thin historical evidence that thè Guarani religious System
had suffered profound Catholic influences.
w h e n SPANISH authorities discovered that Silverio Caté, a Guarani from

Mission Loreto, had hurt thè foot o f another Guarani, Christoval Aguan-
dusu, by burying a “ nail” (probably thè sting o f a freshwater sting ray) R elig iou s A d a p ta tio n in S pa nish A m erica
underground because he had taken his manioc, they asked whether he
The historiography o f thè religious adaptation o f other Amerindians,
invoked thè devii when he did these evil deeds. Caté replied “ No. . . . I did
especially in colonial M exico, provides a context for discussing thè
it in thè name o f God.” 1 Caté apparently thought that if he mentioned
Guarani mission Indians’ responses to Christianity. Robert Ricard, in his
that he did these things in thè name o f God, rather than thè devii, then thè
classic work, The Spiritual Conquest of Mexico (193 3), argues that Catholic
Spaniards might be more lenient with him. He evidently noticed that this
missionaries successfully converted Indians in sixteenth-century Mexico.
was not thè correct response. The Spaniards then asked him whether he
In more recent years, however, several scholars have questioned thè depth
knew that their Christian God did not want him to harm his fellow man.
o f that spiritual conquest. Nancy Farriss, Sabine M acCorm ack, Inga
He replied that he understood this and that he did not ignore G od’s com-
Clendinnen, and Louise Burkhart, among others, have modified our view
mandments. They asked how could he do these evil deeds in thè name o f
in Spanish America. Their works suggest that this process was complex.5
God? He simply answered that he knew how to harm or offend others.
Farriss, for example, describes how thè Maya continued to make reli­
Caté’s testimony demonstrates that thè Guarani shamanistic practices per-
gious idols and practiced thè cults o f thè Catholic saints with their own
sisted into thè late eighteenth century. More than a century earlier, Jesuit
internai logie. Burkhart examines how thè Franciscans failed to alter fun-
missionary Antonio Ruiz de Montoya had depicted Guarani shamans as
damentally thè Nahua religion and society, primarily because o f transla-
“ diggers” because several buried toads and fish spines to kill or harm oth­
tion problems. She argues that thè Nahuas became Catholic enough to
ers.2 Caté’s sworn statement also suggests that some Guarani had a limited
adapt to thè new colonial situation, but maintained thè ideological and
knowledge or no understanding o f Catholicism and thè Christian God, or
moral structures o f their own society. Inga Clendinnen, Sabine
felt rather indifferent about thè missionaries’ teachings. Caté was sixty-two
MacCormack, and other scholars have analyzed indigenous understand-
years old at thè time o f his arrest and a master tanner who evidently had
ings o f religious beliefs and rituals and how these responses were inter-
thè time and experience to learn about thè Catholic faith.The assertion
preted differently or misread by thè Europeans.6
by some o f thè missionaries themselves, along with a few Spanish officials,
In much o f their own early historical literature, Jesuit scholars tend to
that thè Guarani had “ a limited capacity for understanding thè Catholic
argue that thè members o f their order successfully converted thè Guarani
religion,” in addition, sheds some doubt on thè Jesuits’ ability to convert
to Catholicism. In 1948, for example, Francisco Mateos contends that thè
all o f thè Guarani in thè reductions.3That statement, o f course, reflects thè
Guarani mission Indians became Catholics in an article.7 He accepts thè
Europeans’ own sense o f cultural superiority and racial prejudices.
missionaries’ own claims that they converted most o f thè Guarani. What
 I Ó6 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 167

thè actual Jesuits meant by conversion, however, is not often clear in their selves to healing using herbs.These individuai, o f course, would not have
accounts. Unfortunately, we have no set o f criteria to determine whether been arrested. O n thè contrary, some Jesuits studied their use o f herbs. P.
a Guarani mission Indian had achieved sufficient knowledge o f Chris- Pedro Montenegro included extensive drawings o f plants from thè mission
tianity to be considered Catholic at a given time. But neither do we know region in his rare four-volume work, Libro Primevo y Segundo de la Proprie-
thè extent o f peoples’ beliefs in Catholic countries, such as Spain, at this dad y Virtudes de losArboles y Plantas de las Misiones y Prouincias de Tucuman,
time. Indeed, one could argue that many Guarani became Catholic sim- conAlgunas de Brasil y Oriente (1710).
ply because they identified themselves as such in their texts. Several mis- One Guarani suspected o f witchcraft, D on Christobal Guairay, a
sionaries also confirmed that thè Guarani became Catholics. Jesuit Nicolas cacique from Mission Loreto, practiced traditional methods o f shamanism
del Techo, for example, cites instances in which thè Guarani embraced by symbolically blowing on his enemies; that is, he blew on flies to make
Christianity. The majority, he notes, became converted after giving up them fly in thè direction in which his enemies lived. W hen Spanish
their concubines and celebrating their marriages in thè church.8 Jesuit authorities asked why, he explained that “ he blows on them while calling
censuses indicate that on an annual basis, several thousand Guarani said thè devii and repeating thè name o f thè individuai that he wants to do
their confessions, made communion, and accepted other sacraments, such harm to.” n The wind then carries thè flies to his victims,“ causing maggots
as baptism. to grow, harming thè flesh whether they be in their eyes or nose.” 12 Al-
In recent years, scholars, including Jesuits, have taken a more criticai though thè Guarani language was widely spoken in thè Province o f Para­
look at thè religious experiences o f thè Guarani under colonialism. One guay and in Corrientes, Spanish authorities had translation problems.13
o f thè leading scholars o f thè Guarani language and culture, Bartomeu This Guarani shaman may have actually invoked spirits rather than thè
Melià, S.J., for example, concludes that thè reductions posed a crisis for thè Catholic concept o f thè devii because court interpreters may have trans-
Guarani. The missionaries, he notes, dismissed nearly all Guarani beliefs lated evil spirits in thè Guarani language as thè devii, their closest equiv-
and rituals as mere superstitions. Dreams and visions were important ex- alent in Spanish. In thè absence o f a Guarani text o f these court proceed-
ceptions, however, because they were significant in both thè indigenous ings, we will never know exactly what Guairay intended to say or what
and European cultures.9The more recent studies suggest that thè Guarani these acts may have represented in thè indigenous System o f thought.This
retained more o f their culture than thè traditional historiography suggests. case underscores thè importance o f thè reciting o f special words or chant-
Argentine historian Daisy Ripodas Ardanaz, for instance, demonstrates ing by thè Guarani that anthropologist Bartomeu Melià, S.J., often speaks
how shamanism continued in thè Jesuit missions in two articles.10 This o f in his works. It is through chanting and dancing that thè Guarani
chapter builds on this recent research to analyze further how thè Guarani shamans communicate with their spiritual world. Their gourd rattles,
developed their own version o f Catholicism in thè reductions and which are decorated with feathers, provide thè rhythm for these rites.
retained some o f their ancient rituals and beliefs. Don Christobal Guairay was thè only cacique accused o f witchcraft. All
thè remaining fourteen Guarani men and women accused o f this witch­
craft in thè late eighteenth century were commoners. Five o f thè thirteen
T h e Persistence o f Sham anism and an A n c ie n t B o n e C u lt
men accused o f this crime were between age twenty-six and forty-five.
The Spaniards referred to thè mission Indians’ use o f certain herbs as Only one Guarani male was over thè age o f sixty.The ages o f thè remain­
hechiceria (harm caused by thè effects o f witchcraft) rather than as shaman­ ing seven men who were suspected o f witchcraft were not listed. Two o f
ism or an extension o f thè Indians’ use o f herbal plants for medicinal pur- thè females suspected o f witchcraft were between thè ages o f fifteen and
poses. As could be expected, thè Spanish superimposed their own ideas twenty-five.14 Three male suspects were skilled artisans, including a mas­
about witchcraft and superstitions on Guarani cultural patterns, rather ter weaver, a master tanner, and a shoemaker. Their training as artisans
than attempt to understand what these practices may have meant to thè indicates that not all thè accused were newly incorporated from thè for-
Guarani. Several criminal cases suggest that some shamans were individu­ est but included some who were highly acculturated men who evidently
a i whom thè Guarani sometimes feared. The Guarani associated their did not adopt all thè Catholic practices and values as taught to them. In
practices with thè onset o f sudden misfortune, disease, or even death. contrast to thè witchcraft cases in England and N ew England, nearly all
However, there were other Guarani in thè reductions who devoted them- thè Guarani accused o f “ witchcraft” were males rather than females
 I Ó8 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 169

because, traditionally, men in native society had occupied thè role o f med­ bread).19 In 1775, two Guarani women, Maria Rosa and Maria Juana, from
icine men or shamans. O nly two o f thè fifteen Guarani suspects were thè Mission Santiago south o f theTebicuary River, were suspected o f using
women. “ witchcraft” to poison their employer, Dona Lucia Alvarenga, a
The Guarani accused o f witchcraft learned their art from their elders Paraguayan who lived in thè valley o f Aguiaiy. The young women mixed
who passed on their knowledge o f shamanism to younger people in thè some naturai oil from a bird called mandurià with tobacco leaves when
time o f thè Jesuits. Silverio Caté, for example, from thè mission o f Loreto, rolling a homemade cigar for Dona Lucia to smoke. Typically, in Paraguay
learned various methods from Mariano Guiraiza, who gave him thè vari- mestizas smoked small cigars. Maria Rosa sought to poison Dona Lucia
ous objects in his medicine bundle: a magnet, a sting from a freshwater Alvarenga because she had severely punished her for some unknown rea-
stingray, a centipede, and a thorn from a coconut tree. These various son. The Spanish authorities obtained Maria Rosa’s confession “ under
objects most likely gave him a sense o f “ power.” Wallace notes that thè duress,” meaning that they gave her several lashes.20
touching o f sacred objects in some cultures allows one to acquire thè One mission Indian accused o f witchcraft, Silverio Caté, had a human
power inherent in them.15 Possibly thè Guarani shamans used these objects flesh fetish, which alarmed thè Spaniards. Caté informed authorities in thè
with thè hope to halt thè spread o f epidemie disease, such as smallpox and missions that he had found thè remains o f a native infant w ho was killed
measles.They may have also been used as thè shamans performed special by a wild dog. He kept thè child’s arm in his house and distributed parts
ceremonies attendant on thè life crises o f birth, puberty, and death. Caté o f thè infant s body to other Guarani. Possibly, his behavior related to
had stolen a small wooden statue o f Saint Joseph and a wooden figure rep- Tupi-Guarani anthropophagous rituals.21 This incident suggests that these
resenting death from an elder at Mission Santa Ana; he then guarded thè particular Guarani from Mission Loreto may have practiced endocanni-
objects in his medicine bundle. Mariano Guiraza told Caté that these var­ balism, in which native peoples eat thè flesh o f their own deceased rela-
ious amulets made his victims fall sick or die.16 The various religious tives, rather than that o f their enemies, primarily for religious purposes to
objects contained in thè medicine bundle provide further evidence o f thè retain some o f their magic. As recently as 1963, there was a report o f endo-
blending o f Catholic and Guarani religious traditions. cannibalism in Paraguay among thè Guayakies, w ho are indigenous peo­
Spanish authorities suspected that thè accused recited special words ples related to thè Guarani.22 Conceivably, rare instances o f endocannibal-
before administering special powders to thè person whom they desired to ism existed in thè reductions without thè knowledge o f thè Spanish, given
kill, as witches apparently did in Europe. They questioned Caté, but he thè overwhelming number o f native people in comparison to thè reduced
told them that he did not have to say anything; rather, he only had to number o f missionaries and secular offìcials.
think o f thè name o f thè person to whom he wanted to do harm.17 Span­ Accusations o f Guarani witchcraft followed no apparent geographic
ish officials and missionaries in thè Rio de la Piata associated thè Indians’ pattern; nor were they restricted to missions under thè charge o f a partic­
abilities to cause people to fall ili and even die with their Catholic beliefs ular religious order; except that these arrests postdated thè Jesuits. It is
in thè devii. Catholic missionaries thought that thè Guarani had a pact notable that all four cases took place in thè 1770S, thè decade immediately
with thè devii, had been deceived by him, or worked in conjunction with following thè Jesuit expulsion from Latin America. This was a transitional
him to do evil.18 Both men and women occasionally used poison to harm phase in thè history o f thè missions, and one o f increased social tensions.
or kill their enemies. In a case o f “ witchcraft,” one person confessed to Possibly, thè religious orders that replaced thè Jesuits sought to discredit
mixing milk with snake oil and other ingredients to make another mission their predecessors by demonstrating that witchcraft had existed in thè
Indian deathly sick. Sometimes thè Guarani used “ toad powder” {polvo de missions administered by thè Jesuits. For thè Guarani, thè 1770S were a
sapo), flies, and animai dung and fur from thè largest o f all South American period o f upheaval, as thè economies o f thè missions declined and many
rodents, thè capybara, to harm their victims. Caté buried thè sting o f thè began abandoning thè missions in greater numbers.The absence o f witch­
freshwater ray in thè ground near thè house o f thè person he wanted to craft accusations in thè period o f thè Jesuits, by contrast, either suggests
harm, hoping that person would then step on thè venomous sting and that thè Company o f Jesus was more tolerant o f Guarani ways or that thè
injure himself, suffering severe inflammation and swelling o f thè extrem- missionaries dealt with these incidents on their own without intervention
ities. Guarani “ witches” often mixed various ingredients in common from outsiders. The Franciscans, Mercedarians, Dominicans, and creole
foods, such as yerba maté, manioc, sweet potatoes, and chipà (manioc administrators brought these criminal cases to trial in thè Spanish courts.
 170 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 171

Witchcraft has been present in many cultures. In thè villages ofWestern women became victims o f shamanism because they had rebuffed men
Europe, witch hunting took place throughout thè sixteenth and seven- who practiced this art. Cacique D on Christobal Guiray, for example, poi-
teenth centuries.23 In N ew England, thè persecution o f witchcraft be- soned Rosa Pucu by giving her a gift o f sweet potatoes that were tainted
longed entirely to thè seventeenth century, although informally witchcraft with snake venom and a stone magnet after she had refused to accept his
remained part o f thè culture well into thè eighteenth and even thè nine- “pretensions to communicate with her.” 28 He noticed one evening that
teenth century.24 In eighteenth-century England, witchcraft also remained Rosa was dressed as though she was going to meet someone else. Guiray
a concern, as a number o f witchcraft cases were brought to trial.25 Unlike poisoned another Indian woman after he suspected that she was attracted
during thè witchcraft cases in N ew England and Western Europe, there to someone else. Adultery was thè cause o f witchcraft in one instance.
were no executions or incidents o f burning at thè stake o f Guarani Indian Mathias Mendoza, a mission Indian from Loreto, claimed he had poisoned
“witches,” even those who confessed to committing murder. Due to their another Indian because “ he had found him with his woman.” 29These var-
status as miserables (literally, miserable ones, or wards o f thè court), within ious incidents demonstrate that thè mission Indians sought justice by tak­
thè Spanish legai System, thè Guarani were exempt from capitai punish- ing matters into their own hands rather than relying on thè locai priests
ment. They did suffer imprisonment in Spanish towns or in neighboring and cabildo to resolve their differences. The Guarani apparently had no
mission jails for several years as thè courts tried their cases. The Spanish other formai mechanism within their society to resolve these kinds o f dis­
courts were more lenient because attitudes toward witchcraft had sub- putes with one another.
stantially changed in thè eighteenth century with thè advent o f thè Witchcraft cases exposed stress points within mission society. Since
Enlightenment and its emphasis on rational thought. The men who tried vastly more Guarani were victims o f witchcraft than missionaries, Spanish
thè Guarani were most likely lawyers. They could see that thè evidence administrators, and criollos were, one could assume that much o f thè ten-
did not add up to a serious conviction. Many books appeared in Spain sion in mission society was among thè Guarani themselves. Worker-boss
attacking thè belief in witches and all kinds o f superstitions. It was rare relationships were an important source o f social tensions in three cases.
even in Europe for witches or sorcerers to be condemned to death at this One woman responded to an employer s order o f corporal punishment by
time.26 tainting thè employer’s small cigar. Guarani peons sought to harm two o f
Many kinds o f situations fostered thè Guaranies’ desire to harm others their employers. Nearly all thè Guarani accused o f witchcraft, however,
and resolve interpersonal conflicts among themselves rather than rely on sought to harm other mission Indians in their communities, rather than
other authorities and institutions in thè missions. Theft o f personal pos- Spaniards. Several o f thè accused had disputes with members o f their
sessions, especially from their individuai plots o f land, was a cause o f cabildo, especially thè corregidor, and other Indian officials, including a
“witchcraft.” Silverio Caté, for example, sought revenge against certain mayordormo and thè alcalde de la hermandad, thè head o f thè religious
people for robbing his fields, burning his hut, and taking his manioc. In brotherhood. These cases provide evidence o f factionalism within mission
another incident during thè time o f thè Jesuits, Caté had a dispute with a society.
mission Indian over thè ownership o f a radon o f beef. Quarreling with O n occasion, members o f thè cabildo testified against others suspected
friends and acquaintances was another common situation. Caté, for exam­ o f witchcraft. D on Basilio Gómez, thè corregidor o f Loreto, a Guarani
ple, confessed to killingYgnacio Ybirà, a porter, because Ybirà had refused who adopted a Spanish name, testified that thè capataz o f one o f thè mis­
to let him leave thè main compounds o f thè mission one night. Cacique sion ranches informed thè priest that many men and women were sick.
Guiray confessed to killing José Suiriri by putting snake venom, capybara The missionaries registered all thè residents in thè mission following thè
dung, and a magnet into his maté after Suiriri “ had looked at him with Sunday Mass and ordered thè alcaldes to scrutinize thè Indians’ behavior
evil intentions.” 27 He also explained that he hurt another mission Indian more closely to see whether they hid any religious fetishes or objects they
because he did not get along well with him during a return trip from could use to hurt others. Sunday was a day when everyone gathered in thè
Buenos Aires to thè mission. Disputes over Guarani women were another main plaza o f thè mission where authorities could more easily observe
major motivation for poisoning enemies. O ne suspect resented that a mis­ native behavior. In this instance, thè persecution o f witchcraft cases served
sion Indian had refused to give him a woman. Evidently, there were as a way to impose group standards and attempt to control and constrain
instances in which women were freely exchanged or offered as gifts. A few Indian behavior.30
172 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 173

Although those accused o f witchcraft were imprisoned while thè Indians decorated thè large plazas o f their reductions with tree branches.
courts tried their cases, Spanish judges did not sentence them to serve Along thè streets, they placed some o f their valuable possessions from their
time in prison. Instead, Spanish authorities sought to persuade other mis- homes: sacks o f corn, vegetables, beans, and other food Staples. At each o f
sion Indians not to follow their bad example and even to instili fear in thè four corners o f thè churchyard, they built a simple aitar; they tied birds
them through public condemnation o f their witchcraft practices and or other animals, alive or dead, to thè branches o f thè trees or at thè foot
behavior. Spanish courts were lenient with thè Guarani because protec- o f thè four altars. Since thè Jesuits did not condemn this pagan custom in
tores de naturales, special public defenders, suspected that their use o f his description, his letter indicates that thè members o f his order might
snake oil, ground-up toads, animai dung, and other ingredients was not have been willing to accept a Guarani version o f Catholicism to reshape
necessarily thè cause o f death o f many o f thè mission Indians. Since thè gradually native ways to approximate their Christian ways.34 For thè
priests had burned these ingredients in thè main plaza before Spanish Guarani, birds have always been key religious symbols. Anthropologists,
authorities could assess them for any signs o f toxicity, they thought they such as Miguel Chase Sardi, teli us that they served as a link to their spir­
lacked sufficient evidence to persecute those accused.31 Possibly these itual world or as messengers to thè gods. Within thè Catholic religion,
remedies were effective only in thè minds o f thè Guarani, and thè victims however, thè symbolism o f a bird, thè dove as thè Holy Spirit, was also
simply died o f naturai causes. significant. Guarani sculptors carved doves representing thè Holy Spirit as
Aside from these shamanistic practices, there was continuity in thè well as other kinds o f birds native to thè region.
manner in which thè Guarani extolled their ancestors. Although thè evi­ Following thè expulsion o f thè Jesuits, thè Guarani continued to con-
dence is not overwhelming, Jesuit accounts and archivai records (includ- struct these symbolic decorations without objections from thè Franciscans,
ing thè native texts discussed above in Chapter 4) suggest that thè mission Dominicans, or Mercedarians. Other items they displayed on thè altars
Indians practiced thè worship o f bones, including those o f shamans and included textiles, clothing, agricultural and other types o f tools, bows and
thè missionaries who replaced them. In thè time o f thè Jesuits, when a arrows, carved human figures, pieces o f roasted beef, manioc cakes, and a
reduction became too heavily populated, thè missionaries divided thè variety o f vegetables in woven baskets. Those Guarani w ho lived dose to
native inhabitants into two groups with thè intention o f establishing a thè rivers placed fish on thè altars. Sometimes thè fish were stili alive and
new reduction. O ne o f thè difficulties thè missionaries encountered was swam around in little carved wooden canoes.35 By placing food, birds, fish,
separating many o f thè Guarani from their town. The Guarani, thè Jesuits and other items on thè altars, thè Guarani were making a connection with
noted, cried bitterly, saying that they refused to leave their native soil. their own spiritual world within thè framework o f Catholicism.
Some Guarani literally held on to thè pillars o f thè church so as to prevent
themselves from being taken away to another site. Others went to thè A N a tiv e P riesthood
cemetery alongside thè church where they stood over thè graves and
asserted that they could not leave their relatives and ancestors; that they The Catholic Church throughout Spanish America prohibited Amer-
could not separate themselves from their bones.32 indians from being priests throughout most o f thè colonial period. It did
We have no exact way o f knowing what this bone cult meant to thè not allow them to occupy these important positions in colonial society
Guarani. The Mbyà-Guarani, an indigenous group that are among thè because thè clergy believed that their intellectual level was too low and
direct descendants o f thè originai mission Indians, however, stili practice that thè native priests would not follow their vow o f chastity.36 In this
thè worship o f bones. Anthropologist Leon Cadogan relates that a Mbyà- respect, thè Jesuits’ reluctance to recruit Amerindians to enter their order
Guarani following thè death o f his niece received a message from thè gods from their missions in Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil was not unusual.
to keep her bones; thè spirits ordered him to leave thè village and go to Outside Europe, thè Society o f Jesus recruited only some seventy Japanese
another, taking her bones with him. Other anthropologists point out these to become members o f its religious order.The Jesuits allowed thè Japanese
native people used thè bones o f shamans to communicate with thè spirits to become Jesuits because they felt they could express some restraint in
o f thè deceased and to make prophecies.33 their behavior, unlike Amerindians.37
The Guarani mission Indians blended other native rites with Catholi- One important exception to this cultural pattern was Francisco Javier
cism. According to a Jesuits description o f a religious festival, thè mission Tubichapotà, thè son o f a cacique from thè Mercedarian mission o f
174 t HE INVASION FROM WITHOUT Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 17$

Santiago in Paraguay who became thè first Guarani Catholic priest at thè He intended that they study theology and letters with thè objective o f
end o f thè colonial period.38Tubichapotà received a scholarship to attend entering thè priesthood. One son, Pablo, however, decided not to become
thè Reai Colegio Seminario de San Carlos in Asunción.39 Before he could a priest: instead, he became capitan de militias in Mandisovi, Entre Rios, and
matriculate, however, he had to demonstrate his limpieza de sangre (purity later was appointed comandante militar o f thè Malvinas (Falkland) Islands.45
o f lineage).This he was able to do. He was born at Mission Santiago on Pasqual Areguaty and all o f his family were highly acculturated. In 1799,
December 3, 1775, and baptized on December 24, 1775, as thè legitimate he described himself in a petition as an amante a la Religion Católica (lover
son o f lieutenant corregidor Estanislao Tubichapotà and Maria Solome o f thè Catholic Religion); sending his sons to study to become priests was
Araqui. His godfather, Diego YgnacioTavariyu, was another Guarani from his proof. He also explained that “ this sacrifice [referring to thè education
Santiago. Francisco Javier Tubichapotà entered thè seminary at age thir- o f his children] was proper only o f one who wanted his nation [meaning
teen. His own father brought him there to study and offered to pay for his thè Guarani] to know thè true religion and to erase all o f thè errors in
room and board using funds from thè mission. The royal scholarship evi- which my ancestors had lived.” 46
dently did not cover all his expenses. Areguaty’s motives were not altruistic, however. Areguaty sought to
In 1788, governor o f Paraguay Joaquin de Alós y Bru wrote that “ thè convince Spanish authorities o f his loyalty and strong Catholic faith be-
sons o f honored chiefs should study Latin and other arts, so that once they cause he wanted to be promoted to thè rank o f capitan de milicias urbanas.
are civilized, and versed in letters they will become useful to their fellow Areguaty and his family turned to Catholicism and thè Spanish language
men.”40 In 1789, thè bishop o f Paraguay decreed that Francisco Xavier and customs as a means o f improving their situation. To obtain a promo­
Tubichapotà be admitted to thè Reai Colegio de San Carlos in Asunción tion in Spanish colonial society, one had to be a Catholic and educated,
so that he could “ serve as an example” to other Guarani.41 These were especially if one was a Guarani from thè missions. Areguaty’s words and
some o f thè attitudes o f Spanish officials expressed toward thè creation o f actions suggest that members o f thè native élite saw benefits in having a
a native clergy. son in thè clergy. At thè same time, his words signify that these Guarani
Besides learning how to read and write in Spanish and Latin, Tubi­ had lost a sense o f some their traditional values, or suffered deculturation,
chapotà completed all his studies, which were required for ordination at as part o f this process o f extended intercultural contact. Areguaty, for his
that rime. He had studied at thè Colegio Seminario de San Carlos part, preferred to view thè ancestral beliefs o f thè Guarani in negative
for eleven years, from 1789 to 1800. The Jesuit provincial in Asunción, terms; he thought they were erroneous.
Antonio Lucerna, signed a decree on November 13, 1801, stating that The move to allow a native priesthood may have originated with Pope
Tubichapotà should receive “ thè sacred orders” and take thè examination Clement XIII, w ho in 1766 reaffirmed thè earlier decisions o f thè Spanish
required by thè ecclesiastical cabildo in order to be fully ordained. In Crown, in 1697 and 1725, allowing Indians to be admitted to religious
1803,Tubichapotà was ordained as a priest. He was assigned to a doctrina orders and to be educated in seminaries.47 In 1691 Charles II had decreed
de indios, to work among neophytes in nearby towns.42 thè creation o f a colegio seminario in M exico City. As part o f this decree,
Tubichapotà was thè first Guarani to become a Catholic priest, but his one-fourth o f all its scholarships were intended for thè caciques’ sons; thè
experience was repeated, although infrequently, at thè seminaries. Juan actual number received, however, was much lower. The archives yield a
Ventura Cayuri and Francisco Chuchi from thè Franciscan mission o f few rare cases o f thè sons o f caciques becoming priests in other parts o f
Yaguarón, for example, studied at thè Colegio Reai Seminario de San Spanish America. D on Pedro Riquelmes, thè son o f an Araucanian chief,
Carlos in Asunción at thè turn o f thè nineteenth century.43 Don Domingo became a priest in Santiago, Chile, as early as ió90.48Three sons o f Maya
Yabacu o f thè former Jesuit mission o f Santo Tomé also entered thè caciques studied at thè Colegio de San Pedro in Mérida in 1786, although
Colegio Reai de San Carlos in Buenos Aires in 1801. D on Gregorio José no Maya entered thè diocesan seminary o f San Ildefonso until 1793.49The
Gómez, a doctor o f theology at thè Reai Universidad de la Ciudad de appearance o f insignificant numbers o f Indian priests in Spanish America
Buenos Aires and professor o f philosophy at thè Reai Colegio de San Car­ reflects thè Spaniards’ racial prejudices toward Amerindians, with thè
los, consideredYabacu to be a distinguished pupil.44 Don Pasqual Areguaty, exception o f native elites.
corregidor o f Mission San Miguel, sent his two sons at his own expense to Guarani cabildantes and caciques had requested that their own sons
be educated at thè Colegio Reai de San Carlos in Buenos Aires in 1798. enter Catholic seminaries following thè Jesuit expulsion (as discussed
 176 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 177

above in Chapter 5). For thè Guarani, thè idea o f a native priesthood, language for certain concepts. For example, thè first Jesuits to arrive in
along with thè church, carne to represent an important Symbol o f their Brazil and later those who carne to Paraguay and Guairà choseTupà (thun-
autonomy. Robert Haskett, in Indigenous Rulers: An Ethnohistory of Town dei), a lesser figure in native belief System, to represent thè Christian God.
Government in Colonial Cuernavaca (1991), notes that a well-constructed This divinity was not thè most appropriate one, since he was a destructive
church was a source o f Indian pride in Cuernavaca because it was an indi- figure, one thè Tupi-Guarani feared.53 W ith time, however, thè Guarani
cation o f a community ’s status as an independent politicai entity. The appear to have recognizedTupà as thè Christian God. Sculptures carved by
Guarani similarly displayed a strong sense o f pride in their churches. Guarani artisans o f God thè Creator probably facilitated his acceptance by
Petitions written in thè Guarani language corroborate these sentiments. In these native people. Since thè missionaries could not always find other
1787, three caciques, corregidor Fernando Christomo Tamboray, Juan equivalents in thè native language, they retained several religious concepts,
Tamay, and Patricio Yacuy, traveled from Mission San Cosme and Damian such as Espiri tu Santo (Holy Spirit), in Spanish.
to see thè viceroy in Buenos Aires in order to solicit thè construction o f a Aside from studying thè Guarani language, Catholic missionaries ac-
new church. In 1809 Guarani capataz Juan Pablo Ximenez, Antonio cepted certain customs that have native origins, including thè consump-
Guararica, Christobal Barite, and Chrisanto Zuares wrote a letter to their tion o f yerba maté and manioc, thè “ Indians’ bread,” on a daily basis. An
corregidor, thè cabildo, and caciques o f Mission Santos Reyes deYapeyu, eighteenth-century illustration by Jesuit Father Florian Pauke, for exam­
and other caciques in their town to express their deep concern and disap­ ple, depicts thè Jesuits wearing their long black gowns sipping yerba maté
provai over thè removai o f their aitar from their church, thè chapel o f San from a gourd using a bombilla in thè main plaza o f their colegio in
Francisco Xavier (see Appendix 5). They identified themselves as Cordoba. Jesuit interest in and utilization o f Guarani herbs for medicinal
Christians and recalled that their ancestors were among thè first Christians purposes is another example o f their transculturation. Detailed drawings
in thè region. Reminicient o f their bone cult, they noted that “ many o f o f thè native flora and fauna occasionally form an integrai part o f thè
their deceased relatives were buried inside thè church or in thè cemetery Jesuit accounts. Father José Sanchez Labrador devoted an entire volume to
next to it.” 50 W ith thè chapel nearby, they argued that they could look thè study o f Paraguay’s native plants and fauna.
after thè sculptures o f their patron saints San Francisco Xavier, Nuestra On thè surface, it appears that thè Guarani gave up more aspects o f
Senora del Rosario, Nuestra Senora Dolorosa, and crucifix o f Jesus Christ. their native culture than thè missionaries. But important elements o f their
They also asserted that since thè time they were children, they had always traditional native religion were present throughout thè colonial era.54The
enjoyed their chapel, and they refused to relocate it to Buenos Aires mixture o f certain Guarani traditions with Catholicism was, o f course, one
because many o f them were baptized and married in it. These Guarani o f change, and perhaps in some respects, not necessarily a sign o f deterio-
pleaded not to have their chapel moved because it represented “ thè work ration, since all cultures undergo change.The Guarani mission Indians cre-
o f all those from thè town.” 51 ated their own version o f thè Catholic religion, which apparently better
This sense o f pride or emotional attachment toward thè missions suited their needs. By studying thè Catholic religion, thè Guarani learned
lingers today among some o f thè descendants o f thè originai Guarani mis­ how thè Spaniards thought.This enabled them to adapt better to thè new
sion Indians. Referring to thè mission ruins o f San Miguel in Rio Grande colonial milieu. The Guarani, accordingly, could make their own ideas
do Sul, Juancito Oliveira, a Mbyà-Guarani, recently observed, “ We were more acceptable to thè Spaniards. This was an important strategy for sur-
able to build thè church because in that time there was much agreement vival in thè process o f accommodation. If thè Guarani appeared to go
or understanding with Nanderu, “ O ur Great Father” ; we ate well, we along with thè Spaniards’ program and became Christians, they were more
prayed a lot, we had physical strength, but above all, we had spiritual likely to be left alone. Their responses to Christianity closely approximated
power, and because o f this, we were able to build thè missions.” 52 thè reactions o f Amerindians in other parts o f thè Spanish America, such
The Guarani through their extended contact with thè Europeans as thè Maya and thè Tarahumara in Mesoamerica as described by Farriss
altered thè lives o f thè missionaries. The Catholic missionaries, especially (1984) and Merrill (1993) respectively, in that they incorporated Catholic
Jesuits and Franciscans, realized early on thè importance o f learning thè saints and symbols into their belief System insofar as they complied
native language to communicate with thè neophytes and convert thè with their traditional patterns.55 Figure 13 is a fine example o f a Guarani
Guarani. Yet thè priests had difficulties finding equivalents in thè native baroque sculpture o f thè Virgin Mary, which resembles religious art in
 178 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 179

