Marianna G.

Mouravieva

FAMILY HISTORY, GENDER HISTORY AND

THE HISTORY OF SEXUALITY
IN AMERICAN STUDIES AS IT SEEN IN RUSSIA

The nature of American Studies suggests a multi-disciplinary basis for understanding

American society. This trend which emerged in the 1960’s has been very powerful for the last
two decades in arts, humanities and the social sciences as well as in education. Nowadays the
system of higher education in the United States tends to offer a broad program of education
rather than specialization in some specific subject. American Studies, women’s studies, gender
studies, Russian Studies are all signs of this. But the changes in education occurred first of all
because of the profound development of the methodology of arts, humanities and social sciences
according to this multi-disciplinary approach. The consequences can be found in the closest
collaboration between disciplines as both educational subjects and scholarly disciplines. It
meant that scholar disciplines became more practical and more interested in explaining the
present than ever before, so that the emergence of «new» anthropocentric approaches in
humanities and social sciences was natural. This anthropocentric approach in history gave the
discipline not only the new multi-disciplinary methodology, but led to its deep and wide
diversification. Gender history is one of the products of this process.
Russian educational reform brought us into the situation when we began to deal with the
same problems the West had in 60’s and 70’s. We can’t just teach any subject without
multimethodological approach, because if we do not do this we are not able to understand what
is going on in the society now. American Studies is a good example of such a situation. The
saying that we can’t understand the society without its history became very trivial, but it still
makes sense. But new methodologies of history give us many more possibilities for
understanding. The vision of the past always depends on the present situation. The methodology
developed for last thirty years is the methodology we need to interpret our past through our
present needs. That’s why many marginal topics became very important in studying our past.
Above all they include gender, family and sexuality, three fields which are deeply embedded in
people’s minds today and which characterize the contemporary society very much. It was the US
especially where women’s, gender and sexuality studies flourished first. So we can’t understand
American society without giving serious attention to these spheres of its life. And of course we
can’t teach this subject without including these problems.
Russian historiography is only beginning to studying American gender, family and
sexuality. But the necessity for such research is very big. The image of an American we have
in Russia is quite far from the reality. We tend never to touch these spheres but concentrate
instead on «traditional» topics - economics, politics, international relations. And Russian
historians deliberately make their horizon narrower when avoiding the research of gender and
sexuality on the ground that it’s not real history. But it is. The goal of this presentation is not to
discuss the framework of history, but to show the potentialities of using «marginal» categories
in historical analysis and their usefulness in implementing these subjects into university
curricula.
I am going to divide my presentation into several segments, devoted to the different
aspects of gender, family and sexuality.
 I. Myths and realities of the American Family1[1]

Marriage still remains the base foundation of every society, and it is very true about the
American family. The ideal and reality of family life often conflict each other and this conflict in
American society in the 20th century was maybe deeper than in any other country. The ideal for
family life was not invented by the government propagandists, media moguls, or Madison
Avenue tycoons; it was a product of middle-class American aspirations. In the late nineteenth
century it represented a tranquil haven against competitive, often corrupt, public trends. In the
twentieth century it has become the focus of hopes for the good life - for a secure and stable
home providing happiness as well as protection in a rapidly changing world. In the latter part of
the twentieth century, as American public life has become increasingly complicated, organized,
and fragmented, as community ties have weakened and work life has become routinized and
bureaucratic, individual women and men increasingly have turned to the family for personal
satisfaction. The intense preoccupation with family often rests upon a mythic vision of a golden
age in which a timeless, stable domestic haven existed. But the myths needed revising. Middle-
class family life, which has defined the norm over centuries, has been rooted in social change
and deeply connected to the political world.
The modern domestic ideal that has held sway in the United States is a relatively recent
invention. It developed in the early decades of the nineteenth century when the nation began to
urbanize. Prior to this time, the home was virtually the same as the workplace. Households were
productive units that often included not only parents and children, but other relatives, servants,
apprentices, or boarders, all of whom participated in the family’s economic endeavors. In the
emerging cities, however, those who earned the family income (usually the men) increasingly
left the home to work in factories, offices or businesses removed from the family abode. It was
during these years that a distinct domestic ideology began to take shape, one that identified the
home as the female sphere and defined the family primarily as the nuclear unit comprised of
parents and children. In these urban middle-class families, men left the home to work in the
rough-and-tumble public arena, and returned for rest and refuge to a morally uplifting domicile
where women took care of the children, the household chores, and the husband’s needs.

Victorianism—that set of social and cultural values that characterized the white middle
class in England and the United States during most of the nineteenth century—dominated cul-
tural values in America long after the Victorian era came to an end. Several studies locate the
seeds of Victorian culture on the East Coast, in the affluent segments of the urban population in
the latter decades of the eighteenth century. Economic diversity had begun to give rise to a
complex and stratified social order. Men no longer automatically inherited their fathers' land and
worked alongside women to maintain family farms. Rather, individuals coming of age often left
the parental, rural domain to move into new communities and enter new occupations.
The growing cities attracted large groups of unattached workingmen, as well as
entrepreneurs with families who endeavored to secure lucrative economic positions. At the upper
strata emerged a group of well-to-do merchants and professionals. It was this class that began to
define the cultural form of Victorianism. Men usually worked in a separate sphere, away from
their homes. Their wives comprised America's first leisure class, with the time and money to
develop a genteel way of life. These were the women and men whose descendants would fill the

