2005 Preventing Violent Extremism Together Report
2005 Preventing Violent Extremism Together Report
2005 Preventing Violent Extremism Together Report
Table of Contents
Convenors’ Foreword.................................................................2
Shaukat Warraich from the Imams and Mosques working group and Ifath Nawaz
from the Security and Policing working group volunteered to compile and format
the final reports from all the working groups before submission to the Home
Office.
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Summary of Recommendations
Working together to prevent extremism
CONVENORS’ FOREWORD
Following the tragic events of 7th and 21st July, the Government appointed a
diverse range of people with different skills and knowledge in mid August 2005 to
join seven Working Groups that it had resolved to set up, the objective being
Working Together to Prevent Extremism.
The timetable set for the groups to consider, deliberate, discuss and ultimately to
reach their recommendations was a period of 6 weeks, with a further short period
for submission of the final reports. It should be noted from the outset that the
findings and recommendations presented are truly remarkable and immensely
gratifying especially in the light of the time constraints.
The Government's initiative, to engage and consult with the Muslim communities,
was widely welcomed and there was sincerity on the part of those invited to
participate in this exercise. There was a general consensus that an analysis of
what had happened on those two days in July needed to take place, together
with a thorough investigation into how and why those terrible events had
occurred. What motivated the four July 7 bombers to kill and maim innocent
civilians? What deep underlying issues needed to be addressed? Coupled with
this, there was also a clear and undeniable recognition that the Muslim
communities along with other faith communities, had a deep vested interest in
promoting a strong civil society built on shared notions of good citizenship, social
cohesion, religious tolerance and peaceful co-existence.
The individuals involved in this process were acutely aware of the relevance and
critical nature of this exercise due to the hostile climate that followed the events
of 7th and 21st July, in the form of attacks on the Islamic Faith , the incessant
demands for Muslims to repeatedly demonstrate their allegiance to the country,
the demonisation of a whole community together with the unprovoked and
marked attacks on Islam and Muslims by the media and in other more direct
forms of physical attacks on mosques and individuals. All this dictated that the
challenge had to be faced and that this process was an opportunity to respond in
a constructive way which was inclusive, positive and forward looking.
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Summary of Recommendations
Working together to prevent extremism
From the outset it was recognised that whilst this process was largely looking at
Muslim communities, that the responsibility for tackling extremism and
radicalisation in all its forms was the responsibility of society as a whole. The
Working Groups are united in the view that whilst the remit for various working
groups was to tackle extremism and radicalisation, most if not all the strands see
that the solutions lie in the medium to longer term issues of tackling inequality,
discrimination, deprivation and inconsistent Government policy, and in particular
foreign policy.
Emphasis has also been placed repeatedly on the need to look not only at the
events that occurred on those two days in July, but to the causes behind them.
The Working Groups are therefore united in calling for a Public Inquiry in order
for all the issues to be considered and examined in the public domain. The
inquiry will be instrumental in understanding and learning from what has
happened in order to prevent its reoccurrence.
Due to the nature of the process and the fact that each Working Group worked
independently of each other, each chapter represents the work of that particular
group. Dialogue across the groups would have been constructive and extremely
useful, but this was limited. The order of the Chapters does not reflect the
importance of the subject matter, as from the point of view of all those involved,
each chapter and its components bear more or less equal weight, and all are
immensely important in the way forward in tackling the issues. However it is
equally recognised that some recommendations will require priority over others
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Summary of Recommendations
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The Convenors wish to express their thanks and appreciation to the individual
members who made up the Working Groups for their contributions and
understanding in working under the pressurised circumstances and for making
the most of the opportunity presented.
Signed
Yusuf Islam
Lord Nazir Ahmed
Baroness Pola Manzila Uddin
Inayat Bunglawala
Mohammed Abdul Aziz
Nahid Majid
Abdal Ullah October 2005
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Summary of Recommendations
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SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS
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Summary of Recommendations
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Summary of Recommendations
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Recommendation 2:
The Government must establish and undertake a Public Inquiry into the what,
how and why of 7/7 and 21/7 – including an inquiry into the root causes of and
the Government’s and other public agencies response to the atrocities. The
inquiry should also consider the consequences of the events and impact of
measures resulting from the events.
Recommendation 3:
The momentum developed by the Home Office in engaging and consulting the
Muslim community through the Taskforce must not be lost. The effort needs to be
formalised and professionalized as a means of undertaking the more long term
and lasting work.
Anti-Terrorism Provisions
Recommendation 4:
Addressing Islamophobia
Recommendation 5:
Update categories for race monitoring to reflect the race make up of Britain today
and extend all race monitoring to include religion wherever appropriate. Audit all
provisions on race and extend to religion and belief wherever appropriate – with
particular emphasis on extending to Muslim communities. The audit needs to be
undertaken and action plan implemented within specific expeditious timelines
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Summary of Recommendations
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Recommendation 6:
Establish a Unit at the DCMS, modelled on the Islamic Media Unit at the FCO, to
encourage a more balanced representation of Islam and Muslims in the British
media, (popular) culture and sports industries. Establish a Steering Group
chaired by a Minister and including participation from the Muslim community and
the relevant industries, to draw up a strategy for the Unit.
Recommendation 7:
Recommendation 8:
Pilot Recommendation 5 in the Police Service through ACPO & APA (working
with representative organisations from the Muslim community), but with
Ministerial oversight, and possibly also through specific monitoring by the HMIC.
The piloting should, in particular, focus on key tools for equality (e.g., the positive
duty, PSA targets, procurement provisions, etc.) and major areas of equality work
(policy impact assessment, reporting and recording of Islamophobic crimes,
recruitment/retention/promotion, training and awareness raising, etc.)
Recommendation 9:
Better resourcing for more meaningful engagement and partnership between the
Police and Muslim communities – including capacity building in Muslim
communities for such engagement and participation. In terms of resourcing, there
needs to be a recognition that the Muslim community can provide intellectual and
human resources. However, what it may not always be able to do is provide
financial resources and skills. This is where Government agencies could help. A
good starting point would be to set up and resource Muslim Safety Forums
(MSFs) across the country where there are significant concentration of Muslims,
which could be co-ordinated by a well resourced national MSF
Recommendation 10:
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Summary of Recommendations
Working together to prevent extremism
Tackling Extremism
Recommendation 11:
Recommendation 12:
Develop 10-12 Muslim ‘beacon centres’ around the UK, at the heart of Muslim
geographic concentrations that will serve as model centres for smaller mosques,
cultural centres, educational facilities, etc. The centres will also provide direct
access for Government to the grass roots dynamics of the Muslim community.
Establish a team at the HO/ODPM to consider how these centres can be
developed and to deliver the project.
Recommendation 13:
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Summary of Recommendations
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4. ‘Islamic Way of Life’ exhibition - this would be similar to the ‘Jewish way of
Life’ exhibition and would tour schools to help increase understanding
about Islam and what British Muslims actually believe and stand for, as part
of a wider set of educational initiatives designed to further public
understanding of Islam and British Muslims.
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I would like to pay tribute to the group members who gave up their time to make
this happen. Hamza Yusuf, Mehboob Khan, Sara Al-Katib, Wakkas Khan, Shazid
Miah, Yahya Birt, Huda Jawad, Irfan Chisti, Atif Imtiaz, Mohammed Amran and
Farzana Hakim. The contribution and commitment of my deputy convenor,
Shareefa Fulat, was particularly important. We were all committed to achieving a
set of recommendations, which were both ambitious and workable – I think that is
reflected in the report.
I would like to give a special mention to the very supportive staff from the Home
Office whose help and commitment towards the group made this possible in the
short time we had.
Abdal Ullah
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ii. Background/Context
Extremist ideas
There is no single pathway into extremism – individuals can come from a range
of ethnic, socio-economic and cultural backgrounds. 1 The one common
denominator is the existence of an ideology that is rooted in political grievances
but articulated with reference to a mistaken understanding of Islam. The working
group identified particular areas for concern in the UK around, for example, the
dissemination of extremist propaganda in universities and prisons, the lack of
accessible information about mainstream Islam, and the lack of legitimate outlets
with which young Muslims are able to register protest and dissent.
Leadership/participation
Participation by young Muslims in civic and political activity is lower than the
national average – although this may be explained by socio-economic, rather
than faith-related factors. Young British Muslims tend to face a double exclusion:
from wider society and from conventional leadership roles within their own
communities. In particular, many young Muslims have reported:
• that they lack a ‘voice’ and stake in the political and civic institutions of the
UK;
• that they lack levers over which they can influence decisions that are
important to Muslims 2
Public service provision
Young Muslims share many of the same challenges and problems that other
young people face – but these problems are often magnified because of a
perceived taboo about discussing sensitive issues within the community or
because mainstream services are not faith-sensitive enough. For those young
Muslims not in university or college, it is critical that youth services are able to
provide the support that they need.
1 Definitions are important. The working Group noted that while there is clear opposition among
British Muslims to terrorism and violence, there is less agreement about a definition of extremism
that might incorporate sympathy or support for causes of self‐determination in the Muslim world
e.g. Palestine/Israel.