A visitor to thè village o f Loreto on thè Argentine border today can

find that thè heritage o f thè Jesuit mission culture stili looms large, espe­
cially in thè churches, main plazas, dirt streets laid out on a grid pattern,
housing styles, and in thè Argentine people’s celebrations o f their patron
saint’s day, Nuestra Senora de Loreto. Between 1822 and 1827, D on Blas
Chapay, secretano del cabildo and cacique o f Mission Corpus Christi, fled
with his family and numerous other Guarani from nearby missions to set-
tle in more remote sites nearYberà lagoon in thè province o f Corrientes
(see Map 8). In these uninhabited areas, thè Guarani established entirely
new villages, naming them after Catholic saints, such as Nuestra Senora de
Loreto, San Miguel, San Roquito, and Asunción del Cambai, utilizing thè
Spanish institution o f thè cabildo and concepts o f urban planning they
acquired from thè Jesuits.57 The story o f Don Blas Chapay might best
summarize thè abilities o f thè Guarani mission Indians to adapt to fron-
tier culture and communities during thè upheaval o f thè independence
period in thè Rio de la Piata. Don Blas Chapay was a relative o f Don
Miguel Leon Chapay, who was among thè forty-six caciques present at
Mission Corpus Christi in 1759. He was also related to D on Exidio
Chapay, another cacique, according to thè census o f 1777, when there
were thirty-eight caciques stili remaining at thè mission.58 Known for his
fine penmanship, secretario D on Blas Chapay became thè village o f
Loreto’s first schoolteacher in thè early nineteenth century.
Pedro Chapay is among thè living direct descendants o f Don Blas
Chapay. During most o f his adult life, Pedro Chapay worked as a secretary
to thè locai justice o f thè peace at thè municipal council o f Loreto in a
similar position to his Guarani ancestor. Pedro Chapay’s mother, Lydia
Aquino, a widow who is well into her eighties, has five other children
besides Pedro. Most have left thè village to seek work in Buenos Aires.
Similar to many Correntinos and Paraguayans, thè Chapays speak Guarani
at home but use Spanish in more formai settings, such as at work and
school. Lydia Aquino and Pedro Chapay share thè physical features o f thè
Guarani. Both are rather short and stocky in stature, with olive skin com-
Figure 13. Guarani Sculpture o f thè Virgin Mary, Mission Santa Rosa
plexions and extremely dark brown eyes and black hair.
Lydia Aquino describes herself as deeply religious. She prays at a home
aitar in a corner o f a room where she displays sculptures o f Jesus, a
other areas ofSpanish America. Like thè Tarahumaras at thejesuit missions Catholic saint, a wooden crucifix, candles, a collage o f family snapshots,
in northern M exico, thè Guarani participated in Catholic rituals, espe- fresh flowers, and faded magazine photographs o f a bishop and thè Pope.
cially celebrations o f holy days, with enthusiasm.56 What threatened thè The Christ figure is dressed in a white hand-crocheted skirt-like garment,
Guarani was thè Spaniards’ insistence on altering their social values and which carefully covers Jesus’ loincloth.The small Catholic saint resembles
behavior, especially their attitudes toward their own culture, which some other sculptures o f Saint Roque and is dressed from head to toe in light
carne to view negatively. blue satin. Every December io, these two statues, along with other reli-
 l80 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 181

gious images that originateci from thè Jesuit reductions, are paraded processes o f politicai, economie, social, cultural, and religious change.60 For
through thè streets o f Loreto in a religious procession that leads to thè some, gender has also become an important social category o f analysis.
church where an evening Mass is held.W ithout fail, thè Chapay children Representatives o f this trend include Nancy Farriss, Inga Clendinnen,
return from Buenos Aires to participate in Loreto’s patron saint’s day fes- James Lockhart, and William B. Taylor, among others.61
tivities. Following thè Mass, thè family celebrates thè saint’s day with a Building on these recent developments, a number o f scholars have also
dinner. In thè shelter o f their modest homes, Lydia Aquino and thè other recognized thè value o f applying an ethnohistorical approach to thè study
descendants o f thè Guarani from thè Jesuit missions cling to their sacred o f missions in thè N ew World. By shifting our focus away from thè activ-
objects and make religious offerings that have some connection with thè ities o f missionaries and toward Amerindians’ responses to life in missions
world o f their ancestors. As time has passed and as their memories o f their during thè colonial and national periods, they have contributed to our
ancestors from thè Jesuit missions have faded, what has remained is a understanding o f ethnicity and thè borderlands o f cultures. Common
hybrid culture and a syncretic Christianity that blended native beliefs and themes in their work include native resistance, rebellions, religious and
Christian ideology.59 cultural adaptation, demographic collapse, migration, miscegenation, and
ethnogenesis, which denotes thè ability o f a culture to create enduring
ethnic identities. As a result o f their valuable contributions, historians,
Transculturation and G u a ra n i C u ltu r a l R esiliency
anthropologists, and archaeologists now have a much better opportunity
Traditionally, historians only wrote thè history o f thè Spanish conquest to compare missions and thè processes o f cultural adaptation in different
from thè perspectives o f thè conquerors, not thè conquered.Then in 1964, parts o fth e N ew World.
Charles Gibson broke important new ground in colonial Latin American In contrast to numerous extant studies on Amerindians in thè Peruvian
historiography by examining thè impact o f Spanish institutions on Aztec highlands and centrai Mexico, this study sought to demonstrate thè need
culture in theValley o f M exico in his monumentai study, TheAztecs under to examine thè cultural interactions between thè Jesuits and thè Guarani,
Spanish Rule (1964). Ofparticular interest is his analysis o f thè structure o f and thè kinds o f relationships thè Guarani developed with thè Spanish, thè
thè native villages, thè cabeceras, and thè many ways thè Aztecs responded Portuguese, and their descendants on thè frontiers o f thè Rio de la Piata
to Spanish colonial domination. In more recent decades, a growing num- and Brazil. Unlike many earlier works, this study depiets thè Jesuits not
ber o f historians have illuminated thè myriad ways in which Amerindians as being isolated from thè Amerindians, but as being primary agents o f
have shaped their own worlds in different regions o f Spanish America. change in native culture. In thè course o f conducting thè research and
Rather than rely on thè usuai sources written in European languages, these writing, thè importance o f understanding thè motives, goals, ideas, and
historians have attempted to use an ethnohistorical approach to under- attitudes o f both thè Catholic missionaries and thè indigenous people
standing processes o f cultural change in Amerindian societies. They tended became apparent. It also became imperative to go beyond documenting
to utilize as many kinds o f sources as possible to reconstruct thè past, evidence o f native resistance to studying cultural interactions and processes
including material culture, archaeology, visual sources, historical docu- o f change resulting from contact. Accommodation is another significant
ments, native texts, orai history, folklore, and ethnographies.Their strength historical process that merited further attention. At first, accommodation
lies in their ability to recognize thè stereotypes and biases that must be appeared to be thè reverse o f native resistance.62 It implied that thè
taken into account in analyzing thè various kinds o f sources that contain Guarani meekly accepted life in thè missions under thè control o f benev-
information about what has happened to different cultures in thè past. olent Jesuit missionaries. One aspect o f cultural survival, however, was not
Many have displayed a growing interest in thè body o f theory on social merely to resist thè Europeans by retreating further into thè forest, mur-
structure and culture generated by anthropologists working in many dering missionaries, refusing to work, and rebelling. But by accommodat-
different areas o f thè world. They have also recognized thè value o f infor­ ing themselves to thè new colonial System, thè Guarani could adopt and
mation recorded by Amerindians themselves and make an effort to give shape Spanish institutions, ideas, material culture, and technology to suit
voice to those who previously had none in history. Some have an interest their own needs.Transculturation was very much implicit throughout this
in understanding cultural symbolism or take into consideration different historical process. The Spanish and thè Guarani borrowed cultural ele-
worldviews in studying intercultural contact in relation to thè generai ments from one another in order to survive in this remote province.
 182 THE IN V A SI O N EROM WITHOUT Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 183

European contact with thè Guarani appears distinctive; their early What were thè basic motives o f thè Jesuit missionaries? W hat did these
reliance upon Guarani women’s labor and thè elements o f native culture men in black cloth hope to achieve? One o f their motives was clearly to
they adopted, especially language, diet, and certain customs that to this day help these indigenous people spiritually, physically, and materially. The
can be observed in Paraguay and neighboring parts o f South America. The Catholic missionaries were also inspired by thè idea o f converting all thè
manioc, yucca, or cassava plant (manihot esculenta), for example, has its ori- Guarani and creating prosperous and self-sulficient Christian communi-
gin in northern South America and has been in use by thè Tupi-Guarani ties. The Jesuits attempted to protect their Indian charges by speaking out
since a remote period o f time.This native root became thè mainstay o f thè against their abuse and illegal enslavement by settlers and encomenderos.
Paraguayan diet and is widely consumed throughout Brazil as farinha de The Jesuits also tried to relieve thè Guaranies’ suffering, cure their ill-
mandioca (manioc meal), as well as being eaten in other parts o f Latin nesses, and prevent thè spread o f diseases. Unknowingly, however, by reset-
America and in tropical regions worldwide.63 However, even Nancy tling thè Guarani into densely populated towns and requiring them to
Farriss speaks o f a “ Mayanization” o f thè Spaniards in Yucatan; how they collect yerba maté in thè distant forests until they developed Paraguayan
become assimilated into Maya culture in language, diet, and other domes- tea plantations, thè missionaries perhaps contributed to thè demise o f thè
tic patterns.64 The processes o f cultural adaptation in this peripheral Guarani population. Their help also implied that thè Jesuits would funda-
region, thus, may not differ so dramatically from other Spanish border- mentally alter many other aspects o f thè lives o f thè Guarani. As in other
lands, which lacked precious metals and failed to attract immigrants. parts o f thè world, thè Jesuits brought with them a zeal for religious con-
Nonetheless, thè study o f thè Jesuit reductions in Paraguay illustrates version.65 They introduced a new economie, social, and politicai order in
other unique features, which can be compared and contrasted to those o f thè missions that incorporated native forms. The Jesuits also carried with
other borderlands in thè N ew World. O ne distinct characteristic was thè them Western ideas, technology, and Science, as well as new attitudes
presence o f Guarani militias in mission society. In other parts o f Spanish toward gender, marriage, divorce, clothing, thè human body, and sexuality.
America, Spain relied on Spanish garrisons and presidios near missions to The introduction o f O ld World animals especially affected thè Guarani
protect Spanish territory. In northern N ew Spain, for example, small num- way o f life, along with thè exposure to European material culture. Like
bers o f Indian soldiers were stationed at thè presidios and used as auxil- other Amerindians in thè Rio de la Piata, thè Guarani became heavily
iaries. In Paraguay, however, thè Guarani were trained and led by thè dependent on cattle as both a food source and an important item o f trade.
Jesuits to serve thè interests o f thè empire. This Spanish institution pro- Guarani arts, crafts, music, cuisine, and language were also affected by mis­
vided thè Guarani with a sense o f continuity with their own warrior tra- sionary contact, along with their social relations.
ditions and served as yet another vivid example o f their transculturation. Undoubtedly, European contact had a profound impact on thè
The Guarani calvary wore European-style uniforms and carried their tra- Guarani. In many respeets, life was worse for these indigenous people fol-
ditional bows and arrows, along with European muskets. lowing thè arrivai o f thè Europeans. N ot only were thè Guarani enslaved,
One distinguishing feature o f thè reductions was thè kind o f relation- obligated to provide forced labor in encomiendas, relocated from their
ship thè Jesuits developed with thè Guarani. In contrast to thè cicum- naturai habitats, dispossessed o f their land and women, and even extermi-
stances o f other missionary frontiers in Spanish America, thè Jesuits devel­ nated by thè neweomers, they were also decimated by Old World diseases.
oped a dose, intimate relationship with thè Guarani, especially with thè But other aspects o f their lives had been dramatically altered from what
native elites. In this peripheral area o f thè Spanish Empire, thè Jesuits they had been more than two centuries earlier. A number o f Guarani men
inculcated Catholic values in daily church Services, in thè morning and had become skilled artisans, teachers, musicians, cabildantes, militia officers,
afternoon, not only on Sundays. Indeed, despite a substantial Guarani soldiers, riverboat captains, sailors, and ranch hands. Women learned to sew
presence, thè two or three churchmen at each reduction were quite and continued to farm, but men became thè primary textile weavers and
influential. Ultimately, thè Jesuits left a large imprint on thè indigenous potters in mission society. Together they performed a wide range o f activ-
culture and thè region in generai. The influence o f Catholic missionaries ities in thè regional economies o f thè Rio de la Piata and Brazil. A number
is evident even today and readily observable during thè celebrations o f o f Guarani men and women, however, formed part o f thè impoverished
patron saint’s days in many o f thè former mission towns in thè border underclass in colonial cities and thè surrounding countryside.
region o f modern Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil. Guarani literacy was another notable feature o f these missions. Similar
 184 THE IN V ASI ON FROM WITHOUT
Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 185

to those friars w ho established reductions among thè Guarani in centrai But perhaps more profound evidence o f cultural persistence is that
Paraguay, thè Jesuits taught thè Guarani how to read and write in their thè native Tupi-Guarani language, unlike Spanish, became predominant in
native language. Those individuai who authored or coauthored these Paraguay and parts o f neighboring Argentina. A t present, Guarani is thè
native texts were products o f thè colonial world that was both Guarani officiai language o f Paraguay along with Spanish, an unusual occurrence in
and Hispanic. Their letters demonstrate that thè Guarani placed great Latin America. There are probably more than four million speakers o f this
value on thè giving o f their word, as was apparent in thè letter written by indigenous language. According to thè 1992 census, 49 percent o f thè pop-
Nicolas Neengiru (see Appendix 1). Interestingly, thè Guarani continued ulation o f Paraguay spoke Guarani and Spanish, 39.3 percent were mono­
to write letters long after thè departure o f these missionaries. This point linguai Guarani speakers, and 6.4 percent spoke only Spanish.67 In con­
lends authenticity to thè Guarani letters written in protest o f thè Treaty o f trast, in Perù according to thè 1993 census 80.3 percent spoke Spanish,
Madrid in 1753, although it does not entirely preclude some Jesuit inter- 16.5 percent spoke Quechua, 3 percent spoke Aymara, and .2 percent
vention. Building on thè works o f James Lockhart, M iguel León-Portillo, spoke a foreign language. Paraguay, thus, has thè distinction o f being thè
Bartomeu Melià, S.J., and others, this study demonstrates thè value o f only country in thè Western Flemisphere where a native language is more
using Guarani native language sources to elucidate thè ideas and world- widely spoken than a European one. Nevertheless, thè Guarani from thè
view o f these indigenous people.66Although Guarani texts do not form a Jesuit missions played a less significant role in Paraguay’s creolization than
great corpus o f literature, in contrast to Nahuatl writings in Mesoamerica, thè Guarani in thè Franciscan missions and thè mestizos in thè centrai
these sources contain thè voices o f thè Guarani during thè late-colonial region because thè Jesuits chose more remote geographic locations for
period. They also convey complex messages about thè impact o f Spanish their reductions. These sites seemed to offer them more freedom to
and Portuguese colonialism and Christianity. They let us know more maneuver and isolated thè Guarani from what thè missionaries considered
about what these indigenous people believed about thè colonial world to be corrupting outside influences. Following thè expulsion o f thè
around them. Above all, they shared feelings o f oppression under Spanish Jesuits, thè Guarani also tended to migrate from thè missions to thè lower
rule. From reading these documents, one also obtains a better under- provinces o f thè Rio de la Piata or to Brazil, rather than in thè direction
standing o f thè Guarani sense o f community and their cultural identity. o f thè Province o f Paraguay. However, thè Guarani language is widely spo­
The mission cabildo records in thè native language, moreover, demon­ ken in parts o f Corrientes, particularly in those remote Argentine villages
strate that Guarani readily adapted this Spanish institution to suit their where thè Guarani families, such as thè Chapays, sought shelter during thè
own needs. Guarani cabildantes and caciques on numerous occasions
wars o f independence.
acted as intermediaries between thè Indian commoners, missionaries, and According to several anthropologists, little remains o f thè “ traditional”
Spanish authorities to protect thè interests o f their communities. By shap- Tupi-Guarani culture other than thè Amerindian language. Greg Urban,
ing this institution to serve themselves, thè Guarani leaders preserved a for example, emphasizes that Paraguay is much less culturally “ Indian”
certain degree o f autonomy, despite being a part o f thè Spanish politicai than Perù, although thè Guarani language has extended its scope far
regime. Caciques, moreover, retained some limited authority in thè reduc­ beyond thè racial or ethnic category o f “ Indian.” 68 Indeed, today less
tions. Ultimately, thè Jesuits and their predecessors could not entirely than 1-3 percent o f thè population in Paraguay is considered “ Indian.”
impose European forms o f politicai governance on thè Guarani. Their Presently, there are only three Guarani indigenous groups, thè Mbyà-
leaders, such as Nicolas Neengiru, Sepé Tiaraju, and Andrés Guacaravi Guarani, Pai-tavytera, and Ava-kue-Chiripà, who inhabit small areas o f thè
“ Artigas,” carne forth to challenge thè Spanish, Portuguese, and their border region o f Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil (in Brazil thè Pai-tavytera
descendants and to defend their land. The cabildo records also expose thè are known as thè Kayoba, thè Mbyà as thè Mbuà, Kayoba, or Kayua, and
reai choices and decisions Guarani elites made about their lives and thè thè Ava-kue-Chiripà as thè Nandeva).They number fewer than 2 5,ooo.6y
fate o f their communities. In addition, they provide us with a better There are 32,000 Avà-Chiriguano, 13,000 Guarayu (thè descendants o f thè
understanding o f thè Guaranies’ changing social values and their politicai Itatines-Guarani who migrated from Paraguay), and 8,500 Izocehos in
strategies under Spanish rule. Furthermore, these documents serve to illus­ Bolivia and parts o f Argentina w ho speak dialects o f Tupi-Guarani.70The
trate that as a native people, thè Guarani displayed a remarkable cultural Tupi along thè coast o f Brazil, thè first to be contacted by Europeans, dis-
resiliency.
appeared by thè eighteenth century. Most Guarani-speaking groups that
 Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations 187
l86 THE INVASION FROM WITHOUT

ments o f their indigenous culture, despite thè efforts o f Catholic mission­

inhabit thè borderlands o f Argentina, Paraguay, and Brazil reside in
aries, and in face o f thè overwhelming politicai, economie, social, and cul­
national colonies and missions with no titles to their lands or in small
tural pressures from thè Europeans they encountered. Guarani texts, orai
squatter communities where they are dependent on wage labor for their
testimonies in judicial records, descriptions o f religious festivals, and mate­
subsistence. From my brief but memorable encounter with thè Avà-
rial culture offer glimpses o f more originai beliefs, such as ancestor wor-
Chiripà in a remote area in Alto Paranà near thè Paraguayan-Brazilian
ship, which provided a way o f maintaining continuity with thè past, as
border, one can easily appreciate that cultural survival is stili an ongoing
well as serving as a source o f cultural identity. By thè eighteenth century,
issue among thè Guarani-speaking peoples in South America.Tranquilino
thè Guarani religious System had suffered profound Catholic influences.
Roman, an eighty-one-year-old village elder, commented on thè status o f
The Guarani mission Indians had adopted Christian first names and
his people, thè Avà-Chiripà, at thè village o f Acaray-mi. He remarked:
received thè Christian sacraments and burials. Guarani fugitives also estab-
We have always had fish. N ow there is no more fishing. If one Comes across a lished godparenthood ties in Spanish and Portuguese towns and thè sur-
river or stream, there are no fish. We have become impoverished. There is no rounding countryside. Finally, a Guarani was ordained a Catholic priest at
longer any forest where we can go hunting and gathering to fulfill our basic thè end o f thè colonial period. In many respeets, this wide range o f
needs. We used to have everything in thè forest, including honey. N ow we see that
Guarani responses to Christianity closely resembled thè reactions o f
our children no longer have knowledge o f these things; they only know thè cul­
ture o f thè white man and want to live like him. This is how things are. We no
Amerindians to Catholic missionary efforts in other parts o f thè Spanish
longer understand one another [implying that thè younger generations o f Avà- America. Even though many o f their responses appear to be familiar ones,
Chiripà do not know their roots]. And i f someone says that we need to live these intricate patterns o f adaptation, resistance, and accommodation had
according to our traditions, another individuai comes forth and States that we not been previously well known and documented for thè Guarani. Under
need more than tradition to get ahead.71 thè influence o f Catholic missionaries, these native people had become
Caught between tradition and modernity, thè contemporary Guarani Christian, but they remained Guarani.
In summary, this ethnohistorical study sought to uncover thè broad
face similar problems that their ancestors had encountered more than two
patterns and trends that characterized thè entire mission region under thè
centuries earlier: a clash over new social values with a dominant culture
Jesuits, while attempting to establish some o f differences that existed at
and conflicts over land, labor, religion, and thè need to preserve their cul­
individuai missions. It also intended to contextualize thè lives o f individ­
tural identity and independence. But these indigenous people also face
uai Guarani men and women, especially those o f fugitives, as well as to
several new issues such as deforestation, thè loss o f hunting and fishing
analyze thè internai conflicts within their communities and recover their
sites, and even suicide, which unfortunately has reached epidemie propor-
native voices, which have been absent in much o f thè historical literature.
tions among young adult Guarani males in southern Brazil.The condition
Further research on this subject will doubtlessly reveal more subregional
o f thè Mbyà-Guarani is by far thè worst because they reside in small
differences and continue to highlight thè complexities o f studying inter­
nuclei o f three to four families on private lands not belonging to them
cultural contact on thè frontier. Finally, by examining thè colonial ethno-
and constantly are on thè move to avoid settlers.72 Christian missionaries
history o f thè Guarani from thè Jesuit missions and their continuing cul­
o f various religious seets have also been attempting to convert thè Guarani
tural conflicts with Europeans and their descendants, this study intended
people to their faith. Many missionaries and state agencies have assisted
to provide more historical depth and understanding o f Paraguay’s hybrid
thè indigenous peoples with health care and education, but in doing so,
culture that has descended from thè Spanish and thè Guarani, within
these organizations have altered many o f their ways and increased their
dependence on them. which Amerindians stili struggle for survival today.
John Hemming in his highly informative studies o f thè conquest o f
Amerindians in Brazil describes thè Guarani in thè Jesuit missions in
Paraguay as “ Christian, loyal, docile, hard-working, and civilized.” 73 He
also claims that their “ own culture was obliterated but they eagerly
embraced Christianity.” 74 In contrast to this and many previous works, this
study has shown how thè Guarani stili managed to retain distinctive ele-
Reference Matter
 APPENDIX

L etter o f N icolas N eengiru, Corregidor o f

M issio n C oncepción, to thè G overnor o f B u en os
A ires, J o sé de A n d o n a e g u i,J u ly 2 0 ,1 7 5 3

Senor Governador: Hearing thè words of your letter has taken us all by sur-
prise; we do not believe that it is in thè holy heart o f our King to have
ordered us to move; something which is very difficult to do; and we say that
these are not thè intentions of our King. The Portuguese, yes, we say that
because they are thè enemies o f our well-being, they want to mistreat us and
make us relocate. It is because we have another letter from thè King in which
thè late father of our King demonstrated his good faith, his love for us, his
desire for our well-being, that we have a church, despite what we have done
in times o f war, and he consoles us for all of thè good deeds we have per-
formed in many places, according to his will. He looks kindly upon us he says
in his letter. Because o f this, he also says in his letter: I will remember you,
help you, take care o f you very well, and my governor will also assist you, and
I have ordered him to make sure that no harm comes to you.We accordingly
respond: How can it be that these two letters do not correspond to one
another and are different? Our King does not make mistakes with his words.
Why is it now that he wants to pressure us, to obligate us even though we are
not mistaken, to make us poor, and wanting us to abandon our lands which
we had worked and put all of our possessions in thè hands of thè Portuguese?
For us to get lost for once and for all? Senor, yes, we cannot believe that he is
aware of this, if he would hear our words, he would get very angry, and would
not treat you well, and would not approve thè order to make us relocate.
We have never done anything wrong against our King, nor against you, Sir,
you are aware of that. We all our hearts, we have honored your requests, and
fulfilled them well. Because o f our love and devotion, we have given you our
goods, our animals, and even our lives. Consequently, we cannot believe that
it would be in thè heart o f our King to repay our good deeds with ordering
us to give up our lands. All of us, including our children, speak of this, while
getting incredibly angry. Neglecting their work, they walk around astonished.
They refuse to listen to our words, that we are thè corregidor and thè cabildo.
 192 Appendix 1
Appendix i 193

They get angry with us. They only obey thè authority o f thè caciques. To thè open fields as ifw e were snails.And far away even if thè weather is bad and
utter a word about relocation is already not a good thing for us to do.You even if it is winter. He only wants to make us poor and it seems that he wants
know well how we are when there is a great deal o f work to do and are forced to do away with us.This is what they teli us.This is not thè word o f God. He
to do some unpleasant job. Leave what you are doing and go there, we teli our would not want it.This is not thè work of Christians. We are also Christians,
people, who are thè vassals of thè King. Leave thè countryside and travel far children of thè Holy Mother Church. We have not neglected thè church or
in thè name o f our King. Collect all your possessions, become impoverished, our King. Padre Comisario, yes, in thè name o f our King has said.’Throw them
losing everything. So that you will hear what they have to say and witness out. Go far away from your forest. Seek your own subsistence. Leave your
their anger. In thè same manner, Sir, listen to thè words of our children, thè fields. Collect your things. Work there. Get tired. Feel bad and be impover­
sanie way we have to listen to them.They say that a long time ago our good, ished. In this way, you will also become poor and will have compassion for us.
holy saint called Roque Gonzàlez de Santa Cruz, after he carne to our land, We are not able to console ourselves because he does not know our language.
and instructed us about God and also what it is to be a Christian. There was He does not know how to speak to us. He does not want to listen to our
not even a Spaniard here in this land. O f our own will, we agreed that God words.This is what they say [referring to those in thè town], After all this, time
comes first, and o f course, then our King, who would always be our protec- and time again they say to us:To what land do they want us to relocate to? And
tor. For this reason, we humbled ourselves, became subjugated, and accepted all o f a sudden only in a big hurry to relocate us to a terrible land. Not even
him. The King gave his word to our ancestors and also you have always for three towns have they been able to fìnd good land and it is even more
repeated to us these same words. Well, why now do you suddenly want to difficult to find land for our animals. And our priests want to join two towns
change your words? in a single area that would mean thè end to us.They say that they cannot fìnd
This land, our children say, only God gave it to us. On this land our holy good land or thè time so that we could slowly relocate. This they do not want
teacher Father Roque Gonzàlez and many of our relatives have died among to give us. Consequently, they only wrongfully want us to disappear.
us. They have raised us. Only for us they got tired. Well, why do thè Portu- We have written you, Sir. These are thè words o f all o f us. They are true
guese desire thè land so much? It is not theirs. Only our hands have worked ones.We, thè members o f thè cabildo, no longer have anything else to say. We
it and prepared this land. Neither thè Portuguese nor thè Spaniards have done cannot keep them quiet nor oppose them when they get angry. Because of
such things as build a magnificent church, a nice town, ranches for our cattle, this, we humble ourselves before you so that you would honor thè words o f
yerba maté and cotton plantations, farms; what was achieved carne about from thè King and help us. In thè first place we are all your vassals. Well, make your
our hard work. Well, how is it that you wrongly want to take our possessions King understand our poverty and suffering. Send him this letter wherever he
from thè fruit o f our own labor? They wrongly want to make fun o f us.That may be. May he read it himself and hear and understand our poverty and
will not happen. God our Savior would not want this. He would not know labor. For this, God our Savior and for our King we choose them to protect
how to do such things nor is it thè will of our good, Holy King. We have not us.We have never offended them so as to want to lose us. In this we confide
done anything wrong.We have not taken anything away from thè Portuguese. in your good will that you take pity and mercy on us. And that later every one
Never for what we have worked will we get paid. of us will obey your good will. Secondly, for love of God, in case you do not
Never have our ancestors spoken to us about resettling elsewhere. They believe that these are our true words, you can see with your own eyes and
have taken care o f us, yes.They have loved us always. Only now do we hear they will teli you thè truth. We very much need to have you do this. And since
these words. Only now do they speak o f terrible things about taking us away we need you, we hope that you come. And that even God our Savior will hear
from our towns, so that we would also lose our good ways. Well, what is this? thè words o f thè poor.
They took our ancestors from thè forests for these reasons and for their hap- Finally, Sir, in my town of Concepción, it is not so bad, even though there
piness? They brought them together, taught thern, so that now they would lose is suspicion. It is not on thè other bank of thè Uruguay River. With all of this,
everything? Is this thè reason Padre Comisario [Altamirano] carne? Because o f we have two ranches in that land and two yerba maté plantations. Con­
him, they are no longer what they used to be.They never were what they are sequently, in wanting to seize that land, all of us in this town would become
now. He has wrongly upset them. He is a new priest who just arrived to our impoverished. Until now we have been searching for some good land and we
Holy Land and he does not even give us what we need. He has not grown tired have not been able to find some. That great cacique Nicolas Neengiru is my
of our love. Wrongfully he wants to take our towns and land, all suddenly and true ancestor with whom a long time ago at thè beginning Father Roque
only in a big hurry. He wants to kick us out like rabbits in thè forest or into Gonzàlez had entered this land. The words of thè faith of God touched him,
194 Appendix 1

revered him, and loved him very much. From my town he traveled to thè
other bank o f thè Uruguay to establish two towns all with my children and
relatives. They have desired and requested that I express in this letter what
APPENDIX
their impoverishment and hard work mean. All of us every day we pray before
God and we confide much in him. May that same Savior give you a good
heart and a long life and may God protect you eternally ever after so that you L etter o f thè Corregidor M ig u el G u a ih o
could help us well. Concepción, July 1753. Nicolas Neengiru, corregidor. o fM is s io n S a n J u a n B autista, 1 7 5 3 ?

Source: AHN, Legajo i2oj, exp. 40.Translation into English by author. Also published in
Spanish in Mateos,“ Notas y textos,” 369-72.

Although we have heard thè notice which has been given to us (which they
have spoken to their priest about) and we have heard about thè will of our
good, Holy King, even with all this we do not believe that this may be thè will
of our good, Holy King, or we do not treat it as such.This certainly has to be
a thing of thè Portuguese, who are very bad, and know how to lie a great deal.
First of all, God himself has given these lands to our poor ancestors: after this
God himself sent from heaven his vassal San Miguel [as thè town o f San Luis
is a colony or division o f thè town o f San Miguel, they more or less have thè
same tradition of thè Holy Archangel appearing before them] who made our
ancestors know God’s will: Search for someone who will look after your spir­
itual well-being [a priest who resembled San Ignacio, thè founder of thè
Company of Jesus]. San Miguel then told them to construct a cross in thè
lands o f our poor ancestors and said: this way you will reach your eternai well-
being. After that, he told them to seek a spot where thè sun sets towards thè
horizons, and look for what I have told you, and after saying that, San Miguel
Archangel disappeared. Our ancestors complied with what thè Saint had
asked; three caciques spoke and in thè company of some of their vassals, and
after a great deal o f work, they went to Buenos Aires with great hopes of
finding a priest and our ancestors brought him to this land, and showed him
to his vassals with great jubilation. The first thing this priest told our grand-
fathers was that this was God’s place. . . .This our good Holy King Philip V
confirmed for us in thè year 1716 on his holy paper using these words: con-
fide only in me, and do not be made a fool by some Portuguese, . . . who sin
a great deal. Because of this, for you, and for thè great love which I have for
you I sent my Captain General [referring to thè arrivai o f Don Bruno
Mauricio de Zavala, who carne to see thè Governor of Buenos Aires in 1717],
and his Excellency ordered that royal decree be posted in all o f thè mission
towns in which thè King expressed his gratitude to all of thè Guarani nation,
for having chased thè Portuguese out o f Colònia do Sacramento and prom-
196 Appendix 2
Appendix 2 197

ised thè Indians his royal patrimony. And since thè decree was published with you are here for thè love of our Holy King, because of this we want you to
a great solemnity of bugles, drums, and other instruments, there are many know that we will not leave these, our poor lands, which God himself has
Indians in each o f thè towns who remember thè great love thè Catholic given us, for any reason whatsoever. The Portuguese have no need for these
Monarch Philip V has for them in their kind memory, and they displayed these lands for we are in charge of them for God, and those in his place, and our
great feelings when they heard thè news of his death, well while they per- Holy King, fulfilling his holy words, and his holy will we have gone to
formed thè funeral rites in thè towns, many Indians whipped themselves Paraguay to humiliate thè Paraguayans, and subjected and make them obey
(without ordering them to) as ordered by my Captain General to be our thè King, who made thè peace. [The Indians are referring to thè Indians who
defender and free them o f their false testimonies or lies. At thè same time thè by order of thè King defeated thè Paraguayans, who killed a Spanish Governor
King sent thè priests of thè Company of Jesus who carried our souls to God, and rebelled against thè King in time o f thè Governor Antequera.] Also for
they taught us all good doctrine, and good customs with much effort, and thè reverence we have for our good Holy King, there should be a house for
they baptized our children and taught them to be good. Our poor souls and thè priests, we went to Montevideo to build a fort. Not only did we do this
bodies are nothing because thè Portuguese may have spilt their blood: Jesus for thè reverence of our King, but we also built in our poor land a very large
Christ himself is thè one who has spilt his sacred blood for us; and because of and lovely house of God with a tali and beautiful bell tower where there is a
this we search for him. This second person is thè one with his sacred blood great view. All this we have done for thè reverence we have for our good Holy
who has freed us, and looking at this, no way can we hear that thè Portuguese King who stands in place of God, and thè Holy Spirit who shines a great deal,
bother us.This is our land and it is something they do not need: our poor land also we have built a very good house for thè priests; and even better than what
is thè site o f thè Holy Sacrament, and thè Holy Spirit is here, and will cause they had before, all for reverence towards God and our good, Holy King.We
a cruel war. We do not ask for help here. Remember, remember well have also made our poor houses into good ones and with lovely arcades and
Portuguese, we made ashes out o f your fathers at Colònia, only a few fled, covered walkways made of stone, making everyone understand by these
three thousand o f us went because o f thè great love we had for our good, actions that we are thè vassals of our good, Holy King, whose holy will has
Holy King, and thè priests. We did not have any regrets about shedding our always been fulfilled, without failure. Oh good, Holy King, you should have
blood for thè love o f God.You see here, for having complied with what God been in Buenos Ayres when we were building that fort! We would have
had asked San Miguel to do, thè Saint favors us. Father Superior, if some thrown ourselves on thè ground before your holy feet, to kiss them, to show
priests come in canoes among thè Portuguese, we would advise them to thè great reverence we have for you, and because we know that you love us a
remove themselves from them because it is not good if there is a war going on great deal, good Holy King. We do not want to leave this land. The seven
between them. Under no circumstances do we want thè Portuguese on our towns cannot hear thè word Portuguese. After all thè hard work we have done,
lands, not even Spaniards, not even those who carne to fix thè limits on our we should enjoy it, it is not good for thè Portuguese to enjoy it: this is our
lands because we will get incredibly angry with them. They should know poor land, which is something thè Portuguese do not need. Maybe they are
what we will do with them because we never get tired of fighting: it is not our looking for thè road to Hell; that is thè place where they should go. We, your
war, as it is for thè Spaniards, God helping us and because of his love we do poor vassals, have always prayed for forgiveness, therefore, Holy King, may
not leave him, or will not return on foot behind thè poor Portuguese. God
your compassion always continue with us.
himself has given us this land; our Holy King who loves us so much and for
thè love we have for him, and because we are thè children of thè Holy Source: “ Carta de indios de San Juan Bautista,” AS, Estado 742ó.Translated into English
Mother Church, he is among us for our defense, and we are at his disposai so by author.
he could care for us: it is not good for us to hear for no reason thè bad they
have caused or how they offend thè customs or belongings of our Holy
Church (this is said because thè Portuguese are very offensive to thè Guarani,
and because of thè atrocities they have committed against thè Guarani nation
at thè beginning o f their conversion they thought o f thè Portuguese as ene-
mies o f thè Church . . . ) no matter how much thè missionaries teli them that
they are Christians like thè Spaniards and that our kingdom is Portuguese;
Holy Father Superior, you have come to fulfill thè will of our Holy King or
 Appendix 3 199

Also, we are not slaves, nor do we like thè Spanish custom of each one
working for himself, instead of helping one another in their everyday jobs.
This is thè plain truth, we say, and if you do thè contrary, this town will
APPENDIX 3 soon be lost, and thè other towns too, lost for you, thè King and for God, and
we will fall under thè power of thè devii [or evil spirit, Ana]. And then, at thè
L etterfro m M issio n S an L u is to thè G o v em o r hour of our death, who will we have to help us? Absolutely no one. Our chil­
o f B u en o s Aires, February 2 8 ,1 7 6 8 dren are now in thè forest. When they return to thè town, and do not see thè
parsons, thè sons of San Ignacio, they will go off into thè forest to lead a bad
life. Already thè people o f San Joaquin, San Estanislao, San Fernando, and
Timbó have dispersed.We know this and teli you because thè cabildo will not
be able to restore this town as it was [established] for God and thè King.
Consequently, kind Governor, do what we ask. And may Nuestro Senor
assist you and give you continuous grace.This and nothing else we have to teli
May God protect you because you are our father, we say this on behalf of thè you.
cabildo, and all o f thè chiefs, along with all thè men, women, and children of San Luis, February, 28,1768.Your poor children, thè entire town and cabildo.
thè town o f San Luis.
Source: San Luis Misión, “ Copia en Guarani del Memorial de la misión de San Luis,
The corregidor Santiago Pindó and Don Pantaleón Cayuari with thè love,
rogando permitir a los Jesuitas permanecer,” February 28, 1768. Modern copy from thè
which we profess, have received written requests for birds to be sent to thè papers o f Senòr Woodbine Parish, M G 1992.Translated by author.
King.We regret that we are unable to send them because thè birds live in thè
jungle where God created them and they fly away from us when we approach
them. Even though we are subjects o f God and our King and are always try-
ing to accommodate him in whatever he may command; having gone to res-
cue Colonia [do Sacramento] three times; and working to pay tribute, and
asking now that God send you and to our King thè most beautiful o f all birds,
which is thè Holy Spirit, to illuminate you and so thè Holy Angel will pro­
tect you.
Because o f this, we all have confidence in you, we say, o f Senor Governa-
dor, with tears in our eyes, we humbly ask you to allow thè holy fathers o f thè
Company, sons of San Ignacio, to continue to live always among us and that
you present this idea to our good Holy King in thè name and love o f God.
All o f thè men, women, children in thè town ask this with tears, especially thè
poor.
We do not like having a parish priest.The Apostle Saint Thomas, represen-
tative of God, spread thè faith in this land among our ancestors, and these
parish priests are not interested in us.The fathers o f thè Company of Jesus are
among us.They have taken care o f us from thè very beginning; they taught
our ancestors, baptized them, and protected them on behalf of God and thè
King o f Spain. Because of this, we do not want other parish priests.
The fathers of thè Company of Jesus know how to get along with us, and
we with them, we are happy serving God and thè King.We are willing to pay
more tribute in yerba maté if this is what you wish.
Well, Senor Gobernador, whose kindness we do not doubt, listen to these
pleas from poor individuals like us, and act upon them.
 Appendix 4 201

to thè comfort o f all o f your vassals;Your Majesty, our good holy King, we do
not see you, but it is as though we can. . . . He himself, in person, should put
our towns in order, in name ofyour Majesty, to put an end to our misery and
APPENDIX 4 life as slaves.
With thè arrangements ofyour Majesty, we are very content that our chil-
G uarani L etter to K in g C harles II I, dren should deserve thè priesthood. Every one o f us should learn thè Spanish
language, and after learning it well, with thè will of God, we will try to see
B u en os Aires, M arch i o , 1768
your Majesty; May God protect your holy grace for many years. Buenos Aires,
March io, 1768. The corregidores and caciques kneel before you with all
humility at thè feet o f His Majesty . .

