Benitez & Justicia 2006 - Bullying Description and Analysis of The Phenomenon

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Bullying: Description and Analysis of the Phenomenon.
Article in Electronic Journal of Research in Educational Psychology · September 2006
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Bullying: description and analysis of
the phenomenon
Juan Luís Benítez

Fernando Justicia
Dept. of Developmental and Educational Psychology,

University of Granada
Spain
[email protected]
[email protected]
Electronic Journal of Research in Educational Psychology. No 9. Vol 4 (2), 2006. ISSN: 1696-2095. pp: 151-170 - 151 -
Bullying: description and analysis of the phenomenon
Abstract
This article purports to present this Special Issue about Bullying and, at the same time, to
introduce the phenomenon of bullying in order to facilitate readers an updated vision about
the problem that will be worked from different perspectives by researchers from national and
international scope. With this purpose, we present some controversial aspects in the charac-
terization of bullying related to definition, incidence and prevalence of bullying and the influ-
ence of specific variables like age and gender. At the same time, it is done a revision of the
more frequent types of bullying behaviours, the characterization of involved agents, as well as
the analysis of the most important risk factosr those are underliying problem’s genesis. The
final goal is to provide information about bullying for facilitating the characterization and
comprehension, more specifically, of a real problem that is interesting and important into the
educational centres.
Keywords: bullying, incidence, victims, aggressors, risk factors
- 152 - Electronic Journal of Research in Educational Psychology. No 9. Vol 4 (2), 2006. ISSN: 1696-2095. pp: 151-170
J. L. Benítez & F. Justicia
Introduction
Bullying is not a new problem for schools, since it has been present for a long time;
however, only in recent years is its importance being recognized. We speak of a specific phe-
nomenon of school violence which affects schools around the world regardless of national
borders, geography or politics (Debarbieux, 2003). Ever since the initial pioneer studies by
Olweus in Scandinavian countries, many other studies have followed. In the first phase of
research, most studies focused on an attempt to define the problem (Olweus, 1993; Rivers &
Smith, 1994; Crick, Casas & Ku, 1999), giving way to other studies addressing the incidence
of the problem (Boulton, 1993; Olweus, 1996; Smith, Morita, Junger-Tas, Olweus, Catalano
& Slee, 1999; Defensor del Pueblo, AA.VV., 1999), an aspect which still concerns us today
and is reflected by specific studies published in the last five years (Carney & Merrel, 2001;
Solberg & Olweus, 2003; Toldos, 2005; Avilés & Monjas, 2005; Cerezo & Ato, 2005;
Ramírez, 2006). The detailed description of the phenomenon then encouraged the appearance
of studies concerned with describing the agents involved (Rigby, 1997; Monks, Smith &
Swettenham, 2003; Veenstra, Lindenberg, Oldehinkel, De Winter, Verhulst & Ormel, 2005;
Camodeca & Goossens, 2005; Perren & Alsaker, 2006), with analyzing the problem’s risk
factors (Lahey, Waldman & McBurnett, 1999; Kokkinos & Panayiotou, 2004; Farrington,
2005), and analyzing the effects of the problem particularly among its victims (Crick & Grot-
peter, 1995; Perren & Alsaker, 2006). As a final result of all the prior research as well as re-
sults from current studies, there is now an increase in research focused on the design, devel-
opment and systematic evaluation of intervention programs (Cowie & Olaffson, 2000; Trianes
& García, 2002; Elinoff, Chafouleas & Sassu, 2004; Nordhagen, Nielsen, Stigum & Köhler,
2005; Benítez, Almeida & Justicia, in press).
Towards a definition of bullying
Defining bullying is no small task, especially if we seek a definition which is agreed

