Meghan Luby

1. As British administrators sought to increase colonial revenues and tighten

administrative control, what might have let them to pursue a less confrontational
course with the colonies? What factors do you think are most important in explaining
the failure of compromise?
Huge war debts from the Great War for Empire of 1756-1763 placed Britain in the hands of the banks and
financiers. This "monied interests" reaped millions of pounds in interest from government bonds,
transforming British politics. British administrators worried about raising revenue to pay for war debts,
also worried about their American colonists. The war had revealed how little power Britain actually had
over the colonies. In theory, royal governors had extensive political powers, but in reality, they shared
power with colonial assemblies. Former Georgia governor Henry Ellis described the colonists as feeling
"entitled to a greater measure of Liberty than is enjoyed by the people of England." All of this outraged
British officials. In order to strengthen administrative control and raise revenue to pay for war debts,
Britain began passing, what American colonists deemed, oppressive acts. These acts included the
Revenue Act of 1762, the Currency Act of 1764, the Sugar Act of 1764, and the Stamp Act of 1765. Many
colonists, who were used to very little political and economic intervention from Britain, began
questioning the constitutionality of these acts, especially the Sugar Act. The leader of the assembly in
Massachusetts argued that the Sugar Act was "contrary to a fundamental Principall of our Constitution:
That all Taxes ought to originate with the people." Instead of granting the colonist representation in
Parliament and including their local governments in efforts to raise revenue, Britain used force to impose
imperial reforms. For example, the Sugar Act closed the legal loophole that allowed merchants accused
of Navigation Acts violations to be tried by local common-law courts. Instead, the act extended the
jurisdiction of the vice-admiralty courts to all customs offenses. Vice-admiralty courts were tribunals that
governed the high seas and were run by British-appointed judges. The growing power of the British state
revived old American fears. The fact that Americans were viewed as second-class subjects to the king,
with rights limited by the Navigation Acts, parliamentary laws, and British interests incentivized Britain
to take a confrontational course with the colonies. Lord Halifax claimed, "The people of England"
considered Americans "as foreigners." The Stamp Act was passed in order to partly cover the cost of
keeping British troops in America. The Quartering Act of 1765 required colonial governments to provide
barracks and food for those troops. This sparked the first great imperial crisis. Benjamin Franklin
proposed a solution: American representation in Parliament. If Britain would have accepted this
proposal, the British empire may have held on to its American colonies, for a bit longer anyway, and
could have come to a compromise, avoiding confrontation and war. Instead, to retain control and raise
revenue, George Grenville used the doctrine of parliamentary supremacy to fashion a centralized
imperial system in America, like the one imposed on Ireland. British officials governed colonies with little
regard for the local assemblies, provoking a violent constitutional confrontation over taxation, jury trials,
military quartering, and the question of representative self-governance.
2. Turn to the Paul Revere engraving of the Boston Massacre on page 167.This image was
an instrument of political propaganda. What features of the image are most important
to its political purpose? Consider his depiction of both the soldiers and the
townspeople. Look, too, at the buildings surrounding the crowd, especially the Custom
House on the right. List the ways which Revere invokes the idea of tyranny in this
image.
Taxation without representation, such as the Sugar Act, the Stamp Act, and the Townshend Act of 1767,
provoked many colonists to protest in various ways. The Stamp Act Congress, made up of delegates from
nine assemblies, met in New York City in October 1765. They assured Parliment that Americans were
loyal to Britain but challenged the constitutionality of both the Stamp and Sugar Acts, claiming only
colonists' elected representatives could tax them. They petitioned for the repeal of the Stamp Act. Other
influential colonists favored a more active, but peaceful, resistance, organizing a boycott of British
goods. Still, others opted for a more violent form of opposition. When the Stamp Act went into effect on
November 1, 1765, organized mobs demanded the resignation of stamp-tax collectors. In Boston, the
Sons of Liberty burned an effigy of tax collector Andrew Oliver and then destroyed his new warehouse.
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Bostonians then attacked Oliver's brother-in-law Governor Thomas Hutchinson's house. Hutchinson was
a prominent defender of imperial authority. The protesters looted his wine, broke his furniture, and set
fire to his library. Wealthy merchants and Patriot lawyers encouraged the mobs. Protesters marched
throughout the streets of New York City breaking windows. Stamp tax resistance spread beyond the port
cities. Protesters in nearly every colony intimidated royal officials. American colonists had many reasons
they resisted the Stamp Act. Many were wealthy and well-educated lawyers, merchants, and planters
who couched their resistance in constitutional terms, writing pamphlets that gave the resistance
movement its rationale, political agenda, and leaders. These patriot writers relied on three intellectual
traditions: English common law, the Enlightenment, and republicanism. English common law, the body
of legal rules and procedures that protected the lives and property of British subjects, was used to
challenge open-ended search warrants. John Adams appealed to the Magna Carta (1215) to demand a
jury trial for John Hancock. The Enlightenment movement gave Patriots another important intellectual
argument, that of natural rights. Patriots, such as Thomas Jefferson, used the writings of John Locke and
French philosopher Montesquieu. Locke argued that all people possessed certain natural rights, such as
life, liberty, and property, that the government must protect. Montesquieu argued that a "separation of
powers" among government departments prevented arbitrary rule. The third idea came from the
Republican and Whig factions of the English political tradition. Republicanism came from the time
England had been a republic during the Commonwealth era (1649-1660). Many colonists had praised the
English Whigs for creating a constitutional monarchy after the Glorious Revolution of 1688-1689,
preventing the king from imposing taxes and other policies. In Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania,
John Dickinson drew from the ideas of republicanism to urge colonists to "remember your ancestors and
your posterity" in opposition to parliamentary taxes. The letters were widely circulated as an early call to
resistance. These three intellectual movements were used as arguments that were widely publicized in
pamphlets and newspapers, giving the Patriot movement its intellectual substance, which turned the
series of riots, tax protests, and boycotts into a solid and serious political force.

