Crkva Svetog Nikole. Katedrala Grada Nov PDF

REPUBLI^KI ZAVOD ZA ZA[TITU SPOMENIKA KULTURE BEOGRAD
STUDIJE I MONOGRAFIJE 19
INSTITUTE FOR THE PROTECTION OF CULTURAL MONUMENTS OF SERBIA

STUDIES AND MONOGRAPHS 19
Marko POPOVI]
Igor BJELI]
St Nicholas Church
THE ORTHODOX CATHEDRAL
OF THE TOWN OF NOVO BRDO
Belgrade 2018
Marko POPOVI]
Igor BJELI]
Crkva Svetog Nikole

KATEDRALA GRADA NOVOG BRDA
Beograd 2018
IZDAVA^ Republi~ki zavod za za{titu spomenika kulture Beograd
Beograd, Radoslava Gruji}a 11
www.heritage.gov.rs
ZA IZDAVAÂ Mirjana Andri}
UREDNIK Ivana Prodanovi}-Rankovi}
RECENZENTI prof. dr. Branislav Todi}, arh. Gordana Simi}
LEKTOR I KOREKTOR dr Marina Spasojevi}
PREVOD Verica Risti}
CRTE@I Igor Bjeli}
LIKOVNO I GRAFI^KO URE\EWE Danijela Paracki i D_SIGN, Beograd
[TAMPA PUBLIKUM, Beograd
TIRA@ 500 primeraka
EDITOR Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments of Serbia

Belgrade, Radoslava Gruji}a 11
www.heritage.gov.rs
EDITOR IN CHIEF Mirjana Andri}
EDITOR Ivana Prodanovi}-Rankovi}
REVIEWERS prof. dr. Branislav Todi}, arh. Gordana Simi}
READER AND PROOF/READER dr Marina Spasojevi}
TRANSLATOR Verica Risti}
DRAWINGS Igor Bjeli}
GRAPHIC DESIGN & PREPRESS Danijela Paracki & D_SIGN, Belgrade
PRINTED BY PUBLIKUM, Belgrade
NUMBER OF COPIES 500
ISBN 978-86-6299-031-0
[tampawe ove kwige omogu}ilo je Ministarstvo kulture i informisawa Republike Srbije

This Publication is funded by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia
IN MEMORIAM
prvim istraìva~ima Novog Brda
dr Mirjani ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} i Radivoju Qubinkovi}u
Contents
8 | INTRODUCTORY CONSIDERATIONS
10 | FOUNDING AND DEVELOPMENT OF NOVO BRDO IN THE 14TH AND THE 15TH CENTURY
36 | RESEARCH HISTORY
48 | SEPULCHRAL CHURCH WITH THE NECROPOLIS
60 | ST NICHOLAS CHURCH – OLDER, WEST SECTION OF THE CATHEDRAL

74 | Fragments of the stone plastic with inscriptions
76 | Stone plastic with relief decorations
84 | Structural assembly and the former appearance of the original Church of St Nicholas
92 | Finishing of the facades and the question of the position of the decorative plastic
98 | Portals
102 | Relief plastics of the archivolts, windows and rosettes
110 | Characteristics of the architecture and the dating of the older phase of the Church of St Nicholas
120 | ST NICHOLAS CHURCH – THE ADDED, EAST SECTION OF THE CATHEDRAL

136 | Remains of the wall paintings
142 | Structural assembly and the former appearance of the added east section of the cathedral
150 | Architectural characteristics of the added section of the cathedral
154 | BURIALS AT THE CATHEDRAL
178 | EXTENDING OF THE CATHEDRAL – THE MEANING, FUNCTION AND DATING
184 | MOSQUE – THE FORMER CATHEDRAL OF NOVO BRDO

188 | Conversion of the cathedral and the older phase of the mosque
198 | Reconstruction of the mosque – younger phase
208 | FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
229 | BIBLIOGRAPHY
237 | ATTACHMENT 1
Gordana Tomovi}, Inscriptions from the Church of St Nicholas – the Cathedral of Novo Brdo
Sadr\aj
9 | UVODNA RAZMATRAWA
11 | NASTANAK I RAZVOJ NOVOG BRDA U 14. I 15. VEKU
37 | DOSADA[WA ISTRA@IVAWA
49 | GROBQANSKA CRKVA SA NEKROPOLOM
61 | CRKVA SVETOG NIKOLE – STARIJI, ZAPADNI DEO KATEDRALE

75 | Fragmenti kamene plastike sa natpisima
77 | Kamena plastika sa reqefnim ukrasom
87 | Konstruktivni sklop i nekada{wi izgled prvobitne crkve Svetog Nikole
93 | Obrada fasada i pitawe mesta dekorativne plastike
99 | Portali
103 | Reqefna plastika arhivolti, prozora i rozeta
113 | Odlike arhitekture i datovawe starije faze crkve Svetog Nikole
121 | CRKVA SVETOG NIKOLE – DOGRA\ENI, ISTO^NI DEO KATEDRALE

139 | Ostaci ìvopisa
143 | Konstruktivni sklop i nekada{wi izgled dogra|enog isto~nog dela katedrale
151 | Odlike arhitekture dogra|enog dela katedrale
155 | SAHRAWIVAWE U KATEDRALI
179 | DOGRADWA KATEDRALE – ZNAÊWE, FUNKCIJA I DATOVAWE
185 | XAMIJA – NEKADA[WA KATEDRALA NOVOG BRDA

189 | Konverzija katedrale i starija faza xamije
199 | Obnova xamije – mla|a faza
209 | ZAVR[NA RE^
229 | BIBLIOGRAFIJA
237 | PRILOG
Gordana Tomovi}, Natpisi iz saborne crkve Svetog Nikole – katedrale Novog Brda
8
Introductory considerations
A MONG THE TOWNS of medieval Serbia, Novo Brdo holds an exceptional

place. The development of urban settings in the interior of the Serbian lands, cor-
roborated later by the examples of Belgrade and Smederevo, starts and is best viewed
precisely in the example of this town. Novo Brdo constitutes a striking testimony
and a symbol of the economic prosperity of medieval Serbia, its complex social
structure and openness towards the European influences. The rich mines that pro-
vided the finest silver, very much valued in the then world, ensured not only the
prosperity of the town, but also brought in significant revenues to the ruler. During
the turbulent times of the Ottoman conquests, it was precisely on the Novo Brdo
silver that the survival of the state rested to a significant degree. The riches of Novo
Brdo, that was well-known far and wide, made a powerful impression on its con-
temporaries. For Constantine of Kostenets, biographer of Despot Stefan (Lazarevi}),
Novo Brdo was “the town of silver and indeed of gold.”1 The same impression of the
town was experienced a few decades later by Constantine of Ostrovica who called it
“the mountain of silver and gold.”2 Admiration for the wealth of Novo Brdo was also
expressed by the Byzantine chronicler Doukas, calling it “the mother of all towns,”
while his contemporary Critobulus, also a Greek, particularly emphasized the riches
of Novo Brdo consisting of silver and gold.3 The French traveller from Burgundy, Ber-
trandon de la Broquiere, who passed through Serbia in 1433, also recorded a tes-
timony saying “the despot has a town called Novo Brdo … (where) there is a joint mine
of gold and silver and every year more than 200,000 ducats are mined, and if it had-
n’t been for that I believe he would have already been exiled from his Serbia.”4
Disproportionally to the importance which Novo Brdo used to have in the past,
the life of that medieval town, observed as a whole, has remained insufficiently known
and only partially studied. The preserved original historic materials, which are almost
solely limited to the documents from the coastal archives, in Ragusa (Dubrovnik)
(present-day Croatia – TN) and Kotor (present-day Montenegro – TN), primarily shed
the light on the activities of the residents of Novo Brdo, most often foreigners, origi-
nating from these towns. There are significantly fewer data, and those are mostly
indirect, about the local Serbian population that constituted the majority population
of Novo Brdo. With an exception of the famous Zakon o rudnicima despota Stefana
1 @itije despota Stefana 1989, 98. (Law on the Mines of Despot Stefan – TN) which also contains a part of the town’s
2 Konstantin iz Ostrovice 1986, 121. statute of Novo Brdo,5 there are almost no preserved Serbian original materials on
3 Jire~ek, Radoni} 1978, 406. this town. Despite the fact that the available sources, notably inconsistent, do not pro-
4 B. de la Brokijer, 133. vide for the time being a possibility to see as a whole the development of Novo Brdo
5 Radoj~i} 1962, 51–57; Jovanovi} i dr. during the 14th and the 15th centuries, they still do provide a basic picture of the
(S. ]irkovi}) 2004, 162–177. town that may only be supplemented by future explorations.
9
Uvodna razmatrawa
M E\U GRADOVIMA sredwovekovne Srbije Novom Brdu pripada izuzetno

mesto. Razvoj urbanih sredi{ta u unutra{wosti srpskih zemaqa, kasnije po-
svedo~en primerima Beograda i Smedereva, zapo~iwe i najboqe se sagledava
upravo na primeru ovog grada. Novo Brdo upe~atqivo je svedo~anstvo i simbol
ekonomskog prosperiteta sredwovekovne Srbije, wene sloène dru{tvene struk-
ture i otvorenosti prema evropskim uticajima. Bogati rudnici, iz kojih se
dobijalo najfinije srebro, veoma ceweno u tada{wem svetu, obezbe|ivali su ne
samo napredak grada ve} su donosili i zna~ajne prihode vladaru. U nemirnim
vremenima turskih osvajawa na novobrdskom srebru je u dobroj meri po~ivao i
opstanak dràve. Bogatstvo Novog Brda, koje je bilo nadaleko poznato, ostavqa-
lo je snaàn utisak na savremenike. Za Konstantina Filozofa, biografa despo-
ta Stefana, Novo Brdo je bilo „grad srebreni i u istinu zlatni“.1 Isti doì-
vqaj grada imao je i nekoliko decenija kasnije Konstantin iz Ostrovice, koji
ga naziva „gora srebrena i zlatna“.2 Divqewe bogatstvu Novog Brda iskazuje i
vizantijski hroni~ar Duka, nazivaju}i ga „majkom gradova“, a wegov savreme-
nik Kritovul, tako|e Grk, posebno isti~e bogatstvo Novog Brda u srebru i zla-
tu.3 Francuski putnik iz Burgundije, Bertrandon de la Brokijer (Bertrandon
de la Broquiere), koji je kroz Srbiju pro{ao 1433. godine, tako|e je zabeleìo
kazivawe kako „despot ima jedan grad zvani Novo Brdo … (gde) postoji rudnik
zlata i srebra zajedno i svake godine se iskopa vi{e od 200.000 dukata, a da nije
toga verujem da bi ve} bio izgnan iz svoje Srbije“.4
Nesrazmerno zna~aju koje je Novo Brdo nekada imalo, ìvot tog sredwove-
kovnog grada, posmatran u celini, ostao je nedovoqno poznat i samo delimi~no
prou~en. Sa~uvana izvorna istorijska gra|a, koja je gotovo iskqu~ivo ograni-
~ena na dokumenta iz primorskih arhiva, Dubrovnika i Kotora, osvetqava na
prvom mestu delovawe novobrdskih ìteqa, naj~e{}e stranaca, poreklom iz
ovih gradova. O lokalnom srpskom stanovni{tvu, koje je ~inilo ve}inu gra|ana
Novog Brda, raspolaè se sa znatno mawe podataka, i to uglavnom posrednih.
Sa izuzetkom poznatog Zakona o rudnicima despota Stefana, u kome se nalazi
i deo novobrdskog gradskog statuta,5 o ovom gradu gotovo da i nema sa~uvane
srpske izvorne gra|e. Uprkos ~iwenici da raspoloìvi izvori, izrazito ne-
ujedna~eni, za sada ne pruàju mogu}nost da se u celini sagleda razvoj Novog 1 @itije despota Stefana 1989, 98.
Brda tokom 14. i 15. veka, oni ipak daju osnovnu sliku grada, koju }e dopuwa- 2 Konstantin iz Ostrovice 1986, 121.
vati budu}a istraìvawa. 3 Jire~ek, Radoni} 1978, 406.
4 B. de la Brokijer, 133.
5 Radoj~i} 1962, 51–57; Jovanovi} i dr.
(S. ]irkovi}) 2004, 162–177.
10
Founding and development of Novo Brdo

in the 14th and the 15th centuries
T HE MEDIEVAL TOWN of Novo Brdo is situated in the mountainous region of

south Serbia at the altitude of over 1.100 m, at a site that used to be far from the
main roads (fig. 1). Despite its unfavourable geographic position, thanks to the rich
deposits of the silver ore, the town experienced an unusually fast development dur-
ing the 14th century and in the first half of the 15th century. The preconditions for
the mine operations, and in relation to that for the founding of the town, were met
at the beginning of the rule of King Stefan Uro{ II (1282–1321), after the stabiliza-
tion of the Serbian authority in this region. Like in the other parts of Serbia, here
too, the opening of the mine was encouraged by the settling of the Saxons, miners
of Germanic origin. The first mining operations in the area around Novo Brdo most
probably started in the last years of the 13th century. There are no reliable data on
what the very beginnings of mining used to look like. One gets an impression that
the community of the Saxon miners, which enjoyed significant autonomy, was not
numerous in this early period. In the list of the Catholic parishes in the most impor-
tant mining towns in Serbia, compiled in 1303, there was still no mention of Novo
Brdo. Judging by all, the abrupt development of the town started at the very begin-
ning of the 14th century. The first indirect piece of data suggests that there was a
market square in Novo Brdo in 1319.6 Already less than a decade later, in 1326, in
the letter from King Stefan Uro{ III (1321–1331) to the Dux of Ragusa, there is a
clear testimony of the Novo Brdo market square being leased, which suggests a well-
regulated urban settlement.7 An abrupt rise in the silver production of the Novo Brdo
mines cannot be followed in all the details. The indirect data suggest that already
before the middle of the 14th century, by its importance, Novo Brdo had surpassed
the older Serbian mining centres – Brskovo, Rudnik, Trep~a, etc. At that time, in
1350, there is a mention of the first specimens of coins minted in Novo Brdo –
dinari de Nouaberda, but it is believed that the work of the mint had started signifi-
cantly earlier.8 The economic rise based on the mining operations unquestionably
had an impact on the accelerated urban development of Novo Brdo. In September
1349, Emperor Stefan Du{an (1331–1355) himself stayed in this town and on that
occasion he emperor issued a gold seal charter for citizens of Ragusa (Dubrovnik).9
It may be presumed that this was not the first or the only stay of the monarchs in
Novo Brdo during the 14th century, but the rare preserved sources contain no men-
6 Dini} 1962, 37. tion of that. During the later period, as it appears, the rulers did occasionally stay
7 Poveqe i pisma 1929, 41. in Novo Brdo, but the lack of sources prevents us from reliably supporting such
8 Ivani{evi} 2001, 64. sovereign visits. At the end of the 14th century – in 1394 or in 1395 – Princess
9 Poveqe i pisma 1929, 65. Milica, nun Eugenia at the time, visited Novo Brdo together with her sons Stefan
11
Nastanak i razvoj Novog Brda

u 14. i 15. veku
C REDWOVEKOVNI GRAD Novo Brdo nalazi se u planinskom predelu ju`ne

Srbije, na nadmorskoj visini od preko 1.100 m, na mestu koje je bilo udaqeno
od glavnih saobra}ajnica (sl. 1). Uprkos svom nepovoqnom geografskom poloà-
ju, zahvaquju}i bogatim nalazi{tima srebrne rude, grad je doìveo neobi~no
brz razvoj tokom 14. i u prvoj polovini 15. veka. Preduslovi za eksploataciju
rudnika, a sa tim u vezi i nastanak grada, ostvareni su po~etkom vladavine
kraqa Stefana Uro{a II (1282–1321), nakon stabilizacije srpske vlasti na
ovom podru~ju. Kao i u drugim oblastima Srbije, tako je i ovde otvarawe rud-
nika bilo podstaknuto doseqavawem Sasa, rudara nema~kog porekla. Prvi ru-
darski radovi na podru~ju Novog Brda najverovatnije su zapo~eti u posledwim
godinama 13. veka. Nema pouzdanih podataka o tome kako su izgledali po~eci
rudarewa. Ima se utisak da u ovom ranom razdobqu zajednica saskih rudara,
koja je uìvala zna~ajnu autonomiju, nije bila brojna. Na spisku katoli~kih
ùpa u zna~ajnim rudarskim mestima Srbije, koji je sa~iwen 1303. godine, No-
vo Brdo se jo{ uvek ne pomiwe. Po svemu sude}i, nagli razvoj grada zapo~iwe
negde na samom po~etku 14. veka. Prvi posredan podatak ukazuje na postojawe
trga u Novom Brdu 1319. godine.6 Ve} nepunu deceniju kasnije, 1326. godine, u
pismu kraqa Stefana Uro{a III (1321–1331) dubrova~kom knezu, postoji jasno
svedo~anstvo o tome da je trg u Novom Brdu izdavan u zakup, {to ukazuje na ve}
ure|enu urbanu naseobinu.7 Nagli porast proizvodwe srebra u novobrdskim
rudnicima ne moè se pratiti u svim pojedinostima. Posredni podaci ukazu-
ju na to da je ve} pre sredine 14. veka Novo Brdo po svom zna~aju prevazi{lo
starije srpske rudarske centre – Brskovo, Rudnik, Trep~u i dr. U to vreme,
1350. godine, pomiwu se i prvi primerci novca kovani u Novom Brdu – dinari
de Nouaberda, ali se smatra da je ovde rad kovnice zapo~et znatno ranije.8 Pri-
vredni uspon zasnovan na eksploataciji rudnika uticao je, bez sumwe, na ubr-
zan urbani razvoj Novog Brda. U ovom gradu u usponu boravio je septembra 1349.
godine li~no car Stefan Du{an, koji je tom prilikom Dubrov~anima izdao
jednu zlatnope~atnu povequ.9 Moè se pretpostaviti da to nije bio prvi i je-
dini boravak vladara u Novom Brdu tokom 14. veka, ali o tome u retkim sa~u- 6 Dini} 1962, 37.
vanim izvorima nema pomena. I u kasnijem razdobqu vladari su, kako izgleda, 7 Poveqe i pisma 1929, 41.
povremeno boravili u Novom Brdu, ali nedostatak izvora onemogu}ava da se te 8 Ivani{evi} 2001, 64.
vladarske posete pouzdano posvedo~e. Krajem 14. veka – 1394. ili 1395. godine 9 Poveqe i pisma 1929, 65.
– u Novom Brdu je boravila knegiwa Milica, tada monahiwa Evgenija, sa sino- 10 Stara srpska pisma 1868, 271–275,
vima Stefanom i Vukom.10 Ona je posetila grad i u prvim godinama 15. veka.11 br. 12.
Smatra se da je despot Stefan vi{e puta boravio u Novom Brdu i da je tu imao 11 Spomenici srpski 1892, 48, br. 36.
12 St Nicholas Church – the Orthodox Cathedral of the Town of Novo Brdo
Tis
a
H U N G A R Y Town
1426 (Despot Stephen)
š
mi
Danube Mine
Ta
1457 (Despot
BosLazar)
ut
Orthodox church/monastery
Sava
Sirmium
W
Da
A
Bitva
nu
Nera
be
L
Zemun Hram
L
a
Pojejena
Drin
Sa Kupinik Belgrade Kovin
A
Srebrenik Zaslon va Kostolac Orşova
Danub
C
e
Debrc Smederevo Golubac
H
Soli
G. Mora
I A
Jada Pek
r
Mla
Pavlovac Višesav
va
Zvonik ra
va
uba
Kol Vitovnica
ca
eni
Valjevo Koporin St. Nicholas Ždrelo
Jas
ReGornjak
Sutjeska Ostrovica sav Da
G.
Olovo RudnikLep a
Mo
Resava ok
A
enic
rav
a Tim
a
Ravanica Sisojevac
Srebrenica
I
Vidin
Jošanica Ravno ok
Gradac i Tim
N
Užice Crn
Petrus
S
W.
Višegrad Mo
rava
ok
St. Achillius
O
Beli Tim
Dobrun
Goražde M Ljubostinja Kozalj
na ora
B
S. M Bovan Ravni
Dri vic Lazaricaorava OTTOMAN
Iba
St. Nicholas a
Kruševac
r
Studenica Naupara Lipovac

EMPIRE
a
sin
Ra
Mileševski Brvenik Koznik Svrljig
Ne Gradac
ret Mileševa
va Prijepolje Niš
Pavlica
Ni
Sjenica Toplica
Nevesinje
šav
St. Nicholas Koprijan
a
Holy
Ras Apostles Holy Virgin Pirot
S.
Bele Crkve
Mo
Lim
Holy
rav
Tar Apostles
a
a Vlasina
Banjska Leskovac
r
Lab
Iba
Zeta
St. George
Tre
biš Holy Virgin Ja
Sit
njic Onogošt bla

a
nic
Hvostanska nic
Vet
a
a
ern
Priština
Lim
Trebinje
ica
Holy Apostles Novo Brdo P

Dubrovnik Spuž
Beli Drim
Dre
Ze Vranje
Risan ta
nica
Lipljan
Sit
Novi Medun
Kotor
nic
Zem
a
(Venetian) Podgorica
Holy Archangel Michael Pauni
Praskvica
Vranjina Skutari Lake Dri Holy Archangels Velbazhd
Budva m St. Peter Koriški
(Venetian, from 1444) Drivast Holy Virgin Ljeviška
(Ven., from 1444) Prizren
Lep
Sv. Spas
A
ena
St. Athanasius
c
d Bar Holy Virgin Skadar Holy Virgin Skopje

ri (Venetian, from 1444) Krajinska (Ven.) Tetovo
St. Andrew
St. George
Zletovo
Lesnovo
a Ulcinj
alni
ca
ar
ti (Venetian)
Breg
Vard
Lezhë
Markov manastir
c (Venetian)
Peshkopia Veles Štip
S
ea O T T O M A N E M P I R E
0 25 50 75 km
Krujë Debar
Va
Strumica Strum
rda
Ma
Crn
T k
r
Sl. 1. Srpska despotovina u prvoj polovini 15. veka (prema N. [uleti}u)

Fig. 1. Serbian Despotate in the first half of the 15th century (according to N. [uleti})
Crkva Svetog Nikole – katedrala grada Novog Brda 13
i svoj dvor.12 Despotov biograf beleì da se posle sukoba sa Turcima kod Gra-
~anice, krajem 1402. godine, Stefan sa bratom Vukom povukao „u svoj grad No-
vo Brdo“.13 Nekoliko godina docnije, maja 1411. godine, despot je bio u Novom
Brdu,14 a dve godine kasnije, kada se o~ekivao napad turskog sultana Muse, on je
ponovo boravio u ovom, dobro utvr|enom gradu.15 U Novom Brdu je sigurno u vi-
{e navrata boravio i despot \ur|e, ali o tome nisu ostali pisani tragovi.
Posle smrti cara Stefana Du{ana, u razdobqu obeleènom procesima
dezintegracije dràve, Novo Brdo je prvih desetak godina bilo u neposrednoj
vlasti cara Uro{a. Wegova vladarska rezidencija nalazila se u Nerodimqi,
ili nekom od susednih dvorova, na podru~ju koje je bilo u susedstvu novobrdske
oblasti. Prihod od gradske carine ispla}ivan je caru sve do 1366. ili 1367.
godine,16 kada je punu kontrolu nad Novim Brdom, kao i ju`nim delovima Ko-
sova, preuzeo kraq Vuka{in i prikqu~io ih svojim porodi~nim posedima.17
Me|utim, vlast kraqa, carevog savladara i nesu|enog naslednika, nije bila
dugog veka. Nakon Vuka{inove pogibije u bici na Marici, krajem septembra
1371. godine, i smrti cara Uro{a dva meseca kasnije, wegovi nekada{wi po-
sedi na Kosovu, ukqu~uju}i i Novo Brdo, do{li su pod vlast kneza Lazara. Na
{irem podru~ju Novog Brda nalazili su se ba{tinski posedi kneèvog oca,
Pripca, logoteta na dvoru cara Stefana.18 Me|u posedima bio je i Prilepac,
rodno mesto kneza Lazara – mawe utvr|ewe, koje je pripadalo {irem sistemu
novobrdske odbrane.19
Na osnovu raspoloìvih izvornih podataka te{ko je pratiti kako su se
ove politi~ke promene odraàvale na sudbinu Novog Brda, ali, po svemu sude-
}i, one nisu bitno uticale na razvoj grada i rad wegovih rudnika. O visokoj
produktivnosti novobrdskih rudnika svedo~e velike koli~ine srebra koje su
vladari, po~ev{i od cara Stefana Du{ana, poklawali manastirima. Do zna-
~ajne ekspanzije rudarske proizvodwe do{lo je u vreme kneza Lazara, kada je
Novo Brdo postalo najzna~ajnije privredno sredi{te Srbije. Obiqe prihoda od
srebra omogu}ilo je Lazaru da bogato daruje manastire, naro~ito svoju novu za-
du`binu Ravanicu. U wegovo vreme veoma je bio zna~ajan rad kovnice, gde se uz
vi{e razli~itih emisija pojavquju i one sa imenom kovnice NOVOMONTE na
aversu. I kasnije, u vreme Lazarevog naslednika despota Stefana, a potom i
\ur|a Brankovi}a, nastavqen je uspe{an rad novobrdske kovnice. Proizvodwa
srebra stalno se pove}avala, pa se procewuje da je u vreme najve}eg uspona iz-
nosila vi{e od sedam tona godi{we.20 Zahvaquju}i uspe{nom radu rudnika,
12 Jire~ek, Radoni} 1978, 352.
tokom prve polovine 15. veka prihod vladara, samo od novobrdske carine, pro-
13 @itije despota Stefana 1989, 98.
cewuje se na iznos izme|u 120.000 i 200.000 dukata.21
14 Spomenici srpski 1892, 59, br. 50.
Urbani razvoj Novog Brda bio je u neposrednoj vezi sa radom rudnika i obi-
15@itije despota Stefana 1989,
mom proizvodwe srebra (sl. 2). Prvi ìteqi novozasnovane naseobine bili su,
114–115.
bez sumwe, Sasi – rudari nema~kog porekla, koji su organizovali rudarsku pro- 16 Dini} 1962, 39.
izvodwu i zapo~eli va|ewe i preradu srebrne rude. Zbog va`nosti koju je wi- 17 Mihaq~i} 1975, 152–153.
hov rad imao za dràvu i vladara, Sasi su uìvali zna~ajne privilegije. Oni 18 Novakovi} 1879, 294–298.
su u novoosnovanim urbanim rudarskim naseobinama imali pravo na sopstveni 19Mihaq~i} 1975, 212–213;
sud, sastavqen od gra|ana, kojima je predsedavao kraqevski sudija. Osim toga, Dini} 1962, 39.
imali su svog notara i ~inovnika koji je kwiìo rudarski desetak, odnosno 20 Ivani{evi} 2001, 64.
obavezno fiskalno davawe. Imali su i versku slobodu da podiù svoje crkve 21 Jire~ek, Radoni} 1978, 425.
latinskog obreda, koje su bile pod jurisdikcijom Kotorske biskupije.22 22 Jire~ek, Radoni} 1978, 90–91.
and Vuk.10 She also visited the town in the first years of the 15th century.11 It is
believed that Despot Stefan stayed in Novo Brdo on several occasions and that he in
fact had his court there.12 The Despot’s biographer notes that after the battle with
the Ottomans near Gra~anica, at the end of 1402, Stefan withdrew with his brother
Vuk “to his town Novo Brdo.”13 A few years later, in May 1411, the Despot was in
Novo Brdo,14 and two years later, when he was expecting an attack by the Ottoman
Sultan Musa, he was again staying at this, well fortified town.15 Despot \ur|e
(George) (1427–1456) also must have stayed several times in Novo Brdo, but there
are no written traces left regarding that.
After the death of Emperor Stefan Du{an, in the period marked by the process-
es related to the disintegration of the country, in the first dozen of years Novo Brdo
was directly ruled by Emperor Uro{ (1355–1371). His ruler’s residence was located
in Nerodimlje or in some of the neighbouring courts, in the area that bordered the
Novo Brdo district. The income from the town’s customs was paid to the Emperor
until 1366 or 1367,16 when the full control over Novo Brdo, as well as the south
parts of Kosovo, was taken over by King Vuka{in who joined them with his family
estates.17 However, the rule of the King, the Emperor’s co-ruler and not meant to be
heir, did not last long. After the death of Vuka{in in the Battle of Maritsa, at the end
of September 1371, and the death of Emperor Uro{ two months later, his former
estates in Kosovo, including Novo Brdo as well, came under the rule of Prince Lazar
(1371–1389). The broader area around Novo Brdo included the inherited estates of
the prince’s father, Pribac, a logothete at the court of Emperor Stefan.18 The estates
also included Prilepac, the place of birth of Prince Lazar – a smallish fortification
that belonged to the broader system of the Novo Brdo defence.19
It is difficult to follow how these political changes reflected on the destiny of
Novo Brdo on the basis of the available original data, but, judging by all, they did
not have a decisive impact on the development of the town and the operations of its
mines. The high productivity of the Novo Brdo mines is testified by the large quan-
tities of silver which the rulers, starting with Emperor Stefan Du{an, donated to
monasteries. A significant expansion in the mining production took place during the
times of Prince Lazar, when Novo Brdo became the most important economic cen-
tre of Serbia. The abundance of revenues coming from silver allowed Lazar to make
wealthy donations to monasteries, in particular to his new endowment Ravanica.
10 Stara srpska pisma 1868, 271–275, During his reign, the work of the mint was quite significant and along with several
br. 12. different series there were also those coins that bore the name of the mint NOVO-
MONTE on the obverse. The successful work of the Novo Brdo mint also continued
12 Jire~ek, Radoni} 1978, 352.
later during the times of Lazar’s heir – Despot Stefan, and then during the rule of
13 @itije despota Stefana 1989, 98.
\ur|e Brankovi} as well. The production of silver continuously kept going up and
it is estimated that at the time of its highest peak it amounted to more than seven
15 @itije despota Stefana 1989,
tons a year.20 Thanks to the successful operation of the mines, during the first half
114–115.
16 Dini} 1962, 39.
of the 15th century, the revenues of the rulers, coming solely from the Novo Brdo
17 Mihaq~i} 1975, 152–153.
customs, are estimated at the amount between 120,000 and 200,000 ducats.21
18 Novakovi} 1879, 294–298. The urban development of Novo Brdo was directly linked to the work of the
19 Mihaq~i} 1975, 212–213; mine and the scope of the silver production (fig. 2). The first inhabitants of the
Dini} 1962, 39. newly founded settlement were undoubtedly the Saxons – miners of the German
20 Ivani{evi} 2001, 64. origin who organized mining production and started with the extraction and pro-
21 Jire~ek, Radoni} 1978, 425. cessing of silver ore. Due to the importance which their work had for the state and
0 200 m
Sl. 2. Novo Brdo, situacioni plan (uz dopune prema Bo{kovi} 1974)
Fig. 2. Novo Brdo, situation plan (with supplements according to Bo{kovi} 1974)
the ruler, the Saxons enjoyed significant privileges. In the newly founded urban
mining settlements, they had the right to have their own court, consisting of citizens,
which was chaired by a royal judge. In addition, they also had their own notary and
a clerk who kept the records of the mining tithe, that is, the mandatory fiscal pay-
ments. They also had religious freedom to build their churches practicing Latin
rites which were under the jurisdiction of the Kotor bishopric.22
Attracted by the work and possible earnings, other foreigners of different crafts
also kept coming to Novo Brdo. In the first years of the town’s expansion, there was
among the settlers a large number of merchants from the Coastal Regions, especially
from Kotor that was ruled by the Serbian king. From the kept documents it may also
be seen that among the newly arrived foreigners there were particularly many coming
from Ragusa. Most of them were merchants. Along with trading, which was their
primary activity, the citizens of Ragusa were often lessees of customs or owners of
mining pits, as well as of smelters. Their colony in Novo Brdo, which was also the
case in other Serbian towns, had certain autonomy. The citizens from Ragusa lived
in accordance with their own legal regulations and they abided by the laws of their
town. They had the privilege to select their own judges. Due to the rise in the num-
ber of merchants, among whom there were representatives of almost all noble fam-
ilies, as well as in the importance Novo Brdo had for the trading interests of the
Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik), a general consul with one-year tour of duty was
appointed already in the last decades of the 14th century. Other than carrying out
local business, his duty was also to visit all the market squares and the settlements
of the citizens of the Republic of Saint Blaise and act as their representative before
the Serbian ruler.23 Numerous citizens from Ragusa had permanent settlement in
Novo Brdo. In addition to the privileges they enjoyed, they also had certain obliga-
tions, just like all other citizens. The Prince Lazar’s Charter issued in 1387 puts a
special emphasis on their obligation to take part in the building, maintenance and
guarding of the town’s fortifications. This obligation was literally repeated in the
subsequent charters of the Serbian rulers.24
Despite the numerous foreigners, first the Saxons and then the citizens from
Ragusa, the predominant part of the town’s population consisted of the local Ser-
bian inhabitants. Among them there were representatives of the nobles who dealt
with lucrative mining business. Along with the numerous miners and domestic
craftsmen, whose activity was more and more pronounced, the real power among
the domestic urban population were merchants. Their numbers and the role in the
economic life of the town were on a constant rise. Since not all of them worked with
equal success, social layering started to occur among them. The wealthier merchants
had greater social prestige and they gained a certain status not only in their own
setting, but also in the broader surroundings. It was from this upper, wealthier
layer that came the people who, thanks to their riches and reputation, acquired the
citizenship of Ragusa, which was considered to be a special privilege. The position
of a citizen of Ragusa had noteworthy advantages for the residents settled in the
Serbian towns, since this entailed a possibility to use all the benefits which the gov-
22 Jire~ek, Radoni} 1978, 90–91. ernment of the Republic of Saint Blaise provided for its merchants. First and fore-
23 Dini} 1962, 44–45. most, these were significant customs subsidies. The attempts to acquire the citizen-
24 Poveqe i pisma 1929, 121, 202; ship of Ragusa, particularly pronounced among the wealthy Serbian citizens and
Poveqe i pisma 1934, 16. primarily guided by economic interests, also had visible cultural consequences.
Privu~eni poslom i mogu}om zaradom, u Novo Brdo su stizali i drugi