2 Ministerial visits 2005
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Executive Summary
Key issues
• There is evidence that a few young Muslims are turning to extremism –
fuelled by anger, alienation and disaffection from mainstream British society
• Young Muslims are often doubly disaffected – (1) from wider society and
(2) from conventional leadership roles and traditions within their own
communities
• Young Muslims share many of the same challenges and problems that
other young people face – but these problems can be made worse if
mainstream services are not faith-sensitive enough
In addition to the three recommendations set out in the executive summary, the
working group felt that there were a number of specific problems that needed to
be addressed in relation to extremism, including: radicalisation on campuses, a
lack of accessible information on Islam, the lack of international opportunities for
young British Muslims and the potential for extremist recruitment in prisons.
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iii. Recommendations
1. Countering extremist ideas
The Working Group recognised that the threat of religious extremism would only
be defeated once the ideas and ideologies that underpinned it were explicitly
taken on and defeated. In other words, the problem is not primarily rooted in
socio-economic deprivation: it is based on a global ideology - motivated by
political grievances and justified by reference to a mistaken interpretation of
Islam.
Recommendation 1
The campaign would draw on the theological and oratory skills of the scholars to
provide capacity-building and intensive training for young Muslims, youth workers
and those working with vulnerable youths in universities, mosques and the prison
service – enabling them to counter the ideological arguments of extremists. It
would be delivered by a cross-section of grass-roots youth organisations and
targeted at the major cities in which Muslims live in the UK (London, Birmingham,
Bradford, Manchester, Kirklees, Leicester and Luton). It is estimated that this
initiative would cost an initial outlay of £100,000, including the delegation of
scholars, conference hall hire and staff costs.
Timetable: 2005-06
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Recommendation 2
The UK Youth Parliament trains Muslim youth MPs to be peer facilitators and run
debates and/or consultations with young Muslims in their local communities. This
would provide a forum and safe space whereby young Muslims could come
together to debate difficult issues and register dissent towards Government
policies, while in the longer-term, providing the platform whereby constructive
policy alternatives could be developed
Delivery/implementation
UKYP have been fully consulted and have proposed the development of a 3 year
training programme for young Muslims who are currently serving MYPs and
Deputy MYPs (DMYPs) to be peer facilitators. Having undergone some basic
training the Muslim MYPs would run a consultation with peer groups in their local
constituencies to identify key issues of concern. Once these issues had been
identified the MYPs would be supported to run a number of focused debates -
allowing young Muslims to express their opinions in the company of their peer
group, and facilitated in such a way as to ensure that both young men and
women were given a chance to have their say.
Where appropriate these debates would call on the experience of MPs and
Government Ministers, and experts in international development, foreign policy,
charitable aid, etc in order to provide an opportunity for a direct interface. It is
hoped that through these events the young people would feel that they were able
to offer solutions, instead of being seen as part of the problem. At the debate
events UKYP would also promote different ways in which young Muslims could
play an active role in their communities, as well as flag up existing organisations
to whom they could apply to for funding for small community projects (e.g. the
Russell Commission, the Prince’s Trust, Heritage Lottery Fund etc).
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Timetable: 2006-09
Other ways of developing leadership capacity and projecting the ‘voice’ of Muslim
youth discussed by the working group included:
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Recommendation 3
Ensuring the Youth Green Paper is accessible to Muslim youth and that the new
offer of things to do and places to go caters for young Muslims’ needs
Delivery/implementation
NCVYS and the Muslim Youth Helpline have already been commissioned by
DfES to consult Muslim young people on the Green Paper. Costs will be
negligible. It is also important that further research is carried out to assess the
gaps in services to Muslim youth.
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Recommendation 4
Delivery/implementation
The Home Office, in partnership with the Department of Education & Skills, has
already begun a dialogue with Vice Chancellors and the Federation of Student
Islamic Societies (FOSIS). As a result of this meeting, Universities UK have
agreed to draw together a guide on good practice in working with Muslim and
other faith communities. Costs associated with this recommendation would be
minimal. The Working Group recommends that other Muslim student bodies are
included in this process following the lead of FOSIS.
Timetable: 2006-10
The Working Group was also keenly aware that in an age of mass media, much
learning about Islam is autodidactic – rather than being based on teachings in the
mosque, for example. This has resulted in innovation and creativity but has also
provided opportunities for the propagation of extremist ideology,
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Recommendation 5
Delivery/implementation
Timetable: 2005-06
Recommendation 6
The Prison service to work with the Muslim community in designing appropriate
educational and other services for Muslim prisoners both in prison and post-
release.
The case of Richard Reid being a case in point
3
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Delivery/implementation
The NOMS Communities and Civil Renewal Strategy should develop a set of
proposals specifically around involving local communities in meeting the needs of
Muslim prisoners. Local and regional Muslim organisations, mosques and
women’s groups need to be involved so that they feel a sense of shared
responsibility for the welfare of current and ex-Muslim prisoners.
Timetable: 2006-10
Recommendation 7
Delivery/implementation
UKYP has received a number of requests for help in the creation of a Youth
Parliament in Jordan, Canada, Eastern Europe (Macedonia, Albania and
Kosovo); as well as requests for support for a youth participation project in
Afghanistan. With additional funding, UKYP could work with the British Council to
develop projects in other countries, to enable young Muslims from the UK and
other young people, to visit these countries to develop youth participation
projects, begin to counter some of the mis-held perceptions of life in Islamic
countries, and where required support the creation of other democratic youth
parliaments.
Costs of youth participation work would be likely to run to at least £300,000 (this
would include three delegations of young British Muslims).
Timetable: 2006-09
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iv. Conclusion/Vision
The Working Group - taking into account the limitations set by time - believes that
these initial proposals, which came out of short but intense discussion, will help
to prevent the next generation of Muslims from being attracted to extremism.
The major themes set out in this paper – ideology, leadership, citizenship, public
service provision – go to the heart of the major issues facing young Muslims in
Britain today. They also help provide the beginnings of a comprehensive
framework for action that will need to be taken forward in partnership by both the
Muslim community and the Government, a partnership that will need to continue
well beyond the life of the seven working groups. It is important to avoid the
notion that in any particular policy endeavour, one leading institution can deliver
effective outcomes to a diverse and disaggregated Muslim community. Only a
partnership that is broad, inclusive and representative will deliver outcomes that
are truly effective.
Ultimately, we want young British Muslims to feel part of British society, to feel
empowered, to be active role models in their communities, and most importantly,
to achieve their dreams and goals.
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Chapter 2: Education
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Executive Summary
This report is the result of a consultation process involving the Government and a
number of Muslim organisations and individuals. Seven informal Working Groups
were established by the Home Office to develop a number of practical proposals
aimed at preventing extremism and reducing disaffection and radicalisation in the
Muslim community. The Education Working Group was asked to identify a “full
range of education services, in the UK, that meet the needs of the Muslim
community”.
A series of intense meetings and deliberations took place over the period of a
month and concrete proposals were agreed for the Muslim community and the
Government to carry forward in partnership. The Education Working Group’s
proposals are summarised as follows:
C. Conclusion
D. Appendices
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However, the Muslim community must accept its part of the responsibility to try to
ensure that the culture of radical ideas and influences out of which such attacks
grew have no rightful place in our community and country. We believe that a
better and truer knowledge of Islam and improved educational achievement for
young Muslims can impact positively on their outlook and future. An improved
representation and acknowledgement of Islam and its positive contribution to
European civilisation, if made more available nationally within institutions and
places of learning, will enhance self esteem and help reduce substantially the
alienation and imbalance that the present lack of such education breeds.
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1.1.1 Research and audit the National Curriculum and various directives and
guidelines produced by the DfES, TDA, Ofsted and QCA
1.1.2 Make practical and achievable recommendations with the cooperation and
assistance of Government officers to appropriate departments, and thus
1.1.3 Correct the current ‘alien’ image of Islam and represent a more faithful
reflection of Muslims as an integral part of British society, and European history
and heritage.
1.2.3 The interim task force will be superseded by the National Education
Research & Foundation Centre (see third proposal below).
4 e.g. Muslim Council of Britain (MCB), Muslim Educational Trust (MET), International Board of
Educational Research and Resources (IBERR).
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1.3.1 An initial pump priming fund from the Government of £250,000 will need to
be provided for the first six month phase to enable the work of the interim task
force to proceed. During this first phase a more detailed budget, including the
financial contribution required from British Muslims, will be prepared to cover the
medium to long-term goals of research, publication and expanded activities
together with administration expenses.
• Ensuring that the Every Child Matters national programme addresses the
faith and cultural needs of all children.
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• Carrying forward the work of the aforementioned interim task force to reflect
faithfully Islam and its civilisation across the entire education system.
• Identifying and developing new and existing talent amongst Muslim youth
by promoting Islamic traditions through cultural workshops on recitation, art,
poetry and song, as well as courses in journalism, writing and publishing.
