Vidler 1567293

The Ledoux Effect: Emil Kaufmann and the Claims of Kantian Autonomy
Author(s): Anthony Vidler

Source: Perspecta, Vol. 33, Mining Autonomy (2002), pp. 16-29
Published by: The MIT Press on behalf of Perspecta.
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16 / VIDLER
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The idea of "architectural autonomy," the notion that architecture, together

with the other arts, is bound to an internal exploration and transformation
of its own specific language, has periodically surfaced in the modern period.
Whether as a way of classifying the qualities of architectural "form" as
opposed to "style," or as a way of defining the role of the architect in an increas-
ingly specialized professional world, the assertion of autonomy has been a
leitmotif of modernism, from the end of the nineteenth century, if not earlier.
I identify Modernism with the intenAification, almost
Art historians, beginning with W6fflin and continuing with Riegl; architects
thi. exacerbation, of thi. .elf-critical tendency
beginning with Loos and continuing with Le Corbusier and Mies van der Rohe;
that began with the philosopher Kant. Becaume he critics beginning with Fry and Stokes, and continuing with Greenberg and
Krauss, all in different ways and with differing agendas have established their
was the firt to criticize the meanr itself of criticism,
grounds of debate on the relative autonomy of modernist aesthetic practices.
I conceive of Kant a" thefirnt real Modernist. More recently, in architecture, Rossi, Venturi, and Eisenman have, among
CLEMENT GREENBERG 19601 many others, laid claim to the autonomy of the language.
Of all the writers and architects who have contributed over a century or
more to the debate over autonomy, the Viennese historian, Emil Kaufmann,
stands out as a consistent reference point for all subsequent discussions? For
while, in retrospect, Wofflin's development of a formal method for character-
izing architectural periods, and Riegl's proposition of a historical and cultural
specificity to the interplay of vision and space could be seen as setting up the
grounds for a modernist idea of autonomy in architecture and the other arts, it
was Emil Kaufmann who was the first to join the analysis of historical architec-
ture to Kant's philosophical position, derived from Kant, and who was the first
to coin the phrase "autonomen architektur" drawing on Kant's own concept of
"autonomy" of the will. And it was Kaufmann who served to introduce the twin
ideas of autonomy and modernism to successive generations of architects
and critics, beginning with Philip Johnson in the 1940s, but continuing with
Colin Rowe in the 1950s and Aldo Rossi in the 1950s and 6os. More recently
his work was at the center of a historical re-assessment of autonomy and the
avant-garde in the United States in an essay by the historian Deltef Mertens
presented at a symposium to honor Philip Johnson.3
MINING AUTONOMY / 17
ANTHONY VIDLER
Yet Emil Kaufmann's thesis of the development of a modernism emerg-

ment of Ledoux's life and work, Von Ledoux biA Le Corbudier - the first compre-
hensive monographical
ing in the work of Claude-Nicolas Ledoux in the 1770os and culminating in the treatment of the French architect by any architectural
work of Le Corbusier in the late 1920s, has had many detractors since the pub-
historian.8 Subsequently Kaufmann's discoveries have inspired generations
lication of his polemically titled Von Ledoux biA Le Corbubierof
in scholars
1933.4 Since
to work in the architecture of the revolutionary period, whether
then, the Viennese historian's view of architectural progress
orhas
notbeen
theycasti-
agree with Kaufmann that something "revolutionary" was to be
gated as simplistic by critics like Eduardo Persico and Meyer Schapiro,
detected used
in the pre-revolutionary and monarchical Ledoux. His work has posed
as a pathological symptom of the decadence of modernism by questions to the
conservative his-historiographical treatment of the "origins" of modernism,
torians like Hans Sedlmayr, and deemed a travesty of historical
and byscholarship
implication to the entire construction of historicist history from Niko-
by researchers from Michel Gallet to Robin Middleton.' Castigated as having
laus Pevsner to Sigfried Giedion. It interrogated the nature of abstraction in
"suffered from an excess of generalization," blamed for his "obsessive
relation to search
the geometrical forms employed by the Enlightenment and the mod-
ernist
for underlying principles [... I] pursued to an extreme degree," avant-gardes,
and "under- and thereby challenged the premises of anachronism in
mined" in David Watkin's words by a host of researchers following the lead
history and criticism. It opened up the imbricated problems of form and poli-
of Wolfgang Herrmann's debunking of the traditional Ledoux tics,
chronology in
architecture and society, in a way that directly challenged the cultural ide-
ology of
1960, Kaufmann is now largely forgotten.6 Indeed, he is perhaps National
the only Socialism in the 1930s. His sobriquet "revolutionary archi-
important historian associated with the so-called Vienna School ofin
tect," the
his1920s
book Three Revolutionary ArchitectA, published in 1952 as applied
whose work has not been comprehensively re-assessed for its
to scholarly
the trio ofand
architects Ledoux, Boullee, and Lequeu, a trio he had largely dis-
covered
methodological qualities in the last decade. Hans Sedlmayr and Ottoand, so to speak, "invented," while much misunderstood, nevertheless
Picht,
even Guido Kaschnitz von Weinberg and Fritz Novotny, have been
succeeded
translated
in gaining them the attention of serious scholars.' His posthumous
and their work analyzed in its historiographical and theoretical context.
book Yet,
Architecture in the Age of Reabon was, on its publication, considered the
in Christopher Wood's recent and important introductory study
lastto his Vienna
word on eighteenth century European architecture."o Finally, Kaufmann's
School Reader, Kaufmann is relegated to a footnote.7 work set all these questions within a philosophical framework that has not
His work has not always been denigrated however. Publishing signifi-
ceased to inform critical theory: that provided by Kant in his insistence on the
"autonomy"
cant contributions to the history of French eighteenth century of the will as a fundamental premise of bourgeois freedom. The
architecture
link
throughout the 1920s, re-defining traditional "classicism" with theestablished
introduc- by Kaufmann between Ledoux and Kant, as Hubert Damisch
tion of the idea of "neo-classicism," Kaufmann, in the second has
volume ofinHans
noted the essay translated in this volume, is one that, whether or not it is
historically "verifiable," remains challenging to all interrogations of the nature
Sedlmayr and Otto Paicht's flagship journal of Viennese "strukturanalyse,"
published the first major assessment of the architecture ofof
Claude-Nicolas
architectural language and of the place of the discipline in modern society.
Ledoux - one to which Meyer Schapiro, despite his measured social critique
Beyond this, Kaufmann's work, unlike that of many historians, has had
of its formal approach, dedicated a large portion of his 1936 reviewinfluence
a direct of the on architectural practice, and especially in the way that
Vienna School's methods. In his notes for the unfinished the
Paaaagen-Werk
modernism of the 192os and 1930s was received, in the first instance, in
the Unitedtreat-
Walter Benjamin cited liberally from Kaufmann's brief, but trenchant, States immediately after the War. Emigrating to the us in 1941,
18 / VIDLER
WTABLKMtNT TOSCAW DE PALLADIO. artITAlmrtT TOSiaAN DZ VEDWOLO.

Left to
Vergle
und Menschlicher
.............. .. ........ Profile, J.F. Blondel, from