stranci razli~itih zanimawa. Me|u naseqenicima se, ve} u prvim godinama
uspona grada, sre}e veliki broj trgovaca sa Primorja, posebno iz Kotora, koji
se nalazio pod vla{}u srpskog kraqa. Iz sa~uvanih dokumenata moè se vide-
ti da je me|u prido{lim strancima bilo posebno mnogo Dubrov~ana. Me|u wi-
ma najbrojniji su bili trgovci. Uz trgovinu, kojom su se bavili kao primarnom
delatno{}u, Dubrov~ani su ~esto bili zakupci carina ili vlasnici rudar-
skih okana, kao i topionica. Wihova kolonija u Novom Brdu, {to je bio slu~aj
i u drugim srpskim gradovima, imala je odre|enu autonomiju. Dubrov~ani su
ìveli prema regulama sopstvenog prava i pokoravali su se zakonima svoga
grada. Imali su privilegiju da sami biraju sopstvene sudije. Usled rasta broja
trgovaca, me|u kojima je bilo predstavnika gotovo svih plemi}kih porodica,
kao i zna~aja koje je Novo Brdo imalo za trgova~ke interese Dubrova~ke repu-
blike, ve} u posledwim decenijama 14. veka u ovom gradu je imenovan general-
ni konzul, biran na godinu dana. Pored obavqawa lokalnih poslova, wegova je
du`nost bila da obilazi sve trgove i naseobine gra|ana Republike Svetog Vla-
ha i bude wihov predstavnik pred srpskim vladarem.23 Brojni Dubrov~ani bi-
li su i stalno naseqeni u Novom Brdu. Osim privilegija koje su uìvali, ima-
li su i odre|ene obaveze, kao i svi ostali gra|ani. U poveqi kneza Lazara
izdatoj 1387. godine posebno je istaknuta wihova obaveza da u~estvuju u gra|e-
wu, odràvawu i ~uvawu gradskih utvr|ewa. Ta obaveza je doslovno ponavqana
i u kasnijim poveqama srpskih vladara.24
I pored brojnih stranaca, prvo Sasa, a potom i Dubrov~ana, prete`ni deo
gradske populacije ~inilo je lokalno srpsko stanovni{tvo. Me|u wima je bi-
lo i predstavnika vlastele koji su se bavili unosnim rudarskim poslovima.
Uz mnogobrojne rudare i doma}e zanatlije, ~ija je delatnost bila sve izraè-
nija, stvarnu snagu me|u doma}im gradskim stanovni{tvom predstavqali su
trgovci. Wihova brojnost i uloga u privrednom ìvotu grada bila je u stalnom
porastu. Kako nisu svi poslovali sa podjednakim uspehom, me|u wima je dola-
zilo do socijalnog raslojavawa. Bogatiji trgovci posedovali su ve}i dru{tve-
ni ugled i sticali odre|eni status ne samo u svojoj sredini nego i u {irem
okruèwu. Iz tog gorweg, imu}nijeg sloja poticali su qudi koji su, zahvaquju-
}i bogatstvu i ugledu, sticali dubrova~ko gra|anstvo, {to je smatrano posebnom
privilegijom. Poloàj dubrova~kog gra|anina imao je nezanemarqive predno-
sti za ìteqe nastawene u srpskim gradovima, budu}i da je podrazumevao mogu}-
nost kori{}ewa svih pogodnosti koje je vlada Republike Svetog Vlaha obezbe|i-
vala svojim trgovcima. Na prvom mestu, to su bile zna~ajne carinske povlastice.
Nastojawe da se stekne dubrova~ko dràvqanstvo, veoma izraèno kod bogatog
srpskog gra|anstva i prevashodno rukovo|eno ekonomskim interesima, imalo
je i vidne kulturolo{ke posledice. Naime, te`wa ka izjedna~avawu sa gra|a-
nima primorskih komuna imala je snaàn odjek u razli~itim sferama svako-
dnevnog ìvota – u na~inu odevawa i opho|ewa, kao i u usvajawu odre|enih
gradskih obi~aja, koji nisu bili ranije odoma}eni u srpskoj sredini.
Zahvaquju}i pove}avawu rudarske proizvodwe i ukupnom ekonomskom raz-
voju, broj novobrdskih gra|ana ubrzano se umnoàvao. Smatra se da je u vreme 23 Dini} 1962, 44–45.
najve}eg prosperiteta u Novom Brdu ìvelo izme|u 4.000 i 5.000 stanovnika, 24Poveqe i pisma 1929, 121, 202;
a sa prigradskim naseqima izvan utvr|enog podgra|a, taj broj dosezao je 8.000 Poveqe i pisma 1934, 16.
Namely, the aspiration to be on an equal footing with the citizens of the coastal
communes had a powerful reflection in the different spheres of the daily life – in
the manner of dressing and behaving, as well as in the adoption of certain town’s
customs, which had not been present in the Serbian setting before.
Thanks to an increase in the mining production and the overall economic
development, the number of the Novo Brdo residents multiplied at an accelerated
rate. It is believed that at the time of the greatest prosperity, there were between
4,000 and 5,000 inhabitants living in Novo Brdo, while the total figure including
neighbouring settlements outside the fortified suburb reached 8,000 to 10,000 resi-
dents.25 For the sake of comparison, it is estimated that there were around 3,500
inhabitants living in Srebrenica, while around the middle of the 15th century
Ragusa with its suburbs had around 6,000 permanently settled residents.26
Parallel to its urban development, the administration of the town was also orga-
nized and in some of its elements it could be linked to the similar establishments of
the coastal towns. During the first half of the 15th century, the highest position in
the administration of Novo Brdo was held by a vojvoda (a military commander or a
governor – TN) who was appointed by the monarch. As a representative of the
Serbian ruler, he was in charge not only of the urban settlement with its surround-
ing mines, but also of the broader town’s district – Novobrdska vlast (the Novo Brdo
authority – TN). A knez (a noble title – TN) was in charge of maintaining the order of
the town and he was often selected from among the citizens. Like in the other Serbian
towns, the defence of the town, that is, the fortification with the town’s garrison,
fell under the competence of a kephale. When it comes to small-scale disputes among
Serbs, the exercising of the judicial duty was done by the knez, as well as by the proto-
presbyter who was the chief orthodox priest in the town. There was also a church
court, which along with the protopresbyter included other appointed priests.27 The
town’s administration also included a council of 12 selected citizens – the burghers.
In addition to these main representatives of the authority, there was also some kind
of the town’s administrative department, which most probably did not significantly
differ from the similar services in the coastal towns. Here, a particular role was
played by the notary, who was in charge of registering all trading transactions.28
25 Kova~evi} 2001, 271–273. During the 14th century and the first half of the 15th century, Novo Brdo deve-
26 Dini} 1962, 81–82; Koji}-Kova~evi} loped as a typical fortified medieval town. In the centre of this urban complex, at
1978, 225–228.
the most prominent location, there was a castle or a citadel as the central defence
27 Radoj~i}1962, 52.
stronghold (fig. 3). Within the ramparts of the Castle, during more recent archaeo-
28 Dini} 1962, 73–77.
logical work, remains of a residential complex of structures were discovered.29 In
29 The programme of the research,
the centre of this complex there used to be a small single-nave church which later
conservation and partial restoration of the
Novo Brdo fortifications that is carried out had a narthex added to it (fig. 4). North of the church there used to be an edifice
is organized by the UNESCO, with with a spacious hall and a wooden porch, while on the south side there was a larger
the funds provided by the European Union. residential building which had two floors on top of the ground floor. Along the gate
The implementation of the works was
commissioned through an international
there was yet another smaller residential structure, while under the remaining sur-
tender to the Company for construction, face areas of the castle’s courtyard there were two large dug-in tanks with filter-
restoration and reconstruction of buildings wells. A small private steam bath was built in the limited free space between the
“KOTO d.o.o.” from Belgrade.
church and the south structure. According to the results of the explorations carried
The systematic archaeological excavetion
within the scope of this project are led out so far, the entire castle complex is dated back to the period of the second quar-
by Marko Popovi}, PhD. ter and middle of the 14th century, while some smaller additions were also built
30 Popovi} 2016, 74–80. during the first or the second decade of the 15th century.30
0 20 m
Sl. 3. Zamak – citadela Novog Brda

Fig. 3. Novo Brdo castle – citadel
Sl. 4. Crkva u Zamku, otkriveni

ostaci posle konzervacije
2016. godine
Fig. 4. Church in the Castle,
revealed remains after the
2016 conservation
On the slope on the west side of the castle, there used to be a relatively spacious
fortified part of the town, the so-called Donji grad (Lower “Town” – TN), which was
strengthened on its corners with two towers. According to the surface traces of
houses, it may be presumed that it was densely populated. This is also suggested by
the first results of the exploration of the space along the north-east rampart of
Donji grad.31 On the slopes to the east and south-east from the castle, there used to
spread an urban settlement in the suburb which, as it seems, was mostly surrounded
by a built rampart. Within the settlement’s defence system, there certainly used to be
earth ramparts with palisades, as well as ditches. In the space of the former suburb
there are numerous traces of stone walls of buildings and former communications.
Through superficial observation, considering that there has been no extensive
31 Popovi}, Biki} 2017, 387–407. archaeological research, it is possible to notice the positions of the former town’s
do 10.000 stanovnika.25 Pore|ewa radi, procewuje se da je u to vreme u Srebre-

nici bilo oko 3.500 stanovnika, dok je sredinom 15. veka Dubrovnik sa pred-
gra|ima imao oko 6.000 stalno naseqenih ìteqa.26
Istovremeno sa urbanim razvojem, organizovano je i upravqawe gradom,
koje bi se u nekim svojim elementima moglo povezati sa sli~nim ustrojstvom
primorskih gradova. Tokom prve polovine 15. veka najvi{i poloàj u upravi
Novog Brda imao je vojvoda, koga je imenovao vladar. U wegovoj nadle`nosti,
kao zastupnika srpskog vladara, bila je ne samo urbana naseobina sa okolnim
rudnicima ve} i {ira gradska oblast – Novobrdska vlast. O poretku u gradu
starao se knez, koji je ~esto biran iz redova gra|ana. Odbrana grada, odnosno
utvr|ewe sa gradskom posadom, kao i u drugim srpskim gradovima, bila je u
nadle`nosti kefalije. U vr{ewu sudske du`nosti, kada su u pitawu bili ma-
wi sporovi me|u Srbima, uz kneza je u~estvovao i protopop, glavni pravoslav-
ni crkveni velikodostojnik u gradu. Postojao je i crkveni sud, koji su, uz pro-
topopa, ~inili i izabrani sve{tenici.27 U upravi grada u~estvovalo je i ve}e
od 12 izabranih gra|ana – purgara. Osim ovih glavnih predstavnika vlasti,
postojala je i neka vrsta gradske administracije, koja se, najverovatnije, nije
bitno razlikovala od sli~nih slu`bi u primorskim gradovima. Tu je posebno
zna~ajnu ulogu imao javni bele`nik, kod koga su bile registrovane sve trgova~-
ke transakcije.28
Novo Brdo se tokom 14. i prve polovine 15. veka razvijalo kao tipi~an
utvr|eni sredwovekovni grad. U sredi{tu ovog urbanog kompleksa nalazio se,
na najistaknutijem mestu, gradski zamak ili citadela kao sredi{we upori{te
odbrane (sl. 3). U okviru bedema Zamka, u toku nedavnih arheolo{kih istraì-
vawa, otkriveni su ostaci rezidencijalnog kompleksa gra|evina.29 U wegovom
sredi{tu nalazila se mawa jednobrodna crkva, kojoj je kasnije dogra|ena pri-
prata (sl. 4). Severno od crkve bilo je zdawe sa prostranom dvoranom i drve-
nim tremom, a sa ju`ne strane ve}a stambena gra|evina, koja je nad prizemqem
imala dve etaè. Uz kapiju nalazilo se jo{ jedno mawe stambeno zdawe, dok su 25 Kova~evi} 2001, 271–273.
26
ispod preostalih povr{ina dvori{ta zamka bile ukopane dve velike cister- Dini} 1962, 81–82;
ne sa filter-bunarima. U ograni~en, nevelik slobodni prostor izme|u crkve Koji}-Kova~evi} 1978, 225–228.
27 Radoj~i} 1962, 52.
i ju`ne gra|evine bilo je ugra|eno malo ku}no parno kupatilo. îtav kompleks
28 Dini} 1962, 73–77.
zamka, prema rezultatima dosada{wih istraìvawa, datovan je u razdobqe dru-
29 Program istraìvawa, konzervacije
ge ~etvrtine i sredine 14. veka, dok su neke mawe dogradwe vr{ene i tokom prve
i delimi~ne obnove fortifikacija
ili druge decenije 15. veka.30 Novog Brda izvodi se u organizaciji
Na padini sa zapadne strane zamka nalazio se relativno prostran utvr|e- Uneska, sredstvima koja je obezbedila
ni deo grada tzv. Dowi grad, koji je na uglovima bio oja~an sa dve kule. Prema Evropska unija. Izvo|ewe radova na
me|unarodnom tenderu povereno je
povr{inskim tragovima ku}a, moè se pretpostaviti da je bio gusto naseqen.
Privrednom dru{tvu za izgradwu,
Na to ukazuju i prvi rezultati istraìvawa prostora uz severoisto~ni bedem obnovu i rekonstrukciju gra|evinskih
Doweg grada.31 Na padinama isto~no i jugoisto~no od zamka {irilo se gradsko objekata „KOTO d.o.o.“ iz Beograda.
naseqe u podgra|u, koje je, kako izgleda, ve}im delom bilo opasano zidanim be- Sistematskim arheolo{kim
istraìvawima koja se izvode
demom. U sistemu odbrane naseqa sigurno su se nalazili i zemqani bedemi sa u okviru ovog projekta rukovodi
palisadama, kao i rovovi. U prostoru nekada{weg podgra|a postoje brojni tra- dr Marko Popovi}.
govi kamenih zidova zgrada i nekada{wih komunikacija. Povr{inskim osma- 30 Popovi} 2016, 74–80.
trawem, s obzirom na to da obimnija arheolo{ka istraìvawa nisu vr{ena, 31 Popovi}, Biki} 2017, 387–407.
mogu se uo~iti poloàji nekada{wih gradskih kvartova.32 U sredi{tu naseqa, 32 Zdravkovi} 1953–1954, 809–812.
gde su se susticale ulice iz razli~itih pravaca, nalazio se prostrani trg.33 33 Popovi} 2016a, 58.
quarters.32 In the centre of the settlement, where streets from different directions
converged, there used to be a spacious market square.33 Not far from this centre of
the settlement, there used to be the main town’s church – the Orthodox Cathedral
of St Nicholas to which this study is dedicated.
The existence of the former churches of Novo Brdo is today testified to by
archaeological remains, some of which have been explored in more detail, as well as
data from the original historian sources, that is, from the documents from Ragusa
and Kotor. The Catholics – the Saxons and the coastal merchants, who constituted
a significant share of the Novo Brdo population – were organized within a single
parish, which, like in the case of the other Serbian town, fell under the jurisdiction
of the Bishop of Kotor. The Novo Brdo catholic parish, probably founded in the first
decades of the 14th century, was first mentioned in 1346. As a parish of the Kotor
Bishopric, it was under the spiritual authority of the church of this town even later,
when Kotor was no longer under the Serbian rule.34 Only in the first decades of the
15th century Novo Brdo’s Catholics moved under the authority of the Archbishop
of Bar.
The main Roman-Catholic church of Novo Brdo, Santa Maria in Novomonte,
known as Sa{ka crkva (the Saxon Church – TN) was built during the first half of the
14th century. It was located within the suburban Donji Trg (Lower Market Square
– TN), less than a kilometre south-east of the fortified suburb.35 Another, smaller
catholic church, dedicated to St Nicholas, which originally served as a chapel (capella
Santi Nicolai), was built around 1380 in the fortified suburb of Novo Brdo. Its more
accurate location is not known.36 In the first decades of the 15th century, both of
these churches were joined into a single parish.37 As the Catholic temples were used
for the services, occasionally or continuously, they were regularly mentioned until
the middle of the 17th century.
As opposed to the Roman Catholic temples, there are almost no data in the his-
torical sources about the Orthodox churches of Novo Brdo. Only one document has
been preserved which sheds a tiny ray of light on the religious life in this town. This
document testifies that on 4 September 1434 monk Savatije adopted priest Bogdan
and gave him a part of his heritage in the Novo Brdo suburb – a half of a church
and a half of a house, with a provision that he should possess them until the end of
his life under the laws of the town of Novo Brdo. In the capacity of a witness to this
act of donation, along with representatives of the authority – the Vojvoda and the
32 Zdravkovi} 1953–1954, 809–812.
Knez, there were seven more priests mentioned, as well as the Novo Brdo protopres-
33 Popovi} 2016a, 58.
byter,38 which would imply that the town with large orthodox population also had
34
For more details about the catholic
a large number of priests. From the end of the 14th century, the metropolitans from
churches in Novo Brdo see Gogi} 2016,
1–25. Gra~anica also occasionally had their seat in Novo Brdo,39 but it is not known for
35êr{kov 1958, 338–340; how long the metropolitans stayed in Novo Brdo. One of the important reasons for
Bo{kovi} 1974, 108; the possible transfer of the seat of the church was, unquestionably, the intention to
Jovanovi} i dr. 2004, 106–114. move the church official within the fortified town. In the periods marked by occa-
36 Recently there has been an erroneous
sional warfare with the Ottomans, such events could be rather frequent. It may be
assumption that this church was located
in the Lower Town of the fortification presumed that the first temporary move took place already in 1383 when Gra~anica
(Gogi} 2016, 8–10). was plundered and burned down. During subsequent Ottoman campaigns, judging
37 Gogi} 2016, 14. by all, the Gra~anica metropolitans stayed in Novo Brdo for longer periods of time.
38 Stari srpski hrisovuqi 1890, 51. On those occasions, undoubtedly, the main town’s church of St Nicholas served as
39 Jankovi} 1985, 187. the cathedral church of the metropolitanate, but there are no preserved written
Nedaleko od ovog sredi{ta naseqa nalazila se glavna gradska crkva – kate-

drala Svetog Nikole, kojoj je i posve}ena ova studija.
O nekada{wim novobrdskim crkvama sada svedo~e arheolo{ki ostaci, od
kojih su neki i detaqnije istraèni, kao i podaci iz izvorne istorijske gra|e,
odnosno dubrova~kih i kotorskih dokumenata. Katolici – Sasi i primorski
trgovci, koji su ~inili znatan broj stanovni{tva Novog Brda – bili su orga-
nizovani u okviru jedne plebanije (ùpe), koja je, kao i u drugim srpskim gra-
dovima, spadala pod jurisdikciju kotorskog biskupa. Novobrdska katoli~ka
ùpa, osnovana verovatno u prvim decenijama 14. veka, prvi put se pomiwe
1346. godine. Kao parohija Kotorske biskupije, bila je pod duhovnom vla{}u
crkve ovog grada i kasnije, kada Kotor vi{e nije bio pod srpskom vla{}u.34
Tek u prvim decenijama 15. veka novobrdski katolici su pre{li u nadle`nost
barskog nadbiskupa.
Glavna rimokatoli~ka crkva Novog Brda, Santa Maria in Novomonte, pozna-
ta kao Sa{ka crkva, podignuta je tokom prve polovine 14. veka. Nalazila se u
okviru prigradskog Doweg trga, nepun kilometar jugoisto~no od utvr|enog pod-
gra|a.35 Druga, mawa katoli~ka crkva, posve}ena Svetom Nikoli, koja je prvo-
bitno sluìla kao kapela (capella Santi Nicolai), podignuta je oko 1380. godine
u utvr|enom podgra|u Novog Brda. Wena blià lokacija nije poznata.36 Obe
ove crkve su u prvim decenijama 15. veka spojene u jednu ùpu.37 Kao katoli~ki
hramovi u kojima je obavqano bogosluèwe, povremeno ili stalno, pomiwu se
sve do sredine 17. veka.
Za razliku od rimokatoli~kih hramova, o pravoslavnim crkvama Novog
Brda u istorijskim izvorima gotovo da i nema podataka. O~uvana je samo jedna
isprava koja baca tra~ak svetla na verski ìvot u ovom gradu. Taj dokument sve-
do~i da je 4. septembra 1434. godine monah Savatije usinio popa Bogdana i dao
mu deo svoje ba{tine u novobrdskom podgra|u – polovinu crkve i polovinu ku-
}e, i to da ih poseduje do veka po zakonu grada Novog Brda. U svojstvu svedoka ovog
~ina darovawa, uz predstavnike vlasti – vojvodu i kneza, navedeno je jo{ sedam
sve{tenika i novobrdski protopop,38 {to bi ukazivalo na to da je u gradu sa
brojnim pravoslavnim stanovni{tvom tada bilo i dosta sve{tenika. U Novom
Brdu su od kraja 14. veka povremeno stolovali i gra~ani~ki mitropoliti,39
ali nije poznato koliko su dugo mitropoliti boravili u Novom Brdu. Jedan od
bitnih razloga za eventualno preseqewe crkvenog sedi{ta bila je, bez sumwe,
te`wa ka tome da se crkveni poglavar skloni u okvire utvr|enog grada. U raz-
dobqima koja su bila obeleèna povremenim ratovawima sa Turcima, takvi
povodi mogli su biti u~estali. Moè se pretpostaviti da je do prvog privre- 34 Detaqnije o katoli~kim crkvama
menog preseqewa do{lo ve} 1383. godine, kada je Gra~anica poharana i spaqe- u Novom Brdu v. Gogi} 2016, 1–25.
35
na. I u vreme kasnijih turskih pohoda gra~ani~ki mitropoliti su, po svemu êr{kov 1958, 338–340; Bo{kovi}
sude}i, duè vreme boravili u Novom Brdu. Glavna gradska crkva Svetog Nikole 1974, 108; Jovanovi} i dr. 2004, 106–114.
36 Nedavno je izneta pogre{na
u tim prilikama je, bez sumwe, bila katedralni hram mitropolije, ali o tome
pretpostavka o tome da se ova crkva
nema sa~uvanih pisanih svedo~anstava. Poznato je da su tokom 16. i po~etkom nalazila u Dowem gradu utvr|ewa
17. veka gra~ani~ki mitropoliti nazivani i novobrdskim, {to bi bilo po- (Gogi} 2016, 8–10).
sredno svedo~anstvo o tome da se ovo crkveno sredi{te nalazilo u Novom Brdu 37 Gogi} 2016, 14.
i pre turskog osvajawa.40 38 Stari srpski hrisovuqi 1890, 51.
O pravoslavnim novobrdskim hramovima, ~iji je trag izgubqen u pisanim 39 Jankovi} 1985, 187.
svedo~anstvima, jo{ uvek pouzdano svedo~e arheolo{ki ostaci, od kojih su 40 Jankovi} 1983, 32–36.
records about that. It is known that during the 16th century and at the beginning
of the 17th century, the Gra~anica metropolitans were also called the metropolitans
of Novo Brdo, which was an indirect testimony showing that this church seat was
located in Novo Brdo even before the Ottoman conquests.40
The Orthodox churches of Novo Brdo, whose trace has been lost in the written
records, may still be reliably testified to by archaeological remains, some of which
have been explored. In addition to the big cathedral church, which we are going to
talk about later, there were certainly a dozen smaller single-nave churches. It seems
to us we are not going to be wrong if we presume that these were most often rela-
tively modest family endowments of noblemen – such as the case was, for instance,
in Prizren. Remains of a single-nave church with subsequently added narthex, which
used to be in the middle of the residential complex, have been recently discovered
in the Castle – the citadel.41 One church was certainly located in the Lower Town
of the Novo Brdo fortification. An indirect testimony to its existence are the spolia
with the Morava-style interlacing ornament in the form of a relief built into the
Turkish reinforcements of tower 6 of the Castle and the south tower of the Lower
Town. These reinforcements were built soon after the Ottoman conquest of the town
in 1455, which would mean that a church in the fortification was then demolished
in order to be used as a source of building material.
In the town’s suburb there are traces of several small single-nave churches. On
the south slope down from the cathedral, there used to be a church dedicated to the
Holy Virgin. A little farther away, in the south section of the suburb, remains of a
single-nave church called “Jov~a” have been discovered and studied.42 Not far from
Jov~a, near the alignment of the south rampart of the suburb, there used to be three
more single-nave churches, popularly called “Sabornice.” The walls of one of these
small churches with a semi-circular presbytery were excavated in 1955.43 In the far
south section, there is a preserved toponym “Markove crkve” and “~ifte kilise,” which
could mean that this is the place where two smaller churches used to be. In the
north part of the suburb, at the Grozni~avac site, there are also recorded traces of
two additional smaller churches.44 These first findings on the sacral topography of
Novo Brdo, partially based on the field prospection or the accounts of the local po-
pulation, should be verified in the future by archaeological excavation of the pre-
served structures.
The Ottoman attacks, which started in the areas of the central Balkans after
the Christian defeat in the Battle of Maritsa in 1371, had a decisive impact on the
fate of Novo Brdo. With increasingly more frequent Turkish incursions, the Novo
Brdo district was exposed already from the last decade of the 14th century. The first
40 Jankovi} 1983, 32–36. failed attack on Novo Brdo, with an intention to take over the town, was undertaken
41
Popovi} 2016, 77–78; by Sultan Musa in 1412.45 Along with the garrison and the citizens, merchants from
Samarxi}, Jakovqev 2016, 81–84. Ragusa also took part in the defence. The attackers were finally pushed back when
42 Zdravkovi}, Jovanovi} 1954–1955, Despot Stefan arrived with his army. The town was in a dire danger also towards
275–282; Zdravkovi}, Simi} 1956,
245–251. the end of Stefan’s rule. Following the news that the Serbian monarch had died,
43 Zdravkovi}, Simi} 1956, 251–254, Sultan Murad II arrived with his army under Novo Brdo, but the conflict was avoid-
fig. 7. ed and the peace was soon negotiated.46 The peaceful period, however, did not last
44 Jovanovi} i dr. 2004, 94. for long. At the end of the fourth decade of the 15th century, a large Turkish attack
45 Novakovi} 1879, 317–326. on Serbia started and around the middle of 1439 the Despot’s capital Smederevo
46 Dini} 1962, 46–49. was taken. In this period, Novo Brdo was also exposed to occasional attacks, but it
neki i istraèni. Osim velike katedralne crkve, o kojoj }e daqe biti re~i,
postojalo je sigurno jo{ desetak mawih jednobrodnih hramova. îni nam se da
ne}emo pogre{iti ako pretpostavimo da su to naj~e{}e bile relativno skrom-
ne vlasteoske porodi~ne zadu`bine – kakav je bio slu~aj, na primer, u Prizre-
nu. U zamku – citadeli nedavno su otkriveni ostaci jednobrodne crkve sa nak-
nadno dogra|enom pripratom, koja se nalazila u sredi{tu rezidencijalnog
kompleksa.41 Jedna crkva se sigurno nalazila i u Dowem gradu novobrdskog
utvr|ewa. Posredno svedo~anstvo o wenom postojawu predstavqaju spolije sa re-
qefnim moravskim prepletom, ugra|ene u turska oja~awa kule 6 Zamka i ju`ne
kule Doweg grada. Ova oja~awa zidana su ubrzo nakon turskog osvajawa grada
1455. godine, {to bi zna~ilo da je jedna crkva u utvr|ewu tada sru{ena kako bi
posluìla kao izvori{te gra|evinskog materijala.
U podgra|u postoje tragovi nekoliko malih jednobrodnih crkava. Na ju`noj
padini niè katedrale postojala je crkva posve}ena Bogorodici. Ne{to daqe,
u ju`nom delu podgra|a, otkriveni su i istraèni ostaci jednobrodne crkve
zvane Jov~a.42 Nedaleko od Jov~e, u blizini trase ju`nog bedema podgra|a, po-
stojale su jo{ tri jednobrodne crkve, u narodu poznate kao „sabornice“. Zidovi
jednog od ovih malih hramova sa polukru`nom apsidom otkopani su 1955. go-
dine.43 Na krajwem ju`nom delu, ostao je sa~uvan toponim Markove crkve i
„~ifte kilise“, {to bi moglo zna~iti da su se tu nalazile dve mawe crkve. I u
severnom delu podgra|a, na lokalitetu Grozni~avac, zabeleèni su tragovi jo{
dve mawe crkve.44 Ova prva saznawa o sakralnoj topografiji Novog Brda, zasno-
vana delom na terenskoj prospekciji ili kazivawima me{tana, u budu}nosti
bi vaqalo proveriti arheolo{kim istraìvawima sa~uvanih struktura.
Za sudbinu Novog Brda presudan uticaj su imali turski napadi, koji su na
podru~ja centralnog Balkana zapo~eli posle hri{}anskog poraza na Marici
1371. godine. Sve ~e{}im turskim prodorima novobrdska oblast bila je izlo-
èna ve} od posledwe decenije 14. veka. Prvi neuspeo napad na Novo Brdo, sa
ciqem da zauzme grad, preduzeo je sultan Musa 1412. godine.45 Uz posadu i gra-
|ane, u odbrani su u~estvovali i Dubrov~ani. Napada~i su kona~no potisnuti
kada je pristigao despot Stefan sa vojskom. U velikoj opasnosti grad je bio i
pri kraju Stefanove vladavine. Na vest o tome da je srpski vladar umro, sul-
tan Murat II stigao je sa vojskom pod Novo Brdo, ali sukob je izbegnut i mir je
ubrzo sklopqen.46 Mirno razdobqe, me|utim, nije dugo potrajalo. Krajem ~e-
tvrte decenije 15. veka zapo~et je veliki turski napad na Srbiju, a sredinom
1439. godine zauzeta je despotova prestonica Smederevo. U tom razdobqu i Novo 41Popovi} 2016, 77–78;
Brdo je bilo izloèno povremenim napadima, ali nije osvojeno. Izgleda da se Samarxi}, Jakovqev 2016, 81–84.
Turcima nije ùrilo da grad opsednu i zauzmu. Ozbiqnije borbe zapo~ete su 42Zdravkovi}, Jovanovi} 1954–1955,
tek u prole}e 1441. godine. Turci su najpre uspeli da osvoje novobrdsko pod- 275–282; Zdravkovi}, Simi} 1956,
245–251.
gra|e, dok se samo utvr|ewe predalo tek krajem juna. Sude}i prema dubrova~- 43 Zdravkovi}, Simi} 1956, 251–254,
kim dokumentima, sa uspostavqawem turske vlasti u osvojenom gradu stawe se sl. 7.
nije bitno promenilo.47 Do privremenog oslobo|ewa Novog Brda do{lo je ve} 44 Jovanovi} i dr. 2004, 94.
krajem 1443. godine, nakon pobeda ugarsko-srpske vojske. Me|utim, ve} febru- 45 Novakovi} 1879, 317–326.
ara naredne godine Turci su uspeli da ponovo zaposednu grad, koji je tom pri- 46 Dini} 1962, 46–49.
likom u osvetni~kim represalijama te{ko postradao. Posle sklapawa mira, 47Novakovi} 1879, 336–338;
Novo Brdo je vra}eno despotu \ur|u u avgustu 1444. godine.48 Jednu deceniju Dini} 1962, 60–61.
kasnije, oko Novog Brda su se ponovo vodile borbe. Bili su to predznaci velikog 48 Dini} 1962, 62.
Sl. 5. Utvr|ewe Novog Brda, osnova