See ʺ1001 Inventionsʺ in Appendix C
5
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3.2.1 The Waqf al Birr Educational Trust 6 has a property available in London
suitable for such a Centre. Plans have already been approved by the local
council for a cultural centre with facilities that can be easily adapted to suit the
requirements of the NERF.
3.2.2 The Trust will seek the support of Working Group members and other
scholars and partnerships - particularly the International Board of Educational
Research and Resources (IBERR) 7 – as well as other relevant bodies involved in
researching, monitoring, evaluating and developing effective teaching and
learning strategies and materials.
A registered UK charity promoting religious and educational aims and objects
6
http://www.iberr.org
7
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4.1.2 Life-skills and citizenship teaching should be promoted as a vehicle for imparting
spiritual and ethical values, thereby assisting students to understand and appreciate the
common ground between faiths and peoples whilst remaining true to their own traditions.
Most schemes available today, like other subjects of the national curriculum, lack any real
emphasis on the faith dimension and, regarding the Islamic perspective in particular, are
inadequate.
4.2.1 The Religious Education Council of England and Wales in partnership with
the NERF Centre (itself assisted by other national Muslim bodies such as the
Muslim Council of Britain) will work towards promoting the structure of SACREs
and encouraging increased participation from Muslim and other faith communities
on governing bodies, advisory panels, and other significant local and central
government bodies.
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C. Conclusion
The members of the Education Working Group found the opportunity to work
together under the auspices of the Home Office extremely valuable. The time
constraints and the pressure to work within a set framework were very
challenging and the number of issues and concerns were considerable. We
believe we have arrived at a juncture where we can now move forward and
progress through a number of workable proposals in partnership.
Members are willing to continue to serve the wider community in tackling extremism while
ensuring that the character of Muslim culture is not lost or distorted in the process. The
enhancement of spirituality within the framework of education is seen as a vital
foundation in the effort to build a safe, just, benevolent and harmonious society.
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D. Appendix A
• The QCA’s “Respect for All” web site 8 offers a substantial range of practical
suggestions and guidelines for incorporating multicultural perspectives in all
curriculum subjects. However, it is just one of many examples where an
opportunity to include the Islamic dimension is neglected (barring a few
exceptions).
8
http://www.qca.org.uk/301.html
9
http://www.muslimheritage.com
10
http://www.iqratrust.org.uk
11
http://www.cie.org
12
http://www.mcb.org.uk/mcbdirect
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Appendix B
2 Improving the performance and attainment of Muslim pupils
• It is common knowledge that Muslim students at Islamic schools exceed
consistently national expectations – in fact, in many cases the schools they
attend regularly top examination league tables – yet their counterparts in
local schools are underachieving across all Key Stages. At the same time
there is increasing evidence indicating that where British Muslims have the
opportunity to make a mark with the right kind of personal and professional
support they perform extremely well and are making a real contribution to
society in every field.
• Although the Department for Education and Skills web site14 has a wide
range of guidance and information it fails to offer faith specific perspectives
which teachers and governors can refer to with confidence. Similarly, the
Ethnic Minority Attainment site15 is a resource base for teachers
developed by Birmingham, Leeds and Manchester Local Education
Authorities with funding from the DfES. It contains many practical ideas and
links but fails to focus adequately on faith specific as opposed to culture
specific issues. Several local authorities have published valuable guidance
on supporting bilingual pupils in the mainstream classroom. They include:
Hampshire16, Hounslow17, Manchester18 and Portsmouth.19
13
http://www.insted.co.uk/websites.html
14
http://www.standards.dfes.gov.uk/ethnicminorities
15
http://www.emaonline.org.uk
16
http://www3.hants.gov.uk/education/ema.htm
17
http://www.ealinhounslow.org.uk
18
http://www.manchester.gov.uk/education/diversity/ema/eal.htm
19
http://www.blss.portsmouth.sch.uk
20
http://www.insted.co.uk
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Regional Commission for Yorkshire and the Humber are the closest thing to
addressing the underachievement of Muslim children because its report
and the accompanying handbook refer to ‘British Pakistani learners in
schools’ and identify ‘WORK IN PROGRESS’ in eleven LEAs in the form of
case studies.21
• The Teacher World web site22 based at Leeds Metropolitan University and
funded by the Teacher Training Agency has a particular focus on the
experiences and perceptions of Asian and black teachers which can be
improved by focussing also on the way Muslim teachers can make a more
effective contribution. Another example of a welcome initiative but which
again falls short of providing a Muslim inclusive dimension is The General
Teaching Council for England web site23 which is developing a network for
education professionals to promote race equality in schools.
• The BBC has valuable sites on black history for school pupils. This has
gone a long way towards helping schools and educators to adopt an
inclusive curriculum with particular reference to Afro-Caribbean pupils. Its
excellent Windrush series offers guidance on amending the curriculum
content in response to the school community. A similar focus on Islam and
Muslims in partnership with the NERF Centre would have the desired
impact on the quality of teaching and learning.
21
http://www.insted.co.uk/raise.html
22
http://www.teacherworld.org.uk
23
http://www.gtce.org.uk/achieve
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Appendix C
3 The establishment of a British Muslim-led “National
Education Research & Foundation Centre” (NERF Centre)
• The NERF Centre would establish a board of qualified and skilled
educationists equipped to help co-ordinate the often inadequately funded
community based initiatives in their effort to organise and provide faith and
culture specific professional development programmes, exhibitions,
seminars and multi-media presentations. There is a huge demand from all
schools, colleges and universities for information and guidance which is not
being met. Some of the most frequently asked questions fall into the
following categories:
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Appendix D
• Opportunities for Muslim men and women, both young and old, to train as
teachers are improving thanks to the TTA’s initiatives in partnership with
the Association of Muslim Schools (UK) and other Muslim organisations. It
is hoped (and should certainly be encouraged) that some of these new
teachers will wish to become co-ordinators for RE in primary schools or
secondary school RE specialists. At the same time, it is important that all
student teachers have some genuine appreciation of Islam.
24
http://www.insted.co.uk/islam.html
25
http://www.nasuwt.org.uk
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Main Recommendation 1
Sub-recommendations
• Provide faith sensitive mentoring schemes within the workplace that offer
opportunities for already engaged Muslim women to share experiences and
learn from and provide support to each other.
• Extend the provision of equal opportunities and racial equality law to cover
discrimination on the grounds of faith.
• Provide space on recruitment forms for job applicants to declare their faith
as this may facilitate obtaining an overall view of rates of success and
failure amongst Muslim women applicants to various posts in the public
sector.
Background
At present, there is an under representation of Muslim women amongst the top
positions in the public and private sectors. This lack of role models has led
women to believe that higher levels of civic society are irrelevant, elusive or
beyond the reach of Muslim women.
Championing existing Muslim women who are successfully leading work in the
statutory and voluntary sectors would provide positive and accessible role
models for up-and-coming Muslim women who might be interested in leading
public lives.
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Timescale: 5 - 10 years
Cost: TBD
Recommendation 2
(Building a) National campaign and coalition which entails increasing the visibility
of Muslim women and empowering them to become informed and active citizens
within society.
Sub-recommendations
• Increase the number of women participating in civic life.
• Monitoring and recording the successes would help build momentum for
similar work.
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Background
Muslim women living in the UK cannot be defined simply or be seen as a
singular, homogenous group. Making broad assertions about the role of women
in Islam is often fraught with difficulty. For many, political, socio-economic and
cultural dynamics can shape the way in which Muslim women practice their faith.
In particular, the role of mothers/women within the family nucleus, in the
workplace, and within communities, all need to be explored across a variety of
contexts. Consequently, the solution to inclusion of Muslim women in society lies
in discovering the myriad and complex roles that they have therein. To this end,
the empowerment of Muslim women in the UK needs to be addressed by
Government and other statutory bodies understanding the importance of
responsibility, honour and obligation.
One of the most concrete ways to engage Muslim women is to increase and
enhance their involvement in civic and public life. Through more meaningful
participation and direct engagement with the statutory, voluntary and faith based
institutions that serve the country, Muslim women can encourage a more
responsive behaviour amongst themselves and, in doing so; increase the amount
of interaction between Muslim communities and society in general.
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This can be delivered through recognised regional and local Muslim women’s
organizations and funded by central, devolved governments, local authorities and
other relevant statutory agencies as part of their Racial and Faith Equality
Scheme.
Timescale: 5 - 10 years
Cost: TBD
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Recommendation 3
Sub-recommendations
• There is a need for Local Authorities to better monitor and impact assess
funding that goes toward services for hard to reach communities.
• Analyse how much of these resources benefit and advance the Muslim
community, Muslim organisations and Muslim women.
• The establishment of common public areas for women, Muslim (et. al).
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Background
There are a number of Muslim women’s organisations, throughout the UK, that
are already active and successfully responding to the existing and emerging
needs of Muslim women. These women’s organisations serve a variety of
functions, including direct service delivery and advocacy. However, success is
often limited by the inability of women to fully develop the skills required to
advance the scope and range of these organisations.