Cacique Ponciano Mbiti Corregidor Nicolas Yaracui

Cacique Miguel Quarasipucu Corregidor Santiago Pindo
Cacique Mathias Zuiriri Corregidor Martin Payre
We give thanks to God and to your Majesty, our good Holy King. May God Cacique Xavier Guapi Corregidor Phelipe Sant.Airuca
give you good health and all thè pleasures and happiness so that you can help Cacique Juan Paragua Corregidor Domingo Guarapi
us, your poor vassals, in whatever way possible. Cacique Ignacio Caracara Corregidor Pedro Mbacapi
We, thè thirty corregidores and thirty caciques o f thè missions, all appear Cacique Celestino Mbacato Corregidor Juan Bapt. Cava
to be of confidence; we kneel down before your Majesty, and kiss your feet, Cacique Eusebio Areguati Corregidor Fran. X. Porangari
saying may God protect you, and for us to fulfill your wishes with pleasure, Cacique Miguel Caypu Corregidor Francisco Curayu
and with all o f our hearts. We place this letter in thè hands o f your Majesty. Cacique Romualdo Ybarasa Corregidor Athanasio Manuel
We have already witnessed our good Holy King that God has lightened Cacique Phelipe Sant. Carmi Corregidor Damaso Mbiri
our way because o f thè pity he has taken upon us; he has taken us away from Cacique Franco. Xr. Cheracu Corregidor Pedro Curimande
a life o f hard work. Cacique Thomas Guirarague Corregidor Thomas Guarumbare
. . . with great pleasure we receive in thè name of God and your Majesty, Cacique Joseph Ignacio Cuyasy Corregidor Pedro Tayubai
our good Holy King, thè shaman priests which you give us to look after our Cacique Ignacio Nepiney Corregidor Francisco Cambare
souls, saying Mass every day and teaching us Christian doctrine and thè holy Cacique Pedro Tacurari Corregidor Miguel Yeguaca
life o f our Father. Cacique Leandro Anengara Corregidor Esteban Acaraoba
We give repeated thanks to His Majesty for having sent His Excellency and Cacique Raimundo Guariacu Corregidor Cornelio Mingu
Captain General D. Francisco de Paula Bucareli, who has carried out all of Cacique Juan Numbay Corregidor Miguel Aberanda
your just commands, for thè love of God and for love o f your Majesty, helping Cacique Jacob Arari Corregidor Sebastian Oquendu
us with pity because of our poverty; he has demonstrated this to thè public by Cacique Joseph Acemomba Corregidor Juan Paracatu
giving us clothing, treating us well, calling us gentlemen, making us all happy. Cacique Juan Baut. Guirapepi Corregidor Nazario Guayuyu
This holy deed o f your Majesty we received from thè hand o f God with all Cacique Diego Asiyu Corregidor Melchor Chabi
humility; our King, those past mistakes that we made are forever gone, we are Cacique Basilio Gomez Corregidor Angelo Yapari
forgiven for thè love of God and our good Holy King. Cacique Maximiliano Chepota Corregidor Joseph Chirima
On November 4, thè day of San Carlos, thè Bishop [of Buenos Aires] sang Cacique Bona Ventura Yabacu Corregidor Blas Namandigua
a Mass for us in your Majesty’s honor; thè Governor had us there with great Cacique Isidro Ndare Corregidor------
pleasure . . . and after thè holy Mass, he took us to thè fort, and when it was
time to eat, we sat at a table where they fed us; thè good Bishop was there Source: Francisco Javier Brabo, Colección de documentos relativos a la expulsión de losJesuitas
along with thè priests, and thè most important men. Everyone was fulfilling de la Républica Argentina y del Paraguay en el Reinado de Carlos III (Madrid: Establecimiento
thè wishes o f thè Governor, who represented your Majesty; He himself. . . Tipografico de José Maria Pérez, 1872), 102-6. Translation by author.
fed us, and made us content in every way.
As though he was His Majesty, we took His Excellency to all of our towns,
 Appendix 5 203

for a long time. Now we know what they think when they construct a chapel
and when they are finished they will name it chapel o f Saint Bentura, saying
APPENDIX that our lands are thè lands of blacks, not even new Christians, or reducidos; in
a short time, we became Christians a long time ago. We have not changed thè
name of San Francisco Xavier; . . . thè poor have built a church in which we
G u a ra n i letter regarding transfer o f thè
have baptized our sons, gotten married, and if we die, we bury our dead
C h a p e l S an Francisco X avier ; i8og within thè church or in thè cemetery where our children are buried; all of this
is thè pure truth; we have put our names down in making this request to you
Senores, and for thè sake of God and Nuestro Senor. . . .
Paysandu, 27 February 1809, Capataz Juan Pablo Ximenez, Antonio Guararica,
Chrisanto Zuares, Procurador Christobal Barite.

Source: ANA, SH, voi. 209.Translated by thè author.

To thè Corregidor, Cabildo, and Caciques:
We sons and daughters place ourselves in your presence by means of this
letter to consult with you, having learned only a short time ago that our
chapel [aitar] o f San Francisco Xavier will be transferred from where it is
located. Now that we know this, if some orders should arrive for us, we can-
not do anything without your knowledge; for you are thè ones who are our
superiors.Therefore, we are Consulting with you, Senores. Within thè next few
days, thè order should arrive from Buenos Aires. Someone will bring this
order to thè town, to you, thè members of thè cabildo, to transfer our chapel.
We discovered this from our neighbors.
First of all, we already had known that from thè beginning, our first ances-
tors in these places became Christians, because they taught us about thè holy
church, since we were children; that we ought to have a church for thè prov-
idence of God, our Holy Mother Church, they declare, may God have mercy
on us. For this same reason, our church cannot be moved to another location.
And also for a long time up until now, there are many bodies buried in thè
cemetery and even inside thè church. Therefore, it is not possible to abandon
these. For these reasons, we ask you Senores of thè cabildo to leave thè chapel
where it is. . . .The church is thè work o f our sons in thè town. As it is ours,
and it is known that we have taken care of i t . . . we even built it; for it does
not even have a single piece of wood that is not good, nor even straw or tiles,
which are not good. Should you carry out our request, we would stili have a
church in this little town. The patron saints San Francisco Xavier, Nuestra
Senora del Rosario, Nuestra Senora Dolorosa, and Senor Crucificado, all
brought from thè town, and which are thè works o f thè sons of thè town, and
thè church will be here for us to look at and be taken care of. By looking after
these, later God will look after these poor sons o f ours. . . .We notify you not
to let them take away our chapel, if they want a chapel, neighbors will build
one where they want and they will work for them. We will not work with
them. For this reason, we have a chapel, San Francisco Xavier, our patron saint
 Glossary

Alcalde A municipal officiai who served as justice o f thè peace.

Alférez reai A lower-ranking member o f a town council.
Alguacil Bailiff.
Arroba U nit ofw eig h t equal to approximately 25 pounds.
Audiencia High court o f justice.
Bandeirante Participant in slave-raiding expeditions against Indians in Brazil.
Sào Paulo was thè most common origin. See Paulista and Mameluco.
Cabecera Head village o f a mission district.
Cabildante Member o f a town council.
Cabildo Town council.
Cacicazgo An aboriginal polity that assumed thè form o f a chiefdom.
Caudillo A strong leader.
Cofradia A lay religious brotherhood.
Comisario Someone charged with carrying out an assignment; commissary.
Corregidor A magistrate, primary officer o f a town council; primarily responsi-
ble for thè recruitment o f Indian labor in this context.
Coty Guazu W omen’s shelter and orphanage.
Creole Am erican-born person, especially one taken to be o f Spanish descent.
Criollo A person o f primarily Spanish descent born in America.
Curandero Healer, conjurer; often a shaman.
Curuzuyà Nurse or physician; literally means “ those o f thè cross.”
Don, Dona Nobleman or woman o f distinction; a title commonly used in colo-
nial Latin America.
Encomendero Grantee o f an encomienda.
Encomienda A grant (usually given to a Spaniard) o f thè right to receive tribute
and/or labor from a group o f Indians. It carried thè obligation to
Christianize thè Indians.
Gaudio A cowboy, usually o f Indian and Spanish ancestry, in thè Rio de la
Piata.
Guàras Regional-ethnic communities o f thè Guarani.
206 Glossary

Hechiceria Witchcraft.
Indian, Indio, or naturai Descendant o f thè indigenous population living under
Spanish rule; a major social and ethnic category in Spanish colonial law.
Indians were tribute payers, legai minors, and usually associated with a
corporate community known as a pueblo de indios. Notes
Intendente Intendant, chief adminstrator o f a large district or intendancy.
Mamelucos A Portuguese term referring to thè offspring o f European and
Indian parents.
Mayordomo Steward.
Misión In thè eighteenth century, thè term referred to thè land, province, or
kingdom where missionaries preached.The word also referred to thè journey
o f clerics for thè purpose o f converting heretics and gentiles, or for thè
instruction o f those w ho were faithful, and thè “ correction o f vices.” Abbreviations
Mitayos Forced labor. AGI Archivo de las Indias, Seville
Naboria A system o f labor adopted by thè Spaniards in which Amerindians AGN Archivo General de la Nación, Buenos Aires
provided labor perpetually, especially as domestic servants, but could not be
A G P C Archivo General de la Provincia de Corrie.ntes
bought or sold like slaves. Legally, they were free, but in reality they had to
endure many restrictions as servants. AHN Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid
Originarios Those w ho were subjected to encomienda. ANA Archivo Nacional de Asunción
Padre Provincial Jesuit head o f a geographic area in which thè Society o f Jesus ANRJ Arquivo Nacional, Rio de Janeiro
was represented. ARSI Archivum Romanum Societatus Iesu, Rome
Padrón Census. AS Archivo General de Simancas
Pardo Person o f mixed racial heritage, usually black or mulatto.
BM British Library
Patronato Reai Royal patronage over thè church.The right to nominate for
BNP Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris
church offices and supervise church administration.
BNRJ Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro
Paulista An inhabitant o f or referring to Sào Paulo.
Porteno A resident o f Buenos Aires, a port city. MG Manuel E. Gondra Collection, Benson Latin American Collection,
University o f Texas at Austin
Procurador Trade representative or an agent w ho promoted thè interests o f an
organization or a community. NE Sección Nueva Encuadernación
Protector de indios An officiai appointed to assist thè Indians in their legai suits SH Sección Histórica
and complaints and to prosecute or even punish directly cases o f abuse o f SJ Sección Judicial
them. Also known as Protector de naturales.
Pulperia C ountry store and tavern.
Introduction
Recopilación The great compilation o f Spanish colonial law published in 1681.
Reducción A town into which Amerindians were aggregated for administrative 1. Mateos, “ Cartas de indios cristianos,” 570-72. There are different spellings
and religious purposes; also refers to thè process by which thè Indians were o f Neengiru in thè documentation. Rather than conform to thè spelling o f his
resettled into these towns. surname in thè historical literature, I utilized thè spelling o f his surname based on
his own signature on letters from thè Archivo Histórico Nacional in Madrid.
Secularization Conversion o f doctrinas administered by thè regular clergy into
parishes administered by thè secular clergy. 2. “ Carta de Francisco Bruno de Zavala,” Mission Yapeyu, 1768, A G N , IX 6 -
10 -7.
Tuvichà Chieftain.
3. Mateos, “ Cartas de indios cristianos,” 570-72.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
 208 Notes to Pages 5 —6 Notes to Pages 6 - 1 2 209

6. “ Recurso de la Provincial del Paraguay de la Compania de Jhs . . . en causa which indigenous peoples have altered as well as maintained their ways of life in
de la execución y resultas delTratado de Limites entre Espana y P o rtu g a lA R S I, missions in different regions of Spain’s New-World empire.
Prova. Paraquariae, Paraq. 13, Roll 156, thè Pius XII Memorial Library, Vatican 14. Farriss, Maya Society.
Film Library, Saint Louis University; Golin, Sepé Tiaraju; Becker, Un mito jesuitico. 15. Arouet de Voltaire, Candide, 136-37.
Becker argues that thè myth served thè Jesuits’ needs because it demonstrated that 16. Ibid.
a conspiracy had existed against them in Europe and thè members o f thè religious 17. Secondat, Spirit of Laws, 36-39; Secondat, Ouevres completes de Montesquieu,
order were in no way responsible for thè suppression o f thè Society o f Jesus. He 416; Aveling,Jesuits, 275.
argues that thè anti-Jesuit myth o f Nicolas I was o f Jesuit origin rather than 18. Southey, “Tale of Paraguay.” Fairchild, Noble Savage, 212-13.
European. Perhaps thè myth later was used to serve their needs; however, at thè 19. Southey, “Tale of Paraguay.”
rime o f thè rebellion, thè notion o f a Jesuit state within a state appears to have 20. Ibid., 517, st. 8, 531.
been a damaging rumor. Decades later following thè expulsion, as late as 1792, 21. Trigger, Natives and Newcomers, 14.
another rumor abounded in Paraguay that one Jesuit remained at Mission San 22. The image of thè noble savage had its heyday between thè years 1750 and
Carlos. Cooney, Economia y sociedad, 214. 1830. Its portrayal was not limited to Amerindians in thè New World but was also
7. According to thè anonymous text Historia de Nicolas I: Rey del Paraguay y applied to African peoples and South Sea Islanders. Southey’s depiction of thè
Emperador de los Mamelucos, Nicolas Roubiouni was born in thè village o f Taratos, Guarani in “A Tale of Paraguay” was not unlike thè colonizing discourse in liter­
Andalucia, in 1710. After becom ing a Jesuit, he traveled to thè Rio de la Piata, ature about Africans. As did some of thè portrayals of thè Guarani, thè Europeans
where he proclaimed himself king o f Paraguay. Then on June 27, 1754, Nicolas perceived Africans as children and as peoples who lacked qualities that character-
was crowned emperor o f thè mamelucos (a person o f mixed parentage; thè offspring ized thè ideals of white European civilization.They also viewed thè African jun­
o f European and Indian parents) in Sào Paulo. O n July 16, 1754, it stated that gle as virgin territory that lacked culture and history and was in need of mission-
Nicolas led an army o f six thousand men into this city with all thè pompousness aries to bring thè native peoples “civilization.” ComarofF and Comaroff, O f
o f a king w ho had just defeated his enemies. Becker, Un mito jesuitico, 56, 168-72. Revelation and Revolution, 1:110, 117.
8. The Protestant press in Holland published an arride in November 1755 23. Cunninghame Graham, Vanished Arcadia.
stating that some persons from thè court o f Spain had seen a coin minted in 24. Matenczyk, “R. B. Cunninghame Graham,” 98, 161—72.
Paraguay displaying thè bust o f Nicolas I. In Madrid, Father Carlos Gervasoni, thè 25. Cunninghame Graham, Vanished Arcadia, xii, 204.
representative o f thè Province o f Paraguay, offered a reward to anyone who could 26. Ibid., 285.
show him such a coin, but no one could ever fmd one. Mateos, “ E 1 tratado de 27. Berkhofer Jr. notes in Images of thè American Indians that thè convention of
limites,” 373; Mateos, “ La guerra guaranitica y las misiones del Paraguay,” 280. thè noble savage was often used as a polemical device to criticize European soci­
9. J. Daniel Rogers points out that in many studies o f culture contact, scholars ety. He traces thè history of thè noble savage back to thè period of thè late
too often assume that process o f interaction is primarily motivated by thè objec- Renaissance and thè writings of Michel de Montaigne (1533—92),“ On Cannibals
tives o f thè more powerful intruders. Rogers, “ Social and Material Implications,” and “ On Coaches.” Montaigne uses thè Tupinambà, thè northern “ relatives” of thè
73- 7 5 - Guarani along thè coast of Brazil, to criticize social inequality and poverty in
10. Caraman, Lost Paradise. France. Montaigne, “O f Cannibals,” 153, 159; Berkhofer, White Man’s Indian, 75;
11. Service, Spanish-Guarani Relations; Service and Service, Tobati, xxii, 283. Keen, Aztec Image in Western Thought, 157-62.
Service was referring to thè adaptation o f thè Guarani in thè Franciscan missions 28. See thè excellent essay by Saeger, uThe Mission and Historical Missions,”
who were subjected to provide forced labor to thè Spanish in encomiendas (a 393- 4U; Ganson,“Like Children Under Wise Parental Sway,” 399-422.
grant usually given to a Spaniard o f thè right to receive tribute and/or labor from 29. Axtell, “Ethnohistory,” 1 —13.
a group o f Indians). Service and Service fail to analyze Guarani culture systemat- 30. Nash, Red, White, and Black, 4.
ically, although these scholars made an important contribution to thè literature by 31. David Block uses thè term “mission culture” to describe thè formation of
analyzing thè Paraguayan encomienda. Their argument that “ even such things as a new society in thè Moxos region in lowland Bolivia under thè Jesuits. Block,
mythology, folklore, superstitions, and folk medicine failed to reveal anything o f Mission Culture on thè Upper Amazon, 1-2.
certain Guarani origin” in contemporary Paraguay is not convincing. 32. Pratt, Imperiai Eyes, 6; Spitta, Between Two Waters, 2-3.
12. Gibson, Aztecs Under Spanish Rule. 33. Garavaglia, Mercado interno y economia colonial, 35-46.
13. For an elaborate discussion o f thè recent trends in thè field o f mission his- 34. Techo, History of thè Provinces of Paraguay, Tucuman, Rio de la Piata, Parana,
tory, see thè excellent collection o f essays in Langer and Jackson, New Latin and Uruaica and something of thè Kingdom of Chile, 693.
American Mission History. Several o f these articles document thè various ways in 35. Comaroff and Comaroff, O f Revelation and Revolution, 1:17, 22. By “sign,”
2 io Notes to Pages 1 2 - 1 7 Notes to Pages 1 7 -2 0 21 r

Com aroff and C om aroff appear to be referring to “ thè unspoken authority o f Recent work on thè subtleties of cultural identity suggests that researchers should
habit,” or customs that they contend “ may be as effective as thè most violent coer- at least attempt to present more nuanced studies, and be sensitive to thè variations
cion in shaping, directing, even dominating social thought and action.” in thè cultural traditions among these various indigenous groups.
36. Foucault, Power/Knowledge, 62; Dirks, Eley, and Ortner, Culture/Power/ 3. Alvear,“Relación geogràfica e histórica de las misiones,” 5:586.
History, 3—45. 4. Métraux, “Guarani,” 3:69.
37. W ithin a power network, he asserts that there are points or focuses o f 5. Means, “Note on thè Guarani Invasions of thè Inca Empires,” 482-84;
resistance present, which “ are spread out over time and space at varying densities, Nordenskiold, “Guarani Invasion of thè Inca Empire,” 103—21.
at times mobilizing groups or individuai in a definite way.” Foucault, History of 6. Monteiro, “Os Guarani e a História do Brasil Meridional Séculos XVI-
Sexuality, E92-97. XVII,” 478. Monteiro accepts Pierre Clastres’s figure of 1.5 million, which is much
38. Ruiz de Montoya, Tesoro de la Lengua, 126, 378. higher than John Hemming’s estimate of approximately 30,000 in 1500.
39. Brandes, Power and Persuasion, 4 -5 . Hemming, Red Gold, 492. Estimates ofTupi-Guarani population on thè eve of thè
40. Spanish missionaries also applied thè Roman alphabetic script to Nahuatl conquest are only based on guesswork, not documentary evidence or scientific
in M exico, but thè Nahuas, unlike thè paperless Guarani, understood thè concept methods. William M. Denevan notes that there are few hard data available for
o f record keeping and had a tradition o f writing in pictographs and ideograms. determining thè indigenous population of Amazonia, and consequently any figure
Lockhart, Nahuas After thè Conquest, 326-35. arrived at is only an educated guess. Denevan, “Aboriginal Population of
Amazonia,” 205-34.
Chapter 1 : Early Encounters 7. Alvear,“Relación geogràfica e histórica de las misiones,” 5:586.
8. According to an early chronicler, “ Guarani” meant “a warlike people.”
1. The search for an authentic or “ traditionaF’ Tupi-Guarani culture may be a “Descripción del Rio de la Piata,” Asunción, 158o[?], MG 744.
bit futile. It implies that a culture would remain static and not undergo change like 9. Turra Magni, “ Guarani: Guerreiros,” 229-31; Clastres, Society Against thè
other societies or that there would not be significant regional variations among State.
thè variousTupi-Guarani groups. Sinopoli, Approaches to Archaeological Ceramics, 83. 10. Susnik, El rol de los indigenas, 1:11-15; Susnik,“Ethnohistoria del Paraguay,”
The Frenchmen André Thevet and Jean de Lery and thè German explorer Hans 465-66; Schmitz, “People of thè Missions.”
Staden left detailed accounts o f thè Tupinambà and other indigenous peoples they 11. Léry, History of a Voyage, 153, 159-61; Métraux, “ Guarani,” 133.
encountered along thè coast o f Brazil in thè 1500S. Chroniclers who visited thè 12. It is generally believed that women were thè primary potters in their soci­
Rio de la Piata wrote extensively about thè newly discovered native peoples. eties. Coil hand-building was thè method they used to make water jars, cups,
Ulrich Schmidel, a German explorer on Pedro de M endoza’s expedition to thè bowls, large funeral urns (yapepó), and cooking pots. Staden, True History of his
Rio de la Piata, described thè first European encounter with thè Cario-Guarani in Captivity, 140-42; Léry, History of a Voyage, 74, 161; Sinopoli, Approaches to
Historia del descubrimiento del Rio de la Piata y Paraguay (1567). Ruy Diaz de Guzmàn Archaeological Ceramics, 99; Simons, “Pottery from thè State of Sào Paulo, Brazil,”
described thè Avà-Chiriguanos in his epic poem, “ La Argentina.” 459-72; Sahlins, Stone Age Economics, 10-51; Fernandes, Organizagào social dos
2. José Proenza Brochado found thè existence o f two ceramic subtraditions: Tupinambà, 113-15; Schaden, Aspectos Fundamentais da Cultura Guarani, 40.
one, Guarani, in southern Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Argentina, and thè other, 13. Turra Magni, “Guarani: Guerreiros,” 229-31.
Tupinambà, in eastern and northeastern Brazil. Another variation would be Avà- 14. Susnik used thè technique of up-streaming to reach this conclusion.
Chiriguano pottery, which has definite Andean influences. Proenza Brochado, Susnik, El rol de los indigenas, 1:29.
“ Ecological M odel o f thè Spread o f Pottery,” 267, 321, 345, 404. Proenza 15. Léry, History of a Voyage, 153; Gonzàlez Torres, Cultura Guarani, 120.
Brochado’s work challenges thè traditional notion that thè Tupi and thè Guarani 16. Jesuit missionary Antonio Ruiz de Montoya referred to “a woman who
were a homogeneous cultural group, despite linguistic evidence and other cultural took thè life of her child in her womb” as Omembiguiepe oiucabàe. Ruiz de
indicators to thè contrary. He raises questions about thè use o f thè term “ Tupi- Montoya, Tesoro, 107.
Guarani.” For many years, outsiders have imposed a cultural scheme on these var- 17. Schmidel, Relatos de la conquista, 44-45; Staden, True History, 129.
ious indigenous groups in Brazil, Paraguay, and thè Rio de la Piata. Despite 18. Hultkrantz, Study of American Indian Religions, 22.
differences in thè ceramic traditions o f thè Tupi and thè Guarani, common pat- 19. Wallace, Religion, 56.
terns stili exist that justify treating these various indigenous groups as a single cul­ 20. Owens, “Historical Geography of thè Indian Missions,” 76.
tural entity. These include politicai, economie, and social organization, religious 21. Wilbert, Tobacco and Shamanism in South America; Métraux, “ Guarani,” 89.
traditions, material culture, and warfare. Recognizing such commonalities does 22. Léry, History of a Voyage, 145; Staden, True History, 130; Métraux, La Religion
not, however, preclude thè necessary recognition o f cultural and linguistic differ­ des Tupinamba, 28, 53-84.
ences among thè various Guarani-speaking groups, which are evident even today. 23. Ruiz de Montoya, Tesoro, 107.
212 Notes to Pages 20 -2 2 Notes to Page 22 213

24. Techo, History of thè Provinces, 718. Donald W. Forsyth strongly criticizes Arens’s analysis o f thè accounts o f Hans
25. Shapiro, “ Frorti Tupà to thè Land W ithout Evil,” 126-39. Staden, Jean de Lery, and others concerning Tupinambà cannibalism. In “ Three
26. Léry, History of a Voyage, 134-35; similarly in North America, Europeans Cheers for Hans StademThe Case for Brazilian Cannibalism,” he asserts that Arens
who encountered Amerindians during thè sixteenth century often concluded that only used selective data and ignored data that contradicted his thesis to present his
they lacked God and religion. Jaenen, Friend or Foe, 4 1-4 2 . Sabine M acCorm ack, revisionist interpretation ofTupinambà cannibalism. Forsyth, “ Three Cheers,” 17,
however, points out that some sixteenth-century missionaries believed that 31; Moreover, Peggy Sanday strongly refutes Arens’s conclusions by citing direct
Amerindians had knowledge o f Christianity long ago and only needed to be re- eyewitness reports o f cannibalism, including a vivid account by a missionary in
instructed in thè faith. M acCorm ack, “ Limits o f Understanding,” 96; John W. N ew Caledonia. Sanday also analyzes thè current literature on thè subject and
O ’Malley in his recent study, The First Jesuits, noted that thè natives in Brazil “ had presents rather convincing arguments to substantiate its existence by using psy-
no concept o f God whatsoever.” O ’Malley, First Jesuits, 79. chological insight. O ne o f her more persuasive points is that within thè
27. Thevet, La Cosmographie Universelle, 38. Amerindian mind, there was a lesser distinction between thè categories o f man
28. Léry, History of a Voyage, 136; Métraux, La Religion des Tupinamhà, 8, 16, 24. and animals in nature than among thè Europeans who have always considered
29. Ruiz de Montoya, Tesoro, 209; Métraux, La Religion des Tupinamhà, 45; themselves as superior over thè animai kingdom. In fact, some Amerindian groups
Hultkrantz, Study of American Indian Religions, 102; Cadogan, “ Aves y almas de such as thè western Guarani, thè Avà-Chiriguanos, believed that they eventually
difuntos,” 149-54; M elià,“ La tierra-sin mal de los Guarani,” 491-507. evolved into animals after death. For them, thè hunting o f another man may have
30. Techo, History of thè Provinces, 718. been similar to thè hunting o f a deer. Learning how to hunt and conduct warfare
31. Ibid. w ith other indigenous groups was at thè center o f thè socialization process for all
32. Thevet, La cosmographie, 84-85; Lery, History of a Voyage, 136; Schaden, males. Beginning in childhood, boys carried bows and arrows.There was a strong
“ Fases da acultura^ào religiosa dos Guarani,” in his Acultura^ào Indigena: Ensaio, tie between warfare and adapting to their naturai environment. Native Americans
103 - 4 3 - observed and copied thè behavior o f animals to learn how to hunt and fight
33. Léry, History of a Voyage, 172 -76. Schm idt,“ Nuevos hallazgos prehistóricos against their enemies in order to survive. Alone or in groups, young men fought
del Paraguay,” 8 1-10 3, 132-36. with warriors from other villages with thè mentality o f thè hunter after his prey.
34. Ruiz de Montoya, Conquista espiritual, 53. Sanday, Divine Hunger, 9 -10 .
35. Ruiz de M ontoya’s defìnition o f thè land without evil differed from that o f 39. Sardi, “ Avaporu,” 16. Ruiz de Montoya tells us in Arte, Bocabulario, Tesoro,
twentieth-century French anthropologist FIélène Clastres. Clastres, La tierra sin Catecismo de la Eengua Guarani that avaporu is thè Guarani word for “ eating o f
mal, 63.TI1ÌS work has been recently translated into English as The Land Without human flesh.” Fernandes, Organiza^ào social dos Tupinambà, io; Fernandes, Funfào
Evil: Tupi-Guarani Prophetism (Urbana: University o f Illinois Press, 1995). Other social da guerra; Martin del Barco Centenera, author o f thè early seventeenth-
anthropologists stress thè importance o f this concept inTupi-Guarani culture. See century epic poem “ La Argentina” (1602), described thè Chiriguanos as “ bloody
Shapiro, “ From Tupà to thè Land Without Evil,” 126-39. Melià points out that few cannibals” who ate their enemies in his description o f thè origin o f thè Guarani.
Tupi-Guaram migrations have been documented. One, o f course, could not Barco Centenera, La Argentina, 1. Interview with Dr. Pedro Inàcio Schmitz, S.J.,
expect that migrations among a nonliterate people would generate any type o f Instituto Anchietano de Pesquisas, Sào Leopardo, Rio Grande do Sul, Aprii 1991;
historical documentation. Melià, “ La tierra-sin-mal de los Guarani,” 491-507. Schmitz, Arqueologia do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, 94-95. In addition, there is a sim-
36. See thè excellent article by M acCorm ack, “ Limits o f Understanding,” 96. ilarity between thè early European descriptions o f thè cannibalistic practices
37. According to thè Brazilian sociologist Florestan Fernandes, warfare was a among thè Tupinambà along thè coast in Brazil and among their relatives, thè Avà-
centrai motivation ofTupinambà society but subordinated to thè religious System, Chiriguanos in Bolivia, during thè sixteenth century. Moreover, according to a
which was thè major determining influence on thè culture as a whole. Warfare, he conversation with Brazilian scholar Dr. Laura de M ello e Souza o f thè Universi-
States, constituted thè most important cause o f mortality in native society before dade de Sào Paulo, anthropologists in Brazil had interviewed an elderly Tupi
thè arrivai o f thè Portuguese in Brazil in 1500. Fernandes, Fun^ào social da guerra na woman who told them that when she was young and pretty, warriors would bring
sociedade Tupinamhà. her human frngers to eat. It is unclear how thè Jesuits succeeded in ending thè
38. Arens, Man-Eating Myth, 21. Anthony Pagden supports Arens’s conclusions Guarani custom o f eating their captives in thè missions. A few scholars attribute
by stating: “ Although Professor Arens’s argument is based solely on printed thè end o f cannibalism to thè introduction o f b eef cattle in thè missions, which is
sources, which are easily available in English, his hypothesis, in so far as it applies not a convincing argument. Other scholars, such as thè late Paraguayan archaeol-
to thè Amerindians, also holds true for thè large body o f documentation material ogist José Antonio Perasso, contend that symbolically it was substituted through
on cannibalism. I, at least, have not found a single eye-witness account o f a can- thè Cathohc Mass. This controversial and complex issue is going to remain un-
nibal feast nor, indeed a single description which does not rely on elements taken resolved because o f thè lack o f historical evidence.
from classical accounts o f anthropophagy.” Pagden, Fall of Naturai Man, 217. 40. Vega, Royal Commcntaries, L.443.
214 Notes to Pages 2 3 -2 7 Notes to Pages 2 7 -3 4 215