Cours d'Architecture, 1771.
!o . Haus "28". Louis Ambroise

.- ......
Dubut, from Architecture
:IFIYT
Civile, 1800.
["Die
Kaufmann was taken up by Philip Johnson, whose Glass House of 1949 was,Architectkturtheorie der Franz6sischen Klassik und de
according to the architect, deeply indebted to a reading of Von Ledoux established
bih Le klassizismus as a period with a formal expression,
CorbuAier.11 Later, Kaufmann's writings, and especially his Architectureture,
in theof its own.14 Here, Kaufmann was underlining what he sa
Age of ReaAon, posthumously published in 1955, were, when translated, difference
strong between French developments and those in other
tries.
influences on the theories of architectural "autonomy" characteristic of the Neo- Between Classicism in the mid-seventeenth century an
Rationalist school in Italy after 1971, and especially on the theory and design
after 1750, there were, for Kaufmann, certain continuities of "cla
but
of Aldo Rossi, who reviewed his books in detail." More recently, Kaufmann sharp differences in composition, which seemed to him
has
principle
been re-interpreted as a theorist of an architectural "autonomy" based on lin- of "meaningful harmony" inherent in the work itself
ple of expression or communication provoking sensations beyo
guistic and disciplinary codes, as proposed by Peter Eisenman and others.'3
Read today in the context of the detailed monographic researchIn an "historical" confirmation of Nietzche's 1878 assertion
that
more stone than before," Kaufmann articulated tis shift, as
was to have modified his once seemingly over-simplified conclusions, despite
the unearthing of other architects to the fore to counterbalance therelinquished
image the natural values of physical materials ("the d
of the "three revolutionaries," and the contextualization of their work in the
material be granted its own physical properties and life") in o
ideas alone.16
light of new historical interpretations of "enlightenment" and "revolution,"
Kaufmann's analyses can be seen to regain much of their original force, as
For it [Neocla,&icism] the material is dead. Form ha" no othe
seeking to rise above stylistic differences and biographical details, to grasp
to be the bearer of ideaA, the mediator of moods, to arou.Ae em
the phenomenon of an "architectural enlightenment" in all its dimensions,
distinctfrom the.Aensuou.A material and which the material itA
intellectual and formal. At the very least, his theses bear re-examination as
tain. The .ymbol of Neocla.Aicism i. the non-.ensual .tone,
representing a critical stage in the development of the discipline of architec-
ited by geniut6.17
tural history - as important in their own way as those of Riegl, Frankl, and
Kaufmann here established two clear points of reference f
Giedion - at the same time as they challenge questions to our contemporary
ofand
conceptions of architectural form and our preconceptions of its political the period 1750 to 18oo: what he would call later "the unive
the baroque," where inanimate material took on organic forms
social significance. In retrospect, as I shall argue, his analytical and historical
approach, more subtle and resilient than critics have understood, acts asesis, post-Revolutionary form, where the material itself has its
a fun-
architecture
damental critique of the very "school" with which he has been associated, the after the Revolution," he wrote, "the stone is aga
kunst ist der Stein weider Stein"]J8
Vienna School, while it resonates with contemporary attempts to see "modern-
In setting up in this way Classicism, on the one hand, a
ism" no longer as a brief (and failed) avant-garde experiment in the 1920s, but
cism,
as a long process of political and aesthetic struggle, with intellectual roots in on the other, as the conceptual beginning and end points
Enlightenment and Kantian philosophy. Kaufmann has identified the period 1750 to 18oo as a site of tr
one to the other; but more importantly as a site of struggle
FROM NEOCLASSICISM TO AUTONOMY tendencies and their compositional and philosophical corolla
Emil Kaufmann was born on March 28, 1891 in Vienna;nally
he studied first
and often at
inconsistently manifested as architects press t
Innsbruck and then Vienna with the Renaissance specialist Hans
guage of Semper, to its limits in the search for a means to
architecture
enment and
with the Byzantinist architectural historian Joseph Strzygowski, theRevolutionary
classi- ideas. The paradigmatic figure i
for Kaufmann,
cal archeologist Emanuel Loewy (1847-1938), and the historian was Claude-Nicolas Ledoux whose architectur
Ludwig von
shift
Pastor (1854-1928). He was especially drawn to the teaching offrom Classicism to Neoclassicism in an especially dram
Max Dvorak,
however, with whom he formed a close friendship. He was mately
awardedproductive
his doctor-way. For Ledoux, argued Kaufmann, archi
ate in Vienna in 1920 and went on to forge an entire field very
by hisexpression of the social ideals of the new bourgeoisie a
"rediscovery"
of three generations of French architectural theorists andideas of thefrom
designers Enlightenment
the as developed in Rousseau's ideal of
dom examination
1750s to the 182os, a field that he then expanded into the general and its Kantian
of counterpart, "autonomy."''
"architecture in the age of reason" in Europe. As Schapiro noted inKaufmann's
his brief first direct reference to "autonomen baukunst" was to occur
obitu-
in a short
ary in 1953, Kaufmann was unable to obtain a regular academic poststudy
(noof Ledoux's
doubt a church architecture, centered on the project for
the
result of rampant anti-semitism) and was obliged to work in a Church
bank forofmuch
Chaux,of
(probably designed in 1785, and published in Ledoux's
his early career. L'Architecture conAidedre AouA le rapport de l'art, deA moeurA et de la legidla-
tionin
His first major article, written in 192o and published in 1804).2 Contrasting Ledoux's scheme with Soufflot's design for Sainte-
the Reperto-
Genevieve,
rium fir KunAtwi&enAchaft in 1924, (interestingly enough, side byto which
side it obviously was a response, Kaufmann identifies it with
with
the qualities
another ground-breaking architectural study by Paul Zucker, of the newder
"Der Begriff "neoclassicism" he saw emerging with Ledoux's gen-
zeit in der architektur") outlined the bases for his study oferation. The Neoclassical, as opposed to the Baroque, church was organized as
late eighteenth-cen-
tury architecture, by dividing a period generically knowna as
solid geometrical
"Classic," block, with reduced decoration and a distinct separation
albeit
and identity
in a late moment, into two. As explicated by Georges Teyssot, of its functional parts - separate altars, for example, on different
Kaufmann's
essay, "The Architectural Theory of French Classicism levels,
and forNeoclassicism,"
festivals and marriages, as opposed to funerals. As Kaufmann wrote,
Left to right
Barribre de Chaillot,
Claude Nicholas Ledoux.
Barriere de la Chopinette
Barriere de Reuilly
IfA
Haus "3" from Architecture
Civile, Louis Ambroise
Dubut, 1800.
"In place of the conception of architectural form as living, organic nature, there
aspirations of late eighteenth century architects to develop a truly social la
enters the feeling for strict geometry."21 guage of forms.27 The "symbolic system" that Ledoux wished to deploy was
This theme is taken up again in the same year in the book-lengthcourse,
article itself dependent on the separation of individual buildings into iden
on "The City of the Architect Ledoux," ["Die Stadt des Architekten Ledoux"]
fiable masses, and their shaping as readable signs. Here, for Kaufmann,
contributed to the second volume of the Vienna art-historical school's flag-system, the isolation of parts, and the articulation of the appropr
pavilion
"character"
ship journal, the KunstwiaensnAchaftliche ForAchungen.22 In this first sketch of each structure, led naturally to what, in reference to Ledo
of what was to become, three years later, his first book, Kaufmann gives thefor the "Maison d'Education," he finally named "the new concept of t
design
autonomouA treatment of the materials."28
idea of autonomy a fundamental place, with the subtitle: "On the Realization
of Autonomous Architecture" ["Zur Erkenntnis der autonomen Architektur"].
In this way, Kaufmann established the complex development of Ledoux's
In this detailed study, Kaufmann, his critics notwithstanding, develops the
design practice as leading to the "autonomous solution" evinced in the series
argument for autonomy historically and with deliberate recognition
ofof the
nine-square plan houses deployed in the landscape of the Ideal City of Chaux,
"all all
complexity inherent in architectural practice. Ledoux, for him, is after varied,
a all isolated," as Ledoux stated.' Such isolation, Kaufmann averred,
transitional and pivotal figure in the shift from what he calls "Baroque"
markedtothe end of Baroque compositional practice, that of "concatenation"
what he has characterized as "Neoclassicism," and it is precisely the mixed and the beginning of the new building form [die neue Bauform], a form
[Verband]
nature of the work that allows him to comprehend the shift as an characterized
organic by the Enlightenment pressure for "clarification" [Abklarung].30
and slow process of internalization and cognition on the part of the architect
Kaufmann thus prepared the analytical ground for the syste-matic comparison
as to the overall problem of architecture and its proper means of expression
of with the general method of the Enlightenment - that developed by Kant:
in an epoch itself undergoing radical shifts in its intellectual, social, and
At the time when Kant reject. all the moral philoaophieh of the paAt and decreeA
political forms. Thus Kaufmann's argument moves slowly towards the "erken-
the "autonomy of the will a" the hupreme principle of ethic, ,"an analogous trans-
ntnis" or "discovery" of autonomy, through a number of stages, represented
formation takeA place in architecture. In the Aketche. of Ledoux these new objec-
by detailed analyses of Ledoux's designs in roughly chronological order
tive. appear for the first time in all their clarity. His work marks the birth of
culminating in a long section devoted to "The Autonomous Solution" ["Die
autonomouw architecture.31
autonome L6sung"].
First Kaufmann analyzes the dramatic change in plans for the Saltworks
The theory of autonomy was given its fullest development in Kaufmann's
of Chaux between the initial project of 1771 and the final project second
of 1774,
book, a slim treatise entitled, polemically enough, Von Ledoux biU
from a unified, square, courtyard plan, to a number of separate pavilions
Le Corbuwier, published in 1933, and summarizing and developing the argu-
grouped around a semi-circle, as a sign of the move from "Baroquements
unity"
put forward in "Die Stadt." In the Preface, dated "Vienna, May 1933,"
Kaufmann
[Barocken Verband] to the Pavilion-system of the nineteenth century [Pavil- outlined his methodological premise. This was to be, he wrote,
lionsystem].23 The break up of the project into functionally defined "something
and for- more than a monograph, and different to a mosaic of an artistic
mally expressed units was, for Kaufmann, an indication of the "principle of
life." Rather it was to be seen as "a part of the history of architecture which,
isolation," the emergence of an "architecture of isolation" [isolierneden Archi-the interpretation of the work of Ledoux, appears in a new light"
through
tektur] that paralleled the emergence of the modern "individual" conscious-
at the same time as demonstrating "the importance of the great movement
ness [Individualbewusstseins].24 of ideas around 18oo for the domain of art."32 This theoretical aim was
The example of the Church of Chaux affords Kaufmann an example

expressed in the subtitle to the book, no longer "Zur Erkenntnis der Autonomen
of the transition from Baroque dynamic composition to Neoclassical "static"
Architektur" but now the more dynamic "Ursprung und Entwicklung der
composition: the flattened, low dome andthe horizontal lines of the block rein-
Autonomen Architektur." The substitution of "Origin and Development" for
forcing a sense of calm meditation, as opposed to the upward movement of represented both a firmer conviction in his own "discovery" and a
"Discovery"
Baroque churches. Further, the articulation of the different altars - one for
sense of its historical implications for later developments.
festivals and marriages on the upper level, with a second for burials and memo-
From the outset, Kaufmann made it clear that he was seeing the French
rial services below in the crypt, with its own entrances and exits towards the
architecture of the Enlightenment and Revolution as equal or greater in impor-
tanceder
cemeteries, enunciates for Kaufmann a "principle of isolation" [Prinzip to the already well-established tradition of German Neoclassicism as
Isolierung], one that corresponds to the sense of "distance" [Distanzierung]
represented by Schinkel. His title, in fact, was a direct gloss on Paul Klopfer's
necessary for the communication of sublime effects.25 Von Palladio biA Schinkel, an argument for the primacy of German architec-
Kaufmann then advances his argument with the analysis of the two sym-
ture as it received the Renaissance tradition from Italy.A Kaufmann, by con-
trast,
bolic monuments, the "Panar6t6on" and the "Pacifrre," citing Ledoux's is concerned to emphasize the role of the French and Latin traditions
state-
in form
ments that "the form of a cube is the symbol of immutability" and "the the continuation of Palladio's legacy to the present. His work in Paris had
of a cube is the symbol of Justice" as a way of introducing the concept of convinced
"archi- him that it was the Latin countries that counted in the develop-
tecture parlante," or "speaking architecture."26 Kaufmann had discovered
mentthis
of modernism. While philosophy, under the aegis of Kant, and poetry fol-
lowing
term, not itself of eighteenth century origin, in a mid-nineteenth century Holderlin, could be seen to have constructed the intellectual and liter-
arti-
cle satirizing Ledoux's attempts to communicate ideas through buildings and
ary foundations of Romantic modernism, it was in France and Italy that the
immediately saw it as both positive and apt in its characterization work
of the
of the Enlightenment entered fundamentally into the visual arts, and
20 / VIDLER
Lehrbeispiele ("Teaching Exam-

-Pi-? ~ =? ples"), J.N.L. Durand, from Abriss
i i iFM der Vorlesungen Ober Baukunst.
especially architecture. This was accomplished, The

Kaufmann argued,
pa."age from the by
firAt to the the
second project reflects no le," than one of
final break with Baroque modes of composition the
("heteronomous"
moAt important eventA as hehiAtory
in the calledof architecture: the diAmembering
them) and the introduction in their place of modern
of Baroque forms of[Zertriimmerung
concatenation disposition de- Barocken Verbande. .... In a
("autonomous" or "free-standing"). Once ratified by the Revolution,
remarkable and
paralleli.m with the despite
general historic evolution, concatenation iA replaced
attempts to veil the radical nature of the shift by means
by the ofpavilionnate
system of historical styles,
composition, which, after that moment, becomeA pre-
autonomy survived to establish the abstraction of modernism
dominant: thiA iA the as
freethe apotheo-
ahociation of autonomouw entitieh.[PavillonAyAtem...die
sis of Enlightenment reason. He wrote: freie Vereinigung AelbAtondiger ExiAtenzen] [VLLC, 16-17]
In this transformation of compositional techniques, the instrumental force,

If we are well-informed about the hiAtoric role of Italy ao the initiatory land
both forwe
of modern timeA in the domainA of art and Aociety, the remain,
production ofby
the contrast,
buildings and their historical analysis, was the
rational plan: it is the plan which as Kaufmann noted "allows us to discover
ignorant of the role of France ao pioneer of a new art and creator of a new
the fundamental reasons for the determination of forms," no doubt a first
architecture. TowardAs 8oo, ao during the Gothic period, the deciAive innova-
step that allowed
tionA come from the French architectA. In the following work, for IKaufmann's
am firAt historical
con-connection of Ledoux with the
cerned to render justice to the artist who waA theLefirAt,