1[1]
The name of this part is taken from the brilliant account of the development of an American family Elaine Tyler
May from A History of Private Life: Riddles of Identity in Modern Times (Cambridge, Mass., 1991).
ranks of the Protestant churches, engage in various campaigns to reform society, and stand at the
forefront of economic development and westward movement. Individuals born into this tradition
became leaders of the institutions that set the norms for other classes.
As early as the 1820s and 1830s, what came to be called Victorian values were widely
articulated in a profusion of advice books, popular stories, journals, dime novels, sermons, and
exhortations of various sorts. Men and women were taught to fulfill separate, but vitally
interdependent functions. Young men learned in church, at home, and in the popular literature
what was expected of American manhood. The key element was moral autonomy: control over
one's instincts and independent pursuit of one's calling. The core of this code was economic self-
mastery. Ideally a man would be his own boss, own his own property, and control his own means
of production. A striving man was the perfect citizen, for his ambition furthered, rather than
hindered, the goal of national progress.
In contrast, women learned that "the domestic fireside is the great guardian of society
against the excess of human passion." It was the wife's duty to maintain a home environment free
from sensuality, to help protect husbands and sons from dissipation. If men were not properly
disciplined, they might lead the country to economic stagnation. In this wider sense the woman's
role involved more than mere housekeeping; it was vital to the future of the nation. Accordingly,
boys learned from an early age that "nothing is better calculated to preserve a young man from
contamination of low pleasures and pursuits than frequent intercourse [that is, social interaction]
with the more refined and virtuous of the other sex," which would raise them "above those sordid
and sensual considerations which hold such sway over men." The man's duty was to extend the
asceticism he learned from women at home into the economy. There he would contribute to
building a strong industrial state and, in turn, become personally successful.2[2]
This domestic ideal was difficult to achieve. Not all Americans were Victorians.
Obviously the code that have been outlined was virtually irrelevant for much of the working
class and many of the ethnic groups who also inhabited urban centers. Some Americans were
deliberately and aggressively excluded from the Victorian ideal. African-Americans were of
course the most systematically excluded. During slavery they were not even allowed to marry
legally. Moreover, the foundations of Victorian manhood and womanhood (economic self-
sufficiency, chaste leisure) were forcibly denied to slaves, who were required to work for the
gain of others, and whose lives were often under the control of white owners who thought
nothing of separating spouses from each other and parents from children. The fact that African-
American women and men achieved strong family attachments in spite of the brutal conditions
of slavery testifies to their ability to resist the system. Nevertheless, during as well as after
slavery, African-Americans remained distant from the Victorian domestic ideal because of
economic conditions, racist legal practices, and their own preferred sexual and familial values.
Others who stayed apart from Victorianism included immigrant families who came from
preindustrial backgrounds. They often had traditions of public and private life that were quite
distinct from those of their genteel neighbors. Many preferred dances or camaraderie at the
corner saloon to church picnics or temperance meetings. For workers, Sunday was often the only
day for frivolous amusement, and their raucous Sabbath behavior was particularly galling to their
pious "betters." Tensions between those inside and those outside the Victorian construct often
provided the dynamics for public and political activity.3[3]
2[2]
Ebenzer Baily, The Young Ladies’ Class Book (Boston, 1831), p. 168; William Alcott, The Young Man’s Guide
(Boston, 1833), p. 299, 231.
3[3]
Elaine Tyler May, ‘Myths and Realities of the American Family’, A History of Private life: Riddles of Identity in
Modern Times (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), p. 544-5.
 As a result of the increasing diversity of the urban centers, the late nineteenth century
witnessed a slight straining against the codes of Victorianism emanating from within the white
middle-class itself. But it was not until the turn of the century that middle-class Americans began
a widespread effort to reach beyond the bounds of Victorianism to create a new domestic ideal.
Gradually the belief that the family provided the foundation for public life was displaced by a
more privatized vision. The quest for something new found its most immediate target in the
home. But the change that gave rise to a new concept of family life lay in the economy, not in the
domestic realm. The corporate order emerged full-blown in the early twentieth century, striking a
fatal blow to the entrepreneurial ethos that had given meaning to the gender roles and communal
values of America's dominant groups during the previous century. The first evidence of this
transformation appeared in the work force. It was here that the carefully defined activities of
Victorian men and women were irreversibly altered. For men, the rise of large organizations
undercut the possibility for economic autonomy in the open market, long the goal of American
middle-class manhood.
The change for women, in terms of both economic activity and public behavior, was even
more profound. Between 1880 and 1920 women went to work in unprecedented numbers. While
the proportion of men in the work force remained fairly stable, the proportion of women rose 50
percent. This increase was not so dramatic among working-class women, for domestic work and
factory labor were not new to them. The most striking increase was among middle-class women.
Daughters of Victorians now joined sons of entrepreneurs in the swelling white-collar ranks. Not
only did this erode the traditional women's role; it also drastically altered the tenor of the work
force. No longer was the business world an all-male arena; now both women and men filed into
the ordered and predictable corporate system, to work side by side.4[4]
Both men and women, then, became preoccupied with material goods and leisure as the
industrial economy generated increasing abundance. Higher wages combined with mass ad-
vertising yielded a new consumer ethic. The amount spent nationally for personal consumption
nearly tripled between 1909 and 1929, with the most striking increases for clothes, personal care,
furniture, appliances, cars, and recreation—primarily activities and goods associated with private
life. Mass consumption offered the promise—or the illusion—that the good life was now within
everyone's reach.5[5]
But the rising standard of living was a mixed blessing for post-Victorian Americans with
their tradition of distrust about spending and abundance. The ascetic values of self-control and
frugality rested on a belief that too much spending and leisure easily could lead to decadence and
corruption, eroding the work ethic. Yet it was much more than material abundance that disturbed
them; much of their cultural tradition was undercut by the new organizational life. Most
frightening of all, perhaps, was that corporate employees, including their own young women,
were being drawn to the sorts of public amusements that were once the domain of despised
ethnic minorities. Now middle-class individuals, particularly youths, had the time, money, and
inclination to indulge in these pursuits.
One way to combat the danger of pleasure zones was to alter home life. If the home was
not so much the staid, genteel domicile of the past, which seemed to breed restlessness and make
young people vulnerable to the allure of urban amusements, it might be possible to incorporate
some of the new leisure ethic into domestic life itself. Social reformers in the early twentieth
century, known as Progressives, turned to home life — a reinvigorated, leisure-oriented home —