on among researchers of the phenomenon. Nonetheless, despite the many proposed defini-
tions, we can affirm that most share a common characteristic: bullying is identified as a spe-
cific conduct of aggressive behavior (Espelage & Swearer, 2003).
Electronic Journal of Research in Educational Psychology. No 9. Vol 4 (2), 2006. ISSN: 1696-2095. PP: 151-170 - 153 -
Beginning with this common characteristic, we find the definition offered by Olweus
(1993), where bullying is the set of physical and/or verbal behaviors that a person or group of
persons directs against a peer, in hostile, repetitive and ongoing fashion, abusing real or ficti-
tious power, with the intent to cause harm to the victim. This definition establishes fulfill-
ment of certain criteria in order for the behavior exhibited to be defined as bullying:
(a) an imbalance of power between the victim and the aggressor, to be understood as a
dishonest, domineering, opportunistic and illegitimate use of power over one’s opponent;
(b) incidence and duration of the bullying situation, with a minimum incidence of once
per week and a minimum duration of six months;
(c) intentionality and proactive character of the aggression, since one is seeking to obtain
some social, material or personal benefit, without prior provocation; and,
(d) the intent to do harm.
However, Olweus’s definition must be expanded with regard to the nature of the be-
haviors exhibited. Some authors, including Olweus himself, distinguish between direct and
indirect aggressions of the bullying phenomenon (Bjorkqvist, Lagerspetz & Kaukianen, 1992;
Olweus, 1993) or overt as compared to covert aggressions (Crick, Casas & Ku, 1999). Among
direct or overt aggressions, we find both physical (kicks, punches, pushes, threats with weap-
ons, etc.) and verbal (insults, blackmail, etc.). Similarly, among indirect or covert aggressions
we find those of a physical nature (hiding property, damaging materials, stealing, etc.) and
those of a verbal nature (name-calling, spreading rumors). Nonetheless, we have yet to in-
clude within the range of bullying behaviors those relational aggressions which are only indi-
rect or covert. These aggressions seek to socially discredit the victims, provoking their isola-
tion from the peer group and a progressive social exclusion (Griffin & Gross, 2004).
If we fulfill with all the aspects mentioned above, we can come to a clearer, more con-
cise definition of bullying. Such a definition would take into consideration the intentionality
of causing harm without prior provocation, incidence and duration of the bullying situation,
power asymmetry between victim and aggressor, as well as the direct or indirect nature (ver-
bal, physical or relational) of the behaviors exhibited. As we can observe, hostile behaviors
displayed by aggressors go beyond mere harassment –a label used by the media for referring
to the phenomenon– since, in most cases, they are undisguised behaviors where the aggressor
neither hides nor remains anonymous, and where direct and indirect aggressions can be ver-
bal, psychological or involve social exclusion.
Characterization of the phenomenon
Incidence of the phenomenon

Many studies have focused on the incidence and prevalence of bullying (see Smith,
Morita, Junger-Tas, Olweus, Catalana & Slee, 1999). Incidence and prevalence rates indicated
by such studies reveal two aspects: (a) that the phenomenon of bullying is not more important
today than some years ago, since incidence figures are similar; and (b) incidence rates, despite
being similar in many studies, do show differences (Table I), though these differences may be
due to factors relating to the definition of bullying accepted by the authors, the heterogeneity
of instruments used to collect data, characteristics of the sample, etc. Nonetheless, despite
differences with respect to the incidence rates found, the differences are not significant, lead-
ing one to think that the incidence of bullying is similar in different countries regardless of
their culture or educational system (Carney & Merrel, 2001). Olweus (1991) carried out pio-
neer studies, most notably one performed in Scandinavian countries, with a sample of 130,000
students between the ages of 7 and 16 years. Results obtained indicated that 17.6% of partici-
pants had been involved in episodes of bullying either as victims (9%), aggressors (7%) or as
aggressor/victim (1.6%). The study in Great Britain by Whithey & Smith (1993) took on simi-
lar parameters, where the researchers found that 14% of students were victims of bullying,
though only 4% had suffered severely, while the percentage of aggressors came to 7%. In
Australia, in a study carried out by Rigby (1997), it was shown that 14% of schoolchildren
had been victims of bullying. Likewise, in the report from the National Center for Educa-
tional Statistics (NCES, 2003) on problems of victimization in the United States, it is noted
that 8% of the student population has been involved in bullying problems. Recent research by
Solberg & Olweus (2003) on the prevalence of the phenomenon in Norway shows that the
percentage of students involved in episodes of bullying comes to 18.2% of the population
studied: 10.1% are victims, 6.5% aggressors and 1.6% aggressor-victims.
Table I. Comparison of studies and incidence rates