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In a meeting with South Wales Police it was discovered there was a drop in the
reporting of racist incidences recorded in the first week following the London
bombings of July. It was concluded that the actual daily experience of the Muslim
community did not reflect the Police statistics and that there was a significant
underreporting of racist incidences. Further discussions with the community
revealed that the underreporting was due to fear of backlash and a general
feeling of distrust and apathy toward the Police especially in the reporting
mechanism and lack of follow up action.
To address this concern, there was a call from within the community for the
arrangement of a woman only meeting. To that end, and with the intention of
sharing concerns, supporting, informing, listening and offering assurance and
confidence a public meeting for Muslim women took place in Cardiff. The
meeting was attended by over seventy women, including Welsh Government
representatives and law advocates and provided an open and equitable forum
where women confidently discussed their concerns about safeguarding their
families and questioned how best to promote national security .
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Timescale: 3 - 5 years
Cost: TBD
Conclusion
Any effort to prevent violent extremism in the UK must take into consideration the
multi-faceted and changing role of Muslim women within the community. In
particular, Government needs to engage with Muslim women on terms that are
relevant to their experiences.
Baroness Uddin
Nighat Awan
Haleh Afshar
Humera Khan
Shahien Taj
Farkhanda Chaudhry
Shazia Khan
Zohra Moosa
Sajida Khan
Meg Munn
Parvin Ali
Shavanah Taj
With thanks to Zohra Moosa, Shavanah Taj and Monica Mahoney for their work
on this report.
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1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Following the Prime Minister and Home Secretary’s summits with Muslim
leaders in July 2005, several working groups were established to help develop
proposals resulting from the government’s consultation with Britain’s Muslim
communities.
1.2 Our working group examined the effectiveness of existing public policy and
delivery and, how these need to be improved and resourced to ”support regional
and local initiatives and community actions”. Framed within the context of current
urban policies relating to regeneration, education, unemployment and poverty,
our deliberations were driven by the government’s stated anti-poverty stance on
‘improving life chances’, and widening opportunities for Muslim and non–Muslim
communities alike.
1.3 The success, or failure, of regional and local strategies on issues such as
poverty and exclusion can have profound impact in the UK’s poorest
neighbourhoods, where limited official data indicates a trend towards increasingly
segregated communities (by race/ethnic background and religion). Poverty and
the reduction of life chances has an impact on all communities within the UK,
whether white or ethnic minority, Muslim or non-Muslim and it is important to
avoid simplistic assumptions about people, communities, cultures and ethnicity,
and acknowledge that deprivation is one factor in a chain of circumstances that
could possibly lead to ‘extremism’, political or religious. Deprivation and
disaffection among young white people has made them as susceptible to
extreme views as young people from minority ethnic and faith groups.
1.4 The Working Group decided to identify an approach to the particular needs of
the Muslim faith communities within the framework of existing government
strategies. It began its work by disseminating information about the range of
government initiatives, partnerships and policies that are currently in place,
alongside an examination of the decision-making processes that impact on
effective and responsive public service delivery, including issues around
representation on key decision making bodies.
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1.6 The process led to an engaging and intensive discussion amongst the
working group - all of whom brought an exceptional degree of expertise and
insight to the challenges that confront Muslim and non-Muslim communities alike.
A number of recommendations were considered, and the most salient included in
this final report.
1.7 The working group acknowledges there has been insufficient time to fully
investigate the barriers to, and opportunities for, increased Muslim civic
engagement. This report ‘signposts’ existing projects, initiatives and policy issues
that the government and the proposed Commission on Integration should
examine in more detail.
1.8 The working group recognises that the community cohesion and integration
agenda is not an area where government can, or should, have all the answers.
However, it has an important role in leading a robust and inclusive debate that
penetrates political and community arenas at all levels. Existing government
policy strands, such as active citizenship, civic participation, civil renewal,
community cohesion, social capital, and the emerging integration agenda all
need to reflect the realities of Muslim communities’ day-to-day experiences.
Consequently, the government needs to examine and emphasise the roles and
responsibilities of public institutions in achieving the full integration of Britain’s
Muslim communities into wider society.
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1.10 The way forward rests in recognising the significant gains that can be made
in public diplomacy 26 through the effective leveraging of public policy. Lessons
can be leant from international models of good practice. For example, Karen
Hughes, US Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs identifies
four pillars which guide her work: the need to engage vigorously, and to give a
fair hearing to new ideas in order to enable real partnering in policy delivery;
exchanges and bringing in new valuable and differing perspectives, particularly
through exchange programmes; education, through language training and giving
people skills that will help improve their own lives and learn more of particular
common values, and the empowerment of the most disadvantaged groups e.g.
women to enable greater participation.
1.11 This report is situated within a policy framework because it seeks to assist
government in the delivery of the recommendations. We therefore suggest that
the Home Office, alongside associated departments, work with us to produce a
supplementary document, framed in a language more readily understood by the
wider community, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, that could be publicly
disseminated.
1.12 As a group, we recognised the need for a swift response to the challenges
that we confront. However, we believe that it is critical that we continue to work
alongside the Home Office, and other Whitehall officials, to take these
recommendations forward. The starting point should be a feasibility assessment
into which government departments should be responsible for the delivery and
implementation of our recommendations.
1.13 We would like to extend a special thanks to the members of the working
group whose input and professional insights have proved invaluable (see
appendix three).
October 2005
26 The ways in which a country communicates with its citizens, starting from the premise that
dialogue, rather than a sales pitch, is often central to achieving the goals of public policy and must
be seen as a two‐way street.
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2. Background
2.1 Working with all communities has been a theme of government policy since
the emergence of the community cohesion agenda following the street
confrontations in Bradford, Burnley and Oldham in 2001. The disturbances
invariably referred to in the news media as ‘race riots’, were initially portrayed as
a “law and order issue”. Various reports commissioned to examine issues arising
from the disturbances and to make recommendations for action drew attention to
the fracturing of local communities and the existence of ‘parallel lives’, whereby
different communities and populations live, work and socialise separately.
2.2 The working group acknowledges the lessons learnt from the 2001
disturbances with nearly 70 recommendations coming out of the Cantle Report 27
Whilst it is important not to reinvent the wheel, our deliberations concluded that
‘community cohesion’ isn’t sufficiently equipped to deal with the conceptual
complexities of the issues, particularly in view of contested interpretations of both
community cohesion and integration particularly as they are considered to be
predominately concerned with race and ethnicity. The race and ethnicity prism is
no longer sufficient for understanding the world in which we live. There is
therefore, a need to re-define the terms and processes for traditional ‘race
equality work’ in a way which can respond to a society where faith identity is
increasingly significant. This is something which the proposed ‘Commission on
Integration’ needs to consider in more detail.
2.3 The central question is where faith sits alongside other identities in the
context of public policy. How and why is faith as important, or more important
than race, when understanding and planning responses to needs of British
Muslims? Muslims along with other religious, ethnic and cultural groups want to
see Government policies that respect religious difference and facilitate true
integration, based on a respect for fundamental religious beliefs and differences.
As leading academic and commentator Ansari points out 28 ”a range of distinct
identities is emerging among Muslims in Britain in the 21st century, but most of
these identities have a strongly religious dimension”.
2.4 In the main, Muslim organisations and communities are asking for changes
within the state system and not outside it. For example, they are asking for
changes to produce a more inclusive approach in schools, colleges and
universities, respecting pupils' Islamic identity and ensuring that it is not
compromised. The emerging popularity of independent Muslim schools can be
viewed as a direct response to Government's failure, or perceived failure, to
respond to these concerns.
Cantle, Community Cohesion: A Report of the Independent Review Team
27
Ansari, The Infidel Within, p. 406
28
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2.5 The working group emphasised the importance of inter-faith and cross-
community dialogue. Targeting only Muslim communities would result in further
stigmatising them as being the ‘problem’, which could potentially lead to
increased alienation whilst society at large plays little or no role in the two-way
integration process.
2.6 We acknowledge the important work that the Government has undertaken to
tackle poverty and social exclusion, recognising its multi-faceted nature and the
prominence given to reducing (relative) child poverty and ensuring that no one
should be seriously disadvantaged by where they live or their background.
However, whilst the diversity of experience between minority ethnic groups is
acknowledged, ethnic inequalities remains large in many dimensions, including
faith. There are conspicuous omissions relating to minority ethnic communities
where policy (let alone impact) appears to be lagging behind analysis and target-
setting, and where the scale of action looks less impressive by comparison with
the challenge in tackling inequalities between ethnic groups.
2.7 Currently no accurate data exists for Muslim communities and this needs to
be urgently addressed. Most research, such as a recent TUC report 29 , uses
official data relating to the position of people from Pakistani and Bangladeshi
ethnic groups to draw conclusions about the position of British Muslims.
However, it would be a mistake to take statistics relating to
‘Pakistani/Bangladeshi’ groups as substitutes for ‘Muslim’. Although a majority of
British Muslims are people of Pakistani and Bangladeshi origin, there is a
substantial minority from other ethnic backgrounds. It is important therefore to
understand the makeup of Muslim communities in Britain: the diversity of race
and culture, educational attainment and rates of employment.