4[4]
William Henry Chafe, The American Woman (new York, 1972), p. 56.
5[5]
Elaine Tyler May, ‘Myths and Realities of the American Family’, p. 548.
to fulfill the desires of restless urbanites and combat the threat of what they perceived as
dangerous public amusements.
The twentieth-century family was indeed something new. The socially beneficial family
had a new locale: the single-family home in the suburbs. Suburbs first emerged in the nineteenth
century, as transportation advances made it possible to live a distance from one's place of work.
By the late nineteenth century most American cities were developing suburbs at an accelerating
pace. During this time suburbs became more than places to live; they signaled a new life-style.6[6]
Suburbs opened up the possibility of a new, more leisure and consumer-oriented life-style for the
family.
One of the most popular motifs in the moves of the 1920s and 1930s was modern
marriage and how to achieve it. Although there were new elements in the formula for wedded
bless, traditional patterns were not discarded entirely. Americans struggled to come to terms with
modern matrimony without fully giving up the values and norms of the past. As couples tried to
tread the fine line between the new and the old, the movies began offering ideas on how the two
might be merged. The filmmaker who most successfully capitalized on the formula was Cecil B.
DeMille, who showed the public how to combine new sexual styles and affluence with
traditional virtues.7[7]
How was this modern marriage to be achieved? The Hollywood ideal found its way into
the lives and aspirations of American women and men by shaping their outlook on marriage and
family life. Robert Lynd and Helen Merrill Lynd, in their classic sociological study of American
life in the 1920s, noted that new expectations surrounding love and marriage were among the
most profound changes affecting women and men in Muncie, Indiana, since the 1890s. The
Lynds noted that Muncie's young people increasingly underscored the notion of "romantic love
as the only valid basis for marriage." The city librarian noticed an increasing interest in "sex
adventure" fiction that "centers about the idea of romance underlying the institution of marriage."
In Muncie and elsewhere in the country this intensified emphasis on romance and marriage
yielded striking results: twentieth-century Americans were marrying younger, and more often,
than their predecessors.8[8] Although part of the downward trend in the marriage age can be
explained by increasing opportunities for young men to earn a living in the city, the new
emphasis on romance and excitement in marriage also played a role.
The increasing emphasis on and participation in marriage reflected the heightened
expectations brought to family life. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, at
the very time that marital expectations were changing dramatically, American marriages began
to collapse at an unprecedented rate. Between 1867 and 1929 the population of the United States
grew 300 percent, the number of marriages increased 400 percent, and the divorce rate rose 2000
percent. By the end of the 1920s more than one in every six marriages was terminated in court,
and the United States had achieved the dubious distinction of having the highest divorce rate in
the world.9[9] By the 1920s traditional virtues were not enough to keep marriage alive. Now
women and men wanted more fun and excitement out of family life. But there was some
confusion surrounding domestic aspirations. Contrary to observers at the time, most divorcing
urbanities were not in the vanguard of a moral revolution. Although they displayed desires for
6[6]
See about it: Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (New York, 1985);
Margaret Marsh, Suburban Lives (New Brunswick, N.J., 1990).
7[7]
Cecil B. DeMille, Why Change Your Wife, 1919.
8[8]
Robert S. Lynd and Helen M. Lynd, Middletown (New York, 1956), p. 117, 241; See also Elaine Tyler May,
Great Expectations: Marriage and Divorce in Post-Victorian America (Chicago, 1980), p 167.
9[9]
Elaine Tyler May, ‘Myths and Realities of the American Family’, p. 553.
new excitement and sensuality, most were caught between traditions of the past and visions of
the future. The rise in divorce was not due to a decline in morality or social obligation, but
rather to changing the basis of marriage which was love then. Love created a different attitude
to the spouse-partner. It made marriage a more sensual unit than it was before, but this
sensuality didn’t lead to progress and development, but to disintegration and abolition.
So, by the 1920s the notion of the family as an institution within society had undergone
dramatic change. Although the nineteenth-century middle-class home did not function directly as
an economic unit as it had in the preindustrial era, the roles of household members were defined
vis-a-vis the productive system. The Victorian family was expected to produce producers. The
twentieth century brought a shift in this ethos. Now the home became one of the primary places
where the fruits of production would be consumed. Family members became not merely
producers (or nurturers of producers), but purchasers of the goods they helped to create. In order
to keep the system thriving, ascetic discipline was no longer crucial; indulgence served this new
economic function more efficiently. Suburban families became consuming units, absorbing
abundance and leisure into the home. In this sense, although the home may have lost some of its
previous social functions, it evolved into an even more important institution for satisfying
personal desires.
The companionate marriage, a term some historians use to describe the modern couple-
centered family, developed during the early decades of the twentieth century. It was based on the
premise that the strongest family was a nuclear unit with a breadwinner and a homemaker
working together to provide for the family's material and emotional needs, while enjoying the
fruits of modern life in their leisure hours together. But the events of the 1930s and 1940s would
seriously strain that ideal. The economic collapse of the Great Depression and the massive
disruptions of World War II created chaos in many families. At the same time, the upheavals of
these years opened up new possibilities for domestic life that held the potential for a major
redefinition of the ideal family.
The Depression yielded not only misery but also tremendous energy and radicalism.
Union-organizing and reform movements of all kinds flourished as the crisis challenged
Americans to abandon the constraints of the past and move forward, boldly, into the future.
Recovery in the family, as in the economy, would be achieved not simply by returning to ways
of the past, but by adapting to new circumstances. The economic crisis opened the way for a new
type of family based on shared breadwinning and equality of the sexes.10[10] But even the most
radical measures of the New Deal, created to alleviate hardship, failed to promote the possibility
of a new family structure based on gender equality. Although many families depended on the
earnings of both spouses, federal policies supported unemployed male breadwinners but dis-
couraged married women from seeking jobs. Section 213 of the Economy Act of 1932 mandated
that whenever personnel reductions took place in the executive branch, married persons were to
be the first discharged if married to a government employee. As a result, 1,600 married women
were dismissed from their federal jobs. Many state and local governments followed suit; three
out of four cities excluded married women from teaching, and eight states passed laws excluding
them from state jobs. The government provided relief for families in need, but not jobs for
married women.11[11]
With the breadwinner's role undermined, other family roles shifted dramatically.
10[10]
Susan M. Hartmann, The Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 1940s (Boston, 1987), pp. 16-19;
Sherna Berger Gluck, Rosie the Riveter Revisited; Women, the War, ad Social Change (Boston, 1987), pp. 13-14.
11[11]
Lois Scharf, To Work and To Wed: Female Employment, Feminism, and the Great Depression (Westport,
Conn., 1980), pp. 46, 111.
Frequently wives and mothers who had never been employed took jobs to provide supplemental
or even primary support for their families. Their employment often meant facing intense social
condemnation as well as miserably low wages. A 1936 Gallop poll indicated that 82 percent of
American women and men surveyed believed that wives of employed husbands should not work
outside the home. By 1939 nearly 90 percent of the men who were polled believed that "women
should not hold a job after marriage," and most women agreed. Public praise was reserved for
self-supporting single women or for frugal and resourceful homemakers whose domestic
endeavors helped their families through the crisis.12[12] The Depression thus created a tension
between traditional domestic roles and challenges to those roles. The prevailing family ideology
was gravely threatened during the 1930s, when women and men adapted to hard times by
shifting their household responsibilities.
The idea of the companionate marriage gained additional support in the Depression,
when men and women had to pull together to keep their households intact. Although men were
expected to be the household heads, Depression-bred women envisioned more egalitarian unions
than did women in the past: 60 percent of women polled by the Ladies Home Journal in 1938
objected to the word "obey" in marriage vows; 75 percent believed in joint decision making; and
80 percent believed that an unemployed husband should keep house for a working wife. Yet 60
percent said they would lose respect for a husband who earned less than his wife, and 90 percent
believed a wife should give up her job if her husband wanted her to do so. This vision of modern
marriage, then, included a measure of equality within the relationship but distinct roles for
breadwinners and homemakers.13[13]
Like the Depression, World War II brought new challenges and new disruptions to
families. The war put on hold the hopes of many who looked forward to building stable and
secure homes after the Depression. As thousands of men were called to war, their manly
responsibilities as soldiers took precedence over their roles as breadwinners. While the men
vanished to foreign shores to fend off the enemy, the women were left to fend for themselves.
As a result of the combined incentives of patriotism and good wages, women began
streaming into jobs. By 1945 the number of employed women had leapt 60 percent. Three-
quarters of these new workers were married, and a third had children under age fourteen. 14[14]
War-production needs might have led to a restructuring of the labor force along gender-neutral
lines, ending sex segregation in the workplace and bringing about a realignment of domestic
roles.
Instead of deterring Americans from embarking on family life, the war may have sped up
the process. Women entered war production, but they did not give up on reproduction. The war
brought a dramatic reversal to the declining marriage rate of the 1930s. Over one million more
families were formed between 1940 and 1943 than would have been expected during normal
times, and as soon as the United States entered the war, fertility increased. Between 1940 and
1945 the birthrate climbed from 19.4 to 24.5 per one thousand population. The marriage age
dropped and the marriage rate accelerated, spurred in part by the possibility of draft deferments
for married men in the early war years and by the imminence of the men's departure for foreign
shores. Thus a curious phenomenon marked the war years: a widespread disruption of domestic
life accompanied by a rush into marriage and parenthood.15[15]
12[12]
Glen Elder, Jr., Children of the Great Depression: Social Change in Life Experience (Chicago, 1974), pp. 50,
202.
13[13]
Peter Filene, Him/Her/Self: Sex Roles in Modern America (Baltimore, Md., 1986), pp. 150, 160-1.
14[14]
Peter Filene, Him/Her/Self, p. 163.
15[15]
Susan M. Hartmann, The Home Front and Beyond, pp. 7, 164.
 The popular culture reflected widespread admiration for the many thousands of female
war workers, but affirmed the primacy of domesticity for women. These themes represent a
dramatic departure from the advice prevalent in the 1930s, which urged women to follow their
own ambitions, even if it put their chances for a happy marriage at risk. Women's wartime
independence also gave rise to fears of female sexuality as a dangerous force on the loose. Men
were urged to avoid single women and Victory girls who frequented the amusement areas near
bases, and women were urged to keep their behavior and aspirations focused on the home.
Wartime purity crusades and propaganda efforts reflect widespread fears that single women
might not be willing to settle down into domesticity once the war ended. These anxieties may
have stemmed from the fact that the war years brought so many women out of their homes and
traditionally sex-segregated jobs into occupations previously reserved for men. In addition, the
war removed men from the home front, demonstrating that women could manage without them.
Single women now became targets of government-sponsored campaigns urging women to return
to their domestic roles.
In the wake of World War II the short-lived affirmation of women's independence gave
way to a pervasive endorsement of female subordination and domesticity. In .addition to the
ambivalence surrounding new roles for women, postwar life in general seemed to offer mixed
blessings. Americans had postponed their desires to create something new and liberating, but
unleashing those desires could lead to chaos as well as security.
Given the impetus for a return to the familiar, along with the quest for something new
and yet secure, the potential for a new model family, with two equal partners who shared
breadwinning and homemaking tasks, never gained widespread support. In the long run, in spite
of the opportunities opened up by the Depression and the war, neither policymakers nor the
creators of the popular culture encouraged that potential. Instead, they pointed to traditional
gender roles as the best means for Americans to achieve the happiness and security they desired.
Public policies and economic realities during the Depression and the war limited the options of
both women and men and reinforced traditional arrangements in the home. Even during the war,
Americans were heading homeward toward gender-specific domestic roles. But it was not until
after the war that a unique domestic ideology fully emerged.
Along with a revitalized ideology of domesticity, children took on a new centrality in
American family life in the postwar years. For the nation, the next generation symbolized hope
for the future. But for individuals, parenthood was much more than a duty to posterity; the joys
of raising children would compensate for the thwarted expectations in other areas of their lives.
For men frustrated at work, for women bored at home, children might fill the void.
The postwar consensus was nowhere more evident than in the matter of having children.
The baby boom was not the result of the return to peace, or of births to older parents postponed
because of the war. The baby boom began during the war and continued afterward because
younger couples were having babies earlier. Whether or not the 1950s was the golden age of the
family is a matter of considerable debate. But there is little doubt that it was the golden age of
domestic ideology. The companionate family ideal, which had developed throughout the century
with an emphasis on romance, excitement, leisure, consumerism, and sexuality, came to fruition
in the postwar years. There can be no doubt that Americans aspired to the ideal. Never before or
since have Americans married at such young ages, in such high numbers, and with such
conformity to a pattern of early childbearing. The notorious American divorce rate, rising since
the late nineteenth century, with only a slight dip in the Depression, took a downturn in the
1950s as marriages remained remarkably stable. Popular culture and political rhetoric centered
on family values, as millions spent their evenings at home watching families like those portrayed
on popular TV sitcoms such as "Ozzie and Harriet" or "Leave It to Beaver." Even the Cold War
centered on family values: Vice President Richard Nixon spent two days arguing with Soviet
Premier Nikita Khrushchev over who had better household appliances and more glamorous
housewives, turning one of the major skirmishes of the Cold War into the renowned Kitchen
Debate.16[16]
By the time of the postwar family boom, the nuclear family ideal that had first taken
shape in the nineteenth century had undergone significant changes. White middle-class families
were no longer seen as the well-disciplined bulwark of public life, rearing future citizens and
providing men with the necessary moral uplift to enable them to withstand the temptations of the
rough-and-tumble male world. The family became an end in itself, a reward for hard work, and
compensation for the stresses, strains, and frustrations of the highly organized corporate order.
New elements in the domestic ideology included consumerism, eroticism, leisure, and fun-
oriented child-rearing. The place of children in the family reflects larger concerns surrounding
domesticity.
The postwar era not only glorified motherhood, it also marked the creation of the "dad."
Middle-class men had largely lost their role as family patriarch in the early twentieth century
when the workplace became more distant from the home and mothers took over control within
the home. Although recent research has suggested a brief moment of "masculine domesticity" in
the early twentieth century, fathers became fairly remote throughout most of the first half of the
century.17[17] But by the 1950s fatherhood had changed again. Being a "dad" now became a new
badge of masculinity. Men began attending classes on marriage and family in unprecedented
numbers. In 1954 Life magazine announced "the domestication of the American male."
Fatherhood was important not just to give meaning to men's lives, but to counteract what was
believed to be a potentially dangerous overabundance of maternal care. Although mothers were
of course expected to devote themselves full-time to their children, excessive mothering posed
dangers that children would become too dependent upon female attention. The unhappy result
would be "sissies." "Being a real father is not 'sissy' business," wrote a male psychiatrist in
Parents Magazine in 1947, "It is an occupation . . . the most important occupation in the
world."18[18]
Dads were important as buddies to their children, providing a masculine influence. But
they were not in charge of child-rearing. That remained the task of mothers. What is most
remarkable about the family ideology after World War II is the polarized gender roles that it
contained. In spite of the new emphasis on togetherness and companionate marriage, the distinct
roles for male breadwinners and female home-makers reflected a separation of the sexes more
reminiscent of the Victorian era than anything in the twentieth century.
The domestic ideal, as it evolved during the twentieth century, had even more destructive
effects n those who were outside the scope. Black families, for example, suffered from the
combined effects of racism and poverty. White Americans excluded black families from
suburban areas by redlining policies based on race. Thus even black families who could afford to
live in suburbs were unable to move into them and had to remain in expensive, substandard
inner-city apartments. Forced to rent when whites of modest means could buy, they lost the
chance to build up equity in homes, which became a major means for white upward mobility
16[16]
Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York, 1988), esp. chap. I.
17[17]
Steven Mintz and Susan Kellogg, Domestic Revolutions: A Social History of American Family Life (New York,
1988), pp. 117-123.
18[18]
Peter Filene, Him/Her/Self, p. 172-3.
after the war. The resulting abandonment of the inner cities by whites left blacks with a historical
legacy of poverty.
Immigrants and poor families who lacked the resources to achieve the "normative"
affluent life-style suffered a stigma when compared to their middle-class contemporaries. For
people who choose a different path altogether — gay men and lesbians, individuals who
preferred to remain single, "career women" or men in nontraditional roles — the social ostracism
could be nearly intolerable. Many homosexual men and women at the time married to protect
themselves from becoming total social outcasts. Single women and men faced constant suspicion
that there was something abnormal or dangerous about them. Meanwhile, the vast majority of
white middle-class and working-class Americans conformed as best they could to the prevailing
ideology, marrying young, having several children, and defining themselves first and foremost as
homemakers or breadwinners.
The powerful domestic ideology that defined the successful family as an affluent, child-
centered suburban household with a male breadwinner and female homemaker came under
sustained attack. It failed to reflect reality accurately, even for those prosperous white families
who presumably lived according to its precepts. In the early 1960s an increasing number of white
middle-class Americans began to question the powerful domestic ideology that had prevailed
since World |War II. Among the first critics were postwar parents themselves.
In spite of these challenges, attitudes changed only gradually. In 1965, 80 percent of
those polled believed that schools should prohibit boys from wearing their hair long. A 1965 poll
to determine the "ideal" family size yielded results that matched surveys taken in 1945 and 1957:
the most common response was four or more children, given by 35 percent of those polled. It
was not until 1971 that the figure dropped markedly, to 23 percent. In 1968 three out of four of
those polled believed that the nation's morals were getting worse, and as late as 1969, more than
two-thirds believed that premarital sex was wrong.19[19] Yet 1960 signified a demographic
watershed that ultimately challenged normative behavior. After decades of decline, the age at
marriage began to rise. The birthrate began to dwindle as the first baby boomers reached child-
rearing age; within a decade, it was at an all-time low and still plummeting. The marriage rate
also declined, as more people remained single or lived together as couples, families, and
households without marriage. The divorce rate, after more than a decade of stability, began to
rise gradually in the early 1960s and then dramatically in the late sixties, skyrocketing to
unprecedented heights in the early 1970s.
Marriage became much less "normative." In the late 1970s only 62 percent of all
households included a married couple and only one-third contained two parents and children
under age eighteen. Nearly one out of every four households consisted of an individual living
alone. Compared to their parents, baby boomers were less inclined to scale down their expec-
tations to sustain unsatisfying unions. As divorce became more common—50 percent of all new
unions ended in divorce—the stigma surrounding it began to lift. Divorce did not mean a
rejection of marriage, however; four out of every five divorced persons remarried, half within
three years. Divorced individuals at every age in fact were more likely to marry than those who
had never been married.20[20]
Marriage remained a popular institution, but it began to take on a different look. The
birthrate declined and voluntary childlessness was on the rise. Women had their children later