41. Sardi, “ Avaporu,” 16-66. 56. “ Relación de las cosas que han pasado,” M G 725L; Fogel, “ Process o f
42. Vega, Royal Commentaries, 1:444. Identity Reconstitution and thè Guarani Mobilizations,” 8—9.
43. This is thè estimate o f chronicler Rui Diaz de Guzmàn, Historia Argentina $7. Nathan Wachtel in The Vision of thè Vanquished:The Spanish Conquest ofPeru
del Descubrimiento, 1:77. In 1533 , Cabot returned to Spain with news that a con- through Indian Eyes, 1530 to 1370 (1977) shows how thè Spaniards uprooted Andean
quest o f Perù would be a rewarding venture. Meanwhile, Pizarro carried out thè peoples by taking them from their villages to work for them in their haciendas, as
conquest o f Perù via Panama, not thè Rio de la Piata. part o f his discussion o f thè economie and social destructuration ofPeru. He con-
44. Necker, Indios Guaranies y Chamanes Franciscanos, 219. cludes that thè colonial Spanish System was based on violence, even though thè
45. Susnik, El indio colonial, i : i o - i r . Spaniards made use o f indigenous institutions. According to Wachtel, thè Andean
46. Ruiz de Montoya, Tesoro, 90. peoples represented a reserve o f labor, a resource to be exploited by thè Spaniards.
47. “ Relación de las cosas que han pasado en la provincia del Rio de la Piata, Wachtel, Vision of thè Vanquished.
desde que prendieron al gobernador Cabeza de Vaca,” M G 725L; Service, Spanish- 58. Recopilación de las Leyes de las Indias, B ook VI, title 2.
Guarani Relations, 36;Téllez de Escobar, “ Relación de las cosas que han pasado en 59. Francisco de Alfaro, “ Hordenan^as fechas por el Senor Licenciado don
la provincia del Rio de la Piata,” 1:270. Alfaro de Su Majestad de la reai Audiencia de la Piata para la governación del
48. Susnik, El rol de los indigenas, 1:76-78. Paraguay y Rio de la Piata y ciertos concernientes,” Asunción, O ctober 11, 1611,
49. Velàzquez, “ La población del Paraguay en 1682,” 137. M G 14193.
50. For studies o f thè Franciscan missions in Paraguay, see Necker, Indios 60. Cabildo de Villarrica del Espiritu Santo, “ Carta representando la imposi-
Guaranies y Chamanes Franciscanos; and Duran Estrago, La presencia Franciscana en el bilidad de aplicar las ordenanzas de Alfaro,” March 26, 1612, M G 1436.
Paraguay, 1338-1824. 61. Fray Juan Alonso de Guerra, “ Carta . . . a S.M. pidiendo mercedes para el
51. Maeder, “ Analogas y diferencias entre las reducciones guaranies francis- obispado de Santa Fe,” Aprii 2, 1566, M G 15.
canos y jesuitas,” 9 1-100.
52. We have no census figures for determining thè decline o f thè native popu- Chapter 2: The Footprints of Saint Thomas
lation in thè province during thè early colonial period. In 1639, more than one
hundred years since thè founding o f Asunción, Jesuit Father Antonio Ruiz de t . Gonzàlez Torres, Cultura Guarani, 253 —54; Lozano, Historia de la conquista del
Montoya noticed an imbalance in thè sexual ratio in thè town. He observed that Paraguay, Rio de la Piata, Tucuman, 1:452-64; Furlong Cardiff, José Cardiel, S.J., y su
Asunción had fewer than four hundred vecinos (residents), and ten women per Carta-relación, 139. For a detailed discussion o f Guarani religious adaptation in thè
every man.There was an excess o f women and children because many adult males late eighteenth century, please see Chapter 7 below.
had lost their lives in frontier wars with Indians. Perhaps there was only an appear- 2. Techo, Historia Provinciae Paraquariae Societatis Jesu, 724.
ance o f an imbalance because males worked in thè rural areas, away from thè town. 3. Astrain,Jesuitas, Guaranies y encomenderos, 84.
Ruiz de Montoya, Conquista espiritual, 16; Martin del Barco Centenerao explained 4. P. Francisco Retz, Soc. Jesu, “ Paraquariae Provinciae Soc. Jesu cum adjcen-
thè imbalance in thè sexual ratio due to civil unrest and Indian wars. “ El Paraguay tib . . . Ann. 1732,” Gondra Collection, Benson Latin Am erican Collection,
o Rio de la Piata,” i6th centuryj?], M G 954. Alfred Métraux mentions that by thè University ofTexas at Austin, dated maps, #2808; Cardiel, Compendio de la historia
end o f thè sixteenth century, there were only three thousand Indians remaining del Paraguay, 4 1.
within a radius o f 21 miles (7 leagues) around Asunción. Métraux, “ Guarani,” 77. 5. The names o f thè 1,571 individuai that were born between 1550 and 1749
53. To end this abuse, Governor Ramxrez de Velasco and Governor Arias de have been catalogued. Information for 247 o f these individuai, however, is
Saavedra (Hernandarias) issued ordinances in 1597, 1598, and 1603. Guarani males incomplete. See Storni, Catàlogo de los jesuitas.
were required to work four days per week instead o f seven. Females were given 4 6. Block, Mission Culture, 106.
ounces o f cotton to spin each week. Guarani children and thè elderly were to be 7. Mòrner, Politicai and Economie Activities, 169; Poenitz and Poenitz, Misiones,
exempt from forced labor under thè encomienda. Chàvez, “ Las ordenanzas de Provincia Guaranitica, 11.
Ramirez de Velasco, Hernandarias, y Alfaro,” 108.The fact that thè same ordinances 8. “ En las missiones de los G uarani y Tobatines, que son 33 pueblos, hay los
were repeated indicates that thè encomenderos did not comply with thè law. The sarcedotes siguientes,” iy63,Vatican Film Archives, ARSI, Prova. Paraquariae 6, Roll
remoteness o f thè colony and its relative poverty nrade it nearly impossible for thè 152.The number ofjesuits in thè reductions fluctuated slightly. In 1710 there were
crown to eliminate thè mistreatment o f thè Guarani. sixty-two priests and four coadjutores. In 1734 there were seventy-nine priests and
$4. Recopilación de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias, Book 6,Title 17, Law 13. five coadjutores. Vatican Film Library, ARSI, Catalogos Anual Prova. Paraq. 1710,
55. “ Carta de Martin Gonzàlez, clérigo, a S. Majestad en que trata cosas del 1732, Paraq. 7, Roll 152.
obispo,” Asunción,June 27, 1556, M G 725f. 9. Ibid., ARSI, Missiones Guaranies Paranenses, Uruguayenses, Catalogos
 to remember
216 Notes to Pages 34~ 37 Notes to Pages 3 7 -3 6 217

Refum Pronvincie Paraq. 1753, Paraq. 6, thè Pius XII M em orial Library,Vatican tendency to identify those elements in thè new culture with similar elernents in
Film Library, Saint Louis University, Roll 152. thè old one, enabling thè persons experiencing thè contact to move from one to
10. Ricard, Spiritual Conquest qf Mexico, 287. Ricard States that thè mendicant thè other, and back again, with psychological ease.” Burger, “ Syncretism, An
orders had a low opinion o f thè spiritual capabilities o f thè Indians. Acculturative Accelerator,” 103 —5 .Tedlock in Popul Vuh:The Definitive Edition qf
11. Cartas Anuas de la Provincia del Paraguay, 1637-1639, fol. 65. Some Jesuit thè Mayan Book of thè Dawn of Life and thè Glories of Gods and Kings, critiques syn­
scholars claim that there was no paternalism in thè missions. However, thè histor- cretism and points out thè flaws o f traditional approaches to thè study o f religious
ical evidence suggests that it guided thè relationship between thè missionaries and adaptation. William B. Taylor also does an excellent critique o f thè literature on
thè Indians. It was a more benevolent form o f paternalism than that experienced religious adaptation in his award-winning book, Magistrates of thè Sacred: Priests and
by black slaves. Parishioners in Eighteenth-Century Mexico, 53-62.
12. Charlevoix, History qf Paraguay, 1:262. Cardiel wrote that thè Indians were 24. Lafaye, Quezatcóatl and Guadalupe, 255. Ruiz de Montoya himself referred
like children because they only thought about eating, playing, and sleeping. to Saint Thomas as thè apostle o f thè “ indios y negros,” not meaning thè Native
Cardiel, Carta-relación, 150. Americans or African slaves in thè N ew World, but thè Indians in India and thè
13. Ibid.,263. Ethiopians in Africa.The Jesuits saw a connection between that Saint Thomas and
14. “ Carta de Antonio Sepp, S.J.,” 1755 C o le rlo de Angelis, BNRJ, 1-29,4,105. thè one in thè N ew World. Ruiz de Montoya, Conquista espiritual, 86 -10 1.
15. Techo, History qf thè Provinces, 719. 25. “ Memorial del pueblos Guarani de San Luis a Bucareli que no les quite los
16. “ Carta Anua de la Provincia del Paraguay, Chile y Tucuman, Ano 1609,” Padres Jesuitas,” translation, in Hernàndez, El extranamiento de los jesuitas del Rio de
ARSI, Prova. Paraquariae, thè Pius X II Memorial Library, Vatican Film Library, la Piata, 368.
Saint Louis University, Roll 153; Hernàndez, Organización social de las doctrinas 26. There appears to be some question over thè extent to which Mexican cre-
Guarames, 1:385. oles, mestizos, and Indians believed in this myth o f Saint Thomas—Quetzalcóatl
17. Owens, “ Historical Geography o f thè Indian Missions,” 182, 186. Ernesto during thè late eighteenth century. Unlike thè Mexican version, thè myth in
Maeder notes that Arapizandu and other caciques might have been subjected to Paraguay played no apparent role in thè formation o f an American consciousness
encomiendas. Maeder, “ Las encomiendas en las misiones jesuiticas,” 122. at thè time o f independence.
18. Caraman, Lost Paradise, 48. For similar reasons, thè Guaycuruans requested 27. Lafaye, Quetzalcóatl and Guadalupe, 157.
missionaries in thè Chaco during thè early 1740S. Saeger, “ Another V iew o f thè 28. Ibid., 58.
Mission as a Frontier Institution,” 493 —517. 29. William B.Taylor notes that M exican peasants used thè sanie depreciative
19. Furlong Cardiff, Misiones y sus pueblos de Guarames, 107-32. As in thè terms that thè Spaniards had used to refer to them. Taylor, Drinking, Homicide, and
Spanish colony o f La Florida, thè Catholic missionaries established their reduc- Rebellion in Colonial Mexican Villages, 117.
tions in or near Indian villages, rather than immediately implement a policy o f 30. Martini, “ Los guarames y los sacramentos,” 214.
resettlement. Hann, History of thè Timucua Indians and Missions, 168. 31. Techo, History of thè Provinces, 772; Ruiz de Montoya recorded a similar
20. Felipe III,“ Reai cédula aprobando protección acordada a los misioneros de statement by another shaman:“ The evil spirits have brought these men who with
Jesus,” Madrid, Novem ber 20, 1611, M G 1431. their doctrines want to take away our good customs and thè way our ancestors
21. Ruiz de Montoya, Conquista espiritual, 48 —51, 83 —84; Alvear, Relación lived. T hey always had many women, many servants and thè freedom to choose
geogràfica e historica, 5:634. them as they would like. N ow they want to tie us to a single woman. It is unrea-
22. Lafaye, Quetzalcóatl and Guadalupe, 180—81. Louise André Vigneras traces sonable for this to happen.They want to remove us from our lands, and take our
thè myth o f Saint Thomas, thè Apostle o f America, back to thè year 1493, prior to lives.” Ruiz de Montoya, Conquista espiritual, 57.
conquest o f M exico and Perù. He notes that missionaries looked for some com ­ 32. Techo, History qf thè Provinces, 755.
mon ground that would facilitate thè conversion o f Amerindians. In other parts o f 33. Ibid., 723.
Latin America, a bearded white man was said to have preached a doctrine similar 34. Ruiz de Montoya, Conquista espiritual, 264.
to thè gospel. Vigneras, “ Saint Thomas, Apostle o f America,” 82-90. 35. According to Ruiz de Montoya, thè founding o f thè missions in Paraguay
23. Ibid., 186. Syncretism refers to a combination o f two or more cultural or was done at thè cost o f shedding thè blood o f seven o f his fellow Jesuits. The
religious traditions, in this case, between thè cosmological beliefs o f thè Amer­ Guarani might have been responsible for four o f these deaths. These included
indians and Christianity. Lorenzen, Religious Change and Cultural Domination, io. Roque Gonzàlez,Juan del Castillo, and Alonso Rodriguez.These three Jesuit mar-
Syncretism also has different meanings for different authors.According to Melville tyrs were beatified in 1934 and canonized as saints in 1988. Father Cristóval de
J. Herskovits, for example, syncretism is one form o f reinterpretation and recon- Mendoza was killed by Guaimicaru and other “ infidels,” from Ibia, a location near
ciliation o f two or more cultural systems. Syncretism has also been defined as “ thè San Miguel. Antonio Ruiz de Montoya, “ Petición para que a los indios de las
 218 Notes to Pages 3 8 -4 1 Notes to Pages 4 2 -4 5 219

misiones jesuiticas se permita el manejo de armas para la defensa contra los 18, 1760, A H N , Sección Jesuita 120, doc. 84. Hereafter this manuscript will be
Portugueses,” Lima, November 4, 1644, M G 43 ia; “ Rela^ào do martirio e morte cited as “ Carta de Padre Escandón.” “ Historia da Transmigra^ào,” 5 -4 1 1.
do padre Christóval de Mendoza a 26 de abril de 1635, redigida pelo Padre 49. “ Recurso de la Provincia del Paraguay de la Compania de Jesus, a tribunal
Francisco Ximenez,” 1 —29—1-48, Manuscritos da C o le rlo de Angelis in Jesuitas e de la verdad,” pt. 2, visit o f Manuel Q uerini Provincial, Aprii 2, i75i,Vatican Film
Bandeirantes no Tape, 1615 —1641, with an introduction by Jaime Cortesào (Rio de Library, ARSI, Paraquariae i3 ,R o ll 156.
Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacional, 1969), 3:10 1-3. 50. “ Nuevo plano para las misiones,” BNRJ, C olefào de Angelis, 1-29,43;
36. “ Testimonio de Pablo A rayu,‘reducido,’ en la reducción de la Candelaria,” Cardiel, Carta-relación, 145.
November io, 1631, and “ Testimonio de Guirayu, cacique ‘reducido,’ en la Cande­ 51. Cunninghame Graham, Vanished Arcadia, 182.
laria, November io, 1631,” in Lienhard, Testimonios, cartas y manifìestos indigenas, 52. Ruiz de Montoya, Conquista espiritual, 175 -8 1.
320-24. 53. Bailey, Art ori thèJesuit Missions, 152.
37. Techo, History of thè Provinces, 750. 54. Muratori, Il cristianesimofelice nelle missioni de’ padri della Compagnia di Gesù
38. “ Los acontecimientos en las reducciones de la sierra del Tape,” in nel Paraguai, 65—66.
Documentos para la historia argentina, 20:579. 55. A few o f these reductions were divided into two or later rejoined into one.
39. “ Reducion de la Natividiad de Nuestra Senora; del estado que tenia Mission Santa Maria de Fe and Mission Santiago south o f thè Tebicuary River in
cuando llegó el enemigo y del efecto qu causò en todas las demas reduciones la Paraguay were examples o f reductions in which thè Guarani from one reduction
fama de su llegada y dano que hizo en las d e stru id a sin Jesuitas e Bandeirantes no in thè province o f Itatin were relocated southward and divided into two separate
Tape, 1615-1641, 3:215. towns by 1659. Furlong Cardiff, Misiones y sus puehlos de Guaranies, 132.
40. Ruiz de Montoya, Conquista espiritual, 79. 56. “ Ydea del Estado antiguo y moderno de la América Meridional,” A H N
41. Jaenen, Friend and Foe, 56. (Madrid); “ Cartas y documentos sobre los tratados de limites de América entre
42. Anthropologist Marshall Sahlins’s concept o f reproduction and transfor- Espana y Portugal y sucesos que acaecieron con este motivo; Documentos sobre
mation fits thè Guarani case well during thè early contact period. B y imitating thè las Misiones del Paraguay, Sección Jesuita, Leg. 120, doc. 7; “ Representac.n. q haze
Jesuits, thè shamans altered their own practices. But unlike thè Hawaiians who al Rey N.S. en su Reai Consejo de las Indias al P. Prov.l de la Comp. de Jesus en la
clubbed Captain C ooke to death and thè British seamen that sailed away from thè Prov.a del Paraguay,” Buenos Aires, Aprii 23, 1752, doc. 38.
island o f Hawaii, thè Guarani shamans were unable to eliminate all thè Spaniards 57. M onteiro,“ From Indian to Slave,” 105-27; Monteiro, Negros da Terra, 83-
in Guairà and Paraguay. The missionaries were determined to save Guarani souls 84; Morse, Bandeirantes-,Taunzy, Historia das handeiras paulistas.
even if it meant thè loss o f a few o f their own lives. Sahlins, Historical Metaphors and 58. “ Ydea del Estado antiguo,” A H N (Madrid),"Cartas y documentos sobre los
Mythical Realities. tratados de limites” ; Documentos sobre las Misiones del Paraguay, Sección Jesuita,
43. “ Suplemento de Annua pasada del ano 1614,” in Documentos para la historia Legajo 120, doc. 7; “ Representac.n. q haze al R ey...” Buenos Aires, Aprii 23, 1752,
argentina, 20:93. doc. 38. See also Alvarez Kern, “ Escravidào e Missòes no Brasil Meridional.”
44. “ Misión del Paranà de San Ignacio,” in Documentos para la historia argentina, 59. Recopilación de las Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias (1681) Libro 6,Titulo 3, Ley
2o:93-95;Techo, History of thè Provinces, 723; Fogel, “ Process o f Identity,” 26 -41. 15. In 1639 Philip IV declared thè freedom o f thè Indians who had been captured.
45. Cartas Anuas de la Provincia del Paraguay, 1637-1639, fol. 68 (p. 137); Felipe IV, “ Cédula reai reprimendo las invasiones de los Paulistas y declarando la
Recopilación de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias mandadas Imprimir, Libro 1, tit. 1, ley libertad de los indios robados y vendidos y modo de castigar a los autores de los
19; Gonzàlez Torres, Cultura Guarani, 93-94. William B. Taylor describes how malones,” Madrid, September 16, 1639, M G 1034C; Crespo, “ Sobre las molestias.”
Amerindians’ long hair and thè style in which it was combed were regarded as 60. Serving as a procurador was a demanding position, which required exten-
important distinctions between Indians and non-Indians in eighteenth-century sive knowledge o f accounting, market values, and exchange rates. Procuradores
Mexico. Spanish officials supported Indians in their preference for long hair partly were expected to forward all dispatches between thè overseas empire and Rome
because dress and appearance were convenient distinctions between these two and other European cities. See Alden, Making of an Enterprise, 304-5; Rouillón
social groups. Some Indians in colonial M exico cut their hair to pass as non- Arróspide, Antonio Ruiz de Montoya y las reducciones del Paraguay, 279-85.
Indians and avoid tribute payment. Taylor, Magistrates of thè Sacred, 234-35. 61. Charlevoix, History of Paraguay, 1:409.
46. Stern,“ Early Spanish-Indian Accommodation in thè Andes,” 37—38. 62. In Sào Paulo, Guarani slave masters referred to thè Indians not as slaves, but
47. “ De los dos misiones, y reducciones de Nra. Sr. de Loreto, y S. Ignacio en as their children, in a paternalistic manner. Maria do Prado, for example, in her
la Provincia del Guayrà” ;“ Novena Carta del P. Provincial Pedro de Ohate, Misión will, declared that she did not own any captive slaves but only “ ninety souls o f thè
del Paranà de San Ignacio, 1616,” in Documentos para la historia argentina, 20:30, native heathen, as is thè common practice, w hom I have always treated as my chil­
83-86. dren, and in thè sanie forni I leave them to my heirs.” M onteiro,“ From Indians to
48. “ Carta de Padre Juan de Escandón al Padre Andres Burnel,” Madrid, July Slaves,” 114.
 220 Notes to Pages 46—49 Notes to Pages 4 9 -3 3 221

63. Gadelha, As missdes jesuiticas do Itatim, 236. Following their abandonment in Jesuitas de la Reai Orden sobre la extracción de las mil familias de indios,” Buenos
thè mid-seventeenth century thè Itatm-Guarani were relocated to thè reductions Aires, November 16, 1681, M G 602.
o f thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers. 80. Maeder, Los problemas de limites, 19; Bermejo de la Rica, La Colonia del
64. Charlevoix, History of Paraguay, 1:409, “ Representac.n. q haze al R ey...” Sacramento, 24. In thè appendix to his work, Rafael Carbonell de Masy lists all thè
Buenos Aires, Aprii 23, 1752, doc. 38. various occasions thè Guarani militias assisted Spanish authorities. He has esti-
65. Pestilence evidently had not been such a serious problem in this area mated that during thè course o f thè colonial period, 45,791 Guarani served
where plenty o f animals always abounded for thè Indians to hunt. Cartas Anuas de Spanish interests. Carbonell de Masy, Estrategias de desarrollo rural, 355-61.
la Provincia del Paraguay; 1637-1639, fol. 70 (p. 139). 81. “ Memorial del Padre Francisco Burges, Procurador General de la C o m ­
66. “ E 1 Padre Antonio Ruiz Misionero Apostòlico que vivio y murió . . . en la pania de Jesus en la provincia del Paraguay,” BNRJ, C o le p o de Angelis 1-29,3,50;
conquista espiritual del Paraguay . . . explica la causa de estas enfermedades (in Ford Bacigalupo, “ Bernardo Ibànez de Eschavarri,” 4 7 5 - 9 4 . For more details o f
collecting yerba in Maracayu),” BNRJ, Cole^ào de Angelis, 1-29,3,50. this important rebellion, see Saeger,“ Origins o f thè Rebellion o f Paraguay,” 2 1 5 -
67. Ibid., fol. 69V. 29; and Lopez, Revolt of thè Comuheros, 1721-1735. This rebellion was primarily
68. Owens, “ Historical Geography o f thè Indian Missions,” 238-40. Owens anti-Jesuit and economie in origin, similar to an earlier uprising in thè province
relied on thè Cartas Anuas for thè years 1635 to 1637. His population figures for led by Bishop Bernardino de Càrdenas in thè 1640S. Similar incidents between thè
thè years 1624-36 do not coincide exactly with other Jesuit reports o f thè num- Jesuits and settlers took place in Brazil during thè seventeenth century. Leite,
ber o f Guarani w ho relocated from Guairà. O nce thè missions were relocated, História da Companhia defesus no Brasil.
however, thè Jesuits may have brought many new Indians into thè recently 82. B y thè end o f thè seventeenth century, thè native population subjected to
founded missions, which would account for these numeric differences. Owens encomienda had declined. According to Bishop Faustino de Casas’s census o f
reports that o f some 12,900 families, 5,563 Indians died in thè epidemics o f 1682, thè encomienda population was 7,398.The total population o f Paraguay was
1634-36. reported to be 38,666. T he native population in thè Jesuit reductions in contrast
69. Felipe IV approved Antonio Ruiz de M ontoya’s petition to arm thè was increasing significantly. In 1702, for example, thè Guarani population in thè
Indians on November 25, 1642. Felipe IV, “ Cédula reai alVirrey del Perù dando Jesuit reductions was 89,501. “ Nùmero de las doctrinas, familias, almas, baptismos
contestación de Antonio Ruiz de Montoya de la Compania de Jesus, sobre que a y ministerios del Paranà,” 1702, M G 985e;Velàzquez,“ La población del Paraguay
los indios de la provincia del Rio de la Piata se les permita manejar armas de en 1682,” 128-49.
fuego,” Zaragoza, November 25, 1642, M G 43 ib and 1016. 83. “ La guerra entre los hechiceros y los cristianos,” in Documentos para la his-
70. “ Relacào da derrata sofrida pelo bandeirantes em Mboboré, escrita pelo toria argentina, 20:592.
Padre Claudio Ruyer,” San Nicholas,Aprii 6,1641, T -2 9 -i~ 9 3 ,in CortesàoJesuitas 84. Carbonell de Masy, Estrategias de desarrollo rural, 204.
e Bandeirantes no Tape, 1613-1641,3:345-68;Techo, History of thè Provinces, 791. 85. B y thè late-colonial period, each encomienda tended to consist o f only a
71. Ruiz de Montoya, Tesoro, 8. few Indians, with thè exception o f thè encomienda o f a w idow in Yaguarón.
72. Radding, Wandering Peoples, 2 12 -14 ; Deeds, “ Indigenous Responses to Although thè number o f Indians subjected to encomienda had declined, it must
Mission Settlement in Nueva Vizcaya,” 89. have stili been a profitable source o f labor.This is evident in thè amount o f resist-
73. Maeder, “ Pasividad Guarani?” 159-62. ance encomenderos put up in 1779, when Governor Agustin Fernando de Pinedo
74. Velàzquez,“ Organización militar de la gobernación y capitania generai del recommended to thè crown that thè System be abolished. The members o f thè
Paraguay,” 42—43; Techo, “ Exposición al governador Andrés de Robles sobre el cabildo o f Asunción insisted that it continue, since they Indians were “ lazy and
peligro en que se encuentran las misiones con los frecuentes ataques de los por- inclined to steal.” Cabildo de Asunción, “ Carta a su Majestado en que no se pide
tugueses,” San Ignacio delTababiré, May io, 1676, M G 1037. incorporación a la corona de todas las encomiendas de indios en la provincia del
75. José Sànchez Labrador, S.J.,“ E1 Paraguay Naturai,” ARSI, Paraquariae 16, Paraguay,” 1778, M G 560.
p. 263.
76. Colección generai de documentos; Warren, Paraguay, 10 1-9.
Chapter 3: Daily Life
77. José Herrera y Sotomayor, “ Carta a S. M. en que presenta los inconve-
nientes del cumplimiento de la reai cédula sobre la extracción de cien familias de 1. McEwan, Spanish Missions of La Florida, xv; Hann, History of thè Timucua
indios del Paranà y Uruguay,” Buenos Aires, 2 Janaury 1683, M G 603. Indians, 263. Milanich, “ Laboring in thè Fields o f thè Lord” ; Costello and
78. “ Carta de Padre Alexandro Balaguier, Superior de las Reducciones del Hornbeck, “ Alta California: An OverView,” 1:3 13; Jackson and Castillo, Indians,
Paranà y Uruguay,” September 24, 1682, San Nicolàs, Vatican Film Library, AGI, Eranciscans, and Spanish Colonization, 40; Axtell, Invasion Within, 47.
Colección Sevilla, Secular Audiencia de Charcas, 7 4 - 6 —40, Roll 9. 2. Langer and Jackson, “ Colonial and Republican Missions Compared,” 289.
79. José de Carro, “ Carta a S. M. sobre incumplimiento por parte de los Parejas, História de Moxos y Chiquitos a fines del siglo XVIII, 45.
 222 Notes to Pages 53—55 Notes to Pages 5 6 -5 8 223

3. Maeder cited thè figure o f 95,089 for thè year 1750. M aeder,“ La población southern Germany are attributable to mothers not breastfeeding their babies or
guarani de las misiones jesuiticas,” 17, 44. providing them with cow ’s milk as a substitute. M orel,“ Care o f Children,” 201-2.
4. Carbonell de Masy, “ Guarani Settlement,” n.p. 15. Baptismal registers exist for Mission San Ignacio Guazu for thè years 1792
5. Ibid. to 1815 and for Mission Santa Rosa during thè years 1754 to 1864 and 1792 to
6. “ Catàlogo de la numeración annual,” M G i703e.The years 1733 and 1741 i853.There are no baptismal, marriage, and burial records for other missions.
were selected based according to thè availability and quality o f data. 16. Sepp, Viagem, 186-87.
7. “ Catàlogo de la numeración annual de las Doctrinas del Rio Paranà y 17. “ Algunos cosas que se observan y han de observar para atajar las viruelas,”
Uruguay, 1741,” Vatican Film Archives, Saint Louis University, ARSI, Provincia 1738, BNRJ, C o le p o de Angelis, Sefào de Manuscripts, 1-28,33,2; Furlong
Paraquariae, Paraq. 13, Roll 156.The total population in thè thirty towns in this C ardiff José Cardiel, SJ. y su Carta-relación, 134-35.
later year was 76,960. In 1745, three hundred Indians fled to thè forest from 18. O ne Jesuit, Father Sigismundo Aperger, published a medicai book entitled
Mission Santa Maria de Fe, because o f a serious plague. Even though thè Jesuits Breve tratado de medicina (1720!?]) in thè printing workshop o f thè mission o f
searched for them for four or five years, they could never find more than a few. Loreto but, unfortunately, no copy has survived. “ Introducción,” in Yapuguay,
Bernardo Nusdorffer,“ Carta a S. M. sobre las reducciones de indios que tiene a su Sermones y exemplos en Lengua Guarani; see also Furlong Cardiff, Origenes del arte
cargo la Comparila de Jesus,” Buenos Aires, August 30, 1745, M G 488. Migration tipogràfico en America, 127-49.
also contributed to thè decrease in population. Politicai developments, such as thè 19. “ Carta de Padre Escandón.”
Comunero Revolt in Paraguay, also severely affected thè mission Indian popula­ 20. C ook , Born to Die, 208.
tion. As many as six thousand Guarani soldiers and officers left thè reductions for 21. “ Recetas medicinales del Paraguay: obra del R. Padre Sigismundo Aperger,
an extended period o f time to put down this creole rebellion. For a b rief time, Jesuita y Misionero,” followed by other medicai recipes, no date listed, 77 folios,
there was so much tension between thè Paraguayan criollos and thè Jesuits that B M ,A D D 27,602.
thè king o f Spain decreed that thè civil jurisdiction over all o f thè missions be 22. The historical literature on thè Jesuit missions in Paraguay is vast. Pablo
transferred to Buenos Aires. Moreover, groups o f cattle rustlers from thè south o f Hernàndez, S.J., in his comprehensive two-volume work, Organización social de las
Brazil exhausted thè cattle reserves o f thè Vaquerias del Mar and Pinares, after doctrinas Guaranies (1913), examines thè generai politicai, economie, and social
more than thirty years o f planning to allow thè cattle to multiply. Carbonell de structure o f thè Jesuit missions. Hernàndez helps us understand thè internai
Masy,“ Guarani Settlement” ; Maeder, “ Pasividad Guarani,” i9 ;“ Padrón del pueblo organization o f thè missions, but not how thè Jesuits and thè Guarani exercised
de la Sn. Trinidad, ano 1735,” A G N , IX, 1 7 - 3 - 6 . “ Declaración de la verdad.” authority in their communities. Philip Caraman, S.J., in The Lost Paradise (1975)
“Autos de las hostilidades de los indios guenoas (Charruas, Bohanes) contra los briefly sketches what life was like for thè Jesuits and thè Guarani. He describes thè
guaranis,” 1705-08, BNRJ, C o le p o de Angelis, 1-29,3,70. physical layout o f thè missions, thè priests’ and Indians’ houses, and thè diseases
8. According to N oble David C ook, Amerindians seemed to die in these types that afflicted thè Amerindians. Caraman asserts that “ If thè Indians had any capac-
o f colonial regimes as rapidly as those w ho were subjected to forced labor in other ity for management, thè Jesuits proved unable to develop it. Caraman, Lost
areas o f thè N ew World. C ook, Borri to Die, 5. Paradise, 155. The evidence, however, does not support his culturally insensitive
9. Francisco Burges, “ Nùmero de las doctrinas, familias, almas, baptismos y statement. Indeed, cabildos proved to be viable institutions throughout thè late-
ministeriors de Paranà del ano 1702,” M G 9850. colonial period. Jesuit scholar Guillermo Furlong Cardiffs study, Misiones y sus
10. “ Catàlogo de la numeración,” 1733, M G 17050. pueblos de Guaranies, is a well-researched, classic account o f these Jesuit missions.
11. Sepp, Viagem, 133; “ Preàmbulo que cosa sea la linea divisora . . A H N , Jesuit scholars, such as Hernàndez, however, express little understanding o f native
Seccion Jesuita 120], doc. 79. cultures, and even tended to accept thè racial prejudices o f thè originai Jesuit mis-
12. Recopilación de Leyes de las Indias, Libro 6, tit. 1, ley 7. sionaries toward thè Guarani. For example, Hernàndez assumes that thè mission-
t 3. Maeder, “ La población guarani,” 29. Maeder argues that thè infant mortal- aries needed to eliminate Tupi-Guarani cannibalism, polygamy, and other “ vices.”
ity rates were as high in thè missions as in Europe at thè time. I conclude that they Furlong C ardiff s work, Misiones y sus pueblos de Guaranies, by contrast, is one o f thè
were much higher in thè missions. We evidently do not have sufficient data to most informative studies on thè Jesuit missions to date, along with thè more
compare infant mortality rates in thè missions with thè Spanish population in thè recent work o f Brazilian historical archaeologist Alvarez Kern, Missòes: Urna utopia
province. Jesuit censuses were taken frequently, but this was not thè case for thè politica, and thè valuable works by Argentine historian Ernesto J. A. Maeder.
rest o f thè province. 23. Washburn, History of Paraguay, 1:99, 107.
14. In eighteenth-century Germany, for instance, infant mortality rates per 24. Koebel, InJesuit Land.
thousand varied: from approximately 300 in southern Germany, 200-250 in cen­ 25. Hemming, Red Gold, 466.
trai Germany, and 1 50 in northern Germany. The high infant mortality rates in 26. Schwaller, “ Clergy,” 145.
224 Notes to Pages 58—62 Notes to Pages 62-65 225

