Ian Hodder - Çatalhöyük in The Context of The Middle Eastern Neolithic PDF

Çatalhöyük in the Context of the Middle Eastern Neolithic
Author(s): Ian Hodder

Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 36 (2007), pp. 105-120
Published by: Annual Reviews
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Catalh?y?k in the Context
of the Middle Eastern
Neolithic
Ian Hodder
Department of C?ilrural and Social Anthropology, Stanford University, Stanford,
California 94305; email: [email protected]
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2007. 36:105-20

Key words
First published online as a Review in Advance on
May 24, 2007
domestication, sedentism, memory, history, symbolism
The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at

Abstract
anthro.annualreviews.org
This review aims to show how the new results from Catalh?y?k in
This article's doi:
central Turkey contribute to wider theories about the Neolithic in
10.1146/annurev.anthro.36.081406.094308
Anatolia and the Middle East. I argue that many of the themes found
Copyright ? 2007 by Annual Reviews. in symbolism and daily practice at Catalh?y?k occur very early in the
All rights reserved
processes of village formation and the domestication of plants and
0084-6570/07/1021-0105$20.00
animals throughout the region. These themes include a social focus
on memory construction; a symbolic focus on wild animals, violence,
and death; and a central dominant role for humans in relation to the
animal world. These themes occur early enough throughout the
region that we can claim they are integral to the development of
settled life and the domestication of plants and animals. Particularly
the focus on time depth in house sequences may have been part of the
suite of conditions, along with environmental and ecological factors,
that "selected for" sedentism and domestication.
io5
INTRODUCTION 12,500 Be to 10,000 bc) with increasingly in
tensive hunting, gathering, and cultivation of
Catalh?y?k in central Turkey was first exca
Anatolia: Asian wild plants; followed by the Pre-Pottery Ne
vated by James Mellaart between 1961 and
region of Turkey,
olithic A (PPNA) from 10,000 to 8700 bc
1965. At that time the main impact of the site
although the main and Pre-Pottery Neolithic B (PPNB) from
was to show that early settled villages existed
focus here is on the
outside the Fertile Crescent of the Middle 8700 to 6800; followed by the Pre-Pottery
region from central Neolithic C (PPNC) and Pottery Neolithic
to southeastern East. The site also had a wide impact because
Turkey of Mellaart's (1967; Todd 1976) reconstruc(PN). Because of the polycentric character of
the processes of sedentism and domestication
Epipalaeolithic: tions of elaborate shrines with complex paint
(Gebel 2004) throughout the Middle Eastern
time period between ings, installations, and sculptures. Much of the
the Palaeolithic and and the Anatolian region, it is incorrect to use
symbolism of the Neolithic of the Middle East
the Neolithic. these terms and sequences outside the Lev
has been interpreted in terms of the bull and
Associated with a ant, and other terms have been proposed for
mother goddess themes that Mellaart thought
changed lithic Anatolia (e.g., Ozba?aran & Buitenhuis 2002).
technology and more were so prominent at Catalh?y?k (see for ex
intensive subsistence However, the Levantine sequence is best un
ample Cauvin 1994).
strategies derstood and documented and provides a
Since the 1960s, our understanding of the
Kebaran: benchmark for the sequences elsewhere.
Neolithic of the Middle East has changed
Epipalaeolthic As comparatively well known as the Lev
substantially. In particular, new finds from
groups in the Levant antine sequence may be, there remains little
throughout the region have pushed back the
prior to the Natufian consensus about the causes of the emergence
include those with dates of early settled life and have shown that
of sedentism in agglomerated villages and the
material culture the process is diverse?for example, the dif
ferences between the Levantine sequence and
domestication of plants and animals. Despite
assemblages
incorporating the late date of Catalh?y?k, the detailed ev
that in southeastern Turkey are marked. How
microlithic tools idence and the long-term projects at the site
ever, our understanding of Catalh?y?k has
Levant: region in allow insight into the character of prepottery
also changed as a result of new excavations
the eastern and early pottery agglomerated settlement in
started by Hodder in 1993 (Baiter 2005; Durai
Mediterranean that
2007; Hodder 1996, 2000, 2005a,b,c, 2006,the region. The site has remarkably dense set
now includes Israel, dement (3500 to 8000 people in 13.5 ha) and
Palestine, the West 2007). For example, it is clear that the sym
was occupied for a long period. The Neolithic
Bank, Syria, Jordan, bolism at Catalh?y?k is part of domestic cults
and Lebanon East mound is 21 m high, has 18 levels of occu
and that female imagery is only a small part
Natufian: cultural pation, and lasts 1400 years before settlement
of a diverse set in which mother and goddess
relocated to the West Mound on the other
group that has characteristics are hard to find.
distinctive material The main focus of this review is on howside of the river (the ?ar?amba ?ay in the flat
culture, lasts from Konya Plain) during the early Chalcolithic in
the new results from Catalh?y?k fit into or
approximately 12500 the early sixth millennium bc. The Neolithic
to 10000 Be, and is challenge wider theories about the Neolithic
associated with economy was based on a wide range of domes
in Anatolia and the Middle East. Catalh?y?k,
ticated and wild plants (Fairbairn et al. 2005,
predomesticated dated to 7400-6000 bc (Cessford 2005; all
cultivation Hastorf 2005) and based only partially on do
dates here are calibrated), occurs a long time
Pre-Pottery mesticated animals (sheep and goat?cattle
after the first sedentary settlements in the
Neolithic A and pig were not domesticated through the
Middle East (which emerge in the period be
(PPNA): cultural main Neolithic sequence according to Russell
tween the twelfth and ninth millennia bc)
group found in the & Martin 2005). Catalh?y?k can thus provide
Levant from -10000 and well after the first domesticated plants
to 8700 cal Be some insight into the ways in which people
(in the ninth millennium bc but see below
for the debate about the dates). The Levlived in th?se early villages.