19[19]
George H. Gallup, The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1935-1971 (New York, 1972), vols. 1-3. Cit. Elaine Tyler
May, ‘Myths and Realities of the American Family’, p. 582.
20[20]
Elaine Tyler May, ‘Myths and Realities of the American Family’, p. 583.
and held jobs outside the home to a greater extent than their mothers had, even when their
children were small. In the early 1980s half the married women with school-age children held
jobs, as did one-third of those with children under age six. A solid majority of wives aged twenty
to twenty-four were employed, compared to only 26 percent in 1950. The vast number of
married women in the paid labor force called into question the assumption that they should be
responsible for all household chores when they, like their husbands, came home after a hard day
at work. According to polls taken in the late 1970s, a majority of young single men, as well as
women, believed that after they married both spouses would be employed and would share child
care and housework equally. What did not change much was that domestic gender roles
remained similar. The evidence suggests that although men began to "help out" more with
domestic chores, women still suffered from double duty and remained responsible for the lion's
share of child care and housework.21[21] In America's private lives, resistance to some changes
was glacial.
In spite of all the challenges to the status quo, institutions were slow to change. As the
baby boomers matured, many found that their aspirations had moved far beyond their op-
portunities. Women who took the risk of divorce may have escaped oppressive or even brutal
marriages, but they also encountered what their security-oriented mothers had feared: poverty,
loneliness, difficulties in caring for their children, and the exhausting life of a single parent. Even
the legal triumphs that were hailed as harbingers of a more humane future often backfired, such
as the no-fault divorce statutes. Because these new laws treated men and women "equally," they
ignored the inequalities that marriage created and the lower earning power that left women with
even more disadvantages after the dissolution of their marriages. 22[22] Married or divorced,
professional as well as nonprofessional wage-earning women continued to face inequalities at
work and at home.
Within four decades following World War II the American family had undergone such a
massive transformation that it would have been almost unrecognizable to a 1950s Rip Van
Winkle who awoke in the 1980s. Employment patterns for women changed as dramatically as
sexual, marriage, and childbearing norms. In 1950, 25 percent of wives were employed. By 1988
the proportion had reached 60 percent. The most striking change within this pattern was among
women with children. Only 12 percent of mothers of preschoolers were employed in 1950; by
1980 the number had grown to 45 percent. By the late 1980s over two-thirds of all three- and
four-year-olds were in day care or nursery schools.23[23]
These statistics point to a dramatic transformation in American family life that has had
profound ramifications. On the positive side, there is a much greater tolerance for a wide range
of family arrangements than existed before. Since no "typical" family represents normative
behavior, even the popular culture has begun to reflect the variety of family forms that exist
today. At the same time, as the harsh reality of domestic violence and child abuse has gained
national attention, some of the mythic haze that once surrounded the image of the nuclear family
has lifted. On the negative side, however, public institutions of work and civic life operate as
though the mythic nuclear family of the Victorian era exists today. Because women's wages
often continue to reflect the fiction that men earn the family wage, single mothers rarely earn
21[21]
Ellen Rothman, Hands and Hearts: A History of Courtship in America (New York, 1984), pp. 306-311; See
also: Landon Y. Jones, Great Expectations: America and the Baby Boom Generation (New York, 1981).
22[22]
Lenore J. Weitzman, The Divorce Revolution: The Unexpected Social and Economic Consequences for Women
and Children in America (New York, 1985), pp. ix-xxiv.
23[23]
Steven Mintz and Susan Kellogg, Domestic Revolutions: A Social History of American Family Life, pp. 203-
237.
enough to support themselves and their children adequately. And because work is still organized
around the assumption that mothers stay home with children, even though few mothers can
afford to do so, child-care facilities in the United States remain woefully inadequate.
Unfortunately the old mythic vision still holds sway in the American imagination.
Observers and moralists continue to bemoan the collapse of the American family. But it is not
the first time, nor is it likely to be the last. The demise of the family was proclaimed in the
seventeenth century, as the earliest European settlers arrived on American shores. The family has
evolved continuously since then. The rapid changes that have occurred in the past few decades
have been dramatic, and they pose challenges that the nation has never faced before. But
American women and men continue to carve out their lives as best they can, inside or outside
society's norms.