27. Gadelha, As missòes jesuiticas do Itatim, 260. 39. A few scholars have contended that thè System o f production was “ com-
28. Pia, El barroco impano-Guarani, 44.The word cacique is an Arawak term, and munistic.” See Alvarez Kern , “ 0 processo histórico platino” ; and M òrner,“ La vida
there is no apparent Guarani equivalent for cacicazgo, although chiefdoms were thè econòmica de los indios en las reducciones,” 22-34.
basic unit ofTupi-Guarani societies. 40. Owens, “ Historical Geography o f thè Indian Missions,” 64-65; Alvarez
29. Farriss, Maya Society, 228. Kern, Missòes, 74.
30. Ibid., 241. O f course, we may never know how many chiefdoms existed 41. Cardiel, Carta-relación, 13 7 -5 1.
prior to thè arrivai o f thè Spanish and disappeared early on. 42. O ne avenue o f inquiry to understand thè effects o f missionization on gen­
31. “ Matricula del Pueblo de Corpus Christi, 1759,” A G N IX 1 7 - 3 - 6 ; “ Em- der is to examine thè ways in which missionary contact affected thè division o f
padronamiento del Pueblo de Corpus, 1777,” A G N IX 1 7 - 3 - 6 .These towns were labor in mission society. For an analysis o f missionary contact on mission Indians
selected because they contained thè most complete data for thè period under study. in northern M exico, see thè excellent essay by D eeds,“ Doublé Jeopardy,” 255-72.
32. “ Libro de Bautismos de Santa Rosa, 175 4 -176 3 ” ; “ Censo de Santa Rosa, 43. Muratori, Il cristianesimo felice nelle missionei de’padri della Compagnia di Gesù
November 17, 1784,” A N A NE voi. 254, O nly eighteen o f thè cacicazgos are nel Paraguai, 89; José Cayetano Paravicino,“ Carta a S. M .,” M G i035a; Carbonell
listed; “ Pueblo de Santa Rosa,” no date, A N A N E, voi. 153; “ Censo de Santa Rosa,” de Masy, Estrategias de desarrollo rural en los pueblos Guaranies, 106-7; Paucke, Hacia
1794, A N A NE, voi. 96, fols. 22-45; “ Censo de Santa Rosa, 1799,” A N A N E voi. alla y para acà, 190—91.
66; “ Censo de Santa Rosa de Lima, December 19, 1801 ,” A G N IX 1 8 -2 -6 . 44. Sahlins, StoneAge Economics, 17. Sahlins was referring to hunting and gath-
33. Maeder, Misiones dei Paraguay, 74. ering societies, but many o f his descriptions appear to fit thè Tupi-Guaranies.
34. Alvarez Kern, Missòes, 30; Robert Haskett offers many insights into under- 45. “ Carta de Padre Escandón.”
standing thè functions and roles o f Indian cabildos in his study Indigenous Rulers: 46. Juan Villegas, S.J.,“ Evangelización y agricultura en las reducciones jesuiti­
An Ethnohistory ofTown Government in Colonial Cuernacava. Block also stresses thè cas del Paraguay,” Paper presented at thè 49th Congress o f thè Americanists,
continuities in thè politicai structure o f missions in his work and stresses thè idea Quito, Ecuador, July 7 - 1 1 , 1997.
ofindirect rule in Mission Culture on thè Upper Amazon. 47. Cardiel, Compendio, 54-55; Paucke, Hacia alla y para acà, 321-22.
35. This also appears to have been thè case in Cuernavaca. Haskett, Indigneous 48. The Guarani from thè missions o f Loreto and Santa Rosa grew thè best
Rulers, 123. caàmini in thè region. Those from thè missions closer to Asunción, that is, San
36. Alvarez Kern, Missòes, 50-52; Hernàndez, Organización sodai, 1:108; Ignacio Guazu, Santa Rosa, Santa Maria de Fe, Santiago, and Itapua, bartered their
Cardiel, Carta-relación, 137. Similarly in Alta California, Indian leaders were co- yerba maté with thè criollos in Asunción and Villa Rica in exchange for cloth, cot-
opted by thè friars. See thè excellent discussion o f Indian leadership by Hackel, ton, hides, mules, and some imported items from Spain. O n occasion, thè mission
“ Staff o f Leadership,” 347-76. Unfortunately, thè destruction o f many o f thè Indians traded their high-quality yerba maté for cattle in Corrientes.The missions
cabildo records from thè period o f thè Jesuits does not allow thè contextualization sent approximately 300 arrobas (7,605 pounds) o f tobacco to sell in Buenos Aires,
o f how these Catholic missionaries and thè Guarani made decisions and resolved along with other products thè Indians made, such as cotton cloth and candle
conflicts in their communities. In his study o f thè Franciscan reductions among wicks. “ Testimonio de D on Martin Gutiérrez, January 26, 1735 ,” BNRJ, C o le p o
thè Guarani in Paraguay, Louis N ecker argues that thè corregidor did not have de Angelis, 1-29,4,4Ó;JuanVàzquez de Aguero,“ Carta a José Patino sobre el estado
much autonomy. He depicts them as thè “ simple passive assistants o f thè adminis- de los pueblos de las misiones del Paraguay de la Compania de Jesus,” Buenos
trators who give out all thè orders.” His argument however is not entirely con- Aires, March 25, 1736, M G I705f. Exempt from sales taxes, tithes, and special taxes,
vincing, since they could negotiate with thè administrators o f thè missions or with thè Jesuit yerba maté plantations were more profitable than those managed by thè
outside authorities. The missionaries were also dependent on them to carry out Paraguayan settlers. See Lopez, “ Economics o f Yerba Mate,” 499-507; Blinn
their orders. The Guarani, in addition, had thè capability o f deposing their own Reber,“ Commerce and Industry in N ineteenth-Century Paraguay,” 29-54.
corregidores. O f course, there was a limit to their authority because missionaries 49. “ Testimonio de Padre Vencesalo Chrisman, cura del pueblo de San Ignacio
could have them replaced. Necker, Indios Guaranies y Chamanes Franciscanos, 184. Mini, August 8, 1707” ; “ Testimonio de Padre Henrique Matheis, Corpus Christi,
37. Furlong Cardiff, Cartografia histórica argentina; “ Mapa compuesto por un August 9, 1707” ; “ Testimonio de R. P. Pedro de Medina, Cura y V ic. del Pueblos
indio Guarani y en el que se consignan las estancias de algunas reducciones, de San Joseph 1707” ; “ Testimonio de Hernando Silvestre Gonzàles, 1707,” BNRJ,
1720?,” in Furlong Cardiff, Cartografia jesuitica dei Rio de la Piata; Williams, Rise and C olefào de Angeles, 1-29,3,64.
Fall of thè Paraguayan Republic, 9; Harley and W oodward,“ An Alternative Route to 50. Maeder, Misiones del Paraguay, 160.
Mapping History,” 6 -13 ; Harley, Maps and thè Columbian Encounter. 51. “ Resumén del Ganado, 1768,” BNRJ, C ol. Angelis 1-295,42; Carbonell de
38. “ Breve relación de lo sucedido en la provincia de la Piata . . . Bernardo Masy, Estrategias de desarrollo rural en los pueblos Guaranies, 286-87; Sepp, Viagem,
Nusdorffer, S.J.,” August 14, 1752, BM A D D 13979; Carbonell de Masy, Estrategias 153; “ Carta del Provincial Joseph de Ma^o, 1701,” BNRJ, C o le p o de Angelis, I-
de desarrollo rural en los pueblos Guaranies, 304-5. 29,3,47.The inventories reveal that in thè case ofYapeyu even though thè num-
 226 Notes to Pages 65—68 Notes to Pages 6 8 -7 7 227

ber o f cattle were stili sizable and able to support thè mission population, their 64. JuanVàzques de Aguero, “ Carta a José Patino,” M G 1706.
numbers had declined by 1768. 63. Bailey, Art on thèJesuit Missions, 163.
52. Sepp, Relación de viaje a las misiones jesuiticas, 216. 66. Ibid., 166-69.
53. Borges Franco, Scaramella, Lopes de Paula, and Santos, Pesquisas arque- 67. Sepp, Viagem, 246-47.
ológicas reaìizadas, 13-22. Ponjade, “ Misión de Nuestra Senora de la Candelaria,” 68. Cardiel, Compendio, 92-93; Cardiel, Carta-relación, 138-39.
I53- 89- 69. Ibid.
54. Sepp, Viagem, 69, 128; Father Antonio Sepp made use o f native plants such 70. Sinopoli, Approaches to Archaeological Ceramics, 100; Pia, “ Missionary
as garlic, tobacco leaves, mint, and lemon juice to treat parasites, thinking that Workshops,” in Paradise Lost, n.p.
worms could not withstand anything bitter. Furlong Cardiff, Antonio Sepp S.J. y su 71. JuanVàzquez de Aguero, “ Carta a José Patino informando del estado de los
“ Gobierno temporali 32. It is extremely difficult to assess thè quantity and quality pueblos de las misiones paraguayas a cargo de la Comparila de Jesus,” Buenos
o f thè mission Indian diet. Jesuit economist Rafael Carbonell de Masy has esti- Aires, May 16, 1735, M G 1706.
mated thè calorie intake to be 2,494 Per person per day using Jesuit accounts and 72. “ Carta de Padre Escandón.”
mission inventories, based on an average o f 4.318 members per family, a reason- 73. Escandón,“ Suplemento de la censuras,” A H N , Sección Jesuita, i2oj, doc. 75.
able figure for determining thè average family size. Carbonell de Masy, Estrategias 74. Cardiel, Carta-relación, 131.
de desarrollo rumi, 102—8. 73. Pia, “ Missionary Workshops,” n.p.
5$. Recopilación, Libro 6, tit. 17, ley 6. Maeder estimates that as many as 17,000 76. Maeder, “ La población del Paraguay en 1799,” 63-86; M G 17056 and M G
Guarani abandoned thè missions during thè mid-eighteenth century. Indian flight 1664.
was especially important between 17 34 and 1739, when migration reached a peak. 77. Maeder, “ De las misiones del Paraguay a los estados nacionales.”
According to thè Jesuit census o f 173 5 , as many as 3,094 Indians left thè missions 78. Alvarez Kern, “ Sociedad barroca e missòes guaranis,” 454.
in that single year. Many probably fled to avoid epidemics. O nce off thè missions, 79. Sepp, Viagem, 131.
some were taken captive and killed by hostile tribes.The Guenoas, for instance, 80. JuanVàzquez de Aguero, “ Carta a José Patino,” M G 1706.
killed a Tape Guarani named Joseph, from thè Jesuit reduction o f San Francisco 81. Cardiel, Declaración de la verdad, 294—95.
Xavier, as he was traveling near Montevideo. Indigenous groups in Uruguay, such 82. “ Catàlogo de la Numeración Annual, 1742.”
as thè Bohanes and Charruas, also killed three Tapes from missions San Luis, 83. Cardiel, Carta-relación, 145, 174. In 1740, thè number o f widows was 5,332
Concepción, and San Francisco Xavier. Maeder, “ La población Guarani,” 19; and thè number o f widowers was 366. “ Numeración annual, 1740,” ARSI,
Maeder, “ Pasividad Guarani?” 1 6 2 - 6 3 . A t Mission Santisima Trinidad in 173 5, Paraquariae 13, Roll 156; “ Catàlogo de la numeración annual de las doctrinas,
there were 120 fugitives out o f total mission population o f 1,837. All were males 1724,” ARSI, Paraquariae 13, Roll 152; “ Catàlogo de la numeración annual de las
between thè ages o f 16 and 30. The average age o f thè fugitives was 26.6 years. doctrinas, 1747,” ARSI, Paraquariae 7, Roll 156, Paraguariae 11, fol. 246; for a dis-
Except for five widowers, all fugitives were married. Forty-three o f thè migrants cussion o f recogimiento (cloisters), see Lavrin’s excellent article,“ Female Religious,”
had abandoned their wives. It is difhcult to assess thè significance o f this outward 189-90.The coty guazu may have served as an institution to which female crim-
migration because occasionally fugitives returned to thè missions several months inals were sent for punishment. Mission jails were reserved for men only. H ow -
or a few years later. “ Padrón del pueblo de la Santisima Trindad, I73 5,” A G N IX ever, Jesuit sources did not indicate whether Guarani women who committed
17 - 3 -6 . serious crimes were placed in these institutions.
56. “ Autos de las hostilidades de los indios guenoas (Charruas, Bohanes) con- 84. Cardiel, Declaración de la verdad, 380.
tra los Guaranies,” 1703-1708, BNRJ, C o le p o de Angelis, 1-29,3,70. 85. “ Colección de dibujos de ladrillos de la iglesia mayor de Trinidad,” L.
37. “ Proceso al indio Luis por robo,” 1735, A N A , Sección Judicial, voi. 1733, Mesquita de Càceres o f thè Dirección de Turismo, Asunción, Paraguay; Perasso, El
fols. 1 —io. Paraguay del siglo XVIII en tres memorias.
58. “ Proceso a Cristobai indio por matar a otro indio del mismo nombre, 86. Brandes, Power and Persuasion, 1 - 4 , 33.
1732,” A N A , Sección Judicial, voi. 1434, fols. 1-20. 87. Bernal, Cathesismo de la lengua Guarany y Castellana, 1:4 10 -11.
59. “ Gonzalo Doblas al Gov. Intendente Francisco de Sans Paula,” 88. “ Carta de Padre Escandón.”
Concepción, August 15, 1787, A G N IX 2 2 -8 -2 . 89. According to Jesuit censuses, thè Indians took thè Eucharist at least once
60. “ Padrón de 1744,” Universidad de Buenos Aires, Instituto de Investiga- a year. In 1747, for example, they gave communion 128,154 tim es.The mission
ciones Históricas, Documentos para la Historia Argentina, X:6y6. population in that year was 91,681 in thirty towns. “ Catàlogo de la Numeración
61. Ibid.,X:683. Annual de las Doctrinas del Rio Paranà y Rio Uruguay ano de 1747,” Vatican Film
62. Ibid., X :3 7 i, 374, 489. Library, Saint Louis University, ARSI, Prova. Paraquariae, Paraq. 11, Roll 156, fol.
63. Ibid.,X:489. 246.
 228 Notes to Pages 7 7-8 0 Notes to Pages 80-88 229

90. Cardiel, Carta-relacìón (1747), 173—74; Preiss, A mùsica nas missoes jesuiticas i n . Unsigned draft about thè cédula, December 28, 1743, BNRJ, C o leQ o de
nos séculos XVII e XVIII. Angeles, 1-29,4,85.
91. ARSI, Paraquarie 13, Roll 156; Brabo, Inventarios de los bienes hallados a la 112. “ Cédula Reai disponiendo se ponga in pràctica lo propuesto por el
expulsión de los jesultas. Arzobispo de M exico, a find de conseguir que se destierren los diferentes idiomas
92. Brandes drew on thè work o f Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures que se usan en los dominios y solo se habla el castellano,Yo el Rey, Aranjuez, May
(1973), in viewing dance as a narrative in which people teli a story about them- io, 1760,” A N A , N E, voi. 62, fols. 99-104.
selves. Brandes, Power and Persuasati, 186. 113. Ibid.
93. Cardiel, Carta-relación, 165—67; Massare de Kostianovsky,“E 1 arte dramàtico 114. “ Preàmbulo que cosa sea la Linea Divisora,” A H N , Sección Jesuita, i2oj,
en las reducciones jesuiticas.” doc. 79.
94. Ethnohistorians have not examined how thè Tupi-Guarani maintained 115. “ Visita de Joseph Cayetano, Obispo del Paraguay, November 21, 1744,”
order in their societies prior to European contact. The evidence o f pre-Hispanic AGI, Audiencia Charcas, 76,4,49; unpublished notes o f Carlos Leonhardt, S.J.,
cultural patterns o f this nature is nonexistent because we have to rely on archae- Archivo Provincial de Buenos Aires de la Compania de Jesus.
ological evidence. W ithout this knowledge and given thè fragmented historical 116. “ Milicias de Indios, 1770-1786, Compania de Indios Naturales de
record, it is extremely difficult to assess thè roles o f Guarani alcaldes in determin- Buenos Aires, destinados al servicio de S. M. en el Reai Fuerte de San Carlos,”
ing thè severity o f thè Jesuit regime. A G N IX 1 4 - 7 - 1 6 .
95. Sepp, Relación de viaje a las misiones jesuiticas, 221-22. 117. Bernardo Nusdorffer, S.J., “ Segunda parte de los sucedido en las
96. Cardiel, Carta-relación, 140. Doctrinas después que salió de ellas el Pe. Luis de Altamirano para Buenos Ayres
97. Recopilación, “ D e los reducciones y pueblos de indios,” Libro 6, tit. 3, Ley 1753, BNRJ, Cole^ào de Angelis, Se^ào de Manuscritos, Roll 31846, Defensa de
15 - los Jesuitas 1.2.34, Guerra de los Guaranies, 8.2.25, fol. 17.
98. “ Carta de Padre Escandón.” 118. Britez Farina, Historia de la cultura Guarani, 1 7 -19 .
99. “ Preàmbulo que cosa sea la linea divisora,” A H N , Sección Jesuita, i2oj, 119. Yapuguay, Sermones y exemplos en lengua Guarani.
doc. 79. 120. Phelan, “ Authority and Flexibility,” 47-65.
100. Carlos II, “ Reai cédula sobre que incorporarase en la corona . . . ”
Madrid, Aprii 30, 1668 M G 5Ó5e.“ Apuntes sobre las cuentas de los tributarios que Chapter 4: From Resistance to Rebellion
se hizo . . . 1751 por orden del Padre Provinicial,” BNRJ, C o le p o de Angelis, I-
29,4,87; Rivarola Paoli, La economia colonial, 126. 1. Bernardo Nusdorffer, “ Relación de todo lo sucedido en estas Doctrinas en
101. Ibid.; “ Preàmbulo, Q ue cosa,” A H N , Seccion Jesuita, doc. 79; Obispo del orden a las mudanzas de los siete Pueblos del Uruguay desde San Borja hasta San
Paraguay José de Palos, “ Carta a S. M. sobre misiones,” Asunción,July 6,1726, M G Miguel,” Aprii 12, 1753,Ytapuà, “ Tòrcerà parte de la relación de lo sucedido en
1145. estas doctrinas, 1754,” BNRJ, C olefào de Angelis, 1,2 , 34, pt. 3, fol. 16.
102. “ Breve relación de lo sucedido en la Provincia del Paraguay del Rio de la 2. M ateos,“ Avances portugueses y misiones espanoles,” 459-504; M ateos,“ La
Piata,” 1754[?J A H N , Sección Jesuita, 120), doc. 15. guerra guaranitica,” 75-T 21; Mateos, “ Pedro de Ceballos,” 3 13 -7 5 ; Mateos,
103. Magnus M òrner mentions that on occasion, a few o f thè Jesuits withheld “ Nuevos incidentes en las misiones del Paraguay,” 135-92; M ateos,“ La anulación
distributing food to small numbers o f mission Indians as a means to punish them del tratado de limites con Portugal de 1750,” 523-64.
and control their behavior. Mòrner, “ La vida econòmica de los indios en las 3. Kratz, E! tratado hispano-portugués de limites de 1730 y sus consecuencias.
reducciones jesuitas,” 27. Caraman briefly sketches thè major events o f thè Guarani War in The Lost Paradise
104. Sepp, Viagem, 146—47. (1975). Armani in Città di Dio e Città del sole outlines thè major events o f thè
105. Ricard, Spiritual Conquest of Mexico, 98—99. 1750S.
106. “ Cédula de 28 Diz. 1743.” BNRJ, SeQ o de Manuscritos, C o leQ o de A n ­ 4. See thè excellent articles by Couto, “ Os conflictos corno as redu^òes
gelis, 1-29,4,85; “ Reparos que se han hecho,” A H N , Leg. i2oj, Exp. 92, fols. 3-4 . jesuiticas da provincia do Paraguai,” 173 —83; Cuoto, “ O Tratado de Limites de
107. José Cayetano Paravicino, “ Carta a S. M. dando informe de la visita pas- 1750 na perspectiva portuguesa” ;“ O Brasil pombalino,” 113 -3 1 .
toral hecha a todos los pueblos de la provincia,” Asunción, November 21, 1744, 5. Porto, História das Missòes Orientais do Uruguai. See also thè Works o f
M G 10353. Golin, Guerra Guaranitica conio os exercitos de Portugal e Espanha destruiam os Sete
108. Cardiel, Compendio, 202. Povos dos jesuitas e indios guaranis no Rio Grande do Sul, 1750-1761-, and SépeTiaraju.
109. Ibid., 202 —3; “ Preàmbulo que cosa sea la linea divisora,” A H N , Sección 6. Alexandre de Gusmào e 0 Tratado de Madrid (1750).
Jesuita, 12oj, fols. 95-96. 7. Silveira Several, Guerra Guaranitica.
110. Recopilación, Libro I, tit. 6, ley X X X ; Plà, El barroco liispano-Cuarani, 49. 8. Hemming, Red Gold, 470.
 230 Notes to Pages 89-94 Notes to Pages 9 4 -10 1 231

9. According to Steve Stern, perhaps as many as 100,000 people lost their 24. Ibid., pt. 2, fols. 32-33.
lives in thè Tupac Arnaru II rebellions o f 1780—82. Stern, “ Age o f Andean 25. Ibid., pt. 1, fol. 16.
Insurrection,” 35.
26. Ibid.
10. Boxer, “ Missionaries, Colonists, and Indians in Amazonia,” 113 —14; 27. Ibid.
Davidson, “ H ow thè Brazilian West Was Won,” 61 —106. 28. Ibid., pt. 2, fol. 30.
11. Poenitz and Snihur, La herencia misionera, 86. Poenitz and Snihur note that 29. José de Palos, Obispo del Paraguay, “ Carta a S. M. sobre su visita a los
thè treaty also affected some lands belonging to Mission Apóstoles. pueblos desde Jesus hasta Asunción,” Asunción, O ctober 28, 1724, M G I039a;
12. “ Tratado firmado en Madrid a 13 de enero de 1750 para determinar los Consejo de Indias, “ Informe del fiscal sobre la visita de Fray José, Obispo del
limites de los Estados,” 5:195-21 i;A rch ivo General de la Nacion, Buenos Aires, Paraguay,” Madrid, November 23, 1725, M G 2039b.
2 :5 -15; Maeder, “ Los problemas de Limites,” 5-40. 30. Escandón, “ Flistória da Transmigrafào dos Sete Povos Orientais,” 92-93.
13. Manuel Quirini, “ Misiones de indios que tiene actualmente la provincia 31. Cahill, “ Taxanomy o f a Colonial ‘R iot’ : The Arequipa Disturbances o f
del Paraguay de la Compania de Jesus, Cordoba, August 1, 1750,” M G 1664. 1780,” 285.
Aurelio Porto notes that thè native population in thè seven reductions grew from 32. Nusdorffer, pt. 1.
26,403 inhabitants in 1745 to 29,305 by 1753. Porto, História das Missdes Orientais 33. “ Relación de la Execución del Tratado de Limites se rompieron en la corte
do Uruguai, 2:195. de Lisboa y pasaron a la Madrid...,” B M MSS Span e, 1, fols. 32-44.
14. “ Catalogo dell anno 1751,” in Ibanez de Echavarri, Regno Gesuitico del 34. “ Breve Relación de lo sucedido en la Provincia del Paraguay del Rio de la
Paraguay, 13 -14 ; a 1752 Jesuit map o f thè region also showed that thè total popu­ Piata” (1754f?J), A H N , Sección Jesuita, Leg. 120), doc. 15; Nusdorffer, pt. 2, fol. 30.
lation o f thè seven reductions was 29 ,i99 .“ Mapa de la Governación del Paraguay 35. Nusdorffer, pt. 1, fols. 1-15.
y Buenos Aires, 1752,” in Furlong Cardiff, Cartografiajesuitica del Rio de la Piata, 78, 36. Nusdorffer, pt. 1, fols. 29-32.
no. 23. 37. Ibid., pt. 1, fol. 40; Escandón, “ Transmigraijào,” 124-27.
15. “ Representacn q hace el Rey N. S. en su R. L. Consejo de lasYndias el P. 38. “ Breve Relación de lo sucedido en la prov. del Rio de la Piata,” B M , A D D
Prov.l. dela Comp.a de Jesus,” A H N , Sección Jesuita, Leg. i2oj, doc. 28.
13 ,9 7 9 *fol. 17.
16. “ Carta del P. Bernardo Nusdorffer al P. Comisario,” in Instituto Geogràfico 39. Nusdorffer, pt. 2, fols. 8—9; Cardiel, Compendio, 121.
Militar, Documentos relativos, 3. Hereafter this source will be cited simply as 40. AS, Estado 7426.This letter from thè Archivo de Simancas was undated but
Documentos relativos. most likely was written in late 1752 or in 1753, because Father Bernardo
17. “ Informe aV. M. y remite copia de una representación de los Religiosos de Nusdorffer refers to it in his year-by-year account o f thè Indian rebellion.
la Compania de Jesus sobre los incombenietes de la entrega de unos Pueblos de M odern Guarani linguists do not doubt thè authenticity o f these native texts.
Indios Guaranies a la Corona de Portugal,” Lima,June 30, 1751, AS Estado, Leg. Because thè Guarani continued to write letters in their native language long after
7450. thè expulsion o f thè Jesuits, there is no reason to suspect that thè authors o f these
18. Bernardo Nusdorffer,“Breve relación de lo sucedidio en la Provincia de la letters were not thè Guarani. O f course, thè cabildantes were probably influenced
Piata sobre la entrega de los siete pueblos deYndios Guaranis que el Rey Católico by thè missionaries, who also opposed thè Treaty o f Madrid.
ha mandado hace a la Corona de Portugal . . . a Lope Luis Altamirano Comisario 41. Mateos, “ Notas y textos,” 547-72.
del Rey y de Padre General de la Compania . . . , Mission Yapeyu, August 14, 1752, 42. Nusdorffer, pt. 1, fols. 1 - 1 5.
B M A D D MS 13,979. 43. AS, Estado 7426.
19. “ Carta de Padre Pedro de Lozano, March 14, 1751, Cordoba,Tucuman, and 44. Maeder notes that some four thousand Guarani troops had been sent to
“ Carta del Provincial José de Barreda,” Códoba,July 19, 1953, in Documentos rela­ defend Colònia do Sacramento in 1735-36. Maeder, “ Pasividad Guarani?” 162.
tivos, 32-35. 45. Robert W. Patch points out that thè concept o f “ moral econom y” exists in
20. “Joseph Quiroga de la Compania de Jesus al C om . Joseph de Carvajal y all societies. It occurs when thè exploiter goes beyond what is regarded as moral,
Lancaster,” Buenos Aires, Aprii 14, i7 5 i,B M ,A D D MS 13,979. then thè exploited has thè right to take thè proper steps to restore thè status quo,
21. “ Relación sobre la Execución del Tratado de Limites se rompieron en la including rioting, rebellion, and revolution. Patch raises thè issue o f how people
corte de Lisboa y pasaron a la de Madrid, sobre los religiosos Jesuitas haver hecho o f different cultures who spoke separate languages communicated with one
Poderosos,” BM , Mss. Span e. 1, fols. 32-44. another in Latin America. Each group had a different vision o f thè world, which
22. Nusdorffer, “ Relación de todo lo sucedido,” Aprii 12, 1753, Ytapuà, “ Ter- affected how they defined what is “ moral.” See Patch, “ Culture, Community, and
cera parte de la relación de lo sucedido en estas doctrinas, I754,” BNRJ, C o le p o ‘Rebellion,’ ” 67; Thompson, “ Moral Economy o f thè English Crowd,” 76-130.
de Angelis, 1,2, 34, pt. 2, fol. 9. 46. Adorno, Guaman Poma, 21.
23. Ibid., pt. 1, fols. 17-18 . 47. See Furlong, Origenes del Arte Tipogràfico, 127—49.
 232 Notes to Pages 102—5 Notes to Pages 10 7 -8 233

48. “ Carta de los indios del pueblo de San Luis al Gobernador de Buenos Aires,” 72. Nusdorffer, pt. 3, fols. 7-8 , 25-26.
July 18, 1753, AH N , Sección Jesuita, Leg. i2oj, doc. 99. 73. Henis,“ Diario Histórico de la Rebelión,” 5:520.
49. Mateos,“ Notas yTextos,” 547-72. 74. Escandón, “ Transmigrapào,” 238,244,276-78. According to Jorge Couto, 230
50. Ibid. Indians were killed, 72 were taken captive, including cacique Rafael Paracatu. See
51. “ Memorial que el Pe. Provi, de la Prova, del Paraguay presentò al Senor Couto, “ Os conflitos com as redu^òes,” 180.
Comisario Marqués de Valdelirios,” Cordoba, July 19, 1753, AH N , Sección Jesuita, 75. Nusdorffer wrote that Sepé Tiaraju managed to escape on foot, but in an
Leg. i2oj, doc. 35, fol. 2. account translated by him, thè Indian reported that Tiaraju had been killed.
52. Cardiel, Compendio, 120. 76. “Relación de lo que sucedió a 53 Indios del Uruguay, 1755.” A H N , Sección
53. Ibid.; “ Segunda conferencia celebrada en la isla de Martin Garda entre el Jesuita, Leg. 120], doc. 5ó;“ Cartas en Guarani tomadas por el Coronel José Joaquin
Marqués de Valdelirios,” March 24, 1754, in Documentos relativos, 177. deViana,” in Documentos relativos, 229-33.
54. “ Copia de carta escrito por el Gral D. M. Comes Andrada a los Caciques y 77. “ Cartas de José de Andonaegui,” Buenos Aires, May 18, 1753, fols. 16 -17;
comandantes de los Pueblos reveldes,” in Documentos relativos, 188; a letter by Gomes May 22 ,1753;june 20,1753.The governor ordered them to appear in thè main plaza,
Freire de Andrada, dated February 9, 1756, in Carvalho e Melo, Republica Jesuitica taking with them any arms they may have in their possession. If not, thè blacks and
Ultramarina, 13.The outcome o f this theological junta is unclear.According to Jorge mulattos faced thè heavy penalty o f two hundred lashes plus four years o f banishment
Coutu, Spain and Portugal had signed a secret treaty on January 17, 1751, agreeing and heavy labor at thè presidio and plaza o f San Felipe de Montevideo without
to use force against thè Indians in case o f any resistance. He cites a Spanish royal order salary.
o f August 24, 1751, authorizing thè use o f force to evacuate thè Jesuits and thè 78. Henis,“Diario Histórico,” 536;Alden, Royal Government in Colonial Brazil, 9 1 -
Indians from thè area east o f thè Uruguay River. Couto, “ Os confhctos corno as 92. Politicai changes in Portugal and Spain also played a role in thè delays. By this
redu^òes jesuiticas,” 176, T79. time, two key architects o f thè Treaty o f Madrid, Alexandre Gusmao and José de
5 5. Nusdorffer, pt. 3, fol. 23. Carvajal y Lancaster, had died, respectively in 1753 and 1754. Opponents o f thè
56. “El Padre Altamirano a D.José de Andonaegui sobre el estado de los pueblos Jesuits found themselves occupying key positions in government. Following thè
y obstinación de sus habitantes en no abandonarlos,” Buenos Aires, August 31, 1754, coronation o f Portuguese king D om José I, Sebastiàn José de Carvalho y MeUo
in Documentos relativos, 2 14 -15. became thè new minister o f thè interior. Ricardo Wall replaced José de Carvajal y
57. Escandón, “ Transmigra^ào,” 130; Nusdorffer,pt. i,fo l. 38. Lancaster as thè chief Spanish minister.Through WaU’s influence, a Dominican, rather
58. “ Carta de Luis Altamirano al Excmo. Senor Don Josef Carvajal,” Santo Tome, than a Jesuit, was assigned to serve as thè king’s confessor. Poenitz and Snihur, La
January 28, i753,“ Notas del Archivo General de Indias del Padre Carlos Leonhardt, herencia misionera, 90.
S.J.,” Archivo Jesuitico de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Colegio de San Miguel; 79. Escandón, “ Transmigra^ào,” 281 —83.
Alden, Royal Government in Colonial Brazil, 92. 80. “ Apuntes de Melià,” 18; Pérez, “ Los indios infieles de la Banda Orientai,”
59. Ibid.
222-23.
60. Nusdorffer, pt. 2, fol. 9. 81. Ibid., 296; Leonhardt, “ Traducción de las Cartas Anuas de la Provincia del
61. Ibid., pt. 2, fol. 19. Paraguay de la Compania de Jesus, 1756—1762” (Buenos Aires: Colegio de Salvador,
62. Ibid., pt. 2, fol. 45. 1928), now kept at thè Archivo Provincial de Buenos Aires de la Compania de Jesus,
63. Ibid., pt. 2, fol. 37.
Colegio Màximo de San José.
64. Ibid., pt. 2, fol. 28. 82. Archivo General de la Nación, Buenos Aires, Campana del Brasil: Antecedentes
65. Ibid., pt. 2, fol. 44. Coloniales, 2 vols. (Buenos Aires: Gmo. Kraft Ltd., 1939), 2:203-4.
66. Ibid., pt. 2, fol. 47. 83. Escandón, “ Transmigra^ào,” 308.
67. Ibid., pt. 3, fol. 2.
84. Cardiel, Breve relación de las misiones, 180.
68. Ibid., pt. 2, fol. 46. 85. Henis,“ Diario Histórico,” 477, 536, 538.
69. Scott, Weapons of thè IVeak, 282. In Drinking, Homicide and Rebellion in Colonial 86. Archivo General de la Nación, Buenos Aires, Campana del Brasil, 2:205-7.
Mexican Villages, William B. Taylor uncovered a similar pattern in rebellions in eigh- Barba, Don Pedro de Cevallos, 37. Barba States that 144 Guarani were wounded. Tau
teenth-century Mexican villages in which thè Indians used Spanish expletives, often Golin relies on thè account o f Gomes Freire de Andrada, who claimed that o f 1,700
applied to Indians, to insult colonial authorities who posed a threat to thè commu- Guarani soldiers, 1,500 died in thè battle and 154 were taken prisoner. O f thè three
nities’ well-being. The insurgents in Mexico, however, did not distribute leaflets as thousand Spanish and Portuguese soldiers, there were four deaths and forty
one o f their strategies to resist thè Spanish. wounded. Golin, A Guerra Guaranltica conio os exercitos de Portugal e Esponila, 579.
70. Nusdorffer, pt. 2, fol. 24. Hemming notes that 1,400 Indians but only three soldiers from thè allied forces died,
71. “ Reducciones del Paranà y Uruguay,” ARSI, Paraquarie i3,R oh 156. and twenty-six soldiers were wounded. Hemming, Red Gold, 472—73. According to
 234 Notes to Pages 10 9 -12
Notes to Pages 1 1 2 - 1 8 235

Jesuit father Henis, nearly six hundred Guarani soldiers died on thè battlefìeld at 102. “ Catàlogo de la Numeración de las Doctrinas del Rio Paranà,” Buenos Aires,
Caaibaté on February io, 1756, and one hundred fifty were taken as prisoners.The December 17, 1765, M G 592. It is difficult to assess thè impact o f thè Guarani War
Spanish and Portuguese had lost only five men, but thirty were wounded. The on thè mission communities because thè indigenous population cited in thè Jesuit
remaining Guarani fled into thè hills and eventually returned to their missions. censuses fluctuated from one year to thè next.
However, Father Henis was not at thè battle; he was nearby at Mission San Miguel. 103. Ibid.; Escandón, Transmigrafào, 4 1 1 -12 , 430-32, 436. The Treaty o f Pardo,
Henis,“Diario Histórico,” 547. signed on February 12,1761, annulled thè terms o f thè Treaty o f Madrid. See Couto,
87. “ Carta del Padre José Cardiel al P. Cardiel Novat sobre los indios y peijuicio “ O Brasil pombalino,” 5:126-27.
que les causò con el tratado,” San Borja, June 5, 1758, A H N , Sección Jesuita, 104. Hemming, Amazon Frontier, 108.
Leg. I20j, doc. 78. Cardiel stated that there were 30,702 inhabitants in thè seven 105. AH N , Leg. i2oj, Exp. 82.“ Numerario Papulorum Paranensiuym anni 1762,”
reductions. ARSI,Paraquarie i3,R oll 156.
88. “ Carta de Nicolas de Clordury a don Pedro de Ceballos,” San Nicolas, 106. “ Catàlogo de la Numeración de las Doctrinas,” 1765, M G 592.
January 8, 1760, A G N IX 1 1 -6 -2 . 107. N orris,“ Franciscan Reform Effort.”
89. Don Pedro de Cevallo claims he “ took extra care to avoid any offenses to 108. Gutiérrez, When Jesus Carne, The Corti Mothers Went Away; Knaut, Pueblo
God . . . in treating thè women.” Ibid. “ Carta de Nicolas de Clordury to Don Lucas Revolt of 1680; What Caused thè Pueblo Revolt oj 1680?; Frank, “ Demographic, Social
Infante, San Nicolas, May 1758” ; “ Carta de Nicolas de Clordury to Don Pedro de and Economie Change in N ew Mexico,” 41—72.
Cevallos, San Nicolas, October 19, 1760.” 109. Castrilo, “ Native Response to thè Colonization o f Alta California,” 1:377-
90. Henis,“Diario Histórico,” 554; Escandón, Transmigrafào, 329-45. 94. See also Jackson and Castrilo, Indians, Franciscans, and Spanish Colonization, 74—77,
91. “ Carta de Nicolas Neengiru al gobernador de Buenos Aires,” Aprii 16, 1756, 80.
AH N , SJ, voi. i2oj, no. 58;“ Apuntes de Melià.” Melià points out that thè translations 1 io. O ’Phelan Godoy, La gran rebelión en losAndes, 43; Golte, Repartos y rebeliones',
o f thè Guarani texts o f Nicolas Neengiru varied because some were translated by thè Stavig,“ Conflict,Violence, and Resistance,” 213—33.
Jesuits and others by Don Pedro Joseph Villanueva, a Spanish soldier. i n . McFarlane, “ Rebellion o f thè Barrios,” 197-254.
92. “ Carta de Bucareli al Conde de Aranda, dandole cuenta de lo ocurrido en su 112. Phelan, People and thè King.
viaje al Salto Chico del Rio Uruguay,” in Brabo, Colección de documentos relativos, 176— 113. Taylor, Drinking, Homicide, and Rebellion, 116.
77 -
93. Carta de Nicolas de Clodury à D on Pedro de Cevallos, San Nicolas, February Chapter y. The Guarani in thè Aftermath of thè Expulsion of thè Jesuits
2, 1759; San Nicolas, February 22, 1759; San Boga, May 18, i759;A G N IX 1 1 - 6 - 2 .
94. Ibid., testimony by a friend o f Martin Tuama, a peon from San Miguel, 1. Hernàndez, El extranamiento de los jesuitas del Rio de la Piata, 364—69; Misión
November 18, 1757. San Luis,“ Copia en Guarani del Memorial de la misión de San Luis,” February 28,
95. Ibid., “Relación de las Personas de Indios que el Capitan Dn Juan Jph de 1768, copy from thè papers o f SenorW oodbine Parish, M G 1992;“ Carta al Exmo.
Pando à conduziendo a la costa del Rio Uruguay en el Paso de la Concepción,” San Senor Conde de Aranda . . . Pueblo de San Luis,” BM , Additional 32,605, fols. 3 7 -
Nicolas, March 17, 1758. Another group o f twelve captured Indians consisted o f one 42.
man, three women, and eight children; ibid., February 22, 1758. None o f their ages 2. In publishing this letter, Jesuit scholar Pablo Hernàndez gave thè impression
were listed. that thè Guarani truly missed them rather than treated their departure with
96. Gonzàlez Rissotto, “ La importancia de las misiones jesuiticas,” 203. indifference, which may have been thè reaction at first o f some o f thè mission
97. Escandón, Transmigrafào, 369-87, 431-32. Indians. By ignoring or overlooking thè remaining Guarani manuscripts, scholars
98. “Relación sobre la Execución del Tratado de Limites,” fol. 42. have presented a monolithic view o f thè indigenous response to this important
99. Escandón, Transmigrafào, 350; Moacyr Flores, “A Transmigrafào dos Guaranis,” event. Argentine historian Julio César Gonzàlez criticized Hernàndez for only
82-85; N eis,“ A Aldeia de Nossa Senhora dos Anjos,” 77. giving this impression. Gonzàlez, “ Notas para una historia de los treinta pueblos
100. The Guarani were cared for in hospitals in all seven towns.Anonymous doc- de misiones,” 324.
ument signed Aprii 15, 1758, San Nicolas; according to a military deserter from 3. “ Informe sobre la preocupación que tomo para el extranamiento de los
Corrientes, more than thirty Guarani passed thè Monte Grande en route to Regulares,” Thomas O rtiz de Landazurri, March io, 1769, AGI, Audiencia de
Montevideo. They had with them cattle and had planted new fields. Quartel de San Buenos Aires 611.
Lorenzo, September 23, 1757, A G N IX 1 1 -6 -2 . 4. Manuel Antonio de la Torre, “ Carta a Fray Juliàn de Arriaga en que cuenta
101. Hemàndez, Organización social de las doctrinas Guaranles de la Compatita de la expulsion de los jesuitas,” Buenos Aires, O ctober 3, 1768, M G I072a.
Jesus, 2:1 i.These figures are based on documents he found in thè C o le p o de Angelis, 5. Carlos Morphy, “ Carta a S. M. sobre precauciones que ha tornado de los
Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro,Vili.50. indios de San Estanislao y de San Joaquin,” Asunción, Aprii 9, 1769, M G 586;
 236 Notes to Pages 118 — 19 Notes to Pages 1 1 9 -2 3 237