Early theories of agricultural origins in
antine sequence, described below, involves
the Middle East were based on single envi
Epipalaeolithic groups such as the Kebaran
ronmental, climatic, and population density
and Natufian (the latter from approximately
causes. The last glacial maximum occurred at
io6 Hodder
24,000 to 18,000 years ago when the region Tell 'Abr 3, building B2 was dug 1.55 m into
was cold and dry. The gradual change to virgin soil and had a bench within its circu
warmer and wetter conditions after this time lar walls. This in turn was lined with stone
Pre-Pottery
suffered a setback in the Younger Dryas slabs polished and decorated with wild ani Neolithic B
(11,500 to 10,000 bc) during the second half mals. Bucrania (cattle skulls) were deposited (PPNB): cultural
of the Natufian. Bar-Yosef (2001) is among in a bench. But in another building, Ml, a group found in the
Levant from 8700 to
many that see the Younger Dryas conditions hearth was found, and on the floor were found
6800 cal bc
leading to intensification and then to PPNA limestone basins and bowls as well as grinding
and the first agriculture. One limitation of stones (Yartah 2005). PN: Pottery
Neolithic
the climatic argument is that scholars now Indeed, Yartah (2005) argues that the large
indicate that sustained domestication of early PPNA communal buildings at Mureybet
plants did not occur at the end of the Younger and Jerf el Ahmar are not elaborate ritu
Dryas in the PPNA but considerably later ally and symbolically and were probably used
in the PPNB (Colledge et al. 2004, Nesbitt for stockage and multiple functions. But at
2002, Willcox 2002). the end of PPNA Yartah suggests that there
External causes of change have tended to is less evidence of economic functions and
be balanced during recent decades by theories much decoration and ritual?e.g., at Jerf el
that focus on social factors such as prestige Ahmar, Tell 'Abr 3, and probably G?bekli.
exchange (Bender 1978), feasting (Hayden However, the interpretations of these build
1990), and symbolism (Cauvin 1994). So ings, their communal and domestic versus rit
cial factors may have provided the driving ual nature, remain problematic until detailed
forces behind sedentism and intensification. accounts of floor residues and discard prac
Although evidence from the Natufian on tices are available. The forensic work on the
ward of large-scale communal building works, floors at Catalh?y?k shows that floors can be
and of open areas used for roasting pits, is carefully cleaned and abandoned and that mi
widespread, evidence throughout the region croresidues of activities can be discerned only
and period of marked social ranking, except with careful analysis. This work showed that
at Cay?n? in southeastern Turkey, is lacking the supposed "shrines" at Catalh?y?k were
(?zdogan & ?zdogan 1990). actually used as domestic houses (Bull et al.
Certainly recent finds have shown with 2005, Matthews 2005, Middleton et al. 2005).
great clarity that initial sedentism was closely Even if, as seems likely, social and ritual
tied to ritual. Landscapes may have been gathering was an important component of the
drawn together at ritual centers to which peo processes that created permanent sedentary
ple came for initiation, feasting, burial, ex gatherings of people, we are left with the is
change, marriage, etc. (Schmidt 2000). In fact sue of why people adopted more elaborate and
several of the early sites seem to have been larger-scale social and ritual practices, includ
ritual centers, whatever other functions they ing the fashioning and erection of large mono
may have had. In north Syria and south liths and semisubterranean circular structures,
east Turkey, at sites such as Tell 'Abr 3, and all the investments of labor necessary for
Jerf el Ahmar, and G?bekli, one finds large large-scale feasting and ritual. Disadvantages
PPNA buildings, circular and semisubter of economic intensification and of collective
ranean, which have generally been accepted living in one spot can be cited: hard work (seen
as communal ritual buildings. Those at Tell in stress markers on skeletons) and depletion
'Abr 3 are 7-12 m in diameter (Yartah 2005). of resources, sanitation, disease, etc. (Larsen
The internal furnishings of these communal 1995). So by which process did people submit
buildings are certainly elaborate, but we need themselves to greater work and intensification
to avoid getting caught in a possibly inappro to achieve the benefits of social and ritual elab
priate opposition of ritual versus domestic. At oration and sedentary village life?
