The linguistic landscape of Manila Central Post Office:

A macro-linguistic analysis

Abegail N. Eclipse1 & Pia Patricia P. Tenedero1,2

1
University of Santo Tomas, Manila, The Philippines, 2Macquarie University, Australia

2
Corresponding author: [email protected]
1
[email protected]

Abstract

This study describes the linguistic landscape (LL) of the Manila Central Post Office
(MCPO), one of the landmark government offices in the capital of the Philippines.
This unconventional choice of locale partially fills the gap in extant LL studies that
focus more on streets and neighborhoods. Quantitative and qualitative data were
gathered to determine the dominant language in signage found in the public-access
spaces of the MCPO and the communicative functions of the said signs. Findings show
that English is the dominant language of the signs. Using Finocchiaro and Brumfit’s
(1983) categories of communicative functions, it was found that most English signs
serve referential and directive functions. Finally, the interview responses of key
personnel of the MCPO reveal important insights into the intersection of language
use and function. Implications call for a review of government language policy
Executive Order 335.

Keywords: Bilingualism, communicative functions, government language

policy, linguistic landscape, Philippines, post office

1. Introduction

Studies in multilingualism have emerged in the last two decades because of significant
changes mostly brought about by globalization (Martin-Jones, Blackledge, & Creese, 2012).
In the educational landscape, the Mother-Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE)
has been proposed around the world. The same policy has been applied in the Philippines,
which proposes that the first language of students be used as the medium of instruction in
primary schools until Grade 6, while English and Filipino should be taught in the elementary
grades as subjects rather than serve as mediums of instruction (Gunigundo, 2010). These
movements help raise awareness about linguistic diversity, which is also highlighted in
linguistic landscape (LL) studies.
Landry and Bourhis are credited to be among the early proponents of LL research.
Their 1997 study on ethnolinguistics and signage in Canada is considered a pioneer attempt
to associate signs with ideologies about language and location. Defined as “the language of
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public road signs, advertising billboards, street names, place names, commercial shop signs,
and public signs on government buildings” (Landry & Bourhis, 1997, as cited in Burdick,
2012, p. 1), linguistic landscape serves as a corpus for the investigation of the profound
relationships between the sign, the sign-makers, and the sign-readers. While most LL studies
focus on semiotic analysis, there is evident lack of macro-linguistic analysis, which considers
such factors as communicative function, authorship, and readership of signs. It is this gap that
this paper attempts to partially fill.

1.1 Review of Related Literature

As the language of wider communication, English is invariably included in several LL studies

located in spaces where it is spoken as a first, second, or foreign language. For instance,
Huebner’s study in 2006 focused on the linguistic diversity present in Bangkok, as well as the
role of code mixing in the LL of 15 neighborhoods in the city. Huebner differentiated the signs
and symbols provided by the government as well as private sectors in the LL of Bangkok.
The paper showed the influence of English in the development of the Thai language in most
aspects such as lexicon, syntax, and orthography. In Tokyo, Backhaus (2006) studied how
signs under the top-down and bottom-up categories serve different functions but nonetheless
contribute to the city’s LL. Gorter (2006) explained that signs made by the government are
top-down, whereas those made by private organizations are bottom-up.
In Israel, Ben-Rafael, Shohamy, Amara, and Trumper-Hecht (2006) studied the
occurrence of three major languages in the country—Israel-Hebrew, Arabic, and English.
They also studied which of these languages are prevalent in the communities of Israeli
Jews, Palestinian Israelis, and non-Israeli Palestinians in East Jerusalem. The study showed
how multilingualism is present in these communities, with Hebrew being the predominant
language among Israeli Jews and Palestinian Israelis, and Arabic being the predominant one
for non-Israeli Palestinians in East Jerusalem. English only comes second in the Israeli Jew
and non-Israeli Palestinian communities.
LL studies have also been conducted in the Philippine context. In studying the LL
of the Taft station of the Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) and the Recto station of the Light Rail
Transit (LRT), De Los Reyes (2014) found that English is preferred over Filipino in the
signs used. He also determined that English is used in the signs primarily to make people
‘follow orders’ as in comply with directions and to ‘make an order’ as in purchasing goods
in establishments within the vicinity. Another study on LL found in the Philippines was done
by Ambion in 2013. He studied the patterns in the signs found in Amadeo, Cavite where he
discovered that the signage give value to the local language as evidenced by the prominence
of the Amadeo dialect in the signs. Meanwhile, the value ascribed to foreign languages,
such as English and Spanish, is related to the promotion of the coffee product for which the
town is known. Such studies are necessary, for, as Dagenais, Moore, Sabatier, Lamarre, and
Armand (2009) asserted, LL findings are pedagogical aids to promote awareness of linguistic
diversity in a specific locality.
Most of the LL studies mentioned (i.e., Ambion, 2013; Backhaus, 2006; Ben-Rafael
et al., 2006; Huebner, 2006) focus on neighborhoods and streets as spatial representation of
a certain community of speakers. Gorter (2006) refers to these as studies of “cityscapes,” a

