EU-High-Level Scientific Conference Series

MuTra 2007 – LSP Translation Scenarios: Conference Proceedings

Lena Hamaida (Sheffield)

Subtitling Slang and Dialect

Content
1 Introduction
2 Spoken Language
3 Interaction between spoken and written English
3.1 Neglect of syntax of spoken English
3.2 Standard English
3.3 Dialect
3.4 Slang
4 Use of language and characterization in film
5 Case study of La Haine
5.1 Synopsis of La Haine
5.2 Case Study of La Haine
5.3 Verlan
5.4 Subtitling La Haine
6 Conclusion
7 References

1 Introduction
The purpose of this study is to examine the feasibility of translating spoken slang or dialect into
subtitles. As the use of slang and/or dialect is associated with spoken rather than written language
the challenge of subtitling dialog spoken in slang and dialect highlights intriguing issues related
to the distinction between spoken and written language and to the subtitler’s perception of the
function of the subtitle.
Every individual has their own unique way of using spoken language or their “idiolect”
(Trudgill 2001:20), which is a way of expressing their personality. The use of dialect can provide
specific clues to the identity and personality of a person, for example the use of a regional dialect
indicates the geographical origins of a person and may also suggest a sense of identification with
the area in which the dialect is spoken. This study will examine the use of spoken slang and
dialect as a method of establishing character and identity. It will go on to explore possible
strategies for conveying this connotational meaning in the Target Language (TL) subtitles.
In order to understand the nature of the task involved when contemplating how or whether to
translate the linguistic features of spoken Source Language (SL) dialect into written Target
Language subtitles this study will begin with a brief examination of spoken language and then
move on to a consideration of Standard English and dialect in relation to both spoken and written
language. This study will conclude with a detailed analysis of the way in which slang in the
spoken dialog of the film La Haine has been subtitled. Alternative translations will be suggested.

© Copyright 2007 by MuTra 1

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2 Spoken Language
Trudgill observes that spoken language fulfils two basic aims: to communicate information about
the speaker and to establish social relationships with other people (Trudgill 2000:1). Indeed,
Trudgill argues that when two people meet for the first time and engage in conversation more is
learnt about the identity of a person from how that person speaks than from what is actually said.
A person’s accent and use of language can give clues to both their social background and their
geographical origins (categorized by Trdugill as social dialect and geographical dialect
respectively) (Trudgill 2000:2).
Similarly, when a character speaks in a film this type of information is automatically
conveyed to the audience which understands the spoken Source Language dialog but it is not
necessarily conveyed to the audience, which is dependent on the Target Language subtitle.
The distinction between what is said and how it is said appears to be particularly relevant to
the subtitling of spoken dialog in films. It could be argued that an important element in the skill
of the subtitler lies in their ability to detect the added clues to the identity of a character, which
are encoded in the way they speak. It is then necessary to decide whether and how elements of
this information can be conveyed in the written form in the Target Language subtitle. If no
attempt is made to include this information in the Target Language subtitle then important
elements of characterization, which may also be essential to the plot development in the film,
may be lost.
For example, when the unemployed main characters in The Full Monty are discussing the
possibility of becoming male strippers as a desperate measure to resolve their financial problems,
Dave declares:

“I’m taking nowt off final.”

Literal meaning: I’m taking nothing off and that is final.

Dave’s words are spoken in a strong Sheffield dialect, which also reveals his working class
origins. The word nowt (nothing) for example is a slang word characteristic of both the Sheffield
dialect and also of the working class and the subtitler needs to consider whether it is feasible to
convey the connotations of the use of a non-standard word such as nowt in a subtitle.