2.8 What is clear from the research that the TUC has undertaken is that whilst
British people of Pakistani and Bangladeshi origin account for about 2% of the
overall UK population, they are the most disadvantaged and socially excluded
ethnic groups in Britain today. For example, narrowing the gaps in GCSE
attainment but not in labour market and area segregation remain major issues,
particularly for Muslim communities. In addition, from the limited evidence
available, there is a clear hierarchy of deprivation within Muslim communities.
This needs to be further investigated, with universal programmes supplemented
by programmes targeted at specific sections of the Muslim communities.
Poverty, Exclusion and British people of Pakistani and Bangladeshi origin’, Trades Union
29
Congress, August 2005
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2.9 Over recent decades, government urban policy has attempted to deal with
the issues of poverty, deprivation and social exclusion through a plethora of
regional and local strategies. Strategies have shifted from being solely economic,
social or physically focussed to being underpinned by the principle of ‘sustainable
communities’. However, an opportunity for inter-departmental co-operation on
regeneration has been missed. Future policies and practice at both macro and
micro level need to be shaped by considerations of faith. Specific faith outcomes
in PSA targets and CPAs, in this area and others, will go along way in improving
life chances and widening opportunity for all communities at the local level.
2.10 People working at the coalface of regeneration need to debate these issues
and identify other vital questions affecting day-to-day experience, such as what
improved community cohesion and integration is intended to achieve in the long
run and what is the role of regeneration in delivering it in practical terms?
Community cohesion and integration is much more than just a means to prevent
the racial tension and civil unrest that surfaced in the north of England in 2001.
The primary objective must be sustainability. Throughout the country, local
planning, education, housing and funding policies can be used collectively to
build mixed and tolerant communities. Yet this will not happen without a unified
approach. As regeneration projects impact all areas of social, economic and
political activity, they are the key to bringing diverse initiatives together for
ongoing community development.
2.11 In addition, regeneration partnerships and agencies have a clear role to play
in influencing the development of community cohesion through their funding
strategies. Targeting is often based on areas of greatest need, but not always
allocated as such. Government and Whitehall need to appreciate the value of
‘softer’ outcomes and these need to be factor in determining funding criteria
along with ‘hard’ outcomes, with penalties on regeneration agencies that do not
deliver on these targets. Similarly, they need to invest in the process of capacity
building communities which lack the tools and expertise required in applying for
funds. The decision making process is as essential as the role of decision
makers where grant allocation is concerned. The role and makeup of the Local
Strategic Partnership is central to ensuring that common strategic priorities take
community considerations into account and that ‘local area agreements’ are
shaped accordingly.
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2.14 Clearly the area of regeneration delivery requires a culture change within
government, something that is often resisted, to harness new ways of thinking
and the exchange of ideas. This will require emphasis on bringing in external
experts or secondees with direct delivery experience and an understanding of
faith dimensions. Public appointments matter so positive action needs to be
seriously considered when examining the membership of regeneration
partnership and agency boards.
2.15 Our recommendations seek to add value by bringing the interfaith dimension
to the dominant discourses concerning key themes in contemporary public policy,
including community cohesion, social mix, social capital, civil renewal and
integration. The working group has identified the following issues as requiring
urgent priority:
• addressing the lack of leadership and trust among the Muslim faith
communities especially the young and women; and
2.17 Furthermore, government policies such as ‘Together We Can’ will also need
to be harnessed if the community cohesion and integration imperative is to be
achieved. The ‘three key ingredients’ of active citizens, strengthened
communities and partnership with public bodies underpin the ‘Together We Can’
way of working and are of direct relevance to the recommendations contained in
this report. It offers active and practical ways of allowing for civic engagement
and influence particularly amongst the Muslim Communities.
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2.18 The following six recommendations were presented to the Home Secretary,
at a meeting at the Home Office on the 22nd September 2005. The working
group’s analysis of the issues and subsequent recommendations were
commended by the Secretary of State.
RECOMMENDATIONS
• Improve data collection on Muslim communities through faith monitoring;
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Recommendation One
The Working Group found it difficult to identify the complexity of the problems
facing Muslim communities due to lack of raw data. It was felt that understanding
the socio-economic position of Muslim communities and levels of community
integration was of critical importance. To redress this and prescribe appropriate
solutions we propose improving the data collection on Muslim communities
through faith monitoring where appropriate.
Faith data collection should occur in the major public policy areas where Muslim
communities are at a significant disadvantage, including the health service and
major regeneration programmes such as the Thames Gateway and Olympics.
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Recommendation Two
Many interfaith initiatives exist, such as the work being conducted by Aliph-Aleph
and The Three Faiths Forum (see appendix one), but it was acknowledged that
limited information is currently available about the extent of such work being
currently undertaken. The working group concluded that there was a need for a
good practice audit to look at inter-faith working, faith policies and faith
communities. This audit should develop a classification of initiatives in particular
to distinguish between ‘talking shops’ and more practical projects. It was also felt
that the Government should be more active in holding Regional[?] Government
Offices to account and requiring them and local authorities to develop pools of
expertise on engagement with the Muslim community
In the aftermath of 7/7, many organisations asked for practical pointers on how to
work with the Muslim community and more general inter-faith working. An audit of
local and regional policy and practice relating to Muslim, other faith and interfaith
organisations would be a good starting point. It should include consideration of
the contribution of local Interfaith Forums.
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Delivery/implementation:
• Commission on Integration
Recommendation Three
The working group felt that there was a need to increase the confidence and
competence of public authorities in dealing with faith issues through
secondments and short term contracts into and out of central, regional and local
government. Secondments/interchange and other forms of employment contract
provide one means of transferring experience and expertise of people who have
experience of working with Muslim communities, many but not all of whom will be
Muslims.
Whilst the group was in favour of more secondments of Muslims into public
authorities and institutions, there was sensitivity to the fact that faith and religious
concerns of individuals in the UK are viewed as being a private matter. It was
therefore important that faith should not be headlined but Muslims with the
appropriate skills and experience should be selected.
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Recommendation 4
The working group concluded that the absence of a strong Muslim civic capacity
would hinder progress on community cohesion and integration and that a focus
on capacity building was needed. This would enable Muslim communities to
achieve equity in terms of information and knowledge and allow them to fully
participate in the variety of civic engagement vehicles established.
Members cited existing good practice, including the Nafas Drugs project, the City
Circle and the Muslim Council of Britain’s leadership programme, with evidence
that this has had a positive impact according to the roles participants had gone
on to assume (see appendix two). This should include a database of eligible
individuals and available opportunities. Whilst it was acknowledged that funding
constraints could hinder a greater rollout of such programmes, it would be
necessary to use existing local and regional structures. For example, regional
government offices could develop leadership and capacity programmes for
Muslims at local level or the Active Community Directorate could take on a
leading role in organisation and funding. In addition, the support of non-Muslims
should be sought in preparing funding applications and developing the local
capacity of public sector bodies. It was also felt that there would be value in the
creation of regional networks of Muslim organisations supported by the Council
for Ethnic Minority Voluntary Organisations, National Council for Voluntary
Organisations and other bodies (this should include a feasibility study of
establishing a National Council of Muslim Voluntary Organisations) with funding
possibly derived from existing funding mechanisms such as ‘ChangeUp’. These
would further the understanding of Muslim concerns at regional level, allow the
transfer of best practice and improve the ability of the community to articulate
their concerns.
Delivery/implementation:
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Recommendation Five
The working group found evidence and support for places of worship becoming
co-located with facilities, acting as community hubs. By this we mean recognising
the true character and utility of these buildings as places where the community
congregates and benefits from wider social, educational and employment related
programmes and activities. For this to be effective, design and access to places
of worship would need to be addressed, as well as perceptions of funders who do
not necessarily see Mosques as places for interaction between communities. It is
important that sites where faith-based communities gather, including places of
worship, have the capacity to function as a resource to the local community,
including members of all faiths. The East London Mosque and the Ismaili Centre
have been identified as best practice examples of both design and inter-faith
inclusivity.
The fact that many mosques draw on foreign funding in the absence of
domestically available funding was discussed. It was accepted that direct public
funding of places of worship may not be an option. Consequently we would
recommend that the proposed Commission should take on the task of
investigating alternative funding sources for places of worship, which could be
easier if these were viewed within the context of community hubs.
Success stories such as Bangla Town in Brick Lane, East London, enhance
cultural and community identity, foster integration and create a sense of pride
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and ownership between and within communites. The area has become a cultural
quarter, and a hub of vibrant social and dynamic economic activity for many
different communities.
Delivery/implementation:
• ODPM together with the Commission for the Built Environment (CABE) in
relation to the Sustainable Communities Plan and the Design agenda
Recommendation 6
To link Community Cohesion and Community Safety work and funding streams at
local (LSP & CDRP) and regional (Regional Government Office) levels under the
‘Safer, Stronger Communities’ banner
The working group recognised that there are many policies and programmes in
existence and that there is no need to ‘reinvent the wheel’. The recommendations
following from the 2001 disturbances need to be revisited, to assess what has
been achieved and where more work needs to be done. The is a need to link
community cohesion and community safety work and funding streams at local
(LSP & CDRP) and regional (regional government office) levels under the ‘Safer,
Stronger Communities’ banner. This would bring together integration initiatives
and work on Islamophobia/Hate crime and tackling radicalisation all within the
context of community protection. In addition, there is an urgent need to examine
the delivery and accountability mechanisms for equality at a local level, whether
these are effective in the context of faith, and how these can been enhanced in
light of the impending Commission of Human Rights.