Corbusier of the
not "planaasvague
with generator."
intu-And this plan, as with the three-
dimensional form of the pavilions,
ition of diAtant goals but with a clear and full Aelf-consciouAnea, is constructed not by any reference to a
to traverse
the long route from the Baroque to modern architecture:
Baroque observer, but Claude-Nicolas
purely geometrically. Geometry operates as a calculated
Ledoux. Placed at the frontier of two epochA, control
before and
of form after
for use; not the Revol-
only does the "rationality of the plan" [die Ratio
des Planes] aims;
ution, hiA work iL the firt to announce the new artistic exercise "absolute
it iL the sovereignty,"
tangible but it offers a neutral system of
witneA to the appearance of a new world. But itorder, entirely
i. also my abstracted
concern from
totheAhow
personal experience of a perspectival
observer. Where
how hiA ideaA and those of hiA epoch are tranAmitted to"alluA,
baroque
andarchitecture
how, was in conceived as a function of the
a way, the unity of the laAt hundred and fifty yearA
observer," i. "the
now reflected in
center of the archi-
new buildings is no longer the heart of the
tectural activity. [VLLC, 5-6] whole ... It is no more than a geometrical point to which all the parts relate.
The new buildings are assembled and not intimately linked [Zusammen-gesetz,
Kaufmann was immediately concerned to announce that it was the "revolu-
nicht zusammengewachsen]. [VLLC, 19] In accordance with the spirit of auton-
tionary" period as a whole - 1770 to 1790 - with which he was concerned;
omy, the new pavilions are entirely self-sufficient: as opposed to the Classical
precise dates, which for Ledoux were in any case hard to come by, were less
and Baroque system, inherited from Renaissance aesthetics, where "to detach
important than a sense of the signification of the global shift in art and
a part is to destroy the whole," the pavilion rejects parts and becomes "an asso-
philosophy, as in the social and political realm. The years that saw the prepa-
ciation of independent elements:"
ration of the "great revolution that was completely to transform the social
system of the west" were "the same years in which the
If one work
wiAheA of Kant
to characterize thematured."
architecturalAyAtemA byformulae ad reduced
He writes: "Globally, there was a profound (we could say today, definitive)
ao poAible one could define Baroque a.&ociation in theAe terms: one part dom-
denial of the past; a clear and self-conscious rupture,
inateA all athe
decisive
otherA andstep toward
neverthele, all the partL form a whole; the deep
a new autonomy." For Kaufmann, the interconnection between
sense of the pavilion these
AyAtem can be move-
translated thux: the part iL independent
ments and the work of Ledoux was not accidental, butthe
within established by Kant
frame of the totality. and
[Der Teil iAt frei im Rahmen deA Ganzen]
Ledoux's common respect for and indebtedness Between
to Rousseau:
the two systems lie- a Revolution. [VLLC, 19]
At the moment when, with the Declaration of the Kaufmann

RightAwasoffar from claiming
Man, that Ledoux
the rightA ofever threw off the Baroque sen-
the individual are affirmed, at the moment when,sibility entirely
in place ofin different
the ways, all of Ledoux's work exhibited its transi-
old heterono-
tional character
mou. morality, Kant instituted the autonomouA ethic, Ledoux - indeed
laidKaufmann stresses in his analysis of buildings from
the founda-
tionA of an autonomouw architecture. [VLLC, 121 the 1770s (the Hbtel Montmorency, the pavilion at Louveciennes for the Com-
tesse du Barry) and the 1780s (the Hbtel Thelusson) that "the opposed prin-
The correspondence was direct: if for Kant the Critique of Pure ReaAon had
ciples were living at the same time in the artist" - but he finds in Ledoux's
accomplished "what numerous centuries had been unable to realize," for Ledoux
"fanaticism" for geometry and rigorous planning an anticipation of the archi-
"the moment in which we live has broken the chains that shackle architecture."
tect's later, more abstract projects. [VLLC, 20]
[VLLC, 12; Ledoux, L'Architecture, 30] From a study of Ledoux, Kaufmann averred,
Here Kaufmann sees the influence of the desire of the Enlightenment
would emerge the answer to three critical questions: the reasons for the "aban-
for "clarification," or Abkliirung, which when applied to architecture called for
doning of the aesthetics of Baroque classicism," the "relations between the Revo-
the use of "massive blocks" superimposed in compositions that, rather than
lution and architecture," and the "profound signification of neoclassicism and
relying on the effect of a central, principal, motif, gained effect through the
the architecture of the end of the nineteenth century." [VLLC, 12].
simple strength of masses themselves. And while Ledoux is still free in his
The general concept of architectural autonomy, was, for Kaufmann, repre-
use of Baroque motifs to give his buildings character - the upturned urns and
sented by a wide range of large and small-scale formal moves. The first, and most
grotto in the Saltworks, for example - his preference was for the architecture
fundamental, because the most radical shift from Baroque modes of composi-
to "speak" by means of its own stereometric forms, as in the designs for the
tion was the separation of buildings according to a quasi-functional identifica-
House of the Surveyors (a vast elliptical tube), or the Coopers' Workshop (with
tion, rather than their unified and hierarchical massing to include all functions.
its concentric rings and intersecting barrel-shaped form):
This step, taken by Ledoux at the beginning of his career as he jettisoned the
courtyard preliminary scheme for the Saltworks in favor of a grouping of pavil-
Experiment4 with forms themAelves count among the mo4t adtonidhing initia-
ions, was decisive:
tives of this epoch. The preference for the simple~stereometric configurations
is indicative of the gravity of the 4pirit of the age. ThuA one findA in the proj-
Barrikre de Pantin, Barribre de

I'Ecole Militaire, Barrire St.
Martin, C.N Ledoux.
Emil,
ect. of Ledoux, evere cube. (aA one .ee. for example in the Country House of appeal to the socialism of Hannes Meyer who, in 1942, lauded Ledoux for having
given the pyramid (previously reserved for the elite) to the masses.36
Jarnac or the Houe for a Man of LetterA), the House of the WoodcutterA in the
formin ofa pyramid, the cylindrical Country House (al.o the Barriere of the Bou- But while the connection between Ledoux and Rousseau may be obvi-
ous, that between Ledoux and Kant remains uncertain. For, at first glance, the
levard of La Villette, mtill mtanding, and the cylindrical House of M. De Witt)
andfinally Spherical Houle of the A9ricultural GuardA. IVLLC, 301 question of "autonomy," posited by Kant as the basis for moral principle, and
taken up throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries as the watchword
Building up his argument for Ledoux as an originator of modernism,
of bourgeois liberal politics, does not easily relate to architecture, either in
Kaufmann remarks on the fact that "our own epoch, linked to that of Ledoux,
theory or practice. First advanced in the Critique of Pure Readon as a "call to
is open to experiments of the same kind which, even if they are without issue
reason" to gain "self-knowledge" it presented the kind of paradox between law
from an architectural point of view, are no less very significant of the indefati-
and self-will that has haunted political reasoning ever since. In Kant the "cri-
gable research for new forms Ineuer Gestalt]." IVLLC, 321
tique of pure reason" presupposes what he calls a "tribunal" that will ensure
Bringing together all these compositional innovations, is, as Kaufmann
the claims of reason; a tribunal that operates "not by despotic decrees" but "in
had intimated in his earlier writings, the project for the Church of Chaux. Com-
accordance with its own eternal and unalterable laws." As 'arsqd by Adorno,
bining the demand for a single, free-standing mass, horizontal and static, with CZhp:re:5:~sd a $Y~dott ? no,
this strange double imperative - the freedom to give onese-a~'- r re ts.
the separation of functional elements such as the altars, on different levels,
the ;e
s'siF
a e consi
pt (f
t's aa
nloreIphi sop'hi
,"eedy a tig a ..
it also construed a new kind of neoclassical "sublime." This was a sublime o
"calm meditation in a solemn immobility," a sublime of individual self-absorp-
a nt . waa
ife s f , ;m ?eAte co es
tion and contemplation as opposed to the Medieval "sanctuary of unworld-
'7 " ... h ru ?1 4 difit
liness" or Baroque "spiritual elevation." It was also a sublime of "distance," M bco ea fr .a e
reflecting the idea common to neo-Kantians from Wolfflin to Warburg, Adorno dJ4 Opttinr& 1Qilnn 1_?lb " he2
to Karcauer and Benjamin, that objectivity and rationality requires a "keep- o0 "eW r 'r t g i t r 0 tr Tt lrWtver, b?' t's'principle of autonomy
represented far more than a simple appeal to reason, or a century-old claim in
ing one's distance." Idistanzhaltenl IVLLC, 331 Finally, the entire effect of the
the philosophy of knowledge. It was historically and conceptually the found-
Church, its own enlightened spirituality, is gained not by the introduction of
ing principle of bourgeois society, a product, as Adorno had it, of "the enthu-
painting, sculpture, images, or symbols, but by "the autonomous means of
siasm of the youthful bourgeoisie which had not yet started its never-ending
architecture." Idie autonomen Mittel der Architektur] [vLLC, 341
complaints that reason cannot solve anything, but which still feels confident
of its ability to achieve things by virtue of the powers of its own reason." Thus
FROM KANTTO LE CORBUSIER
understood, the interrogation of autonomy was joined to the interrogation
of bourgeois
Autonomy of the wivill i.A the .Aole principle of all moral lalvA and of liberal democracy,
dutieA inunder severe threat in the inter-war period.
Inspired
keeping9 iUith them: heteronomy of choice, on the other hand, notbyonly
the research
doeA of the
notMarburg school, under the leadership of Her-
mann Cohen, many philosophers in the early twentieth century, including
9round any obligation at all but iL instead opposed to the principle of obliga-
tion and to the morality of the will. Ernst Cassirer who studied at Marburg, were returning to Kant as the initiator
Immanuel Kant, Critique of Practical ReaAon, 1788.of modern critical philosophy; Cassirer's two studies Freiheit und Form (1916)
Kant, Leben und Lehre, the first modern comprehensive philosophical biogra-
The connection that Kaufmann sought between architecture and philosophy,
phy, was published in 1918 and became the reference point for a new genera-
and ultimately between Ledoux and Kant was provided and historically
tion, including Kracauer, Adorno, and Benjamin who saw Kant, for better or
grounded by Ledoux's reading of Rousseau. Rousseau was evoked explicitly
for worse, as the beginning point of an investigation necessary for the devel-
and implicitly in many passages of L'Architecture. The obvious interpretation
opment of a truly "critical" theory. Adorno, in particular, saw Kantian auton-
of "l'homme primitif" embodied in the plate illustrating the shelter of the
omy as a double-edged sword, much in the way that contemporary thinkers
poor; the enthusiasm for natural settings throughout the descriptions of the
were characterizing Rousseau's social contract as implicitly totalitarian. For
City of Chaux; the references to "le pacte social" and finally the overall adher-
Adorno, questioning the implications of appeals to "reason" that had, under
ence to a "return to origins," exhibited in Ledoux's theory and design. The key
the impetus of science and technology already begun to exhibit their "dark
passage for Kaufmann, joining this "return" to "autonomy" is that in which
side," autonomy in Kant, as the "kernel of his philosophy," articulated "a very
Ledoux justifies the separation of each function in pavilions in the second
dark secret of bourgeois society."
project for the Saltworks: "Remontez au principe...Consultez la nature; par-
tout I'homme est isole."[lvLLC, 43; LA gol Kaufmann further draws parallels
ThiA.Aecret iLA the reality that theformalfreedom of juridicalbubjectA iL actu-
between Rousseau's social thought and the institutions designed by
ally the foundation Ledoux
of the dependency of all upon all, that id to day, it id the
for his ideal "natural" society. The strange phallic-planned brothel or "Oikma"
foundation of the coercive character of ,ociety, itd conformity with law. That
id what lied
masquerading as a "Fragment of a Greek Monument," resonated for behind the very dtrange theory that in Kant reason id a tribunal
Kaufmann
with the sensibility of Schlegel's "Lucinde," a witness to the "autonomy of
which had to dit in judgerment over reason ad the accu,ed. ",
the pleasure of the senses" typical of the epoch.3 Beyond this, Rousseau was
It was, of course, the paradoxical nature of this dichotomy that led many
behind Ledoux's emphasis on hygiene, physical exercise, education, commu-
humanists in the interwar period to interrogate their own objects of study,
nal living, and his more general preoccupation with the citizenry of his new
from philosophy to art history, at a moment when bourgeois autonomy, and
ideal state as a whole - a "universal citizenry" or Weltburgerlichkeit. If Ledoux
its supposed links to reason and liberalism if not social democracy, was chal-
was by no means an egalitarian along the lines of later revolutionaries such as
Gracchus Babeuf, he certainly believed in a "pacte sociale" lenged
thatby the movement the
endowed from the "freedom" of law to totalitarian "coercion.
Kaufmann, in Vienna, was equally exposed to this neo-Kantian revival,
poorest member of society with architecture - a characteristic that would later
but in taking up Kant as the founding father of modern bourgeois society, and
22 / VIDLER
specifically in 1933, he was making a very differ