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more specific type of landscape. Albeit also situated in the city, the present study focuses
on a specific government establishment—the Manila Central Post Office (MCPO). Sloboda
(2009, as cited in Finzel, 2012) explained that ideologies are sometimes implemented by
the government through the linguistic landscape. Thus, LL studies in spaces managed by
the government may help detect hidden ideological tendencies (Finzel, 2012). It is therefore
interesting to note what language ideologies might be veiled, if there are any, in a government
office such as the MCPO.
Post offices seem to be rapidly becoming irrelevant, mainly because of the emergence
of electronic mail and any other Web 2.0 applications that enable faster and cheaper exchange
of messages across the globe. However, the post office remains a potent locale for LL studies
because people from all walks of life frequent it for such functions as claiming and sending
mail, packages, and money transfers. In addition, the Postal ID is a valid identification card
recognized across all sectors, rendering the post office a still significant place for onsite
transactions. In fact, statistics provided by the Universal Postal Union for the Philippines
in 2015 (see Table 1) show that over 75,000 people are serviced by this government office.

Table 1
Population served by a Philippine post office (Universal Postal Union, 2015)

Percentage of the population collecting mail from a postal establishment 12%

Population (millions) 100,699
Average number of people served by a permanent post office 75,942.23
Total number of permanent post offices 1,326

As a government-owned and -controlled office, the Philippine Postal Corporation

(PHLPost) is duty-bound to implement public policies and regulations. By this principle, a
language-related stipulation to which post offices ought to subscribe is Executive Order No.
335 (E.O. 335), Series of 1988. According to Espiritu (2015), this regulation, which was
ratified by former President Corazon Aquino, mandates:

… all departments/bureaus/offices/agencies/instrumentalities of the

government to take such steps as are necessary for the purpose of
using the Filipino language in official transactions, communications,
and correspondence. The order was issued on the belief that the use of
Filipino in official transactions, communications and correspondence in
government offices will result to a greater understanding and appreciation
of government programs, projects and activities throughout the country,
thereby serving as an instrument of unity and peace for national progress.
[emphasis added]

All departments/bureaus/offices/agencies/instrumentalities of the government

are enjoined to do the following:

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1. Take steps to enhance the use of Filipino in official communications,

transactions and correspondence in their respective offices, whether
national or local; [emphasis added]
2. Assign one or more personnel, as may be necessary, in every office
to take charge of communications and correspondence written in
Filipino;
3. Translate into Filipino names of offices, buildings, public edifices,
and signboards of all offices, divisions or its instrumentalities,
and if so desired, imprint below in smaller letters the English text;
[emphasis added]
4. Filipinize the “Oath of Office” for government officials and
personnel; and
5. Make as part of the training programs for personnel development
in each office the proficiency in the use of Filipino in official
communications and correspondence.

1.2 Research Objectives

Whether Filipino is, indeed, used in the public signs in a Philippine post office as stipulated
in E.O. 335 is one of the points for investigation in this research. Primarily, the objective of
the study is to describe the linguistic landscape of the central office of the Philippine Postal
Corporation—the MCPO. Defined as “any sign or announcement located outside or inside a
public institution or a private business in a given geographical location” (Ambion, 2013, p.
230), linguistic landscape in the chosen milieu will include various types of signs visible to
the public. Spolsky and Cooper (1991, as cited in Yavari, 2012) classified public signs into
street signs, advertising signs, warning notices and prohibitions, building names, informative
signs (directions, hours of opening), commemorative plaques, objects, and graffiti. These are
among the types of signs examined in this LL research to address the following questions:

1. What language is dominant in the signage found in the public space of the MCPO?
2. What communicative functions and intentions are frequently associated with the
languages in the signs?