3. Federalists and anti-federalists both claimed to represent the true spirit of the
American revolution. Which of these competing visions of national identity do you
think was right? Why?
Federalists were advocates of a strong centralized government during the Constitutional Convention.
They were supporters of James Madison's Virginia Plan, which called for a powerful national government.
Madison was determined to have the men of high character, i.e. the wealthy elite, run the national
political institutions. He was wary of the "narrow ambition" and outlook of state legislators. During the
constitutional debates, the nationalists began calling themselves Federalist. The move was strategic; the
term Federalist suggested that they supported a federal union, a loose, decentralized system. The term
obscured their commitment to a strong national government. The Federalists organized a campaign of
pamphlets and newspapers to explain the justify their support of the Philadelphia Constitution. Those
who opposed the Constitution were called Antifederalists by default. Members of this camp were diverse
in their background and motives. Some feared the state governments would lose their power under the
Constitution, while others argued that the proposed document, unlike most state constitutions, lacked a
declaration of individual rights. Many rural democrats also feared that the powerful centralized
government would be run by wealthy men, not unlike the political system before the War for
Independence. Melancton Smith of New York argued that to keep government "close to the people,"
states needed to remain small sovereign republics tied together only for trade and defense.
Antifederalists went further, stating that republican institutions and traditional republican values were
best suited to small politics. They feared a strong national government would undo what the rebellion
was fought for and revert back to how the British ruled: high taxes, an oppressive bureaucracy, a standing
army, and a powerful president "supported in extravagant munificence." The Federalists responded by
claiming that a centralized government would not lead to domestic tyranny because the authority would
be divided among three branches of government. Checks and balances would preserve liberty. Madison
countered the argument that republics worked best in small politics by insisting that only a large republic
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can keep any one faction from becoming dominant. Ultimately, Federalist leaders had to recommend a
national bill of rights in order to get the constitution ratified. It was a close vote of 187 to 168. Both
groups claimed to represent the spirit of the Revolution. Depending on the perspective, both were right.
From the beginning, those who latter labeled themselves Federalists were fighting for an elite controlled
central government independent from Britain. The Antifederalist represented the ideas of republicanism
that was used to rally the less wealthy merchants, artisans, and yeomen to the Patriot cause. 230 years
later, its hard to argue with the Antifederalists' fears. Today, we have an overreaching national
government that imposes high taxes, employs an oppressive bureaucracy that impedes personal liberty,
embodies an often unchecked and huge military-industrial complex, and is headed by an executive
branch that continues to grant itself more and more power.