Delivery/implementation:
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4.2 We also need to consider, in the words of Ted Cantle, that ‘the focus of
previous race relations policy was on preventing discrimination and promoting
equalities. These are still necessary, but there is another challenge facing us –
which is, in a diverse society how do you make sure different minorities as well as
the majority community actually relate to each other, and have a common sense
of belonging and purpose?’
4.3 Achieving this should begin with increasing public sector understanding of
faith issues at all levels and reframing multicultural policy. At a strategic level,
bodies such as the Urban Task Force need to become far more representative of
communities, particularly the faith communities, they seek to serve. Similarly, at a
local level strategic priorities set through local area agreements and strategic
partnerships needs to be more attuned to the needs of all communities.
Specifically, we are concerned that there is confusion at local level about lines of
accountability for race and faith issues. In particular, the roles of local authorities,
local strategic partnerships, race equality councils and interfaith networks need to
be more clearly defined, with the establishment of an effective partnership
framework for these agencies. In addition, local infrastructure needs to be
strengthened through capacity building and increased funding, in order to turn the
national agenda on cohesion and integration into a practical reality.
4.4 Critically, the working group found evidence and support for large-scale
regional and local strategies such as the Olympics, the Sustainable Communities
Plan (People, Places and Prosperity) and the Northern Way adopting the
approaches recommended in this report. Effective capacity building will achieve
equity within the decision-making and delivery process. Representation through
secondments or board appointments, and active targeting of key individuals, is of
central importance. This is particularly so within government bodies and advisory
groups, such as the Urban Task Force, the Core Cities Group, the Urban
Development Corporations and the new Olympic Delivery Authority.
4.5 Due to the limitations of time, the working group has not had the time to
assess the financial implications of our recommendations. However, we
recognise the importance of assessing current and future budgetary information
to determine how existing programmes can be ‘flexed’ in a way that makes them
more sensitive to the varied faith communities in the UK. Only by doing so can
we collectively deliver a flexible and responsive public sector which will allow for
improved life changes and a widening of opportunity for all.
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Appendix One
Interfaith Good Practice
Nearly four fifths of the world’s population identifies itself as religious, and the
allegiances stemming from this transcends partisan, national and ethnic lines.
For many hundreds of millions, the most important community ties come from
faith, not nation, the most authoritative pronouncements are those of religious
leaders, not statesmen and the most effective provider of social and cultural
resources are churches, mosques, and synagogues, not the state. Faith-based
loyalties and providers typically outshine all others in terms of their ability to
mobilize energies and tap into human resources of all kind, both material and
spiritual. We need to recognise that faith identity is conceptually complex and its
application in the arena of Muslim civic engagement with wider society is
insufficiently understood.
This reality brings several implications. Perhaps the most significant is that
religion remains a chief driver of conflict, providing pretext and context. This cuts
across all religious denominations.
Alongside the long established Christian and Jewish communities, Britain now
has significant communities of other faiths and has become one of the most
religiously diverse countries in the world. The working group acknowledged the
importance of the interfaith work as a means to temper religious tensions, and
signposted a number of good practice examples:
1. The Inter Faith Network for the UK was established in 1987 to foster good
relations between the communities of the major faiths in Britain. The Network
links over 100 member bodies from the major faith communities, national inter
faith organisations, local inter faith bodies, academic institutions and bodies
concerned with multi faith education.
3. Alif Aleph UK is an organisation of British Muslims and British Jews who were
brought together by Richard Stone, President of the Jewish Council for Racial
Equality, in 2003. They work collectively to develop positive contacts between
Muslim and Jewish communities and seek to provide a ‘good practice model’ for
all communities in the UK which find themselves on the opposite side of religious
fault lines. Earlier this year they published a mapping report, which highlighted
the good practise that is being conducted between Muslims and Jews nationally.
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APPENDIX TWO
MUSLIM CIVIC CAPACITY BUILDING GOOD PRACTICE
1. Nafas was set up in 1998 to address the substance misuse needs of the
Muslim community in the London Borough of Tower Hamlets. The borough has a
diverse ethnic profile with the Muslim community forming the largest ethnic group.
It was recognised that although some young Muslims were accessing existing
treatment services, drugs misuse and its related problems continued to increase.
It was clear that a specialist service that could engage, understand and work
more closely with this community was required and new provision designed to
meet the drug treatment, prevention and education needs of the Muslim
community was established.
3. The MCB leadership programme aims to develop the type of leaders that will
enable the Muslim community in Britain to develop strategies to contribute fully
for the common good of both the Muslim and mainstream societies. It develops
leadership capacity across the Muslim communities in Britain.
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APPENDIX THREE
REGIONAL AND LOCAL STRATEGIES AND COMMUNITY
ACTIONS
WORKING GROUP MEMBERS
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Executive Summary
The Working Group (WG) strongly believes that the vast majority of mosques and
imams in the UK have never been sources of extremism; on the contrary we feel
that these institutions have been beacons of moderation and tolerance. This does
not negate the fact that there is a huge potential for mosques as agents for the
community, and social development. The role of community leadership, from the
imams to the mosque officials, in motivating, educating, guiding and involving the
Muslim communities cannot be overestimated. Many mosques across Britain are
active centres of community life, for a vast proportion of the Muslims living in
inner city areas and deprived wards. A significant number of the mosque
congregations are socially excluded and face acute disadvantages. The WG
believes that mosques and community organisations can help to counter these
negative trends, and it is in this sphere that the WG would like to recommend the
following proposals that it feels can make a difference in building capacity within
the Muslim community.
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Proposed Recommendations
1. A new national advisory body/council of mosques and imams. This
Body would be Inclusive and representative of the many traditions
practiced in the UK, independent and lead by the institutions it serves.
Recommendation 1
i. Background/Context
Imams and mosque officials are generally perceived to be the religious leaders of
the Muslim community, who are knowledgeable about the laws and teachings of
Islam. It was felt that they are potentially best suited to form a representative
body to regulate and protect their religious affairs, within the context of living in
the UK. It was envisaged that this new body would be a platform of ‘unity’ for
mosques and imams throughout the UK on a national level- and should have
representation from all the traditions and schools of thought, as well as the major
national organisations, reflecting their particular concerns in an equitable manner.
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The key stakeholders and original initiating members of this body will need to be
seen as independent of core governmental institutions or demonstrate authority
and commitment in the area of helping mosques and imams.
A clear message from the stake holders will need to be presented through
various mediums that this is an advisory body and have a non binding remit. The
body will not monitor and interpret religious sermons. The body will be
representative and inclusive of different schools of thought. The structure for the
body will need to be developed and moulded by the key stake holders over time
in a transparent and democratic fashion, which the wider Muslim community will
have access to.
iv. Delivery/implementation
Set-up objective: Medium to long term
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Recommendation 2
i. Background/Context
This initiative is aimed at British mosque ‘complementary/extended schools i.e.
Madrasahs. These are the after school classes held in mosques, usually for 2
hours every day, where Muslim children from the age of 5/6 to 16 are taught how
to read and memorise the Qur’an, among other related curricular activity.
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• What authority does this Unit have over the mosques imams and
madrasahs?
• Does this Unit interpret religious text for the imams and teachers?
• Will this unit monitor the teaching and other religious instruction within
madrasahs?
The unit needs to be initiated by credible imams, academics and social scientists
that can accumulate and disseminate the necessary information and concepts in
a style and manner conducive to the target market. The delivery agents could be
potentially many and varied but the unit would be the key interlocutor in helping
to formulate themes and practices that would add value to the upskilling process.
The unit again would be a source of material and guidance for anyone wishing to
access it. Its recommendations would be non binding.
iv. Delivery/implementation
Set-up objective: Medium to long term
Key personalities and major organisations need to take the lead in setting up the
body in order to maximise the potential utilisation from prospective end user.
Islamic centres of research in the UK and Europe could also have a stake in the
institution and future development of the unit. This could enable access to
already established good practices and field research, consequently avoiding any
duplication and to enable speeder access of information already available in the
academic domain.
The bulk of the funding may come from established Muslim funding bodies and
individual benefactors. Funding for various projects emanating from the body
could also be sourced from statutory and non-statutory bodies.
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Recommendation 3
i. Background/Context
Muslims are facing new challenges in society at large; in places such as schools,
courts of law, hospitals, prisons, social services and in charitable organisations in
combating discrimination and crime. In order for imams and mosque officials to
help the community to tackle these new challenges, it was felt that a programme
should be developed that could deliver professional and managed skills which
imams and mosque officials would need in order to serve the pastoral and other
needs of the Muslim community in modern day UK.