% % % %
Study
Affected Victims Aggressors Aggressor-Victims
Olweus, 1991 17.6 9 8 1.6
Whitney & Smith, 1993 21 14 7 -
Rigby, 1997 - 14 - -
Defensor del Pueblo [Ombudsman], 12 7 5 -
1999
NCES, 2003 8 - - -
Solberg & Olweus, 2003 18.2 10.1 6.5 1.6
Avilés & Monjas, 2005 11.6 5.7 5.9 -
Serrano & Iborra, 2005 20.1 12.5 7.6 -
Ramírez, 2006 10.5 6.4 3.1 1
In Spain, many studies have been carried out and offer data on the phenomenon. We
begin with noting the Report on School Violence put forward by the Ombudsman (AA.VV.,
1999). The study was carried out on a national level with students from Secondary Educa-
tion, with a victim rate near 7%, and aggressors nearing 5%. Avilés and Monjas (2005), who
performed a study with student participants between the ages of 12 and 15 years, indicated
that 11.6% of participating students had been involved in abuse situations. Of these, 5.7%
were victims and 5.9% aggressors. The study sponsored by the Reina Sofia Center (Serrano &
Iborra, 2005), also on a national level and with students between the ages of 12 and 16 years
of age, shows greater indices of persons affected. That is, authors claim that the percentage of
victims comes to 12.5%, while percentage of aggressors rises to 7.6%. Finally, in a study per-
formed among Primary and Secondary students in the autonomous city of Ceuta (Ramírez,
2006), similar levels are expressed, placing the rate of those affected by bullying at 10.5%:
6.4% victims, 3.1% aggressors and 1% aggressor-victims.
Characteristics of victims and aggressors
Approximately 10% of schoolchildren can be classified as students repeatedly victim-

ized (Olweus, 1993). Most of them are passive and have almost never reacted aggressively,
they do not defend themselves, and they are rejected by their classmates; these are the so-
called passive victims (Carney & Merrel, 2001). Other victims are members of a smaller
group which is extremely aggressive and tends to provoke attacks from other pupils. Mem-
bers of this group suffer more social rejection, they confront both aggressors and passive vic-
tims and they are known as provocative victims (Olweus, 1993). The latter group of victims
belongs to that set of students who, as a function of contextual and/or situational variables,
take on the role of victim or aggressor, giving rise to the figure of aggressor/victim (Griffin &
Gross, 2004).
Passive victims are characterized as possessing low self-esteem and internalization of
problems such as anxiety and depression, having few friends, rejected and socially isolated by
their classmates (Olweus, 1993). While provocative victims tend to show hyperactive traits,
strong temperament and are aggressive (Venstra et al., 2005; Perren & Alsaker, 2006), pas-
sive victims are more sensitive, cautious and unassertive (Olweus, 1993). Both types of vic-
tims are usually unable to control their feelings or to solicit the attention of their classmates.
Victims differ from others in how they process the social information they perceive
(Venstra et al., 2005). Submissive children, when solving conflicts, more highly value sub-
missive options and they undervalue aggressive options. Likewise, they predict better conse-
quences for submissive options even when they don’t like them. In this sense, Troy and
Sroufe (1987) suggest that victims become vulnerable in certain contexts since they tend to
aggravate their difficulties by appearing more needy than others: they need more time to be
accepted, when they are excluded they continue to make ineffective attempts at social interac-
tion, etc., indicating poor social skills that contribute to aggravation of the bullying problem.
Olweus (1993) affirms that approximately 7% of preschool or elementary children