EMIL
theorists. Where the Frankfurt school sociologi
KAUFMANNparadoxes and problematics of Kantian idealis
?.. struggling with the difficulties of reconcilin
published in 1932, Kaufmann apparently blith
favor of a generalized appeal to Rousseau/Kan
ment unified enough to provide an intellectual
his interpretation. Such apparent simplification
grounds. Firstly, Kaufmann was concerned to
work for an architect who himself was anything
who readily appealed to a wide range of authori
?Wi?!~ M i.-T... new forms. Kaufmann's seeming confusion, in

accurate in delineating the discursive breadth
.......... .
In...,:............ impact on design. Certainly Cassirer's study of T
. ...:
:: ... ..
"[:: ...........::
: : ~ i? .
enment published in 1932 had, together with
: ii:! it' ' .::.:. .' i same year, the aim of constructing such a unity
...........
1. ....: . . .::: . Secondly, and equally important, Kaufman
r? .. .:;:~ir?-?., , reached beyond a purely historical interpretat
Von Ledoux biA Le Corbusier, and in its appea
implicit challenge to the emerging cultural poli
X.???
and a covert appeal to a "united" front based on
. .. .... .. ...: the basis for the restatement of the ideal of a li
Published in May 1933, two months after Hitl

the March 5 elections, was seemingly deliber
:;: . ..: ,.,: " N. . . social democratic values of Enlightenment, re

values under severe attack not only from Nazi i
them, and the modernism that represented th
vik, but also from conservative Viennese art his
Sedlmayr. The latter, who had joined the Nation
to become a loyal supporter throughout the occ
until Kaufmann's flight to the U.S. before dev
"loss of center" using Kaufmann's own material t
decline and fall where Kaufmann had seen only
however, as Damisch has pointed out, it was an
Title page, Von Ledoux bis le Corbus-
ier, by C.N. Ledoux, edition 1985. physical, courage to set out the continuities b
and Modernism, in a moment when Speer and h
mental solace in the gigantesque revival of Ger
Ledoux, in this context, was, more than a
or metaphor for the explication of liberal bourg
utopian socialism in historical guise. The real
then be the architecture of Loos, Walter Gropiu
busier - the architecture of Modernism devel
Kaufmann wrote:
The continuity of the development of poAt-revolutionary architecture can in

a way be traced through to the beginning of our own period, which openA
around 19oo with the Dutch Berlage and the VienneAe Adolf LooA, a period
one can usefully dezignate by naming its moAtAelf-conzciou. protagoniLt, the
leader of the young French school: Le Corbudier [den Fuhrer deA jungen Frank-
reich Le Corbuiier]. [VLLC, 61]
The first mention of Le Corbusier in Kaufmann's writings is in a footnote to

the article "Die Stadt," which points to the similarities between three state-
ments by Ledoux, and the text of VerA une architecture.39 The connection was
understood as obvious as Ledoux spoke of "the appreciable feeling of a plan
as stemming from the subject, the site, and the needs of the building, of the
destructive effect of details on surfaces," and of the "forms described with a
single stroke of the compass," the square and the circle as the "alphabetical
letters used by authors in the text of their best works."40
Two years later, Von Ledoux biA Le Corbusierwas to elaborate these anal-
ogies as systematically and historically grounded. Ledoux, Kaufmann argued in
the last section of the book, was the progenitor of a modernism that was in no the Atrict delimitation of conceptA, of the domaipm of thought and
juxtapoAition,
way formalist ("he did not confine his attention only to formal details,
action.as didAeem to be the fundamental tendencieA of thiL development.'1
Auch
the Secession a hundred years later" IVLLC, 421); rather "in his research he envis-
It is, nonetheless, with Le Corbusier that Kaufmann concludes his little book,
aged the totality of the reorganization of the body of the building itself and of the
a Le Corbusier represented not only by VerA une architecture, but by the trans-
systems of large complexes of buildings." IVLLC, 421 Considering Ledoux's later
lated version of Urbanisme, Stadtebau, and more recently still by the first
works, and especially his group of town houses designed after the Revolution
volume of his OeuvreA completeA, 1910 to 1929, published in 1930. Kaufmann
for Hosten, Kaufmann to introduced his first modernist comparison, not to Le
was thus able to refer to the already commonplaces of the "fascination for the
Corbusier, but to Walter Gropius: referring to Ledoux's late works, he notes:
straight line," or the "return to the "fundamental realities of the sphere, the
The principal arti.tic quality of the.e projectA thiA the a cube
ae" and
that
the cylinder in great architecture" but also to extend his comparison
Ledoux looked for above all. The formal principl onn with Ledoux to the layout and projected monuments of the Cite Mondiale, with
its already contentious pyramidal scheme for a Mundaneum or world museum,
were baAed correApondA to the leitmotif of our preAent architecture. ao Walter
reminiscent of the pyramids of Ledoux and Boull6e. Kaufmann, as opposed to
GropiuA haA expreAAed it in the firt volume of the BauhauA bookc: "a variety
the trenchant critiques of the Marxist Karel Teige, lauds the "idealism" of this
Atarting with the same fundamental type obtained by the alternate juxtapoAi-
tion and AuperimpoAition of repetitive Apatial cell." [v L LC, 481 utopia as directly relating to, if not influenced by, that of Ledoux:
It is clear that in tracing the development of autonomous architecture The

after
reAemblance between the epoch of Ledoux and our own iA not limited (thiA
Ledoux, and through the nineteenth century, Kaufmann is aware of the will
dete-be one of our concluhionA) to formal and thematic aApectA. ThiA reAem-
rioration in aesthetic content, and of the deleterious effects of the incessant blance doeA not only reAt in the fact that in hiA epoch aA our own one .ee. the
repetition of the "pavilion system." Thus he analyzes the teaching method new and important problem of the mona.e. emerge a~ the powerful motive of
and influence of Jean-Nicolas Louis Durand, who systematized Ledoux's ownAolutionA. Independently of the new denmancLd of the real, one diAcernA nowi a
system for the Ecole Polytechnique, repeating the fundamental elements of at that epoch a new idealiAm. It appears in L'Architecture of Ledoux aA in the
architecture as if they were so many geometrical points, lines, and planes on writingA of Le CorbuAier, in the projectfor the Ideal City a in the Cite Modiale.
graph paper, and sees this method's effects on architects like Dubut. But it is It A in thLi idealim, founded on the new ideaLA of ethicA and law, in which iA, in the
equally obvious that Kaufmann is here only attempting to demonstrate that
end, rooted, it Aeem.l to tLa, before 18oo even ao today, the renewal of architecture.
despite the overt historicist "clothing" of the pavilions in question, varied
Kaufmann concludes:
according to taste and stylistic revival through the century, the survival of the
pavilion, and its fundamentally geometrical/functional foundation, allowed BecauAe Le CorbuAier haA no leAA faith in theAe than Ledoux, becauAe
the principles of modernism to survive if not to prosper. one and in the other the intimate link between art and life iL as Atrong,
His assessment of the effects of autonomy on urbanism is, for example, muAt cite, Aide by Aide, the mnater whoAe work crowns the triumph of the
bleak enough, and parallel to that of Camillo Sitte at the end of the nineteenth principleA and he whoAe activity hao opened the way for theAe principleA
century: castigating the pavilion structures around the Place de I'Etoile, the
Place Royale in Munich, or the Ringstrasse in Vienna, whose buildings STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS
Kaufmann's methods of analysis, as well as those of the V

are Aet up, like iAolated blockA. In their iAolation, each one could, without
which he was to be loosely associated, have often been critic
hindering itA attractiveneA. be diAplaced to another Aite. It iL of little impor-
ient "formalism," and especially so from the left in the 1930
tance that the partA have been realized and are of different appearance, a9 in
piro, responding to the confused and contradictory "forma
Munich, or are contemporary and fit amongAt themlAelveA aA in Vienna. The
nese School, in an incisive review of the publications of
double aApect of the paAt century which, like janus, lookA at once forward and
School" of art history, tried to redress the historical problem
backward, appears even more clearly in that portion of the RingAtraAe with reductive political position. Assessing Emil Kaufmann's a
the monumental buildingA of the Parliament, the City Hall, the UniverAity, and
the Architect Ledoux," and the later Von Ledoux biA Le C
the Theater. Conceived according to an abAolutely heteronomouA inApiration,
while recognizing the merit of Kaufmann's rescue of Led
the buildingA are deAtined forAhow. In thiA intention, each of them carrieA an
limitations of the formal approach in relating architecture
old Auit, pa&.ing for Greek, Gothic, or late RenaiAAance. But in thiA diverAity
Kaufmann had attempted to join what he called Ledoux's pr
there iL algo a new trait: the total indifference to the effect of the whole. Each tural "autonomy" - the derivation of an architectural aesth
building remainA in a total iAolation. none iA linked in an erteemble. IV LLC, 611 requirements of construction and use rather than from any
Yet, despite the moribund, half heteronomous, half autonomous aspect of artistic conception - to a similar characteristic of emerg
the style-revival buildings of the Ringstrasse, the principle of autonomy sur- ety, - "which thinks of itself as composed of isolated, equ
vived to triumph in the younger generation of modernists following Berlage. als." Schapiro argued that Kaufmann, in fact, had succeeded
Kaufmann is not inclined to enter into a detailed analysis of twentieth cen- architectural principle to a social principle, one found indee
tury modernism as a conclusion to his Ledoux monograph; for him, the simple ings. "The correlation," Schapiro wrote, "is with bourgeois
"evidence" of Le Corbusier and his contemporaries is enough to make the point. the actual class structure and conditions of bourgeois so
Interestingly enough, it is Richard Neutra, the Viennese exile in California, more on quotations than on a study of social and econom
whose Wie baut Anmerika had been published in 1927, who is selected as the light of our analysis of Kaufmann's theses of autonomy, we
spokesman for modernism's continuity with the past, Roman, and Baroque: clude that Kaufmann might have readily agreed with Sch
Neutra, quoted by Kaufmann, writes: from trying to develop a materialist history assuming the
tions between base and superstructure, society and culture,
It iL a long way from the plasticformalislm of the Greek world to the twiLted
were surely more modest and confined to demonstrating th
facadeA of the Baroque, but thin route in not illogical, it alwvay croAzeA do to
thought about social form, and thought about architectural f
Apeak the ame region: that of a certain Apiritual attitude towardA architectural
But Kaufmann's method was not only attacked from th
creation. The genera I principle the development of which we have wanted to dem-
social-democratic theses it was equally subject to criticis
ondtrate here in architecture in defined by Neutra in theAe ternM: Di.&ociation,
24 / VIDLER
..-:"":,~ ? . . .
; -*?. ~:.,.... ::!,.. ...... ,'..
!? iasiil~Q
"' I.: ) ..."...:un:..? ?::~s"
" - ;,:v!:*:'_.- Ni,, J
,,:.. .,,.- .... . ..nn n
Indeed, Kaufmann did not have to look