II. Gender and history in the USA

First, it seems quite important to define gender itself as a notion to use. Not to go into great
detail24[24] I would like to make several notes. As Joan W. Scott wrote fifteen years ago, in what
is almost a classic essay, the term «gender», while not denying sex differences, emphasizes
those social features of men and women, which were produced by their social activities and
which, finally, determines the singularity of their behaviour.25[25] In most recent usage, ‘gender’
seems to have first appeared among American feminists who wanted to insist on the
fundamentally social quality of distinctions based on sex. The word denoted a rejection of the
biological determinism implicit in the usage of such terms as ‘sex’ or ‘sexual difference’.
«Gender’ also stressed the relational aspect of normative definitions of femininity.26[26] But this
term started being used to underline gender not only as a substitute of a woman as biological
product, but all the other social constructions of sex and helped feminist methodology to come
out of crisis. When gender history emerged, it became a very effective antidote to feminist
interpretations’ extremes and a more appropriate category of historical analysis. So when we use
the term «gender» we must be ready to think not about women and their problems but about the
relationships of the sexes in the network of specific historical reality , including problems
ensuing from this complicated process. Gender history includes the history of women, as well as
the history of men, the history of sexes and their relationships, the problem of social
construction of sex and, of course, the relationship and influence of these processes on the
general historical evolution of humankind. And at the same time gender history is not simply
describing men and women and their features, but, as Stеle Dyrvik has pointed out, it is the
process of relating and systematically comparing women and men in different historical
situations27[27].
Let us start with American women as the most developed field in contemporary
historiography. It’s absolutely obvious that women played an essential role in American history,.
They came to the first English colonies not only as wives, sisters and daughters, but as partners,

24[24]
To get more information about gender as an analytical tool, see bibliography in Russian composed for my
special course about gender history of the West in Gender History: pro et contra (St. Petersburg, 2000), 197-198.
25[25]
See Scott J. W. ‘Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis’, American Historical Review, 95, no. 5
(1986), 1053-1075. And recently her article has been translated into Russian and published in Gendernie
issledovanija (Kharkov), 5 (2001).
26[26]
See, for example, A. Oakley. Sex, Gender and Society (London, 1972).
27[27]
Dyrvik S. Second comment in the discussion ‘A Challenge on the Research Agenda. Gender Analysis of a
Nation’s History’, Historisk tidsskrift (Oslo), 79, no. 2. (2000), 252.
worked equally with men to set up a household and support their lives. That was mostly due to
the Protestant interpretation of the nature of any human being. But any interpretation of
womanhood we have is through men’s eyes, even if they are given by women, because when
determining a reference point, we obviously mean a man and his position rather than a woman
and her position. That’s very important for perception of the Protestant attitude to women. As
Charles. Ferguson pointed out, throughout American history (male) conventional wisdom has
been operative in determining the nature of womanhood and female lifestyles. 28[28] In the colonial
period it was English law, and even more decisively, Puritan/Protestant religious tenets, which
regulated female thought and behavior. We can see it in a very good example of early colonial
Protestant treatise by the Puritan divine, Cotton Mather, who wrote an «advice» to the women of
his day regarding their «character and happiness».29[29] Actually even the full name of the treatise
is very remarkable: ‘The Character and Happiness of A Vertuous Woman: In A Discourse Which
Directs The Female-Sex how to Express, THE FEAR OF GOD, in every Age and State of their
LIFE; and Obtain both Temporal and Eternal Blessedness…’. In the first part he points out, that
«The Female Sex is naturally the Fearful Sex; but the Fear of God is that which Exceeds (and
sometimes Extinguishes) all other Fears,… It may then be said of a Vertuous Woman, That she
is a Religious Woman»30[30]. So Puritanism initially made a solid basis for the future
emancipation of women as human beings, but on the other hand (it has always been an
ambivalent process) it finally subjected women to men as representatives of power through the
institution of marriage, «For a Woman to be Praised, is for her to be Married,..»31[31] Still
American women were in a much better position that those in England, for example, because
first settlers tended to refuse their original country’s tradition, especially in the sphere of the
codification of law . So American women had at least a possibility of being included in the
legislative process due to tabula rasa of colonial common law. If Cotton Mather, being a Puritan
minister and a man, could write the following «It is indeed a piece of great Injustice, that every
woman should be so far as Eve, as that her Depravation should be imputed unto all the Sex» 32[32],
what can we say about ordinary settlers, who very often trusted their religious leaders to express
the general opinion?
Although colonial women were considered to possess as much (if not more) godliness as
men, they were assumed to be lacking in intellect, and made to believe that while they were
ultimately created for GOD, immediately they were designed for men. Yet for the most part the
discrimination against white women was covert. Little is gained by attempting to discover blatant
repressive behavior toward women in John Winthrop’s or Crevecoeur’s America. With the
notable exception of Anne Hutchinson, few other strong-willed women «caused» men to resort
to excessive means or outright cruelty. Indeed, the reverse was true. According to the studies of
Edmund S. Morgan, fathers were inclined to indulge their daughters; and husbands to give
preferential treatment to their wives.33[33] Hector St. John De Crevecoeur, being a farmer, i.e.
presenting different view, wrote in his Letters, «I married , and this perfectly reconciled me to