frequently bully one of their classmates. Active aggressors initiate bullying on their own;
sometimes other pupils support them, but the latter do not initiate bullying, they are known as
passive aggressors (Olweus, 1993). This group of passive aggressors is less popular and less
secure than active aggressors, who enjoy relative popularity among their classmates (Perren &
Alsaker, 2006).
As for personality, aggressors tend to show low levels of empathy toward their class-
mates, they value violence as a tool for getting what they want, and they show aggressive ten-
dencies not only towards peers but also towards teachers, parents and siblings (Carney &
Merrell, 2001). They are impulsive, unempathetic, hostile, dominant, uncooperative and un-
friendly; moreover, they appear to have low levels of anxiety and insecurity (Carney &
Merrell, 2001; Veenstra et al., 2005). Aggressors as a whole show poor adjustment in school,
low academic performance, and they perceive that they are less supported by their teachers
(Nansel, Craig, Overpeek, Daluja & Ruan, 2004)
Like victims, aggressors differ in how they process the social information that comes
to them. Aggressive students tend to show hostile attributions when they find themselves in
ambiguous social situations, perceiving them as intentionally negative towards them, and tre-
sponding to these situations aggressively (Griffin & Gross, 2004). This social problem-
solving style, accompanied by aggressiveness and impulsive temperament, seems to contrib-
ute to the pattern of antisocial behavior that places aggressors at risk of suffering other behav-
ior problems, such as consuming drugs or delinquency.
Bullying and age
Olweus (1993) affirms that, over the course of studies he has carried out, rates of vic-
timization among students decrease as age increases, and that furthermore, physical aggres-
sions occur with less frequency. However, despite this decrease in the rate of victimization, it
is not statistically significant. On the other hand, as for the aggressors themselves, their ten-
dency to abuse increases, or at least is maintained as age increases (Solberg & Olweus, 2003;
Ramirez, 2006).
In a retrospective study led by Eslea & Rees (2001), it is claimed that the largest num-
ber of victims is found between the ages of 11 and 13 years. Such results are similar to those
found by Ramïrez (2006), who also indicates this age range in his study as the range with
highest rates of students victimized. This turning point in age coincides with the passage
from Primary to Secondary Education, which can be especially difficult for some children due
to the appearance of effects of puberty, changes in the social hierarchy around them, and a
decrease in social support being received, perhaps explaining the increase in victimization
rates at these ages (Pelegrini & Long, 2002). Nonetheless, several studies have shown the
inconsistency of these data since the analyses performed provide contradictory data, thus in-
dicating a need to continue investigating the relationship between bullying and age.
Comparing the age of aggressors and victims, Solberg & Olweus (2003) note that vic-
tims are generally younger than their aggressors, given that victims indicate they are attacked
more frequently and commonly by students older than themselves. This age difference is ac-
centuated in Primary school and is weaker during Secondary school, just as is supported by
other studies (Olweus 1993; Rigby, 1997; Nansel et al., 2001)
Bullying and gender

In studies carried out in Norway and Sweden (Olweus, 1993), it was found that boys
seemed more exposed to bullying than girls, particularly during Primary Education. As for
gender, 80% of male victims and 60% of female victims were bullied by male aggressors.
Similarly, the existence of female aggressors was corroborated, although generally speaking,
these practiced a more indirect type of abuse, such as social exclusion or ridiculing the vic-
tims. Later studies have shown this reality, for example, Tapper and Boulton (2004) indicate
that boys are more frequently involved in bullying situations. Solberg and Olweus (2003) in-
dicated that among victims, a larger number of boys was found than girls, with significant
differences between both groups. Prevalence of this difference was independent of age, and
boys presented aggression rates 2 or 3 times greater than girls. Finally, in the case of aggres-
sor-victims, these were also largely male (Espelage, Mebane & Adams, 2004). Veenstra et al.
(2005), for their part, indicate that in their study of a sample of adolescent students, passive
victims are mostly female.
In the case of gender and type of abuse being used, the idea that boys use direct ag-
gression, not covert, seems to be confirmed, while girls opt for indirect aggression of a rela-
tional type. Some data suggest that while boys tend to practice direct verbal and physical
abuse more frequently, both sexes appear equal when it comes to indirect abuse, such as so-
cial exclusion. In a study by Toldos (2005) with Spanish adolescents, differences as a func-
tion of gender and type of aggression displayed were only observed with regard to direct
physical and verbal aggression (more common among boys), while no significant differences
were seen between the genders with regard to indirect aggressions, despite being more com-
mon among girls.
Effects of bullying on victims and aggressors