Fig. 5. Novo Brdo fortification, ground plan
napada, koji }e kona~no ovaj bogati i prosperitetni grad dovesti pod tursku
vlast. Opsadu grada zapo~eo je rumelijski beglerbeg u aprilu 1455. godine, dok
je narednog meseca sa vojskom stigao i li~no sultan Mehmed II. Posle èsto-
kog bombardovawa iz topova, koji su izbacivali velike kamene kugle, pre~ni-
ka 50–70 cm, gradske fortifikacije su znatno o{te}ene. Pred mnogo ja~om
turskom silom branioci su kona~no poloìli oru`je i predali grad 1. jula
1455. godine. Uslov predaje je bio da stanovni{tvo grada sa svim svojim ima-
wem bude po{te|eno. Me|utim, ~im je izvr{ena predaja, sultan je naredio da
se zatvore sve kapije, osim jedne. Celokupno stanovni{tvo moralo je da napu-
sti grad, ostavqaju}i svoje imawe u ku}ama. Sam sultan je stajao pred otvore-
nom kapijom i svrstavao mladi}e na jednu stranu, odrasle mu{karce na drugu,
a ènsku ~eqad na tre}u. Najuglednije qude odmah je pogubio, deo èna razde-
lio kao robqe svojim vojnicima, a deo mladi}a odabrao za jani~are. Preosta-
lo stanovni{tvo vra}eno je u grad, a wihovo imawe nije dirano.49
Pad pod tursku vlast ozna~io je veliku prekretnicu za daqu sudbinu No-
vog Brda. Odmah po zauzimawu grada Turci su, kao i u drugim osvojenim mesti-
ma, promenili dotada{we gradsko ure|ewe. Na ~elo grada postavqen je turski
vojvoda, tvr|avom je zapovedao dizdar, dok je sudska vlast bila u rukama kadi-
je.50 Ubrzo nakon osvajawa, preduzeti su radovi na obnovi o{te}enih bedema i
kula utvr|ewa, odnosno Zamka i Doweg grada, gde hri{}anima vi{e nije bio
dozvoqen pristup.51 Tom prilikom, kao {to je ve} navedeno, sru{ene su dve za-
te~ene crkve – i to jedna u Zamku, a druga, po svemu sude}i, u Dowem gradu. Ove
crkve, koje su u novim uslovima postale nedostupne svojim nekada{wim verni-
cima, posluìle su kao izvori{te kamene gra|e neophodne za popravku forti-
fikacija. U obnovqeno utvr|ewe sme{tena je vojna posada od oko 50 mustahfiza
sa dizdarom i }ehajom na ~elu. Ovaj broj vojnika novobrdske posade prakti~no
se nije mewao sve do kraja 17. veka.52 Posada je bila sme{tena u okviru bedema
Doweg grada, dok je prostor u citadeli, nekada{wem zamku, ostao zasut ru{e-
vinama i nenastawen.
Nakon represalija koje su pratile ~in osvajawa, Turci su nastojali da se
u osvojenom gradu ponovo uspostavi red i obnovi rad rudnika. U tu svrhu poka-
zan je odre|en tolerantan odnos prema hri{}anima, koji nije bio uobi~ajen u
drugim osvojenim gradovima. To je razlog {to je Novo Brdo i vi{e decenija po-
sle osvajawa zadràlo svoj hri{}anski karakter. U ranom razdobqu osmanske
vlasti, rudarska i zanatska proizvodwa imala je oslonac u zate~enom gra|an-
stvu. Tursko islamsko stanovni{tvo bilo je sve do po~etka 16. veka uglavnom
ograni~eno na tvr|avsku posadu, administrativni aparat i osobqe kovnice, uz
malobrojne doseqenike, i to gotovo po pravilu konvertite.53
Krajem 15. veka, sude}i prema podacima zabeleènim u defteru Vu~itrn-
skog sanxaka iz 1498/9. godine, Novo Brdo je bilo prevashodno hri{}anski
grad. Ve}ina od 38 mahala ili gradskih ~etvrti nosila je naziv prema imenu
sve{tenika (popa ili protopopa), kalu|era ili crkve. U gradu se tada nalazi- 49 Konstantin iz Ostrovice 1986, 121.
lo 887 hri{}anskih ku}a i nekoliko crkava, koje su u podgra|u postojale pre 50 Dini} 1962, 68.
osvajawa grada. Nijedna mahala krajem 15. veka jo{ uvek nije bila ozna~ena kao 51 Popovi} 2016, 74–75.
muslimanska. U ovom defteru, kao ni u ranijem – iz 1477. godine, u Novom Brdu 52 Zirojevi} 1974, 135–137.
se ne pomiwe nijedna xamija, a ni vakufi, kao pobo`na zave{tawa, koji su prvi 53 Filipovi} 1954, 71.
osnivani u zaposednutim zemqama i gradovima.54 54 Filipovi} 1954, 66–69.
was not conquered. It appears that the Ottomans were not in a hurry to lay siege to
the town and take it. More serious battles started only in the spring of 1441. The
Ottomans first managed to conquer the Novo Brdo suburb, while the fortification
itself surrendered at the end of June. Judging by the documents from Ragusa, the
establishment of the Turkish authority did not change much the state of affairs in
the town.47 A temporary liberation of Novo Brdo took place already at the end of
1443, after the victories of the Hungarian and Serbian army. However, as early as in
February of next year, the Turks managed to recapture the town which then suffered
greatly from the revenge-based repressions. After the peace had been negotiated,
Novo Brdo was given back to Despot \ur|e in August 1444.48 One decade later,
battles were fought around Novo Brdo again. These were the early signs of a major
attack that would finally bring this rich and prosperous town under the Ottoman
rule. The siege was started by a Rumelian beylerbey in April of 1455, while the next
month Sultan Mehmed II himself arrived with the army. After fierce bombing from
cannons that discharged large stone balls, 50–70 cm in diameter, the town’s forti-
fications were seriously damaged. Facing the significantly stronger Ottoman forces,
the defenders finally laid down their weapons and surrendered the town on 1 July
1455. The condition for the surrender was that the population of the town with all
of their properties should be spared. However, as soon as the surrender had taken
place, the sultan ordered all the gates, but one, to be closed. The entire population
had to leave the town, leaving their possessions in their houses. The sultan himself
stood in front of the gate and separated young men on one side, adult males on the
other and women and girls on the third one. He had the most prominent men exe-
cuted right away, gave a part of the female population to his soldiers as slaves, and
selected a part of the young men for the Janissaries. The remaining population was
returned to the town and their property was not touched.49
The fall under the Ottoman rule marked a major turning point for the further
fate of Novo Brdo. Right after they had captured the town, the Turks, like they did
in the other conquered places, changed the administration that had run the town
until then. A Turkish Vojvoda was appointed as the head of the town, the fortress
was commanded by a Dizdar, while the judiciary authority was in the hands of a
Qadi.50 Soon after the conquest, the works started on the reconstruction of the da-
maged ramparts and towers of the fortification, and of the Castle and Lower“Town”,
where access of Christians was no longer permitted.51 At this point, as it has been
mentioned already, two churches that had been found there were demolished – one
in the Castle and the other one, judging by all, in the Lower“Town”. These church-
es, which under the new conditions became inaccessible to their former faithful,
now served as a source of stone material required for the repairs on the fortifica-
tions. A military crew of around 50 mustahfizes (fortress guards – TN) with a dizdar,
headed by a kethüda, were stationed in the fortress. This number of soldiers of the
47 Novakovi} 1879, 336–338;
Novo Brdo garrison practically did not change until the end of the 17th century.52
Dini} 1962, 60–61. The crew was stationed within the ramparts of the Lower Town, while the space in
48 Dini} 1962, 62. the citadel, former Castle, remained covered in ruins and uninhabited.
49 Konstantin iz Ostrovice 1986, 121. After the repressions that accompanied the act of conquest, the Ottomans tried
50 Dini} 1962, 68. to bring order back to the conquered town and renew the operations of the mines.
51 Popovi} 2016, 74–75. For this purpose there was a certain tolerant attitude towards the Christians which
52 Zirojevi} 1974, 135–137. otherwise was not common in the other occupied places. This is the reason why
U prvim decenijama 16. veka stawe u Novom Brdu se zna~ajno promenilo, {to
jasno pokazuje poodmakli proces islamizacije. U defteru Vu~itrnskog sanxa-
ka iz 1526. godine, u hri{}anskim mahalama koje se pomiwu u prethodnom po-
pisu uo~qivo je zna~ajno smawewe broja ku}a, dok su neke i opustele. Tu se pr-
vi put pomiwu i ~etiri nove muslimanske mahale, sa 139 ku}a. Stare{ine
vi{e od jedne tre}ine ovih ku}a bili su konvertiti u prvoj generaciji. Jedna
od tih novih muslimanskih gradskih ~etvrti – Mahala ~asne xamije, bila je
najgu{}e naseqena. Imala je 48 ku}a, od kojih je 18 pripadalo konvertitima.55
U nazivu ove mahale prvi put se pomiwe xamija u Novom Brdu. Zanimqivo je da
u ranijim defterima, kao jedinoj sa~uvanoj pisanoj gra|i iz prvih decenija
turske vlasti, nema podataka o novobrdskoj islamskoj bogomoqi, koja je sasvim
sigurno morala ve} ranije postojati. O tome svedo~i ~esto pomiwani podatak
iz Bjelopoqskog i Se~eni~kog letopisa, gde se navodi da su Turci 6974. godi-
ne od stvorewa sveta, odnosno 1466. godine u Novom Brdu „pretvorili u xamiju
{a{ku crkvu“.56 Ovaj podatak, doslovno preuzet, navodio je ranije istraìva-
~e na zakqu~ak o tome da su Turci pretvorili u xamiju rimokatoli~ku Sa{ku 55 Filipovi} 1954, 79.
crkvu.57 Me|utim, kako su daqa istraìvawa pokazala, ova crkva, koja se nalazi- 56 Rodoslovi i letopisi, 248, ¹ 753.
la na Dowem trgu, sigurno je bila opusto{ena prilikom turskog osvajawa grada, 57Dini} 1954–1955, 247–250;
ali je nakon toga obnovqena i jo{ uvek je u 17. veku bila u rukama malobrojne ]irkovi} 1997, 245.
katoli~ke zajednice u Novom Brdu.58 Za razliku od ve}ine zate~enih, relativ-

58 Gogi} 2016, 1–25, sa navedenim
izvorima i starijom literaturom.
no malih novobrdskih hri{}anskih hramova, za pretvarawe u xamiju Turcima 59 … In questo luoco (Montenuovo) sono
je mogao odgovarati jedino pravoslavni katedralni hram Svetog Nikole – koji 40 case de Latini, 60 de scismatici, e 100
je predmet ove studije. fra Hebrei e Turehi, i quali banno convertita
U prilog ovom zakqu~ku, od izuzetnog zna~aja su podaci koje su zabeleì- in moschea una bella e sontuosa chiesa,
ch'era dei despoti della Servia, lavorata con
li katoli~ki prelati prilikom svojih poseta Novom Brdu tokom prve polovi-
musaichi, et architetture ben intese…,
ne 17. veka. Prilikom kanonske vizitacije, 1610. godine, barski nadbiskup navedeno prema Ra~ki 1888, 122.
Marin Bici (Marin Bizzi) u svom izve{taju naveo je da: „… U ovom mestu ima 40 60 … Monte Novo […]Chase Christiane
ku}a Latina, 60 ku}a {izmatika (pravoslavnih Srba) i 100 ku}a {to Jevreja, nu[me]ro 80, anime vero nu[me]ro 540,
{to Turaka, koji su pretvorili u mo{eju jednu lepu i rasko{nu crkvu, koja je et questo con certe tre Vile che sono intomo
di detto luogo, dove in detto luogo sono
pripadala srpskim despotima, a bila je izra|ena u mozaicima u skladnoj arhi- quatroMoschee delli Turchi Case vero delli
tekturi…“59 Prilikom obilaska svoje dijeceze tri decenije kasnije, 10. marta Turchi nu[me]ro 120, Case delli Sismatici
1642. godine, barski nadbiskup \or|o Bjanki (Giorggio Bianchi) u Novom Brdu nu[me]ro 50. Et detto luoco sta sopra un
monte molto alto, et sopra detto monte e
je zatekao 80 hri{}anskih (katoli~kih) ku}a, sa 540 du{a, ukqu~uju}i i tri
fabricato un Castelo gagliardisimo con
okolna sela. On daqe navodi: „Tu su i ~etiri turske xamije, dok je turskih ku}a intorno un fosato essendo stato nel antichita
120, ku}a {izmatika je 50. Ovo mesto se nalazi na jednom visokom brdu, na kojem delli Greci, et soto detto Castelo era la Chiesia
je izgra|ena veoma sna`na tvr|ava, oko koje se nalazi jedan veoma {irok jarak, di Santo Nicolo cheogi di e moschea di Turchi
e stata Chiesia Catedrale, et un’altra Chiesia
koji je postojao od davnina, od Grka, a ispod ove tvr|ave bila je crkva Svetog Ni-
discosta un terzo di un miglio di detto luogo
kole, nekada katedralna crkva, a danas turska xamija, kao i jedna druga crkva, che si chiama Santa Maria e stata Chiesia
koja je udaqena tre}inu miqe od ovog mesta, i posve}ena je Svetoj Mariji i bi- Canonicale et ogi di sta in mano di Cristiani,
la je kanonikalna crkva, i danas je u rukama hri{}ana, i u re~enoj crkvi nalaze et in detta chiesia sono le sepolture dove
si sepeliscono li Catholici, et hano un’altra
se grobovi u kojima se sahrawuju katolici, a imaju i jo{ jednu crkvu posve}enu chiesia dentro nel Borgo vicino al sopra detto
Svetom Nikoli, koja se nalazi u selu blizu tvr|ave…“60 Castelo che si chiama San Nicolo[…],
Osim posrednih pomena xamije – nekada{we katedrale, u raspoloìvim navedeno prema Ja~ov 1986, 589.
Za prevod sa italijanskog autori duguju
i do sada obra|enim izvorima nema podatka o drugim islamskim bogomoqama
zahvalnost dr Valentini @ivkovi},
u Novom Brdu. Jedino svedo~anstvo u tom smislu predstavqa gorenavedeni povi{em nau~nom saradniku
datak iz 1642. godine da su u to vreme na podru~ju Novog Brda postojale ~eti- Balkanolo{kog instituta SANU.
ri xamije.61 Ostaje otvoreno pitawe o tome da li su se sve nalazile u okviru 61 Ja~ov 1986, 589.
Novo Brdo even several decades after it had been taken over managed to keep its
Christian character. In the early stages of the Ottoman rule, the mining and crafts
production had its base in the residents already living there. Until the beginning of
the 16th century, the Turkish Islamic population was mostly limited to the fortress
crew, the administration and the staff working at the mint, with few colonists, who
by the rule were actually converts.53
Judging by the data recorded in the defter of the Vu~itrn Sanjak from 1498/9,
at the end of the 15th century, Novo Brdo was predominantly a Christian town.
Most of the 38 mahalas or town’s quarters were named after a priest (a presbyter
or a protopresbyter), a monk or a church. At the time, in the town there were 887
Christian houses and several churches which had existed in the suburb before the
conquering of the town. At the end of the 15th century, still no mahala was marked
as Muslim. This defter, like the earlier one from 1477, contains no mention of a
mosque in Novo Brdo or any waqfs, as religious endowments which were the first
ones to be established in the occupied lands and towns.54
In the first decades of the 16th century, the situation in Novo Brdo changed
significantly, which shows an advanced process of Islamization. In the 1526 defter
of the Vu~itrn Sanjak, in the Christian mahalas that had been mentioned in the pre-
vious census there is a noticeable reduction in the number of houses, while some
of them were completely abandoned. This was also the first time when four new
Muslim mahalas, with 139 houses, were mentioned. The heads of more than a third
of these houses were the first generation converts. One of those new Muslim town
quarters – Mahala ~asne dàmije (Honourable Mosque Mahala – TN), was most
densely populated. It had 48 houses, 18 of which belonged to the converts.55 The
name of this mahala mentions a mosque in Novo Brdo for the first time. It is inter-
esting that in the earlier defters, the only preserved written records from the first
decades of the Ottoman rule, there are no data on the Novo Brdo Islamic house of
prayer, which certainly had to exist before. This is supported by an often mentioned
piece of data from the Bijelopoljski and Se~eni~ki annal saying that in the year 6974
since the creation of the world, that is, in 1466, in Novo Brdo the Turks “turned
Sa{ka church into a mosque.”56 This data, literally taken over, has led earlier re-
searches to conclude that the Turks turned the Roman-Catholic Sa{ka church into
a mosque.57 However, as the further explorations have shown, this church, which
used to be at the Lower Market Square, was certainly plundered during the Turkish
53 Filipovi} 1954, 71. invasion of the town, but was reconstructed afterwards and was still in the hands
54 Filipovi} 1954, 66–69. of the small Catholic community in Novo Brdo in the 17th century.58 As opposed to
55 Filipovi} 1954, 79. the majority of the encountered, relatively small Christian churches of Novo Brdo,
56 Rodoslovi i letopisi, 248, no. 753. only the Orthodox cathedral Church of St Nicholas – which is the subject of this
57 Dini} 1954–1955, 247–250; ]irkovi} study – could suit the Ottomans for a conversion into a mosque.
1997, 245.
58
As a support to this conclusion, there are exceptionally significant data record-
Gogi} 2016, 1–25, with the quoted
sources and older literature. ed by the Catholic prelates during their visits to Novo Brdo in the first half of the
59
… In questo luoco (Montenuovo) sono 17th century. During the canonical visit in 1610, the Archbishop of Bar Marin Bizzi
40 case de Latini, 60 de scismatici, e 100 fra stated in his report that: “… There are 40 houses of the Latins in this place, 60 houses
Hebrei e Turehi, i quali banno convertita of the Schismatics (Orthodox Serbs) and 100 houses of Jews and Turks, the latter of whom
in moschea una bella e sontuosa chiesa,
turned into a mosque a beautiful and splendid church that used to belong to Serbian
ch’era dei despoti della Servia, lavorata
con musaichi, et architetture ben intese…, despots and was made with mosaics and harmonious architecture …“59 During the
quoted according to Ra~ki 1888, 122. visit to his diocese three decades later, on 10 March 1642, the Archbishop of Bar
Sl. 6. Katedrala Svetog Nikole, op{ti izgled ostataka 2016. godine

Fig. 6. St Nicholas Cathedral, general appearance of the remains in 2016
Giorggio Bianchi found in Novo Brdo 80 Christian (Catholic) houses, with 540 resi-
dents, including also three surrounding villages. He further states: “There are also four
Ottoman mosques, while there are 120 Turkish houses and 50 houses of the Schismatics.
This place is situated on a high hill, where there is a very strong fortress and around it
a very wide ditch that existed here from long ago, from the Greeks, while below this
fortress there used to be the Church of St Nicholas, formerly the cathedral church and
60 … Monte Novo […]Chase Christiane nowadays a Turkish mosque, as well as another church that is a third of a mile away
nu[me]ro 80, anime vero nu[me]ro 540, from this place and is dedicated to Holy Mary and was a canonical church, today still
et questo con certe tre Vile che sono intomo
in the hands of the Christians, and in the said church there are graves in which Catholics
di detto luogo, dove in detto luogo sono
quatroMoschee delli Turchi Case vero delli are laid to rest, and there is yet another church dedicated to St Nicholas that is located
Turchi nu[me]ro 120, Case delli Sismatici in a village near the fortress …“60
nu[me]ro 50. Et detto luoco sta sopra In addition to the indirect mentioning of the mosque – the former cathedral,
un monte molto alto, et sopra detto monte e
fabricato un Castelo gagliardisimo con the available sources that have been processed so far contain no data on any other
intorno un fosato essendo stato nel antichita Islamic houses of prayer in Novo Brdo. The only testimony in this respect is the
delli Greci, et soto detto Castelo era la Chiesia above-mentioned piece of data from 1642 saying that there were four mosques in
di Santo Nicolo cheogi di e moschea di Turchi
the area of Novo Brdo at the time.61 It remains open whether all of them were
e stata Chiesia Catedrale, et un’altra Chiesia
discosta un terzo di un miglio di detto luogo located within the suburb or perhaps at least one of them was in one of the nearby
che si chiama Santa Maria e stata Chiesia villages. There are also no direct data on the Orthodox clergy and churches that
Canonicale et ogi di sta in mano di Cristiani, rendered their names to the Christian mahalas. An exception constitutes a record
et in detta chiesia sono le sepolture dove
in one Synaxarium which says that it was written in 1571 in the Novo Brdo church
si sepeliscono li Catholici, et hano un’altra
chiesia dentro nel Borgo vicino al sopra detto of St Stephan.62 It is believed that this church, which was here mentioned for the
Castelo che si chiama San Nicolo[…], first time, was in the far south-west section of the suburb.63
quoted according to Ja~ov 1986, 589. On the basis of the data from the said defters regarding the number of priests,
For the translation from Italian into
Serbian, the authors are grateful as well as on the basis of the findings provided by other sources, it may be concluded
to Valentina @ivkovi}, PhD, that in the decades following the Ottoman conquest, as well as later during the 16th
Senior Researchc Associate of the century, Novo Brdo remained an important Christian spiritual centre. There is no
Institute for Balkan Studies of the Serbian
data about the destiny of the seat of the metropolitans from Gra~anica who occa-
Academy of Sciences and Arts.
61 sionally or continuously presided there during the first half of the 15th century. At
Ja~ov 1986, 589.
62 the time of the fighting for Novo Brdo and the capture of the town in 1455,
Zapisi i natpisi IV, no 6362.
63 Zadu`bine Kosova 1987, 492.
Metropolitan Venedikt found refuge at Despot \ur|e’s in Smederevo.64 What hap-
64 Jankovi} 1985, 148–148.
pened later is not known. It may be presumed that the metropolitans presided in
65 In the heading of the Gra~anica octoich Gra~anica monastery, the earlier seat of the diocese, but it cannot be ruled out that
from 1539 there is a mention of the pious they returned to Novo Brdo either. This possibility would also be corroborated by
Nikanor the Metropolitan of Novo Brdo; the fact that during the entire 16th century they bore the title of the metropolitans
the records from 1587 Prologue mention
of Gra~anica and Novo Brdo or only of those of Novo Brdo.65 The last one to be
the Metropolitan of Novo Brdo Vasilije;
the inscription on the silver glass donated mentioned as the Metropolitan of Novo Brdo was the later Patriarch of Pe} Pajsije
to De~ani monastery in 1592 mentions the (1614–1647/8).66 Judging by some records from the 16th century, it could be con-
pious Metropolitan of Novo Brdo Viktor; cluded that at the time Gra~anica was considered as the seat of the Metropolitanate
cited after Qubinkovi} 1956, 132–136.
66
of Novo Brdo.67
Zapisi i natpisi, 282, no. 1016;
Slijep~evi} 1991, 327.
As opposed to the churches of the Orthodox residents of Novo Brdo, a little
67 In the 1580 Panegyric there is a note more is known about the churches of the Latins. Even after the Ottoman conquest,
saying that it was donated to the church of the existing churches continued to serve their Roman Catholic worshippers. This is
the Metropolitanate of Novo Brdo Gra~anica; supported by the data from the previously mentioned report of Marin Bizzi, as well
the book donated in 1591 to the church
as by the testimony of Archbishop Giorgio Bianchi given three decades later. At the
Gra~anica and the Metropolitanate
of Novo Brdo; Zapisi i natpisi, time of these two, the Catholics had, as they had had earlier, two active churches.
no. 751 and 819. Outside the suburb, in the former Lower Market Square, there was the main Church
68 Ja~ov 1986, 589. of St Mary (S. Maria, chiesa canonicale),68 the remains of which are now known as
podgra|a ili je mo`da neka bila i u jednom od obli`wih sela. Nema tako|e ni Sl. 7. Novo Brdo,
neposrednih podataka o pravoslavnom sve{tenstvu i crkvama po kojima su poloàj ostataka katedrale
hri{}anske mahale nosile imena. Izuzetak predstavqa zapis u jednom Sinak- (foto 2016. godine)
saru, gde se navodi da je pisan 1571. godine u novobrdskoj crkvi Svetog Stefa- Fig. 7. Novo Brdo,
na.62 Smatra se da se ova crkva, koja se tom prilikom prvi put pomiwe, nala- position of the remains of the cathedral
zila u krajwem jugozapadnom delu podgra|a.63 (photo from 2016)
Na osnovu podataka iz pomenutih deftera o brojnosti sve{tenika, ali i
saznawa koje pruàju drugi izvori, moè se zakqu~iti da je u decenijama nakon
turskog osvajawa, pa i kasnije tokom 16. veka, Novo Brdo ostalo zna~ajno hri-
{}ansko duhovno sredi{te. Nema podataka o tome kakva je bila sudbina sedi{ta 62 Zapisi i natpisi IV, br. 6362.
gra~ani~kih mitropolita, koji su tokom prve polovine 15. veka tu povremeno 63 Zadu`bine Kosova 1987, 492.
ili stalno stolovali. U vreme borbi oko Novog Brda i osvajawa grada 1455. go- 64 Jankovi} 1985, 148–148.
dine, mitropolit Venedikt je potraìo uto~i{te kod despota \ur|a u Smede- 65 U zaglavqu Gra~ani~kog oktoiha iz
revu.64 [ta se kasnije de{avalo, nije poznato. Moè se pretpostaviti da su 1539. godine pomiwe se smerni Nikanor
mitropoliti stolovali u Gra~anici, ranijem sedi{tu episkopije, ali nije is- novobrdski mitropolit; u zapisu iz
Prologa iz 1587. godine pomiwe se
kqu~eno ni to da su se vratili u Novo Brdo. Na tu mogu}nost ukazivala bi i ~i-
mitropolit novobrdski Vasilije;
wenica da su tokom ~itavog 16. veka mitropoliti nosili titulu gra~ani~kih u natpisu na ~a{i koju je darovao
i novobrdskih ili pak samo novobrdskih.65 Posledwi koji se pomiwe kao mi- De~anima 1592. godine pomiwe se
tropolit novobrdski bio je potowi patrijarh pe}ki Pajsije (1614–1647/8).66 smerni mitropolit novobrdski Viktor;
navedeno prema Qubinkovi} 1956,
Sude}i prema nekim zapisima iz 16. veka, mogao bi se izvu}i zakqu~ak da se 132–136.
Gra~anica u to vreme smatrala sedi{tem Novobrdske mitropolije.67 66Zapisi i natpisi, 282, br. 1016;
Za razliku od hramova pravoslavnih gra|ana Novog Brda, o crkvama Lati- Slijep~evi} 1991, 327.
na zna se ne{to vi{e. I posle turskog osvajawa, postoje}e crkve ostale su da 67 Zapisi: u Panegiriku iz 1580. godine
sluè rimokatoli~kim vernicima. Na to ukazuju podaci iz ranije pomenutog stoji da je priloèn crkvi mitropoliji
novobrdskoj Gra~anici; priloèna
izve{taja Marina Bicija, kao i tri decenije poznije svedo~ewe nadbiskupa
kwiga 1591. godine crkvi Gra~anici
\or|a Bjankija (Gioggio Bianchi). U wihovo vreme katolici su imali, kao i ra- i mitropoliji novobrdskoj;
nije, dve aktivne crkve. Izvan podgra|a, na nekada{wem Dowem trgu, nalazila Zapisi i natpisi, br. 751 i 819.
Sa{ka crkva.69 Within the suburb itself, there was another, smaller church dedicated
to St Nicholas.70
During the 16th and most part of the 17th centuries, the work continued in the
Novo Brdo mines, but the production kept declining. Some rich ore deposits had
already been exhausted, but the results were also impacted to a significant degree by
increasingly poorer organization of the work. In the first decades after the Turkish
conquest, a large number of experienced miners moved out; Novo Brdo was also
abandoned by all coastal merchants. This all had an impact on the gradual decline
of the town and a decrease in the number of its residents.71 The mint, which used
to earn significant income, stopped working during the reign of Sultan Murad IV
(1623–1640).72
According to the data from one of the last Turkish defters, around the middle
of the seventh decade of the 17th century, there were still ten Christian mahalas in
Novo Brdo, with 142 households. Some of them kept their former names. The biggest
one was Sveta Petka mahala, with 23 houses, where a clergyman, priest Boà, was
also enumerated, and its former name was also kept by Sveti Petar (Saint Peter – TN)
mahala, which had 11 houses at the time.73
Before the Austro-Ottoman war, a Janissary crew in Novo Brdo consisted, like
in the past, of around 40 men. They did not reside in the fortress, which contained
only a dozen of semi-destroyed houses, but rather in the suburb, which still had
around 150 Christian and Muslim homes. The Austrian army, commanded by General
Piccolomini captured Novo Brdo in 1689, but the Ottomans managed to recapture
it already the following year. During those hostilities, the town suffered greatly and
a large share of the population moved away. In the 18th and the 19th centuries, Novo
Brdo survived as a small settlement with solely Turkish population.74
69 êr{kov 1958, 338–340.