1.3 Theoretical Framework

1.3.1 Macro-linguistic Analysis

Barni and Bagna (2009, as cited in Finzel, 2012) identified the three dimensions of LL
analysis: (1) semiotic, (2) micro-linguistic, and (3) macro-linguistic. Semiotic analysis
classifies signs based on the six variables of time and space: textual genre, position, location,
domain, context, and place. Micro-linguistic analysis, on the other hand, offers a qualitative
interpretation of the text in the signs. It considers such details as font size and type, and
draws conclusions based on the frequency of their occurrence. Finally, macro-linguistic
analysis examines the internal functions of signs such as spatial organization (i.e., How do
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the signs help put order in a particular space?), communicative function (i.e., What purpose
for communication do the signs help satisfy?), and issues of authorship and readership (i.e.,
Do the signs reflect the intent of the sign-maker for the sign-reader?).
This LL study employs the macro-linguistic framework as it focuses on the
communicative functions associated with the language of the public signs found in situ. In
addition, it attempts to partially explore the authorship issue of compliance (or noncompliance)
with the cited government language policy (i.e., E.O. 335).

1.3.2 Communicative Functions

Finocchiaro and Brumfit (1983) are known proponents of the notional-functional approach
in language teaching. This type of syllabus promotes a communicative rather than structural
approach to teaching and learning a target lingua, focusing on “what people want to do or
what they want to accomplish through speech” (p. 13). They identified the five categories
of communicative functions: personal, interpersonal, directive, referential, and imaginative.
Table 2 shows examples of functions under each category provided by Tedick (2002) to
expand the framework of Finocchiaro and Brumfit (1983).

Table 2
Categories of communicative functions of language (Tedick, 2002, pp. 80-82)

Communicative Function Sample Functions

Personal expressing one’s thoughts or feelings
expressing moral, intellectual, and social concerns
Interpersonal greetings and leave-takings
introducing oneself to others
expressing joy at another’s success
expressing concern for other people’s welfare
apologizing
indicating agreement or disagreement
making promises and committing oneself to some
action

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Table 2 continued …
Communicative Function Sample Functions
Directive making suggestions
persuading someone to change his/her point of view
requesting and granting permission
requesting information
asking for help and responding to a plea for help
forbidding someone to do something; issuing a
command
giving and responding to instructions or directions
warning someone
discouraging someone from pursuing a course of
action
establishing guidelines and deadlines for the
completion of actions
Referential reporting about things, actions, events, or people
identifying items or people in the community
describing someone or something
paraphrasing, summarizing, or translating (L1 to L2 or
vice versa)
interpreting information
explaining or asking for explanations of how
something works
comparing or contrasting things
discussing possibilities or capabilities of doing
something
reporting facts about events or actions or about a text
evaluating the results of an action or an event
Imaginative discussing a poem, story, text, advertisement, a piece
of music, etc.
story-telling, narrating events
expanding ideas suggested by others or by a piece of
reading
creating rhymes, poetry, stories, plays, or scripts
recombining familiar dialogues or passages creatively

These subfunctions serve as guide in determining the communicative functions of

the signs examined in this study. Then, the macro-linguistic analysis will explore how these
communicative functions intersect with the language choice and the sign-makers’ compliance
with language policy.

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2. Method

2.1 Research Design

The study collected and analyzed quantitative and qualitative data. The primary data for
this investigation are photos of the public signs in the MCPO. The number and frequency
distribution of signs based on language use and communicative function account for the
quantitative data. Meanwhile, qualitative data were obtained through interviews with two
key officers of the post office, whose responses serve as a representation, albeit limited, of
the language views and ideologies of the sign-makers.

2.2 Study Locale

The MCPO, the head office of the PHLPost, has been purposively chosen as the locale of
the study. As a historical landmark of the country, the MCPO building has been a potent site
for architectural research because of its neoclassical design. However, no known linguistic
studies has yet been done in this milieu. The current investigation partially fills this gap by
exploring the linguistic landscape of this government office. For instance, some important
linguistic implications may stem from the PHLPost’s membership in the Universal Postal
Union, which widens its client composition to include not only Filipinos but also citizens
from the other 191 member-states of the said union.

2.3 Data-gathering Procedure

Signs in areas that are accessible to the public (i.e., building façade, and ground floor) were
photographed. A total of 138 signs were categorized using Spolsky and Cooper’s (1991, as
cited in Yavari, 2012) description of signs as guide.