However, the numbers are not what alerts us to this situation, but the adverse conse-
quences which this phenomenon brings for both victims and aggressors. The victims are
those who most suffer the consequences of bullying: lack of self-esteem, loss of self-
confidence, social isolation and rejection, school absenteeism, decrease in academic perform-
ance, psychosomatic problems, anxiety, social dysfunction, depression, suicidal tendencies,

etc., leaving their mark in the short, middle and long term (Perren & Alsaker, 2006). Aggres-
sors also suffer effects of the problem, since patterns of aggressive, disruptive conduct can be
maintained and generalized. Aggressors become accustomed to living by abusing others,
which keeps them from adequately integrating into the social life of the school. Furthermore,
if not controlled in time, this ruthless, cruel behavior can be transferred to other places of in-
teraction and other social relationships, bringing about serious social integration disorders that
may be the predecessor of delinquent behaviors. In the academic setting, aggressors do not
devote attention to their assignments and their learning suffers, usually provoking tensions,
indiscipline and disruptions in the dynamic of school activity (Farrington, 2005). Due to these
effects, intervention measures to prevent and/or alleviate bullying are urgently needed. Inter-
vening on the effects caused by bullying involves addressing the phenomenon from different
angles, since bullying is produced from the interaction of several factors.
Analysis of risk factors
Personality, temperament and impulsiveness

Certain personal characteristics such as sociability or impulsiveness can explain how
one reacts in certain situations (Farrington, 2005). Several studies have found a relationship
between violent behavior, impulsiveness and the child’s temperament (Brier, 1995). A tem-
perament characterized by high levels of activity, inflexibility, difficulty in life transitions and
being prone to frustration and distraction makes the child less understanding, have less self-
control and be more impulsive. Some of these children fall under clinical profiles such as
hyperactivity or opposition conflicts, and a relationship exists between these clinical profiles
and the risk of committing delinquent or violent acts. The longitudinal study led by Caspi
(2000) showed a strong relationship between a difficult temperament at three years of age,
and a later display of violent behaviors. Chess and Thomas (cited in Farrington, 2005)
reached similar conclusions, relating a difficult temperament at four years of age, character-
ized by irritability, low obedience, and poor adaptability, with poor psychological adjustment
between the ages of 17 and 24 years.
Intelligence, school achievement and social adjustment

Several papers have documented the importance of a limited intelligence and school
achievement as important predictors of behavior disorders, delinquency and antisocial behav-
ior. Longitudinal studies have shown the relationship between low verbal intelligence, low
school performance, lack of problem-solving skill and precarious social skills with the risk of
being aggressive and behaving violently (Moffit, 1993; Eron & Huesmann, 1993).
A low verbal quotient is also related to poor school performance, and both can predict
development of violent behaviors (Farrington, 2005). Children who do not do well in school
more easily become those who tend to commit delinquent acts; even early indifference toward
schooling is related to becoming delinquent. When children do not attend or are often absent
from school, they join with others who have either been delinquent themselves, or who, like
themselves, hate school, or have even been expelled. These deviant groups form part of a lar-
ger group rejected by their peers, and offer an opportunity for involving more young people in
delinquent or violent acts. The opportunity is more likely found in these groups than in oth-
ers where the members attend class and feel identified with their school (Patterson, Reid &
Dishion, 1992).
Characteristics of the family home and parents’ child-raising styles

The family is the first socialization model for children, and doubtless is a key element
in the origin of violent behaviors. A large number of studies have investigated family influ-
ence in the aggressive child and the child at risk (Harris & Reid, 1981; Morton, 1987; Patter-
son, DeBaryshe & Ramsay, 1989; Patterson & Yoerger, 2002; Farrington, 2005), and they
identify the following family aspects as predictive factors of violent behavior:
 Family destructuring: change in traditional roles, absence of one parent, lack of at-
tention, etc.
 Abuse and violent modeling in the nuclear family, where the child learns to solve
conflicts using physical harm or verbal aggression.
 Family models where one learns that power is exerted by being the strongest, with
a lack of negotiation and dialogue.
 Child-raising methods with lax, inconsistent practices, restrictive practices, or in

some cases excessively punitive practices are the most important factors, along
with poor supervision.
 Lack of affection between spouses, with absence of security and emotional