70 Ra~ki 1888, 123; Gogi} 2016, 1–25.
71 Filipovi} 1954, 84–85.
72 Evlija êlebi, 308.
73 Zirojevi} 1990, 7–14.
74 Kosti} 1922, 134–162.
se glavna Bogorodi~ina crkva (S. Maria, chiesa canonicale),68 ~iji su ostaci sa-
da poznati kao Sa{ka crkva.69 U okviru samog podgra|a nalazila se druga, mawa
crkva, posve}ena Svetom Nikoli.70
Tokom 16. i ve}im delom 17. veka nastavqen je rad u novobrdskim rudni-
cima, ali je proizvodwa sve vi{e opadala. Neka bogata rudi{ta su ve} bila is-
crpqena, ali je na rezultate u zna~ajnoj meri uticala i sve slabija organiza-
cija rada. U prvim decenijama nakon turskog osvajawa iselio se veliki broj
iskusnih rudara, a Novo Brdo su napustili i svi primorski trgovci. Sve to je
imalo uticaja na postepeno opadawe grada i smawewe broja stanovnika.71 Kov-
nica novca, koja je nekada donosila zna~ajne prihode, prestala je sa radom za
vlade sultana Murata IV (1623–1640).72
Prema podacima iz jednog od posledwih turskih deftera, sredinom sedme
decenije 17. veka, u Novom Brdu je bilo jo{ uvek deset hri{}anskih mahala, sa
142 doma}instva. Neke od ovih mahala su zadràle svoja nekada{wa imena.
Kao najve}a, javqa se mahala Sveta Petka, sa 23 ku}e, gde je popisan i jedan
sve{tenik, pop Boà, a sa ranijim imenom je i mahala Sveti Petar, koja je ta-
da imala 11 ku}a.73
Pred austrijsko-turski rat jani~arska posada u Novom Brdu brojala je, kao
i ranije, oko 40 qudi. Oni nisu boravili u tvr|avi, gde se nalazilo svega de-
setak polurazru{enih ku}a, ve} u podgra|u, gde je jo{ uvek bilo oko 150 hri{}an-
skih i muslimanskih domova. Austrijska vojska, kojom je komandovao general
Pikolomini, zauzela je Novo Brdo 1689. godine, ali su Turci ve} naredne go-
dine uspeli da ga preotmu. Tokom tih ratnih dejstava grad je postradao, a veli-
ki deo stanovni{tva se raselio. U 18. i 19. stole}u Novo Brdo je opstajalo kao
malo naseqe sa gotovo iskqu~ivo turskim stanovni{tvom.74
68 Ja~ov 1986, 589.

69 êr{kov 1958, 338–340.
70 Ra~ki 1888, 123; Gogi} 2016, 1–25.
71 Filipovi} 1954, 84–85.
72 Evlija êlebi, 308.
73 Zirojevi} 1990, 7–14.
74 Kosti} 1922, 134–162.
36
Research history
T HE REMAINS of the town of Novo Brdo, the most important urban settlement
of medieval Serbia, caught the attention of the experts already at the end of the 19th
century. The first data on this important monument complex, with a description of
the visible ruins, were recorded in 1890 and published in the form of a report by
Raphael Hoffmann who was looking for old ore deposits.75 Several years later, the
area around the former town of Novo Brdo was also visited by Jovan Cviji}, as a part
of his geographic and geological explorations. Along with the data related to his
main line of interest, Cviji} also recorded his observations concerning the archaeo-
logical traces and historic toponimy. He described the traces of the mining opera-
tions in Novo Brdo and the ruins of the fortress. The remains of buildings in the
suburb made a particular impression on Cviji}: “From all the sides of the town, except
from the south-west, it is possible to see numerous foundations of houses, one next to
another, apparently with no regular streets. The main section of the settlement was
around the elevation, which is now called Bair, and was directly under the town on the
north-east side. The church of Sveta Petka, now turned into a mosque, was located
there. There are ruins of four more churches that may be recognized by their narthex
and presbytery. It was undoubtedly the Catholic one, the church of the Saxons, whose
ruins may be seen above the village of Bostan.”76 In the period between the two world
wars, in 1933, small-scale field explorations of the surface remains in Novo Brdo
were conducted by \ur|e Bo{kovi}.77 He paid most of his attention to the remains of
the fortification, but he also established that “there are foundations of old buildings
all over the place.” In the report, he underlined his opinion that particularly impor-
tant in this place were “the foundations of one, perhaps, Roman Catholic church,
which was located on a smallish mound at around 200 m north-east from the fortress.”
Bo{kovi} noticed that there were Turkish graves around these ruins, which led him
to a supposition that the former church had been turned into a mosque.78
75 Jovanovi} i dr. 2004, 14. The first archaeological surveying in the complex of Novo Brdo, with a very
76 Cviji} 1911, 1126–1127, ambitious programme, was started in 1952 by the Institute of Archaeology in coop-
map on p. 1123. eration with the National Museum and the Military Museum from Belgrade. The
77 Bo{kovi} 1939, 161–167. planned exploration works, with higher and lower intensity, were carried out until
78 Bo{kovi} 1939, 167. 1962 and then continued in 1969 when they were finally stopped. During the first
79Zdravkovi}, Jovanovi} 1954–1955, years of the excavations, the attention was focused on the remains of the fortifica-
275–282; Kora} 1954–1955, 265–274;
tions, which were partially relieved of the layers of debris, with smaller conservation
Zdravkovi} 1956, 331–345.
80 interventions.79 Further works, conducted with interruptions from 1955 until 1962,
Zdravkovi} 1958 341–348;
êr{kov, 1958, 338–340; covered the remains of Sa{ka church with surrounding structures and a necropolis
Ze~evi} 2006, 21–25. in which 52 graves were uncovered.80
37
Dosada{wa istraìvawa
O STACI GRADA Novog Brda, najzna~ajnije urbane naseobine sredwovekov-

ne Srbije, privukli su pa`wu nau~ne javnosti jo{ krajem 19. veka. Prve podatke
o ovom va`nom spomeni~kom kompleksu, sa opisom vidqivih ru{evina, zabe-
leìo je 1890. godine i u vidu izve{taja objavio Rafael Hofman, koji je tragao
za starim rudi{tima.75 Nekoliko godina kasnije, na prostoru ranijeg grada
Novog Brda je boravio i Jovan Cviji} u okviru svojih geografsko-geolo{kih
istraìvawa. Uz podatke koji su se odnosili na wegovo osnovno interesovawe,
Cviji} je beleìo i svoja zapaàwa o arheolo{kim tragovima i istorijskoj
toponimiji. Opisao je tragove rudarskih radova u Novom Brdu, kao i upe~atqi-
ve ru{evine utvr|ewa. Na Cviji}a su poseban utisak ostavili ostaci zdawa u
podgra|u: „Sa svih strana grada, osim jugozapadne, vide se brojni temeqi ku}a,
temeq do temeqa, izgleda bez pravilnih ulica. Glavni deo varo{i je bio oko uz-
vi{ewa, koje se sada zove Bair, i neposredno je pod gradom na severoisto~noj
strani. Na wemu je bila crkva Svete Petke, sada u xamiju preobra}ena. Ima raz-
valina jo{ ~etiri crkve, koje se poznaju po priprati i oltaru. Nesumwivo je ka-
toli~ka, saska crkva bila ona, od koje se vide razvaline iznad sela Bostana.“76
U razdobqu izme|u dva svetska rata, 1933. godine, mawa terenska prou~avawa po-
vr{inskih ostataka u Novom Brdu vr{io je i \ur|e Bo{kovi}.77 Glavnu pa`wu
on je posvetio ostacima utvr|ewa, ali je tako|e utvrdio da „svuda ima temeqa
starih gra|evina“. U izve{taju je istakao svoje mi{qewe o tome da su tu naro-
~ito va`ni „temeqi jedne mo`da rimokatoli~ke crkve, koja se nalazila na oma-
wem }uviku na oko 200 m severoisto~no od tvr|ave“. Bo{kovi} je uo~io da se oko
ovih ru{evina nalaze turski grobovi, {to ga je navelo na pretpostavku o tome
da je nekada{wa crkva bila pretvorena u xamiju.78
Prva arheolo{ka istraìvawa u kompleksu Novog Brda, sa vrlo ambicio-
znim programom, zapo~eo je 1952. godine Arheolo{ki institut, u saradwi sa
Narodnim muzejom i Vojnim muzejom iz Beograda. Planirani istraìva~ki 75 Jovanovi} i dr. 2004, 14.
radovi, ve}im ili mawim intenzitetom, obavqani su do 1962. godine, potom na- 76 Cviji} 1911, 1126–1127,
stavqeni 1969. godine, kada su kona~no prekinuti. Tokom prvih godina isko- karta na str. 1123.
77 Bo{kovi} 1939, 161–167.
pavawa glavna pa`wa je bila usmerena na ostatke fortifikacija, koje su deli-
78
mi~no oslobo|ene slojeva {uta, uz mawe konzervatorske intervencije.79 Daqim Bo{kovi} 1939, 167.
79 Zdravkovi}, Jovanovi} 1954–1955,
istraìva~kim radovima, koji su vr{eni sa prekidima od 1955. do 1962. go-
275–282; Kora} 1954–1955, 265–274;
dine, bili su obuhva}eni ostaci Sa{ke crkve sa okolnim zdawima i nekropo-
Zdravkovi} 1956, 331–345.
lom, na kojoj su otkrivena 52 groba.80 80 Zdravkovi} 1958 341–348;
Najobimnija ispitivawa u okviru pomenutog programa istraìvawa Novog êr{kov, 1958, 338–340;
Brda bila su usmerena na ostatke velike crkve, kasnije pretvorene u xamiju, Ze~evi} 2006, 21–25.
The most comprehensive explorations within the scope of the Novo Brdo
exploration programme were focused on the remains of a large church, later turned
into a mosque, that can be found on an elevation, around 200 m north-east from
the fortification, almost in the middle of the former suburb. Before the beginning
of the archaeological excavations, as well as during the very process of the explo-
rations, special consideration was shown to the problems of identification, that is,
of the confessional designation and the temple’s dedication of this biggest edifice in
Novo Brdo. The older researchers recorded the folk tale according to which this was
the church of Sveta Petka, which the Turks had turned into a mosque. Before the
field surveys, this traditional dedication was not particularly questioned, that is, it
was accepted as a phenomenon similar to the case of the cathedral in Prizren, the
Church of the Holy Virgin Ljevi{ka, which was, after being turned into a mosque,
remembered among the Christian population as the former church of Sveta Petka.
Until the first results of the archaeological excavations had been obtained, there
were thoughts that this might be the Catholic Church of St Nicholas, the existence
of which had been confirmed by the original historic materials.81 Such opinion was
influenced by the often quoted record from two Serbian annals which note under
the year of 1466: “The Turks took Sa{ka church and made a mescit in it.”82 As, on the
basis of the sources, it was mostly the Roman Catholic Church of St Nicholas in the
very urban settlement of Novo Brdo that was known, it was presumed that it was
precisely this church that had been turned into a mosque. However, Sa{ka church,
which was located outside the town itself, also known as Santa Maria de Nouvomonte,
was never turned into a mosque, but it rather served the Catholic devotees even
during the first half of the 17th century. The key piece of data about the fact that the
Turks turned the main orthodox temple into a mosque was recorded in the report
81 Dini} 1954–1955, 247–249; of the Archbishop of Bar, Marin Bizzi, who stayed in Novo Brdo in 1610, during his
Gogi} 2016, 1–25. canonical visitation. He stated that the Turks turned into a mosque “a pretty and
82 Rodoslovi i letopisi, 248, no. 753. valuable church of the Serbian despots.”83 This original piece of data, corroborated
83 Ra~ki 1888, 121. during the archaeological excavations, allowed for the recognition of the remains of
Sl. 8. Ostaci zidova katedrale,

pogled sa severoistoka
(1957. i 2016. godine)
Fig. 8. Remains of the walls
of the Cathedral, view from
the north-east (1957 and 2016)
koji se nalaze na jednom uzvi{ewu, oko 200 m severoisto~no od utvr|ewa, gotovo

u sredi{tu nekada{weg podgra|a. Pre zapo~iwawa arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
kao i u toku samog istraìva~kog procesa, razmatrani su problemi identifi-
kacije, odnosno konfesionalnog odre|ewa i hramovne posvete ovog najve}eg no-
vobrdskog zdawa. Stariji istraìva~i su zabeleìli narodno predawe prema
kome je to bila crkve Svete Petke, koju su Turci pretvorili u xamiju. Pre te-
renskih istraìvawa, ova tradicionalna posveta nije posebno preispitivana,
odnosno prihvatana je kao pojava sli~na slu~aju prizrenske katedrale, crkve
Bogorodice Qevi{ke, koja je nakon pretvarawa u xamiju ostala upam}ena kod
hri{}anskog stanovni{tva kao nekada{wa crkva Svete Petke. Do pojave prvih
rezultata arheolo{kih iskopavawa pomi{qalo se da bi to mogla biti kato-
li~ka crkva Svetog Nikole, ~ije postojawe potvr|uje izvorna istorijska gra-
|a.81 Na takvo gledi{te uticao je ~esto navo|eni zapis iz dva srpska letopisa,
gde se pod godinom 1466. navodi: „Uze{e Turci crkvu {a{ku i u woj u~ini{e me-
~it.“82 Kako se na osnovu izvora uglavnom znalo za rimokatoli~ku crkvu Sve-
tog Nikole u samom gradskom nasequ Novog Brda, pretpostavqalo se da je upra-
vo ta crkva pretvorena u xamiju. Me|utim, Sa{ka crkva, koja se nalazila izvan
samog grada, poznata kao Santa Maria de Nouvomonte, nije nikada pretvorena u
xamiju, ve} je sluìla katoli~kim vernicima i tokom prve polovine 17. veka.
Kqu~ni podatak o tome da su Turci u xamiju pretvorili glavni pravoslavni
hram zabeleèn je u izve{taju barskog nadbiskupa Marina Bicija, koji je 1610.
godine, tokom kanonske vizitacije, boravio u Novom Brdu. On navodi da su Tur-
ci pretvorili u xamiju „lepu i skupocenu crkvu srpskih despota“.83 Ovaj izvor-
ni podatak, koji je potvr|en u toku arheolo{kih iskopavawa, omogu}io je da se 81Dini} 1954–1955, 247–249;
na istraìvanoj lokaciji prepoznaju ostaci pravoslavne crkve Svetog Niko- Gogi} 2016, 1–25.
le, nekada{weg katedralnog hrama Novog Brda,84 {to }e daqe biti predmet na- 82 Rodoslovi i letopisi, 248, br. 753.
{ih podrobnijih razmatrawa. 83 Ra~ki 1888, 121.
Istraìvawa su zapo~eta 1956. godine sa ciqem da se najpre defini{e 84 Detaqnije v. Ze~evi} 2006, 17–21,
osnova ovog velikog poru{enog zdawa. U toku te godine uglavnom je ra|eno na sa navedenom literaturom.
Sl. 9. Severna strana katedrale the Orthodox Church of St Nicholas, the former cathedral temple of Novo Brdo, at
posle arheolo{kih iskopavawa the surveyed location,84 which will be the subject of our detailed considerations in
(1959. godine) the further text.
Fig. 9. North side of the Cathedral The explorations were started in 1956 with the primary aim to define the
after the archaeological excavations ground plan of this large demolished edifice. During this year, most of the works
(1959) were done on the digging out of the debris in the interior of the church, to the level
of the more recent Ottoman-period floor.85 The following year, in 1957, the debris
was also removed from the exterior side of the walls, thus defining the ground plan
of the church in its entirety.86 This was followed by systematic archaeological exca-
vations that lasted several years, firstly within the temple itself and then also at the
84 For more details, see Ze~evi} 2006, necropolis, which encompassed a broad, formerly enclosed space around the cathe-
17–21, with the stated literature.
dral.87 In this same year, in the interior of the church, the remains of the Ottoman-
85 Zdravkovi} 1958, 349–357.
86
period floors were first removed and then the graves in the more recent east section
Zdravkovi} 1959, 320–322.
87
of the cathedral, as well as in the east bay of the original temple were surveyed. A
The systematic archaeological
explorations, which with interruptions total of 53 interments were revealed in these sections of the cathedral, 19 of which
lasted from 1957 until 1968, were were built tombs and 34 graves dug into crumbly schistose rock, almost all looted
organized by the Institute of Archaeology and devastated at the time when the cathedral was turned into a mosque.88 During
and the National Museum in Belgrade.
the continuation of the works, the supposed south nave of the more recent, added
The explorations were headed by Radivoje
Ljubinkovi}, PhD (Institute of Archaeology) section of the cathedral was explored and there, along with significantly demolished
and Mirjana ]orovi}-Ljubinkovi}, PhD traces of walls, a total of seven built tombs were found. The graves in the older west
(National Museum). All movable section of the cathedral, that was not included into the space of the Ottoman
archaeological findings were stored
at the National Museum in Belgrade.
mosque, the surveying was done on the graves which were, with an exception of one
88 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 323–331.
built tomb, dug into the schistose rock. As opposed to the graves explored during
89 Field Journal 1958. the previous year, a large number among more than 50 newly-discovered graves,
90Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1959, 170–176; with modest grave pits, were undisturbed, including also several burials with signi-
Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1960, 160–162; ficant grave goods.89 In the following years (1959–1962), the surveying was mostly
Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 264–269, and the focused on supplementing the data on the cathedral’s architecture, revealing the re-
field journals of archaeological excavations
mains of the wall enclosing the entire necropolis complex, as well as on the explora-
for the years 1958, 1959, 1960 and 1962,
from the documentation of the Institute tion of the graves, particularly in the south sector where the entombment was most
of Archaeology. intensive.90 When the process of surveying was in its full swing, at the beginning of
otkopavawu {uta u unutra{wosti crkve, do ravni mla|eg turskog poda.85 Sle-

de}e, 1957. godine uklowen je {ut i sa spoqne strane zidova, tako da je u celini
definisana osnova crkve.86 Nakon toga, zapo~eta su vi{egodi{wa sistematska
arheolo{ka iskopavawa, najpre unutar samog hrama, a potom i na nekropoli,
koja je obuhvatala {iroki, nekada ogra|eni prostor oko katedrale.87 U unutra-
{wosti crkve, te iste godine prvo su ukloweni ostaci turskih podova, a potom
su istraèni i ukopi grobova u mla|em, isto~nom delu katedrale, kao i u is-
to~nom traveju prvobitnog hrama. U ovim delovima katedrale otkrivena su 53
grobna ukopa, i to 19 zidanih grobnica i 34 groba sa rakama ukopanim u tro-
{nu {kriqastu stenu, koji su gotovo svi bili opqa~kani i devastirani u vre-
me kada je katedrala pretvorena u xamiju.88 U nastavku radova, istraìvan je
pretpostavqeni ju`ni brod mla|eg dogra|enog dela katedrale, gde je uz znatno
poru{ene tragove zidova otkriveno ukupno sedam zidanih grobnica. U stari-
jem zapadnom delu katedrale, koji nije bio ukqu~en u prostor turske xamije,
istraìvani su grobovi, koji su, sa izuzetkom jedne zidane grobnice, bili uko-
pani u {kriqastu stenu. Za razliku od grobova istraènih prethodne godine,
me|u vi{e od 50 novootkrivenih grobova, sa skromnijim grobnim rakama, zna-
tan broj bio je neporeme}en, ukqu~uju}i i nekolike ukope sa zna~ajnim grobnim
prilozima.89 U narednim godinama (1959–1962) istraìvawa su bila usmere-
na na dopunu podataka o arhitekturi katedrale, otkrivawe ostataka ogradnog
zida, koji je ome|avao ~itav kompleks nekropole, kao i na istraìvawe grobo-
va, posebno u ju`nom sektoru, gde je sahrawivawe bilo najintenzivnije.90 Kada
je proces istraìvawa bio u punom jeku, po~etkom 60-ih godina, daqa arheolo-
{ka iskopavawa bila su obustavqena. Posle vi{egodi{we pauze radovi su na-
stavqeni 1969. godine na severozapadnom delu nekropole, gde je otkriveno jo{ 85 Zdravkovi} 1958, 349–357.
oko 100 grobova, {to sa ranije iskopanim ~ini zbir od oko 970 istraènih 86 Zdravkovi} 1959, 320–322.
grobnih ukopa u kompleksu novobrdske katedrale.91 87 Sistematska arheolo{ka istraìvawa,
Nakon ove kampawe, daqa arheolo{ka iskopavawa u Novom Brdu bila su koja su sa prekidima trajala od 1957. do
prekinuta. Te{ko je shvatiti razloge koji su doveli do obustavqawa terenskih 1968. godine, vr{ena su u organizaciji
Arheolo{kog instituta i Narodnog
radova, i to pri kraju vi{egodi{weg istraìva~kog procesa sa veoma zna~aj- muzeja u Beogradu. Istraìvawima su
nim rezultatima. Ne treba iskqu~iti probleme prouzrokovane finansirawem rukovodili dr Radivoje Qubinkovi}
istraìva~kih radova, ali bitan razlog sigurno treba traìti u nedostatku (Arheolo{ki institut) i dr Mirjana
politi~ke voqe, tj. u preprekama koje su dolazile sa te strane.92 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} (Narodni muzej).
Svi pokretni arheolo{ki nalazi
U toku vi{egodi{wih sistematskih arheolo{kih iskopavawa u celosti su pohraweni su u Narodnom muzeju
istraèni ostaci katedrale i prostor nekropole sa isto~ne, ju`ne i zapadne u Beogradu.
strane, ukqu~uju}i i ostatke ogradnog zida. U tom razdobqu istraèno je oko 80% 88 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 323–331.
svih grobnih ukopa u kompleksu katedrale. Najve}im delom ostala je neistra- 89 Dnevnik arheolo{kih istraìvawa
èna severna strana, gde nije utvr|ena trasa ogradnog zida, a ostalo je nepoznato za 1958. godinu.
i koliki se deo nekropole prostirao na tom prostoru. Tako|e je ostalo otvoreno
90 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1959, 170–176;
Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1960, 160–162;
pitawe da li se sa te strane nalazio podzid, ~ije bi se postojawe moglo pret- Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 264–269,
postaviti ako se ima u vidu konfiguracija terena. i terenski dnevnici arheolo{kih
Rezultati arheolo{kih iskopavawa u kompleksu katedrale nisu u celini iskopavawa za 1958, 1959, 1960.
i 1962. godinu u dokumentaciji
obra|eni niti objavqeni u vidu zavr{ne studije. U o~ekivawu da }e se istraì-
Arheolo{kog instituta.
vawa nastaviti i privesti kraju, kako je bilo zami{qeno, autori nisu pristu- 91 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa
pili detaqnoj analizi otkrivenih ostataka arhitekture katedrale, niti obra- za 1969. godinu, u dokumentaciji
di nalaza sa nekropole. Izostalo je tako|e i izno{ewe kona~nih zakqu~aka do Arheolo{kog instituta.
kojih se do{lo u toku istraìva~kog procesa. Objavqeni su uglavnom godi{wi 92 Popovi} 1989, 142–144.
Sl. 10. Isto~ni deo katedrale the 1960’s, further archaeological excavations were stopped. After a break of sev-
u toku arheolo{kih iskopavawa eral years, in 1969 the works continued in the north-west section of the necropolis,
(1957. godine) where another 100 or so graves were located, which together with the formerly
Fig. 10. East section of the Cathedral excavated graves constitutes a sum of around 970 explored interments within the
during the archaeological excavations complex of the Novo Brdo cathedral.91
(1957) Following this campaign, further archaeological excavations in Novo Brdo were
interrupted. It is difficult to understand the reasons that led to the termination of
the field works, particularly towards the end of the multi-year surveying process
that provided very significant results. We should not exclude problems caused by
the financing of the exploratory works, but an important reason should certainly be
looked for in the lack of the political will, i.e., in the obstacles coming from that
side.92
During these multi-year systematic archaeological excavations, the remains of
the cathedral and the area of the necropolis were fully surveyed from the east,
south and west sides, including also the remains of the boundary wall. In this period
around 80% of all interments within the cathedral complex were explored. It is the
north side, where the alignment of the boundary wall was not established, that re-
mained mostly unexplored and it also remained unknown how large a section of the
necropolis extended in that area. In addition, an open question remained whether
there used to be a retaining wall on that side, which may be presumed to have existed
91
taking into account the configuration of the terrain.
Field Journal 1969,
from the documentation of The results of the archaeological diggings in the cathedral complex have not been
the Institute of Archaeology. fully processed or published in a form of a final study. Expecting that the explorations
92 Popovi} 1989, 142–144. would continue and be brought to a closure, as it was planned, the authors never
Sl. 11. Prostor narteksa

i zapadnog traveja
u toku arheolo{kih iskopavawa
(1957. godine)
Fig. 11. Area of the narthex
and the west bay during the
archaeological excavations (1957)
izve{taji o istraìvawima, sa zapaàwima autora i parcijalnim zakqu~ci-