Table 3
MCPO public signs identified based on Spolsky and Cooper’s (1991, as cited in Yavari,
2012) categories

Category N
Advertising signs 8
Warning notices and prohibitions 21
Building names 1
Informative signs 107
Commemorative plaques 1
Total 138

Table 3 shows the number of public signs considered in this LL study. A total of
138 signs were found in the spaces in the MCPO that are readily accessible to the public,

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that is, the exterior and the first floor of the building. These signs were identified based on
the categories or descriptions of Spolsky and Cooper (1991, as cited in Yavari, 2012). It is
evident that a majority of the signs are “informative” followed by “warning notices and
prohibitions.”
To answer the first research question, the signs were classified according to
language use (i.e., English, Filipino, and English-Filipino). The bilingual signs were then
further classified into four types as suggested by Reh (2004, as cited in Yavari, 2012): (1)
complementary, (2) duplicating, (3) fragmentary, and (4) overlapping. Complementary texts
are those that have different parts of the texts written in different languages. Thus, in order
for the sign-readers to comprehend the whole text, they must be familiar with the languages
in the text. On the other hand, duplicating texts are those that have the exact same text and
information in different languages, thus giving the same value to all the languages involved.
Fragmentary texts provide the whole information in one language, with some parts translated
into other languages. Lastly, overlapping texts contain only some information in another
language, while the rest of the text is only in one language. Based on these descriptions,
Yavari (2012) recognized that it was hard to distinguish between fragmentary and overlapping
signs. Thus, to simplify, “fragmentary” is used in this study to refer to both types of signs.
Next, the MCPO signs were classified according to the five communicative functions
in Finocchiaro and Brumfit’s (1983) framework. Finally, two high-ranking MCPO officials
were interviewed to probe the intentions and ideologies behind the language choices of the
sign-makers. The interview data were then analyzed using theme identification techniques
prescribed by Ryan and Bernard (2003).

3. Results and Discussion

3.1 Dominant Language in Public Space Signs in the MCPO

Table 4
Languages in public MCPO signs

Language N %
English 122 88.41
Filipino 1 0.72
English-Filipino 15 10.87
Total 138 100.00

Table 4 shows the languages used in the public signs in the MCPO. As can be
seen, English dominates the public space of the post office with 88% of the signs written
in English. This number shows how formidable a force the English language can be in a
given public space. As Finzel (2012) noted, in some cases of LL, minority (or minoritized)
languages are given emphasis, while others mirror the growing impact of English as the
primary language of globalization. The current findings give credence to the latter. Even
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more striking is the minimal presence of signs in Filipino despite the government directive
(E.O. 335) to promote the use of Filipino in government office communications, including
public signs. Image 1 shows the only monolingual Filipino sign in the publicly accessible
area in the entire building.

Image 1. Building history sign

This finding is consistent with the observation of De Los Reyes (2014) in his
LL study of two train stations in the Philippines. He highlighted that no signs in the Taft-
MRT station are in monolingual Filipino and only one sign in the Recto-LRT station is in
monolingual Filipino. The paucity of Filipino language in public signs in train stations is
argued to be an indication of the government’s preference for English. Interestingly, this
linguistic preference appears to be particularly evident in formal settings (Pascasio, as cited
in De Los Reyes, 2014). This may, in part, explain the predominance of English signs in the
post office, which may be regarded as a formal space, being a government bureau.

Table 5
Types of bilingual signs

Bilingual Sign N %
Complementary 9 60.00
Duplicating 1 6.67
Fragmentary 5 33.33
Total 15 100.00

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Table 5 shows the types of bilingual signs based on the categories provided by
Reh (2004, as cited in Yavari, 2012). As presented, complementary bilingual signs occurred
the most in the public space of the MCPO. This type of bilingual sign displays different
parts of the text in different languages. Hence, it requires sign-readers to have some level of
mastery in both languages. This circumstance may again be attributed to the country’s long
exposure to a bilingual language policy, which normalizes the expectation that Filipinos are
knowledgeable in both Filipino and English.
Reh (2004, as cited in Yavari, 2012) also noted that even the bilingual signs in
English and Filipino indicate a subtle preference for English as indicated in its use for
“important” words. Such a case was also noted in some MCPO signs. For instance, Image 2
shows a complementary bilingual sign where important content words are in English.