Consejo de Indias, “ Informe del Fiscal sobre tributos de los indios de San 14. Histoire de Nicolas I: Roy du Paraguai et Empereur des Mamelus, x; Reagan,
Estanislao y San Joaquin,” Madrid, March 17, 1769, M G 588; Consejo de Indias, “ Role Played by Gomes Freire de Andrade,” 9, 132-80; Caraman, Lost Paradise, 274.
“ O ficio en que transmite a S. M. la representación relativo al tributo que se debe 15. Callahan, Church, Politics, and Society, 29.
imponer a los indios de las reducciones de San Joaquin y San Estanislao,” Madrid, 16. Morner, “ Expulsion o f thè Jesuits,” 156.
Aprii 13, 1769, M G 587;Tomàs O rtiz de Landàzuri,“ Dictamen por la Contaduria 17. Aveling,Jesuits, 277.
Reai a los senores del Consejo de Indias sobre el tributo de los indios de las reduc­ 18. Pastor, History of thè Popes, 37:48-62.
ciones de San Joaquin y San Estanislao,” Madrid, March t o , 1769, M G i294;Torre 19. Carlos III, “ Reai Cédula al Obispo del Paraguay sobre separación de los
Revello,“ Informe sobre misiones de indios existentes en la segunda mitad del siglo jesuitas,” San Ildefonso, September 5, 1766, M G 307.
X VIII,” 106. 20. Deeds, “ Rendering Unto Caesar,” x-xi.
6. Ibid.; Furlong, Misiones y sus pueblos de Guaranies, 696. 21. Conde de Aranda, “ Adición a la instrucción sobre el extranamiento de los
7. Richard Herr, Eighteenth-Century Revolution in Spain, 1 1 -1 4 ; Lynch, Bourbon jesuitas de los Dominios de S. M .,” Madrid, March 1, 1767, BNRJ, C o le p o de
Spain, 188. Angelis, 1-29,5,32.
8. Callahan,“ Spanish Church,” 34-50; M òrner,“ Expulsion o f thè Jesuits,” 157; 22. Ibid.
Farriss, Crown and Clergy in Colonial Mexico. 23. Mariluz Urquijo, “ Los guaranies después de la expulsion de los jesuitas,”
9. Morner, Expulsion of thèJesuitsJrom Latin America, 3 ,8 ,1 3 -1 4 . For more than 324- 30.
a century, churchmen in Paraguay and Brazil had struggled with settlers and 24. “ Carta del Gobernador de Buenos Aires al Conde de Aranda,” September
officials over Indian policies, justifying their actions on thè grounds that they were 4, 1767, quoted in Gonzàlez, “ Notas para una historia,” 280.
protecting thè Indians against exploitation. In both regions, settlers claimed thè 25. Ibid.
Jesuits sought to control thè Indians’ labor only to enhance thè wealth o f their 26. Ibid., 282.
order.These conflicts over Indian policies and anti-Jesuit feelings on behalf o f thè 27. Brabo, Colección de documentos relativos, 102—6.
colonists led to virtual civil wars and thè temporary expulsion o f thè Jesuits from 28. “ Copia en Guarani del Memorial de la Misión de San Luis . . . ,” February
settlements in Brazil during thè seventeenth century, and in Asunción, Paraguay, 28, 1768, M G 1992.
during thè Comunero Revolt in thè early eighteenth century. Felipe V, “ Reai 29. Gonzàlez, “ Notas para una historia,” 296—97.
Cédula al obispo del Paraguay sobre los limites de los pueblos de misiones,” 30. Similarly in northern N ew Spain, thè Yaqui Indians did not rebel follow­
Madrid, February 11, 1724, M G 2iooa. Pike, Conflict Between Church and State, 11 ; ing thè Jesuit expulsion in 1767. In 1740, theYaquis had rebelled against thè Jesuits
“ Parecer del D octor Don Tomàs Verjon de Cabildes, Fiscal de su Magestad en la and thè Spaniards because o f increased labor demands. According to historian
Reai Audiencia de Lima,” 1657, Fondo Gesuitico al Gesù di Roma,Vatican Film Evelyn Hu-Dehart, thè Yaquis accepted thè expulsion o f thè Jesuits calmly
Library, St. Louis University, Roll 232; Francisco Bucareli y Ursua, “ Carta a Juliàn because they were not dependent on missions, both economically and morally,
de Arriaga encargàndole de lo quejuzgue conveniente acerca del descubrimiento and had other viable options available to them. She notes that thè expulsion pro-
de minas de oro por Salvador Cabanas y ampuero en las haciendas de Paraguari, ceeded in a quiet and orderly manner when thè Jesuits were replaced with secu-
secuestrados a los regulares de la Compania de Jesus,” Aranjuez, June 6, 1771, M G lar priests. As in thè borderlands o f northern N ew Spain, thè Jesuits in Paraguay
i o 8 7 b. were replaceable; mendicant orders followed in their place, along with secular
10. Callahan, Church, Politics, and Society, 29—31; Aveling,Jesuits, 257. administrators. Hu-DeHart, Missionaries, Miners and Indians, 95-96. Anthropologist
11. Lynch, Bourbon Spain, 188. Guillermo Wilde also concludes that thè crisis o f thè 1750S was stili in thè mind-
12. Portugal had enjoyed an export boom during thè 1750S, but by thè end o f set o f thè Guarani at thè time o f thè Jesuit expulsion. Wilde, “ La actitud Guarani
that decade, this started to decline.The reconstruction o f Lisbon following a dev- ante la expulsió» de los jesuitas,” 163.
astating earthquake and thè Guarani War had been expensive. Pombal thus was 31. “ Thente. D on Valentin Ybariguà al Sr. Gov. Francisco Bucareli,” San
eager to seize thè wealth o f thè Jesuits to increase thè size o f thè royal treasury. See Miguel, August 13, 1768, A G N IX, 6 - 1 0 - 7 .
Hemming, Red Gold, 479; Lynch, Bourbon Spain, 2 5 4 —55; Engstrand, “ Enlighten- 32. “ Carta de Cacique Don Chrsto.Tayuaré al Exmo. Sor. Don Francisco de
ment in Spain,” 4 3 6 —46. David Brading points out that there are problems in using Paula Bucareli,” Yapeyu, September 18, 1768, A G N , IX, 6 - 1 0 - 7 .
thè Enlightenment as one o f thè reasons for thè expulsion o f thè Jesuits from 33. “ D on Christobal Arirà al Sr. Don Francisco de Paula Bucareli,”
Spanish America. There were but a few enlightened individuals in position o f Encarnación de Ytapuà, August io, 1768 [?],AGN, IX, 6 - 1 0 - 7 .
infìuence during thè reign o f Charles III. Brading, First America, 498. 34. M achón,“ La ùltima reducción del Alto Paranà,” 7-48.
13. Reagan, “ Role Played by Gomes Freire de Andrade,” 198—99; Alden, 35. “ Corregidor del Corpus, Sebastian Joseph Oguendà, al Exco. Sr. Capn.
“ Economie Aspects o f thè Expulsion o f thè Jesuits from Brazil,” 53; Hemming, Geni, y gov.r Dn. Francisco de Paula Bucareli y Ursua,” Corpus, December 19,
Red Gold, 473-79. 1768. Courtesy o f Professor Jorge Francisco Machón, Misiones, Argentina.
 238 Notes to Pages 123—26 Notes to Pages 12 6 -2 8 239

36. “ D on Chrsto. Tayuaré to Francisco de Paula Bucareli,” Yapeyu, July 23, 156. Other sources indicate that at thè time o f thè expulsión, thè missions o f thè
1768, A G N IX 6—10 -7. region o f thè Paranà and Uruguay Rivers had a total o f 97,383 inhabitants. “ Estado
37. “Juan Antonio Curiguà al Sr. Gov. D on Francisco Bucareli,” exact mission que manifiesta . . . Catàlogo de las familias, segun el Padrón de este ano de 1768,”
unknown, March 4, 1768, AG N , IX, 6 - 1 0 - 7 . C o le p o de Angelis, BNRJ, 1-29,5,42. Maeder lists thè figure o f 88,828 in his
38. This letter is significant not only because it describes thè early contact demographic studies. Maeder, Misiones del Paraguay, 55.
between thè Guayanas and thè Guaranies, but also because Oguendà refers to his 53. “ Empadronamiento de los Treinta Pueblos de Misiones, por el Coronel
people as his “ many mbya’ (people).This raises thè possibility that thè Guarani- D on Marcos de Larrazabal, 1772,” A G N , IX, 1 8 -8 -5 . According to my figures,
speaking people known today as thè Mbùà in eastern Paraguay, northern there were more Indians at thè mission ofYapeyu than listed in this document:
Argentina, and southern Brazil are among thè direct descendants o f thè Guaranies 3,397 rather than 3,322, which raises thè total population o f thè thirty missions
from thè Jesuit missions. This evidence supports thè earlier work o f thè anthro- from 80,881 to 80,956.
pologist Leon Cadogan, who published thè historical recollections o f thè Mbyà- 54. “ Carta de Francisco de la Riba Herrera, Buenos Aires, September 26,
Guarani o f thè “ Kechuitas,” thè Jesuits. Cadogan, Ayvu Rapyta. 1769,” C o le rlo de Angelis, BNRJ 1-29,5,40.
39. “ Francisco Bruno de Zavala al Ex. Sr. Dn. Francisco de Bucareli,” La Cruz, 55. “ D iego Guacuyu to Exmo. Sr. Dn. Franco, de Paula Bucareli,” Yapeyu,
December 28, 1768, A G N , 6 - 1 0 - 7 . This was not a Guarani text, but it further September 26, 1768, A G N , IX, 6 - 1 0 - 7 .
demonstrates that a number o f thè mission Indians were accommodating to thè 56. Ibid.
Spaniards. 57. Ibid.
40. Wilde, “ La actitud Guarani ante la expulsión de los jesuitas,” 165-68. 58. Flernàndez, El extranamiento de los jesuitas, 364-69; “ Copia en Guarani del
41. Gonzàlez, “ An Executor who was Better than his Fame,” 164-67; and M emorial de la Misión de San Luis...,” February 28, 1768, M G 1992.
Gonzàlez, “ Notas para una historia,” 282. 59. “ Carta de Francisco Bruno de Zavala a Francisco de Bucareli,” La Cruz,
42. “ Carta del Manuel Antonio Obispo de Buenos Aires al Exmo. Sor Dn Dr. Decem ber 28, 1768, A G N , IX 6—10 -7.
Julian de Arriaga,” Buenos Aires, O ctober 3, 1768, M G 1072; Bruno, Historia de la 60. Susnik notes that thè population o f thè thirteen missions under thè juris-
iglesia eri la Argentina, 6:128. diction o f Paraguay declined by almost 50 percent. Susnik, El indio colonial, 3:49.
43. “ Relación de la expatriación de los jesuitas . . . escrita en Roma por el 61. “Juan Valiente, Estado que manifiesta el Nùmero de Almas que existen en
Padre Gaspar Xuarez, uno de los expulsos,” n.d., BNRJ, C o le p o de Angelis, I- cada Pueblo, Departamento de Nuestra Senora de Candelaria,” Concepción,
2 9 , 5 ,4-8 - September 1780. A G N , IX 3 0 -2 -3 ; Maeder and Bolsi, “ La población de las
44. Gonzàlez, “ Notas para una historia,” 298. misiones después de la expulsión,” 143-44.
45. “ Carta de Don Chrysanto Tayuaré a Excm. Sor D on Franco, de Paula 62. “ 1768 census,” BNRJ, C o le p o de Angelis, 1-29,5,42.
Bucareli y Ursua,” Yapeyu,July 23, 1768, AG N , IX 6 - 1 0 - 7 . 63. Maeder, “ La población del Paraguay en 1799,” 7 5 - He notes that in 1799
46. Ibid. thè Spanish and creole population constituted 5.3 percent o f thè mission popula­
47. Wightman, Indigenous Migratoti and Social Cliange. Wightman cites various tion, mestizos and pardos comprised another 1.6 percent, and that only .3 percent
reasons for Indian migration in Cuzco. Many sought to avoid epidemie disease, were black slaves. Maeder, Misiones del Paraguay, 65.
tribute payment, thè Constant demands for their labor, and thè intolerance o f thè 64. Census o f thè Province o f Paraguay about 1790 in Gonzàlez, Proceso y for-
church. Wightman States that thè Peruvian peoples did not flee from Spanish con­ mación de la cultura paraguaya, 1:120 -21. According this census, 4,533 whites and
trol, nor did they choose to live in isolation. mestizos lived in thè towns.
48. Mariluz Urquijo, “ Los guaranies después de la expulsión de los jesuitas,” 65. Susnik, El indio colonial, 3:28-30, 51, 58-60.
323- 30. 66. “ 1801 Padrón, en el reai Corona . . ,” A G N IX 1 8 -2 -6 .
49. Susnik, El indio colonial, 3:28-30, 51, 58-60. 67. “ Padrón del Pueblo de Jesus,” A G N IX 18—2—6, 1801.
50. Maeder and Bolsi, “ La población de las misiones después de la expulsión 68. A G N IX 1 8 - 2 - 6 . O f all thè reductions, San Ignacio Guazù had thè most
de los jesuitas.” complete set o f censuses in thè eighteenth century. Missions La C ruz and Jesùs
51. Ibid., 149. The 1778 census o f thè eight missions in thè Department o f were randomly selected among several censuses. To arrive at these figures for thè
Candelaria also indicates that more Indians fled from those towns than perished. number o f males and females, I had to distinguish between thè sexes using their
According to thè census, 1,146 deserted thè missions and 967 perished that year. first names. One has to assume there were some inaccuracies in using this method
“Juan Valiente, Estado q. manifiesta el nùmero deYndios Exemptos de Tributos,” to determine thè sexual balance.
Candelaria, March 8, 1778, A G N IX 1 7 - 6 - 3 . 69. “ Matricula deste Pueblo del Corpus Christi,” 1759, AG IX 17—3—6.
52. “ Catàlogo de la Numeración Annual de las Doctrinas del Rio Paranà, Several 1801 mission censuses indicate thè indigenous peoples’ ages. However,
Numeración Annual de los Pueblos del Uruguay,” 1767, ARSI, Paraquaria 13, Roll these figures probably were inaccurate because thè mission Indians may not have
 240 Notes to Pages 129-30 Notes to Pages 130 -32 241

known their exact age. Census takers probably did not consult baptismal records, during thè first decade following thè expulsion. However, they stili show a generai
as did a fewjesuits who listed thè date o f birth o f their converts on at least their pattern o f expansion. At Mission Jesus in southern Paraguay, for example, they rose
censuses o f Mission Loreto in 1759. from 36 tercios (6,788 English pounds or 778 arrobas; one tercio equals 188
70. “ Relación de las observaciones practicadas en este Pueblo de Santa Rosa pounds) in 1767 to 591 tercios in 1771 (1 r i, 108 pounds or 4,382 arrobas) to 400
por el Inoculis a Dr. M igule de Ubeda, nombrado para el Departamento de tercios (75,200 pounds or 2,966 arrobas) in 1783. At Mission Sanjuan Bautista in
Santiago por el Sor. Govor. Intend. de està Prova, del Paraguai D on Lazaro de what is today Brazil, yerba maté production rose from 105 tercios ( 19 ,74 ° pounds
Rivera,” O ctober 6, 1797, A N A , SH, voi. 169. or 778 arrobas) in 1771 to 400 tercios (75,200 pounds or 2,966 arrobas) in 1783.At
71. “ Manuel de Lassarte y Esquibel alVirrey Marqués de Loreto,” San Miguel, Mission Corpus Christi in what is today northern Argentina, 64 tercios (12,032
October 13, 1785, A G N IX 1 1 - 6 - 2 . pounds or 474 arrobas) o f yerba maté were exported in March 1767. By 1770, this
72. “ Unsigned letter, no. 158 del Ten. G o v .” Yapeyu, January 17, 1797, A G N figure rose to n o tercios (20,680 pounds or 815 arrobas).The following year in
IX 1 8 - 6 -5 . If properly administered, thè patient developed a minor case o f thè 1771, it expanded to 370 tercios (69,560 pounds or 2,743 arrobas). Finally, in 1783,
illness, then recovered, and developed immunity to thè disease. Jerry W. C ooney it reached a total o f 530 tercios (99,640 pounds or 3,930 arrobas).These towns were
claims that thè campaign o f inoculations at Santa Rosa and other missions was selected randomly from available statistics. N ot all yerba maté was destined for
successful. Cooney, Economia y sociedad en la Intendencia del Paraguay, 223—25. Buenos Aires. Unknown quantities were consumed by thè Guarani themselves.
73. Saeger, “ Another V iew o f thè Mission as a Frontier Institudon,” 502-3; “ Razón de la descarga de yerba y tobaco que condujeron los Barcos de Misiones,
Susnik provides us with a generai profile o f those w ho left these towns using cen­ 1767,” A G N IX 6 -1 0 - 7 ; A G N IX 1 7 - 4 - 5 ; “ Administración Gral. de Guaranis,
suses from thirteen towns. She attributes Guarani flight to various factors, includ- Entradas y ventas de los enseres y massa comun ano 1772-1773,” A G N IX 1 7 - 5 -
mg thè possibility o f finding subsistence more easily outside o f thè missions, and 1; A G N IX 1 2 - 1 - 4 ; “ Libro de entradas, 1782-1783,” A G N IX 1 7 - 5 - 2 .
thè desire to become free laborers, to avoid epidemie diseases, and to avoid ili 79. Whigham, Politics of RiverTrade, n o —12.
treatment in thè missions. Susnik, El indio colonial del Paraguay, 2:44-45; “ Diego 80. “ Gonzalo Doblas al Gov. Intendente Francisco de Sans Paula,”
Guacuyu al Exmo. Sr. Dn. Franco, de Paula Bucareli,” A G N , IX, 6 - 1 0 - 7 . Concepción, August 15, 1787, A G N IX 2 2 -8 -2 .
74. Garavaglia, “ Economie Growth and Regional Differentiations,” 51-90. 81. “ Padrón de la ciudad y campana de Buenos Aires,” 1778 (incomplete cen­
Garavaglia points out that approximately 22 percent o f all thè hides exported sus) A G N IX 9 - 7 - 6 ; “ Padrón de la ciudad y campana de Buenos Aires,” 1779 A G N
through Buenos Aires to Europe carne from thè missions during thè years 1 7 8 1- IX 9 - 7 - 6 ; “ Matricula de los vecinos, Buenos Aires, 1794,” A G N IX 9 - 7 - 4 .
90; Brabo, Inventarios; Inventario, Corpus, 1783 A G N IX 2 2 -8 -2 ; Inventario, San 82. “ Diego Cassero al Fiscal del S. M ., y Prot. Gral de Naturales,” Buenos
Francisco Xavier, 1786 A G N IX 2 2 -8 —2; Inventario San Juan Bautista, 1791 and Aires, March 29, 1790; “ Carta firmada por Francisco Balcarce,” Frontera de Lujan,
1792, A G N IX 1 7 - 3 - 6 . Inventario, San Ignacio Mini, 1783, A G N IX 2 2 -8 -2 ; May 8, 1790, A G N IX “ Misiones padrones, 1735-1802,” 1 7 - 3 - 6 ; “ Noticia de los
Inventario, Jesus, 1784 A G N IX 2 2 -8 -2 . Yndios Guaranis de los Pueblos de la Provincia del Paraguay, y demàs de las
75. Maeder uses mission inventories to demonstrate thè rise and decline o f thè misiones del Uruguay y Paranà,” A G N IX 1 7 - 3 - 6 .
number o f cattle in thè various missions and departments during thè late eigh- 83. “ Narsario Paraguà Yndio oriundo del Pueblo de Santiago, Informe el
teenth century. Maeder, Misiones del Paraguay, 150-53. A separate cattle census for Adm. Gen. de los Pueblos de Guaranis,” Buenos Aires, November ro, 1798, A G N
thè Department o f Candelaria indicates that in 1778, there were only 63,318 head IX 3 0 -6 -3 .
o f beef cattle. “Juan Valiente, Estado que manifiesta los Ganados y demàs animales 84. “ Tomàs Estrada al Excmo. Senor D on Nicolas de Arredondo,” Colonia del
que tienen los ocho pueblos,” San Carlos, 1778, A G N IX 1 7 - 6 - 3 . Sacramento, March 31, 1790, A G N IX 1 7 - 3 - 6 .
76. Carbonell de Masy, Estrategias de desarrollo ritrai, 286-87. Carbonell de Masy 85. “ Carta de Vicente Ximenez, Sr. Alcalde de la Villa,” Aprii 21, 179 °,
relies on Brabo’s Inventarios for his figures. Although incomplete, there are other Misiones Padrones, 1735-180 2,A G N IX 1 7 - 3 - 6 .
statistics that indicate a decline in cattle raising in thè missions. According to a 86. Ibid.
report by Intendant Joachim Alos, O ctober 20, 1788, there were 516,371 head o f 87. Ibid.
beef cattle in thè Departments o f Santiago and Candelaria (thirteen mission 88. Socolow, Merchants of Buenos Aires, 85.
towns) at thè time o f thè expulsion. By 1769, there were only 412,169. B y 1788, 89. “Juan Gregorio Espinosa, Adm. General de los Pueblos de Yndios Guaranis
thè figure declined to 243,006. AGI,Audiencia Buenos Aires, 123,1,15;“ Papeles de al Senrs.Juez Ofez Rs,” no date, correspondence shows thè year 1770/1771, A G N
Sevilla, ’ Archivo Provincial de Buenos Aires de la Compania de Jesus, San Miguel. i x 17-3-4-
77. “ Causas que han influido en la decadencia de los pueblos de Misiones; 90. M onzón ,“ Un profesor indigena de musica,” 142-46.
Estado de los Pueblos el ano 1772,” (no signature) BNRJ C o le p o de Angelis, I- 91. “ Narsario Paraguà Yndio oriundo del Pueblo de Santiago,” Buenos Aires,
November io, 1798, and “ Carta firmado por Manuel Cayetano Pacheco al Excnr
2 9 , 5 ,7 3 -
78. Maeder, Misiones del Paraguay, 162-63. Mission statistics are incomplete Senor, Buenos Aires, November 13, 1798,” A G N IX 30—6—3.
 242 Notes to Pages 132—34 Notes to Pages 13 5 -4 0 243

92. “ Padrón de la ciudad y campana de Buenos Aires,” 1778 (incomplete cen- Francisco Beltamio ao Illmo. ex. Sr. Luis deVasconcelos e Souza,January 19, 1780,
sus) A G N IX 9 - 7 - 6 ; “ Padrón de la ciudad y campana de Buenos Aires,” 1779 A G N Rio de Janeiro,” ANRJ Vice Reinado. “ Correspondencia coni o Governador do
IX 9 - 7 - 6 ; “ Matricula de los vecinos, Buenos Aires, 1794,” A G N IX 9 - 7 —4. Continente do Rio Grande,” January 17, 1780-Decem ber 30, 1780, Cod. 104,
93. “Juan FelixTapary de San Cosme de las Misiones,” 1791, APBA, 5.5.79.3. voi. 2; “ Relafào das Despezas que sejazem em cada hum anno.” Villa de N. S. dos
Court officials neglected to mention her last name probably because it was a Anjos, Porto Aiegre, O ctober io, 1779, Cod. 104, voi. 1; “ Indios Guaranys no
Guarani name and too difficult for them to speli. Provincia do Rio Grande do Sul, Antonio Pinto C. ao Vice Rei Conde De
94. “ Exped. sobre conducir a una India al Pueblo de Sn Josef a donde parece Arambiya, February 21, 1768,” ANRJ Capitania do Rio Grande do Sul, Cod. 807,
està su mando,” Buenos Aires, March 20, 1787, A G N IX 2 2 -8 -2 . Memorias, voi. 11; Neis, “ A Aldeia de Nossa Senhora dos Anjos,” 70-99.
95. The status o f children born to mestizos is a complex subject, which needs 104. Ibid.
further investigation. In N ew Spain, for instance, thè fìrst generation o f children 105. “ Gravatai, Indios, Bautismos (Aldeia dos Anjos), 1783 —1816,” Curia
born to thè caciques’ daughters took on Spanish status. But as more extralegal Metropolitana, Porto Aiegre. I selected thè ten-year period o f 1784—93.The year
uions became prevalent, especially among nonconquistador Spaniards, then thè 1783 was incomplete.
term mestizo emerged, which was a label connotating illegitimacy. B y thè seven- 106. Lockhart, Nahuas After thè Conquest, 117-30 .
teenth century, thè situation became more complicated. 107. Haskett, Indigenous Rulers, 150.
96. “ Carta de Pedro Antonio Duran al Excmo.Virrey Gov. y Capn. Gral. de las 108. Ibid., 158. Haskett views this change in name patterns as a reawakening
Provincias del Rio de la Piata,” Santa Maria de Fe, May 22, 1802, A G N 1 8 - 3 - 1 ; o f indigenous pride in Cuernavaca. Lockhart mentions that certain Nahuas with
“ Carta de Benito Tirapi, Corregidor, y Administrador Manuel Gom ez al Sor. Hispanic names added a second indigenous surname. Lockhart, Nahuas After thè
Tente. Gov.,” A G N 1 8 -3 - i ; “ Villota, Buenos Aires,June io, 1802,” A G N 1 8 - 3 - 1 . Conquest, 130.
97. “ Adm. Gral. de Misiones Santa Rosa, Dept. de Santiago, E 1 Apoderado gr.
de Misiones sobre si ha de socorrer con lo que necesite para su manutención y
Chapter 6: Our Warehouses Are Empty
vestir al Indio ciego llamado Juan Joseph Ayaca,” D iego Cassero, Buenos Aires,
September 26, 1786, A G N IX 1 7 - 3 - 4 . 1. Lynch, Spanish Colonial Administration, 1782-1810, 1 8 5 - 9 3 ; Maeder, “ Las
98. “ Maria Basilia O cariyu,Yndia Guarani viuda, Estevan Rodriguez,” Buenos misiones guaranies y su organización politica,” 3 4 3 - 5 5 . Mission Santa Maria de Fe
Aires, November 28, 1798, A G N IX 1 8 -2 -4 . had as many heads o f cattle in 1790 as it had fifty years earlier.The sanie was true
99. Ibid. for Mission San Cosm e y Damian. Williams, Rise and Fall, 12.
100. “ Nuestra Seriora de Remedios, Las Viboras, Uruguay, Entierros, 1775 — 2. Poenitz, “ La economia de Yapeyu post-Jesuitico,” 386-88.
1790,” parish records microfilmed by thè Church o f Jesus Christ o f Latter Day 3. Caraman, Lost Paradise, 272-96; Saeger, “ Guaycuruan Reductions,” 494.
Saints, Salt Lake City, U tah.There was a gap in thè records for thè years 1782- 4. Furlong, Misones y sus pueblos Guaranies, 1610-1813.
1783. The Catholic priests gave thè indigent deceased natives a Mass in which 5. Ibid., 702; Lynch, Spanish Colonial Administration, 191-92; W hite, Paraguay’s
fewer religious songs were sung.They then had thè deceased buried in thè last row Autonomous Revolution, 26—27.
o fth e cemetery.The relatives o f thè nonindigent deceased Guarani had sufhcient 6. In Roll Jordan Roll: The World thè Slaves Made (1974), Euguene Genovese
assets to pay for thè church Services in currency or cattle or were in debt to thè States that accommodation enabled slaves to assert their rights. He suggests that
church.The cost o f burials for adults ranged between io and 20 pesos. A couple accommodation might best be understood as “ a way o f accepting what could not
from Yapeyu owed 4 pesos for thè burial o f their infant son.A Guarani adult male be helped without fading prey to thè pressures for dehumanization, emasculation,
owed 18 pesos for thè burial o f his w ife.There appears to be no evidence o f thè and self-hatred.” Genovese, RollJordan Roll, 598. Christine Pelzer W hite argues that
existence o f cofradias. O nly three o f thè deceased were infants. Seventeen were it is important to study everyday forms o f collaboration as well as everyday forms
males, and only eight were females. o f peasant resistance. Pelzer White, “ Everyday Resistance, Socialist Revolution, and
101. “ Registros parroquiales, Parroquiales Nuestra Senora de Remedios, Las Rural Development,” 56.
Viboras, Bautismos, 177 1-179 4 , Colonia, Uruguay,” microfilms o f thè Church o f 7. Scott, Weapons of thè Weak, 36, 291.
Jesus Christ o f Latter Day Saints in Salt Lake City, Utah. José Antonio Vera and 8. “ Carta de Mayordomo Fratusoso Berapoti, Hupigua rete oroe ore Cabildo
Maria Josefa Fernàndez, who were described as“ Indios naturales de Yapeyu,” bap- Mayordomo haé Caziques opacatu "Trinidad,August 18, 1791,A N A , NE, voi. 143,
tized their daughter in thè parish in Las Viboras. fol. 7; “ Carta del Cabildo de Trinidad pidiendo el pago de sueldo de su admin-
102. “ Libro de Bautismos, 1763-1804, Catedral, Asunción, December 30, istrador, 1773T A G P C , Sección Judicial, voi. 1313; Carta del cabildo de Corpus,
1793,” Archivo de la Curia Metropolitana de Asunción. Guayaqui refers to an July 19, 1781, A G N IX 1 7 - 5 - 2 ; “ Copia del certificado dado por el corregidor y
indigenous group related to thè Guarani that exist today in Paraguay. cabildo del Pueblo a favor del Pueblo de Santo Angelo a favor del P. José Ignacio
103. “ Noticia particular do Continente do Rio Grande do Sul,” and “ Sebastiao M ino quien sirvió corno companero de cura desde el 17 de octubre de 1784 hasta
 244 Notes to Pages 140 -41 Notes to Pages 14 1-4 4 245