www.annualreviews.org Catalh?y?k 107
Many authors have summarized the so places well before domesticated plants and
animals emerged. Intensive collecting and
cial relations of hunter-gatherers (e.g., Ingold
1999, Meillassoux 1972, Sahlins 1972). In early farming involved delayed return systems
general scholars argue that in hunter-gatherer (Woodburn 1980). But for delayed return sys
societies, the means of production are col tems to be viable ("selected for"), given the
lectively owned, groups achieved reciprocal harder work and restrictions involved, there
rights to the resources of other bands by ask had also to be wider structural changes. One
ing permission, and studies show a lack of ac of these was a greater sense of temporal depth,
cumulation of personal wealth, with storage history, and memory. Temporal depth is the
being only a technique for preparing for sea main focus of this review, but I briefly consider
sonal shortfalls. Ingold (1999) discusses the two other regional conditions of possibility
notion of "collective access" (p. 401), and so for sedentism and the emergence of farming.
cial relations are immediate (Woodburn 1980) These possibilities include a symbolic focus
in that there is a lack of temporal depth in on wild animals, violence, and death and a cen
the relations between self and other (Ingold tral dominant role for humans in relation to
1999). Formal institutions that structure so the animal world.
cial rules and regulations (p. 406) are relatively
lacking. People trust good hunters, but they
trust the hunters not to reduce their auton REPETITIVE PRACTICES IN
THE HOUSE AND MEMORY
omy. A leader cannot place a person under
CONSTRUCTION
obligation or compulsion because this action
is a betrayal of trust. One of the main results from the new ex
Such descriptions of hunter-gatherer so cavations at Catalh?y?k is that the buildings
ciety are difficult to apply to societies in Mellaart (1967) saw as static entities are now
the millennia that approach the domestica understood as the by-products of continu
tion of plants and animals. An investment of ous processes. The new project has docu
labor already accompanied the more inten mented the extraordinary sequences of plas
sive economies of the Kebaran and Natufian, ters on floors, walls, and relief sculptures.
and social relations could be decreasingly de These monthly and yearly replasterings with
scribed as immediate. We find little evidence their associated residues often occurred up to
for storage beyond that needed to tide over 450 times in houses that lasted 70 to 100 years.
from season to season, and accumulation of A house was then often rebuilt in the same
personal wealth is limited right up into the place. The old house was dismanded, often
PPNB. But there is undoubtedly an increased carefully and with much careful cleaning and
focus on temporal depth. As people depended placing of objects, and filled in with clean
more on things, and on intensive resource soil, and the new house was built on the
extraction and cultivation, they would have stumps of the walls of the previous house.
needed to depend on others to provide ob In some places we have up to 6 rebuildings
jects (in exchange), to tend objects (fields and in the same place. The repetition of the or
animals, houses and boats), to construct ob dering of social space within these building
jects (houses), to discard objects (organizing sequences is remarkable and has led to the
refuse and discard in dense villages), etc. hypothesis that social life was organized at
One of the conditions that made agri least partly through the routines and prac
culture possible in the Middle East was a tices of domestic socialization (Hodder 2006,
changed relation to time and history. Rather Hodder & Cessford 2004). Embedded within
than immediate and short-term relationships, a complex symbolic world, the daily activities
societies in the region developed a strong within houses formed and reformed the social
sense of temporal depth tied to specific world.
io8 Hodder
As well as these continuities in practices ties (Cutting 2005). Although plastered skulls
and functions in houses at Catalh?y?k, one have long been recognized in the Neolithic
finds very specific house-based continuities in of the Levant, does evidence indicate the type
the art and symbolism (During 2006, Hodder of recirculation seen at Catalh?y?k? Can we
2006). For example, the building that Mellaart argue that social power everywhere was based
called VT.8 had VII.8 below it, and in both on the control of history and links to the past?
cases investigators found stylized hands in We could argue that the repetition of
horizontal rows. VIII.8 and Vtl.8 both had houses in the same place results from the
vulture scenes. But perhaps the best example crowding and permanence of settlements.
was the repetition of the paired leopards in However, the specific continuities in function
VH.44 and VI.44. An individual leopard and and art just alluded to at Catalh?y?k cannot
rather stylized fighting leopards were found be explained in this way; neither can the dig
in two other buildings (VIII.27 and VI.80), ging down and retrieval of earlier skulls and
but these differed from the distinct pairings sculptures. In any case we see that repeti
in building 44 in Levels VII and VI. tion of house sites occurs very early in small,
Although some evidence shows feasting relatively short-term settlements. Certainly,
and prestige exchange at Catalh?y?k, the bulk by the time of the PPNA and PPNB the
of the evidence suggests that status and power decreased residential mobility and intensity
were very much based on the control of people of habitation would have produced greater
and their socialization within domestic units. internal site organization (N.B. Goodale &
But how widely applicable is this view that I. Kuijt, circulated manuscript, 2006; Nadel
socialization through daily routines in houses 1998). But even in densely occupied settle
(Watkins 2004,2006) was an important mech ments a number of strategies can be taken in
anism for creating and maintaining social rela locating new houses above, by, or near older
tionships and access to resources? This article houses (Tringham 2000). Rather, it seems that
looks at how similar interpretations might be the repetition of houses and the construction
relevant elsewhere (Nadel 2006), even though of house-based memories were formative pro
the preservation of detailed activity sequences cesses that played a part in producing seden
is usually not as good as at Catalh?y?k. tism, long-term duration in one place, and
Some evidence at Catalh?y?k also indi agglomerated settlement.