3 Interaction between spoken and written English

3.1 Neglect of syntax of spoken English

However the transfer from the spoken to the written mode is not straightforward and indeed as
Cheshire observes relatively little is known about the syntactic structure of spoken English
(Cheshire 1999:129). Moreover, Cheshire argues that the grammatical structure of spoken
English is not well understood, particularly the use of English in informal conversations.
As Cheshire observes, conventional descriptions of English syntax tend to refer to written
rather than spoken English and also perhaps to the speech patterns of educated speakers in formal
situations rather than to the types of speech produced in informal conversations (ibid.)
The lack of a framework of analysis for the syntax of spoken English can be in part attributed
to the tendency to analyse language from the perspective of linguistic theories acquired during
education rather than from the perspective of language exchanged in informal conversation (ibid.)
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As informal conversations tend to constitute a substantial element in the dialog of films there is a
corresponding gap in the framework for the analysis of the spoken dialog in screen plays.

3.2 Standard English

The notion of dialect and variety in the way language is used suggests the existence of a
standardized form of the language with which non-standard forms can be compared. The concept
of standard and non-standard forms of a language can also be applied to other languages and the
following discussion is also relevant to French, the language spoken in the Source Language
dialog in La Haine.
It is acknowledged by scholars including Cheshire (1999) and Trudgill (1999) that Standard
English has been strongly influenced by written English and is derived in particular from public
official documents, a genre which is quite distinct from the “spontaneous interaction of informal
speech”.
Since the eighteenth century when the features of Standard English were codified by the
grammarians, written English has remained the reference point for analysing the features of
Standard English. Whilst literacy continues to be a major factor in promoting awareness of
Standard English today.
Scholars including Quirk and Trudgill accept that there is a link between written English and
the spoken English of the educated, Quirk for example defines standard English as educated
English (Quirk et al. 1985:18) whilst Trudgill describes Standard English as: “the set of
grammatical and lexical forms which is typically used in speech and writing by educated native
speakers.” (Trudgill 1984:32)
Brown and Yule observe the tendency to draw on the speech of academics which is thought
as too restrictive as a basis for determining the rules of spoken language and suggest that the
frame of reference needs to be widened although for the moment the “accessible descriptions of
English syntax rely heavily on the speech and writing of academics.” (cited in Cheshire 1999)
Of particular relevance to subtitling is the drive to simplify and to reduce variation in
Standard English, which can in part be attributed to the attempt to reduce morphological and
syntactic variation in line with prescriptive grammatical rules. In practice this means that the
drive to develop a standardized form of the language has led to a search for a “one form, one
meaning relationship” in linguistic forms (Cheshire 1999). This means in turn that the more
diverse features of spoken language whose meaning is pragmatically determined may be
overlooked (ibid.)
Although Standard English is described as a dialect by Trudgill (1999) who finds it difficult
to clearly identify examples of Standard English as most examples of English sentences can be
related to a regional dialect, the notion of Standard English can also be used as a norm with
which other dialectal varieties can be compared. For the purposes of this discussion Standard
English will be defined as a form of English which does not include evident non-standard usage
of the language. This can be illustrated in the following extract from The Full Monty:

1. Gaz’s words in Sheffield dialect:

“I’m trying to get some brass together…so as you and me can keep seeing each other”

2. Standard English version of Gaz’s words:

“I’m trying to earn some money so that we can continue to see each other.”

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Whilst the meaning of the sentence in Standard English may be more easily understood by people
unfamiliar with the Sheffield dialect, it could be argued that there is a significant loss of
emotional warmth, individuality and characterization in the standardized version of the words.
The expression “I’m trying to earn some money” sounds bland and impersonal in comparison
with the more concrete, emotive and personal plea of the words spoken in the Sheffield dialect
“I’m trying to get some brass together…” By implication, the failure to convey some of the
impact and emotional intensity inherent in the use of the Sheffield dialect in the Target Language
subtitles could lead to the loss of an integral element of the meaning of the film for the viewer.
When Standard English is used in subtitles it therefore can be expected to lead to a similar
loss of the diverse features of spoken language, which are present in the Source Language spoken
dialog. In this sense, the “levelling effect” of subtitling on spoken language, suggested by Hatim
and Mason (1997:79) can be largely attributed to the tendency to use predominantly standard
written language in Target Language subtitles.
Two important reasons for the use of Standard English in subtitles can be identified; firstly
the simplification and clarification of dialog, particularly that spoken in non-standard language,
for the Target Audience and secondly the impulse to maintain conformity with the usage of
Standard English as the norm in written texts.