Image 2. Reminder for employees

Finzel (2012) mentioned that LL research could indicate the existence of minority
groups or languages. By extension, we propose another way of framing the idea—that
LL indexes and promotes the minoritizing (or reducing the linguistic value) of specific
languages. In the case of the current study, the noted predominance of English signs seems to
place Filipino in a relatively subordinate position as the language of this government office,
contradictory to the prescription of the government language policy.

3.2 Communicative Functions Frequently Associated with the Languages in the

Signs

Table 6 shows the number of public signs in the MCPO classified by language and
communicative function.

Table 6
Communicative functions of MCPO public signs

Language Personal Interpersonal Directive Referential Imaginative Total

N % N % N % N % N %
English 1 50% 13 100% 46 90.20% 58 90.63% 4 50% 122
Filipino - - - - - - 1 1.56% - - 1
Eng-Fil 1 50% 0 0 5 9.80% 5 7.81% 4 50% 15
Total 2 13 51 64 8 138
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A majority of the MCPO signs are referential (64 out of 138 signs). This linguistic
function, as defined by Saville-Troike (1989, as cited in DeCarlo, 1994), is the conveyance
of factual information to the listeners (in this case, the readers). In this category, the most
common signs are the window labels (see Image 3). As a public office, the MCPO is expected
to have referential signs in much of its public space to properly orient the visiting public on
where particular transactions are to be done. For instance, as Image 3 shows, bulk mail are
received in window 49, and the postage metered machine is found in window 50.

Image 3. Window labels

The second predominant function of MCPO signs is directive (51 out of 138 signs).
Directive signs help the public move efficiently around the office by indicating locations or
the next step in a sequential procedure with the aid of arrows. Image 4 shows two examples
of this.

Image 4. Directive signs

The first sign points to the location of the e-postshop. The second sign directs the
public where to find parcel windows 124, 131, and 132, as well as the “comfort room,”
the Philippine English term for “toilet.” The use of expressions unique to Filipino users of
English in government building signs is unsurprising as they are part of the Filipino sign
makers’ and likely the Filipino sign readers’ linguistic resource.

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Some directive signs also establish guidelines that warn against or discourage
certain practices. Illustrative is the government’s “no to fixers” campaign poster shown in
Image 5. The cited law—Republic Act 9485, also known as the Anti-Red Tape Act of 2007—
defines “fixer” as:

… any individual whether or not officially involved in the operation of a

government office or agency who has access to people working therein,
and whether or not in collusion with them, facilitates speedy completion
of transactions for pecuniary gain or any other advantage or consideration.

Essentially, fixers are people who promise to help process transactions faster in
exchange for money. They are ubiquitous in government offices where transactions, such
as getting an ID or filing an application, may take hours to complete. Such inefficiency thus
makes fixers’ paid promise to expedite the process attractive to the public. Recognizing,
however, that the practice of engaging fixers promotes corruption, government offices were
mandated to publicize the law barring them.

Image 5. Warning to the public

As a government office rendering specific service to the public, the MCPO is

expected to have directive signs in spaces that the public are allowed to navigate. The use of
English in such signs is explained by De Los Reyes (2014) as an indication of the ideology
that English is a language of power, which presumes that sign-readers follow English signs
more than signs in other languages such as Filipino.
The third common type of signs in the MCPO, with 13 tokens found, is interpersonal.
These signs mostly identify oneself to others, particularly the window teller serving
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the customers. Haratyan (2011) described the interpersonal function as expressive of the
relationship between the writer and the reader, in this case, the sign-maker and the sign-
reader. As a government office, the MCPO receives clients daily. This necessitates identifying
employees who will facilitate the transaction of the clients.
The fourth category of signs in situ—represented by 11 signs—is imaginative.
Interestingly, this is the only function where signs written in bilingual English and Filipino
exceeded the number of signs in monolingual English. Signs under this function mostly
include advertisements. This could indicate that in marketing their products, the MCPO
would like to appeal to Filipinos’ bilingual nature (as shown in Image 6), hence the need
to include mixed English and Filipino. This is similar to the assertion of Pietikainen and
Kelly-Holmes (2011) that neither English nor a local language alone can stand to advertise
a product. In their study of a Sami village in Northern Finland, they found that a product
must not be too symbolic of its local culture because it may not work once it gets separated
from its local context or it might necessitate a lot of explanation. Therefore, a combination of
languages is needed to advertise a product.