The programmes and courses in some cases would be specific to the needs of
imams and mosque officials, but could also use already existing provisions from
established sources, for instance in the case where imams lack English language
or other basic skills, relevant training can be provided (often free of charge under
the Learning Skills Council’s (LSC) adult basic skills initiative).
It is important to stress that the training would not include matters of a theological
or religious nature – this is for specialist Muslim seminaries and Islamic scholars
skilled in training imams in the UK and elsewhere.
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• Who will redeliver this training and what authority does it have over the
Mosques Imams and Madrasahs?
• Does the training body interpret religious text for the imams and teachers?
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iv. Delivery/implementation
Setup Objective: Short to Medium term
The need to work with current centres of Islamic scholarship and training are key,
to enabling the smooth and seamless integration of any accreditation scheme.
The content of any course and style of delivery has to be sensitive and culturally
compliant. Immediate discussions need to be established with accreditation
bodies to initiate the process of integrating courses with already established
seminary programmes for the training of new imams. For imams already
practicing in the field an open “opt-in” modular programme needs to be
accredited and marketed from established seats of learning and accredited
training centres or bodies. The course offered by these establishments would be
sensitive to the diversity of the Muslim community and compliant with the various
schools of thought. They could also dovetail into established national awards,
making any potential qualification relevant in the employment market place and
the skills acquired very much transferable. There are clear areas of overlap and
synergy between the work and potential output of the proposed MINAB and
NRU, hence individuals and institutions involved with these two bodies could be
brought together to initiate the process of establishing a nation wide imam
accreditation scheme.
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Recommendation 4
A publication that highlights and promotes good practice from amongst mosques,
Islamic centres and imams in the UK
i. Background/Context
It was thought that a booklet could be produced that would celebrate the
tremendous work some mosques, imams and mosque officials have done or are
undertaking in the UK. The booklet could take the form of highlighting through
case studies various initiatives, projects that have resulted in building capacity
and encouraging inclusiveness especially of women and youth.
The Booklet could be used as a vehicle for disseminating and sharing good
practices to mosques and imams in the UK.
• A booklet that would also demonstrate to the wider British community of the
positive contributions mosques and imams are playing in community
cohesion and tackling negative trends.
The document needs to be compiled by Muslims and seen to be free from any
established governmental sanctions. A very positive, fresh and creative paradigm
needs to be articulated through the document that can inspire change and
develop constructive thinking in addressing any potential “change-up” process
within the institutions the document is looking to address. Future publications of
a similar nature could be produced by the MINAB in order to highlight current
developments and new practices.
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iv. Delivery/implementation
Setup Objective: Immediately
A small group of individuals with links to mosques and madrasahs could take on
the task of compiling this booklet. Funding and sponsorship could be received
from notable benefactors and also from statutory and non-statutory bodies.
Conclusion/Vision
Facilities and services that cater for the special needs of the growing Muslim
community in the UK are poor. Although many advances have been made in
serving the needs of Muslims from its institutions, many gaps still remain in
provision. The statutory sector has also made some efforts to understand the
needs of the Muslim community and shape services to suit them, yet a greater
integrated and coordinated approach needs to be taken between the established
Muslim institutions and the statutory and non statutory sectors. The Muslim
community still has some way to grow before it can match other established faith
communities, in influencing policy, which will in turn influence services. They are
still at a stage where they are developing, and coming to grips with ideas and
methods of regeneration. They are developing capacity at a steady rate, but it will
still take some time before they can really serve their own community to a
satisfactory level. It is with this in mind that the WG believes that a coordinated
and strategic approach needs to be undertaken to propel this needed
development. The proposals recommended in this document are only seen as
initial steps in a gradual and progressive process of rejuvenation and constructive
community and Muslim institutional development.
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The Working Group was provided with the Terms of Reference as attached in the
appendix. The WG considered both the shortcomings of the given Terms of
Reference and the substantive issues raised by it for consideration by the group.
The WG’s deliberations, therefore, cover both topics mentioned and missed by
the Terms of Reference that the Group felt was important for a full consideration
of the task and issues at hand. It was felt that this would make the whole exercise
of consultation with the Muslim communities a more credible and worthwhile one.
This report seeks to capture the main discussions, conclusions and
recommendations of the WG that emerged over several meetings.
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iii. The language suggests that the terrorism we are facing today is ‘a
Muslim problem’ – created by Muslims and to be resolved by
Muslims. The WG is of the view that the problem is underlined by a
multiple and complex set of causes that need to be more widely
owned and addressed by society as a whole – with, of course, the
Muslim community playing an important role.
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* Recommendation 1:
b. The WG agreed that the scope of its Terms of Reference, and that of the
Taskforce as a whole, are very narrow. If we are to tackle terrorism
effectively, the scope of the present work must be extended. The work
must also be undertaken more thoroughly and supplemented with more
long term and lasting work. Areas missing from the scope of the present
work that need to be covered include:
ii. An investigation and understanding of the what and how of 7/7 and
21/7, and the consequences of the Government’s and other public
agencies response to the atrocities.
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* Recommendation 2:
The Government must establish and undertake a Public Inquiry into the what,
how and why of 7/7 and 21/7 – including an inquiry into the root causes of and
the Government’s and other public agencies response to the atrocities. The
inquiry should also consider the consequences of the events and impact of
measures resulting from the events. 30
Recommendation 3:
The momentum developed by the Home Office in engaging and consulting the
Muslim community through the Taskforce must not be lost. The effort needs to be
formalised and professionalized as a means of undertaking the more long term
and lasting work.
30
As unanimously agreed by all Muslim representatives (including Muslim
Parliamentarians, and senior Muslim leaders, etc) at meeting with Mark Carroll, Director
of Race, Faith & Cohesion, Home Office, on 14 September 2005.
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2. Anti-Terrorism Provisions
The Working Group expressed particular concerns regarding present anti-
terrorism provisions and possible further developments in this area. The WG was
critical of the misguided over-emphasis on law and order ‘solutions’. The WG’s
specific concerns may be articulated as follows:
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Recommendation 4:
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3. Addressing Islamophobia
Analysis of current /possible measures that could address Islamophobia:
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* Recommendation 5:
Update categories for race monitoring to reflect the race make up of Britain today
and extend all race monitoring to include religion wherever appropriate. Audit all
provisions on race and extend to religion and belief wherever appropriate – with
particular emphasis on extending to Muslim communities. The audit needs to be
undertaken and action plan implemented within specific expeditious timelines.
* Recommendation 6:
Establish a Unit at the DCMS, modelled on the Islamic Media Unit at the FCO, to
encourage a more balanced representation of Islam and Muslims in the British
media, (popular) culture and sports industries. Establish a Steering Group
chaired by a Minister and including participation from the Muslim community and
the relevant industries, to draw up a strategy for the Unit.
* Recommendation 7:
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Not surprisingly, the WG’s discussion replicated discussions on race over several
decades. Again, there was a strong feeling that we should avoid resource
consuming re-inventing of the wheel and just extend existing race provisions to
specifically cover religion/Muslims. The WG placed particular emphasis on
capacity building in the Muslim community to effectively engage with police
services.
Recommendation 8
Pilot Recommendation 5 in the Police Service through ACPO & APA (working
with representative organisations from the Muslim community), but with
Ministerial oversight, and possibly also through specific monitoring by the HMIC.
The piloting should, in particular, focus on key tools for equality (e.g., the positive
duty, PSA targets, procurement provisions, etc.) and major areas of equality work
(policy impact assessment, reporting and recording of Islamophobic crimes,
recruitment/retention/promotion, training and awareness raising, etc.)
* Recommendation 9
Better resourcing for more meaningful engagement and partnership between the
Police and Muslim communities – including capacity building in Muslim
communities for such engagement and participation. In terms of resourcing, there
needs to be a recognition that the Muslim community can provide intellectual and
human resources. However, what it may not always be able to do is provide
financial resources and skills. This is where Government agencies could help. A
good starting point would be to set up and resource Muslim Safety Forums
(MSFs) across the country where there are significant concentration of Muslims,
which could be co-ordinated by a well resourced national MSF.
Recommendation 10
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5. Tackling Extremism
There was some concern expressed regarding the use of the terms ‘extremism’
and ‘radicalism’. There is a very big difference between violent
fanaticism/terrorism and orthodoxy. Wearing the hijab or growing a beard is not
extremism. If extremism here is referring to terrorism, then we may suggest that
we consider some short term and some long term measures.
Short Term
* Recommendation 11
* Recommendation 12
Develop 10-12 Muslim ‘beacon centres’ around the UK, at the heart of Muslim
geographic concentrations that will serve as model centres for smaller mosques,
cultural centres, educational facilities, etc. The centres will also provide direct
access for Government to the grass roots dynamics of the Muslim community.
Establish a team at the HO/ODPM to consider how these centres can be
developed and to deliver the project.