el 17 de octubre de 1786, cumpliendo con su obligación,” October 26, i786,AGN 20. “ Fray Blas Rodriguez y el Maestro de Escuela D on Estanislao Panela,”
IX 17 -8 -4 Pueblo de San Carlos, November 12, 1795, A G N IX 1 8 - 2 - 1 .
9. “ El cabildo hace presente al governador interino y solicita un nuevo com- 21. Like thè Maya, perhaps, thè Guarani viewed their language as a symbol o f
panero de cura,” Santo Angelo,July 13, 1787, AGN IX 17 -8 -4 . their cultural identity and resistance to Spanish rule. See Farriss, Maya Society, 111.
10. “ Carta del Corregidor Don Nazario Guayuyu, Tente Juan Numbay al 22. “ Carta del Fr. Gabriel Méndez, del Pueblo de la Cruz, July 16,1800,” A G N
Senor Don Francisco Bruno de Zavala, Muy Senor mio Tupatanderaari angà,” IX 1 8 - 2 - 3 .
“Testimonio de la causa criminal contra Don Lorenzo Tayuaré por haver muerto 23. “ Resumen del primer extracto,” AGI, Audiencia de Buenos Aires 323
a su muger Dona Tecla Yati,” February 16, 1776, AGN IX 3 2 -1-7 ; “Proceso con­ 1 7 9 9 [?] “ Carta en Guarani de Nicolas Aripy, 1821,” “ Carta en Guarani de José
tra Andrés, Indio de San Estanislao por muerte a su mujer Josefa, Alabado, el Martim Gom ez, C orregidor de Loreto,” 1822. Courtesy o f Professor Jorge
Santissimo Sacramento Tupa nande,” “ Carta del Corregidor Don Epitoval Maira,” Francisco Machón from thè Archivo General de la Provincia de Corrientes.
December 18, 1770, ANA, SJ, voi. 1501, fols. 1-62. 24. “ Curas que sirven en los diez y siete pueblos de Misiones de està Inten-
11. “ Carta del Corregidor Don Cornio Tacaca, Ygnacio Naranda, Temente, dencia,” n .d .,A G N IX 3 i~ 5 - 4 ;“ Estado que manifesta el nùmero de Doctrineros
Luis Guiray, Alcalde,” Santa Maria La Mayor, Aprii 8, 1761, “Tupa q tanderaro que se hallan empleados en los Pueblos de Misiones de Indios Guaranis,” Buenos
anga,” Carta del Corregidor Antonio Abiaru, Tente. Pasto Paica, Santos Maryres, Aires, December 21, 1776,A G N IX i 7 - 3 - 6 ; “ Resumen del primer extracto,” AGI,
Aprii 16, 1761, and “ Oroipicymani anga, Mburibicha aguiyetei catuete, al gov. Audiencia de Buenos Aires 323, 1799[?]- Saeger notes a similar pattern o f absen-
Don Pedro de Cevallos del Corregidor Santiago Paraca,” La Cruz, Aprii 25, 1761, teeism among thè clergy in thè Abipón and M ocobi missions in thè Chaco region
in “ Colección de documentos en idioma Guarani correspondientes a los Cabildos following thè Jesuit expulsion. Saeger, Chaco Mission Frontier, 38.
de indigenes de las misiones jesuiticas del Uruguay desde el ano 1758 al 1783, 25. “ Carta del R. P. Provincial de la Merced,” June 22, 1791, A G N IX 7 - 2 - 3 .
Misiones del Uruguay, Documentos manuscritos autogràfico en Guarani,” Biblio­ 26. Storni, Catalogo de los jesuitas de la provincia del Paraguay.
teca del Museo Mitre, Buenos Aires, 14.8.18. 27. Gonzalo de Doblas, “ Memoria histórica,” 5:54.
12. “Ynstrucción a que se deberan arreglar los governadores, Francisco 28. Ibid., 5:113; Alvear, Relación geogràfica e histórica de Misiones,” 5:692-93.
Bucareli y Ursua,” Buenos Aries, January 15, 1770, AGN IX 1 7 -5 -5 . 29. “ C ierto suceso que presidiò Temente Cura D on Francis Roxas de haverlo
13. “ Lista de losYndios que Conduce de Tripulación el barco del pueblo de herido el primero [administrador] en la rina que tuvieron,“ Trinidad, February 13,
Jesus,” June 4, 1772, “ Colección de documentos en idioma Guarani,” Biblioteca 1790, A N A , SH voi. 152, voi. 1; 1793, A G N IX 3 2 -4 -8 .
del Museo Mitre, 14.8.18. 30. “ Sor Teniente Gov.or Pedro Juan Caninde, Aba cotabava y de San Juan
14. Susnik, El indio colonial del Paraguay, 2:39. Bapta peg. N em om iri,” in “ Exped. formado sobre el castigo dado por el Religioso
15. “ Francisco de Bucareli,” Buenos Aires, March 5, 1767, BNRJ, C o le p o de de San Franco. Fray Antonio Urbon q haze de Cura del Pueblo de Sn.Juan Bapt.
Angelis, 1-29,5,41; Gonzàlez, “Notas para una historia de los treinta pueblos de al Indio Caninde,” Manuel de Zasarte y Esquibel, San Nicolas, September 5, 1788,
misiones,” 144.
A G N IX 3 1 - 5 - 4 .
16. “Instrucción a que se deberan arreglar los GovernadoresYnterinos,” 17 70— 31. Ibid.
1771, AGN IX 1 7 —4 - 5 ; Cédula Reai, “A los Presidentes y Audiencias, Arzobispos 32. “ Cartas de los corregidores de Trinidad y Santos Màrtires, 1769,” BM ,
y Obispos de las Indias sobre dotación de Maestros para las escuelas,” November A D D 32,605, fols. 99-102.
5, 1782, AN A SH voi. 65. Beginning in thè 1750S, Portuguese officials inAmazonia 33. Ibid., fol. 97.
changed their language policy toward thè use of lingua gemi See Urban,“Semiotics 34. “ Carta al Excmo. Senor Lazaro de Rivera,” Asunción, O ctober 21, 1799,
of State-Indian Linguistic Relationships: Perù, Paraguay, and Brazil,” 3 19 -2 0 . In M G 1698; Lynch, Spanish Colonial Administration, 1782-1810, 47-49, 185-95;
1727, Portugal outlawed thè use ofTupi in Brazil. Pagden, European Encounters with Poenitz and Poenitz, Misiones, Provincia Guaranitica, 7 1 -7 4 .
thè New World, 119. 35. Ibid.,“ SumariaYnformación que hazen los Padres sobre la decadencia de
17. “ Carta al Excmo. Senor Sr.Virrey Marqués de Aviles de Januario Tiraparé,” los Pueblos,” Franciscan Fray Josse Mariano Aguero, Fray Josse Martinez, and Fray
San Francisco de Borja, October 28, 1799, AGN IX 18-2-4 ; “Andrés Arano nat­ Roque Duarte, Buenos Aires, June 28, 1774, BNRJ, Coleijào de Angelis, 1-29,5,60.
urai de este Pueblo de Apóstoles,” March 24, 1801, AGN IX 18-2-3. Caraman There is another reference to their corruption in a letter by Antonio Antigl. de
claims that “ thè Indians’ inability to master mathematics prevented them from Arcos y Matas to thè Marquéz de Aviles in which he stated that thè administra-
supervising any construction work.” Caraman, Lost Paradise, 227. tors sold yerba maté in thè marketplace for more than doublé thè price figured in
18. “Joaquin de Soria alVirrey sobre los Maestro de Primeras Letras,” AGN IX thè account books. Asunción, O ctober io, 1799, A G N IX 1 8 - 2 - 3 .
18 -2-3. 36. “ Informe de Lorenzo Thomas Cayon, Madrid, O ctober 24, 1786,” AGI,
19. Zuretti,“ La ensehanza, las escuelas y los maestros,” 156. Audiencia de Buenos Aires, Consejo de Indias y Ministerios, Carta y Expedientes,
 246 Notes to Pages 144—47 Notes to Pages 1 4 7 -5 2 247

Expedientes sobre el govierno arreglo y manejo de los pueblos de indios 55. “José Espinola al Ex. Sor Virrey Marques de Aviles,” Santa Rosa, September
Guaranies yTapes, 1769-1803, Audiencia de Buenos Aires 323. 19, 1800, A G N IX 1 8 - 2 - 3 .
37. “Correspondencia de Francisco Bruno Zavala a Don Pedro Melo de 56. “ D on Francisco Piera representa que algunos Paraguayos se havian
Portugal, Candelaria, May 24, 1795,” AG N IX, 18 -2 -1. poblado en tierras del Pueblo de San Ignacio Guazu,” A G N IX 3 7 - 2 - 3 ;“ Carta de
38. “Ynstancia del Corregidor y Cavdo. de dho Pueblo solicitando Adm. Don José Espinola,” February 21, 1801, A G N IX 1 8 - 2 - 3 . Other disputes over land
Pedro Fonsela, Corregidor Cavod. cotava Concepn. pegua,” February 15, 1788, were mentioned in thè previous chapter.
AGN IX 22-8-2. 57. “ Carta del 19 de setiembre de 1800 al Subdelegado D on José Espinola,”
39. Ibid., “ Carta de Gonzalo de Doblas,” February 16, 1788. Buenos Aires, A G N IX 1 8 - 2 —3.
40. “Presentación del Cacique de Santa Ana contra su Administrador,” n.d., 58. “ Ano i786,Tierra enYapeyu de las antiguas misiones del Uruguay,” A N A
BNRJ, Colerlo de Angelis, 1-29,5,47. SJ voi. i358.Touron, Rodriguez, and de la Torre, Evolución econòmica de la banda ori­
41. “Presentación del Cacique del Santa Ana, Correspondencia de Juan entai, 24-32.
Valiente,” Candelaria, October 20, 1775, BNRJ C o le p o de Angelis, 1-29,5,57. 59. “ El Administrador General de los Pueblos de Misiones D on Juan Angel
42. Another cacique from Mission Santa Ana named Pasqual and an Indian Fazcano contra D on Josef Mananz de Velasco por haver beneficiado porción de
commoner, Mateo Inaniga, also informed thè Spanish governor in charge o f all of hierva en los herivales del Pueblo de Foreto,” A G N IX 4 0 -2 -5 .
thè missions and thè viceroy in Buenos Aires that “thè town was empty.” The 60. Stern, Peru’s Indian Peoples, 114—35.
Guarani from mission Santa Ana had fled from thè town to escape disease and 61. Borah, Justice by Insurance.
avoid excessive labor demands. “Ynstancia del Cacique de Santa Ana expondiendo 62. Ibid., 300. Borah mentions one exceptional case o f an Indian lawyer in
la deserción y miserias que padecen los Yndios,” Buenos Aires, March io, 1778, Tlaxcala, M exico.
AGN IX 7 -6 -5 . Susnik notes that there was much politicai agitation on thè part 63. Ibid., 443.
of caciques during this period in thè thirteen missions she studied in Paraguay. 64. Aguirre, “ Aspectos de la administración de justicia,” 29-34.
Susnik, £/ indio colonial, 3:26-27. 65. Borah,Justice by Insurance, 10 -13.
43. Gonzalo de Doblas, “Memoria histórica, geogràfica, politica y econòmica 66. “ Maria Pasquala Castro India sobre que se le entreguen su hijo y una hija
sobre la provincia de misiones de indios Guaranies” (1785), in Pedro de Angelis, que sacó el Alcalde de la Hermandad del Rincon de San Pedro,” 1788, A G N IX
Coleccion de obras y documentos, 5:167. 31- 5- 4-
44. “ Carta en Guarani del cabildo y caciques, San Igancio Guazu, 1780 al 67. Ibid.
Thente. Gov. Don Joseph Barvosa,” AG N IX 30-2-3. Interior, Feg. 9, Exp. 13. 68. “ Carta de Juan Baptista Ribarola al Sor. Dn. Gregorio Farrea,” San Joaquin,
45. Ibid. O ctober 13, 1792, A N A SH voi. 385 II, doc. 7.
46. “ Carta de los Caciques Don Protasio Arey y Don Antonio Guaymiguà al 69. Ibid., October 8, 1792.
Exmo. Senor,” Paysandu, February 5, 1799. 70. “ Carta de Pedro Antonio Duran al Sr. Com te. d. Fulgencia M iguel
47. “ Hupigua rete oroé ore Cavildo Mayordomo hae Casiquez opacatu co Pereira,” Santa Rosa,August 4, 1802, A N A N E voi. 1147, fol. 16.
Tava Ssma. Trinidad,” March 1, 1785, Fratuoso Berapoti, Mayordomo, ANA, NE, 71. Taylor, Drinking, Homicide, and Rebellion, 115.
voi. 143, fol. 7. 72. “ Sumaria contra Clemente Guarapoti y Pasqual Erete,Yapeyu,” A G N IX
48. Ibid. 3 2 - 1 - 7 ; “ Carta en Guarani de Feliz Arey, Juan Pastor Tayuaré and Ignacio
49. “ Correspondencia de Joaquin de Alós a Francisco Bruno de Zavala sobre Azurica,” Yapeyu, November 21, 1778, A G N IX Criminales I778a, Feg. 12.
el cavildo y caciques del Pueblo de Trinidad se quejan de la mala conducta,” 73. “ Chrisanto Tayucuy, preso en està Reai Carceleria,” Asunción, November
Trinidad, January 19, 1792, Asunción, A N A SH voi. 152, fol. 1. 13, 1790, A N A , SH voi. 152, no. 1; Susnik, El indio colonial del Paraguay, 2:42-44.
50. “ Correspondencia entre Joaquin de Alós y Francisco Bruno de Zavala,” 74. “ Clemente Josef Silva de Fara, Administrador interino del Pueblo de Santa
March 17, 1789, A N A SH voi. 152, fol. 1. In another incident, thè Guarani com- Maria Fa Maior al Sr.Tente. Gov. D on Manuel de Basare y Esquibel,” A G N IX 30-
plained that their administrator had lent cattle and wagons belonging to their mis­ 4 -6 , exp. 25.
sion to other settlers. See AGN IX 32-4-8. 75. Farriss, Maya Society, 6 7-78 .
51. Ibid. 76. According to James C. Scott, pilfering can be a coping mechanism and a
52. Ibid. means o f survival. Scott, Weapons of thè Weak, 34—35, 265—72.
53. Stern, Peru’s Indiati Peoples, 92—96. Haskett, Indigenati Rulers; Gibson, 77. “ Proceso contra Ignacio, indio Tape,” 1778, A N A SJ voi. 1654. The sanie
“ Indians Under Spanish Rule,” 368-75. Ignacio from Mission Santisima Trinidad may have become a cattle rustler ten
54. “ Gonzalo de Doblas al Sr. Virrey Don Nicolas de Arrendondo,” Buenos years later. See “ Proceso contra el Indio Ignacio,” 1789, A N A SJ voi. 1540.
Aires,June 30, 1791, AGN IX 30-4-6. 78. “ Proceso contra los indios Pedro Ignacio e Hijo,” 1790, A N A SJ voi. 1438.
 248 Notes to Pages 15 2 -5 5 Notes to Pages 15 5 -6 0 249

79. “ Informe sobre los procedimientos de los vecinos deYapeyu en la juris- Carlos, June 23, 1800. AGN IX 18 -2 -3. A Spanish administrator also noted that
dicción de Corrientes,” June 17, 1796, A G N IX 3 7 - 2 - 3 . thè Guarani were content and even that a few had left thè missions to gather
80. “ Presentación del Cacique del Santa Ana.” wood in thè hills for thè construction o f new homes. “ Carta Pedro Pasqual
81. “Representación de los Caciques del Pueblo de San Juan manifestando los Gómez al Sr.Virrey,” San Miguel, September 17, 1800, AGN IX 18 -2 -3.
apuros de aquel vencindario,” Decem ber 5, 1773, BNRJ, C olefào de Angelis, I- 99. “ Nòmina de los individuai elegidos al cabildo de Santa Maria la Mayor,”
2 9 ,5 ,5 5 - 1809, AN A , Colección Rio Branco, 1,29-21-31, doc. 37.
82. “ Estado de los Ganados, Joachim Aids, Asunción, O ctober 20, 1788,” AGI, 100. “ Int. Gov. Francisco Joào Roscio Joaquim, Felix de Fon^eca,” S. Nicolas,
Seville, Audiencia ded Buenos Aires, 123.1.13. November 22, i8oi,ANRJ Capitania do Rio Grande do Sul, Code 749. Flemming
83. White, “ Politicai Econom y o f Paraguay,” 425-26. claims that thè Guarani helped thè Portuguese, rather than resisted them, as a
84. “ Copia de la carta del C oronel D on Bernardo de Velasco al Senor means to “free themselves from thè slavery in which they lived,” most likely refer-
Governador Intendente,” 1807, A N A voi. 20, fol. 70. ring to their desire to be free o f thè obligation of providing communal labor.
85. “ Carta de Ignacio Xim enez al D on Francisco Rodrigo,” Santa Ana, 1800, Some Guarani families, however, from Mission San Borja crossed thè Uruguay
A G N IX 1 8 - 2 - 3 ; “ Carta de Francisco Rodrigo al Sr. Marqués de Avilés,” River to Santo Tomé in 1802. “ Carta del Temente Governor deYapeyu,” Santo
Candelaria, September 24, 1800; “ Nòm ina de los Naturales de este Pueblo de San Tomé, February 2, 1802, AGN IX 18 -3 -1; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, 109.
Juan Bautista, 1800,” A G N IX 1 8 -2 -3 ; Lynch, Spanish ColonialAdministration, 193. “ Razón que manifiesta las armas que hay en los Pueblos,” Sebastian Machón, San
86. “ Estado que demuestra todos los intereses y nùmero de Indios de los siete Miguel,July 1, 1798, AGN IX 18-2-4.
Pueblos de Misiones Guarani que ocupan los Portugueses en nuestro territorio 101. Frakes, “ Governor Ribera and thè War of Oranges,” 489-508.
Espanol desde que lo invadieron en el mes de Agosto del ano de 1801, Informe de 102. “ Informe de Miguel Lastarria, Madrid, December 31, 1804, Colonia
M iguel Lastarria, Madrid, Decem ber 31, 1804, Colonia Orientales del Rio Orientales del Rio Paraguay o de la Piata, Reorganización y Pian de Seguridad
Paraguay o de la Piata, Reorganización y Pian de Seguridad Exterior de las muy Exterior de las muy interesantes Colonias Orientales del Rio Paraguay o de la
interesantes Colonias Orientales del Rio Paraguay o de la Piata,” Colonias Piata,” BNP, Fonde Espagnol 170. According to Frakes, economie losses amounted
Orientales del Rio Paraguay o de la Piata, BNP, Fonde Espanol 170. to 175,554 head of cattle. Ibid., 492, 502.
87. Brading, First America, 511. 103. “ Informe de Miguel Lastarria,” BNP, Fonde Espagnol 170; Saint-Hilaire,
88. Farriss, Maya Society, 356. Viagem à Provincia, 352.
89. Brading, First America, 511. 104. “Povo de S. Luiz, 16 de agosto de 1809, Illmo. e Exmo. Sor. Vice
90. White, “ Politicai Econom y o f Paraguay,” 432. Almirante Gor. Paulo Joze da Silava Gama, Francisco das Chagas Santos,” in
91. Lynch, Spanish Colonial Administration, 193-94. “ Documentos interessantes, 1801-1820 existentes inéditos no Arquivo Flistórico
92. Ibid.; Gonzàlez, Don Santiago Liniers, 59. do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Territorio das Missòes e Provinica Cisplatina,”
93. “ Carta de D on D iego Josef Asaye al Exmo. Senor,” Santiago, n .d .,A G N IX in Revista do Musei! Julio de castilhos e Arquivo Histórico do Estado de Rio Grande do
1 8 -2 -3 . Sul 1 (January 1952): 419.
94. “ Cacique deYapeyu, Modesto Tarara, solicitando se le exima de las pen- 105. Saint-Hilaire, Viagem a Provincia, 352.
siones comunes que sufren los de su clase en Misiones,” 1791, A G N IX 3 0 -4 -6 . 106. Arquivo Histórico do Municipio de Porto Aiegre, Relatorio do Vice
95. “ Carta de Luis Ayuai al Ex. Sr. D on Carlos IV, Exmo. Sr.Virrey Sr. Marqués Presidente da Provincia de Sào Pedro de Rio Grande do Sul, Patriero Correado Camara
de Gaviles de Buenos Aires, en Guarani . . . enonde beiuyuane,” November 20, (Porto Aiegre:Typographia do Mercantil, 1857), 25-26; Relatorio pelo Presidente da
1800, “ Cartas de varios Cabildos deYndios Guaranis de algunos de sus individuos Provinica de Sào Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul (Porto Alegre:Typ. do Jornal, 1862), 39;
y curas de sus respectivos pueblos que manifiestan el jubilo y dan gracias por la Andrade Neves, “Mappa Geral do indios da Provincia,” n.p.
variación de su gobierno opresivo en comunidad y por otras providencias partic- 107. “ Informe de Miguel Lastarria,” Madrid, December 31, 1804, BNP, Fonde
ulares del Exmo. Sor. Marqués de Avilés, siendo virrey de Buenos Aires,” BNP, Espagnol 170.
Fonde Espagnol 171. 108. Arquivo Publico de Porto Aiegre, Proc., No. 129, ma^o 5; No. 189, iliaco
96. “ Carta de Francisco Romualdo Aranbi, Cacique Don Juan Tap, Bathothe. 8; No. 156, ma^o 6; No. 131, ma^o 5; No. 70, mafo 3; No. 151, mafo 6; No. 137,
Ananandey, D iego Choc, andVicente Nayre al Sr. Marqués de Avilés,” September ma^o 5; No. 175, ma^o 7, exp. 33; No. 69, iliaco 3; No. 94, ma^o 4; No. 92, mafo
21, 1800, ibid. 3; No. 103, ma^o 4; Proc. No. 60, ma^o 2; Proc., No. 46, iliaco 2; No. 143, ma^o 6.
97. “ Carta al exmo Sr.Virrey, O re Corregidor hae Cavdo. de Tava, Eugenio 109. Arquivo Publico de Porto Aiegre, No. 129, nufo 5; No. 70, ma^o 3.
Ynombre, Josef Antonio Eusqua, Corregidor,Vizente Arybiz,Thente. Corregidor,” 1 io. “ Feliciano del Corte,Thente Gov. de Concepción, al Marqués de Avilés,”
Santa Maria la Mayor, O ctober 20, 1800, ibid. Santo Tomé, December 22, 1800; “ Respuesta del Marqués de Avilés "January 19,
98. “ Carta de Fr. Vicente Paz al Exmo. Sor. Virrey de Buenos Ayres,” San 1801, AGN IX 18 -2 -3.
250 Notes to Pages 160-64 Notes to Pages 16 4 -6 6 251

i n . “ Titulos de propriedades de Yapeyu,” 1809 and 1810, ANA, NE, vols. 2. Ruiz de Montoya, Conquista espiritual, 54-55.
1171-72. 3. Cardiel, Compendio, 53, 95; “ Carta del Gob. Intendente del Paraguay Dn.
112. Williams, “ Observations on thè Paraguayan Census o f 1846,” 432. Santa Làzaro de Ribera al Excmo. Sor. Don Eugenio de Llaguno Amirola,” Asunción,
Rosa had 1,320 inhabitants, including 70 slaves. San Cosme y Damian had 1,288 December 22, 1797, ANA, SNE, voi. 3383, fols. 72-85.
inhabitants, including 52 slaves. The two northern missions o f Tarauma, San 4. Anthropologist Anthony F. C. Wallace’s emphasis on thè creation of new
Estanislao and San Joaquin, respectively had 2,761 and 1,719 inhabitants. Each of religions helps us understand thè historical dimension by which thè Guarani
these had a small black population. San Estanislao had 40 slaves and San Joaquin blended and reinterpreted Catholicism in thè missions. He notes that new reli-
had 121. Along thè banks of thè Paranà River in southern Paraguay, Nuestra gions are constantly being born, and that “they are composed for thè most part of
Senora de Ytapuà (Encarnación) had 530 inhabitants, including 5 slaves. Mission pieces and patterns o f older, more routinized, more conservative religions.”
Jesus had 304 inhabitants with 3 slaves. Wallace recommends that scholars use caution when using thè term religion,
113. In 1804, for example, a Guarani named Apolinario Cuyaqui murdered which he contends “ cannot be taken uncritically to imply one single, unifying,
Diego Taracuy, a lieutenant alguacil (policeman) at Mission Corpus Christi by internally coherent, carefully programmed set of rituals and beliefs.” He notes that
inflicting four stab wounds. In 1808, Juan Bautista Aro, a naturai (Indian) from “ thè religion of a society is really likely to be a loosely related group of cult insti-
Mission La Cruz, choked fourteen-year-old Ramon Mbarayua to death, using tutions, and other, even less well-organized special practices and beliefs.” A reli­
horse reins. The Guarani teenager worked on a farm belonging to cacique Don gion, he notes, is not equally followed nor understood by all o f thè members of a
Damazo Yrabe, who suspected that harm carne to thè young man after he failed society. Wallace, Religion, 3-4. Hugo G. Nutini also States that hundreds of
to return to his house following a cattle round up.“Real Audiencia, Criminal con- unrecorded syncretic syntheses have occurred in many places around thè world,
tra el Indio Apolinario Cuyaqui por muerte del Tente,” Alguacil Diego Taracuy, from thè jungles of South America to Africa and thè Pacific Islands, which
1804, ANA, SJ, voi. i665;“ Sumaria hecho ajuan Bapta.Aro, naturai de este Pueblo resulted from contact situations or thè collisions o f different cultural traditions.
de la Cruz,” January 8, 1808, ANA, SJ, voi. 1513. See also Williams,“Deadly Selva,” Nutini uses thè concept o f syncretism in contrast to Burkhart, Tedlock,
13; Poenitz and Poenitz, Misiones, Provincia Guaranitica, 147; Celedonio José del Clendinnen, and other scholars who have critiqued this approach. Nutini, Todos
Castillo, “ Oficio al Supremo Poder Ejecutivo en Buenos Aires dando cuenta de Santos in Rural Tlaxcala.
sublevaciones de los indios en la juridicción de Misiones,” San Francisco de la 5. Farriss, Maya Society; Burkhart, Slippery Earth.
Costa del Rio Mirinay, October 18, 1813, MG2042ac. 6. Clendinnen, Ambivalent Conquests; Sabine MacCormack discusses two
114. Poenitz and Poenitz, Misiones, Provincia Guaranitica, 106, 111, 151. different dimensions o f thè concept o f conversion. One is conversion by persua-
115. Furlong, Misiones y sus pueblos de Guaranies, 704-5; Williams, Rise and sion.This model, implemented by some missionaries in thè early decades o f evan-
Fall, 46. gelization, implied only thè acceptance o f a set o f beliefs and religious obser-
116. Williams, “Deadly Selva,” 19. vances. It contained an element of tolerance toward pagan beliefs and stressed that
117. Poenitz and Poenitz, Misiones, Provincia Guaranitica, 168, 185; Hemming, missionaries needed only to clarify thè natives’ understanding of thè concept of
Amazon Frontier, n o ; Maeder, “Los ultimos pueblos de indios Guaranies,” 212. God.The second view of conversion incorporated thè elements o f thè first view
118. Williams, “ Deadly Selva,” 19-24. but also required thè acceptance o f alien customs and values. It was also more
119. Machon, Misiones después de Andresito, 159. authoritarian. MacCormack, “ Heart Has Its Reasons,” 443-66; MacCormack,
120. “Unpublished notes ofjohn FIoyt Williams about thè missions following Religion in theAndes. Jorge Klor de Alva presents a typology for understanding thè
thè expulsion of thè Jesuits.” variety o f Aztec responses to Christianity. Under thè heading of accommodation,
121. Romero, “ El Dr. Francia y sus bandas militares de musicos guaranies,” he provides a lengthy list of possibilities, which helps one to understand thè
56-62. Guarani responses to Catholicism. De Alva, “ Spiritual Conflict,” 345-63;
122. For an analysis o f thè crime patterns in Paraguay during thè reign o f Dr. Lorenzen, Religious Change and Cultural Domination, 1-15 . In an excellent article,
Francia, see Huston, “ Folk and State in Paraguay.” Lance Grahn examines how thè Guajiro in New Granada rejected Christianity.
123. Whigham, “ Paraguay’s Pueblos de Indios,” 178-80. Grahn, “ Chicha in thè Chalice.”
124. Williams, Rise and Fall, 132-33. 7. Mateos, “ Notas y textos,” 550. Maeder, in “ La evangelización entre los
125. Block, Mission Culture on thè Upper Amazon, T23. guaranies segun el testimonio de los misioneros cronistas de la Compania de
Jesus” (1979), also concurs that many Indians were converted to Christianity and
Chapter 7: Guarani Cultural Resiliency and Reorientations that thè natives benefited from this change in their religious beliefs. Maeder, “ La
evangelización entre los guaranies,” 35-48.
1. “ Indios hechiceros Matias Mendoza, Don Christoval Guiray, and Silberio 8. Techo, History of thè Provinces, 755.
Caté,” ACN, IX 3 2 -1-6 . 9. Melià, El Guarani, 8:107-16.This is a vast literature on thè Guarani religious
252 Notes to Pages 16 6 -7 3 Notes to Pages 1 7 3 -7 6 2 53

experiences in thè twentieth century written primarily by anthropologists. See 36. Hernàndes, Organización social, 2:36-38; Ricard, Spiritual Conquest of
thè introduction by Bartomeu Melià in O Guarani. These anthropological studies Mexico.
are valuable for providing some insights into Guarani adaptation during colonial 37. O ’Malley, First Jesuits, 60.
times. 38. Brunet, “Las ordenes religiosas en los treinta pueblos Guaranies,” 92.
10. Ripodas Ardanaz, “ Pervivencia de hechiceros en las misiones guaranies,” Brunet focuses primarily on thè Mercedarian personnel in thè missions rather
i9 9 -2 i7 ;a n d Ripodas Ardanaz, “Movimientos shamanicos de liberación,” 245-75. than missionary methods or possible failures. Franciscan scholar Luis Cano and
11. “ Indios hechiceros Matias Mendoza, D on Christoval Guiray, and Silberio Dominican author Rubén Gonzàlez also focus on thè ecclesiastical roles of thè
Caté,” Loreto, 1775, A G N , IX 3 2 - 1 - 6 . members o f their orders. Cano, “ Las ordenes religiosas en los treinta pueblos
12. Ibid. Guaranies,” 123-33; Gonzàlez, “Las ordenes religiosas en los treinta pueblos
13. “ Recurso de la Provincia del Paraguay de la Compania de Jesus . . . ” pt. Guaranies,” 219—36.
2, ARSI, Paraquarie i3 ,R o ll 156. 39. Goddard and Bragdon, Native Writings in Massachusett, i:xv, 5-14; Monzon,
14. Ibid., place o f location not cited but it was near thè Spanish town o f “ Los Guaranies y la ensenanza superior en el periodo hispànico,” 350—59.
Villarrica in Paraguay, 1770, A N A SJ 1501; “ Causa criminal contra los Indios 40. “ Correspondencia de Joaquin de Alós,” 1788, ANA, Sección Histórica, voi.
Andrés Sepe y Marcelo Naguati,” Atirà.This case involves a Guarani woman from 152, no. 3.
thè former Jesuit missions. 1778, A N A SJ voi. 1782. 41. “ Carta de Francisco Antonio Bàez, cura de Santiago,” Paraguay, October
15. Wallace, Religion, 60-61. 22, 1788, “ Carta de F. Luis Obispo, Asunción, January 18, 1789’y ‘Carta de Joseph
16. “ Indios hechiceros Matias Mendoza, Don Christoval Guiray, and Silberio Balcazar de Casajas [?] sobre Francisco Xavier Tubichapotà,” October 20, 1801,
Caté.” “ Carta de Joseph Bolinazarde and Antonio Lucerna,” November 13, i8oi,C olegio
17. Ibid.; A N A SJ 1435, fols. 10 3-17; A N A SJ voi. 1782; A N A SJ, voi. 1501. Seminario de San Carlos, 1746-1819; Archivo de la Curia Metropolitana de
18. Ibid. Asunción. Francisco Xavier Tubichapotà was ordained and became a priest in a
19. “ Proceso contra Indios Francisco, Ignacio y Dom ingo por hechiceria,” parish in thè interior o f Paraguay.
1770, A N A SJ, voi. 1501.These Indians were referred to as “ Indios Misioneros,” no 42. “ Certifico yo el Presvitero Dn. Franco. Xavier Tubichpotà,Yndio naturai
exact name o f mission cited. del Pueblo de Santiago,” Buenos Aires,June 7, 1803, AGI, Audiencia Buenos Aires
20. Regrettably, thè numerous wornr holes in thè manuscript made it impos- 124.211
sible to determine thè final outcome o f this “ witchcraft” case. “ Proceso contra 43. “ Carta de Joseph Joaquin de Goyburu al Sr.Adm. del Pueblo deYaguarón,
Maria y Maria Juana Indias . . . haver hechisado a su ama,” A N A SJ voi. 1435, fols. Don Martin Joseph de Yegros,” Aprii 29, 1812, ANA, SH, voi. 209.
10 3-17. 44. “ Con Gregorio José Gómex, Bachiller en ambos Dros. Doctor en Sagrada
21. “ Indios hechiceros,” A G N IX 3 2 - 1 - 6 . Teologia,” Buenos Aires, June 9, 1803, and “ Carta del Rector interino y Vice
22. See Clastres, “ Guayaki Cannibalism,” 308—21. Rector en propriedad del RI. Colegio de Sn. Carlos, Bernardo Antonio Diaz,”
23. Henningsen, Witches’ Advocate, i8;Trevor-Roper, European Witch-craze. Buenos Aires, August 9, 1803, AGI Audiencia Buenos Aires 124.2.11; unpublished
24. Demos, Entertaining Satan, 387. notes of Carlos Leonhardt, S.J., Archivo Provincial de Buenos Aires de la
25. Beattie, “ Criminality o f Women in Eighteenth-Century England,” 83; Compafha de Jesus.
Hoffer and Fluii, Murdering Mothers. 45. Poenitz, “Misiones y los Guarani-misioneros en Entre Rios,” n. 4.
26. Caro Baroja, World of thè Witches, 214. 46. “ Instancia de Dn. Pasqual Areguati, Corregidor del Pueblo,” San Miguel,
27. “ Indios hechiceros,” A G N IX 3 2 - 1 - 6 . November 17, 1799, AGN, IX 18-2-4.
28. Ibid. 47. Olachea, “ Sacerdotes indios de America,” 371—91.
29. Ibid. 48. Ibid., 372-74. Francisco Xavier Tubichapotà was not one of thè cases cited
30. Demos, Entertaining Satan, 308—9. by Olachea.
31. “ Indios hechiceros Matias Mendoza, Don Christoval Guiray, and Silberio 49. Farriss, Maya Society, 23 1.
Caté,” A G N , IX 3 2 - 1 - 6 . 50. “ Carta de Diego Cassero al Sr. Gov. Intendente Sanz,” Buenos Aires,
32. Carbonell de Masy, Estrategias de desarrollo rural, 182—83. March 14, 1787, AGN IX i 7 - 3 - 4 ;“ Orependeray poriahu orohemoi anga,” Carta
33. Clastres, Land Without Evil, 1 2 - 1 3 ,9 1 - 9 2 . de capataz Juan Pablo Ximenez, Antonio Guarasico, Procurador Mayor Christoval
34. M elià,“ La creàtion d’un langage chrétien dans les réductions des Guarani Barite, and Chrisanto Zuares to thè Corregidor Cavildo, and Caciques, Paysandu,
au Paraguay,” 32. February 27, 1809, ANA, SH, voi. 209.
35. Ibid., 113; Alvear, “ Relación geogràfica e histórica de Misiones,” 692-93. 51. Ibid.
254 Notes to Pages 17 6 -8 4 Notes to Pagcs 18 5-86 255