Image 6. Advertisement

Finally, the least common communicative function of the MCPO signs is personal,
registering only two cases. This could be attributed to the fact that the post office primarily
caters to the public and does not limit its services to specific individuals. An example of
this sign is a posted letter by the workers’ union addressed to the Chairman of the Board of
PHLPost discussing the complaints raised by the workers. While the researchers perceive
the posting of such correspondence inappropriate, considering that it is an internal matter,
the members of the union may have deemed it fit to post this letter on the public space of the
MCPO to inform the employees that their complaints are heard and that the union is doing
something about it.

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3.3 Intention of the Sign-makers

To inquire into the intentionality of the signs, two administrative officials of the MCPO were
interviewed. When asked who is responsible for making and approving the public signs in
the post office, both respondents identified the Office of the Post Master General as the main
content provider. Working with this office is the Corporate Communications Group and the
General Services Department, who are jointly responsible for making the actual signs.
Aside from authorship, another point explored in the interview is intentionality.
When asked about the intention of the sign-makers in relation to the communicative functions
and language of the public signs, three dominant themes emerged: variety of target readers,
inclination toward bilingualism, and limited awareness of language policy.

3.3.1 Variety of Target Readers

When asked what sign-makers consider in deciding what language to use in the signs, both
respondents mentioned the importance of the anticipated readers.

Depende sa…tao na recipients nung information na gusto kong iparating.

So kung yung information ay tungkol sa, halimbawa, sa delivery o kaya
sa mail processing, at yung mga tao ko dun hirap makaunawa ng English,
tinatagalog kasi yan ang lengguwaheng madali nilang maintindihan.
[It depends on the person who will receive the information that I intend
to give. So, if the information is, for example, about delivery or mail
processing, and the people in that area have difficulty understanding
English, I use Tagalog because that is the language easier for them to
understand.] – Administrator 1

Definitely kung sino yung makakabasa. Yun yung isang mahalaga doon.
Kung mapapansin nyo, meron tayong nasa wikang Filipino dahil ang
mga nagpupunta dito sa atin sa Manila Central Post Office ay karamihan
naman ay Pilipino. Ngunit amin ding isinasang-alang alang…na mayroon
tayong mga kliyente, mga naghuhulog ng sulat, na taga-ibang bansa.
Ito rin ay para magkaroon ng mas magandang komunikasyon doon…sa
mga pinagsisilbihan natin o sa mga binibigyan natin ng serbisyo. [It’s
definitely the possible readers. That is what’s important. If you noticed, we
have signs in Filipino because those who come here to the Manila Central
Post Office are mostly Filipino. But we also take into consideration the
fact that we have clients, those who send mails, who are foreigners. This
is to facilitate good communication with the people we are serving.] –
Administrator 2

These responses suggest that the sign-makers consider who is likely to read the signs
in deciding what language to use. As expected, a majority of the MCPO clients are Filipinos,
who, they believe, prefer the Filipino language (which is often referred to as Tagalog as it
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is largely based on this dominant language of Central Luzon). However, the administrators
are also mindful that non-Filipino clients frequent the office, hence the need to use the
international language, i.e., English. The possibility for an international client composition is
due to the Philippine Postal Corporation’s membership in the Universal Postal Union, which
caters to 192 countries all over the world, including traditionally English-speaking nations
such as Australia, Canada, UK, and USA.

3.3.2 Inclination Toward Bilingualism

Consistent with their expressed consideration of the target sign-readers’ language, the
respondents articulated the inclination toward bilingualism, which they claim to be the usual
tendency of most Filipinos, particularly millennials.

Kasi nga na-expose na tayo sa dalawang lengguwahe eh. Minsan kung

masyado kang nabihasa sa Bisaya, at hindi gaano sa Tagalog, Bisaya at
English… So, depende kung saan naka-situate yung tao. Halimbawa, dito
sa Manila, pwede kang mag-Tagalog at pwede ka ring mag-English. [This
is mainly because we have long been exposed to the idea of bilingualism.
If you are fluent in Bisaya, and not in Tagalog, it is highly likely that you
speak Bisaya and English… So, it depends on the area in which the person
is situated. For example, here in Manila, you could use Tagalog as well as
English.] –Administrator 1