“features of speech which are in any way non-standard tend to be eliminated.”

(Hatim and Mason 1997:79)

3.3 Dialect
Two basic features, which characterize a speaker’s use of language are their accent and dialect.
As Trudgill observes; the term dialect is not easy to define and varieties in dialect may develop in
response to various factors including geographical location, social class and ethnic origins. The
use of regional dialects is not confined to distinct geographical boundaries, for example in
England it is not possible to locate exactly where people stop speaking in a Norfolk dialect and
begin to use the Suffolk dialect.(Trudgill 2000:3). However, in linguistic terms the ‘dialect’ refers
to differences in the speaker’s use of vocabulary and grammar and also pronunciation. (Trudgill
2000:5)
However, value judgments concerning the use of a particular dialect are determined by social
rather than linguistic considerations and in Trudgill’s work On Dialect he relates regional dialects
to social class and observes that there is more regional differentiation in the language used by the
lower working classes.
Trudgill explains that non-standard varieties of language are often associated with groups
lower on the socio-economic scale and that working class accents may have connotations of
masculinity. Moreover, Trudgill also suggests that the educated classes are more likely to speak a
more standard variety of the language and that women are more inclined to use standard language
than men. This can be seen, for example, in the films The Full Monty where the main characters
are redundant steel workers from Sheffield and La Haine where they are unemployed young men
from an inner city housing estate in Paris.
Although accent and pronunciation form important elements in spoken dialect they are
particularly difficult to represent in the written form whilst variations in grammar and vocabulary
can arguably be conveyed more easily in a subtitle.
The difficulty of representing non standard pronunciation in the written form can be seen in
the following extract from the screen play of The Life of Brian where the inability of Pontius

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Pilate to pronounce the letter “r” is exploited to hilarious comic effect but is almost impossible to
read:

Pilate:
Stwike him, centuwion, vewwy woughly.

Strike him centurion, very roughly.

3.4 Slang
Like dialect, slang often refers to the non-standard use of words in a language and it is associated
with informal and colloquial spoken language. Slang often originates in the subcultures in a
society, in Britain in the sixties for example a gay slang language (polari) was invented at a time
when gay people needed a private form of communication. Slang is characterized by lexical
innovation through the creation of new words. Particular forms of slang, like for example the
slang used by teenagers, are often used as a means of expressing identity between members of a
group. Indeed, slang and dialect often overlap as in the case of the Sheffield dialect where words
such as “nowt” (nothing) are both dialect and slang words.

4 Use of language and characterization in film

As Trask explains, an individual both expresses and maintains their identity through their use of
language (Trask 1995:83). It is therefore logical to suggest that characterization is one of the
main functions of spoken dialog in novels, plays and films and that a character’s use of language
or idiolect, which may include slang and/or dialect, can be of fundamental importance in helping
to establish the identity of a character.
The use of slang and/or dialect by the main characters plays a significant role in both the
characterization and the plot development in many films including A Clockwork Orange, The
Full Monty, Trainspotting, La Haine and Brokeback Mountain. In these films the main characters
use a specific type of slang and dialect, which asserts their identity as members of a particular
socio-economic group from a particular geographical region. In The Full Monty and La Haine the
characters’ use of local dialect also expresses their solidarity in the face of unemployment and
their alienation from the social establishment.
In this type of film where the use of non-standard language is integrally related to both the
characterization and the theme of the film the use of slang and dialect has certain connotations,
which are not necessarily conveyed by the visual images on the screen.
If all the dialog in this type of film were to be subtitled into Standard Language this could
lead to the loss of nuances of meaning, which could affect the audience’s comprehension of the
film. It is therefore important to consider whether it is possible to transfer the flavor of this
spoken language into a subtitle.

5 Case study of La Haine

5.1 Synopsis of La Haine

La Haine examines the theme of alienation among France’s young immigrant population. The
events in the film span twenty-four hours and the film is focused on in the lives of three young

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friends from the banlieu ( a Parisian concrete sink estate largely inhabited by immigrants and the
socially excluded). Vinz, a Jew, Hubert, a boxer from Africa, and Saïd, a North African, wander
aimlessly through a Paris suburb after a riot has taken place on their estate. Their friend Abdel,
also North African, has been assaulted in police custody and is lying in hospital in a coma.