nothing so
morefar for
than a bad his
joke or enemies
a very aslunacy,
ordinary piece of the Berlin
while the mor
of Hitler's putsch: Hans Sedlmayr, another distinguished
charitable have student
looked upon it land here oftoWiiolfflin
he iA referring the conclusion of
Aometime VienneAe
and an editor of the Vienna school's flagship colleague the
journal, Emil Kaufmann] a- an "experiment with form
KunAtwisuenAchaftli
che ForAchungen, in which Kaufmann
The had
thing iApublished his but
certainly insane enough, breakthrough article
if it were no more than that, weAhou
had, during these years taken sharp issue
hardly with
be justified Kaufmann's
in waAting much time over it. democratic and
idealistic reading of the architecture of 18oo, and precisely
A nonAenAical from
idea, however, need a conserva-
by no meanA be wholly with
tive, soon to become fascist, commitment. It is
out hignificance . . in comparison
. Auch with
abnormalitieh reveal Sedlmayr'
very .pecific characterist
... Thu.
approach that Kaufmann seems less and the .phere
less thewhen u.ed ao the
Vienna .hape of ahistorian,
School building iA a critical
and form
which ... i a aymptom of a profound criAiA both in architecture and in
more and more the student of Dvoirak.
It was Hans Sedlmayr, of all fhe Vienna School
whole life of the humanhistorians,
Apirit. Here we are who took
beginning seri-
to deal with the zon
ously the lessons of Riegl, in opposition to his
of the unconscious dissertation
... [LC, 41 advisor Julius
Schlosser, in conceptualizing a method of art history that completely inte
Sedlmayr saw this non-architectural form as the fatal symptom of
grated architecture; developing Riegl's concept of Kunstwollen, as reinter
abstraction that had, with Le Corbusier, reached its most nonsensical and
preted by his contemporary Panofsky, into what he termed a "Strukturanalys
anti-architectural end. Agreeing with Kaufmann that autonomy was the key
or analysis of structural principles. These were not, of course, the principles
(it "implies that architecture under Ledoux had as it were become conscious
of structure, as an architectural historian might understand them. His wel
of its own true nature - it was the same idea that animated Loos and Le
known treatise on Borromini's church, San Carlo alle Quattro Fontane, found
Corbusier"), Sedlmayr castigates the Maison Savoye at Poissy, the epit
its structural principle not in the architectural structure, nor even in the
of Corbusian modernism for Sigfried Giedion and perhaps for Kaufmann
"structural" organization of its intersecting spaces and volumes, but rather in
as it rested "upon its supports upon the lawn," nothing more than the im
the decorative treatment of the wall. As Christopher Wood notes, "In othe
of "a spaceship that has just landed." [LC,1o7] Le Corbusier's pictures, w
words, structure may reveal itself in apparently marginal or meaningless fea
Sedlmayr in disgust," are full of floating transparent things." [LC,101]
tures." [Wood, 251 Here Sedlmayr relies on Gestalt theory to introduce th
Sedlmayr is here opposed to the "autonomous" nature of this geom
notion of "shaped vision," that in his terms formed an objective and rational
cal architecture - its apparent repulsion for the earth, an architecture wish
way of looking beneath appearances, of seeking out principles of form and
to fly, transparent, floating in the air; and thereby no longer holding to it
organization not apparent in normal characterizations of function, style, and
tonic foundations, and dangerously open to the deleterious effects of wha
the like. Wood and Meyer Schapiro before him, have pointed out the entirely
calls "paper architecture." It is no coincidence that Sedlmayr uses Kaufm
"specious" nature of this "rationalism," criticizing its intuitionist and impli
as the scholarly source of every one of his critical description of the drea
itly racist undertones.
unhappy visions, and "shadow values" of Boull6e's and Ledoux's architec
In Sedlmayr's terms, while Kaufmann had (the method after all was sci-
Indeed, Kaufmann is acknowledged as the source of Sedlmayr's whole st
entifically correct) analyzed the formal shifts he had entirely misdiagnosed
as, in his postface, he admits:
the symptoms. Where Kaufmann saw renewal in revolutionary and modern
architecture, Sedlmayr saw decay and
The decline; where
very beginningA Kaufmann
of thiA work were inspired saw increas
by the research of
ing health in society and architecture, Sedlmayr
Kaufmann saw
on Ledoux, which camedecadence and
to my notice in 1930. death
I. aw at once
Architecture was but a sign of the "huge inner
Kaufmann had catastrophe"
Aucceeded set
in making a diAcovery off
of the byimport
utmoAt th
Revolution, a "loss of center" and stability imaged
towardA the byofwhat
underAtanding for
our age, but thatSedlmayr
at the hame time was
he had
the most characteristic motif of 18oo,
wholly the sphere,
recognized withofall
the true Aignificance its
hiA own implications
diAcovery, and that the p
of the destabilization - the literal deracination of traditional architecture. nomena ho clearly perceived by him were not correctly evaluated. [LC ]
Kaufmann's heroes were Sedlmayr's devils: as the latter observed of Goya:
Of course, this does not prevent Sedlmayr from claiming almost equal cre
"The more we study the art of Goya, the more intense grows our conviction that,
as he recounts that he expounded the "thoughts ... developed here" in Verlu
like Kant in philosophy and Ledoux's architecture, he is one of the great pulver-
der Mitte in a lecture given in 1934, and again in 1937 in a discourse that
izing forces that bring a new age into being." [LC, 117] Sedlmayr, sensing an
not published," finally to set them down in 1941, and giving them "in un
ally in his fight against the demon of modernism, cites Ernst Jtinger approv-
sity lectures in 1941 and 1944.142
ingly in characterizing the muAealen trieb, the "face turned towards the things
This debate between Kaufmann and Sedlmayr has generally been se
of death," of the contemporary epoch.
in art historical circles at least, as the starting point for the reevaluation
More specifically, explaining his so-called "Method of Critical Forms," a
Revolutionary architecture, as well as the origin of many myths only rece
method he claims is "capable of separating the true from the false," of "concen-
dispelled by less formalistic and more historically dispassionate research. B
trating on that unconscious sphere of instinctive receptivity" and of "posses-
for the moment, I would want to hold such criticism, in order to follo
sion" in which "the soul of the age stands naked before us" - a method that is
the fundamental distinction drawn by Hubert Damisch between what sem
common to the pathologist and the psychologist - Sedlmayr finds in the image
gists and their heirs over the last decades have spoken of as the "mean
of Ledoux's architecture one such apparently bizarre but fundamentally symp-
of architecture," considering architecture as a system of communication,
tomatic form that describes the folly of the modern age: the Sphere House of
the question, posed by Damisch of "what architecture means" in a spec
the Agricultural Guards that Kaufmann had seen as a brave innovation, a har-
moment. According to these distinctions, when Kaufmann wrote in 192
binger of modernist abstraction.
classicism as demanding a "harmony" that confined "signification... to
intrinsic qualities of the subject and their expression," and of neoclassic
Such a radical new form, for instance, id inherent in the idea of uAing a Aphere
as seeing
ao the basic form of an entire house. Most people have treated thiA notion ao form as having "no other function than to be the support for tho
':' ??.?.: Left to right

Haus eines Holzfaellers ("House of the Woodcutters"),
C.N. Ledoux, from Architecture, 1847.
Kugelhaus fuer Flurwaechter ("House for the Meadow

Ir?lnl;.
Watcher"). C.N Ledoux, from Architecture, 1847.
Panareteon (Haus der Tugenden) ("House of Virtue"),

*??
C.N. Ledoux, from Architecture, 1847.
lcl'" --*
to transmit impressions, to provoke sensations:' he was perhaps not so much ments. Indeed it is clear that Kaufmann intends us to see his "architectural
seeing these two architectures as accomplishing this goal within their particu- system" as on the same plane as and commensurate with intellectual devel-
lar societies and cultures, as aApiring to that goal in their theories and ideals. opments, as the manifestation, in other words, of the architect's thought pro-
Thus, similarly, when he speaks of Ledoux in the same breath as Kant and cesses. This is what he means when he speaks of "peering behind the facade of
Rousseau, he was perhaps not so much claiming that there is an inner essence architectural development" to "discover the metaphysical background of build-
in Ledoux's architecture that is Kantian, nor certainly that Ledoux had read ing" in a particular era. I SAH, 18] This notion of the particular era was funda-
Kant or wished to be a Kantian architect, but more simply that there seemed mental to Kaufmann's view of the specificity of history. As he noted in a review
to be a homology between, in their different realms, Ledoux's use of separate, of Nils's study of the work of Louis-Jean Desprez, "each epoch requires specific
independent, geometric forms, and say, Kant's desire for principles of indepen- categories of treatment." New material should not be interpreted within the
dent critical judgement, and Rousseau's return to the principle of "natural man." categories "derived, originally, from the production of another (as a rule prior)
I say "more simply," but in fact, such relations introduce a complexity in the period," but rather according to "some new approach adequate to their novel
interpretative structure that is belied by the crude juxtaposition, and that goes ways." He concluded: "The idea of all-embracing categories is a chimaera. Still
well beyond the equally crude "social/economic/formal" postulations of Marx- worse, of course, is the sterile application of categories formed on the accom-
ist art historians of the period. Here, Kaufmann is less a follower of the psycho- plishments of a different period."45
logical formalism of the Vienna School than an adherent of the principles of his Kaufmann elaborated on this in a review article of 1946:
mentor, Max Dvoiak's, concept of "the history of art as the history of ideas."43
We live in a time in which the gathering and recording offactual data are often
Admittedly, Kaufmann has been cast as a reductive systematizer in his
conAidered the unique end of art hiLtory. No doubt huch activity is indispenA-
attempt to construct an interpretative scheme derived from Riegl's kunstwol-
able. Yet one Ahould not overlook the fact that it doeh not require much original-
len that corresponded to architecture in particular. And yet his notion of
ity to tranAform a card file into a book, after having added juAt a few details
an "architectural system" as developed in writings after his emigration to
to the findingA of many predece,&orA in afield labored, perhapA, through centu-
the United States offered a far more precise tool of analysis. As he defined it,
rieA. One Ahould rate higher the biographer who ventureh out into unmapped
"attention is focused not so much on problems of style, nor on descriptions of
territory, who diAcoverh a forr profferA a new picture of a perzonality, and en
single features, nor even on the investigation into general form, but rather
era. Such a biographer i. more likely to err in hiA evaluations and commentA
upon the interrelation of the several parts of the composition, and especially
than the simple compiler, although the latter is by no menaa infallible in his
the relationship between the several components and the whole architectural
attributions. Art history should not care le," about the epiphenomenon than
composition itself."44 But here we have moved beyond a generic "will to form,"
the phenomenon. The biographer who struggles to gra.p the meaning of artiA-
and even beyond Sedlmayr's static "structural analysis," to a flexible model
tic production will become ahource ofAtimuluA and progrei for the diAcipline
that approximates not only similar types in music and literature, as well as
even when he errA. Needle," to Aay, these remarks apply Atill better to those
painting, but also, in this case, the architect's own design procedures.
rare historians who, gifted with a keen vision, rediAcover or reinterpret a whole
The architecture of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centurie. ha4 much in epoch as, e.g., did the Acholars who about 19oo inaugurated the study of the
common with clawmical and Baroque art. But thehe common traith concern Baroque, or those who somewhat later brough ManneriAm to light. Intepreta-
only the Aurface. The continued uze of clawical featureA createA a certain tive hiAtory alone is constructive history."I
Auperficial reAemblance between thehe periodA preceding and following the
In this quasi-autobiographical justification, we sense no only the pathos
Revolution. Only by an analypiA baAed on the concept of an "architectural
of the lonely explorer, the destitute scholar searching for his "California," but
AyAtem," can we appreciate how fundamentally the mode of architectural com-
also the consciousness of the heroic role of scholarship itself as, building on
pozition waA tranAformed. [IJSAH, 131
its formative achievements, has the courage to invent its own future. More or
The comparison and matching of such a structure once identified with similar less penniless after his flight from Europe, Kaufmann had eked out a living
structures in thought and social life was entirely flexible and always shifting: on grants from the Fulbright Committee and the American Philosophical Soci-
ety, finding in the Avery Library and numerous other collections more general
In the relationAhip between formz and yAtem, each epoch eAtabliAheh itA own
material for his expanding studies of enlightenment and renaissance architec-
baAic ideaA of diApozition and interrelation of partA. Either older formA are
ture. He died forlornly on his second journey to Los Angeles in 1953 in Chey-
remodeled until they are perfectly adjuAted to the newAyAtem of arrangement;
enne, Wyoming. It was with characteristic humility that Kaufmann admitted
or new formA proffered by new constructional methodA are adopted if they
in his posthumously published book: "I do not believe that I have solved the
accord with the newAyAtem; or naturalformA are reinterpreted in keeping with
momentous problem of how the architectural transformation of about 18oo00
the changed ideal of general ditpozition. The search for newformA i, therefore,
came to pass."47
a nece.ary consequence of the dezirefor a newAyptem. Forms themdelveA are
AecondaryfactorA; the Ayptem is the primary conAideration. [IJ SAH, 181
VON KAUFMANN BIS JOHNSON UND ROSSI
We might characterize this method, as opposed to the more psychological and