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Long Term
* Recommendation 13
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Anti-Terrorism Provisions
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Addressing Islamophobia
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Tackling Extremism
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Deputy Convenor
Ifath Nawaz
Naheed Mather
Khalid Hussain
Lord Bhatia
Amin Mawji
Sadiq Khan MP
Sabhia Lakha
Elyas Patel
Councillor Mohammed Iqbal
Azad Ali
Tahir Butt
Maqsood Ahmad
Richard Stone
Ahmad Thomson
Ibrahim Master
Hanif Adeel
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Executive Summary
Key issues
1. We recognise that a form of criminal radical extremism exists within an
admittedly tiny section of the British Muslim community and that it must be
challenged and defeated.
2. It must repeatedly be made clear through both word and deed that counter-
terrorism measures are about dealing with forms of criminal radical
extremism, and are not directed against Muslims specifically.
3. The current public discourse implies that British Muslim life revolves wholly
around issues relating to terrorism/anti-terrorism, which only serves to
stigmatise the community. Broader-based portrayals of British Muslim life
should be regularly communicated to the rest of society.
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4. ‘Islamic Way of Life’ exhibition - this would be similar to the ‘Jewish way
of Life’ exhibition and would tour schools to help increase understanding
about Islam and what British Muslims actually believe and stand for, as part
of a wider set of educational initiatives designed to further public
understanding of Islam and British Muslims.
Background/Context
In addition to the Key Issues outlined above, the following is a concise summary
of conclusions reached during our discussions:
1. Every person has a right to disagree and oppose any particular government
policy. However, disagreement and opposition should be expressed
through lawful means: resorting to violent criminal acts is certainly not one
such avenue, and cannot be condoned. It needs to be demonstrated that
there are many lawful methods that provide effective means to achieve
change, including increased participation in the political process.
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c. Public Inquiry. Most members of the working group felt that an inquiry into the
events of July 7 and July 21 should be held. This would help place facts as
opposed to speculation – informed or otherwise – into the public domain about
the process by which some British Muslims are being radicalised.
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b. The radical impulse among some in the Muslim community is often emotionally
triggered by perceptions (sometimes true, sometimes false, sometimes
exaggerated) of injustices inherent in Western foreign policies that impact on the
Muslim world. The government should better explain Britain’s role in the world,
and highlight avenues of legitimate dissent. Criticism of some British foreign
policies should not be assumed to be disloyal. Peaceful disagreement is a sign of
a healthy democracy. Dissent should not be conflated with ‘terrorism’,’violence’ or
deemed inimical to British values.
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iii. Recommendations
Having considered the above issues the working group then addressed the
question:
‘What can Muslim communities do, and how can the wider mainstream, including
the government, facilitate and support them in tackling violent extremism?’
This independent initiative would provide a regular forum for a diverse range of
members of the British Muslim community to come together and discuss issues
relating to tackling Islamophobia and any type of extremism that impacts on the
Muslim community in particular and British society at large. It will involve both
scholars and community activists in addition to others. The forum will also have
access to HMG in order to share outcomes and understandings.
3. An increasing number of young British Muslims are turning to the Internet for
information on Islam. There are a plethora of inaccurate websites but few easily
accessible relevant and current mainstream Muslim websites available.
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This would be similar to the ‘Jewish way of Life’ exhibition and would tour schools
and other parts of civil society to help increase understanding about Islam and
what British Muslims actually believe and stand for. This would be part of a wider
educational initiative to increase the understanding of local and national political
leaders and the British public about Islam.
iv. Delivery/Implementation
A society that seeks cohesion and a multiculturalist form of integration must seek
cohesive and integrated solutions to common issues.
Rather, they require a long-term vision that takes into account the legitimate
concerns and needs of all parts of our society, and delivered through genuine
partnerships.
In this context, the attainment of these particular goals should be led by the
British Muslim community and their representative organisations, whilst facilitated
by other parts of society where it is clear that Muslim communities do not have
the necessary relevant resources or infrastructure.
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v. Conclusion
The issues that have been touched here have, out of necessity, been done in a
‘crisis management’ style, with all the time restraints and unfortunate fetters that
go along with such a process. We do believe that the above recommendations
provide a basic framework for British Muslim communities to help tackle the
issues of radicalisation and violent extremism.
Nevertheless, this should not and must not be the overwhelming tenor of
discourse. The mantras and ‘quick-fixes’ that, intentionally or otherwise, reduce
British Muslims to an inert & reactionary population, ever obsessed with negative
issues, may be gratifying for many, but do not provide constructive foresight. Nor
do they take into account the other challenges that face us as Britain marches
into the 21st century. There must be a sense of imagination, and courage, looking
far beyond these topics, and dealing seriously with the subjects that face our
society, domestically and internationally, now and for the future. That sort of
analysis cannot be comprehensively carried out in a process such as this.
Muslims have the internal intellectual and creative resources needed to manifest
that vision, remaining faithful to their enduring principles of justice and universal
kinship. Their commitment to those values and others from their normative
tradition remains, regardless of how difficult times may be here or abroad. As a
community of civic responsibility, aware of their rights and duties as Muslims and
human beings, it is unlikely they will accept any other course, and British society
is all the better for it.
Convenor:
Inayat Bunglawala
Deputy Convenor:
Dr. Hisham A. Hellyer
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Working together to prevent extremism
The Home Secretary and Hazel Blears have been consulting with Muslim
communities over the last few weeks to consider how Government and Muslim
communities can work in partnership to help prevent extremism.
This document outlines the Terms of Reference for the seven informal
working/reference groups that have been set up to develop workable proposals for
Government and Muslim civic organisations to take forward, drawing on the
consultation events and other sources of ideas.
Following the Prime Minister’s and Home Secretary’s summits with Muslim
leaders in July, a series of summer Ministerial consultation events with Muslim
communities are currently generating a number of suggestions for action to
prevent extremism.
By mid-September, the Home Secretary and Prime Minister are looking for
concrete proposals about how Muslim communities and the Government can
further work in partnership to prevent extremism, and to reduce disaffection and
radicalisation within Muslim communities across Britain.
Seven informal working groups are being established, initially for the next six
weeks, in an advisory capacity to help develop and pull together proposals
resulting from this consultation and generated from group members themselves.
These proposals will be action focused, and will aim to include some specific new
ideas that can be announced in mid- to late- September, as well as issues that
might need further deliberation. In considering which proposals could be
announced, the Government and Muslim communities will need to pay due
regard to the capacity and resource implications associated with each.
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• Imam Training and accreditation and the role of Mosques as a resource for
the whole community;
• Providing a full range of education services, in the UK, that meet the needs
of the Muslim community; and,
There is inevitably some overlap between these themes and we will seek to
share ideas between groups to the extent that this is possible within the tight
timescales.
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Deliverables
The Convener and Deputy Convener of each working group will be responsible
for presenting the outputs from all group work at a meeting with the Home
Secretary, currently scheduled for the 20th September. We are looking for a very
brief summary of the key issues and a list of 3-5 action oriented proposals (for
community organisations and government) to address the key issues.
Each working group will be supported by a Home Office, Foreign Office or No. 10
Strategy Unit official (see below).
Timing
• An initial meeting for as many of the working group as possible during w/c
22nd August;
Conveners, deputy conveners and possibly some other members of the working
groups will have the opportunity to present the summaries of all the working
groups to the Home Secretary in mid-late September, currently scheduled for 20th
September. Due to the large number of people involved in all the working groups,
it would be unrealistic for all involved to attend this meeting with the Home
Secretary. We will also look to find other opportunities to share findings with
Ministers during September.
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Members of the working groups have been invited because of their expertise and
experience. They are invited in a personal capacity, rather than as
representatives of their organisations.
We hope that members of working groups will work inclusively with each other
and all sections of the Muslim community, to help derive solutions that are
culturally and religiously sensitive and within the context of wider society.
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The Convener and working group members will receive some support from a lead
official. This support will usually include:
• Working with the group to develop proposals and advise on timescales and
details of deliverables and act as a conduit to the Home Office and
Government more widely.
• To take notes of the action points that arise out of the main working group
meetings. To advise and provide limited support on engagement and
consultation activities, if this is possible within current resource constraints.
Resources
Working Group members are present on a voluntary basis and will not receive
remuneration. Payment to individuals would necessitate a lengthy public
appointment process to ensure probity. This is presently impossible given the
deadlines by which the report is to be produced. We will, of course, pay
reasonable expenses according to Home Office guidelines, which are available
on request.
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Disputes
Where there is dispute within the working group, including at the final stage of
choosing proposals, decisions will be made after due consideration, by the
Convener and lead official. However, the report will note any significant
disagreements. Clearly, firm announcements rather than proposals will need to
be made, by agreement, with the lead organisation(s) which will be responsible
for delivering that outcome.
Accountability
The Accounting Officer for this project is Mark Carroll, Director of Race, Cohesion
and Faiths and the Project Manager is Elise Clarke. All final decisions rest with
the Accounting Officer and ultimately Ministers.
Communications
Working group members (and lead officials) will not breach the confidence of any
Government department, Minister or official and in accepting membership to the
working group, fully understand the implications of this undertaking.
A full report will be made available to all working group members for
dissemination to the community.
The Home Office is committed to undertaking our work openly and accessibly.
The membership of working groups will be noted on the Home Office website.
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