cates a practice of burying the dead beneath Of course, repetitive practices took place
the floors of houses and then digging up early in the Palaeolithic. These involved re
and recirculating selected human heads before peated seasonal uses of the landscape in such
the final burial of these heads in foundation a way that certain sites that provided shel
and abandonment deposits. Some evidence ter, such as cave sites, were returned to over
demonstrates the digging up of early relief long periods of time. For example, Ksar Akil
sculptures and animal heads and their use in Lebanon has 23 m of deposit covering the
in later houses and installations in houses. A period from the Middle Palaeolithic through
good case can be made (Hodder 2006, Hodder the Upper Palaeolithic to the Kebaran Epi
& Cessford 2004) that the houses that invested Palaeolithic. In the upper levels there was
more in the construction of long-term mem a "fine and complex stratigraphy" (Bergman
ories in these ways were also more socially 1987, p. 3). Kebara cave also has deposits span
and ritually successful. These houses tended ning the Middle Palaeolithic and Natufian pe
to have more burials and to be more elab riods, or from ~60,000 to 10,000 bc. The
orate in terms of internal fixtures (During Middle Palaeolithic deposits show repeated
2006, Hodder 2006). The "ancestral houses" use of part of the cave for hearths, while an
are not larger than other houses, and they do inner part of the cave was used as a dump area
not have more storage or productive facili (Goldberg 2001). The hearth area has deep
deposits of overlapping hearths, each of which clearly indicates some specific backward refer
results from several episodes of combustion ence in the location of a house structure, even
(Meignen et al. 2000, p. 14). These multi in the absence of permanent occupation.
phase hearths indicate long periods of repet In the Natufian we see some degree of
itive use in the same depression (p. 15), and sedentism. 'Ain Mallaha has animals and birds
similar processes are found in other sites in from all seasons (Valla 1991), and commensals
the Middle East. Many fire installations were (such as the house mouse) indicate sedentism.
vertically superimposed (p. 16) at Kebara, but Settlements occur in the hill zones of Israel,
the placing of these hearths was not exact. Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria, and related sites
Rather investigators found a zone in the cave are found to the north in Mureybet and Abu
where, over a long period of time, people Hureyra. The later Natufian starts at the same
made hearths. Each hearth involved refirings, time as the Younger Dryas climatic deterio
but the hearths themselves created a vertical ration. In the Levant in the later Natufian,
palimpsest of overlaps. A part of the cave was many but not all hamlets dispersed and be
generally used for hearths, but investigators came more mobile (Bar-Yosef 2001). But in
did not find specific backward reference. the Taurus in southeastern Turkey and adja
The Kebaran in the Levant has lowland cent areas, the response to the Younger Dryas
aggregation sites of 25-50 people and up may have been greater sedentism at sites such
land camps of 14?17 people, and there may as Hallan ?emi (Bar-Yosef 2004).
have been seasonal cycles of aggregation and Investigators noted both base camps and
dispersal. Little architecture has been exca short-term intermittent sites in the Natufian.
vated, but evidence shows a possible twice In the short-term sites, there is little evidence
a-year or even year-long occupation in the of repetitive practices, for example, at Hatula
early Kebaran at Ohalo II about 21,500 years and Beidha (Byrd 1989, Ronen & Lechevallier
ago (Nadel 1990). The largest hut at Ohalo II 1991). Even in substantial Natufian sites we
had three successive floors and erect stones as find little evidence of structured repetition.
well as a probable stone arrangement under Valla (1991) notes that it is often difficult to
them (Nadel 2006). The mud floors were cov follow coherent levels of habitation in Natu
ered with rich artifact debris, probably in situ. fian sites, and it is difficult to show the ab
Nadel (2006) suggests a clear focus on con solute contemporaneity of buildings (see also
tinuity of place. Burial beneath floors prob Kenyon 1981, Moore et al. 2000).
ably occurred in the Kebaran at Kharaneh However, in the early Natufian site of
IV and Ein Gev (Valla 1991). At Ein Gev 1 Wadi Hammeh 2 7 in the central Jordan valley
in the Jordan Valley in Israel investigators there is "a continuity in spatial arrangement
found a fourteenrh-millennium-BC Kebaran of constructed features through successive
site on the eastern side of the Sea of Galilee phases" (Edwards 1991, p. 125). The earliest
(Arensburg & Bar-Yosef 1973). A hut was evidence of Natufian occupation at Hayonim
found dug into the slope of a hill. "The hut Cave is Grave XIII "which was covered by the
was periodically occupied as indicated by six floor of Locus 3"?that is, by one of the struc
successive layers which accumulated within it" tures with undressed stone walls (Bar-Yosef
(Arensburg & Bar-Yosef 1973, p. 201). Each 1991, p. 86). At 'Ain Mallaha we definitely
layer had a floor 5-7 m in diameter littered find superpositioning of houses. In the "an
with artifacts and bones, covered by a sandy cient level" houses, 131, 51, and 62-73 suc
layer that included artifacts. In section, the ceeded each other on the same spot (Perrot
floors clearly repeat each other, and from one 1966). And in the "recent level" houses we
of the middle floors a grave was cut. Evidence find another sequence of houses dug into each
does not indicate specific repetitions of fea other (houses 26, 45, and 22). In the Final
ture or artifact placements, but this example Natufian at Mallaha, each major building had
no Hodder
a succession of floors, one on top of another, ten oval and semisubterranean, with inter
with no sterile layers between (i.e., no aban nal hearths and plaster floors. As in northern