…kunyari bakit “passport,” bakit hindi “pasaporte”? Kasi mas marami sa

atin ang alam natin passport kesa pasaporte, diba?...Sa tingin ko, kaya din
sya…particularly dito sa Postal ID, bakit sya naka-Taglish, kung tawagin
natin, ay dahil ang gusto nyang i-capture ay yung mga millennials, yung
mga bagong graduate ng college na wala pa talaga silang ID.…So, yun
yung mga nag-ta-Taglish talaga. I think para mas catchy at yun yung
tamang approach dun sa target market. [For example, why use “passport”
instead of “pasaporte”? It’s because most of us know it as passport, not as
pasaporte. In addition, I think, particularly in the case of the Postal ID, it’s
in Taglish, as we call it, because we are trying to capture the attention of
the millennials, those who are fresh graduates and do not have valid IDs
yet. Those people are the ones who mainly use Taglish; I think it catches
their attention more and that is the right approach to the target market.]
–Administrator 2

The use of bilingualism was particularly evident in the case of “imaginative”

signs or those that advertise ideas. In fact, across the communicative function categories,
“imaginative” is the only function where English-Filipino outnumbered English signs. When
asked about this, the respondents again referred to the need to reach a wider target market—
Filipinos and foreigners alike. This intention is consistent with the idea of Pietikainen and
Kelly-Holmes (2011), who found in their study on the labeling of souvenirs from Samiland
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in Scandinavia, that a product worth-buying is something differentiated enough not to be

too indicative of one’s culture; that is, it can also be seen as worthy and relatable outside
of its community. In the case of the MCPO’s direct and allied services, the use of English
and Filipino widens its appeal to possible customers from different social and linguistic
backgrounds.
As expressed in the feedback of the respondents, the occurrence of the bilingual
signs is attributed to the bilingual orientation of the Philippines, which can be traced to
the nation’s linguistic history with American English since the Americans wrestled the
Philippines from Spanish rule in 1898. One administrator even referred to the country’s
bilingual education policy, which has supported both Filipino and English languages even
before the implementation of the MTB-MLE policy. Indeed, using two languages—either
through code-switching or code-mixing—is a recognized tendency among bilingual or
multilingual speakers. It is not surprising therefore that Filipinos tend to combine Filipino
and English in their utterances and can easily relate to bilingual signs (i.e., English-Filipino
signs). In fact, Goulet (1971, as cited in Bautista, 2004) observed that “among educated
Tagalogs, mixing is considered the normal acceptable conversational style of speaking and
writing”; one reason for this language practice is “bridging social distance,” which is a clear
consideration of the MCPO sign-makers in their language choice (p. 228).
It is notable that Administrator 2 identified millennials as a specific target group of
the MCPO because of their perceived need for a valid ID, such as the postal ID. Lancaster
and Stillman (2002, as cited in Kavaliauskiene, 2012) described millennials or GenY (i.e.,
those born in the mid-1980s) as the internet generation, who are particularly active in social
media, where code-switching is pervasive. Aner and Wei (2007, as cited in E. Papalexakis,
Nguyen, & Dogruoz, 2014) confirmed that “multilingualism is the norm” in both personal
and online communication (p. 42). These related findings justify the presence of English-
Filipino signs in the MCPO. However, there is still a clear bias for English as evidenced by its
predominance in the signs. This puts to question the validity of E.O. 335, a language policy
which promotes the use of Filipino in government offices.

3.3.3 Limited Awareness of Language Policy

The delayed implementation of E.O. 335 signed under the Cory Aquino administration was
cited by both respondents when asked about the obvious imbalance between English and
English-Filipino signs in the MCPO.

Kasi pansinin mo, kailan lang ba yang Executive Order na yan, kailan
nilabas yan?...of course during the time of American occupation, English
na tayo. Tapos nag-aral tayo, Grade 1 pa lang may English na. Hanggang
sa mag-college, hanggang mag-aral, English. Kumabaga, embedded
na sya sa system ng nakapag-aral. Part ng culture ng Filipino na pag
magaling ka sa English, ibig sabihin non, magaling kang tao, may pinag-
aralan ka. Yun ang nagiging pamantayan. [Come to think of it, that
Executive Order has only been released when? Of course, during the
American occupation, we have already been using English. Then, when
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we studied, from Grade 1 until college, we have been using English.