The cubic, "absolute" form of my gla. houwe and the separation
teleological "structural analysis" of Sedlmayr, as not so much structural as
unitA into two absolute shapeA rather than a major or minor ma
"AtructuraliAt" paralleling similar contemporary attempts to identify systems
comeA directly from Ledoux, the Eighteenth Centuryfather of moder
of relationships in linguistics and symbols by, say, Cassirer and Panofsky in
(Aee Emil Kaufmann' excellent Atudy Von Ledoux biA Le Corbuwier).
other domains.
the sphere, the pure mathematical shapeA, were dear to the hearts o
But again Kaufmann's structuralism has a history that grounds it in tem-
lectual revolutionaries from the Baroque, and we are their descendan
porality, and even though his history falls short of Schapiro's desired social
Philip Johnson, Architectural Review, 19504
and economic enquiries, it is rigorously enough based in intellectual develop-
26 / VIDLER
of the Glass House was there following Kaufmann's principles of autonomy

In retrospect, it was perhaps not entirely an accident, nor totally ironic, that
Kaufmann's belief that architecture's "autonomy" was held to parallel almost
the to the letter. Revealing his deeper affinities with German neo-classi-
emerging "autonomy" of the bourgeois (modern) individual was to appeal so and Schinkel, but disguising them by a side-trip to France and liberal, ide-
cism
alist classicist modernism, Johnson in fact produces a transparent "Ledoux"
strongly to that paradigm of the high bourgeois architect Philip Johnson. Some-
time between 1938 and 1940, with perhaps a brief stay in London on the way,
box, that "proves" Kaufmann's thesis even more powerfully than Le Corbusier
Kaufmann fled to the United States; in 1942, he was asked to present his work
(too wedded to the horizontally open Domimo diagram) could have ever accom-
to the newly constituted Society of Architectural Historians at the Cambridge
plished. Perhaps this was the fate of "late modernisms," to authorize already
house of Philip Johnson, whose visits to Germany with Henry-Russell Hitchcock
written history rather than making it for themselves.49
had alerted him to the growing interest in eighteenth century neo-classicism.
RATIONALISM TO NEORATIONALISM
The text of this talk, Kaufmann's first English-language article, was published
in the next year in the Journal of the American Society of Art HistorianA. Thirty years after the completion of the Glass House, the archit
Based on Johnson's own encounter with German history and theory, also
it working out of concepts he derived from Kaufmann's analy
was Kaufmann who provided the convenient link between the neoclassicism
enment architecture, saw in the concept of "autonomy" a m
of Schinkel, admired by both National Socialists and the then sympathetic
architecture from an increasingly disseminated field of aesthet
Johnson, and the modernism of Le Corbusier and Mies, as he had describedpolitical authorizations, and understood the word to refer to the
the trajectory of modern architecture beginning with the Enlightenment ture

and of architectural typologies and forms, as they formed par
culminating in Le Corbusier. Johnson had read Kaufmann's 1933 book mented
Von structure of the historical city.
Ledoux biA Le Corbu.ier, and was easily able to reconcile Kaufmann's formal For Rossi, however, as evinced by his reviews and critical w
linkage of Ledoux and Le Corbusier with his own predilection for Schinkel and
the late 1950os on, "autonomy" also represented the purest herit
Mies - von Schinkel biA MieA seemed a natural corollary to Kaufmann's enment,
Von and thence the modern movement, for an age that had
Ledoux biA Le Corbu.ier as was the implied extension, "Von Schinkel, Ledoux,
of roots in the eclecticism, and more to the point, in the adjustm
Le Corbusier, und Mies, bis Johnson." But of course, the entire architectural
by the post-fascist political struggles of the immediate postwar
career of Johnson, racing to keep up with the stylistic zeitgeist, seemed tocontext,
cel- Rossi's fascination with the geometrical forms of late
ebrate the aesthetic autonomy of the discipline. architecture was more than a simple attempt to recuperate the
Writing on his Glass House in New Canaan, Connecticut, in the Architec-
and modernist minimalism, but was grounded in his reading
tural Review of 1950, Johnson specifically cited Kaufmann's book in orderwritings,
to not only of Von Ledoux biA Le Corbu.ier, but also o
books, Three Revolutionary Architecti: Boull'e, Ledoux, Lequ
link the geometrical forms of Ledoux to his own cubic design. Architectural
"autonomy," by which Johnson meant variously: the free play of architectural
the more general, posthumously published, Architecture in the A
language as style, the independence of architecture from society, and the Baroque
per- and Poat-Baroque in England, Italy, and France. (1955
books that Rossi reviewed for CaAabella, taking note of the
sonal freedom to change style at whim, thence became a watchword of his prac-
tice. Indeed the entire article was a neat and entirely unabashed collageessays,
of and found in them a programmatic source for his "ne
Kaufmann, Le Corbusier, and Mies van der Rohe, in eight easy stages. First,
joining Ledoux, and Boull6e (whose Euzaizur l'architecture he
Johnson illustrates Le Corbusier's 1933 plan for a village farm in order to
introduced in Italian) not only to Le Corbusier, but equally to hi
describe the approach to his own house: "the footpath pattern between the two
ist hero, Adolf Loos. The early critical writings of Rossi include
houses I copied from the spiderweb-like forms of Le Corbusier, who delicately
of his study of Enlightenment theory by way of Kaufmann, the
runs his communications without regard for the axis of his buildings or seem-
lated into research into specifically Italian examples (Milizia to A
modernist parallels (Loos).
ingly any kind of pattern." Secondly, Mies's plan for IIT, 1939 is adduced for
the formal layout of the two pavilions in New Canaan. This precedent is fol- Thus for Rossi, the idea of an "autonomous architecture" wa
lowed quickly by Theo van Doesburg's painting (the origin of Johnson's "asym-
rally joined to that of a "rational architecture." Thus, when in 1
metric sliding rectangles"), August Choisy's plan and perspective of the Athe-
as curator of the international section of the Milan Triennale so
nian Acropolis, one already commandeered by Le Corbusier to illustrate tify
the those architects who, in Manfredo Tafuri's words espoused
dynamic force of non-rectilinear plans in VerA une Architecture, Schinkel's
of language," he collected them together under the banner of "R
Casino in Glienecke, and, as a prelude to Mies's glass-house idea, Ledoux's
tecture." The premises of a "Neo- Rationalism" that became evide
spherical House of the Agricultural Guards, so much loved by Kaufmann and
nale represented the beliefs of many Italian and French designe
Rossi to Bernard Huet and Leon Krier, that architecture was in
hated by Sedlmayr. But now, in 1949-50 Johnson has cast aside any residual
affection for National Socialist culture, and prefers to follow the progressive
a discipline of its own, that its "language" was derived from for
path of modernism, from Ledoux to Le Corbusier; thence to Kasimir Malev-
tures, and that its form and role in the city was as much a product
itch and the Suprematist painting that afforded the plan of the Glass House
cal urban structure, as it was of social orpolitical concerns. Where, t
with a circle in a rectangle, and finally to Mies, who concludes the eight points
politicized climate of the g1960os, societyhadbeen seen as the gen
of Johnson's new architecture with the Farnsworth House, 1947-1950. Suchand
a shelter, in the 1970s, perhaps in reaction to the evident loss
this implied, architecture asserted its own determinism. Fue
neat re-writing of history, a reversal in a sense of the progressive movement
described by the historians of Kaufmann's generation, will be a leitmotif of
Architecture of the City, a kind of "structuralism" in urban analysi
"postmodernism" from the 1960s on. otics of architectural analysis thus emerged as the equivalent of
Russian Formalism, so-called "Cartesian" linguistics, and deco
The paradox, of course, is that Johnson, often criticized for "betraying
Mies" in the obviously box-like and non-universal counter-horizontal space
literary studies. "Autonomy" of the text and of the buildin
~'' '' Blick in dasTheater von Besancon, C.N.