5.2 Case Study of La Haine

This study will focus on the use of verlan (French back slang) in La Haine as the linguistic
complexity of the spoken dialog in this film encapsulates some of the difficulties involved in the
translation of slang and dialect. (subtitler’s nightmare). The use of verlan is integrally related to
the characterization and the themes of the film and therefore needs to be addressed by the
translator.
The use of verlan in La Haine is integrally related to the social theme and characterization in
the film and the different layers of connotational meaning encoded in the use of verlan
complicate the translation dilemma for the subtitler. As the dialog in La Haine is spoken
predominantly in verlan, it evokes complex problems for the subtitler. Indeed verlan has been
described as “the subtitler’s nightmare” by a British journalist. (Independent 1995 cited in Jäckel
2001:227)
When subtitling La Haine it is also necessary to consider whether the need to understand the
dialog is more important than preserving the unique flavor and connotations of the Source Text
dialog. The Source Language dialog of La Haine would also be difficult for a native speaker to
understand and the use of impenetrable spoken language is also a means of communicating the
distance between the main characters and mainstream society.
Moreover, as the use of verlan constitutes a reaction against the standard modern French
dialog, which is predominantly spoken by the middle classes. Would a standardisation of the
dialog constitute a denial of the social message of the film? As Jäckel observes, the subversion of
the French language in the film can be seen as a challenge to the French establishment (ibid.).

5.3 Verlan
Verlan is a type of French back slang which is formed by a complex process; words are
deconstructed, syllables reversed and then the word is reassembled as in for example:

Flic…fli keu…keu fli…keufli…keuf (cop)

Arabe…a ra beu…beu ra a…beur (arab)

Verlan tends to be used by the speaker either to emphasize or to hide the meaning of the main
words in a sentence and thus the verlan words in the spoken dialog of La Haine could be
expected to have added significance for the speakers and for the viewer.
Verlan originated amongst the immigrant, predominantly North African groups in France
who were living in the concrete inner city housing estates known as the banlieu. Verlan was
originally a secret language, which enabled speakers to communicate freely in front of authority
figures, in particular the police. In this sense speaking backwards in verlan could be described as
a “metaphor of opposition, of talking back” (Lefkowitz 1989: 320)

5.4 Subtitling La Haine

Understanding the linguistically complex Source language dialog is a major difficulty for the
subtitler of La Haine. The subtitler faces the dilemma that misunderstanding the dialog could lead

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to mistakes in the translation whilst attempting to clarify the meaning of the vibrant dialog by
subtitling it into Standard Language could lead to loss of depth in the characterization and
ultimately to the loss of meaning in the film.
An examination of the subtitling of the verlan and other slang used in La Haine reveals a
number of incorrect and inappropriate translations, which could confuse and mislead the
audience. The conflict between the main characters and the police are seen within the framework
of the injury of a young Algerian immigrant Abdel in police custody after a riot. As a result of his
injuries Abdel is in a coma in hospital and this incident frames the events of the film. It could
therefore be argued that it is essential that the slang words for Arabs and police are recognized
and correctly translated as they provide clues to characterization and the development of the
theme and the plot in the film.
An Arab policeman rescues Vinz, Saïd and Hubert from a heated argument with the police in
the hospital where they have gone to visit their friend Abdel who is in a coma. As he drives them
away from the hospital in his car the policeman remonstrates with them for provoking an
argument and during the course of the conversation the following exchange takes place:

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Arab policeman:
La majorité des flics dans la rue ne sont pas là pour vous taper ils sont là pour vous protéger.

Subtitle:
Most pigs don’t beat you up. They protect you.

Arab police officer:

Les flics qui sont là haut sont là pour protéger Abdel et sa famille, c’est tout.