4. Look again at map 6.5 on page 202 showing western land claims in the 1780s. If these
claims had not been ceded to the Continental Congress, what would have been the
likely result? Why was it so important to the survival of the Confederation that
individual states give up their claims to these Western lands?
The British used a naval blockade to cut off supplies from Europe, impeding the fishing industry in New
England. British occupation of the port cities Boston, New York, and Philadelphia reduced trade. Tobacco
exports were also affected by the British blockade, prompting planters tot adapt to the wartime
economy and grow grain to sell to the contending armies. Goods became scarce, so the state
governments requisitioned military supplies directly from the people. For example, in 1776 officials in
Connecticut asked Hartford citizens to provide 1,000 coats and 1,600 shirts. Hardpressed consumers
accused shopkeepers of being "enemies, extortioners, and monopolizers" and called for government
regulations. New England states attempted to impose price ceilings in 1777, but many farmers and
artisans refused to sell their goods. Government officials ultimately gave up on the price regulations,
stating people either had to pay higher prices or face starvation. In addition to higher prices, British
soldiers and partisans looted farms. The Patriots formed committees of safety to collect taxes, seizing
the property of those who refused to pay. Thus, people were assaulted from both sides. In parts of
Maryland, there were large numbers of people who refused to join either side and successfully ran off
"Patriot mobs." Examples such as this defiance illuminated the weakness of Patriot governments. Most
states issued bonds to acquire gold and silver from the wealthy because they were afraid to raise taxes.
Eventually, those funds ran out, so individual states began issuing paper money. They issued so much
paper money, some 260 million dollars in all, that it lost its worth. Many people refused to accept it at
face value. Even North Carolina tax collectors rejected the state's currency. The Continental Congress'
finances also collapsed. The Congress lacked the authority to tax, so it had to rely on funds requisitioned
from the states. This did not work because the states either paid late or not at all. So, Robert Morris, the
government's chief treasury official, obtained loans from France and Holland. Morris then sold
Continental loan certificates to about 13,000 firms and individuals. Meanwhile, the Congress continued to
issue paper money, about 200 million dollars between 1776-1779. This currency, like the state currencies,
quickly fell in value. As the Continental bills exchange rate declined, it sparked social upheaval and riots.
Patriot leaders, despite their attempts to address wartime economic issues, failed, fearing the collapse of
the rebellion.

5. Why did Alexander Hamilton, as Washington’s first secretary of the treasury, advocate
the creation of a permanent national debt and a national bank? What fears did his
economic plans arouse in his republican opponents?
Alexander Hamilton's vision for America included a strong national government and an economy based
on manufacturing, the opposite of Thomas Jefferson's vision of an agrarian nation governed by local
officials. Hamilton had condemned the "democratic spirit" of the Revolution at the Philadelphia
convention and called for an authoritarian government with a president who would have near-
monarchical powers. As the first treasury secretary, Hamilton outlined a comprehensive program of
national mercantilism, which is government-assisted economic development. His bold policies would
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enhance national authority and assist financiers and merchants. He outlined his plan to Congress in three
reports: on public credit, on a national bank, and on manufactures. Hamilton asked for Congress to
redeem at face value the 55 million dollars in Confederation securities held by foreign and domestic
investors. This redemption plan would pay huge profits to speculators. For example, the Massachusetts
firm of Burrell & Burrell had paid only 600 dollars for Confederation notes with a face value of 2,500
dollars; they would reap a profit of 1,900 dollars. Hamilton's explained his reasoning: an underdeveloped
nation, like the U.S., needed good credit to secure loans from Dutch and British financiers. On top of this,
Hamilton proposed to pay noteholders with new interest-bearing securities, which would create a
permanent national debt. This plan was extremely controversial, offending a majority of Americans.
Patrick Henry condemned the plan and argued it would "erect, and concentrate, and perpetuate a large
monied interest," warning that it would be "fatal to the existence of American liberty." James Madison
was also concerned and urged Congress to pay those who had originally owned the Confederation
securities, including shopkeepers, farmers, and soldiers who had bought or accepted them during the
hard times of the war. But it was difficult to find the original owners and almost half the members of the
House of Representatives owned securities and would personally profit from Hamilton's plan. Due to self-
interest, the House rejected Madison's proposal. To further enhance public credit, Hamilton proposed
that the national government assume the war debts of the states. Costing 22 million dollars, the plan
again favored wealthy creditors and enticed corruption within the government. For example, Assistant
Secretary of the Treasury William Duer was aware of Hamilton's plan in advance and, with his associates,
secretly bought 4.6 million dollars worth of war bonds from southern states at bargain rates. Hamilton
also asked Congress to charter the Bank of the United States, which would be owned by private
stockholders and the national government. He argued that a national bank would provide stability to the
specie-starved American economy by making loans to merchants, issuing bills of credit, and handling
government funds, very similar to the Bank of England. Congress granted Hamilton's bank a 20-year
charter. Republicans such as Jefferson and Madison opposed the national bank, arguing that it was
unconstitutional. Jefferson used a strict interpretation of the Constitution for his argument. Hamilton,
using a loose interpretation, cited Article 1, Section 8, to convince Washington to sign the legislation.