!t? ~~ Ledoux, from Architecture, 1847.
* '?
LE
..
parallel and complimentary facets of the refusal of socio-political narrative, Johnson was endowed with an over-arching theme that superfic
the vagaries of urban development planning, and what Nikolaus Pevsner had made historical and critical sense of his otherwise eclectic work;
already identified in 1960 as "the return of historicism." ism was definitively abandoned, together with the relativizing t
Hubert Damisch, in his preface to the first (1981) French translation of seemed to support it; and, in a nice turn of intellectual agend
Von Ledoux biA le Corbusier entitled "Ledoux avec Kant" with its echoes of theory, pragmatic era implicitly opened up.
Lacan's own aleatory preface to the Marquis de Sade's La Philohophie danr le Beneath this often self-contradictory trajectory of the idea o
in architecture, we can trace all the tensions evoked by the histo
boudoir, "Kant avec Sade," notes this peculiar fascination of the 1970os with
cept of "Enlightenment," in the twentieth century. From the ge
the idea of autonomy, as directly linked to the continuity of Kantian thought,
asking what it would be to couple Kant's analysis of the origins of geometrytion of "progress" and "reason" common to the Third Republic an
in the Critique of Pure ReaAon, with that autonomous geometry of Ledoux, ininterpretations of the Revolution, to the contested domain of soc
order to meditate on the special "autonomy" of architecture, from Ledoux toafter the First World War, to the defensive pro-modernist postur
Le Corbusier to Loos and thence to the autonomies claimed by the new Neo-
ist avant-garde and its Popular Front allies in the 193os, to the d
rationalism of the late 1970s: negative critique of Enlightenment developed by Adorno and Ho
exile, to the reassertion of democratic values in the post-War Fra
At our prehent moment, when the history of architecture hehitateh between
against the pessimism of a withdrawn and posthistorical conse
a renewed form of the history of Atyleh and a form of inAtitutional analyhi.
thence to the renewal of "form" and "structure" as a renewal tactic for archi-
which ignoreh everything that compriseh the proper material of architecture,
tecture in the 197os, and finally to the quasi-nostalgic revival of the idea of
the idea of autonomy, to take it in the philosophical hense, takeh on the value
autonomy itself in the 199os; all this attests to the power of Kant's idea that,
of a regulating concept. To think Ledoux with Kant is to recognize that in archi-
both formal and political, implies at once freedom and order, collective reason
tecture underAtanding doeh not proceed Aolely from hi6tory, or in other wordA,
and expressed individuality.
with Kant, that an underAtanding which Aubjectively preAentA it.elf a" history
with respect to the way in which it h"a been acquired, can participate, objec-
tively, in one form or another of rationality.49
To think of Ledoux with Kant, Damisch concludes, is to ask what constitutes

architecture as an object, not only of history, but also of thought, and thought
that is constrained by conditions that are a priori formal, or in another sense,
internal to the discipline of architecture.
CONCLUSION
Thi, ih not thefirAt time that the idea of an historical langugage of architecture
ad a condition of itA autonomy haA been debated in architecture.
Peter D. Eisenman, "Autonomy and the Avant-Garde," 1996.1
In a conference honoring the career of Philip Johnson, and entitled "Auton-

omy and Ideology," the theme was resurrected, but now in a more distant, his-
torical, sense, as one that neatly joined the trajectory of Johnson's work to a
newly aroused interest in the various "modernisms" of the 1940s, 5os, and 6os,
and this once more to a preoccupation with the discipline of architecture.5"
As presented at the 1998 conference, the Johnsonian saga was fundamentally
reliant on "autonomy" as it made its first appearance in the Glass House proj-
ects and building of 1948-9. This desired "return to disciplinary roots," one that
has naturally followed similar calls in the humanities and social sciences in the
wake of the inter-disciplinary experiments and critical innovations of post-struc-
turalism, seems to answer a number of concerns in a generation unconvinced by
the pluralism of post-modernism. A return to the fundamentals of architecture,
in the modern tradition generally represented by abstraction, minimalism, the
pluralism of post-modernism, would counter architecture's always suspect
relations to the "society of the spectacle" and its consumerist aftermath.
As evidenced by the papers given at the conference, historians, critics,
and architects agreed generally that "modernism" in some form, whether clas-
sic "high" modernism or the less polemical but more socially present modern-
ism of the immediate postwar period (corporate modernism, domestic modern-
ism, suburban modernism), or even "counter-modernism" of the kind posed
by Kiesler, was decidedly preferable to postmodernism, and more than this, to
the "deconstructivism" that, in the Johnson itinerary, had supplanted it in the
1980s. Thus the conference proposed to satisfy a number of questions at once:
28 / VIDLER
NOTES
1 Clement Greenberg, "Modernist Painting," The CollectedKaufmann, 'Trois architectes revolutionaires,"' Bulletin Neoclassicism" and "Romantic Neoclassicism," which
Essays and Criticism ed. John O'Brian. In 4 volumes, Monumental, 1979, 78-81. took off directly from Riegl's own attempt to revise the
Volume 4 (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1993), p.85. characterization of another neglected period, that of the
4 Emil Kaufmann, Von Ledoux bis Le Corbusier: Ursprung
Spatromische.
und Entwicklung der Autonomen Architektur (Vienna and
2 The following article is an expansion of arguments made
first in my Claude-Nicholas Ledoux: Architecture and Leipzig: Rolf Passer, 1933). 16 Friedrich Nietzsche, Human, All Too Human A Book for
Social reform at the end of the Ancien Regime (Cam- Free Spirits. Trans. R.J Hollingdale, Introduction by Rich-
5 For responses to Kaufmann in the 1930s, see Meyer
bridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989) and developed into two arti- ard Schacht (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
Schapiro, "The New Viennese School," The Art Bulletin
cles, "Researching Revolutionary Architecture," Journal 1996), p.101 [Menschliches, Allzumenschliches, 1878].
xvii, 1936, 258-266; Eduardo Perisco, Scritti, critici e
of Architectural Education, August (1991), 206-211 and
polemici, ed. Rossa and Ballo (Milan), p.210; Hans Sedl- 17 Kaufmann, "Die Architekturtheorie," p.226. Translation
"From Ledoux to Le Corbusier, to Johnson, to ..." Pro-
mayr, Verlust der Mitte - Die bildende kunst des 19. Und Georges Teyssot, "Neoclassic and 'Autonomous' Archi-
gressive Architecture, May (1991). Since then, the con-
20. Jahrhunderts aid Symptom und Symbol der Ziet (Otto tecture," p. 24, slightly altered.
nections between Johnson and Kaufmann have been
MuellerVerlag: Salzburg, 1948), Translated by Brian Bat-
18 Emil Kaufmann, Von Ledoux bis Le Corbusier, p.45. See
elaborated by Detlef Mertens in "System and Freedom: tershaw in Art as Crisis: The Lost Centre (London: Hollis
also "Die stadt des Architekten Ledoux," p.146: "Stein ist
Sigfried Giedion, Emil Kaufmann and the Constitution
and Carter, 1957).
welder Stein."
of Architectural Modernity," in R.E. Somol, ed. Auton-
6 Allan Braham, The Architecture of the French Enlighten-
omy and Ideology: Positioning an Avant-Garde in 19 After 1925, save for a slim book on the architecture of
America (NewYork: Monticelli Press, 1997), pp. 212-231. ment (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), p.7;
the city of Baden [Die Kunst der Stadt Baden (Vienna:
My interest in Emil Kaufmann was initiated David Watkin, The Rise of Architectural History (Chicago:
Osterreichischer Bundesverlag, 1925)] Kaufmann con-
by Colin Rowe at Cambridge in the Fall of 1959, as, in University of Chicago Press, 1980), p.180.
centrated his research on the architects of the late eigh-
my first week of architectural study, at my first and ter- 7 Christopher S. Wood, ed. The Vienna School Reader: Poli- teenth century, especially Ledoux. He contributed the
rifying tutorial at his quasi-modernist apartment on Fen tics and Art Historical Method in the 1930s (New York: entry on Ledoux to the Thieme-Becker encyclopedia
Causeway, and from the depths of his Eames Director's ZONE Books, 2000), p.69. and an article on the German painter, Ferdinand
chair, abruptly swinging round to face me, he handed Georg Walmueller. The concept of autonomous archi-
8 Meyer Schapiro, op. Cit., and Walter Benjamin, Das Pas-
me a copy of the recently published Architecture in the tecture, however, was present in none of these early
sagen- Werk, ed. Rolf Tiedemann, Gesammelte Schriften,
Age of Reason with the question: "Well, and what do you studies, save perhaps by implication, as when, in 1929,
Vol. 5 (1982). Translated Howard Eiland, Kevin McLaugh-
make of concatenation?" Supported by this initiation I Kaufmann characterized Ledoux's architec-
lin as TheArcades Project (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Uni-
was able to make the relations between Kaufmann's
ture, with its geometrical play of masses, as "anti-
versity Press, 1999).
modernism and his own the subject matter of my first Baroque." [Emil Kaufmann, "Architektonische Entwurfe
discussion with Philip Johnson in 1964. The longer term 9 Kaufmann, Three Revolutionary Architects, Boulee, aus der zeit der franz6sichen Revolution," Zeitschrift fur
consequences of Rowe's first question are marked in Ledoux and Lequeu in Transactions of the American bildende Kunst, LXII, 1929-30, p.45.]
my life-long interest in Ledoux and Le Corbusier. This Philosophical Society Volume 42, Part 3 (October, 1952)
20 Emil Kaufmann, "C.N. Ledoux under der klassizistische
particular essay grew out of three invitations:to present pp.431-564.
Kirchenbau," Kirchenkunst, III (1931), p.62.
a paper at the conference "The Last Things Before the
10 Kaufmann, Architecture in the Age of Reason: Baroque
Last," organized by the PhD students in the School of 21 Ibid., p.62.
and Post-Baroque in England, Italy and France (Cam-
Architecture at Columbia University; to respond to a
bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1955). 22 Emil Kaufmann, "Die stadt des Architekten Ledoux: Zur
paper by Barbara Johnson at a conference organized by
Erkenntnis der Autonomen Architektur," Kunstwissen-
T.J.Clark at Berkeley and the San Francisco MOMA under 11 See Franz Schulze, Philip Johnson: Life and Work (New
schaftliche Forschungen, II, Berlin (1933). p.131-160.
the title "What was Modernism and Why Won't it Go York: Knopf, 1994) pp.157-8; 194-6; 216.
Away;" and to present a paper at the conference in Paris 12 Aldo Rossi, Scritti scelti sul'arcitettura e la citta, 23 Ibid., p.133.
organized by ANY Magazine in 1999. A more developed 1956-1972, ed. Rosaldo Bonicalzi (Milan: CLUP, 1975), 24 Ibid., p.138.
version of this paper was read at a Getty conference on pp.62-71 ("Emil Kaufmann e I'architettura
25 Ibid., p.142.
architectural history and art history in the Spring of 2000, dell'Illuminismo," Cassabella continuita, 222 (1958)).
and at a symposium on the "Culture of Disenchantment" Kaufmann's influence is seen also in Rossi's "Intro- 26 Ledoux, L'Architecture, p.185, p.115.
hosted by the Center for Modern and Contemporary Stud- duzione a Boul6e," [1967]The introduction to Rossi's 27 Kaufmann does not provide a note to this source until
ies UCLA, 2001. I have benefitted from the responses, con- translation of Boullee's Architecture: Essai sur I'art
the publication of his Three Revolutionary Architects.
versations and debates at all these conferences. (Scritti scelti, pp.346-364) and the article "L'architettura Boullde, Ledoux, Lequeu.
3 The best contemporary summary of Kaufmann's con- dell'Illluminismo," [1973] (Scritti scelti, pp.454-478).
28 Ibid., p.146.
tribution is by Detlef Mertens, "System and Freedom: 13 R.E. Somol, ed., Autonomy and Ideology.
Sigfried Giedeon, Emil Kaufmann and the Constitution 29 Ledoux, L'Architecture, p. 234.
14 Emil Kaufmann, "Die Architectkturtheorie der Franzo-
of Architectural Modernity," in R.E. Somol, ed. Auton- 30 Ibid., pp.152-3.
sischen Klassik und der Klassizismus," Repertorium fbr
omy and Ideology: Positioning an Avant-Garde in America
Kunstwissenschaft, XLIV (1924), pp.197-237. This account 31 Kaufmann, "Die Stadt," p.153. Translation from Georges
(NewYork: Monticelli Press, 1997), pp. 212-231. For a
of "neoclassicism" was elaborated in the review article Teyssot, "Neoclassic and Autonomous Architecture," p.26.
brief summary of Kaufmann's life, see Meyer Schapiro,
"Klassizismus als tendenz und als epoche," Kritische
"Obituary of Emil Kaufmann," College of Art Journal. 32 Kaufmann, Von Ledoux bis Le Corbusier, p.3. All
Berichte zur Kunstgeschichtlichen Literatur (1933), pp.
Winter (1954), 144. For the contemporary assessment of future references to this work will be in the text in the
201-214, which considered reviewed concepts of "klas-
Kaufmann, see GeorgesTeyssot "Neoclassic and 'Auton- form [VLLC].
sizismus" from Riegl, Schmarsow, Paul Zucker, Frankl,
omous' Architecture: the Formalism of Emil Kaufmann
Brinckmann, Giedion [Spatbaroker und romantischer 33 Kaufmann was direct in his criticism of historians who
1891-1953," in Dimitri Porphyrios, ed., "On the Meth-
Klassizismus, 1922], Wilhelm Pinder, and Wolfgang Her- looked only to Schinkel and German Neoclassicism:
odology of Architectural History," Architectural Digest
rmann [Deutschen Baukunst des 19. und 20. Jahrhun- "The 'Prussian Style' is no more than the German immita-
51 (1981), pp.24-29; Gilbert Erouart, "Situation d'Emil
derts, 1932-330]. See George Teyssot, "Neoclassic and tion of French Revolutionary architecture." Kaufmann,
Kaufman," in Emil Kaufmann, Trois architects revolu-
Autonomous Architecture," pp.25-26. Von Ledoux bis Le Corbusier, p.50.
tionaires: Boulee, Ledoux, Lequeu, ed. Gilbert Erouart
and GeorgesTeyssot (Paris, 1978), pp.5-11. See also, 15 GeorgeTeyssot, "Neoclassic and Autonomous 34 Central to Kaufmann's analysis of Ledoux was the trea-
Monique Mosser, "Situation d'Emil K.," De Ledoux a Le Architecture," pp.25-26. Teyssot has effectively analyzed tise that Ledoux had published two years before his
Corbusier: Origines de I'architecture moderne, Introduc- the debates over this stylistic and periodic ascription, death, the magisterial first volume of a planned five
tion, J.L. Avril, Arc-et-Senans: Edition Foundation C.N. noting Sigfried Giedion's 1922 thesis entitled Spat- volume work, L'Architecture considdrde sous le rapport
Ledoux, 1987, 84-89: Daniel Rabreau, "Critique d'Emil barocker und romantischer Klassizismus "Late Baroque de I'art, des moeurs et de la Igislation. This work, with
its 416 folio pages of text and 125 engraved plates of designs and interpreted them as symptoms of their the architect Ludwig Hilberseimer, fellow exile with Mies
Ledoux's built and ideal projects, constituted the main period (Von Ledoux, p. 11, 25, etc.), I certainly do not van der Rohe in Chicago, as he asserted the language
evidence for what was, in the 1920s known of Ledoux; underrate what Sedlmayr terms kritische Formen. How- of the modernist avant-garde. In his book Contemporary
indeed, despite subsequent discoveries of original draw-ever, the large number of original and yet "normal" inven- Architecture of 1964, Hilberseimer joined together Rus-
ings for specific projects, and archival verification of tions reveals that the complex period with all its excite- sian Constructivism, Dutch Neoplasticism and Corbusian
the dates of certain commissions, L'Architecture, with ment was sound enough to bring about a true regenera- Purism under the heading "autonomous architecture," as
all its amphibolic excesses and architectural hubris still tion of architecture. In the Epilogue to his book, Sedl- if autonomy represented a kind of linguistic freedom.
remains central to any interpretation of Ledoux. The mayr points out that my rediscovery of Ledoux became
50 Peter D. Eisenman, "Autonomy and the Avant-Garde: the
two central post-Kaufmann studies of Ledoux remain, the starting point of his investigation into the formative
Necessity of an Architectural Avant-Garde in America,"
Michel Gallet, Claude-Nicolas Ledoux, 1736-1806 (Paris: forces of our era. Though he does not fully agree with
in R.E. Somol, ed. Autonomy and Ideology, p.73.
Picard, 1985) and Anthony Vidler, Claude-Nicolas Ledoux,
my interpretation, he nonetheless adopts most of my
Architecture and Social Reform at the End of the Ancien concepts and observations, especially those of the new 51 R.E. Somol, ed. Autonomy and Ideology, p.73.
Regime (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989). decentralization in composition...the abolition of the
old aesthetic canons...the increasing hostility to decora-
35 Kaufmann is here quoting F. Gundolf on Schlegel's
tion ...the new "mobility" of furniture...the altered rela-
"Lucinde," "an importance witness to a historical ten-
tionship between structure and environment...the ideal
dency: the first expression of the profound demand for
of equality in architecture...the triumph of elementary
an autonomy of sensual pleasures" in "the series of phil-
geometry...the parallel phenomena in the graphic arts,
osophical petitions in favor of the independence of the
particularly the fashion of the silhouette...the end of
strengths and instincts of human nature, a series which
the Baroque anthropomorphisms and the new attitude
is opened with Kant's affirmation of the autonomy of
towards matter...the coming up of new architectural
morals." [VLLC, 36].
tasks...the new sense of commodiousness...the
36 Hannes Meyer, "La realidad Sovi6tica: los arquitectos,"presentation of new forms long before new materials
Arquitectura, n.9 (1942); in English in Task Magazine, n.3fitting them were found ...the continuity of the develop-
(1942). Reprinted in Hannes Meyer, Scritti 1921-1942. ment after 1800...the struggle of antagonistic tenden-
Architettura o rivoluzione, ed Francesco Dal Co, Padua:
cies in the nineteenth century...the appearance of a
Marsilio (1969), pp. 214-215. new structural order behind the masks of the various
37 Theodor W. Adorno, Kant's "Critique of Pure Reason," styles...and the typically nineteenth-century thought
ed RolfTiedemann. Trans Rodney Livingstone (Stanford:that perfect solutions of the past should be the stan-
Stanford University Press, 2001), pp.54-55. dards for all the future." Architecture in the Age of
Reason, Note 439, p.266. A few years earlier he was
38 Ernst Cassirer, "Das Problem Jean-Jacques Rousseau,"
no less nervous in reviewing the book by Marcel Raval
Archiv fur Geschichte der Philosophie, XLI (1932),
and J.-Ch. Moreux, Claude-Nicolas Ledoux (Paris: 1945),
177-213, 479-513. The intertwined histories of Kaufmann
where he summarizes his "serious charge of plagiarism"
and Cassirer were again to intersect with the publi-
in a long note. Art Bulletin xxX, no. 4, 1948, 288-291,
cation much later of the English edition of Cassirer's
note 3, p.289, Kaufmann was no less charitable to Helen
Philosophy of the Enlightenment, and Kaufmann's post-
Rosenau who had written on Lequeu and Boull6e follow-
humously published Architecture in the Age of Reason
ing up the leads provided by the Viennese scholar.
(1955).
43 Max Dvorak, The History of Art as the History of Ideas,
39 Kaufmann, "Die Stadt," p. 41.
trans. John Hardy (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,
40 Ledoux, L'Architecture, pp.65, 91,135: "Le sentiment 1984). Dvoiak's Kunstgeschichte als Geistesgeschichte
appr6ci6 d'un plan est I'abri de toute domination. II had been published posthumously by his students
6mane du sujet, il doit adapter & la nature des lieux (Munich: R. Piper and Co., 1924).
et des besoins," (65) "Tout d6tail est inutile, je dis plus,
44 Kaufmann, "C. N. Ledoux," Journal of the American Soci-
nuisible, quand il devise les surfaces par des additions
ety of Architectural Historians, July (1943), p.13. Future
mesquines ou mensongres." (91) "Toutes les forms que
references in the text [JSAH].
I'on d6crit d'un seul trait de compas sont avoudes par le
goat. Le cercle, le carrY, voil? les lettres alphab6tiques 45 Kaufmann, "Nils G. Wollin: 'Desprez en Subde,"'
que les auteurs emploient dans la texture des meilleurs reviewed by E. Kaufmann, Art Bulletin XXVIII (1946), p.283.
ouvrages." (135). 46 Ibid., p.283.