28[28]
Charles Ferguson. The Male Attitude (Boston, 1966), 15.
29[29]
Cotton Mather. Ornaments for the Daughters of Zion, or the Character and Happiness of a Vertuous Woman
(Cambridge, Boston, 1692).
30[30]
Cotton Mather. Ornaments…, cit. R. W. Hogeland (ed.). Women and Womanhood in America (Lexington,
Toronto, D.C. Heath and Company, 1973), 29.
31[31]
Cotton Mather. Ornaments…, 29.
32[32]
Cotton Mather. Ornaments…, 30.
33[33]
E. S. Morgan. The Puritan Family: Religion and Domestic Relations in the Seventeenth Century New England
( New York, Harper & Row, 1966).
my situation; my wife rendered my house all at once cheerful and pleasing; it no longer appeared
gloomy and solitary as before; when I went to work in my fields, I worked with more alacrity
and sprightliness;…»34[34] This shows that the high status of women in colonial America was
closely tied to a practical consideration of their vital economic function. «As the wife’s fortune
consists principally in her future economy, modesty, and skilful management, so the husband’s is
founded in his abilities to labor, on his health, and the knowledge of some trade or business.
Their mutual endeavors, and a few years of constant application, seldom fail of success and of
bringing them the means to rear and support the new race which accompanies the nuptial
bed…»35[35] (sic! Franklin) ???
The case of poet Anne Bradstreet provides us with an opportunity to obtain a glimpse of the
unarticulated responses which many colonial women must have had toward the daily, subtle
discrimination which they experienced in common. While keeping their innermost thought
carefully guarded, many women must have questioned their proscribed status and the equation of
womanhood with intellectual inferiority. Specifically, Ann Sanford’s study of Anne Bradstreet is
a model for coming to terms with the tensions that many Puritan women encountered in
attempting to reconcile male standards of authority with their own private feelings as persons:
I am obnoxious to each carping tongue
Who says my hand a needle better fits,
A Poets pen all scorn I should thus wrong,
For such despite they cast on Female wits:
In what I do provide well, it won’t advance,
They’l say it’s stoln, or else it was by chance…36[36]
On the one hand, they were expected as dutiful Christians to affirm right belief over self-interest,
the head over heart, and the spirituals over aspirations of the flesh. Yet, like Anne Bradstreet,
they probably were ambivalent in their loyalties and struggled with concurrent feelings of
submission and resistance. In contrast to the outspoken Anne Hutchinson, the quiet rebellion of
Anne Bradstreet as a self-proclaimed writer and poet was different only in degree, not in kind,
from that of other women.37[37]
The significant changes occurred in the first half of the nineteenth century. According to
G. Lerner, the American woman’s status actually deteriorated, rather that improved, between the
colonial period and the second half of the nineteenth century. Although French observer Alexis
de Toqueville noted that Protestantism/democracy invested woman with a high degree of
equality and freedom («…the Americans do not think that man and woman have either the duty
or the right to perform the same offices, but they show an equal regard for both their respective
parts; and though their lot is different, they consider both of them as beings of equal
value…»38[38]) and compared with their European sisters she enjoyed a marked amount of
independence («In the United States the doctrines of Protestantism are combined with great
political freedom and a most democratic state of society; and nowhere are young women
34[34]
Hector St. John De Crevecoeur. Letters from an American Farmer (New York, 1912) cit. R. W. Hogeland (ed.).
Women and Womanhood in America (Lexington, Toronto, D.C. Heath and Company, 1973), 32.
35[35]
Hector St. John De Crevecoeur. Letters from an American Farmer (New York, 1912) cit. R. W. Hogeland (ed.).
Women and Womanhood in America (Lexington, Toronto, D.C. Heath and Company, 1973), 32.
36[36]
A. Stanford. ‘Anne Bradstreet: Dogmatist and Rebel’, The New England Quarterly (September, 1966), 374.
37[37]
A. Stanford. ‘Anne Bradstreet: Dogmatist and Rebel’, The New England Quarterly (September, 1966), 373-389.
38[38]
Alexis de Toqueville. Democracy in America, trans. Henry Reeve (New York, 1900), vol. II. cit. R. W.
Hogeland (ed.). Women and Womanhood in America (Lexington, Toronto, D.C. Heath and Company, 1973), 76.
(see also Russian translation)
surrendered so early or so completely to their own guardance»39[39]), that is, until she married.
Marriage, according to de Toqueville, was a watershed in her life, as she gave up her former
freedom willingly in order to fulfill her womanly nature.40[40]
Harriet Martineau, an English visitor in her mid-thirties, saw things differently. She was
quite troubled by what «democratic principles» had wrought – woman’s intellect was confined,
her health ruined, and her weakness cultivated by male conventional wisdom. Woman was being
«bought off» by rhetoric that praised womanhood, and intimidated by warnings that her feminine
nature would be compromised if she pursued activities outside of her sphere. For Martineau,
democracy ironically contributed to the subjugation of woman. Her verdict was definitive and
unfavorable: «The unconsciousness of both parties as to the injuries suffered by women at the
hands of those who hold the power is a sufficient proof of the low degree of civilization in this
important particular at which they rest».41[41] At the same time Catharine Beecher and her sister,
Harriet Beecher Stowe, agreed with Martineau that all was not well with the American lady, they
differed with her as to the cause. For woman to improve her lot, she must legitimize her domestic
function, not seek alternatives to it by pursuing «peculiarly masculine» activities. Since
womanhood was based upon motherhood and wifedom, domestic reformers such as Beecher and
Stowe sought to encourage woman to approach her God given role with pride, knowledge and
enthusiasm.42[42]
. Because of the shortage of women and the importance of their economic function in the
English colonies, the colonial American woman’s position was in some ways advantageous to
her nineteenth century counterpart. Although theoretically her place in society was as a daughter
or a wife rather than as individual, in practice allowances were made in her legal standing and
there were opportunities to work outside of the home. Decisive changes occurred, according to
Gerda Lerner, between 1800 and 1840 to alter this picture. Instead of inclusion in the egalitarian
ideology that replaced the hierarchical concepts of colonial life, the woman’s economic and
social functions were narrowed, and she remained divorced from political power. At the same
time that a man’s position in society was increasingly dependent on ability (thus allowing for
individual upward mobility and self-fulfillment), the woman was «by tacit consensus, excluded
from the new democracy». 43[43] And this situation was relevant both for ladies and mill-girls. The
other side of this process can be easily traced in the ideology supportive of the «lady» between
1820 and 1860. By analyzing the portrait of the American woman present in women’s
magazines, gift annuals, and religious literature44[44], we can find that women were encouraged to
define themselves exclusively in terms of the home. The advocates of the cult of «True
Womanhood», interestingly, were not limited to male counselors. We saw one example by
Catharine Beecher. But besides her there are number of other women (Lydia Maria Child, Sarah
Josepha Hale, Lydia Sygourney) who admonished that middle- and upper-class women should
fulfill their «feminine nature» by embracing without reservations the four virtues of «piety,