donment fill) (N. Samuelian, H. Khalaily, ER. Syria, mounds were often long-lived. Jerf el
Valla, circulated manuscript, 2003). Ahmar had at least 10 building levels com
At Catalh?y?k important evidence for prising ~800 years of setdement (Akkermans
memory construction is the removal, circu 2004, p. 287). PPNA and related sites were
lation, and reuse of human skulls. By the end also often much more structured than most
of the Natufian evidence indicates the removal Natufian sites. Nadel (1998, p. 9) has noted
of the human skull after death, although in the that "in Natufian and other Epipalaeolithic
absence of evidence for circulation and reuse, sites, it is common to find the entire range of
this does not by itself indicate the construction typological variability in each site, and even
of historical links to ancestors. Skull removal in each locus... However, in PPNA cases,
may have had other roles such as healing, div it is common to find typological differences
ination, etc. Skeletons were found within the between assemblages from contemporaneous
houses at Mallaha, but the stratigraphical po loci at a site." N.B. Goodale & I. Kuijt (circu
sitioning is often unclear in Valla (1991). Ac lated manuscript, 2006) have noted a similar
cording to the reanalysis by Boyd (1995) the shift in the way that sites are formed, as a result
131-51-62-73 sequence of buildings started of their work at 'Iraq ed-Dubb in Jordan. Here
with 12 skeletons beneath the floor of 131. a late Natufian occupation "had fairly non
He draws attention to the continuity of ac delineated use of space compared to a more
tivity in the same place starting with a set of delineated use of space during the PPNA."
burials. We see much more evidence of repeated
At Catalh?y?k the focus on repetitive prac use of the same space or house in the PPNA
tices in the house and on memory construc throughout the region. Qermez Dere in
tion is associated with careful and elaborate northern Iraq has good evidence of rebuild
abandonment practices, including the place ing in the same place (Watkins 2004, 2006).
ment of objects and the filling of houses with In Phase II at Mureybet on the Middle Eu
clean earth before rebuilding. For societies in phrates investigators found round houses that
which temporal depth and memory construc were superimposed on an Epi-Natufian house
tion are important, ending and starting build xxxvii. "Trois niveaux d'habitation en maisons
ings are likely to be significant events sur rondes se superposent directement ? la mai
rounded in ritual. Did such practices already son xxxvii de la phase IB. Il s'agit mani
occur in the Natufian? In the ruins of one festement de la reutilization du m?me espace
house at Mallaha investigators found several d'habitat en continuit? directe avec la p?riode
boar heads (Valla 1991), which could indicate ?pinatoufienne" (Cauvin 1979, p. 26). In part
ritualized abandonment processes. In what he of the site they found five levels of occupation
called Abri 26 at Mallaha, Perrot (1966) found in this phase.
a child skeleton and necklace on the aban At Jericho in Trench DII Kenyon (1981)
doned floor. Complete basalt artifacts were found a huge amount of very repetitive
found discarded or cached on interior floors surfaces adjacent to the tower in PPNA?
at Wadi Hammeh 27 (Edwards 1991), but it between the tower and adjacent circular en
is not clear whether they were just abandoned closures. It is inside the setdement that one
in a context of use or whether this act was rit sees most residential continuity in PPNA and
ualized in some way. PPNB deposits, although, on the whole, walls
In the PPNA in the Levant, settlements were cut down further than at Catalh?y?k.
were 0.2 to 2.5 hectares in size and are thus In PPNA in Squares El, EII, and EV there
3 to 8 times larger than the largest Natufian were 24 main building phases. In most cases
sites (Bar-Yosef 2001). The houses were of there Kenyon saw only 2-4 floors for each
www.annualreviews.org Catalh?y?k in
building phase. "Some of the houses lasted of floors? The numerous floor levels sug
through several phases, but usually with re gest a prolonged period of use" (Kenyon 1981,
buildings almost from the base of the walls. p. 295). But the best evidence for repeated
Associated with most of the phases was usually surfaces was in the outside, courtyard areas
a long succession of surfaces, particularly in between buildings. The courtyards had alter
the courtyard areas linking the various build nating layers of clay or mud floors and spreads
ings" (Kenyon 1981, p. 269). of charcoal (Kenyon 1981, p. 294). Kenyon
The greater delineation of space in PPNA found hearths in these areas, but she did not
sites has already been noted and is relevant plan these; therefore, we cannot determine
to abandonment and foundation processes. whether location of hearths was repetitive in
One can find more evidence of refuse man outside areas.
agement practices, with separate middens and In Jordan at PPNB Beidha, "the inhabi
more cleaning out of houses on abandonment tants were extremely conservative in their sit
(Hardy-Smith & Edwards 2004, Rosenberg & ing of the different elements of the village"
Redding 2000; N.B. Goodale & I. Kuijt, circu (Kirkbride 1966, p. 14). In one building at
lated manuscript, 2006). In PPNA at Jericho Beidha the total thickness of the multiple plas
in trenches El, EII, and EV Kenyon found one ter layers was more than 5.5 cm, and paral
building with a central stone lined post socket lels were drawn with Catalh?y?k (p. 18). At
under which was an infant burial (Kenyon Abu Hureyra 2 "each house was usually con
1981), which may represent a foundation de structed on the remains of an earlier one, and
posit. In Square Ml in PPNA in phase xlii the form of that building largely determined
in house MM the clay floor had a founda the plan of its successor" (Moore et al. 2000,
tion of cobble stones. "Set in the cobbles, but p. 262). The rooms of the ruined house were
sealed by the clay floor, and therefore con filled in and the stubs of the walls cut down.