41 Richard J. Neutra, Wie bautAmerika? (1927), pp.62, 69. 47 Emil Kaufmann, Architecture in the Age of Reason.
42 Paranoia seems to have been the common disease of Baroque and Post-Baroque in England, Italy, and France
both Sedlmayr and Kaufmann. Sedlmayr concludes his (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1955), I would
study of the loss of center in sullen resentment that Like to think that Kaufmann on his first visit to Los
his formulation of Kaufmann's Ledoux had not been Angeles had the satisfaction of finally seeing the work
received as authoritative: "Whoever upholds the doc- of Richard Neutra as it had emerged in the conclusion
trine of "the lost center" can be certain from the outset of Von Ledoux bis Le Corbusier as the ultimate destina-
to perceive the consequences of doing so personally, tion for modernism: the utopia of a modernist social
He will have against him not only those people who democratic California. I could even imagine the meeting
reject what is new because it is unaccustomed, but of the two Viennese in Silver Lake. Certainly the copy of
also those who only propagate what is new because it Von Ledoux in the UCLA library, bears Kaufmann's own
is "contemporary," "modern," and therefore interesting" careful signature as donated by the author.
"worshippers of the past and futurists united against 48 Philip Johnson, "House at New Canaan, Connecticut,"
him." Kaufmann's footnotes in Architecture in the Age Architectural Review, CV III, 645, (Sept. 1950), 152-159.
of Reason are no less bitter: "Hans Sedlmayr, Verlust
49 By contrast, as Mertens has noted, Kaufmann's "auton-
der Mitte (Salzburg, 1948), p.98. Having myself pointed
omy," already in the 1930s was adopted wholesale by
out the extraordinary significance of the revolutionary

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The Ledoux Effect: Emil Kaufmann and the Claims of Kantian Autonomy

Author(s): Anthony Vidler

N, VIMP W ; qn:;, qVI. 3

The idea of "architectural autonomy," the notion that architecture, together

Yet Emil Kaufmann's thesis of the development of a modernism emerg-

WTABLKMtNT TOSCAW DE PALLADIO. artITAlmrtT TOSiaAN DZ VEDWOLO.

.............. .. ........ Profile, J.F. Blondel, from

!o . Haus "28". Louis Ambroise

The example of the Church of Chaux affords Kaufmann an example

Lehrbeispiele ("Teaching Exam-

i i iFM der Vorlesungen Ober Baukunst.

especially architecture. This was accomplished, The

In this transformation of compositional techniques, the instrumental force,

cerned to render justice to the artist who waA theLefirAt,

At the moment when, with the Declaration of the Kaufmann

Barrikre de Pantin, Barribre de

specifically in 1933, he was making a very differ

?Wi?!~ M i.-T... new forms. Kaufmann's seeming confusion, in

Published in May 1933, two months after Hitl

:;: . ..: ,.,: " N. . . social democratic values of Enlightenment, re

The continuity of the development of poAt-revolutionary architecture can in

The first mention of Le Corbusier in Kaufmann's writings is in a footnote to

It is clear that in tracing the development of autonomous architecture The

Kaufmann's methods of analysis, as well as those of the V

Indeed, Kaufmann did not have to look

':' ??.?.: Left to right

Kugelhaus fuer Flurwaechter ("House for the Meadow

Panareteon (Haus der Tugenden) ("House of Virtue"),

We might characterize this method, as opposed to the more psychological and

of the Glass House was there following Kaufmann's principles of autonomy

the trajectory of modern architecture beginning with the Enlightenment ture

~'' '' Blick in dasTheater von Besancon, C.N.

To think of Ledoux with Kant, Damisch concludes, is to ask what constitutes

In a conference honoring the career of Philip Johnson, and entitled "Auton-

ouvrages." (135). 46 Ibid., p.283.

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