39[39]
Alexis de Toqueville. Democracy in America, 72.
40[40]
Alexis de Toqueville. Democracy in America, 73-74.
41[41]
Harriet Martineau. Society in America (London, 1837), vol. 3. cit. R. W. Hogeland (ed.). Women and
Womanhood in America (Lexington, Toronto, D.C. Heath and Company, 1973), 77-86.
42[42]
C. Beecher and H. Beecher Stowe. Principles of Domestic Science… A Textbook (New York, 1870). cit. R. W.
Hogeland (ed.). Women and Womanhood in America (Lexington, Toronto, D.C. Heath and Company, 1973), 86-89.
43[43]
G. Lerner. ‘The Lady and the Mill Girl: Changes in the Status of Women in the Age of Jackson’, American
Studies Journal (Spring, 1969), pp. 5-15.
44[44]
This work was made by Barbara Welter. See B. Welter. ‘The Cult of True Womanhood’, American Quarterly
(Summer, 1966, Part I), pp. 151-74.
purity, submissiveness and domesticity».45[45] As nineteenth century American men became less
concerned about creating a righteous society and more occupied with obtaining material
possessions, they promoted an ideology that obligated women to be a personification of
goodness. In a world perplexing and uncertain, womanhood was portrayed in absolute terms; the
less men were willing to admit their own emotions, the more women were singled out as «heart».
This normative understanding of femininity further affirmed that women should be restricted to
the domestic circle for their own good. Otherwise, their delicate natures would be scarred by the
harsh and debilitating influences of public life. This led to a very confusing situation. Consigned
to segregated delicacy, women consumed – and hence inspired – a vast literature for women, by
women, about women. Long neglected as innocently trivial fodder for innocently private lives,
this literature yields, upon inspection, somewhat unnerving contents. Reading through from
Susan Warners’s Wide Wide World of 1850, to such best-sellers as Eleanor Potter’s Pollyana of
1913, including Louisa Mary Alcott’s Little Women of 1868, and Kate Wiggins’ Rebecca of
Sunnybrook Farm of 1903, one is, if attentive, somewhat puzzled by a consistent vacuum.
Father/man is missing. He is missing psychologically because he is inept, not a father at all, as in
Little Women, or he is lost, or he is dead. Evidently, for the female authors to present their female
readers an image of the independent, self-responsible girl (such as a charming Jo), the presence
of the generative male had to be dispensed with. Once she identified the man she means to
marry, the heroine turns to making him over. He must be tamed. He must be, as the heroine of
Augusta Evans Wilson’s novel St. Elmo (1867) sets out to assure, emasculated46[46]. And it’s hard
to be surprised. The repression being finally imposed on women in the eighteen fifties was not
the discipline of a long-seasoned long-practiced style, but it was an emergency, improvised
ideology. Women started using their weakness as a strength against men’s passions. Better to say
they believed it. Here partly lies the reason of refusal of many American women to take part in
the suffrage movement of the nineteenth century, because suffragists appealed to the thesis of
strong woman, which contradicted the established concept of weakness.
At the turn of the twentieth century Charlotte Perkins Gilman confirmed this situation:
«women…. cease to be weak and ignorant and defenseless».47[47] Anyway, early in the twentieth
century we have the same tendencies in the attitude to women: conservative and radical. But at
this time one can notice that they are curiously similar. Let’s take as an example the remarks of
Mrs. Burton Harrison48[48], self-proclaimed conservative,. She considered female Americans as
possessing an innate, peculiar nature that irrevocably ties them to the domestic sphere and child-
rearing. Harrison believed that if women insisted upon seeking fulfillment outside of the home,
dire consequences will ensue for the society as well as for women. In contrast, Charlotte Perkins
Gilman understands womanhood as not limited by the submissive/passive model of being
«feminine», nor does she believe that women’s role needs to be confined to the domestic
domain. As she argues, since women are persons they have the capacity to participate in a wide
range of activities that express their humanity without becoming «masculine».49[49] Gilman’s and
45[45]
B. Welter. ‘The Cult of True Womanhood’, p. 154-158.
Research held by Donald B. Meyer. See D. B. Meyer. The positive thinkers:
46[46]

popular religious psychology from Mary Baker Eddy to Norman Vincent Peale and
Ronald Reagan. (Middletown, Scranton, 1988), pp. 265-280.
47[47]
Ch. P. Gilman. ‘Are Women Human Beings?’, Harper’s Weekly, vol. 56 (May 25, 1912) cit. R. W. Hogeland
(ed.). Women and Womanhood in America (Lexington, Toronto, D.C. Heath and Company, 1973), p. 135.
48[48]
Mrs. Burton Harrison. ‘Home Life as a Profession’, Harper’s Bazar, vol. 33 (May 19, 1900).
49[49]
Ch. P. Gilman. ‘Are Women Human Beings?’, pp. 133-135.
Harrison’s pieces are very significant for the early twenties century, because right at that time
American women faced the predicament as they attempted to deal with the question of who they
really were.
The feminist were the first to mount an active revolt against the burden of assumed
emotions that was contained in the feminine ideal and the «ideology of mother». Unequivocally
they stated that the portrait of the idealized woman was a fraud initiated and cherished by men.
To portray women as innocent, dependent, good and selfless, in other words, was to adhere to a
standard which «had always fitted masculine wishes better than it had the facts».50[50] Women’s
tacit acquiescence in that myth not only caused them to doubt themselves when unable to live up
to the ideal, but insulated them from passion and erotic desire by denying them the right to think
of themselves as fully sexual. Indeed, both the feminist and American moralist agreed that it was
male sexual ambivalence, embodied in the notorious «double standard», which had brought
about a crisis in male-female relationships.51[51] A redefinition of women’s role was needed,
argued the reformers, in order to save women from the pathological effects of sheltered
domesticity and, at the same time, to head off a moral breakdown within the nation. Actually, the
idea of woman’s victimization was employed by both sides to justify their position. The
opponents of women’s equality explained that women needed to be sheltered from the sinister
forces of public life, and Freudian psychology argued that women were victims of their own
psychic natures.52[52] On the other hand, the advocates of woman’s rights argued that female
Americans required the ballot, as well as legal, economic and social reforms in their status for
self-protection.53[53]
The emergence of the New Woman associated with the dawning of twentieth-century
American life is generally synonymous with appearance of the «flapper» of the twenties who
popularly epitomized greater freedom among women in manners and morals. Actually, the
revolution in female behavior predates the 1920s and can be traced backed to social changes that
occurred in the Progressive era. Particularly after 1910, women were more «sexually
emancipated» that before, and openly questioned the nineteenth-century concept of feminine
ideal. Many women sloughed off numerous undergarments and loosened others in order to
symbolize their «self-reliant morals» as well as to permit the ease of movement required to
engage in work and recreational activities alongside of men. This mode of behavior was not
restricted to younger women. Large numbers of middle-aged women as well assumed a more
aggressive life-style.54[54] Yet, the liberated flapper lacked any larger social consciousness and, in
the final analysis, had little understanding of «sisterhood». She was so intent upon self-
satisfaction that she was unconcerned with the inequalities which women as a group experienced.
The feminist admonishment to «rise up and strike another blow for freedom» was ludicrous to
this type of New Woman who had personally all the freedom that she could possibly use. 55[55]
And this was one of reasons for declining feminism after 1920. However, the question about real
equality of sexes is not solved yet. Why is it actually so desirable? This was the main question of
50[50]
Mary Roberts Coolidge, Why Women Are So (New York, 1912), p. 101.
51[51]
Dr. Prince A. Morrow, Social Diseases and Marriage (New York, 1904), p. 342.
52[52]
See about the influence of Freudian ideas Hendrik M. Ruitenbeek, Freud and America (New York, 1966)
53[53]
Margaret Deland, «Change in the Feminine Ideal», Atlantic, (March 1910), p. 293. ; Charlotte Perkins Gilman,
Man-Made World (London, 1911), 154-167; Elsie Clews Parsons, Social Freedom (New York, 1915), p. 29-36;
Mrs. Abba Woolson, Woman in American Society (Boston, 1873), p. 192.
54[54]
James R. McGovern, «The American Woman’s Pre-World War I Freedom In Manners And Morals», The
Journal of American History (September 1968), pp. 315-33.
55[55]
William L. O’Neill, «Feminism as a Radical Ideology», Dissent: Explorations in the History of American
Radicalism, edited by Alfred F. Young (DeKalb, III., 1968), p. 290.
60’s challenge in this field. Many feminist activists and researchers pointed out that the
traditional concepts of «masculine» and «feminine» were still in use (and still are) and it was
these concepts which symbolized the inequality between sexes. They were detrimental to a
healthy development of an American society in the second half of the twentieth century. Such an
understanding of sex roles is not only debilitating for women, but for men and children as well.
At the heart of the matter, notes Alice S. Rossi in a classic in women’s studies of 60’s – is the
preoccupation of women with motherhood as full-time occupation.56[56] Sociologist Philip E.
Slater has referred to this post-World War II phenomenon as the «ultra-domestication of the
American middle-class female».57[57] Rossi, like Slater, sees the magnification of child-bearing as
an extension of «make-work» which is promoted and/or reinforced by «experts» such as Dr.
Benjamin Spock who induce guilt in women who are not «fully committed» to motherhood. For
Rossi, a well-balanced understanding of womanhood requires meaningful work outside of the
home, such as a profession. In order to achieve this, she argues, the geographical separation
between the suburban home and work must be reconsidered for the benefit of fatherhood as well
as motherhood. Otherwise, as Slater puts it, American society will continue to be divided into
two cultures, one where husbands go to participate in the twentieth century and another where
wives are assigned the hopeless task of trying to act out a nineteenth century bucolic fantasy. The
prophesy of Slater was very real as we can see today. Although feminists achieved great results
in the fields of obtaining «real equality», this problem still exists and it’s a subject of numerous
books, papers, articles etc. Although US Congress officially recognized in 1981 that the role of
American women were ignored and undervalued and even introduced the National Women’s
History Week, it didn’t change the situation very much. The are more declarations about “real
equality” than actions to do something about it. Actually the question can be posed, if we really
need this “true equality” and if yes (which seems to be obvious for many) what form or concept
of equality should we use? These problems are being solved now.