warmth.
Children are socialized from a very young age, they are taught how to handle frustra-
tion, to react in certain situations and to solve problems effectively. Most of this early so-
cialization takes place at the child’s home, in the family nest, and the evidence is clear: par-
ents of aggressive children punish them more frequently, more inconsistently and ineffec-
tively. They also tend to be coercive and manipulative with their children, and they fail to
reinforce their children’s positive, prosocial behaviors. A coercive style in the parent/child
relationship leads parents to unconsciously reinforce coercive behavior in their children, since
the latter are rewarded when they stop bothering or manipulating their parents. These chil-
dren learn that aggressive behavior usually leads them to getting what they want.
Parents who are careless, who reject their children or who are negligent also have a
high risk that their children become involved in violent acts. Neglect, or lack of parental fol-
low-up of their children, has been labeled as a factor which increases the risk of delinquency,
resentment in the child, etc., which can be expressed through poor school performance and
antisocial behaviors. Parents who effectively supervise their children and are more actively
involved in their children’s activities produce children who are more competent from the so-
cial point of view.
Children whose parents are antisocial also have a high risk of falling into delinquency
and violence. Part of this risk is related to the violent or criminal behavior of their parents, or
it can also be related to an inherited temperament.
Finally, we must note that children who are victims of abuse by their parents during
childhood have a higher risk of being involved in violent acts during adolescence (Farrington,
2005). In the study by Thornberry (1994), 38% of young people from non-violent families
admitted having been involved at some time in violent acts. This percentage increases to 60%
when we speak of children who belong to families where any type of violent acts occurs (do-
mestic violence, hostile family atmosphere, child abuse) and even 78% when children of these
families are under the influence of all three types of violence. Results from this study suggest
a significant influence from ongoing exposure to acts of violence and victimization as an
underlying factor in development of violence in the child.
Influence of the peer group, the school and the social context
As indicated earlier, having a delinquent peer group is an indicator which precedes
development of violent behaviors (Lipsey & Derzon, 1998). In this sense, it is clearly appar-
ent that violent young people associate with peers who have behavior problems, and that the
latter reinforce their antisocial behavior. As we said, a peer group with behavior problems
also has a negative influence regarding school, as expressed by: school absenteeism, lack of
identification with other students and with teachers, lack of commitment to one’s studies, etc.
On the other hand, there are factors internal to the school institution itself which en-
courage development of violence, since the school stratum itself presupposes a certain format
and certain basic principles of socialization. Furthermore, we must consider that school is
founded on an internal hierarchy and organization which in itself harbors strain and conflict.
Fernández (1998) indicates the most significant traits that can provoke appearance of abusive
conduct: (a) lack of common reference criteria among the teachers; (b) problems of school
organization; (c) appearance of different cultural values due to immigration; (d) roles and re-
lationships between teachers and students; (e) relationships among the students; (f) size of the
school facilities; and, (g) punitive and sanctioning strategies used by the schools to address
violent acts among students.
Outside of school, and without going into much detail, numerous studies show the re-
lationship between violence and certain community indicators: lack of neighborhood organi-
zation, changes of family residence, lack of parental supervision of their children’s behavior,
strong presence of drugs and gangs, precarious socioeconomic contexts, etc. (Coulton, Korbin
& Su, 1998). Violence at school is to a large degree a reflection of what happens in the
neighborhood and in the social context where the individual lives, to the extent that a signifi-
cant relationship has been established between the quantity of violence in the neighborhood
where the child lives and the level of violence seen at his or her school (Ascher, 1994).
The Media
The media are being questioned as a first catalyst of information. The content of the
media message presents violence as something immediate, ordinary and frequent. The level
of physical violence in cartoons is being discussed by everyone in public debate. Further-
more, children and adolescents are frequently exposed to intense levels of televised violence
whether through films, music channels, videogames, cell phone messages, newspapers, news
broadcasts, etc. Several studies have reached conclusions that exposure to violent acts is
strongly associated with the risk of suffering or being involved in aggressive or violent behav-
iors (Derksen & Strasburger, 1996).
There seem to be three clear effects of violence in the media. First, children exposed
to high levels of violence in the media more easily accept aggressive attitudes, and after wit-
nessing violent acts, they begin to behave more aggressively with their peers. Second,
chronic exposures extended over a period of time can desensitize the child toward violence
and its consequences. Third, children accustomed to seeing violence in the media perceive a
violent world, where one must fight to subsist; they have a growing fear of becoming a victim
in that world and they develop the need to fight and abuse others so as not to become victims
themselves.
It is true that not all children who grow up watching large quantities of televised vio-
lence end up becoming violent adolescents or adults; however, they do show more aggression
when they are small and especially after they have watched violence. By contrast, children
who watch programs with prosocial content are less aggressive, more cooperative and have
more desire to share their things with other children.
Conclusions
Bullying is a problem at school: its consequences affect all agents involved, and indi-
rectly, the rest of the educational community that must coexist with the effects being pro-
duced. Research on this problem has covered much ground, and yet there is still a long way
to go for researchers focused on analysis of the problem.
First, we must reach once and for all an agreed-on definition, accepted by the greater
part of researchers, which would allow all of us to be speaking about the same phenomenon.
Along these lines, methodological limitations related to the definition of the construct must be
resolved, as well as time periods of frequency and duration established in the definition of the
problem. Not having a common reference point will continue giving rise to methodological
limitations relating to instruments used for collecting information, and making it difficult to
compare studies carried out in different countries.
Another aspect to be addressed relates to instruments used for measuring bullying.