ma, koji su se u pojedinim slu~ajevima mewali u toku istraìva~kog procesa.93
U pojedinim radovima, koji se odnose prvenstveno na arheolo{ke nalaze, istra-
ìva~i su saop{tavali i deo svojih zakqu~aka od {ireg zna~aja.94 Od arheolo-
{kih nalaza detaqnije je obra|en samo nakit iz grobova novobrdske nekropo-
le,95 ali je publikovawe celina sa grobnim prilozima izostalo, kao i obrada
93 V. nap. 7, 8, 10 i 11.
vi{e stotina istraènih grobnih ukopa. Nalazi keramike, i to ne samo ulom-
94]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 261–268;
ci ve} i fragmentovane posude, koje su uglavnom predstavqale grobne priloge,
]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972, 123–138.
razmatrani su samo u radu jednog istraìva~a, ali je wihova detaqnija obrada
95 Ze~evi} 2006.
izostala.96 Sli~an slu~aj je i sa nalazima stakla. Fragmenti tekstila sa zlato- 96 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1962, 165–186.
vezom ili srmom, koji poti~u od ode}e pokojnika, uglavnom su ostali neobra- 97Dimitrijevi} 1967, 271–308;
|eni, a veliko je pitawe u kakvom se stawu sada nalaze i da li je wihova obrada Ivani{evi}, Radi} 2004, 222–242.
vi{e mogu}a. Poseban problem predstavqa izuzetno zna~ajan numizmati~ki ma- 98 Obra|eni i publikovani primerci
terijal, koji je me|u arheolo{kim nalazima bio obilato zastupqen. U grobnim nalaze se u inventaru numizmati~ke
ukopima, kao i u slojevima nasipa i {uta, i to samo u unutra{wosti katedra- zbirke Narodnog muzeja, dok o ostalim
primercima koji su evidentirani
le, otkriveno je, prema evidenciji iz terenskih dnevnika, oko 160 primeraka
u terenskoj dokumentaciji i posle
novca. Od tog broja je identifikovano, obra|eno i publikovano svega 29 pri- iskopavawa preneti u Narodni muzej
meraka, ili oko 20%,97 dok sudbina ostalih 80% ostaje nepoznata.98 nema podataka.
carried out a detailed analysis of the discovered remains of the cathedral’s architec-
ture or processed the finds from the necropolis. What is also missing is the presen-
tation of the final conclusions reached during the surveying process. Mostly the
annual reports on the explorations were published, including the observations of
the authors and their partial conclusions, which in some cases kept changing during
the surveying process.93 In some papers, which primarily refer to the archaeological
finds, the researchers also presented a part of their conclusions that had broader
significance.94 As far as the archaeological finds are concerned, only the jewellery
found in the graves of the Novo Brdo necropolis have been processed in more de-
tails,95 but the publishing of different wholes including the grave contents is lacking,
as well as the processing of several hundred studied grave interments. The pottery
findings, not only fragments, but also fragmented vessels, which mostly constituted
grave goods, were considered only in the paper of one researcher, but they have not
been processed in detail.96 Similar circumstances exist in the case of the glass find-
ings. The fragments of textile with goldwork or silver thread embroidery, coming
from the clothes worn by the deceased, remained mostly unprocessed and there is
a big question what their state is now and whether their processing is possible any
longer. A particular problem is linked to the exceptionally important numismatic
material, which was present in ample quantities among the archaeological findings.
According to the records from the field journals, around 160 coins were found in
the graves, as well as in the layers of the fills and debris in the interior of the cathe-
93 See above 7, 8, 10 and 11.
dral alone. Out of this number, only 29 specimens or around 20% were identified,
94 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 261–268; processed and published,97 while the fate of 80% of the finds remains unknown.98
]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972, 123–138. Considering that now, after six decades, it is impossible to fully process and
95 Ze~evi} 2006. publish the findings reached during the systematic archaeological diggings at the
96 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1962, 165–186. site of the Novo Brdo cathedral, we are going to limit our considerations only to
97 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 271–308; those regarding the architectural remains and the built tomb constructions, as well
Ivani{evi}, Radi} 2004, 222–242. as – within the scope of the available material – the grave interments that were
98 The processed and published specimens located within the interior of this main temple of Novo Brdo. Except for the find-
are listed in the inventory of
the numismatic collection of the National
ings from the stated reports, our considerations will be based on the data from the
Museum, while there is no data about field documentation which, unfortunately, is not complete. A good circumstance
the remaining specimens recorded in lies in the fact that all of the field journals have been preserved and they contain
the field documentation and transferred to
plentiful data and observations duly recorded by the researchers. When it comes to
the National Museum after the diggings.
99
architecture, the technical documentation has been preserved to a good degree,
During the works related to the
exploration and reconstruction either in the final processing or in the form of sketches. The situation is significantly
of the fortifications of Novo Brdo, more difficult when it comes to the graves in the church that were marked only in
organized by the UNESCO, an opportunity the situation plan. What is missing are the sketches of the details of the grave con-
was taken in 2016 to survey technically
structions, as well as the grave pits, that were regularly recorded in the field jour-
the ground plan of the cathedral including
the altitude levels and to document in nals, but no longer exist among the preserved field materials. Also, there is a rela-
details all architectural elements carved out tively modest fund of photos preserved, especially when it comes to the details of
of breccia – parts of columns, capitals and the graves. When preparing this study, we were in a position to document the pre-
bases, as well as cornice fragments. Some
fragments of the altar partition, for served remains in Novo Brdo, at the site of the cathedral, as well as to supplement
instance, which were not recognized during the missing documentation and compare the former and current states, after the
the diggings, were also identified on this conservation interventions.99
occasion. This is mostly the material that
If we exclude the said reports and papers which considered only a part of the
was accessible, while the profiled pieces of
breccia stored in the surrounding stone findings, very important results obtained during the years-long archaeological exca-
dumpsites could not be examined. vations of the remains of the Novo Brdo cathedral have for several decades remained
0 10
U nemogu}nosti da se sada, nakon {est decenija, u celini obrade i objave Sl. 12. Katedrala Svetog Nikole
nalazi do kojih se do{lo u toku sistematskih arheolo{kih iskopavawa na lo- sa ogradnim zidom nekropole,
kalitetu novobrdske katedrale, ovom prilikom }emo se ograni~iti samo na situacioni plan
razmatrawa arhitektonskih ostataka i zidanih grobnih konstrukcija, kao i – Fig. 12. St Nicholas Cathedral
u okvirima raspoloìve gra|e – grobnih ukopa koji su se nalazili u unutra- with the boundary wall of the necropolis,
{wosti ovog, glavnog novobrdskog hrama. Osim na saznawima iz navedenih iz- situation plan
ve{taja, na{a razmatrawa bi}e zasnovana na podacima iz terenske dokumenta-
cije, koja, naàlost, nije kompletna. Sre}na je okolnost to {to su sa~uvani svi
terenski dnevnici, sa obiqem podataka i zapaàwa, koje su istraìva~i ured- 99 U toku radova na istraìvawu i
no beleìli. Kada je re~ o arhitekturi, tehni~ka dokumentacija je u dobroj obnovi fortifikacija Novog Brda,
meri sa~uvana, bilo u finalnoj obradi ili u vidu skica. Znatno je teà situa- koji se izvode u organizaciji Uneska,
cija kada su u pitawu grobovi u crkvi, koji su zabeleèni samo na situacionom 2016. godine iskori{}ena je prilika
da se tehni~ki snimi osnova ostataka
planu. Nedostaju skice detaqa grobnih konstrukcija, kao i ukopanih grobova,
katedrale sa visinskim kotama i detaqno
koje su uredno beleène u dnevnicima iskopavawa, ali ih sada u sa~uvanoj te- dokumentuju svi arhitektonski elementi
renskoj gra|i vi{e nema. Tako|e, preostao je i relativno skroman fond foto- klesani od bre~e – delovi stubova,
-snimaka, posebno kada su u pitawu detaqi grobova. Pripremaju}i ovu studiju, kapitela i baza, zatim fragmenti
venaca. Tako|e su identifikovani
bili smo u mogu}nosti da u Novom Brdu na lokalitetu katedrale dokumentuje- i neki fragmenti, na primer – oltarske
mo o~uvane ostatke, dopunimo nedostaju}u dokumentaciju i uporedimo nekada- pregrade, koji nisu bili prepoznati
{we i sada{we stawe, nakon konzervatorskih intervencija.99 u toku iskopavawa. U pitawu je uglavnom
gra|a koja je bila dostupna, dok
Ukoliko se izuzmu navedeni izve{taji i radovi u kojima je razmatran sa-
profilisani komadi bre~e pohraweni
mo deo nalaza, veoma va`ni rezultati dobijeni u toku vi{egodi{wih arheolo- u okolnim deponijama kamena nisu
{kih iskopavawa ostataka novobrdske katedrale ve} vi{e decenija ostali su mogli biti ispitani.
unprocessed and recorded only in the field documentation. That documentation
fund, kept at the Institute of Archaeology and partially at the National Museum,
has reached our times in a very incomplete shape. This in particular concerns the
results of the necropolis surveying, where grave records, drawings and photographs
of individual graves are missing, as well as a detailed situation plan.100 However,
despite the fact that we do not dispose with complete documentation or with all the
data that the researchers may have obtained during the works that lasted for several
years, a study analysis of the remains of St Nicholas Church – the main and the
biggest temple of Novo Brdo – is still feasible. It is also possible to reach some
rather reliable conclusions on the time of its creation, the construction phases,
architectural characteristics, as well as the subsequent destiny of the cathedral. In
addition, it is also possible to consider the reasons for building this monumental
church, as well as its meaning within the scope of the medieval town of Novo Brdo.
Needless to say, one does have to keep in mind that some of these questions will
continue to remain open owing to the lack of the original materials.
During the field explorations at this site, which includes the south plateau of a
hill in the centre of the former urban zone of Novo Brdo, around 200 m north-east
from the fortification, a very complex stratigraphic situation was established, with
archaeological remains that correspond to different periods in which this site, not far
from the former main town’s square, was used. On the basis of the conclusions reached
by the previous researchers, as well as the outcomes of our more recent surveying,
it is possible to set apart five stages or rather five construction phases, that followed
one another in continuity from the middle of the 14th to the end of the 17th century.
The necropolis with the graveyard church was separated as the oldest one, followed
by the building of the main temple, while its east section was added at the third
stage. The last two stages ensued after the Novo Brdo cathedral had been turned
into a mosque. Having that in mind, our further deliberations will be focused on
making sure that each one of these stages is considered in detail, along with the
reaching of the relevant conclusions (fig. 12).
100For the reconstruction of the situation

plan on the basis of the incomplete
documentation, see Ze~evi} 2006, plan 2.
neobra|eni i zabeleèni samo u terenskoj dokumentaciji. Taj dokumentacioni

fond, koji se ~uva u Arheolo{kom institutu, a delom i u Narodnom muzeju, do-
speo je do na{eg vremena u veoma nepotpunom vidu. To se posebno odnosi na re-
zultate istraìvawa nekropole, gde nedostaju grobni zapisnici, zatim crteì
i fotografije pojedina~nih grobova, kao i detaqan situacioni plan.100 No, i
pored ~iwenice da ne raspolaèmo kompletnom dokumentacijom, niti svim
podacima do kojih su istraìva~i mogli do}i u toku vi{egodi{wih radova,
studijska analiza ostataka crkve Svetog Nikole – glavnog i najve}eg novobrd-
skog hrama – ipak je mogu}a. O vremenu nastanka, etapama gra|ewa, odlikama
arhitekture, kao i kasnijoj sudbini katedrale, mogu}e je doneti i neke dosta
pouzdane zakqu~ke. Tako|e se mogu razmatrati i razlozi za podizawe ove monu-
mentalne crkve, kao i weno zna~ewe u okviru sredwovekovnog grada Novog Brda.
Tu, naravno, treba imati u vidu da }e neka od razmatranih pitawa, usled nedo-
statka izvorne gra|e, i daqe ostati otvorena.
U toku terenskih istraìvawa na ovom lokalitetu, koji obuhvata ju`nu za-
ravan brega u sredi{tu nekada{we urbane zone Novog Brda, oko 200 m severo-
isto~no od utvr|ewa, konstatovana je veoma sloèna stratigrafska situacija,
sa arheolo{kim ostacima koji odgovaraju razli~itim razdobqima kori{}ewa
ove lokacije, koja se nalazila nedaleko od nekada{weg glavnog gradskog trga.
Na osnovu zakqu~aka do kojih su do{li raniji istraìva~i, kao i ishoda na-
{ih novijih ispitivawa, mogu}e je izdvojiti pet etapa, ta~nije, gra|evinskih
faza, koje su se u kontinuitetu smewivale od sredine 14. do kraja 17. veka. Kao
najstarija, izdvojena je nekropola sa grobqanskom crkvom, zatim sledi gra|ewe
glavnog hrama, a u tre}oj etapi dogradwa wegovog isto~nog dela. Posledwe dve
etape usledile su posle pretvarawa novobrdske katedrale u xamiju. Imaju}i to
u vidu, na{a daqa izlagawa bi}e usmerena ka tome da se svaka od ovih etapa de-
taqno razmotri, uz dono{ewe odgovaraju}ih zakqu~aka (sl. 12).
100 Za rekonstrukciju situacionog plana

na osnovu nekompletne dokumentacije
v. Ze~evi} 2006, plan 2.
48
Sepulchral church with the necropolis
I N THE INITIAl stage, at the time when the urban area of Novo Brdo was still
going through the shaping phase, the town’s first necropolis was founded on a mild
south slope of a hillock encompassing the area of around 2000 m². The terrain on
the surface originally earmarked for the burying of the orthodox urban population
has a relatively mild decline, around 15° to 18°, from the north to the south. There
are no reliable data on whether there was any levelling of the original terrain at the
time, as would be the case later on. It may only be presumed that some works of
this kind were carried out nonetheless. The space of the necropolis was fenced-off
rather early on, apparently, very soon after the burials started to take place here
(fig. 13). Along the south side of the necropolis, over the length of almost 35 m,
remains of the original boundary wall, which was based on a rock, were found. A
solidly built foundation was reinforced in its lowest layer with a wooden grid made
of longitudinally and laterally placed beams. This original wall, built with broken,
carved stone laid down irregularly was preserved only in its lower zones, where its
width is around 1.40 m.101 The sections of the boundary wall from the east and west
sides were built in a similar manner, having the width of no more than one metre.
From the east side, remains of the boundary wall were discovered over the length of
around 30 m. Towards the south-east corner, behind an arched turn, the wall ended
up flatly, without joining the neighbouring one on the south side, which leads to a
conclusion that there used to be one of the entrances into the necropolis in that
location. The remains of an older boundary wall on the west side have been preser-
ved only in fragments, since they were damaged by the digging up of graves during
a subsequent stage of the expansion of the necropolis, when a new boundary wall
was built towards the west, at a distance from 4 to 6 m.102 During the archaeological
surveying, a somewhat more complex stratigraphic situation was observed on that
side. There, in the earliest layer, topped by the alignment of the older boundary
wall, the archaeologists found remains of a house that had been destroyed in a blaze
in the period prior to the founding of the necropolis or, at the latest, at the time
when the burials started here. At the level of the soot, above its flooring, there were
pottery fragments and some fragmented vessels that were not processed in more
details, but were only dated back to the 14th century.103 Because of the fragmentary
101 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 264. surveying, the chronological relation between this house and the earliest phase of the
102 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 264. necropolis has remained insufficiently clear. Certain reservations are also caused by
103 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972, 136, a piece of data from a field log saying that the foundation of the older boundary wall
fig. 14. also cut through a grave that had been dug in that spot.104 It has remained unclear
104 Field Journal, 19.8.1969, grave 917. where exactly the north edge of the necropolis used to be, taking into consideration
49
Grobqanska crkva sa nekropolom
U PRVOJ ETAPI, u vreme kada je urbani areal Novog Brda bio jo{ u fazi
oblikovawa, na blagoj ju`noj padini brega obrazovana je prva gradska nekropo-
la, koja je obuhvatala prostor od oko 2000 m². Teren na povr{ini prvobitno
predvi|enoj za sahrawivawa pravoslavnog gradskog stanovni{tva bio je u re-
lativno blagom padu, oko 15° do 18°, od severa ka jugu. Nema pouzdanih podataka
o tome da li su ve} u to vreme vr{ena neka nivelisawa zate~enog terena, kao {to
}e to biti kasnije slu~aj. Moè se samo pretpostaviti da je nekih radova te vrste
ipak bilo. Prostor nekropole vrlo rano je bio ogra|en, i to, izgleda, ubrzo na-
kon {to je po~elo sahrawivawe (sl. 13). Du` ju`ne strane nekropole, u duìni
od gotovo 35 m, otkriveni su ostaci prvobitnog ogradnog zida, koji je bio za-
snovan na steni. Solidno zidani temeq u najnièm sloju bio je oja~an drvenim
ro{tiqem od podu`no i popre~no postavqenih greda. Ovaj prvobitni zid, gra-
|en lomqenim pritesanim kamenom u nepravilnom slogu, ostao je sa~uvan samo
u niìm zonama, gde mu {irina iznosi oko 1,40 m.101 Sli~no su bili gra|eni i
delovi ogradnog zida sa isto~ne i zapadne strane, ~ija {irina nije ve}a od jed-
nog metra. Sa isto~ne strane, ostaci ogradnog zida otkriveni su u duìni od oko
30 m. Ka jugoisto~nom uglu, iza lu~nog skretawa, zid se ravno zavr{avao, ne
spajaju}i se sa susednim na ju`noj strani, {to navodi na zakqu~ak da se na tom
mestu nalazio jedan od ulaza u nekropolu. Ostaci starijeg ogradnog zida sa za-
padne strane su samo fragmentarno o~uvani, budu}i da su o{te}eni ukopom gro-
bova u kasnijoj etapi {irewa nekropole, kada je na razdaqini od 4 do 6 m, prema
zapadu, podignut novi ogradni zid.102 Prilikom arheolo{kih istraìvawa, sa
te strane uo~ena je ne{to sloènija stratigrafska situacija. Tu su, u najranijem
sloju, preko koga prelazi trasa starijeg ogradnog zida, otkriveni ostaci jedne
ku}e, koja je stradala u poàru u razdobqu pre obrazovawa nekropole ili naj-
kasnije u vreme kada je zapo~elo sahrawivawe. U nivou gari, nad wenim podom,
bilo je ulomaka keramike i nekih fragmentovanih posuda, koje nisu detaqni-
je obra|ene, ve} su samo okvirno datovane u 14. vek.103 Zbog fragmentarne is-
traènosti ostao je nedovoqno jasan hronolo{ki odnos ove ku}e sa najranijom
fazom nekropole. Izvesne nedoumice izaziva tako|e i podatak iz terenskog
dnevnika da je temeqem starijeg ogradnog zida prese~en i jedan grob, koji je 101 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 264.
bio ukopan na tom prostoru.104 Ostalo je nepoznato gde se nalazio severni rub 102 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 264.
nekropole, budu}i da je taj prostor samo delimi~no istraèn. Sude}i po kon- 103 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972, 136,
figuraciji terena, nekropola se mogla {iriti samo prema severozapadu, gde sl. 14.
se verovatno nalazio i jedan od prilaza, dok je prema severu ostajao ograni~en 104 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
prostor za sahrawivawe, zbog ne{to strmije padine prema vrhu brega. 19. avgust 1969, grob 917.
that that section was only partially explored. Judging by the configuration of the
terrain, the necropolis could expand only towards the north-west, where one of the
entrances was probably located, while towards the north there was limited space for
burials on account of a somewhat steeper slope towards the top of the hillock.
By observing the oldest phase of the site as a whole, certain suppositions impose
themselves in connection with the first stage of using the necropolis. It appears that
it was fenced-off already after the first burials, perhaps together with some original
levelling of the ground. The more solid construction of the south boundary wall and
its somewhat larger thickness would suggest a possibility that in its lower section it
served the function of an underpinning. In such a case, the space on its interior side
could have been partially filled in order to alleviate the inclination of the terrain. It is
also not ruled out that in this oldest phase the slope on the north side was partly cut
and underpinned. All of this may have happened already at the time of the earliest
burials, taking into consideration that the graves were adjusted to the position of
the necropolis’s fence. An exception to this is only one grave – grave 771, which was
the only one damaged by the foundation of the south wall,105 which would mean
that it was dug out before the fencing-off of the necropolis. Since this was the only
case of a grave damage caused by the construction of the boundary wall, it may be
presumed that a relatively short period of time passed between the beginning of the
burials in the space earmarked for the necropolis and its fencing-off.
In the central section of the necropolis, there used to be a small sepulchral
church. On account of its later demolitions and partitioning, nowadays there are
only parts of the foundations left, based directly on the rock (fig. 14/1). Considering
that the rocky ground in this area had a decline, the foundation on the north side
was very shallow, so that its remains disappeared during subsequent constructions.
On the opposite, south side, the wall with remains of two small interior pilasters is
considerably better preserved, since it had deeper foundations, plus it was also fit
into the later date cathedral building. Certain data on this older structure are also
provided by the findings from the layer of debris made up by the south boundary wall
for which the researchers established that it came from the times when the small
church was demolished. Here they found fragments of tufa ashlars, then pieces of
manually finished voussoirs, as well as plenty of fragments of fresco-plaster.106 On
the basis of these fragmentary preserved remains, it is possible to get a notion of
the ground plan rather reliably and partially also of the structural assembly of the
small demolished church (fig. 14/2). This used to be a single nave temple, with a
rectangular ground plan, with external dimensions of 10.40 m x 7.40 m, and with
a semi-circular apse in the east that has remained preserved at the level of founda-
tions. As for the entrance that was around 1.20 m wide, the threshold slab has
remained in the foundation mass of the west wall. The interior space of the temple
was divided into three bays with two pairs of small pilasters – a spacious central bay
and two narrow ones from the east and the west sides. The walls were built using
broken cut stone held together by mortar binder. They used to be around 1.30 m
wide at the foundation and around 1.10 m wide in the elevated section. The interior
surfaces were covered by fresco-plaster and they were painted. It is not known what
the facades used to look like, that is, whether they were plastered or if the stone
105 Field Journal 1.9.1962, grave 771. structure of the walls was visible. Also, there are no findings that would point to the
106 Field Journal, 25.8.1962. way in which the portal and the windows were made. Most probably, the church had
Sl. 13. Ostaci ju`nog dela

ogradnog zida u toku arheolo{kih
iskopavawa (1959. godine)
Fig. 13. Remains of the south part
of the boundary wall during the
archaeological excavations (1959)
Posmatraju}i u celini najstariju fazu lokaliteta, name}u nam se neke

pretpostavke u vezi sa prvom etapom kori{}ewa nekropole. Izgleda da je ve}
nakon prvih ukopa izvr{eno weno ogra|ivawe, mo`da uz neko prvobitno nive-
lisawe tla. Solidnija konstrukcija ju`nog ogradnog zida i wegova ne{to ve}a
debqina ukazivali bi na mogu}nost da je on u svom nièm delu bio u funkci-
ji podzida. U tom slu~aju, prostor sa wegove unutra{we strane mogao je biti de-
lom nasut, kako bi se ublaìo pad terena. Tako|e nije iskqu~eno da je ve} i u
ovoj, najstarijoj fazi, padina sa severne strane bila delom zase~ena i podzida-
na. Sve se to moglo desiti ve} u vreme najranijih ukopa, budu}i da su grobovi
prilago|eni poloàju ograde nekropole. Izuzetak predstavqa samo jedan grob
– grob 771, koji je jedini o{te}en temeqem ju`nog zida,105 {to bi zna~ilo da je
bio ukopan pre ogra|ivawa nekropole. Budu}i da je to jedini slu~aj o{te}ewa
groba konstrukcijom ogradnog zida, moè se pretpostaviti da je izme|u po~et-
ka sahrawivawa na prostoru predvi|enom za nekropolu i wenog ogra|ivawa
pro{lo relativno kratko vreme.
U sredi{wem delu nekropole nalazila se mala grobqanska crkva, od koje
su, usled kasnijih ru{ewa i pregradwi, preostali uglavnom delovi temeqa, za-
snovani neposredno na steni (sl. 14/1). S obzirom na to da je na tom prostoru
stenovito tlo bilo u padu, sa severne strane temeq je bio veoma plitak, tako da
su mu ostaci i{~ezli prilikom poznijih gradwi. Na suprotnoj, ju`noj strani, 105 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
zid sa ostacima dva mala unutra{wa pilastra znatno je boqe o~uvan, budu}i da 1. septembar 1962, grob 771.
a barrel vault, but a possibility that there used to be a dome above the central bay
should neither be ruled out. During the archaeological diggings, no remains of the
former floor were found nor were any possible traces of older burials at the church
itself observed, taking into consideration that the discovered grave constructions in
its interior, as will be seen in the continuation, originate for a later period.
The surveying did not provide enough data about the mutual chronological
relation between the process of setting up the necropolis and the building of the
small single-nave church that would be sufficient for reaching some more reliable
conclusions. A supposition that the first burials were done next to the newly built
church may be supported by the fact that its dug-in foundations did not cut
through or damage any of the interments. The results of the surveying do not sug-
gest that there was a necropolis in this site before the building of the church.
There are no direct data that could help determine the time when the church
was built or when the necropolis was set up around it. The rare jewellery finds from
the oldest graves do not allow for a more precise time designation. The oldest coin
specimens belong to the issues of Prince Lazar and Vuk Brankovi}, which would
suggest the eighth or the ninth decade of the 14th century as the time of the first
burials at the necropolis.107 Such dating, even with the fact that there are no older
specimens among the identified coin finds, could be difficult to accept if we bear in
mind a certain passage of time before the starting of the construction of the large
Church of St Nicholas, that is, the cathedral located in the central section of the
necropolis, which will be considered in the continuation.
According to the characteristics of its architecture, the small church around
which, as we have presumed, burials started and the town’s necropolis was set up,
belongs to the general group of modest, single-nave buildings, such as were built on
the territory of Serbia over several centuries. Its discovered remains do not provide
enough data for any more reliable designation of the time of its construction. The
building of this small temple, which preceded the building of the cathedral, should
therefore be observed within the scope of the development of the urban structure
of Novo Brdo and the economic prosperity of this town. The mining of silver, which
most probably started at the end of the 13th century, constituted a strong economic
base for the founding of a town in the direct proximity of the mine, in the area
where there had been no similar settlement earlier. Within a matter of only a few
decades, by the middle of the 14th century, Novo Brdo grew from the originally small
miners’ settlement into an important urban centre.108 This process was, unquesti-
onably, accompanied by a large influx of population. The first settlers were certainly
miners – the Saxons, soon followed by a merchants’ colony, consisting of the citizens
of Kotor and Ragusa, on whom we have testimonies in the archive documents of
their home towns.109 In addition to these foreigners, certainly a lot of the domestic,
Serbian population also came here at the same time. However, there is no preserved
news of them in the original materials. For this reason it is difficult to follow the
settling trends in the earliest period of the development of Novo Brdo, which also
makes it difficult to get a good idea of the confessional structure of the population.
There are no reliable data on when the first town’s churches were built or who built
107 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 261–270. them. The incomplete findings that have been collected over the course of the
108 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972, 123–125. explorations to date open up a possibility for first assumptions that are yet to be
109 Dini} 1954–1955, 247–249. verified in the further research process.
0 5m
Sl. 14. Prvobitna jednobrodna crkva na nekropoli:

a. otkriveni ostaci zidova; b. rekonstrukcija osnove (R = 1 : 100)
Fig. 14. Antecedent single-nave church at the necropolis:
a. revealed remains of the walls; v. reconstruction of the ground plan (S = 1 : 100)
In the first decades of the town’s life, as well as significantly later, the economi-
cally strongest part of the population were foreigners of the Latin religious denomi-
nation – the Saxons and the coastal merchants. Thanks to their privileged status and
personal wealth, they were the first ones to have the possibility to build their church.
Earlier researchers rightfully concluded that this could be the temple traditionally
known as Sa{ka church, also mentioned in the sources as Santa Maria in Nuovo-
monte di Dogni Targ.110 It is believed that it was the parochial church of the local
miners and later of the merchants from Ragusa and Kotor who resided in Novo
Brdo either temporarily or permanently. This, undoubtedly, main catholic temple
of Novo Brdo was not located in the central urban zone, but rather in the suburb,
around 1200 m more to the south.111 Judging by the name of the church, there used
to be “Donji trg” (Lower Market Square – TN) here, one of the suburban insulae of
Novo Brdo. According to the results of the surveying conducted to date, Sa{ka church
was dated back to the first decade of the 14th century and certainly before 1346
when the first Catholic parish was mentioned in this mining town.112 The church
was built in the Gothic style, but later had additions built.113 During the 14th and
the 15th centuries, burials took place in it and the coins found in the oldest graves
belonged to King Stefan Uro{ II, as well as to Emperors Stefan Du{an and Uro{.114
There are no data on the orthodox churches from the early period in the devel-
opment of the Novo Brdo urban structure. During the more recent archaeological
surveys, in addition to three residential buildings, remains of a single-nave church
were found at the Castle – the town’s citadel, and this church had a subsequently
added narthex. The interior space was divided with two pairs of pilasters into three
unequal bays – a spacious central one and two significantly narrower ones on the
east and the west sides. The church was built at the same time as the fortifications
and other structures in the Castle and has been approximately dated back to the
second quarter of the 14th century.115 Judging by all, it was one of the first orthodox
temples in Novo Brdo, but most probably not the oldest one. Due to its specific
position within the citadel – the town’s castle, it certainly could not be accessible to
a wider circle of the citizens. Bearing this in mind, it is prudent to conclude that in
this earlier period, during the first half of the 14th century, other churches were
built in the suburb of Novo Brdo for the needs of the orthodox faithful. This could
have been small single-nave temples, such as those built later in Novo Brdo (fig. 15).
For now, let us mention the only known remains of a small single-nave church –
“Sabornica,” next to which there used to be two similar ones whose remains have
not been explored.116 It is difficult to say from which period they originate, but it
110 Gogi} 2016, 5. cannot be ruled out that one of them was built in the earlier period of the town’s
111 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 261–262. development. The only remains that have been surveyed are those of Jov~a church
112 Dini} 1962, 93. which was built in the south section of the suburb after 1400, most probably in the
113 Jovanovi} i dr. 2004, 106–114, first decades of the 15th century.117
Popovi} 2018, with the stated Among the first Orthodox temples in the developing town there was our sin-
older literature (being printed).
114
gle-nave church, the predecessor of the subsequent cathedral. In comparison to the
]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972, 262;
Dimitrijevi} 1967, 272–273. other single-nave temples of Novo Brdo, that have been mentioned above, it was
115 Popovi} 2016, 75–80. somewhat more spacious and significantly more massive in its built. It should not
116 Zdravkovi}, Simi} 1956, 251–253. be ruled out that already at the time of its construction it was given particular im-
117 Zdravkovi}, Jovanovi} 1954–1955, portance, which is indirectly suggested by the fact that a little later, the cathedral
259–263. temple of St Nicholas was built at the same location. The fact that burials soon
je bio dubqe utemeqen, ali i uklopqen u poznije zdawe katedrale. Na izvesne