How to teach gender and family history, anybody can easily ask. If this field of study is
new, can we use traditional methods of teaching or should we apply to new methodology? The
answer is quite simple: we can use both, because every new methodology is built on a
traditional basis. The core thing here is the approach and view: the methodology depends on the
theoretical approach one uses and the same can be said about the results and effectiveness of
teaching. Several appendices are enclosed, where you can find necessary information,
documents and useful advice about teaching gender and family history. The lack of books and
printed materials can be met with internet resources and sometimes Internet is more accessible
than books.
APPENDICES

APPENDIX I. Internet Resources about Women’s History

http://www.nwhp.org/
committed to providing education, promotional materials, and informational services to
recognize and celebrate women's diverse lives and historic contributions.
56[56]
Alice S. Rossi, ‘Equality Between The Sexes: An Immodest Proposal’, Daedalus, Journal of the American
Academy of Arts and Sciences (Boston, Mass., Spring 1964), pp. 607-52.
57[57]
Philip E. Slater, ‘Women and Children First, the Spockian Challenge’, The Pursuit of Loneliness: American
Culture at the Breaking Point (Boston, 1970), pp. 64-75.
Historical Society of Pennsylvania
Guide to the society's women's history resources for the Colonial and Early Republic
periods.
http://www.hsp.org/library/guides/womena.html
Jewish Women in America
Contains an "Annotated Bibliography and Guide to Archival Resources on the History of
Jewish Women in America," compiled by Phyllis Holman Weisbard, University of
Wisconsin System Women's Studies Librarian.
http://www.library.wisc.edu/libraries/WomensStudies/jewwom/jwmain.htm
Marquette University Archives
Listing of manuscript collections and university archives of importance to Catholic
women's history.
http://www.marquette.edu/library/collections/archives/women.html
State University of New York at Buffalo University Archives
Guide to Women's History Collections, including regional organizations such as branches
of the American Association of University Women.
http://ublib.buffalo.edu/libraries/units/archives/womhis
Penn State Harrisburg
Guide to the Alice Marshall Women's History Collection, a comprehensive private
collection of women's history materials, including literary, graphic, and manuscripts
materials concerning women's history from the 15th century to the 1980s.
http://www.hbg.psu.edu/library/libamc.html
University of Pennsylvania Library Center for Electronic Text and Image Manuscript Diaries
Diaries of American and English women of the 19th and 20th centuries.
http://www.library.upenn.edu/etext/collections/diaries/index.html
Sophia Smith Collection at Smith College
This collection has over 400 manuscript collections and organizational archives
documenting the historical experience of women in the U.S. and abroad from colonial
times to the present. Strengths include suffrage, birth control, contemporary women's
movement, arts and the professions, and New England family life. Includes papers of
Margaret Sanger, Ellen Gates Starr, and Gloria Steinem among others.
http://www.smith.edu/libraries/ssc
Women and Social Movements in the United States, 1830-1930
Organized around projects at the State University of New York at Binghamton. Shows
primary documents concerning topics such as temperance, suffrage, peace, and racial
issues.
http://womhist.binghamton.edu/
Women Activists of Virginia Archives in the Virginia Commonwealth University Library
Guide to the library's manuscript collections containing materials for women's political
history research.
http://www.library.vcu.edu/jbc/speccoll/repo/repowav.html
University of California, Santa Barbara
Within the California Ethnic and Multicultural Archives are the archives of the National
Network of Hispanic Women, a national resource center that links professional women
together. The records show the accomplishments of Chicanas in education, politics and
 the arts.
http://www.library.ucsb.edu/speccoll/cema/nnhw.html
Huntington Library
Guide to women's studies resources, including manuscripts collections documenting
women's achievements, 18th-20th century, in suffrage, literary activities, women's club
movement, and religious leadership.
http://huntington.org/ResearchDiv/WomenRes.html
Stanford University Special Collections
Finding aids in SGML by subject; check especially Gender Studies.
http://www-sul.stanford.edu/depts/spc/findaids.html
Women in Science and Engineering Archives
Iowa State University Library archives documenting the history of women in engineering
and the physical, earth, life, and computational sciences.
http://www.lib.iastate.edu/spcl/wise/wise.html

African American Women

Mary McLeod Bethune Council House, Washington, D.C.
National Archives for Black Women's History, which collects materials about Bethune,
the National Council of Negro Women, and other African American women's
organizations, especially the period 1875-1955.
http://www.nps.gov/mamc/bethune/archives/main.htm
Duke University Guides to Women's Studies Resources
Includes Women's Collections on Microform, African-American Women's History,
Women's Studies Resources in the Special Collections Library, Women and the Civil
War, and Guide to Women's Archival Materials in North Carolina.
http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/women/bib.html

APPENDIX II. Sexuality Studies

http://rmc.library.cornell.edu/HSC
Human Sexuality Collection provides with information, Books and documents about sexuality,
gay and lesbian studies.
Lesbian Herstory Archives, New York
A guide to records of lesbian organizations as well as biographical and subject files and
unpublished papers
http://www.datalounge.net/network/pages/lha
Michigan State University Libraries
Guide to Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender materials, including archives, in
Special Collections.
http://www.lib.msu.edu/coll/main/spec_col/radicalism/glbt.htm
National Archive of Lesbian and Gay History, New York
Archive preserves personal papers and organizational records of lesbian, gay, bisexual
and transgender individuals and organizations.
 http://www.gaycenter.org/archives
Society of American Archivists Lesbian and Gay Archives Roundtable
Contains descriptions of a variety of large and small repositories with collections for
lesbian and gay studies. Sponsored by SAA, headquartered in Chicago.
http://www.archivists.org/saagroups/lagar/home.htm
Gay and Lesbian Historical Society of Northern California
Since 1985 this organization collects personal and organizational papers documenting
gay and lesbian life in California.
http://www.glhs.org/

APPENDIX III. Resources for teaching

http://www.assumption.edu/whw/
Here you will find the draft curricula, syllabus and lesson plans for any topic about American
gender and women. Also there are documents, images, pictures for the workshops to support
teachers.

http://www.georgetown.edu/crossroads/asw/
New American Studies Web provides with many kinds of information and resources on any field
of American studies, including gender, family and sexuality history.

http://enteract.com/~pjay/border1.html
This site is devoted to literature and culture in Americas and to the cross-cultural interpretations.
You can find gender and family resources for teaching here.

http://www.history.rochester.edu/godeys/
Here is Godey’s Lady’s Book on-line, one of the most popular lady’s magazines of 19th century
America.