6. What were the principal efforts of the French and Haitian revolutions in the United
States? How did they influence the development of the American economy, American
politics, and westward development?
The French Revolution divided America, but American merchants profited from the war in Europe.
President Washington, in 1793, issued a Proclamation of Neutrality, which allowed citizens to trade with
the belligerents. The U.S. was able to gain control of the profitable sugar trade between France and the
West Indian islands, and they were able to pass through Britain's naval blockade of French ports. This
spurred work for thousands of sailmakers, shipwrights, dockhands, and seamen as American merchant
fleets increased from 355,000 tons in 1790 to 1.1 million tons in 1808. Newly wealthy merchants also
provided work for carpenters, masons, and cabinetmakers buy building warehouses and the new
fashionable Federal-style townhomes. Even though Americans profited from the European conflict, they
argued and were divided over its ideologies. Many Americans supported the French Revolution when it
abolished feudalism, establishing a constitutional monarchy but when the First French Republic was
created, controversy ensued. Most were happy that France ended their monarchy to embrace the ideas
of democracy lead by the radical Jacobins. Religious Americans criticized the new French government for
closing Christian churches in favor of a rational religion based on "natural morality." The wealthy were
concerned about a social revolution at home denounced Robespierre for executing King Louis XVI and
3,000 aristocrats. These fears were legitimate when Hamilton's economic policies triggered the domestic
insurgency dubbed the Whiskey Rebellion. In 1794, farmers in Western Pennsylvania mounted the
rebellion in protest to the excise tax on spirits. The tax cut demand for corn whiskey, significantly
affecting farmers in the backcountry. Similar to the Sons of Liberty in 1765, the Whiskey Rebels protested
their money being sent to a distant government. They adopted the slogan "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity!"
from the French Revolution. Washington sent a militia to suppress the rebellion. Britain became more
aggressive in their maritime strategies. The British navy began seizing American ships that carried
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French sugar and other supplies. Washinton sent John Jay to Britain in hopes of protecting merchants
and their property diplomatically. Jay's Treaty was controversial. Republicans claimed it was too
conciliatory. The treaty ignored America's claim that "free ships make free goods" and tolerated Britain's
right to stop neutral ships. When the Federalist were in power, the U.S. had pro-British foreign policies,
much to the Republican's dismay. The Haitian Revolution, like the French Revolution it was inspired by,
divided Americans. The revolution, which was closer to home, deeply impacted America. Thousands of
refugees fled to the U.S., including planters, slaves, and free blacks. American slaveholders panicked and
feared the spirit of the rebellion would be contagious and spread among their slaves. Many in
Washington's administration wanted to aid Haiti's white population, John Adams, who was strongly
against slavery and not a friend of France, changed course when he became president. He sent aid to the
rebels and strengthened commercial ties with Haiti. When he became president, Jefferson, who was a
supporter of France and a slaveholder, cut off aid to the rebels, imposed a trade embargo, and refused to
recognize Haiti's independence. This created a paradox for the newly republican nation.

7. Review the events listed under “Work, exchange, and technology,” “Ideas, beliefs, and
culture,” and “identity” on the thematic timeline on page 149. How did the emerging
economic and social order of early nineteenth century America represent an advance
upon, or a retreat from, the republican ideology articulated during the decades of the
independence struggle?
Republicanism took many different forms in the early years of the 19th century. While farm production
improved, giving many whites, especially in the North, more opportunities, cash crop production in the
South used slave labor, the very antitheses of liberty, to keep up with worldwide demands for cotton,
sugar, rice, and tobacco. Religious revivals pushed republican ideas to new limits, giving women and
blacks opportunities of spiritual equality. States democratized their own constitution, reflecting the
republican ideology found in the national Constitution. As with enslaved blacks, whites viewed Native
Americans as inferior, taking over their lands and reducing once powerful Indian nations to comply with
living on reservations and accepting the U.S. as their sovereign rulers.

8. The painting of “Republican Families…and Servants” (p. 264) addresses many of the
the themes of this chapter. What are those themes, and what position does the artist
take in presenting them?
Around 1828, an unidentified artist painted this York, Pennsylvania, family with an African
American servant. The artist gives equal emphasis to the wife and the husband, suggesting they
enjoyed a companionate-style marriage. Reflecting the outlook of republican mother- hood, the
mother takes the leading role in educating the children. The family, probably of upper-middle-
class status given their attire and furnishings, employs an African American woman as a domestic
servant and nanny — common occupations among free black women of the time.