52. Orai testimony of Juancito Oliveira, in Pelotas, Rio Grande dol Sul, Brazil, more than twenty years, thè study of classical Guarani is in its infancy. Thus, only
August 1990; Haskett, Indigenous Rulers, 70. preliminary conclusions about linguistic change could be reached.
53. Clastres, Land Without Evil, 9-10. 67. Corvalan, “E1 dilema del bilinguismo en el Paraguay,” 16-19. Urban,
54. In her study on Perù Sabine MacCormack notes that elements of native “ Semiotics,” 320-23.
religion were present throughout thè colonial period. MacCormack, Religion in thè 68. Urban,“ Semiotics,” 320-23.
Andes. 69. Instituto Paraguayo del Indigena, Censo y estudio, 48.
55. Farriss, Maya Society. 70. Perasso, Los Guarayù, 5-6; Mihoteck, Comunidades, territorios, 127, 131.
56. M errill,“ Conversion in Northern Mexico,” 143—44. According to a 1986 estimate of theTupi-Guarani population, there were between
57. Susnik, Los aborigenes del Paraguay, 321. 60,000 and 80,000 Avà-izoceno chiriguanos and guarayos in Bolivia. Riester and
58. “Maticula deste Pueblo del Corpus Christi, i7$9,” “Empadronamiento del Zolezzi, “ Informe de SENALEP” 206-7.
pueblo de Corpus, September 30, 1777,” AGN IX 17 -3 -6 ; Maeder, “Los ultmos 71. Testimony ofTranquilino Roman, an Avà-kue-Chiripà village elder, Aprii
pueblos de indios Guaranies,” 209. 23, 1991, Acaray-mi. Interview with author courtesy of thè Centro de Estudios
59. These home altars were not known in thè Jesuit missions, but probably Antropológicos, Universidad Católica Nuestra Senora de la Asunción.
grew in importance as secularization advanced in thè nineteenth century. For a 72. Rehnfeldt, “ Ethnohistory o f thè Caaguà (Guarani),” 1-5 . For an excellent
study o f home altars in Mexico, see thè excellent essays by Ramón A. Gutiérrez, analysis of thè continuing Guarani struggle for survival, see Reed, Prophets of
Salvatore Scalora, and William H. Beezley in Home Altars of Mexico, 96. Agroforestry.
60. Axtell, “Ethnohistory o f Early Americans,” 110-44; Trigger, “An Archae- 73. Hemming, Red Gold, 463—64; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, 106—8.
ology as Native History,” 414; Simmons, “ Culture Theory,” 1 —14; Trigger, 74. Hemming, Red Gold, 463-64.
“Ethnohistory,” 258.
61. Clendinnen, Ambivalent Conquests (1987); Lockhart, The Nahuas After thè
Conquest (1992); Nancy Farriss, Maya Society Under Spanish Ride (1986); Karen
Spalding, Huarochiri: An Andean Society under luca and Spanish Rule (1984); Powers,
Andean Journeys: Migration, Ethnogenesis, and thè State in Colonial Quito (1995);
Saignes, Caciques, Tribute, and Migration in thè Southern Andes: Indiati Society and thè
Seventeenth Century Colonial Order (1985); Jones, Maya Resistance to Spanish Rule:
Time and History on a Colonial Frontier (i989);Wachtel, The Vision of thè Vanquished:
The Spanish Conquest of Perù through Indian Eyes, 1530-1570 (1977); Haskett,
Indigenous Rulers (1986); Stern, Peru’s Indigenous Peoples (1982); Ramirez, The World
Upside Down: Cross-Cultural Contact and Conftict in Sixteenth-Century Perù (1996);
Wightman, Indigenous Migration and Social Change (1990).
62. For a useful discussion o f thè concept o f accommodation, see Sweet and
Nash, Struggle and Survival in Colonial America, 2 11-13.
63. After thè Portuguese had learned how to cultivate this starchy, tuberlike
root from theTupi along thè coast o f Brazil, they took this knowledge and plant-
ing materials to their West African colonies from which manioc became diffused
throughout tropical Africa. Ross, “ Diffusion o f thè Manioc.”
64. Farriss, Maya Society, 9.
65. The Jesuits tried to carry out similar work in other parts of thè world. For
a discussion o f their goals and motivations in China, see Spence, To Change China.
66. Lockhart in The Nahuas After thè Conquest provides us with a model for
studying processes of cultural adaptation, especially linguistic change, aniong lit­
erate Amerindians in thè New World. Lockhart suggests a four-stage process of
change and adaptation in thè use o f Nahuatl, thè language spoken by thè south­
ern branch of thè Aztecs. Ideally, one would have liked to compare and contrast
thè linguistic adaptation o f thè Guarani to thè Nahuas in Mexico using Lockhart’s
framework. However, unlike Nahuatl, which has been thè subject o f study for
 Selected Bibliography

There are several excellent bibliographical guides to thè extensive literature on thè
Guarani and Jesuit missions in thè border region of Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil.
The most comprehensive one was compiled by Jesuit anthropologist Bartomeu
Melià, SJ., Guaranies y jesuitas en tiempo de las misiones: Una bibliografia didàtica (Santo
Angelo: Centro de Cultura Missioneira; Asunción: Centro de Estudios Paraguayos
“Antonio Guasch,” 1995). Another valuable resource is O Guarani: Unta bibliografìa
etnològica by Bartomeu Melià, SJ., Marcos Vivicios de Almeida Saul, and Valmir
Francisco Muraro (Santo Angelo: Fundames, Centro de Cultura Missioneira, 1987).
This bibliography lists 1,163 citations, including thè works of sixteenth-century
chroniclers, Jesuit accounts, nineteenth-century travel literature, and thè ethno-
historical, anthropological, and archaeological studies of thè mission region that have
been published in Latin America and Europe. Bartomeu Melià provides an impres-
sive introduction to this vast literature. Hugo Storni, S.J., has compiled an extensive
guide to thè Jesuits who carne to thè Rio de la Piata during thè colonial period,
Catàlogo de los jesuitas de la provincia del Paraguay (Cuenca del Piata), 1585-1768 (Rome:
Institutum Historicum, S. I., 1980).
An excellent starting point for scholars interested in thè period of thè break-
down o f thè missions is Alberto A. Rivera’s bibliography, “ Las misiones de
Guaranies: Bibliografia de la època post-jesuitica, 1768-1830,” Documentos de
Geohistoria Regional (Resistencia) 8(1989).This work includes an introduction by
Argentina’s leading historian on thè subject of thè Jesuit missions, Ernesto J. A.
Maeder. Another valuable guide is José Brunet, O. M., “Documentos mercedarios
en elArchivo General de la Nación, Buenos Aires, Argentina,” Anacleta Mercedaria
(Rome) 5(1986): 197—270. Unfortunately, there are no equivalent guides for thè
Franciscan, Jesuit, and Dominican archives in Buenos Aires, which are not housed
at thè AGN and appear to be in disarray or are restricted. The Calendar of thè
Manuel E. Gondra Manuscript Collection at thè Benson Latin American Collection
o f thè University ofTexas at Austin is another indispensable guide for thè study of
thè history of thè Rio de la Piata, especially colonial Paraguay.This collection con-
tains more than twenty thousand pages of manuscript sources. Most are type-
written copies of originai documents found primarily at thè Archivo General de
Indias in Seville, including a few eighteenth-century Guarani cabildo records from
thè Jesuit and Franciscan missions. Pablo Pastells’s multivolume annotated guides
258 B ib lio g r a p h y B ib lio g r a p h y 259

to manuscripts in thè Archivo de las Indias in Seville are also indispensable for BRAZIL
conducting research on thè Jesuit missions. Arquivo da Curia Metropolitana, Porto Aiegre.
Guarani texts are widely scattered throughout archives and libraries in Spain, Baptismos, Gravata!, Indios, 1765-84, 1784-1816; Baptismos, Rio Pardo,
France, England, Paraguay, Argentina, Brazil, and thè United States. These include 1774—83; Casamentos, Triunfo, Indias e Escravos, 1758 —1815; Casamentos
grammars, dictionaries, catechisms, vocabularies, cabildo records, and a few letters dos Indios d’Aldea dos Anjos, 1777-1811.
from individuai Guarani. The majority o f these texts were written in thè Jesuit Arquivo Histórico do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Aiegre.
reductions, although a few letters have been preserved from Franciscan missions Assuntos Religiosos, Mago AR-12.
in Paraguay. Francisco Mateos, S.J., published thè Guarani letters written at thè
Arquivo Nacional, Rio deJaneiro.
time o f thè War o f thè Seven Reductions in “ Notas y Textos,” Missionanal Hispànica
Capitania do Rio Grande do Sul, Code 749.
6 (1949): 547-92. Bartomeu Melià, S.J. has compiled a valuable guide to many o f
these texts,“ Fuentes documentales para el estudio de la lengua Guarani de los sig-
Arquivo Publico do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Aiegre.
Sumarios, 1770-1816, mafo 1, 1, A. 37; Proc., No. 46, mago 2; Proc. No. 60,
los X VII y X V III,” Suplemento Antropològico 5(1970): 113—61. He discusses this lit—
mago 2; No. 143, mago 6. Proc., No. 129, mago 5; No. 189, mago 8; No. 156,
erature in greater detail in La lengua Guarani del Paraguay: Historia, sociedad y liter-
mago 6; No. 131, mago 5; No. 70, mago 3; No. 151, mago 6; No. 137, mago
atura (1992). Several Guarani letters also appear in Martin Lienhard’s edited work,
5; No 175, mago 7, exp. 33; No. 69, mago 3; No. 94, mago 4; No. 92, mago
Testimonios, cartas y manifestos indigenas: desde la conquista basta comienzo del siglo XX
(1992), although a few are actually Jesuit accounts, not letters authored by thè 3; No. 103, mago 4.
Guarani. It is my hope that thè more than one hundred Guarani cabildo records Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro.
that I uncovered in various archives will be published in thè near future, along Segào de Manuscritos, Colegào de Angelis, Mss. 1.2.34. I-28, 34, 58; I-
with their translations, so that scholars w ill take a greater interest in thè Guarani 29,3,36; 1-29,3,48; 1-29,3,51; 1-29,3,64; 1-29,3,63; 1-29,3,69; 1-29,3,70; I-
language, history, and culture. 29,4,86; 1-29,4,92; 1-29,4,93; 1-29,4,94; 1-29,4,96; 1-29,4,98; 1-29,4,106; I-
29,5,25; 1-29,5,46; 1-29,5,51 to 1-29,5,83; 1-29,7,95; 1-29,7,97; 1-29,7,121.
Manuscripts Instituto Histórico e Geogràfico do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Aiegre.
ENGLAND
ARGENTI NA
British Library.
Archivo General de la Nación, Buenos Aires. Additional Mss. nos. 13979, 13980, 13985, 17603, 17606, 17610, 17613,
Sala VII, D oc. Div, voi. 1; Sala IX: vols. 6 -10 -7 , 7 - 2 - 3 ,7 - 7 - 7 , 9 -7 -6 , 1 1 - 17665, 17705, 21262, 27601, 27602, 32102,32605.
6-2, 1 2 - 1 -4 , 14 -7 -16 , 15 -2 -2 , 16 -2 -7 , 1 7 -3 -4 , 17—3—6, 17 -4 -5 , 17~ Egerton Mss. no. 2431.
5— 2, 1 7 - 5 -5 , 1 8 -2 -1, 18 -2 -3 , 18 -2 -4 , 18 -2 -6 , 1 8 -3 -1 , 18 -5 -2 , 18- Stowe 1075.
6 - 5, 18 -8 -5 ,18 -8 -6 ,18 -8 -7 , 2 2-6-4, 22-8-2, 2 4 -4 -6, 2 5 -6 -3 ,2 5 -7 -
FRANGE
6, 30-2-2, 30-2-3, 3 0 -2-7, 30-3-8, 3 -4 -6 , 30-6-3, 3 1-5 -4 , 3 1 -6 -7 ,
3 1-7 -6 , 3 2 -1-6 , 3 2 -1 -7 , 3 2 -2 -1, 32-4-8, 32- 5- 1, 34-2-2, 3 4 -9 -7, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.
36-9-6, 3 7-2 -3 , 40-2-5;Tribunales Criminales, iC . Espagnol 170, 171.
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Leonhardt, Carlos, S.J., “ Traducción de las Cartas Anuas” and “ Notas del Archivimi Romanum Societatus lesu, Rome. (Also, thè Pope Pius XII Memorial
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“ Colección de documentos en idioma Guarani correspondientes a los 143, 144, 149, 152, 155, 159, 160, 163, 169, 172, 173, 176, 177, 184, 189, 191,
cabildos de indigenes de las misiones jesuiticas del Uruguay desde el ano 193, 196, 205, 206, 209, 360, 370, 377, 381,385, 600; Nueva Encuadernación,
1758 al 1785.” Mss. 14.8.18, 37 folios. vols. 3, io, 13, 20, 62, 66, 68, 71, 88, 96, 97, 98,143, 145, 151, 153, 163, 179,
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512, $23, 524, 529, 537, 541, 542, 544, 558, 560, 598, 600, 606, 611,626,630, niales, 2 vols. Buenos Aires: Gmo. Kraft, 1939.
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Index
Dissertations

Deeds, Susan M .“ Rendering unto CaesartThe Secularization ofjesuit Missions in

M id-Eighteenth-Century Durango.” Ph.D. diss., University o f Arizona, 1981.
Ganson, Barbara. “Better Not Take My Manioc: Guarani Religion, Society, and
Politics in thè Jesuit Reductions o f Paraguay, 1500-1800.” Ph.D. diss., Univer­
sity ofTexas at Austin, 1994.
Fleener, Charles Joseph. “ The Expulsión of thè Jesuits from thè Viceroyalty of Abortion, 19 Bone cult, 19, 95, 166, 172, 176. S e e a ls o
New Granada, 1767.” Ph.D. diss., University of Florida, Gainesville, 1969.
Accomniodation, 4, 29, 35, 39, 46, 47, 50, 52, Ancestor worship
Eluston, Richard Peter. “ Folk and State in Paraguay: Politicai Order and Social Dis-
136,138, 177, 181, 187 Brazil, 12, 17, 18, 20, 21,22, 27, 29, 30, 31,
order, 1810-1840.” Ph.D. diss., University of California at Los Angeles, 1993.
Jones, Kristine. “ Conflict and Adaptation in thè Argentine Pampas, 1750-1800.” Administration of reductions, 27, 57-56, T2i, 35, 37,45, 51, 88, 89,93,98, 112, 116, 125,
Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1984. 122, 143. S e e a ls o Power; Social control 126,134,135,153,156,157,173,177,181,
Melià, Bartomeu, S.J. “La création d’un langage chrétian dans les Réductions des Adultery, 19, 171 182, 183, 185, 186, 209n, 21011, 21211,
Guarani au Paraguay.” Ph.D. diss., Université de Strasbourg, 1969. Alcohol, drinking rituals, 18 -19 21311, 22111, 22211, 236n, 23811, 24in, 2440,
Owens, David J. “A Historical Geography of thè Indian Missions in thè Jesuit Agriculture, t8, 24, 25, 26, 28, 30, 45, 61- 64, 25411
Province of Paraguay, 1609-1768.” Ph.D. diss., University o f Kansas, 1977.
84, H 3 Buenos Aires, 1, 2, 29, 31, 37, 41, 49, 50, 59,
Proenza Brochado, José Joaquim Justiniano. “An Ecological Model o f thè Spread
Ancestor worship, 19,37,94-95,98, 100, 165, 64, 65, 67, 70, 81, 83, 89, 93,94, 97, 98,
o f Pottery and Agriculture into Eastern South America.” Ph.D. diss., Univer­
sity of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1984. 172, 175, 176, 180,187, 192, 193, 195, 198 100,102,103, 104, 105, 107, 117, 121, 122,
Reagan, Mary. A. “The Role Played by Gomes Freire de Andrade in thè Exile of Andresito (Andrés Guarcurari Artigas), 124,125,126, 127,129,130,131,132,133,
thè Jesuits from thè Portuguese Empire.” Ph.D. diss., Catholic University of 161-62 134,138,140, 141,142,143,146,148,149,
America, 1977. Archaeology, xi, 14, 17,22,58,63,65,72, 150,152, 153, 155, 160, 170, 174, 176, 179,
Rehnfeldt, Marilyn. “ Ethnohistory o f thè Caaguà (Guarani) o f Eastern Paraguay, 180,181, 2i3n,223n 180, 191, 195, 198, 200, 201,202, 222n,
C837-1669.” M.A. thesis, University o f Kansas at Lawrence, 1983.
Artisans, 11, 27, 34, 61,62, 63, 68-71,73, 78, 2250, 24on, 2 4 in ,2460
Ross, H. B. “ The Diffusion o f thè Manioc Plant from South America to Africa: An
79,84,96, 126, 132, 162, 167, 177, 183
Essay in Ethnobotanical Cultural History.” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University,
Artwork, 68-70, 75-76, 82, 177 Caaibaté, battle of, 4, 8, 108, 122
1975 -
Rovira, Beatriz E. “Arqueologia histórica del conjunto jesuitico de Nuestra Asunción, 24, 25, 26, 27, 3 1, 34, 35, 36, 4 7 , Cabildantes, 14, 52, 57-62, 71, 72, 76, 78, 83,
Sehora de la Candelaria, provincia de Misiones.” Ph.D. diss., Universidad Na- 48, 49, 59, 63, 65, 72, 93, 120, 124, 127, 97, 98, 117, 122, 123, 138, 140-47, 155,
cional de La Piata, Argentina, 1989. 134, 143, 144, 151, 152, 174 163,175,183, 184, 23 in
Schuetz, Markith Keithly.“ The Indians ofthe San Antonio Missions, 1718-1821.” Autonomy, io, 14, 31,40-41,46-47, 51, 52, Cabildos, 12, 27, 28, 4 1,5 7-6 1,71,7 2 , 78,
Ph.D. diss., University ofTexas at Austin, 1980. 78, 83, 118, 122, 161, 163, 176, 184, 22411 96, 97, 98, 117, 122, 123, 124, 126, 138,
140,142,143, 144,145,146,148,151,155,
Baptism 38,39 162,163, 171, 174, 176, 179,184,191,193,
Baptismal records, 133-36, 166,2230,24011 198, 199, 202, 22111, 22311, 22411, 257
Blacks, 27, 80, 107, 127, 128, 135, 159, 160, Caciques, 1,4, 19, 24, 25, 34, 35~38, 40, 41,
203, 206, 2i6n, 2330, 2390, 25011 46, 47, 49, 52, 57-62, 67, 72, 76, 79, 81,83,
Blacksniiths, 68, 150, 157. S c c a ls o Artisans 94,96,97,98, 105, 108, 109, 115, 121, 122,
286 Index Index 287

Caciques ( c o n tin u e d ) 196, 202, 203, 24211; as symbols o f polidcal Dress. See Clothing 42; contact with missionaries, 36, 72-75;
123,124,126, 128,130, 138, 142, 144, 145, autonomy, 8, 95, 176 disparity in population between thè sexes,
146,147, T50,152, 155, t63, 167, T70, 171, Clothing, T9, 25, 29, 36, 39, 41,42-43, 44, Economy, 26, 61-68, 84,92,100, T30, 137, 156 73, 128, 21411; female religious adaptation,

173,175,176 , 179, 184, 191, 193, 195, 56, 61,64, 65, 71,74, 77, 78, 92, 93, 102, Encomienda 17, 25-28, 31, 35, 50, 72, 113, 43-44, 72-73, 74-75, 76; female
200—201, 202, 21611, 22411, 23311, 24211, T03,111,121, 122, 133, 144, 152, 153, 173, 114, 183,205,206, 208n, 2i4n, 2 i6 n ,22in shamans, 20, 167; men, 8, 24, 28, 38, 41,
24611, 25011. S e e a ls o Neengiru, Nicolas 183,200 Enslavement. See Slavery 43, 44, 46, 5 F 5 5 , 5<
>, 5 7 , 5 9 , 70, 7 3 , 7 5 , 76,
Cacicazgos, 58 —59, T40, 205, 22411 Colònia do Sacramento, 1,49, 89, 91, 100, Epidemics, 17, 26, 39, 44, 46, 53, 56, 59, 66, 77, 78, 98, 108, n o , 112, 116, 119, 123,
Cannibalism, 22-23, 5F 169,21211-21311, 102, i n , 112, 131, 133, 196, 198 84, 112, 113, 129, 136, 168, 182, 22011, 127,136,145,163,167,168,170, 171, 183,
22311 Communal property, 62, 78, 82, T03 22ón, 23811, 24on; o f measles, 46, 129, 168; 187, 198, 200, 22711; men and work, 18,
Carvalho e Melo, Sebastiào José (later known Comunero Revolt o f New Granada, 115-16 of smallpox, 129, 168; o f typhus, 46. See 28, 49, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 83-84, 122,
as Marqués de Pombal), 119-20, 23611 Comunero Revolt o f Paraguay, 49-50, 59, a ls o Diseases 126, 129-132; perceptions o f missionaries,
Catechism, 27, 28, 43, 62, 76, 77, 101, 258 62,109, 222n, 23611 Ethnic soldiering n , 47. S e e a ls o Militias 37-38,75-70, 102, 105, 122; perceptions
Catde, 2, 7, io, 36, 53, 61, 62, 64-65, 91,92, Conversion, 34, 37-40, 71, 76-77, 87, 93, of Spaniards, 25; view of thè Portuguese,
95, 102,109, n o , i n , 112, 114, 128, 129- 113, 166, 196, 2T6n; S e e a ls o Chrisdanity Families, 2, 6, 7,18, 19, 23,27, 42, 49, 51, 56, 101; view of thè king ofSpain, 100-102,
30, 137, 140, 144, 146,147, 152, 156, 157, Corporal punishment, 38, 47, 50, 65, 76, 78- 58, 62, 63,67, 72, 74, 78, 83, 94, 96, 104, 109; women, 8, n , 19, 20, 21,24-25, 26,
160, 162, 183, 192, 21311, 22211, 22511, 79,105, 140, 146, 171 T09, 1 io, 111, 112, 119, 122, t23, 132, 138, 27, 28, 36, 37, 38, 41-42, 43 , 4 4 , 4 5 , 4 9 , 5<h
22611, 23411, 24011, 24211, 24311, 24611, 25011. Cotton, 3, 18, 19, 21, 25, 29, 41,43, 61, 63, 145,150,155,157, 163, 175, 180, 185, 186, 55, 56, 57, hi, 62, 63, 68, 73, 77,78, 83-84,
S e e a ls o Cattle rustling 70, 73, 91, 92, 105, 152, 192, 2i4n, 22511 22011, 22611, 249n 98, T05, 107, 108, T09, IIO -III, 112, 116,
Cattle rusding, 10, 102, 112, 130,138, 151-52 Coty guazu, 4T-42, 61,62, 73-74, 78, 92, Firearms, Guarani adoption of, 4, 45-47, 123,127,128, T30, 131, 132, 135, 136, 144,
Charles III (King ofSpain),8i, 112, 120-22, T05, 150, 205, 22711 140, 182. S e e a ls o Militias 145,151,152, 163, 167, 168, 169, 170, 17T,
123,124,142,200,23ón Culture, 5, 6, n - 1 2 , 14, 17-18, 30, 40, 42, Flight frani missions, 67-68, 83, tto , 125- 183, 187, 198, 21411, 21711, 22711, 23411;
Children, 6, 8, 18, 19, 25, 26, 27, 28, 38, 40, 43,44 , 4 d, 52,57,58 , 65, 76, 79, 83, 95, 36, T50-51, 156, 23811, 24611, 24911. S e e a ls o women and work, n , 18-19, 24, 25, 28,
41,44, 45, 50, 55, 61, 62, 63, 76, 77, 78, 166, 168, 170, 177, 178, 179, 20811, 20911, Fugitives 42,45,62-63,67,70,74, 132-34, C5 I,
79-81,94,98, T02, 108, n o , 112, 116, 117, 2ion, 21211, 2i7n, 22311; persistence of Franciscan Order, 26, 28, 31, 36, 40, 43,48, 182, 183; women’s status, 24, 84. S e e a ls o

122,123,128, 129,132,133, 134,135,149, native, 5, 9, 29, 77, 84, 164-73; and cul­ 53, 65, 67, 72, 79, 81, 118, 124, 134, 141, Ardsans; Coty guazu; Labor; Militias;
150, T52, 157, 170, 176, 179, 180,186,191, tural idendty, 39, 40, 68, 100, 116, 118, 142,162,165,169,173, 174,176, 185, Sailors; Shamans
192,193,194, 196,198,199,202,203, 132, 147,165, 184, 186, 187, 21 in,245n 20811, 2i4n, 224n, 253n, 257; in New Guarani War, 51, 87-116; and repercussions
209n, 2T4n, 2i6n, 2i9n, 2340, 24211 Mexico, 112-14 of thè rebellion, 108-12; frani a compara­
Chrisdanity, 2, 5, 8, 22, 25, 30, 34, 36, 39, 43, Dance, 11, 19, 20, 41, 76, 77, 228n Fugitives 38, 55, 65-68, 81, 83,97, 103, 104, tive perspective, 112—16
44, 53, 71, 101, 140, 165-66, 173-80, 184; Demography. See Population n o, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 13 1, 132,
and nadve priesthood, 173-176; nadve Diseases, 26, 36, 46, 51, 53, 56, 64, 66, 112, 149, 15 1, 187, 22611, 249n. Scc a ls o Flight Homicide, 8, io, 23, 38, 40, 49, 50, 65, 96, 97,
understanding of, 39, 77, 80, too - i o i , 118, 129, 136, 153, t66, 168, 183, 22311, frani missions 102,104,107, 108, 114, 115, 132, 138, 156,
102, 164-73, !8o, 186, 187, 192, 193, 196, 238n, 24011, 24611; dysentery, 46; measles, 159,161,164,168,169,170,181,197,
202, 203, 25 t11; early rejecdon of, 38-39. 46 129, 168; smallpox, 129, i68;typhus, Gift—giving, 25, 35, 53, 87,93, 103, i n , 121, 21711, 22611, 23311, 25011
S e e a ls o Conversioni Religion; Shamans; 46. S e e a ls o Epidemics 122, 123, 124, 170, 171. S e e a ls o Reciprocai Horses, 25, 27, 61,65, 96, 104, 112, 122, 143,
Syncretisni Diet, 11,17, 18, 23, 29,56, 65, 84, 113, 182, reladons 144, 145, 151, 156, 159,25011
Churches, 3, 5, 26, 27, 37, 39, 41,45, 53,62, 22611; malnutrition, 26 Guarcurari Artigas, Andrés, 161 —62 Hospitals, 56, 71,83; 23411

7 P 75 , 76, 77, 79, 83, 87, 92, 94, 95, 96, 98, Divorce, 19, 51, 183 Guarani: as active participants in rebellion, Housing, 18, 19, 27, 28, 45, 53, 55, 58, 61,71,
103, 107, i n , 113, 199, 121, 124, 135, 142, Dominicali Order, 118, 124, 141, 142, 143, 93-1 1 1; Cario-Guarani, 23-25; confine- 72, 75, 78, 92, 96, 108, 123, 132, 168, 169,
156, 166, 172, 179, 180,191,192,193, 194, 1 .5 5 , 169, 173,23311,257 ment of to dormitones or asylums, 4 1- 197, 2230; and matrilocality, 19, 75; and
288 Index Index 289

Housing (c o n tin u e d ) 78, 83, 84, 89, 91,93, 94-95, 97, 98, 100, 114,116,124,134,140,153,155,156,161, Religion, 25111, death rituals in, 20-22, 39,
patrilocality, 19, 27-28, 55. S e e a ls o Coty 101,102,103, 104, 105, 108, 109, 110, 114, 162,175,182,183 51; native, 20-22; persisterne o f native, 5,
guazu 116,123,128,130,131,135,138,140,146, T h e M is s io n (film), 7-8 io, 101, 116, 165-73; and reinterpretation
Hunting, 18, 22, 28, 36, 38, 39, 55, 62, 63, 65, 147-48, 153-62, 170, 183, 184, 186, 191 — Mission foundations, 1, 31-46; dates of, 48 o f Christianity, 39-40, 172-73. S e e a ls o

69, 80, 113,115, 170, 186, 21311, 22011 97, 203, 206, 2i7n, 230n; concept o f a land Mulattos, 27, 80, 107, 115, 132, 159,206, Christianity; Conversion; Shamans;
without evil, 21-22, 21211 233n Syncretism
Infanticide, 19 Languages, 1, 11, 12, 14, 17, 18, 22, 28-29, Music, 11,20, 40, 68, 76, 183. See a ls o Relocation, 2, 9, io, 44-46, 49, 109, n o - n ,
Infantilization o f Indians, 6-9 43, 7T 76, 79, 80-83, 87, 98-102, 113, Musicians 114,191
121, 123, 140-41, 142, 146, 166, 167, 175, Musicians, 1, 34, 61, 70, 71, 77, 78, 81, 132, Reorganization o f thè missions, 138-47,
Jesuit Order, 1, 30-34,140,142; as adminis- 176, 177, 182, 183, 184, 185, 201, 23m, 162, 183, 21611. S e e a ls o Music 153-60; at independence, 160-63
trators of reductions, n , 12, 52, 53, 57-61, 244n, 245n, 254n, 258;Jesuit reluctance to Ruiz de Montoya, Antonio, S.J., 22, 39, 43,
63, 148; adoprion o f native traditions by, teach Spanish, 80-81; and war leaflets, Naming patterns, 68, 81,136, 187, 243n 45, 81, 164, 21111, 21211, 2i3n, 21411, 2i7n,
31,35, 36; celibacy of, 36, 38; conflicts 105 Neengiru, Nicolas, 1-5, 8, 58, 101,102, 105, 22on
with settlers, 49—50; cultivation of yerba Literacy, 81-83, 98, 183 107, 108, 109, n o, 119, 122, 161,184, 191-
mate by, 64; expulsion of, 9, 117-25, 23ón; Livestock. See Cattle 94, 207n, 234n; originai seventeenth— Sailors, 64, 70-71, 81, 140, 148, 183
medicinal knowledge of, 56-57; missions, century ancestor of, 35, 46 Saints, 44, 68, 71, 76-77, 82, 165, 168, 176,
role of, 37-39, 45; native perceptions of, 2, Marriage, 17,19, 25, 26, 51, 53, 55, 56, 75, Nusdorffer, Bernardo, S.J., 34, 92, 104 177, 198, 202, 203; Saint Thomas, 30, 36-
37 - 38,75 - 76 , 83, 102, 105, 122; percep­ 113, 134-36, 159, 166, 183, 22311; and 37, 198, 21611, 21711; Saint Michael thè
tions of native cultures, 2, 4, 9, 20, 34, 96, monogamy, 19, 38 Parasites, 65, 226n Archangel, 95, 100-101
103, 164; portrayal of in T ir e M is s io n , 7-8; Mapmaking, 60—61 Paternalism o f missionaries, 34, 2i6n, 2i9n Schooling, 42, 61, 71, 76, 78, 79 - 83 ' RO,
request for missionaries by, 35; request to Marqués de bombai, 119-20, 23611 Payaguà, 23,94 141,148, 149, 161, 179
arm thè Guarani, 45-47; resistance to thè Martyrs, Jesuit, 38, 40 Personal appearance, 1,40-41. S e e a ls o Shamans, 19-20, 25, 37-40, 43, 51,77, 83,
Treaty of Madrid, 91-93; role o f in thè Medicine, 11,12, 56-57, 77, 84, 166, 177, Clothing 95, 115, 164,166-173, 21811
Guarani rebellion, 97-98,102—10 2o8n; and native herbs, 11, 56—57; Population, 72, 73,93, 112, 115, 160, 183, Slavery: black, 78,107, 134,135, 160,2i6n,
European medicai techniques, 11, 56-57 185, 2 iin , 220n, 222n, 22611, 2 2 7 1 1 , 23011, 2i7n, 239n, 243n, 25on; Indian slave-raid-
Kinship, 17, 19, 72. S e e a ls o Cacicazgos; Mercedarian Order, n o , 118, 124, 141, 142, 23 5n, 23911, 25011, 25 511; decline of native, ing, io, 11,17,22,25,27,28,31,35,44-46,
Families 169, 173,25311 26,27,35,112,118, 126,127,128,129, 50, 51,64, 78, 89, 97, 98,100, 105, 121,122,
Mestizos, 12, 17, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 95, 107, 135»15 3; ° f missions in times of thè 150,183,199, 201,205, 206, 2i9n,249n
Labor, 18, 26, 28, 48, 50, 51, 52, 59, 61, 63- 110, 115, 127, 128, 133, 185, 2i7n, 239n, Jesuits, 52-54, 112; and mortality, 73, 125, Smallpox, outbreaks of, 129, 168. S e e a ls o

71, 115, 126-27, 131-35, 136, 138, 139, 24211 2i2n; and infant and child mortality rates, u nder Diseases; Epidemics
140, 141, 147, 150, 151, 152, 153- 55, 159, Mexico, 5, 25, 36, 37, 47, 58, 120, 136, 142, 55 —56, 22211; and mortality rates com- Social control, 76-79; and banishment, 38
182, 186, 192, 193, 194, 205, 206, 22511, 147, 148, 151, 165,175,178,180,181, pared to European rates, 55 Spanish settlers’ abuse of Indians, 27-28, 89,
23311, 23611, 23711, 238n, 246n, 249n; abuse 2ion, 2i6n, 2i7n, 21811, 22511, 23211, Power, 12-13, 3 7 >38, 52; structure ofin thè 114,143, 146, 163, 183
of, 26—28; as a cause of mortality, 26, 24711, 25411; and rebellions in New Spam, missions, 57—61 Syncretism, 37, 116, 165, 180, 216-1711,
22211; conflicts over, 28, 48, 186; and 1 13-16 Pueblo Revolt of 1680, 112-15 25111
European work habits, 63, 126-27. See Migration, io, 17, 29, 53, 65—68, 83, 110—12,
a ls o Artisans; Children; Encomienda; men 125-36, 148, 156, 181,21211, 22211, 22611, Rebellions, 25,47, 48-50, 59, 87-116, 150- Tiaraju, Captain Sepé, 4, 97, 107, 108, n o,
and work u n der Guarani; women and 23811, 24611, 24911. S e e a ls o Flight frani 51. S e e a ls o Comunero Revolt of Para­ 114, 161, 184, 23311
work u n der Guarani;Yerba maté missions; Fugitives; Relocation guay; Guarani War Trade, io, 29, 45, 49, 50, 62, 63, 64, 70-71,
Land, including disputes over, 1,2, 3, 8, 26, Militias 1,4, 8, 11, 41, 45-47, 49, 50, 51,61, Reciprocai relations, 19, 24-25, 35, 94, 121, 77,82,89,93, 129,130,137,143,162,225,
27, 46, 49, 53, 60-61,62, 65, 66, 67, 71,77, 73, 81, 84, 97, 100, 103, 104, 105, 107-8, 124 24011, 24111
290 Index

Transculturation, 11-12 , 28-29, 84, 105, Urban planning, 52, 53, 71-72, 91, 179;
177, 180-82 alterations in physical space, 71
Treaty of Madrid, 1-2, 4, 8, 83, 89-91, 98, Uruguay River, reductions along, 1, 12, 13,
105, 112, 156,184, 23111, 23311, 23511 35 , 3 7 , 4 4 , 46, 4 7 , 48, 4 9 , 52, 53, 55, 64, 66,
Treaty o f San Ildefonso, 112 87, 89, 90, 92, 97, 103, 105, 109, 1 io, 111,
Treaty o f Utrecht, 49 112,118, 121,125, 126, 127, 131, 133, 134,
Tribute, 25, 27, 62, 71, 79, 91,92, 93, 103, 138, 147, 154, 160, 161, 193, 21011, 22011,
114, 115, 131, 198,205-6,20811,21811, 22611, 23211, 23911
23811
Tubichapotà, Francisco Javier, 173—74, 25311 War of thè Seven Reductions. See Guarani
Tupac Amaru II rebellion, 89, 95, 109, 115, War
23011 Weapons, 4, 23, 25, 29, 35, 45, 63, 71, 96,103,
Tupi, as auxiliaries, 17, 18, 20, 44—45, 46, 107, 108, 109, 140, 173, 182, 21311
2ion,2i3n
Tupi-Guarani, 6, 12,17, 19, 20-23, 30, 36, Yapuguay, Nicolas, 81, 82
37, 72, 101, 169,177, 182, 185, 2ion, 2iin, Yerba maté, 2 ,3 ,7,12,13, 28, 30, 5 0 , 5 1 , 6 1 -
2i2n, 2i3n, 22311, 2 2 4 .1 1 , 225n, 22811, 25511. 64,65,70,73,7 9,91,92,93, 103, 104, 105,
S c e a ls o Cannibalism; Guarani; Languages 110,117,130,131,148,168,177,183,192,
Tupinambà, 20, 22, 20911, 21011, 2i2n, 2i3n 193, 198, 22511, 24in, 245n