Subtitle:
Those pigs are only protecting Abdel and his family
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Whilst the word flics is a slang word for policeman and the word pigs is a well known English
slang expression for the police, this translation is inappropriate in the context. In English the
word pigs tends to be used as an expression of contempt for the police as authority figures, it is
unlikely that a police officer would refer to his fellow police officers as pigs.
In this context therefore the translation pigs is too pejorative and has more negative
connotations than the original word flics in the Source Language dialog. Moreover in a heated
and rapid exchange of words this translation is also confusing as it blurs the boundaries between
the police and the hostile protagonists. In my view Cops would be a more appropriate translation
in this context, as it is informal but does not imply contempt:

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Most cops don’t beat you up. They protect you.

Those cops are only protecting Abdel and his family. (my translation)
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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It is therefore evidently not sufficient to simply replace a slang expression in the Source
Language with a slang expression in the Target Language and the subtitler should be sensitive to
the context and connotations of the slang in both Source and Target languages.
In another scene Vinz finds a gun in the riots and Saïd questions him about his threat to kill a
policeman if their friend Abdel dies. In this scene the translation of the verlan word keuf
(policeman) as pig appears to be appropriate to both the context and the connotations in both
Source and Target Languages.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Saïd:

Tu veux vraiment tuer un keuf si Abdel meurt?

Subtitle:

You’d truly kill a pig?

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

In another conversation Saïd warns Vinz that his open hostility to the police could lead to him
being beaten up at the police station:

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Saïd To Vinz:

Tu ne veux pas être le prochain rebeu à te faire fumer dans un commissariat.

(rebeu reverlaned spelling of the verlan word beur meaning Arab)

Literal translation:
You don’t want to be the next Arab to be beaten up in a police cell.

Subtitle:
Do you fancy being the next victim?
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

In the subtitle the verlan word rebeu meaning Arab has been translated into the generalized word
victim and the racial reference to Arab has been lost. In this context Saïd’s use of the verlan word
rebeu is deliberate and has added layers of connotational meaning. By addressing his Jewish
friend Vinz as an Arab Saïd is also suggesting that Vinz is an honorary inner city Arab as it is the
Arabs who are normally beaten up by the police. There is therefore a suggestion of brotherhood
in the notion that they are all linked together in this bitter conflict with the police and the state
symbolized by Abdel’s plight. In the Source Language spoken dialog therefore the verlan word
rebeu subtly expresses and reinforces solidarity between the main characters and this is lost in
the generalized translation of the word rebeu as victim.
If there is no corresponding slang expression in the Target Language the translator needs to
decide whether it is still possible to preserve connotational meaning in the translation through a
different strategy. As the use of a slang word for Arab for example, camel jockey, could
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introduce inappropriate racist connotations into the dialog, the use of the literal translation Arab
would avoid this problem. This literal translation preserves some of the connotational meanings
contained in the verlan word rebeu in the Source Language dialog although it does lose the oral
flavour of the verlan as a form of communication between members of a group.
Earlier in the same scene, Vinz is cutting Saïd’s hair and Saïd expresses concern at Vinz’s
haphazard handling of the hair trimmer:

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Saïd:
Ne me rates pas

Literal translation:
Don’t fail me.

Subtitle:
Don’t grass on me
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The verb rater is here used in a slang expression but the slang is mistranslated in the subtitle into
an inappropriate slang expression, which makes no sense in the context of the scene. Whereas
Saïd is actually asking Vinz not to mess up his haircut so the request “Don’t grass on me”
appears to be a gratuitous use of slang, which has no connection with the scene or the
conversation. It incidentally also misses the humorous of the incongruity between Saïds’s request
and the implications. In this subtitle Saïd’s words appear to be irrelevant and they could confuse
the viewer. A possible alternative expression, which would convey the meaning and also retain
the use of slang could be:

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Don’t screw up. (my translation)
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

In scene…where Saïd and Vinz are walking aimlessly through the concrete housing estate and
loud music can be heard through an open window (a mix of French gangster rap group with Edith
Piaf’s song “Je ne regrette rien”), Vinz comments on the music:

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Vinz:
Il tue… Il tue trop sa mère