Therefore, it has been embedded into our system as educated people. It is
a part of the Filipino culture that if you’re fluent in English, it means that
you are a skillful person, that you are an educated individual. That is the
standard.] –Administrator 1

…tulad nung sinabi ko, yung ating kautusan sa pagkakaroon ng paggamit

ng wikang Filipino sa mga dokumento, sa mga palatastas, sa mga anunsyo,
ay lumabas lamang noong July 10, 2016; though existing na sya, it was
during the Aquino – Cory Aquino – nung lumabas iyon. Ngayon lang
nagkaroon ng…muli naming sinisimulan na ibalik ang wikang Filipino
sa aming operasyon, sa aming mga pakikipag-komunikasyon sa ating
mga customers. So, bakit ganon? Kasi, naniniwala rin naman kami na
bilang mga Pilipino, pangalawang wika nila ay ang Ingles. [Like what I
have said earlier, the Executive Order requiring offices to use Filipino in
documents, advertisements, and announcements has only been released
on July 10, 2016. Although it has been existing since the Cory Aquino
administration, it’s only recently that we’re trying to incorporate Filipino
again in our operations and communication with our customers. So, why
is it like that? It’s because we believe that as Filipinos, English is our
second language.] –Administrator 2

Government offices, as national institutions, are expected to model policy

enforcement. But this is clearly not the case in the implementation of E.O. 335 in the
MCPO. While this policy promoting the use of Filipino in government communications and
transactions has been ratified in August 1988, both the MCPO administrators suggested its
relative recency, which indexes limited awareness and valuing of the said language policy.
Administrator 2 claims that it was only in July 2016 that the notice about this policy was given
to them. A 28-year delay in promoting a language policy makes a curious case. However, the
response of Administrator 1 is quite telling of the probable reason for the deprioritization of
Filipino as the language of public service. He articulated the embeddedness of the English
language in the culture and education system of the Philippines since the time of the American
occupation and the prevailing linguistic ideology that marks fluency in English as an index of
educatedness and skillfulness.
These reasons for noncompliance with language policy present important challenges
and considerations—Is the government making relevant language policies? How are these
policies implemented? How is policy implementation monitored? What sanctions, if any, are
given for noncompliance? Who are responsible for enforcing these policies? Do we need
language policies at all?
It appears that Administrator 2 considers himself as a policy enforcer by way of his
demonstrated insistence to use Filipino during the interview. His formal Filipino stands out in
the interview citations for two reasons. First, it is evidently more formal than the register of
Administrator 1. Second, Administrator 2 had freely conversed with the researcher bilingually
(in English and Filipino). The marked shift to formal Filipino occurred only when it was
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established that the discussion would touch on the matter of language policy, particularly
E.O. 335. This curious language shift may have been motivated by a perceived monitoring of
language-policy implementation. While seemingly isolated, this field observation candidly
manifests the discrepancy between language policy and practice, which begs the question—
If the LL of the MCPO shows that bilingualism is the prevailing linguistic practice, is E.O.
335 still relevant?

4. Conclusion

In summary, this research highlighted linguistic observations and insights in the MCPO,
proving that this government building is also a research gem for linguistic research, not
merely a locale for architectural studies. In examining the public signs displayed in the
façade and ground floor of the office, 88% of the signs were found to be in English, most of
which were referential and directive in function. The quantitative data suggest that English is
valued in this locale as the language of authority—authority to give reliable information and
give orders or directions. Consequently, the qualitative data suggest that the MCPO aspires
to cater to local and international sign-readers; hence, the signs tend to be more monolingual
English in nature, or bilingual English and Filipino at the very least. The minimal use of
Filipino in the signs is attributed by key institutional personnel to the weak implementation
of the E.O. 335.
These findings suggest the need to revisit government language policy, which is
clearly not articulated in the linguistic landscape of the examined milieu. The 28-year delay
in policy implementation also invites a review of policy relevance and implementation.
This research, albeit limited in scope, provides evidence that the 1988 language policy
does not match the 2018 linguistic reality of the Philippines where government offices now
serve an international client base and where Filipinos generally prefer bilingualism over
monolingualism.
LL studies by Burdick (2012), Dagenais et al., (2009), and Finzel (2012) have found
that actual linguistic practices of a certain community are not necessarily reflected in the
public texts surrounding them. By extension, this research found that language policies are
also not necessarily reflected in the linguistic landscape even in government spaces where
they are expected to be observed.

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