podatke o ovom starijem zdawu ukazuju i nalazi iz sloja {uta nasutog kraj ju`nog
ogradnog zida, za koji su istraìva~i utvrdili da poti~e iz vremena ru{ewa
male crkve. Tu su otkriveni ulomci tesanika sige, zatim komadi lu~no obra|e-
nih svodara, kao i dosta fragmenata fresko-maltera.106 Na osnovu ovih, frag-
mentarno o~uvanih ostataka, moè se dosta pouzdano sagledati osnova, a delom
i konstruktivni sklop male poru{ene crkve (sl. 14/2). U pitawu je bio jedno-
brodni hram, pravougaone osnove, spoqnih dimenzija 10,40 x 7,40 m, sa polu-
kru`nom apsidom na istoku, koja je ostala o~uvana u temeqima. Od ulaza, {i-
rine oko 1,20 m, preostala je plo~a praga u temeqnoj masi zapadnog zida.
Unutra{wi prostor hrama bio je sa dva para malih pilastara podeqen na tri
traveja – prostran centralni i dva uska sa isto~ne i zapadne strane. Zidovi su
gra|eni lomqenim pritesanim kamenom sa malternim vezivom. U temequ su
imali {irinu od oko 1,30 m, a u nadzemnom delu oko 1,10 m. Unutra{we povr-
{ine su bile prekrivene fresko-malterom i ìvopisane. Nije poznato kako
su izgledale fasade, odnosno da li su bile malterisane ili je kamena struk-
tura zida bila vidqiva. Tako|e nema nalaza koji bi ukazivali na na~in obra-
de portala i prozora. Crkva je, najverovatnije, imala poluobli~asti svod, ali
ne bi trebalo iskqu~iti ni mogu}nost da je postojala kupola nad centralnim
travejom. U toku arheolo{kih iskopavawa nisu na|eni ostaci nekada{weg po-
da, niti su uo~eni eventualni tragovi starijeg sahrawivawa u samoj crkvi, bu-
du}i da otkrivene grobne konstrukcije u wenoj unutra{wosti, kao {to }e se
videti iz daqeg izlagawa, poti~u iz poznijeg razdobqa.
O me|usobnom hronolo{kom odnosu procesa formirawa nekropole i po-
dizawa male jednobrodne crkve, istraìvawa nisu dala dovoqno podataka za
dono{ewe pouzdanijih zakqu~aka. Na pretpostavku o tome da su prve sahrane
vr{ene uz novopodignutu crkvu mogla bi da ukaè ~iwenica da wenim ukopa-
nim temeqima nije prese~en niti o{te}en nijedan grobni ukop. Na mogu}nost
da je na ovom lokalitetu ve} postojala nekropola pre gra|ewa crkve rezultati
istraìvawa ne ukazuju.
Za utvr|ivawe vremena nastanka crkve, kao i nekropole koja se oko we
obrazovala, nema neposrednih podataka. Retki nalazi nakita iz najstarijih
grobova ne pruàju mogu}nost za preciznije vremensko odre|ewe. Najstariji
primerci novca pripadaju emisijama kneza Lazara i Vuka Brankovi}a, {to bi
ukazivalo na osmu ili devetu deceniju 14. veka, kao vreme prvih sahrana na ne-
kropoli.107 Ovakvo datovawe, i pored ~iwenice da nema starijih primeraka
me|u identifikovanim nalazima novca, te{ko bi se moglo prihvatiti ako se
ima u vidu odre|eni protok vremena pre zapo~iwawa izgradwe velike crkve
Svetog Nikole, odnosno katedrale u sredi{wem delu nekropole, o ~emu }e da-
qe biti re~i.
Mala crkva, oko koje je, kako smo pretpostavili, zapo~eto sahrawivawe i
obrazovawe gradske nekropole, prema odlikama svoje arhitekture spada u red
skromnih jednobrodnih zdawa, kakva se na na{em podru~ju grade tokom vi{e sto-
le}a. Weni otkriveni ostaci ne pruàju dovoqno podataka za pouzdanije odre-
|ewe vremena gra|ewa. Nastanak ovog malog hrama, koji je prethodio podizawu 106 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
katedrale, stoga bi vaqalo posmatrati u okviru razvoja urbane strukture Novog 25. avgust 1962, str. 41.
Brda i ekonomskog ja~awa ovog grada. Eksploatacija srebra, koja najverovatnije 107 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 261–270.
Sl. 15. Novo Brdo, jednobrodne crkve:

a) crkva na nekropoli;
b) crkva u Zamku;
s) crkva „sabornica“;
d) crkva Jov~a;
uporedne osnove (R = 1 : 200)
Fig. 15. Novo Brdo, single-nave churches:
a) church at the necropolis;
b) church in the Castle;
c) “Sabornica” church;
d) Jov~a church;
comparative ground plans (S = 1 : 200) d
zapo~iwe krajem 13. veka, predstavqala je jaku ekonomsku osnovu za zasnivawe

grada u neposrednoj blizini rudnika, na prostoru gde ranije nije bilo sli~ne
naseobine. Za samo nekoliko decenija, do sredine 14. veka, Novo Brdo je prera-
slo od prvobitno male rudarske naseobine u veoma zna~ajno urbano sredi{te.108
Taj proces bio je, bez sumwe, pra}en velikim prilivom stanovni{tva. Prvi
naseqenici su svakako bili rudari – Sasi, a ubrzo se tu formirala i trgova~-
ka kolonija, sastavqena od kotorskih i dubrova~kih gra|ana, o kojima su ostala
svedo~anstva u arhivskim dokumentima wihovih mati~nih gradova.109 Pored
ovih stranaca, u isto vreme se sigurno doselilo i mno{tvo doma}eg, srpskog
stanovni{tva. O wima, me|utim, u izvornoj gra|i nema sa~uvanih vesti. Stoga
je te{ko pratiti tokove naseqavawa u ranijem razdobqu razvoja Novog Brda,
{to pored ostalog oteàva i sagledavawe konfesionalne strukture stanovni-
{tva. Nema pouzdanih podataka o tome kada su gra|ene prve gradske crkve i ko
ih je podizao. Nepotpuna saznawa, do kojih se do{lo u toku dosada{wih prou-
~avawa, otvaraju mogu}nost za prve pretpostavke, koje tek u daqem istraìva~-
kom procesu treba proveriti.
U prvim decenijama ìvota grada, ali i znatno kasnije, ekonomski najja~i
deo stanovni{tva su bili stranci latinske veroispovesti – Sasi i primorski
trgovci. Zahvaquju}i privilegovanom statusu i li~nom imetku, oni su prvi
bili u prilici da podignu svoju crkvu. Raniji istraìva~i su s pravom zakqu-
~ili da bi to mogla biti bogomoqa tradicionalno poznata kao Sa{ka crkva, u
izvorima pomiwana kao Santa Maria in Nuovamonte di Dogni Targ.110 Smatra se da
je ona bila parohijalna crkva lokalnih rudara, a kasnije i trgovaca iz Dubrov-
nika i Kotora, koji su bili privremeno ili stalno naseqeni u Novom Brdu.
Ovaj, bez sumwe, glavni novobrdski katoli~ki hram nije se nalazio u sredi{-
woj urbanoj zoni ve} u predgra|u, oko 1200 m ju`nije.111 Sude}i po nazivu crkve,
tu se nalazio „Dowi trg“, jedna od prigradskih insula Novog Brda. Prema re-
zultatima dosada{nih istraìvawa, Sa{ka crkva je datovana u prve decenije
14. veka, a svakako pre 1346. godine, kada se u ovom rudarskom gradu pomiwe
prva katoli~ka parohija.112 Crkva je bila gra|ena u duhu gotike, ali je kasni-
je dogra|ivana.113 U woj je vr{eno sahrawivawe tokom 14. i 15. veka, a iz naj-
starijih grobova poti~u nalazi novca kraqa Stefana Uro{a II, kao i careva
Stefana Du{ana i Uro{a.114
O pravoslavnim crkvama iz ranog razdobqa razvoja novobrdske urbane
strukture u izvornoj gra|i nema podataka. Prilikom novijih arheolo{kih is-
traìvawa, u Zamku – gradskoj citadeli, osim tri stambena zdawa, otkriveni su
i ostaci jednobrodne crkve, kojoj je naknadno dogra|ena priprata. Unutra{wi
108 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972, 123–125.
prostor joj je sa dva para pilastara bio podeqen na tri nejednaka traveja – pro-
109 Dini} 1954–1955, 247–249.
stran centralni i dva znatno uà sa isto~ne i zapadne strane. Crkva je gra|ena
istovremeno sa fortifikacijama i ostalim zdawima u Zamku i okvirno je dato-
110 Gogi} 2016, 5.
111 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 261–262.
vana u drugu ~etvrtinu 14. veka.115 Po svemu sude}i, bila je jedan od prvih pra-
112 Dini} 1962, 93.
voslavnih hramova u Novom Brdu, ali najverovatnije ne i najstariji. Zbog svog
113 Jovanovi} i dr. 2004, 106–114,
osobenog poloàja u citadeli – gradskom zamku, sigurno nije mogla biti do-
Popovi} 2018, sa navedenom
stupna {irem krugu gra|anstva. Imaju}i to u vidu, razlo`no je zakqu~iti da je starijom literaturom (u {tampi).
u tom ranijem razdobqu, tokom prve polovine 14. veka, u novobrdskom podgra|u 114]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972, 262;
podignuta jo{ neka crkva za potrebe pravoslavnih vernika. Mogli su to biti Dimitrijevi} 1967, 272–273.
mali jednobrodni hramovi, kakvi su i kasnije podizani u Novom Brdu (sl. 15). 115 Popovi} 2016, u {tampi.
started to be organized here and that the main town’s necropolis was set up at this
site are important for these considerations.
The said considerations would lead to a conclusion that the building of the first
– smaller, single-nave church at this site could be dated back to the first half of the
14th century, perhaps closer to the middle of that century. That would also be the
time when the burying around the newly-built church started to take place. The mod-
est grave goods from the interment, which were stratigraphically recognized as the
oldest ones, do not provide sufficient data for any reliable dating of the oldest hori-
zon of the interments. Within the fenced-off area of the necropolis, it appears that
there were intensive burials already in that first period. We may presume that this
entire space was already filled out with graves within a matter of only two to three
decades, that is, during the period which preceded the building of the cathedral.
In the following period, the Novo Brdo cathedral started to be built on the town’s
fenced-off necropolis, already completely filled out with interments. As the out-
comes of the archaeological diggings have shown, it was a spacious structure with
a complex ground plan, whose spatial design and architectural characteristics, both
in terms of their concept and function, as well as in terms of their chronology, show
two clearly separated construction phases. Along the original, monumental Church
of St Nicholas, a spacious east section was added in one of the later phases, by
which the liturgical space of the cathedral was almost doubled. In the continuation
we are going to pay special attention to the revealed remains of the original church,
i.e., to the west section of the Novo Brdo cathedral, while trying to get a notion of
its former appearance. Within the limits imposed by the available materials, the
east, added section is also going to be processed, with a special view at the tombs
and interments that were located in the cathedral.
Pomenimo za sada jedine poznate ostatke male jednobrodne crkve – „Sabornice“,

uz koju su se nalazile jo{ dve sli~ne, ~iji ostaci nisu istraìvani.116 Te{ko
je re}i iz kog vremena poti~u, ali nije iskqu~eno da je neka od wih podignuta u
ranijem razdobqu razvoja grada. Jedini su istraèni ostaci crkve Jov~e, koja
je podignuta posle 1400. godine, najverovatnije u prvim decenijama 15. veka, u
ju`nom delu podgra|a.117
Me|u prvim pravoslavnim hramovima u gradu koji je nastajao sigurno je
bila i na{a jednobrodna crkva, prete~a kasnije katedrale. U pore|ewu sa dru-
gim jednobrodnim novobrdskim hramovima, o kojima je napred bilo re~i, ona
je ne{to prostranija i znatno masivnije gra|ena. Ne treba iskqu~iti mogu}-
nost da joj je ve} u vreme gra|ewa pridavan poseban zna~aj, na {ta posredno
ukazuje i ~iwenica da se ne{to kasnije, na istoj lokaciji, gradi katedralni
hram Svetog Nikole. Za ova razmatrawa od zna~aja je i ~iwenica da je na tom
mestu ubrzo zapo~eto sahrawivawe i formirana glavna gradska nekropola.
Navedena razmatrawa vodila bi zakqu~ku da bi se gra|ewe prve – male,
jednobrodne crkve na ovom lokalitetu moglo datovati u prvu polovinu 14. veka,
mo`da bliè sredini toga stole}a. To bi bilo i vreme kada zapo~iwe sahrawi-
vawe oko novosagra|ene crkve. Skromni grobni prilozi iz ukopa, koji su stra-
tigrafski prepoznati kao najstariji, ne pruàju dovoqno podataka za pouzda-
no datovawe najstarijeg horizonta grobnih ukopa. U okviru ogra|enog areala
nekropole vr{eno je, izgleda, intenzivno sahrawivawe ve} i u tom prvom raz-
dobqu. Moèmo pretpostaviti da je za samo dve do tri decenije, odnosno tokom
perioda koje prethodi gra|ewu katedrale ceo ovaj prostor ve} bio ispuwen
grobovima.
U narednom razdobqu, na ogra|enoj gradskoj nekropoli, ve} u celini popu-
wenoj grobnim ukopima, zapo~eto je podizawe novobrdske katedrale. Kako su
pokazali ishodi arheolo{kih iskopavawa, to je bilo prostrano zdawe sloè-
ne osnove, ~ije prostorno re{ewe i odlike arhitekture, kako koncepcijski i
funkcionalno, tako i hronolo{ki, pokazuju dve jasno izdvojene etape gra|ewa.
Uz prvobitnu, monumetalnu crkvu Svetog Nikole, u jednoj poznijoj fazi dogra-
|en je prostran isto~ni deo, ~ime je bogoslu`beni prostor katedrale gotovo
udvostru~en. U daqem izlagawu posebna pa`wa bi}e posve}ena otkrivenim
ostacima prvobitne crkve, tj. zapadnom delu novobrdske katedrale, uz poku{aj
sagledavawa wenog nekada{weg izgleda. U granicama raspoloìve gra|e bi}e
obra|en i isto~ni dogra|eni deo, uz poseban osvrt na grobnice i grobne ukope
koji su se nalazili u katedrali.
116 Zdravkovi}, Simi} 1956, 251–253.

117Zdravkovi}, Jovanovi} 1954–1955,
259–263.
60
St Nicholas Church
– older, west section of the cathedral
B EFORE STARTING with the construction of the new, large church, extensive
preparatory works had been done in the middle of the town’s fenced-off necropolis.
The encountered level of the ground with the interments of the first horizon, that
had a significant decline from the north to the south, was not suitable for the build-
ing of the new temple. For this reason, significant fillings of the terrain were car-
ried out in front of the small church found on the spot, as well as in the space to-
wards the south boundary wall.118 In the central section, the depth of the filling goes
between 0.50 m and 0.70 m, while on the south side it amounts to over 1.50 m. The
scope of the filling is quite reliably substantiated by the levels of the oldest inter-
ments, discovered at the depths between 2.70 m and 3.10 m beside the south
boundary wall.119 As it appears, the slope was cut to a lesser degree on the north
side, so that very shallow older graves were found there interred at the depths no
larger than 0.50 m. In the case of some of these grave pits, partially dug into the
rock, since they contained no traces of any skeletons, it may be concluded that they
were emptied when these levelling works were being conducted.120 The plateau of
the necropolis was also expanded by almost 5 m, by moving the boundary wall far-
ther to the west, which we have already mentioned. The remains of the demolished
original boundary wall, as well as of an older house, were covered by the filling into
which graves were dug later. Some of these interments were dated using the find-
ings of the coins of Prince and Despot Stefan Lazarevi}.121 Along the alignment with
the remains of the new west wall, no traces of any entrance into the necropolis have
been found. During the surveying, the researchers looked for the remains of a gate
in the direction of the west portal of the new cathedral, but there was no result to
this effect. As it turned out during further surveying, the observed traces of a paved
path at the west approach correspond to some later period. Therefore, a question of
the access to the necropolis and later to the churchyard of the cathedral has remained
open. The earlier mentioned remains in the south-east corner of the boundary wall
118 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 262–263.
119
apparently represented only a side entrance into the necropolis. Taking into account
Field Journal 21.8 – 1.9.1962.
120
that the site has not been surveyed in its totality, it remains as a supposition that
In the interior of the older section of
St Nicholas church, empty interments were the main gate perhaps used to be at the approach from the north-west side.
discovered in the schistose rock – of graves Within the scope of the fenced-off area of the necropolis, east from the space
70–73 in the north part of the naos, as well earmarked for the new temple, the small, single-nave church probably remained
as of graves 80–81 and 83, towards the
preserved in its entirety. There are no archaeological traces that would possibly sug-
south wall, and there were such examples
on the external north side as well. gest that, at the time when the new temple was being built, there were some repairs
121 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 264; or demolitions done on this church, since there was no need for something like
Dimitrijevi} 1967, 282. that. As it appears, the structure had kept its earlier function of the sepulchral
61
Crkva Svetog Nikole

– stariji, zapadni deo katedrale
P RE PRISTUPA izgradwi nove, velike crkve, u sredi{tu ogra|ene gradske

nekropole obavqeni su obimni pripremni radovi. Zate~eni nivo tla sa uko-
pima grobova prvog horizonta, koji je bio u znatnom padu od severa ka jugu, ni-
je bio pogodan za podizawe novog hrama. Stoga su izvr{ena znatna nasipawa te-
rena ispred male zate~ene crkve, kao i na prostoru prema ju`nom ogradnom
zidu.118 U sredi{wem delu debqina nasipa je izme|u 0,50 i 0,70 m, dok je sa ju-
`ne strane iznosila i preko 1,50 m. Na obim nasipawa sasvim pouzdano uka-
zuju nivoi najstarijih grobnih ukopa, otkrivenih na dubinama izme|u 2,70 i
3,10 m pored ju`nog ogradnog zida.119 Sa severne strane je, kako izgleda, padi-
na zase~ena u mawoj meri, tako da su tu otkriveni vrlo plitki stariji grobni
ukopi na dubinama ne ve}im od 0,50 m. U nekim od ovih grobnih raka, deli-
mi~no ukopanih u stenu, budu}i da nije bilo tragova skeleta, moè se zakqu~i-
ti da su bile ispra`wene prilikom ovih nivelacionih radova.120 Plato ne-
kropole tako|e je pro{iren za gotovo 5 m, i to pomerawem ogradnog zida daqe
prema zapadu, o ~emu je ve} bilo re~i. Ostaci poru{enog prvobitnog ogradnog
zida, kao i starije ku}e, zasuti su nasipom, u koji su kasnije ukopavani grobo-
vi. Neki od ovih grobnih ukopa datovani su nalazima novca kneza i despota
Stefana Lazarevi}a.121 Du` trase sa ostacima novog zapadnog zida nisu otkri-
veni tragovi ulaza na nekropolu. U toku istraìvawa tragalo se za ostacima ka-
pije na pravcu zapadnog portala nove katedrale, ali rezultat je izostao. Uo~eni
tragovi poplo~ane staze na zapadnom prilazu, kako se tokom daqih istraìva-
wa ispostavilo, odgovaraju nekom poznijem razdobqu. Otvoreno je, stoga, osta-
lo pitawe prilaza nekropoli i kasnijoj porti katedrale. Ranije pomenuti
ostaci u jugoisto~nom uglu ogradnog zida predstavqali su, po svemu sude}i, sa-
mo sporedni ulaz u nekropolu. Budu}i da lokalitet nije u celini istraèn,
ostaje pretpostavka da se glavna kapija mo`da nalazila na prilazu sa severo-
118 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 262–263.
zapadne strane.
119 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
U okviru ogra|enog areala nekropole, isto~no od prostora predvi|enog za
21. avgust – 1. septembar 1962.
novi hram, mala jednobrodna crkva verovatno je ostala u celosti sa~uvana. Ne- 120 U unutra{wosti starijeg dela crkve
ma arheolo{kih tragova koji bi eventualno ukazivali na to da su u vreme gra- Svetog Nikole otkriveni su prazni ukopi
|ewa novog hrama na ovoj crkvi vr{ene neke prepravke ili ru{ewa, budu}i da u {kriqastoj steni – grobova 70–73
za tako ne{to nije bilo potrebe. Gra|evina je, kako izgleda, zadràla svoju ra- u severnom delu naosa, kao i grobova
80–81 i 83, prema ju`nom zidu,
niju funkciju grobqanske crkve, oko koje je i daqe vr{eno sahrawivawe. U we-
a takvih primera bilo je i sa spoqne
noj unutra{wosti, ako je suditi po rezultatima arheolo{kih istraìvawa, ni severne strane.
u ovom razdobqu, koje je obuhvatalo posledwe decenije 14. veka, nije vr{eno sa- 121 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 264;
hrawivawe. Dimitrijevi} 1967, 282.

0 5m b c
0 5m
Sl. 16. Crkva Svetog Nikole, stariji deo: a) osnova;

b) podu`ni presek; s) detaq ju`nog niza stubova (R = 1 : 200)
Fig. 16. St Nicholas Church, older section: a) ground plan;
b) longitudinal cross-section; s) a detail of the south sequence of columns (S = 1 : 200)
a b
Sl. 17. Crkva Svetog Nikole, stariji deo: a) temeq ju`nog zida;
b) temeq severnog zida (prema Zdravkovi} 1958, 354)
Fig. 17. St Nicholas Church, older section: a) foundation of the south wall;
b) foundation of the north wall (according to Zdravkovi} 1958)
Na pripremqenom terenu, u sredi{wem delu postoje}e nekropole, podig-

nuta je crkva Svetog Nikole, budu}a gradska katedrala. Novi hram bio je znat-
no ve}i od stare crkve. Imao je pravougaonu osnovu u vidu razvijenog upisanog
krsta sa stubovima, kojima je bio podeqen unutra{wi prostor hrama (sl. 16).
Na istoku se nalazila apsida, iznutra sigurno polukru`na, a spoqa najverovat-
nije trapezasta. Prilikom poznije dogradwe isto~nog dela katedrale, apsida
je u celosti poru{ena, tako da weni ostaci nisu otkriveni. Budu}i da je bila
plitko utemeqena na stenovitom tlu, i da su na tom prostoru kasnije vr{ena sa-
hrawivawa, u toku arheolo{kih istraìvawa se nisu mogli uo~iti ni tragovi
wenih temeqa.122 [irina novog hrama iznosila je 13 m, a duìna, sa pretpo-
stavqenom apsidom, oko 21 m. Sredi{wi prostor naosa obrazovala su ~etiri
stuba, nad kojima se nalazila kupola. Unutra{wa priprata je od glavnog dela
hrama bila odvojena sa dva nià stuba.
122 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 326.
Zidovi crkve su zasnovani na stabilnom stenovitom tlu, {to je uslovqa-
U terenskoj dokumentaciji iz 1959.
valo razli~itu dubinu temeqa, kao i {irinu zidne strukture. Temeq severnog godine postoji zabele{ka da je na
zida, {irine oko 1,30 m, bio je plitko ukopan, do dubine ne ve}e od 0,50 m. Za prelazu iz isto~nog traveja ka prostoru
razliku od ovog, dno temeqa suprotnog, ju`nog zida bilo je znatno dubqe zasno- nekada{we apside uo~eno da je greben
stene klesawem zaravwen na povr{ini
vano, uglavnom na dubinama izme|u 1,70 i 2,00 m (sl. 17). Prema uobi~ajenoj
kvadratne forme, {to je protuma~eno
praksi, temeqni deo zidova bio je grubqe gra|en lomqenim kamenom, uz upo- kao prostor na kome je bio utemeqen
trebu dosta kre~nog maltera (sl. 18). zidani stubac prvobitne ~asne trpeze.
Sl. 18. Crkva Svetog Nikole,

deo zida zapadne fasade sa temeqom
(1962. godine)
Fig. 18. St Nicholas Church,
a part of the wall of the west facade
with the foundation (1962)
church around which people still performed burials. If we are to judge by the results
of the archaeological surveying, no burials were done in its interior in this period
either, which included the last decades of the 14th century.
The future town’s cathedral, St Nicholas Church, was built on top of the pre-
pared terrain, in the central section of the existing necropolis. The new temple was
significantly bigger than the old church. It had a rectangular ground plan in the
form of a developed cross-in-square design with columns which divided the interior
space of the temple (fig. 16). There used to be an apse in the east, certainly semi-
spherical on the inside and trapezoidal on the outside. During the subsequent con-
struction additions of the east section of the cathedral, the apse was completely
demolished, so that its remains have never been found. Taking into account that it
had shallow foundations in the rocky ground and that there were burials in that
area later on, no traces of its foundations could be noticed during the archaeologi-
cal surveying.122 The width of the new temple was 13 m, while its length, with the
presumed apse, was around 21 m. The central space of the naos was formed by four
columns topped by a dome. The narthex was separated from the main section of the
temple with two lower pillars.
The walls of the church were based on the stable rocky ground, which caused
different depth of the foundations, as well as the width of the wall structure. The
foundation of the north wall, around 1.30 m wide, was dug in shallowly, no more
than 0.50 m deep. As opposed to this wall, the bottom of the foundation of the
122 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 326. opposite, south wall was significantly deeper based, mostly at the depths between
The 1959 field documentation contains
a note that it was noticed in the section 1.70 m and 2.00 m (fig. 17). According to the common practice, the foundation sec-
leading from the east bay towards the space tion of the wall was made more roughly using broken stone and a lot of lime mortar
of the former apse that the ridge of the rock (fig. 18).
was flattened by carving on a square-form
On the exterior facade side, above the foundation, a well preserved, massive
area, which was interpreted as the space
in which the pillar of the original profiled socle made of breccia ashlars projected in step from the wall plain . On the
oblation table was founded. south side, where the foundation wall was wider (around 1.60 m), the socle has three

deo ju`nog zida (1960. i 2016. godine)
a part of the south wall (1960)
Sa spoqne fasadne strane, nad temeqom je ostao dobro o~uvan, masivan

profilisani sokl od tesanika bre~e, koji stepenasto izlazi iz ravni zida. Sa
ju`ne strane, gde je temeqni zid bio {iri (oko 1,60 m) sokl ima tri stepena,
a sa severne samo dva, zbog pli}eg utemeqewa i ravnijeg terena.123 Nadzemni
zidovi imali su konstantnu {irinu oko 0,90 m, odnosno 3 stope. Fasadna li-
ca zidova bila su ra{~lawena pilastrima sa stepenastim ispadima, koji su
obrazovali plitke lezene. Lica zidova su gra|ena od kvadera tamnocrvene bre-
~e i zelenosme|eg andezita, sloènih tako da formiraju naizmeni~ne, dvobojne
horizontalne redove (sl. 19/1 i 19/2). Kvaderi bre~e ve}i su od tesanika ande-
zita, a na pojedinim delovima fasade su jednake veli~ine. Sredi{wa struktu-
ra i unutra{wa lica zidova gra|eni su od lomqenog pritesanog kamena razli-
~itih vrsta i kvaliteta.124 Kod severnog i ju`nog zida unutra{we povr{ine 123 Zdravkovi} 1958, 362.
su ravne, dok je unutra{wa strana zapadnog zidnog platna ra{~lawena sa dva 124 Zdravkovi} 1958, 362.