Literal translation:
He kills…He kills his mother too much

Subtitle:
He’s a killer, a real mother killer
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The subtitle gives the literal meaning of Vinz’s words but it does not convey the slang meaning
that the music is brilliant. A possible alternative translation, which would convey the meaning in
a corresponding slang expression is:

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
“He’s bad…he’s wicked.” (my translation)
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

In the same scene, Vinz is convinced that he can see a cow wandering through the estate and he
exclaims to Saïd:

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Vinz:
Té-ma la vache, té-ma la vache

(té-ma verlan for slang verb mater to look at)

Literal translation:
Look at the cow, look at the cow

Subtitle:

Look at the cow

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Here the subtitle provides a literal translation of Vinz’s words but omits the use of slang. This
means that the vibrancy of the language and the implications of comradeship in the face of a
hostile world, which is implicit in the use of verlan in the Source Language dialog, is lost. A
possible alternative translation, which would convey the meaning and also the notion of slang
used by a group of friends would be:

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Check out the cow.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

6 Conclusion
From this detailed analysis of examples from La Haine it can be seen that the use of verlan in the
Source Language dialog helps to establish rapport and solidarity between the main characters.
Certain recurring words in verlan, including rebeu (Arab) and keuf (policeman) are of particular
relevance to the themes and characterization in the film and the effects of misunderstanding and
mistranslating these words can lead to loss of connotational meaning and of the complexity of the
characterization. This in turn can affect the audience’s understanding of the relationships between
the main characters. and of their sense of alienation from the police and society.
Similarly Vinz, Saïd and Hubert’s sense of alienation from society is largely expressed
through their use of vibrant non-standard language and by attempting to replace any attempt to

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standardize their colorful spoken language in the subtitles reduces the impact of the underlying
theme and removes the impact, immediacy and flavor of the spoken language.
There is no suggestion that the subtitler should attempt to subtitle the complex use of back
slang in La Haine with an equivalent form of back slang in the Target Language, as this would be
a futile task leading to the production of incomprehensible subtitles. However, it appears that it is
feasible to translate spoken slang and dialect into subtitles and this study has aimed to
demonstrate that it is possible to find strategies for the translation of slang in the spoken dialog.
These strategies include the use of slang expressions used by similar groups of people in the
Target Language or the use of a literal translation to retain the meaning rather than the form
where appropriate. Both these strategies help to retain some of the impact and oral flavor of the
spoken language and fit within the spatial constraints of the subtitle.

7 References
About.com: French Language verlan, visited on 18 January 2008.
Chambers, J. K. and Trudgill, P. (1980): Dialectology. Cambridge University Press.
Chapman, Graham et al. (2001): Monty Python’s The life of Brian. Screenplay London Methuen
Cheshire, Jenny (1999): “Spoken Standard English”. In Bex, Tony and Watts, Richard J. Watts
(eds): Standard English the Widening Debate. London: Routledge. 129-148.
Cheshire, Jenny (2003): Syntactic Variation and Spoken English, http://alpha.qmul.ac.uk/-
uglvoo3/che.pdf, visited on 18 January 2008.
Hatim, Basil and Mason, Ian (1997): “Politeness in Screen Translating”. In Venuti, Lawrence
(ed): The Translation Studies Reader. London: Routledge.
Jäckel, Anne (2001): “The Subtitling of La Haine: A Case Study”. In Gambier, Yves and
Gottlieb, Henrik (eds.): (Multi)Media Translation. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Lefkowitz, Natalie (1989): “Talking Backwards in French”. In The French Review Volume 63
no. 2 USA. 312-323.
Quirk, Randolph et al. (1985): A Comprehensive grammar of the English Language. London and
New York: Longman.
Trask, R. L. (1995): Language: The Basics. London: Routledge.
Trudgill, Peter (1999): “Standard English what it isn’t”. In Bex, Tony and Watts, Richard J.
(eds): Standard English: The Widening Debate. London: Routledge. 117-128.
Trudgill, Peter (2000): Sociolinguistics: An Introduction to Language and Society. London:
Penguin.

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