temporary with the construction of the build "The houses in Trench E were rebuilt four,
ing, were two burials" (Kenyon 1981, p. 232). and the houses in Trench B no fewer than
Skull removal also occurred in the PPNA nine times" (p. 266). Floors were renewed
(Bar-Yosef 2001). At Jerf el Ahmar in north at least 2-3 times, and sometimes up to 10
ern Syria, in Village 1/east there Stordeur times. Walls also had mud plaster or white
found a sunken building with wooden posts wash refreshed several times during a room's
to hold up the roof. At the bottom of one of life. "The hearths were often set in the same
these posts "two human skulls were found" place in successive houses" (p. 265), e.g., the
(Stordeur 2000, p. 1). These findings begin to series of hearths in houses of phases 2-7 in
suggest the specific use of skulls to build his Trench B. "We conclude from this that the
tories in houses, although the use of skulls in builders of a new house often remembered
this way may have been simply protective or not only the plan but also the internal ar
magical. Yet the use suggests that links to the rangements of its predecessor, and considered
past and past individuals were of increasing it appropriate to replicate both" (p. 265). "We
salience. know, too, that in some instances they them
Turning to the PPNB in the Levant, selves were the descendants of the inhabitants
'Ain Ghazal has frequent floor replasterings of the earlier structures" (p. 266) because some
(Banning 2003), but perhaps the best evidence distinctive skeletal and dental traits that are
is from the extensive excavations and sound probably genetically transmitted were identi
ings at Jericho. As in PPNA, walls are built on fied in house burials.
walls and floors are repeated inside houses. In southeastern Turkey at Cay?n? there
So in El, EII, and EV, in phase xlvii "the lev seems at first sight to be much more evi
els in the northern room of the eastern range dence of conformity within phases than be
[of rooms] were gradually raised by a series tween phases because houses changed in form
112 Hodder
from round to grill to channeled to pebble ciated with death, is found as part of aban
paved to cell to large room. We see a strik donment practices (Verhoeven 1999, 2000,
ing homogeneity of building types in each 2002). Heads tend to be found in groups in
building layer (Ozdogan & Ozdogan 1990, the Levant, sometimes with features plastered
p. 72). Thus investigators indicate more of a on, but how much they were circulated is
focus on horizontal similarity than on verti not clear. Investigators found male and fe
cal continuity. However, even here Ozdogan male skulls, as well as subadults, raising the
& Ozdogan (1990, p. 73) argue that "in ev question of whether the skulls represent an
ery building layer, the foundations of the cestor veneration at all rather than apotropaic
new building are always direcdy on top of or other protective functions (Bonogofsky
the preceding one, without disturbing or 2004, Talalay 2004). However, the deposi
reusing its stones." Several buildings are men tional contexts of some skull deposition sug
tioned as having several rebuilds, and the gest practices that may have involved back
Skull Building went through at least five major ward or forward reference. The skull of a
rebuilds. child was found between the stones of the
At A?ikli H?y?k in central Turkey, dated foundations of Wall El80 at PPNB Jericho
to the late ninth and early eighth millennia (Kenyon 1981). In phase lxi in a room in a
bc, "in one of the excavated rooms, 'room A' house in El, EII, EV the cranium of an el
(trench 3K... ) 13 floor levels have been rec derly man was set upright in the corner about
ognized" (During 2006, p. 73). At this site 15 cm below floor level. In EIII-IV a plastered
variation between houses in memory con skull was found in a building fill. Goring
struction is a possibility. Only 35% of rooms Morris (2000, p. 119) argues that many PPNB
have hearths at this site, but in the deep sound burials definitely stratigraphicalfy predated
ing, a building was knocked down and re the construction of the overlying architec
built in the same place at least 7 times, a tural features and floors. For example, "in
practice that continued throughout the en at least three instances at Kfar HaHoresh
tire 8-m-deep sequence in the mound (Esin burial pits clearly stratigraphically underlie
& Harmankaya 1999). In each rebuilding a and are sealed by plaster surfaces" (p. 119).
hearth is seen in exacdy the same position. In some cases we see a time lapse between
Given the relatively small percentage of build burial and/or skull removal and the making of
ings with hearths, this evidence suggests that
the floor. Thus buildings "remembered" the
some buildings passed down the practices of location of the burials or skulls. Sometimes
hearth use, whereas others did not. We also there is evidence of markers above the burials
find much continuity at the site in terms of or skulls. Goring-Morris suggests that con
the location of the major street by the "rit structing buildings in relation to earlier build
ual complex" and the location of midden ar ings may have started at Mallaha in the Levant
eas (in the deep sounding). The emphasis on (see above). Special abandonment practices
continuity of houses seen at A?ikli H?y?k are found at Cay?n??for example, in the Cell
and Catalh?y?k is also found elsewhere in phase investigators found blocking of door
the Ceramic Neolithic in central Anatolia ways, and intact artifacts are abandoned in cell
(During 2006, p. 236). rooms (?zdogan & ?zdogan 1990). Char
Much evidence indicates repetitive prac nel houses or buildings for the dead occur
tices in houses and memory construction in at Cay?n? (the Skull Building) and at Abu
the PPNB and related groups in the Middle Hureyra and Dja'de el Mughara (the Maison
East and Turkey. Evidence also suggest aban des Morts) in Syria (Akkermans 2004, p. 289).