zapadni portal u toku iskopavawa
(1956. godine)
west portal during the excavations
(1956)
grades and on the north one only two because of the more shallow foundation and
the flatter terrain.123 The elevated walls had a constant width of around 0.90 m,
that is, 3 feet. The facade faces of the walls were dissected with pilasters that had
stepped protrusions, thus forming shallow lesenes. The faces of the walls were built
using blocks made of dark-red breccia and green-brown andesite, laid in such a way as
to form alternating, two-coloured horizontal rows (fig. 19/1 and 19/2). The breccia
blocks were larger than the andesite ashlars and in some parts of the facade they
were of the same size. The central structure and the interior faces of the walls were
made of broken cut stone of different types and quality.124 In the case of the north
and the south walls, the interior surfaces are flat, while the interior side of the west
wall curtain is dissected with two pilasters, each 1 m wide, and placed opposite the
columns that separated the narthex from the naos. All the interior surfaces of the
walls in the church used to be covered in fresco-plaster and painted. During the
surveying of the remains of the walls, no preserved surfaces with frescoes were
observed, but a lot of plaster fragments with traces of paintings were found in the
debris, which will be talked about in more details later on.
The church had three doors – the main one, with the accentuated portal on the
west side, and one each on the north and the south sides. These side entrances were
not along the axis of the naos’s west bay. In addition to the threshold, parts of the
left jamb and the step-shaped masses of the pilaster that used to lean against the
jambs were left from the west monumental portal (fig. 20). The main portal was
approached over several unequal steps and from the threshold the church was
descended into down two steps, to the level of the narthex’s floor (fig. 21). During
the excavations, the north portal was found with heavily damaged remains of the
original construction. The revealed traces show that it was somewhat more modestly
123 Zdravkovi} 1958, 362. processed than the west one. In one of the later epochs, undoubtedly during the
124 Zdravkovi} 1958, 362. Turkish period, this north door was walled-in, rather shabbily, using stones bound by

zapadni portal sa delom priprate
posle iskopavawa
(prema Zdravkovi} 1958)
west portal with a part of the narthex
after the excavations
(according to Zdravkovi} 1958, 351)
pilastra, {iroka po 1 m, i postavqena naspram stubova koji su odvajali pri-

pratu od naosa. Sve unutra{we povr{ine zidova u crkvi nekada su bile pre-
krivene fresko-malterom i oslikane. U toku istraìvawa na ostacima zidova
nisu uo~ene o~uvane povr{ine sa freskama, ali je u {utu otkriveno mno{tvo
ulomaka maltera sa tragovima ìvopisa, o ~emu }e daqe biti ne{to vi{e re~i.
Crkva je imala troja vrata – glavna, sa nagla{enim portalom na zapadu, i
po jedna sa severne i ju`ne strane. Ovi bo~ni ulazi nisu bili u osi zapadnog
traveja naosa. Od zapadnog monumentalnog portala, osim praga, preostali su
delovi levog dovratnika i stepenasto oblikovane mase pilastara, koje su bile
prislowene uz same dovratnike (sl. 20). Glavnom portalu prilazilo se preko
nekoliko nejednakih stepenika, a sa praga u crkvu se silazilo niz dva stepe-
nika, do ravni poda priprate (sl. 21). Prilikom iskopavawa, severni portal
zate~en je sa te{ko o{te}enim ostacima prvobitne konstrukcije. Otkriveni
tragovi pokazuju da je bio ne{to skromnije obra|en od zapadnog. U jednoj pozni-
joj epohi, bez sumwe u turskom razdobqu, ova severna vrata su bila zazidana, i to
dosta nemarno, kamenom povezanim blatom. Za razliku od prethodna dva, ju`ni
portal nije imao posebno klesanu obradu (sl. 22). Kako su pokazala arheolo{ka
istraìvawa, ova vrata su tako|e bila naknadno zazidana, u to u punoj {irini,
solidnim slogom kamena sa malternim vezivom.
Na nisko o~uvanim ostacima zidova u toku arheolo{kih iskopavawa nisu
zapaèni ostaci prozora. Prilikom detaqne analize fotografija iz vremena
istraìvawa, uo~ili smo tragove jednog zazidanog prozora na najboqe o~uvanom
delu zapadnog zida, bliè jugozapadnom uglu (sl. 23). Prozor je sa unutra{we
strane imao {irinu od oko 0,90 m, dok mu je parapet u odnosu na ravan poda
bio na visini od oko 1,80 m. Jasno se moglo uo~iti da je prozor bio zazidan u
opusu, koji je gotovo jednak prvobitnom zidu. Isti je slu~aj i sa napred pome-
nutom zazidom ju`nih vrata, gde se tako|e nisu uo~avale razlike u odnosu na

ju`ni portal (1960. godine)
south portal (1960)
mud. As opposed to the previous two, the south portal did not have a specially carved
finish (fig. 22). As shown by the archaeological surveying, this door was also subse-
quently walled-in, in its full width, using a solid stone bond and mortar binding.
On the low preserved remains of the walls, no remains of any windows were
noticed during the archaeological excavations. In the course of a detailed analysis
of the photographs taken at the time of the surveying, we have noticed traces of a
walled-in window in the best preserved section of the west wall, closer to the south-
west corner (fig. 23). On its interior side, the window had the width of around 0.90 m,
while its parapet was at the height of around 1.80 m in relation to the level of the
floor. It could clearly be noticed that the window was walled-in in the opus, which is
almost equal to the original wall. The same case is with the afore-mentioned walling-
in of the south door, where also no differences were noticed in comparison to the
original wall.125 Having all of this in mind, it should not be ruled out as a possibility
that this was a concurrent intervention, perhaps during a subsequent reconstruc-
tion of the cathedral. The reason for this walling-in may have been the creation of
new fresco paintings.
There are no reliable data now on the appearance of the original floor in the
church. Only in the part of the narthex towards the west entrance the researchers
found floor remains made of unprocessed stone slabs laid down onto a mortar base
that could belong to the original structure. In the other sections, no traces of floor
have been revealed, considering that there were some later-date interments, while
traces of Turkish re-digging have also been noticed. The question whether there
were any burials in the newly built temple already in this older phase, before the
addition of the east section, also constitutes a very complex one and we will consider
125 A part of the wall with the remains it separately in the continuation.
of the walled-in window is no longer The foundations with remains of massive bases of all six columns in the naos
preserved. It has disappeared during some and the esonarthex were revealed in situ in the interior of the temple (fig. 24 and 25).
of the conservation interventions, while
They were based on the rocky ground and had foundation roughly made using broken
the walling-in of the south door
was removed during the surveying works stone and lime mortar. The plinths of the columns stood above the foundation
conducted in 1958–1959. structure and were mostly above the level of the floor. In the layer of the debris, thick

zapadni deo posle iskopavawa
(1956. godine)
west part after the excavations (1956)
prvobitni zid.125 Imaju}i to u vidu, ne bi trebalo iskqu~iti mogu}nost da je u

pitawu bila istovremena intervencija, mo`da prilikom poznije rekonstruk-
cije katedrale. Povod za ovo zazi|ivawe mogla je biti izrada novih fresaka.
O izgledu prvobitnog poda u crkvi sada nema pouzdanih podataka. Samo u
delu priprate prema zapadnom ulazu otkriveni su ostaci poda od neobra|enih
kamenih plo~a na malternoj podlozi, koji bi mogli pripadati prvobitnom
zdawu. Na ostalim prostorima tragovi poda nisu otkriveni, budu}i da je tu bi-
lo kasnijih grobnih ukopa, a uo~eni su i tragovi turskih prekopavawa. Veoma je
sloèno i pitawe o tome da li je u novopodignutom hramu vr{eno sahrawiva-
we ve} u ovoj starijoj fazi, pre dogradwe isto~nog dela, koje }emo u daqem iz-
lagawu posebno razmotriti.
U unutra{wosti hrama otkriveni su in situ temeqi sa ostacima masivnih
postamenata svih {est stubova u naosu i unutra{woj priprati (sl. 24 i 25).
Oni su bili zasnovani na stenovitom tlu i imali su temeq grubo gra|en lom-
qenim kamenom i kre~nim malterom. Stope stubova su stajale nad temeqnom
strukturom i najve}im delom su bile iznad ravni poda. U sloju {uta, debqine
izme|u 1,00 i 1,50 m, a mestimi~no i do 2,00 m, kojim je bila zasuta unutra{-
wost crkve, otkriven je ve}i broj arhitektonskih fragmenata od crvene bre~e,
travertina, andezita i kre~waka. Od crvene bre~e su delovi stubova sa kapi-
telima i bazama, delovi venaca, portala, profila sa sokla i ugaoni kameni
blokovi sa fasadnih pilastara.126 Za na{a daqa razmatrawa mogu}eg konstruk-
tivnog sklopa crkve Svetog Nikole, me|u ovim nalazima posebno su zna~ajni
delovi stubova. Oni su uglavnom prona|eni na mestima gde su se zatekli pri- 125Deo zida sa ostacima zazidanog
likom ru{ewa. Jugozapadni stub potkupolnog prostora otkriven je oboren – i prozora nije vi{e o~uvan. I{~ezao je
to sa bazom, tri segmenta samog stuba i delom kapitela, {to je posebno navedeno prilikom neke od konzervatorskih
intervencija, dok je zazida ju`nih vrata
u terenskom dnevniku.127 Posmatrano u celini, u pomenutom sloju {uta na|ene
uklowena jo{ u vreme istraìva~kih
su, cele ili fragmentovane, baze svih {est stubova, od kojih je baza severnog radova 1958–1959. godine.
stuba priprate otkrivena in situ, nad kvadratnim postamentom (sl. 25–27). Od 126 Zdravkovi} 1958, 353.
stabala stubova na|eno je ukupno 12 komada, i to: ~etiri duìne 1,70 do 1,90 m, 127 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
zatim ~etiri od oko 0,90 m, i po dva od 1,40–1,50 m i 2,16–2,27 m (sl. 28). 21. jul 1956.

severni zid sa ostacima baza
za stubove (1956. godine)
north wall with the remains
of the column bases (1956)

klesane baze stubova:
a) baza jugoisto~nog stuba naosa;
b) baza severozapadnog stuba priprate
carved column bases: a) base of the
south-east column of the naos;
b) base of the north-west column
of the narthex
between 1.00 m and 1.50 m, and partially up to 2.00 m, that filled out the interior
of the church, a large number of architectural fragments of red breccia, travertine,
andesite and lime were found. The red breccia was found in the parts of columns
with capitals and bases, parts of cornices, portals, profiles from the socle and corner
stone blocks from the facade pilasters.126 Among all of these findings, the parts of
the columns are of particular interest for our further considerations of the possible
structural assembly of the Church of St Nicholas. They were mostly found in the
places where they used to stand at the time of the demolition. The south-west column
of the domed space was revealed toppled – including the plinth, three segments of
the column itself and a part of the capital, which was particularly stated in the field
log.127 If observed in its entirety, what was found in the said layer of debris were
whole or fragmented plinths of all six columns, with the plinth of the north column
in the narthex being found in situ, above the square base (fig. 25–27). Out of the
column shafts, a total of 12 pieces have been found, as follows: four that were 1.70
to 1.90 m long, then four of around 0.90 m, and two each of 1.40–1.50 m and
2.16–2.27 m (fig. 28). Several fragments of the capitals were also found in the
126 Zdravkovi} 1958, 353. debris and they had the height of 0.40 m. In addition to the parts of the columns,
127 Field Journal, 21.7.1956. the findings of several fragments of profiled cornices also come from the demolition
SEVERNI STUB JU@NI STUB JUGOZAPADNI

PRIPRATE PRIPRATE STUB NAOSA
SEVEROZAPADNI SEVEROISTO^NI JUGOISTO^NI

STUB NAOSA STUB NAOSA STUB NAOSA
Sl. 26. Crkva Svetog Nikole, klesane stope stubova (R = 1 : 25)

Fig. 26. St Nicholas Church, carved column plinths (S = 1 : 25)
JUGOISTO^NI SEVEROISTO^NI SEVERNI STUB

STUB NAOSA STUB NAOSA PRIPRATE
Sl. 27. Crkva Svetog Nikole, baze stubova klesane od bre~e (R = 1 : 25)
Fig. 27. St Nicholas Church, column bases made of breccia (S = 1 : 25)
Sl. 28. Crkva Svetog Nikole, stabla stubova klesana od bre~e (R = 1 : 25)
Fig. 28. St Nicholas Church, column shafts made of breccia (S = 1 : 25)
Sl. 29. Crkva Svetog Nikole, deo natprozornika sa natpisom

Fig. 29. St Nicholas Church, part of the window lintel with inscription
layer, as well as several pieces of horizontal cordon-cornices. On some fragments

made of breccia, which originally has rough structure, it was possible to observe
traces of the levelling out of the surfaces by using plaster. In one section of a col-
umn, a well preserved layer of fresco-plaster was found, around 4 mm thick, which
was used to level out a roughly carved surface.128 It is also possible to find traces of
plaster on some pieces of the cornices, which were obviously located within the
church, while most of the pieces of the same or similar profile probably come from
the loft.
Fragments of the stone plastic with inscriptions129

Among the fragments carved out of sandstone, a particularly specific find is a frag-
ment of decoratively made window lintel with remains of an inscription, which was
secondarily installed as a spolia into the south wall from the time of the younger
Turkish reconstruction (fig. 29). There was an inscription on the face of this win-
dow lintel, carved in two rows. Only the left half of the inscription has been pre-
served and it reads:
€po m(i)l(o)sti b(o)\%(i)Ei azq&
maist(o)rq ...........
This was, undoubtedly, an inscription which mentioned the master builder of
the church – the protomaster, whose name has not been preserved. As an attempt to
recognize who this was, on the basis of a paleographic analysis, as well as the features
of the Novo Brdo low-relief decoration, a supposition has been voiced out that this
128 Field Journal, 18.7.1956. inscription referred to Rade Borovi}, the later-date builder of Ljubostinja monaste-
129 See att. G. Tomovi}, page 237–239. ry.130 This opinion, which is difficult to accept, would require more detailed scrutiny
130 Bo{kovi} 1974, 114. in the further explorations of the Morava-style architecture.

deo arhivolte 12 sa natpisom
part of archivolt 12 with inscription
U {utu je otkriveno i nekoliko fragmenata kapitela, koji su imali visi-

nu 0,40 m. Iz sloja ru{ewa, osim delova stubova, poti~u i nalazi vi{e frag-
menata profilisanih venaca, kao i nekoliko komada od horizontalnih kor-
don-venaca. Na nekim fragmentima klesanim od bre~e, koja je izvorno grube
strukture, uo~eni su tragovi izravnavawa povr{ina malterom. Na delu jednog
stuba otkriven je dobro o~uvan sloj fresko-maltera, debqine oko 4 mm, kojim
je bila izravnata grubo klesana povr{ina.128 I na nekima komadima venaca,
koji su se o~igledno nalazili u unutra{wosti crkve, ima tragova maltera, dok
ve}ina komada istog ili sli~nog profila verovatno poti~e sa podstre{ja.
Fragmenti kamene plastike sa natpisima129

Me|u fragmentima klesanim od pe{~ara osoben nalaz predstavqa ulomak de-
korativno obra|enog natprozornika sa ostacima natpisa, koji je bio sekundar-
no ugra|en kao spolija u ju`ni zid iz vremena mla|e turske obnove (sl. 29). Na
licu ovog natprozornika nalazio se natpis, klesan u dva reda. O~uvana je samo
leva polovina natpisa, koja glasi:
maist(o)rq ...........
U pitawu je, bez sumwe, bio natpis u kome se pomiwao graditeq crkve – pro-
tomajstor, ~ije ime nije sa~uvano. U poku{aju prepoznavawa o kojoj je li~nosti
re~, na osnovu paleografske analize, kao i odlika novobrdske plitkoreqefne
dekoracije, izneta je pretpostavka da se natpis odnosio na Rada Borovi}a, po- 128 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
znijeg graditeqa Qubostiwe.130 Ovo mi{qewe, koje se te{ko moè prihvatiti, 18. jul 1956.
zahtevalo bi da se u daqim istraìvawima moravskog graditeqstva detaqnije 129 V. prilog G. Tomovi} na str. 237–239.
preispita. 130 Bo{kovi} 1974, 114.
A piece of another inscription carved in two rows was also found in the debris in
front of the west portal and this one was located in the lower section of an archivolt
from the church’s facade (fig. 30). Bearing in mind the width of the carved section
of the archivolt, the inscription field could not have been longer than 28 cm. The
right half of the inscription has not been preserved, so only the beginning parts of
both rows have remained and they read as follows:
€ h=(risto)sq za%Celo&
i konq%cq&
The inscription represents a part of the introductory formula saying that Christ
is the beginning and the end of all, which is confirmed by the cross as a symbolic
invocation. This formula also appears in the same form in the manuscripts, that is,
in the records from the second half of the 14th century and the first decades of the
15th century.131
Stone plastic with relief decorations

During the archaeological surveying in the ruins of the cathedral, over 50 fragments
of the architectural plastic with low-relief decorations were found (fig. 31–33).
According to the data from the field documentation, most of these fragments came
from the debris along the external sides of the west and the north walls, especially
in the zone around the side entrance from the north side. Several fragments were
inserted as spolia into the sub-construction of the minbar, as well as into the south
wall of the youngest Turkish phase, where the afore-mentioned piece of window
lintel with a part of the inscription was revealed. Only around 15 fragments have
been preserved out of these exceptionally important plastic finds and they were
transferred to the National Museum, while the others disappeared from the site
over time. Some of the fragments were documented in the field documentation, but
131 Zapisi i natpisi, 50 most often without marked spots in which they were found.132 Eight fragments with
(no. 157 from 1387), 51 (no. 162 from Morava-style decoration were also found during the excavation of the remains of
1388), 53 (no. 163 from 1388–1389),
Jov~a church, some 250 m away to the west. During the excavations, the researchers
78 (no. 250 from 1428);
[padijer 2004, 142 ascribed the said fragments to that church.133 In the course of our analyses, it was
(dijak Andrija, from 1425). observed that four fragments from the said cluster directly fit onto the similar finds
132In addition to the fragments kept at the from the cathedral, which suggests that the location of their find was the secondary
National Museum, there are preserved
one. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine that the stone plastic which suits a significantly
drawings or photographs for around 30
more fragments, so that we have data more monumental building could ever belong to the small and relatively modest
for around 45 pieces of relief stone plastic. Jov~a church.
For the purpose of easier processing, A comprehensive insight into the former carved decorations of the Novo Brdo
all the fragments have been numbered,
cathedral temple is no longer possible, but on the basis of the available documenta-
as follows: from 1 to 15 those that are at
the National Museum; from 16 to 23 those tion, as well as the preserved materials, we can present certain observations and
that were documented with drawings at suggest possible conclusions. Despite the serious damages and partial preservation,
a scale and on a tracing paper. Specimens on the basis of the shape of individual fragments and particularly the curvature of
from 24 to 35 are known according to
the photographs; during the analysis it
their edges, it may be concluded that they belong to the former secondary plastic on
was possible to ascertain their size the facade of the church. By determining the radius of those curves, the fragments
approximately. The fragments from 36 could be recognized as remains of single-frame windows, biforated windows, lunet-
to 44 were documented on the basis of
tes, as well as archivolts in the pediments of the church, while two fragments con-
the levelled sketches from the terrain
inventories for the years 1956 and 1957. stitute a part of a rosette.
133 Zdravkovi}, Jovanovi} 1954–1955, As it has already been said, among the pieces of the architectural plastic the
261–262. ones that stand out are those on whose faces there is a carved decoration with the
U {utu ispred zapadnog portala otkriven je deo jo{ jednog natpisa klesa-
nog u dva reda, koji se nalazio u dowem delu jedne arhivolte sa fasade crkve
(sl. 30). Imaju}i u vidu {irinu klesanog dela arhivolte, natpisno poqe nije
moglo biti duè od 28 cm. Desna polovina natpisa nije o~uvana, tako da je pre-
ostao po~etni deo oba reda, koji glasi:
€ h=(risto)sq za%Celo&
i konq%cq&
Natpis predstavqa deo uvodne formule da je Hristos po~etak i kraj svega,
{to se potvr|uje i krstom kao simboli~nom invokacijom. U istom obliku ova
formula javqa se i u rukopisima, odnosno zapisima iz druge polovine 14. i
prvih decenija 15. veka.131
Kamena plastika sa reqefnim ukrasom

Prilikom arheolo{kih istraìvawa u ru{evinama katedrale otkriveno je
preko 50 fragmenata arhitektonske plastike sa plitkoreqefnim ukrasom (sl.
31–33). Prema podacima iz terenske dokumentacije, ve}ina ovih fragmenata
poti~e iz {uta du` spoqnih strana zapadnog i severnog zida, posebno u zoni
oko bo~nog ulaza sa severne strane. Nekoliki ulomci su bili ugra|eni kao spo-
lije u supstrukciju mimbara, kao i u ju`ni zid najmla|e turske faze, gde je ot-
kriven i napred pomenuti komad natprozornika sa delom natpisa. Od ovih,
izuzetno zna~ajnih nalaza plastike o~uvano je svega oko 15 ulomaka, koji su
preneti u Narodni muzej, dok su ostali vremenom nestali sa lokaliteta. Neki
fragmenti su dokumentovani u terenskoj dokumentaciji, ali naj~e{}e bez ozna-
~enih mesta nalaza.132 Osam fragmenata sa reqefnim pleternim ukrasom na-
|eno je i prilikom iskopavawa ostataka crkve Jov~e, udaqene oko 250 m prema
zapadu. U vreme iskopavawa, istraìva~i su pomenute fragmente pripisali
toj crkvi.133 Prilikom na{ih analiza, uo~eno je da se ~etiri fragmenta iz
131 Zapisi i natpisi, 50 (br. 157
pomenute skupine neposredno vezuje sa sli~nim nalazima iz katedrale, {to
iz 1387. godine), 51 (br. 162 iz 1388.
ukazuje na to da je wihovo mesto nalaza sekundarno. Doista, maloj i relativno godine), 53 (br. 163 iz 1388–1389.
skromnoj crkvi Jov~i, te{ko da bi mogla pripadati kamena plastika koja od- godine), 78 (br. 250 iz 1428. godine);
govara znatno monumentalnijem zdawu. [padijer 2004, 142
Celovit uvid u nekada{wi klesani ukras novobrdskog sabornog hrama vi{e (dijak Andrija, 1425. godina).
132 Osim fragmenata koji se ~uvaju
nije mogu}, ali se ipak, na osnovu raspoloìve dokumentacije, kao i sa~uvanog
u Narodnom muzeju, za jo{ oko 30
materijala, mogu izneti odre|ena zapaàwa i nagovestiti mogu}i zakqu~ci. I fragmenata postoje sa~uvani crteì
pored te{kih o{te}ewa i delimi~ne o~uvanosti, na osnovu oblika pojedinih ili fotografije, tako da se raspolaè
fragmenata, a naro~ito zakrivqenosti wihovih ivica, moè se zakqu~iti da podacima za oko 45 komada reqefne
kamene plastike. Radi lak{e obrade,
pripadaju nekada{woj sekundarnoj plastici na fasadi crkve. Odre|ivawem ra-
svi fragmenti su numerisani, i to:
dijusa tih krivina, ulomci su mogli biti prepoznati kao ostaci jednodelnih od 1 do 15 oni koji se nalaze
prozora, bifora, luneta, kao i arhivolti na zabatima crkve, dok dva fragmenta u Narodnom muzeju; od 16 do 23 oni koji
~ine deo rozete. su dokumentovani crteìma u razmeri
i na pausu. Prema fotografijama poznati
Me|u komadima arhitektonske plastike, kao {to je ve} re~eno, izdvajaju se su primerci od 24 do 35; wima je bilo
oni na ~ijim licima postoji klesani ukras sa motivima moravske dekoracije. mogu}e u toku analize pribli`no
Budu}i da su u pitawu ostaci arhitektonske plastike koji su izuzetno va`ni odrediti veli~inu. Fragmenti od 36 do
44 dokumentovani su na osnovu kotiranih
za daqu, morfolo{ku i stilsku analizu, podrobno }emo opisati zastupqene
skica iz terenskih inventara za 1956.
motive i na~in klesawa. i 1957. godinu.
Arhitektonska plastika crkve Svetog Nikole bogato je ukra{ena tzv. morav- 133 Zdravkovi}, Jovanovi} 1954–1955,
skim prepletom. Ta skulptura u celini je ra|ena od ù}kastog pe{~ara, pogodnog 261–262.

Sl. 31. Crkva Svetog Nikole, fragmenti plitkorezane pleterne plastike (R = 1 : 10)
Fig. 31. St Nicholas Church, fragments of low-relief plastic (S = 1 : 10)
Sl. 32. Crkva Svetog Nikole, fragmenti plitkorezane pleterne plastike (R = 1 : 10)
Fig. 32. St Nicholas Church, fragments of low-relief plastic (S = 1 : 10)
Morava-style motifs. Taking into account that these are the remains of the archi-
tectural plastic that are exceptionally important for further, morphological and
style analysis, we are going to describe the encountered motifs and the manner of
carving in details.
The architectural plastic of the Church of St Nicholas was very richly decorated
with the Morava-style low-relief. That sculpture is made entirely of yellowish sand-
stone, suitable for carving. The relief (interlacing ornament) consists of shallowly
carved plastic ribbons, around 2.5 cm high. The ribbon is always fluted, i.e., it con-
sists of two components, while the fluting is done by carving the central line in, at
the angle of 45°, using a chisel.
The repertoire of the motifs is very broad and rather diverse. Most often, this
concerns the characteristic Morava-style interlacing ornament, consisting of a two-
component ribbon, guilloches and knots, that create oval and circular forms, like a
“textile sample,” with a rare use of floral motifs in the form of half-leaves.134 The
main element of the ornamental decoration of the Novo Brdo stone plastic is cer-
tainly the densely composed interlacing ornament. The simplest one has the form of
guilloches, i.e., a line of circular motifs (fragm. 14 and 19) or alternately sequenced
circles and ellipses (fragm. 1, 2, 3, 20, 21, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 45). A somewhat more
complex motif was achieved with a interlacing ornament comprising a number of
crossed, double lemniscates, in a horizontal or a vertical order (fragm. 5, 6, 7, 24, 31,
34, 35, 36). As it has been pointed out already, the interlacing ornament was always
created using a double fluted ribbon. Another characteristic decoration is an alter-
nating semi-lemniscate and fields with the “textile sample”, i.e., the quadrangular
form motif with dense interlacing ornament similar to the fabric interlacing motif
(fragm. 8, 16, 17). The interlacing ornament consisting of a number of elongated
oval fields with inscribed double, horizontally and vertically arranged lemniscates
is also worth the mention (fragm. 30). It needs to be emphasized that all of the said
motifs, typical of the Novo Brdo plastic, belong to the usual repertoire of the stone
plastic found on the monuments belonging to the Moravan Serbia.
A somewhat different Morava-style interlacing ornament, so far unnoticed in
the older literature, consists of a sequence of lemniscates and “textile sample”, with
three-component half-leaves on their crossing (fragm. 11, 12, 22, 25). Another
variant of the Novo Brdo interlacing ornament is also recognizable and it consists
of alternating sequences of two circular and one oval field which have horizontal
lemniscates inscribed into them (fragm. 13, 15, 29, 33). Another characteristic motif
is the interlacing ornament consisting of a single-component fluted ribbon, present
in one of the discovered fragments (fragm. 18). Among the fragments, the ones that
stand out are those with carved in sequences of horizontal lemniscates with inscribed
five-petal palmettes – fleur-de-lis, one of the most frequent motifs of the Morava-style
plastic, while on the crossings of the lemniscates there are three-component, very
stylized floral motifs (fragm. 32, 27).135 Among the discovered plastic, there are two
134 About some of the fragments elements that catch the attention and they represent parts of the former rosette
of the Novo Brdo decorative plastic, decorated with a interlacing ornament (fragm. 28 and 49).
see Katani} 1988, 238;
Some specificities in the execution of individual motifs have also been observed
Maksimovi} 1971, 133.
135 among the fragments of the Novo Brdo plastic. For instance, the interlacing orna-
These fragments were found in the
ruins of Jov~a church, see Zdravkovi}, ment of fragment no. 9, whose motifs have analogies both among the Novo Brdo
Jovanovi} 1954–1955, 261, fig. 13. and the Morava-style plastics, differ from those others by the fact that it consists of
14 2 3
5–7 8 9
11 13 15
Sl. 33. Crkva Svetog Nikole, fragmenti plitkorezane pleterne plastike (foto Narodni muzej)
Fig. 33. St Nicholas Church, fragments of low-relief plastic (photo, the National Museum)
a single-component fluted ribbon. Fragment no. 18 is also specific inasmuch as its
ribbons do not have a central line of fluting. Still, it should not be ruled out that this
may be the case of an unfinished piece of plastic, as is obviously the case with frag-
ment no. 2 where the fluting process was not carried out on the finishing circles.
In addition to the motifs made of different style interlacing ornaments, a spi-
rally twisted rope also appears frequently in the Novo Brdo stone plastic, carved as
a rule along the perimeter parts of different architectural elements (fragm. 23, 42,
43, 44, 49). For instance, on the smaller, already mentioned capital (fragm. 42),
which rested on a small 40-cm-diameter pillar, the lower edge was bordered with
the spirally twisted rope motif. Two fragments of the base (fragm. no. 22 and 44)
correspond to the same capital and they have the spirally twisted rope motif on the
upper edge. This element, of the same dimensions as in the case of the previous
fragments, also appears in one piece of a window jamb (fragm. 43). Judging by all,
these are fragments of the same element, probably of a larger biforated window.
The spirally twisted rope motif – almost unavoidable in the Morava-style plas-
tic – appears as a frame in one of the rosettes whose former appearance may be
envisaged in its basic form thanks to two preserved fragments (fragm. 28 and 49).
The interlacing ornament on that rosette was done by crossing two concentric circles
and circular segments, the radius of which corresponds to the diameters of the said
circles. This motif, rather frequent in the decoration of the churches belonging to the
Morava-style architecture of Serbia, appears in the rosettes of Lazarica church, then
in the exonarthex of the church in Chilandar Monastery, as well as in the monastery
temples in Ljubostinja, Naupara and Rudenica 136 The fact that this is an element
of plastic widely spread in Novo Brdo is corroborated by three rosettes bordered by
a spirally twisted rope that were installed, as spolia, into the Turkish reinforcement
of the south tower of the Lower “Town” (Donji grad).137
The wealth of ornaments present in the fragments of the stone plastic, as well
as the manner in which they could be fit into the architecture of the Novo Brdo
cathedral church have their closest parallels among the Morava-style monuments,
especially the monastery temples in Ravanica and Velu}e monasteries, as well as in
Lazarica church. The guilloche motif consisting of interlaced circles, in addition to
the Novo Brdo church, also appears only on the cubic base of the south-east small
dome of Ravanica monastery, as well as on the dome windows in Lazarica church. A
sequence of horizontal and vertical lemniscates inscribed into elongated ellipses may
be seen on the windows of Lazarica, Ravanica and Velu}e. A somewhat different
and certainly richer interlacing ornament may be seen on the facades of the Kaleni}
monastery. The same goes with the interlacing ornament consisting of crossed,
double lemniscates, in horizontal and vertical sequences, that are seen in the sculp-
ture of Lazarica, Ravanica, Velu}e, Milentija, as well as Kaleni}, where their com-
position is visibly more complex. The double interlaced ellipses motif, as well as
those consisting of alternately composed semi-lemniscates and the „textile sample,“
are present literally in all the churches and they may be considered a general feature
of the Morava-style sculptural decoration.
Although the character of the Novo Brdo plastics may be assessed today only
136 Katani} 1988, 47–48, 103, 114, on the basis of the preserved fragments, it is still possible to notice some of its char-
121, 154, 203. acteristics, as well as similarities with the stone decorations applied in the Morava-
137 Bo{kovi} 1974, 105. style monuments. One of its striking features is a complete predominance of the
za klesarsku obradu. Preplet se sastoji od plitko klesanih plasti~nih traka,