Today a large number of scales are available regarding aggressive behavior; however, it is
difficult to extrapolate data drawn from these scales and to interpret them in relation to abu-
sive behaviors. On the other hand, few instruments exist which allow valid, reliable meas-
urement of peer abuse (bullying). Moreover, the available instruments seem to be imprecise
and limited; although they measure the phenomenon they are not normalized instruments with
respect to developmental levels (Griffin & Gross, 2004).
Research on the influence of certain variables such as gender and age on these behav-
iors needs to go deeper. The discrepancy between results obtained by different studies reveals
this need. Likewise, there is a need to perform studies on bullying during childhood. As we
have seen, there are indicators which allow us to foresee the development of antisocial behav-
iors starting at three years of age. However, the few studies that have been carried out in this
area require that conclusions be ratified. These aspects are closely connected to putting effec-
tive intervention measures into practice. We require intervention programs, designed and
implemented, which are accompanied by powerful evaluation designs that make it possible to
show validity and effectiveness from the results obtained. In this sense, it is of vital impor-
tance to gather as much reliable information as possible regarding the problem. Thus, in the
case of early intervention, studies carried out with students of Preschool and Primary Educa-
tion would have the best yield. In the case of Secondary or Tertiary interventions, we must
make the most of studies related to exploring risk factors that provoke the problem: from our
knowledge base we will have the keys for being able to intervene.
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Bullying: Description and Analysis of the Phenomenon.

Article in Electronic Journal of Research in Educational Psychology · September 2006

Juan Luís Benítez Muñoz Fernando Justicia

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Juan Luís Benítez

Dept. of Developmental and Educational Psychology,

Keywords: bullying, incidence, victims, aggressors, risk factors

Towards a definition of bullying

Defining bullying is no small task, especially if we seek a definition which is agreed

Characterization of the phenomenon

Incidence of the phenomenon

Table I. Comparison of studies and incidence rates

Characteristics of victims and aggressors

Approximately 10% of schoolchildren can be classified as students repeatedly victim-

Olweus (1993) affirms that approximately 7% of preschool or elementary children

Bullying and age

Bullying and gender

Effects of bullying on victims and aggressors

ance, psychosomatic problems, anxiety, social dysfunction, depression, suicidal tendencies,

Analysis of risk factors

Personality, temperament and impulsiveness

Intelligence, school achievement and social adjustment

Characteristics of the family home and parents’ child-raising styles

 Child-raising methods with lax, inconsistent practices, restrictive practices, or in

 Lack of affection between spouses, with absence of security and emotional

Another aspect to be addressed relates to instruments used for measuring bullying.

ing the CIMEI questionnaire on intimidation and bullying.] Anales de Psicología,

Lipsey, M. & Derzon, J. (1998). Predictors of violent or serious delinquency in adolescence

adolescents: A developmental analysis and model for intervention. Washington, DC:

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