donment and foundation practices, although Through much of the region in the PPNB
walls were generally cut down much more evidence indicates circulation and handing
than at Catalh?y?k. Burning of houses, asso down of artifacts through time. Practices of
stone recirculation and reuse were found at THE RITUAL VALUE OF
Cay?n?. Standing stones up to 2 m high VIOLENCE, DEATH, AND SEX
were found in the plaza and in the Skull
The new work at Catalh?y?k has shown that
and Flagstone ceremonial buildings. "Some
much of the symbolism, far from having a
of the standing stones were intentionally bro
focus on a nurturing mother, centers on vi
ken and then buried under the subsequent re
olence, death, and perhaps sex. The horns,
flooring of the plaza" (Ozdogan & Ozdogan teeth, claws, and beaks of animals and birds
1990, p. 74). At Jericho in the PPNB lev
are preferentially brought into the house and
els Kenyon found a large bituminous block installed on or in house walls (Hodder 2006,
(Kenyon 1981, pp. 306-7). It had been care
Russell & Meece 2005). Investigators found
fully flaked and was obtained from the Nebi
scenes of humans teasing, baiting, and killing
Musa district some 17 miles away. Investiga
wild animals, and they found phallic images
tors found it in the foundation of wall E223
(Meskell 2007). At Catalh?y?k the prevalence
of phase lxv. But it fit exacdy into a niche of
of such imagery in domestic and ritual con
the earlier phase lxiv, where it probably stood texts demonstrates that much social life was
on a stone set on a pillar of earth on which
embedded within these themes. They also
there were traces of plaster. So this stone had
found scenes in the paintings that suggest
a role in phase lxiv and was then reused in the that death and violence were linked to rites
foundation of lv. In phase lxiii this same room
of passage in which the social order was cre
had a distinctive green clay floor, all suggest
ated and recreated through moments of tran
ing that this part of the building had a special
scendence and transformation (Bataille 1962,
character over three phases. Bloch 1992, Hodder 2006). It is of interest,
Overall, then, the pre-Neolithic and Ne therefore, that themes of death, violence, and
olithic societies of the Middle East and Turkey
sexuality dominate the symbolism of earlier
were increasingly concerned with temporal
sites such as G?bekli Tepe (Schmidt 2003).
depth. Evidence increasingly suggested repet
This particular suite of ideas, linked to cere
itive practices in houses, and sometimes in
mony and public feasting, was central to the
outside areas (e.g., courtyard or midden ar
creation of large-scale social order on which
eas at Jericho and A?ikli H?y?k), as well as in
settled village or early town life depended.
public spaces such as paved streets (at A?ikli At Nahal Oren and other Natufian sites
H?y?k). Evidence of specific memory con
Noy found carved stones with incised deco
struction as houses are built over burials, or
ration, and animal heads carved on bone han
skulls and other objects are circulated and
dles (e.g., of sickles) (Noy 1991). The sickle
passed down through time is also increasing. shafts from El Wad and Kebara are in the form
The concern with time depth, history, and
of deer and goat heads (Henry 1989). Fox
memory reaches its apogee in the PPNB at
(Vulpes sp.) teeth are widely used as raw mate
the same time that domesticated plants appear
rials for pendants (Goring-Morris & Belfer
in quantity, but it starts to emerge at least by
Cohen 2002, p. 70). In the Natufian we see a
Kebaran and Natufian times, even in contexts
marked rise in the numbers of raptor talons
in which sedentism is limited. It is difficult
(Goring-Morris & Belfer-Cohen 2002, p. 71)
to explain the focus on temporal depth as the
and pendants of bone and canine teeth (Henry
result of living in dense villages. Rather, the
1989). Investigators also found phallic objects.
emergence of greater temporal depth was a "Natufian art also had an erotic element" seen
necessary condition for dense settled life, the
in a calcite statuette from Ain Sakhri (Henry
delayed returns of intensive subsistence sys 1989, p. 206).
tems, and the shift to domesticated plants and
In the PPNA wild cattle imagery is found
animals, as well as for the staging of large-scale
throughout the region (Goring-Morris &
feasts, exchanges, and marriages.
114 Hodder
Belfer-Cohen 2002). At Tell 'Abr 3, a se Building 1 at Catalh?y?k, a set of wild goat
ries of stone slabs line the bench around the horns covers and perhaps protects a bin of
walls (Yartah 2005) in building B2. These are lentils (Hodder 2006). The key aspect of giv
polished and decorated with wild animals? ing a feast may not have been simply the pro
gazelle, panther, aurochs?as well as with ge vision of calories, but also the demonstration
ometric designs. The panthers are spotted and of intercession with and control of wild ani
highly stylized and look rather like lizards. mals and the use of their powers to protect and
Bucrania are deposited within a bench, but nurture.
there are also bucrania on view in smaller The demonstration of power in relation to
buildings, interpreted as houses, at the site. wild animals and animal spirits created the ba
At Jerf el Ahmar investigators also found sis for building the long-term social structures
a building with four cattle bucrania proba of sedentary and then agricultural societies.
bly suspended on the interior walls (Stordeur The ability to harness the power of animals
2000, Yartah 2005). At Jerf el Ahmar there may have attracted followers and allowed the
is also serpent decoration on the stone slabs creation of trust and dependencies. The exis
of the benches of the large circular buildings tence of an elaborate symbolic world of vio
(Stordeur 2000), along with a separate depic lence, danger, and sexual power, and the abil
tion of a vulture (for parallel symbolism at ity to intercede with the ancestors, may have
Hallan ?emi and Nemrik 9 see Rosenberg created the conditions in which sedentary life
& Redding 2000, p. 45; Kozlowski 1992). At and intensive delayed-return economies be
G?bekli Tepe in the PPNA and early PPNB, came possible (selected for).
megalithic pillars have reliefs of snakes, foxes,
wild boar, cattle, gazelle, wild ass, lion, scorpi
HUMAN AND MATERIAL
ons, spiders, water birds, and centipedes. The
AGENCY
fox and wild boar have erect penises (Schmidt
2003). The reliefs also show a headless hu In many hunter-gatherer societies animals
man body with an erect penis. In the PPNB must be hunted with respect (Fowler &
there continues to be a widespread symbolic Turner 1999, p. 422). Appropriate prayers
focus on the fox, wild cattle, wild boar, and must be offered to the spirits of the animals
birds of prey (Goring-Morris & Belfer-Cohen if humans are to expect the animals to yield
2002, pp. 70-71). AtNevali ?ori, Hauptmann up their lives to the hunters. If humans cease
(1999) reconstructs a large stone statue of a pr?dation the animals will do less well and
man holding his erect penis. decline in numbers (p. 422). There is a re
This association in the early village soci lationship of friendship and respect, of reci
eties of the Middle East with violence, sex, procity and complementarity between hunter
and death in the symbolic imagery could and game animal (Guenther 1999). "Hunters
be interpreted in many ways (Hodder 2006, maintain relations of trust with their animal
Verhoeven 2002). But perhaps at the simplest prey... assuming that animals present them
level, we can say that these associations give selves with hunters in mind, allowing them
power (Guenther 1999). The powers to give selves to be taken so long as hunters treat
feasts, to provide, and to protect would be en them with respect and do nothing to curb their
hanced by the images of violence, sex, and autonomy of action" (Ingold 1999, p. 409).
death. At Catalh?y?k there is an association Powerful hunters attract animals as they at
between feasting deposits and wild male cat tract followers. They inhabit a "giving envi
tie. The art shows large numbers of people ronment" so that "far from seeking control
engaged in the killing of dangerous animals over nature, their aim is to maintain proper
such as bulls that then appear in the feasting relationships with these beings" in the natural
residues and in the installations in houses. In world (Ingold 1999, p. 409).
But already at G?bekli we see something world of its inhabitants. The rich preservation
very different from this perspective. In the at the site also allows the symbolism to be con
PPNA and early PPNB there are 2-3 m high textualized in the micropractices of daily life.
stone stele on which have been carved the im Many of the themes found in the symbolism at
ages of wild animals, birds, and insects de Catalh?y?k occur widely in the Neolithic of
scribed above. "The pillars themselves clearly Anatolia and the Middle East, despite the re
have an anthropomorphic meaning" (Schmidt gional differences (for example, there is more
2003, p. 3) and the human figure is entirely evidence of decentralized social equivalence at
dominant. This is no longer a balanced re Catalh?y?k and strong evidence of long tem
lationship. Even more clearly at Catalh?y?k poral sequences of houses).
are scenes in the art showing people teasing, Many of the themes found in symbolism
baiting, and playing with wild animals such and daily practice at Catalh?y?k occur very
as bulls, bear, wild boar, and stags. In these early in the processes of sedentism and the
cases the humans are dominating animals and domestication of plants and animals. These
interfering with them. This increased impor themes include a social focus on memory con
tance of the dominant or active human in the struction and temporal depth, a symbolic fo
symbolic or mythic world may also be linked cus on wild animals, violence, and death, and
to the ancestors. But the result was that the a central dominant role for humans in re
conditions were created for the domestication lation to the animal world. These themes
of animals, which involved interfering with occur early enough throughout the region
and dominating animals (Cauvin 1994, Ingold that they are integral to the development of
1999). settled life and the domestication of plants
and animals. Some of the themes, particularly
the focus on time depth in house sequences,
CONCLUSION
may have been part of the suite of condi
Catalh?y?k is well known for its elaborate tions, along with environmental and ecologi
cal factors, that "selected for" sedentism and
symbolism, including narrative scenes. These
domestication.
scenes allow a unique insight into the symbolic
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any biases that might be perceived as affecting the objectivity
this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I thank Dani Nadel and Ian Kuijt for help in gaining access to literature for this paper. I
thank the team of Catalh?y?k researchers on whose work this review is based.
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Çatalhöyük in the Context of the Middle Eastern Neolithic

Author(s): Ian Hodder

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