visine oko 2,5 cm. Traka je uvek kanelirana, tj. dvo~lana, a kanelirawe je iz-
vedeno urezivawem sredi{we linije dletom, pod uglom od 45°.
Repertoar zastupqenih motiva je {irok i dosta raznolik. Re~ je naj~e{}e
o karakteristi~nom moravskom prepletu, sa~iwenom od dvo~lane trake, plete-
nica i ~vorova, koji formiraju ovalne i kru`ne forme, kao i „tekstilni uzo-
rak“, uz retku pojavu floralnih motiva u vidu polulistova.134 Glavni element
ornamentalnog ukrasa novobrdske kamene plastike svakako je gusto kompono-
van preplet. Onaj najjednostavniji ima formu pletenica, tj. niza kru`nih mo-
tiva (fragm. 14 i 19) ili naizmeni~no nanizanih krugova i elipsi (fragm. 1,
2, 3, 20, 21, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 45). Ne{to sloèniji motiv ostvaren je preple-
tom niza ukr{tenih, dvostrukih „osmica“, u horizontalnom ili vertikalnom
poretku (fragm. 5, 6, 7, 24, 31, 34, 35, 36). Kako je ve} istaknuto, preplet je uvek
formiran pomo}u dvostruke kanelirane trake. Karakteristi~an ukras predsta-
vqa i alternacija „poluosmica“ i poqa sa „tekstilnim uzorkom“, tj. motiva ~e-
tvorougaone forme, sa gustim prepletom nalik tkawu (fragm. 8, 16, 17). Pa`we
vredan je i preplet sa~iwen od niza izduènih ovalnih poqa u koja su upisane
dvostruke, horizontalno i vertikalno poloène „osmice“ (fragm. 30). Treba
naglasiti da svi pomenuti motivi, svojstveni novobrdskoj plastici, pripada-
ju uobi~ajenom repertoaru kamene plastike na spomenicima Moravske Srbije.
Ne{to druga~iji moravski preplet, do sada neuo~en u starijoj literaturi,
sa~iwen je iz niza „osmica“ i „tekstilnog uzorka“, sa tro~lanim polulistovi-
ma na wihovoj ukrsnici (fragm. 11, 12, 22, 25). Prepoznatqiva je jo{ jedna va-
rijanta novobrdskog prepleta, koji se sastoji od naizmeni~nih nizova dva kru-
`na i jednog ovalnog poqa, u koja su upisane horizontalne „osmice“ (fragm.
13, 15, 29, 33). Osoben je i motiv prepleta komponovan od jedno~lane kaneli-
rane trake, zastupqen na jednom od prona|enih ulomaka (fragm. 18). Me|u
fragmentima se izdvajaju i oni sa uklesanim nizovima horizontalnih „osmi-
ca“ u koje su upisane petolati~ne palmete-krinovi, jedan od naj~e{}ih motiva
moravske plastike, dok se na ukrsnicama „osmica“ nalaze tro~lani, jako stili-
zovani floralni motivi (fragm. 32, 27).135 Me|u otkrivenom plastikom pa`wu
privla~e i dva fragmenta koji predstavqaju delove nekada{we, prepletom
ukra{ene rozete (fragm. 28 i 49).
Kod fragmenata novobrdske plastike uo~ene su i neke osobenosti u obra-
di pojedinih motiva. Na primer, preplet fragmenta br. 9, ~iji motivi imaju
analogije me|u novobrdskom kao i moravskom plastikom, od wih se razlikuje
po tome {to se sastoji od jednostruke kanelirana trake. Osoben je i fragment
br. 18, ~ije trake nemaju sredi{wi urez. Ne treba, ipak, iskqu~iti mogu}nost
da se tu radi o nedovr{enom komadu plastike, kao {to je to o~igledno bio slu-
~aj sa fragmentom br. 2, gde na zavr{nim kru`nicama nije sproveden postupak
kanelirawa.
Osim motiva formiranih od prepleta razli~ite stilizacije, u novobrd-
134 O nekim fragmentima dekorativne
skoj kamenoj plastici u~estalo se javqa i tordirano uè, po pravilu isklesa-
plastike sa Novog Brda v. Katani} 1988,
no na rubnim delovima razli~itih arhitektonskih elemenata (fragm. 23, 42,
238; Maksimovi} 1971, 133.
43, 44, 49). Na primer, na mawem, ve} pomenutom kapitelu (fragm. 42), koji se 135 Ovi fragmenti su na|eni u
oslawao na stubi} pre~nika 40 cm, dowa ivica je bila obrubqena motivom tor- ru{evinama crkve Jov~a, v. Zdravkovi},
diranog uèta. Istom kapitelu odgovaraju i dva fragmenta baze (fragm. br. 22 Jovanovi} 1954–1955, 261, sl. 13.
geometrical ornament, while the floral ones appear, if judging by the available sam-
ple, very sporadically. It is also characteristic that among the preserved fragments
there is none with a human figure, zoomorphic or fantastic depiction – which are
all well known motifs of the Morava-style decorative repertoire. The pronounced
geometrization of the ornaments is an important element not only for the study of
the contents of this plastic, but also of its chronology. This observation is in line
with the results of the analysis of the preserved fragments which shows that the re-
pertoire of the motifs and the manner of carving of the Novo Brdo plastic is mostly
related with the creations on the facades of Lazarica and Ravanica – in other words,
that its closest analogies may be found among the chronologically older monuments
of the Moravan Serbia. On the other hand, the repertoire of the motifs in the low-
relief plastic found in the Church of St Nicholas does not have many common fea-
tures with the younger-date monuments – the sculpture of Ljubostinja, Naupara
and Rudenica. As for the plastic found in Milentija monastery, other than the motif
of crossed double lemniscates, no other joint characteristics have been observed
either.138 The difference is most noticeable in comparison to the chronologically
youngest sculptural decoration found in Kaleni}, with which the plastic of Novo
Brdo’s Church of St Nicholas has almost no points of contact – both in terms of the
wealth of motifs and in terms of the carving technique.
Structural assembly and the former appearance

of the original Church of St Nicholas
The revealed remains of the walls and the findings of the toppled parts of the archi-
tectural plastic in the debris provide the basic elements for an attempt to recon-
struct the structural assembly and appearance of Novo Brdo’s cathedral. For the
purpose of these considerations, it is of key importance to be able to do a graphic
reconstruction of the columns whose preserved parts allow for such a methodolog-
ical procedure to a sufficient degree. In this regard, it is of exceptional importance
that during the excavations one toppled column that used to stand under the dome
was discovered and this column in addition to the plinth and the base also had all
the segments of the shaft and a part of the capital.139 According to the photographs
made during the archaeological surveying, one piece, 2.16 m long, was found, top-
pled, on the spot where the south column of the narthex used to stand.140 Judging
by the dimensions, this piece corresponds to another similar one, 2.27 m long.
Taking into account the height of the preserved plinths, bases and capitals of the
columns in the narthex, their total minimal height may therefore be estimated at
3.55 m.
The minimal height of the narthex space had to correspond to the total height
of the columns and the biggest arch that rested on the narthex columns. In this
case, that was the central arch which rested on two columns of the narthex. On the
basis of the span of this arch, it may be concluded that the minimal, total height of
the space of the narthex was 5.35 m above the level of the floor (fig. 34).
138
The lowest arches in the naos were those of the longitudinal direction, which
For the plastic of the church of the
Milentija monastery, see Tomi} 1972, separated the west and the east arm of the cross-in-square design from the side
249–263; Katani} 1988, 230–236. spaces of the naos. They could not be based directly on the pillars that separated the
139 Zdravkovi} 1959, 355, fig. 12. narthex from the naos – which is clearly seen by the directions in which the said
140 Zdravkovi} 1959, fig. 7 and 13. columns lie – but only at the level of the crown of the mentioned, biggest arch in
i 44) sa motivom tordiranog uèta na gorwem rubu. Ovaj element, istih dimen-
zija kao i kod prethonih ulomaka, javqa se i na jednom komadu doprozornika
(fragm. 43). Po svemu sude}i, u pitawu su fragmenti iste celine, verovatno
jedne ve}e bifore.
Motiv tordiranog uèta – gotovo neizostavan u moravskoj plastici – ja-
vqa se kao okvir i na jednoj rozeti, ~iji se nekada{wi izgled moè u osnov-
nim crtama sagledati na osnovu dva o~uvana ulomka (fragm. 28. i 49). Preplet
na toj rozeti bio je izveden ukr{tawem dva koncentri~na kruga i kru`nih seg-
menata, ~iji radijus odgovara pre~nicima pomenutih krugova. Ovaj motiv, do-
sta ~est u dekoraciji crkava Moravske Srbije, javqa se na rozetama Lazarice,
zatim eksonarteksu crkve u Hilandaru, kao i na manastirskim hramovima u
Qubostiwi, Naupari i Rudenici.136 Da je re~ o elementu plastike rasprostra-
wenom u Novom Brdu, svedo~e tri rozete obrubqene tordiranim uètom koje su
ugra|ene, kao spolije, u tursko oja~awe ju`ne kule Doweg grada.137
Bogatstvo ornamenata zastupqenih na ulomcima kamene plastike, kao i
na~in na koji su oni mogli biti uklopqeni u arhitekturu novobrdske saborne
crkve, najbliè paralele imaju me|u moravskim spomenicima, posebno mana-
stirskim hramovima u Ravanici i Velu}u, kao i crkvi Lazarici. Motiv ple-
tenice sastavqen od prepletenih krugova, osim na novobrdskoj crkvi, javqa se
jo{ jedino na kubi~nom postoqu jugoisto~ne male kupole Ravanice, kao i na
prozorima kupole Lazarice. Niz horizontalnih i vertikalnih osmica upisan
u izduène elipse moè se videti na prozorima Lazarice, Ravanice i Velu}a.
Ne{to druga~iji i svakako bogatiji preplet javqa se na fasadama Kaleni}a.
Jednak je slu~aj i sa prepletom koji ~ine ukr{tene, dvostruke „osmice“, u hori-
zontalnom i i vertikalnom poretku, koje se sre}u u skulpturi Lazarice, Ravani-
ce, Velu}a, Milentije, kao i Kaleni}a, gde im je kompozicija vidno sloèni-
ja. Motivi dvostruko upletenih elipsi, kao i oni sastavqeni od naizmeni~no
komponovanih „poluosmica“ i „tekstilnog uzorka“, prisutni su na doslovno
svim crkvama i mogu se smatrati op{tim mestom moravskog skulpturalnog
ukrasa.
Iako se o karakteru novobrdske plastike danas moè suditi samo na osno-
vu o~uvanih fragmenata, ipak je mogu}e uo~iti neke wene osobenosti, kao i
sli~nosti sa kamenim ukrasom moravskih spomenika. Jedno od wenih upadqi-
vih svojstava jeste potpuna prevlast geometrijskog ornamenta, dok se oni flo-
ralni, ako je suditi po raspoloìvom uzorku, javqaju veoma sporadi~no. Ka-
rakteristi~no je, tako|e, da me|u sa~uvanim fragmentima nema nijednog sa
qudskom figurom, zoomorfnom ili fantasti~nom predstavom – dobro pozna-
tim motivima moravskog dekorativnog repertoara. Izraèna geometrizacija
ukrasa vaàn je element ne samo za prou~avawe sadrìne ove plastike, ve} i
wene hronologije. Ovo zapaàwe u saglasnosti je sa rezultatima analize sa~u-
vanih fragmenata, koja pokazuje da je repertoar motiva i na~in klesawa novo-
brdske plastike najsrodniji ostvarewima na fasadama Lazarice i Ravanice –
drugim re~ima, da se wene najbliè analogije mogu na}i me|u hronolo{ki
starijim spomenicima Moravske Srbije. Sa druge strane, repertoar motiva
plitkoreqefne plastike crkve Svetog Nikole nema mnogo zajedni~kih odlika 136 Katani} 1988, 47–48, 103, 114, 121,
sa mla|im spomenicima – skulpturom Qubostiwe, Naupare i Rudenice. Sa 154, 203.
plastikom Milentije, osim motiva ukr{tenih dvostrukih „osmica“, tako|e 137 Bo{kovi} 1974, 105.
0 5m

priprata, osnova sa presecima
– delimi~na restitucija
(R = 1 : 100)
Fig. 34. St Nicholas Church, narthex,
ground plan with cross-sections
– partial restitution (S = 1 : 100)
nisu uo~ene druge zajedni~ke odlike.138 Razlika je najuo~qivija u pore|ewu sa

hronolo{ki najmla|im skulpturalnim ukrasom Kaleni}a, sa kojim plastika
novobrdske crkve Svetog Nikole gotovo da i nema dodirnih ta~aka – kako po
bogatstvu motiva, tako i po tehnici klesawa.
Konstruktivni sklop i nekada{wi izgled

prvobitne crkve Svetog Nikole
Otkriveni ostaci zidova i nalazi uru{enih delova arhitektonske plastike u
{utu pruàju osnovne elemente za poku{aj rekonstrukcije konstruktivnog
sklopa i izgleda novobrdskog sabornog hrama. Za ova razmatrawa od kqu~ne va-
`nosti je mogu}nost grafi~ke rekonstrukcije stubova, ~iji o~uvani delovi u
dovoqnoj meri omogu}uju takav metodolo{ki postupak. U tom pogledu, od izu-
zetne je va`nosti ~iwenica {to je u toku iskopavawa otkriven jedan oboreni
potkupolni stub, koji je osim plinte i baze imao sve segmente stabla i deo ka-
pitela.139 Prema fotografijama koje su na~iwene prilikom arheolo{kih is-
traìvawa, jedan komad, duìne 2,16 m prona|en je, oboren, na mestu gde se uz-
dizao ju`ni stub priprate.140 Ovom komadu po dimenzijama odgovara jedan
sli~an, duìne 2,27 m. Uzimaju}i u obzir visine o~uvanih plinti, baza i ka-
pitela stubova priprate, wihova ukupna minimalna visina stoga se moè pro-
ceniti na 3,55 m.
Najmawa visina prostora narteksa morala je odgovarati ukupnoj visini
stuba i najve}eg luka koji se oslawao na stub priprate. U ovom slu~aju, to je bio
sredi{wi luk, oslowen na oba stuba priprate. Na osnovu raspona ovog luka,
moè se zakqu~iti da je minimalna, ukupna visina prostora narteksa iznosi-
la 5,35 m iznad kote poda (sl. 34).
Najniì lukovi u naosu bili su oni podu`nog pravca, koji su zapadni i
isto~ni krak upisanog krsta razdvajali od sporednih prostora naosa. Oni ni-
su mogli biti zasnovani neposredno na stubovima koji su razdvajali pripratu
od naosa – {to se jasno vidi po pravcima na kojima spomenuti lukovi leè –
ve} tek na visini temena pomenutog, najve}eg luka priprate. Prema tome, mi-
nimalna ukupna visina narteksa morala je biti jednaka visini stubova u nao-
su, na koje se oslawala kupolna konstrukcija (sl. 16). Toj visini stuba upravo
odgovara zbir prose~ne visine plinte stuba u naosu (od oko 0, 46 m), visine
wegove baze (od oko 0,42 m), zatim zbira vrednosti tri grupe komada stabala
(1,70 + 1,50 + 0,90 = 4,10 m) i prose~ne visine kapitela (od oko 0,40 m), ~ime
se dobija ukupna nekada{wa visina stuba naosa od 5,38 m.
U visini temena tih lukova nalazili su se oslonci svodova sporednih
traveja upisanog krsta. Visina temena svodova sporednih traveja, morala je pak
odgovarati visini venca na kojem su se oslawali svodovi iznad krakova upi-
sanog krsta. Odatle se, prema visini venca i rasponu svodova iznad krakova
upisanog krsta, moè do}i i do visine venca na kome je po~ivao tambur kupo-
le. Prema na{oj rekonstrukciji, visina potkupolnih nosa~a – stubova jednaka
je duìni strana osnovnog modularnog kvadrata u osnovi crkve, dok je venac na 138 Za plastiku crkve manastira
kome je leào tambur kupole bio postavqen na dvostruko ve}oj visini. Analog- Milentije v. Tomi} 1972, 249–263;
no tim odnosima, realno je o~ekivati da se visina kupole crkve uklapala sa Katani} 1988, 230–236.
trostruko uve}anom duìnom osnovnog modula. Wen pre~nik je mogao iznosi- 139 Zdravkovi} 1959, 355, sl. 12.
ti oko 4,00 m. 140 Zdravkovi} 1959, sl. 7 i 13.
the narthex. Therefore, the minimal total height of the narthex had to be equal to the
height of the columns in the naos on which the dome construction rested (fig. 16).
The sum of the average height of the columns’ plinth in the naos (of around 0.46 m),
height of its base (of around 0.42 m), then the sum of the values of three groups of
shaft pieces (1.70 + 1.50 + 0.90 = 4.10 m) and the average height of the capitals (of
around 0.40 m) corresponds precisely to that height of the column, thus getting the
total former height of the naos columns of 5.38 m.
At the level of the crowns of those arches, there used to be the supports of the
side bays’ vaults of the cross-in-square design. The height of the crown of the side
bays’ vaults had to correspond to the height of the cornice on which the vaults
above the arms of the cross-in-square design rested. From there, according to the
height of the cornice and the span of the vaults above the arms of the cross-in-square
design, it is possible to get to the height of the cornice on which the dome’s drum
rested. According to our reconstruction, the height of the supports under the dome
– the columns is equal to the length of the sides of the basic modular square in the
ground plan of the church, while the cornice on which the dome’s drum rested was
placed on a double the height. Analogous to these relations, it is realistic to expect
that the height of the church’s dome fit with the triple length of the basic module.
Its diameter could have been around 4.00 m.
The structural approach, applied in the modelling of the space of the Church
of St Nicholas in Novo Brdo, coincides with the solutions applied at the church of
St Demetrius at Markov manastir and the church of Presentation of the Virgin at
the monastery of Nova Pavlica (fig. 35). The similarity of these churches reflects
primarily in the selection of columns as interior free supports of arches and vaults
and not pillars, as was formerly customary in the Serbian sacral architecture. Then,
another similarity in Novo Brdo’s St Nicholas Church and the church in Markov
manastir lies in the use of columns that separated the space of the narthex from the
naos, instead of having the usual partition wall. The similarity or, to be more accurate,
the identicalness of this structural solution is of exceptional importance for further
considerations of the architecture of Novo Brdo’s cathedral temple.
The axes that define the supports, i.e., the columns in the space of the narthex
are independent from those in which the supports of the naos are located. For this
reason, the deviation of those axes creates a need to have a more careful analysis of
the reasons for the applied structural solution for the narthex in relation to the naos
of the Church of St Nicholas. During the reconstruction of the structural assembly
of the narthex, it was important to take into consideration the shape of its three
spatial sections, their position and the remains of specific structural elements. As
opposed to all other walls of the church, the walls of the narthex are characterized
by shallow pilasters on the interior face of the west wall of the church. It may be
presumed that only the reasons of static nature could have caused the use of these
structural elements. The existence of the pilasters and arches obviously played the
role of distributing the loads, which was of a different character along the above-
mentioned three sections of the narthex in relation to the bays in the naos. By com-
paring the width of the pilasters and the arches in relation to the span of the vaults
above the lower level of the narthex, it is possible to note that this space was man-
aged in such a way that already at the level of the first arches its construction was
characterized by higher stability of the upper section than the one in the naos. This
0 5m
Sl. 35. Uporedna analiza konstruktivnog sklopa i proporcijskih odnosa:

1) crkva manastira Nove Pavlice; 2) crkva Svetog Dimitrija u Markovom manastiru; 3) crkva Svetog Nikole u Novom Brdu
Fig. 35. Comparative analysis of the structural assembly and the proportion relations:
1) church of the Nova Plavica Monastery; 2) church of St Demetrius in Markov manastir; 3) St Nicholas Church in Novo Brdo
circumstance points to a conclusion that above the narthex of the church, there
used to be a room on the upper floor, that is, a catechumen.
The existence of a room on the floor above the narthex is indirectly also sug-
gested by the position of the side portals of Novo Brdo’s temple. In the case of the
Serbian churches from the 14th century and the first decades of the 15th century,
that belong to the cross-in-square design with a narthex type, the position of the side
portals is most often linked to the lateral sides of the narthex. In the case of the
Church of St Nicholas, such a position was avoided so that the side entrances were
moved into the space of the naos’s west bay, which represents a rather unusual
solution. The given selection of the position for the side portals could have been
caused by the vertical communications – staircases leading to the space on the floor
above the narthex.
According to the opinions and sketches of \. Bo{kovi} and S. Nenadovi}, above
the side spaces of the narthex, that were of a square shape, there used to exist small
domes, which is not impossible as a structural solution.141 The finds of two types of
colonettes, which we are going to talk about more later on, could corroborate such
a supposition. Unfortunately, there are no data for a precise reconstruction of the
possible appearance of the smaller domes.
In addition to the finding of the colonettes, there are other reasons as well that
suggest the possible existence of domes above the side bays of the narthex. It has
already been said that the most complex structure in the ground plan of the church
appeared precisely in the narthex, the ground floor of which was founded in such a
way that its structure was stable enough to sustain a larger load. The square shape
of the ground plan of the side bays of the narthex in the Church of St Nicholas allows
us to image smaller domes above them. The relations within the ground plan of the
bays in the narthex of the Novo Brdo church are identical to the solutions in the
exonarthex of Chilandar, as well as in the narthex of the Church of the Ascension
near Kyustendil (Bulgaria),142 where these side spaces are overtopped with domes.
In the case of these temples, like at the Church of St Nicholas, the side spaces of the
narthex have square ground plan, while the central bay is of a rectangular shape.
Also, in the case of all three churches, the directions of the longitudinal arches in
the narthex do not coincide with the directions of the longitudinal arches in the
naos, so the side spaces of the narthex are wider than the relevant bays of the naos,
which allowed them to be overtopped by dome structures.
The appearance of a narthex with two side domes, a rare phenomenon in the
Serbian sacral architectural practice, is directly linked to the similar solutions in
Byzantium. It is believed that this solution, as an innovation, was created in the late
Byzantine period and was caused by the aspiration to fit the side chapels into the
frame of the narthex itself.143 As a striking example of such a phenomenon, it is
possible to mention the south paraclise of the Church of Theotokos Pammakaristos in
Constantinople (the Fethiye Mosque) from 1304.144 The presumed domes above the
141Bo{kovi} 1974, 104;
narthex of the Church of St Nicholas could have had a diameter of around 2.60 m
Nenadovi} 1980, 86–87, fig. 46a.
142
and according to these dimensions they would be mores similar to the small domes
Deroko 1962, 174; Nenadovi} 1968,
33–42; Gergova 2013, 83–92. in Matej~e monastery (with a span of 2.20 m), as well as to the domes of the exo-
143 ]ur~i} 1971, 333–344; narthex of Chilandar (with a span of 2.90 m).
]ur~i} 1988, 87. The construction of the Church of St Nicholas was done using a combination
144 Markovi} 2014, 77–98. of the Byzantine and Romanesque building techniques. The appearance of columns
Konstruktivni pristup, primewen u modelovawu prostora crkve Svetog

Nikole u Novom Brdu, podudaran je sa re{ewima primewenim na crkvi Svetog
Dimitrija u Markovom manastiru i crkvi Vavedewa Bogorodice u manastiru
Nova Pavlica (sl. 35). Sli~nost ovih crkava ogleda se, najpre, u izboru stubo-
va kao unutra{wih slobodnih nosa~a lukova i svodova, a ne stubaca, kao {to je
to ranije bilo uobi~ajeno u srpskoj sakralnoj arhitekturi. Zatim, u novobrd-
skoj crkvi Svetog Nikole i crkvi Markovog manastira sli~nu pojavu predsta-
vqa pojava stubova koji su odvajali prostor priprate od naosa, umesto uobi~a-
jenog pregradnog zida. Srodnost ili, ta~nije, istovetnost ovog konstruktivnog
re{ewa od izuzetnog je zna~aja za daqa razmatrawa arhitekture novobrdskog
sabornog hrama.
Ose koje defini{u nosa~e, tj. stubovi u prostoru priprate nezavisni su od
onih na kojima se nalaze nosa~i naosa. Zato odstupawe tih osa ukazuje na po-
trebu pa`qive analize razloga za primeweno konstruktivno re{ewe priprate
u odnosu na naos crkve Svetog Nikole. Prilikom rekonstrukcije konstruktiv-
nog sklopa priprate, u obzir se moraju uzeti oblik tri wena prostorna odeqka,
wihov poloàj i ostaci specifi~nih konstruktivnih elemenata. Za razliku
od svih ostalih zidova crkve, zidovi priprate se odlikuju plitkim pilastri-
ma na unutra{wem licu zapadnog zida crkve. Moè se pretpostaviti da su je-
dino razlozi stati~ke prirode mogli usloviti postojawe ovih konstruktivnih
elemenata. Postojawe pilastara i lukova je o~igledno imalo ulogu sprovo|e-
wa optere}ewa, koje je bilo druga~ijeg karaktera du` spomenuta tri odeqka
priprate u odnosu na traveje naosa. Pore|ewem {irine pilastra i lukova u od-
nosu na raspon svodova iznad doweg nivoa priprate, uo~ava se da je taj prostor
bio re{en tako da se wegova konstrukcija ve} na nivou prvih lukova odlikova-
la ve}om stabilno{}u gorwih delova nego {to je to bio slu~aj u naosu. Ta okol-
nost upu}uje na zakqu~ak da je iznad priprate crkve postojala prostorija na
spratu, odnosno katihumena.
Na postojawe prostorije na spratu narteksa crkve posredno ukazuje i po-
loàj bo~nih portala novobrdskog hrama. Kod srpskih crkava iz 14. i prvih
decenija 15. veka, koje pripadaju tipu upisanog krsta sa pripratom, poloàj
bo~nih portala je naj~e{}e vezan za bo~ne strane priprate. Kod crkve Svetog
Nikole, ovakav poloàj je izbegnut, tako da su bo~ni ulazi pomereni u prostor
zapadnog traveja naosa, {to predstavqa dosta neuobi~ajeno re{ewe. Navedeni
izbor poloàja za bo~ne portale mogao je da bude uslovqen postojawem verti-
kalnih komunikacija – stepeni{ta ka prostoru na spratu priprate.
Prema mi{qenima i skicama \. Bo{kovi}a i S. Nenadovi}a, iznad bo~-
nih prostora narteksa, koji su kvadratnog oblika, postojale su malene kupole,
{to kao konstruktivno re{ewe nije iskqu~eno.141 Nalazi dva tipa koloneta, o
kojima }e daqe biti re~i, mogli bi da budu potvrda ovakve pretostavke. Naà-
lost, za precizniju rekonstrukciju mogu}eg izgleda mawih kupola nema poda-
taka.
O mogu}em postojawu kupola nad bo~nim travejima priprate, osim nalaza
koloneta, govore i drugi razlozi. Ve} je navedeno da se najsloènija konstruk-
cija u planu crkve javqa upravo u narteksu, ~iji je prizemni deo zasnovan tako
da wegova konstrukcija bude dovoqno stabilna kako bi ponela ve}i teret. Kva- 141 Bo{kovi} 1974, 104;
dratni oblik osnove bo~nih traveja priprate crkve Svetog Nikole dozvoqava Nenadovi} 1980, 86–87, sl. 46a.
as the supports for the upper structure and the dome has close parallels to a whole
number of churches on the territory of Byzantium, especially in the capital of the
Empire, as well as in Thessaloniki.145 An opinion has also been voiced out that the
structural solution for the domes resting on stone columns in Ljuboten, Zaum and
Markov manastir represents a result of a direct influence of Constantinople.146 In
addition to these churches, we should also keep in mind the narthex of the Pe}
Patriarchate, as well as the Romanesque-Gothic concept of the structure of the
narthex in De~ani monastery. The presumed assembly of the upper structures at
the Novo Brdo church could be close to a composite solution, with Byzantine and
Romanesque elements. In those terms, a close parallel to the Novo Brdo temple would
be St Nicholas Church at the Holy Archangels Monastery near Prizren, where the
upper structures also rested on stone columns, while the walls were made using the
same building technique as in the case of the walls of the Church of St Nicholas in
Novo Brdo.147
As regards the structural solution and the proportions of different architectural
elements of the church, particularly important for the consideration of the origin
of the architecture of the Church of St Nicholas are the churches in Markov mana-
stir148 and Nova Pavlica,149 which are close to Novo Brdo’s cathedral temple both
in terms of the time and territorially. In the case of both of these churches, it is pos-
sible to notice that the height of the dome, as the most pronounced architectural
element of the structure along its vertical, versus the overall height of the edifice
has the ratio of 1 : 3. The study reconstruction of the Church of St Nicholas in Novo
Brdo has shown the same possible ratio.
Finishing of the facades and the question

of the position of the decorative plastic
The builder of the Church of St Nicholas achieved a lively exterior by building the
facades in rows using ashlars in two different colours, then by horizontal and verti-
cal dissection of the facades using jutted cordon-cornices and three-cascade lesenes,
as well as by using low-relief plastic of the Morava style.
The way in which the facade surfaces were shaped using rows of ashlars, often
in two different colours, is characteristic of Romanesque edifices on the Italian ter-
ritory and in the areas belonging to Central Europe. Many churches in the Adriatic
coastal region had their exterior faces done using precisely rows of ashlars in two
colours. Let us just mention some of the examples in the area of the Serbian coastal
region – the Church of St Martin and St Mary Collegiate in Kotor, the church of the
Ratac Abbey, then the Church of St Nicholas in Stari Bar, as well as the Church of
St Mary in Danj.150 In the central areas of the Serbian lands, such facades could be
seen in some of the most important rulers’ endowments – churches in Banjska,
De~ani and Holy Archangels near Prizren.
145 ]ur~i} 2010, 349–410.
In comparison to the Romanesque buildings, St Nicholas Church differs by the
146 Babi}-\or|evi} 1994, 641–663. use of three-cascade pilasters in the facades, which is a phenomenon that was already
147 Nenadovi} 1967, 78–91. seen earlier in the rulers’ and noblemen’s churches on the territory of northern
148 Kora} 2003, 275–314; Kasapova 2012. Macedonia, as well as in the churches of the Morava style found in the central
149 Mihailovi}, Kova~evi} 1989, 18, 21. zones of the present-day Serbia. What was achieved through the use of shallow
150 Kora} 1965, 47–52, 70–73, 78–82; pilasters was a vertical division of the facades into a certain number of fields which,
ânak-Medi} 1989, 179–192, 203–229. judging by the archaeological findings of fragments of archivolts, ended in arcades
da se nad wima zamisle mawe kupole. Odnos osnove traveja u priprati novo-
brdske crkve istovetan je sa re{ewima u hilandarskom eksonarteksu kao i u
priprati crkve Spasovice kod ]ustendila,142 gde su ovi bo~ni prostori nad-
vi{eni kupolama. Kod ovih hramova, kao i u crkvi Svetog Nikole, bo~ni pro-
stori priprate su kvadratnih osnova, dok je sredi{wi travej pravouganog obli-
ka. Tako|e, kod sve tri crkve pravci podu`nih lukova u priprati ne leè na
pravcima podu`nih lukova u naosu, pa su bo~ni prostori priprate {iri od
odgovaraju}ih brodova naosa, {to je omogu}avalo da budu nadvi{eni kupolnim
konstrukcijama.
Pojava priprata sa dve bo~ne kupole, retka u srpskom sakralnom gradi-
teqstvu, neposredno je povezana sa sli~nim re{ewima u Vizantiji. Smatra se
da je to re{ewe, kao inovacija, nastalo u kasnovizantijskom periodu i bilo
uzrokovano te`wom da se bo~ne kapele uklope u okvir same priprate.143 Kao
izraziti primer te pojave moè se navesti ju`ni paraklis carigradske Bogo-
rodice Pamakaristotos (Fetije xamije) iz 1304. godine.144 Pretpostavqene
kupole nad pripratom crkve Svetog Nikole mogle su imati u pre~niku oko
2,60 m, te bi prema dimenzijama bile najsli~nije malim kupolama u Mateji-
~u (sa rasponom od 2,20 m), kao i kupolama hilandarskog eksonarteksa (sa ra-
sponom od 2,90 m).
Konstrukcija crkve Svetog Nikole je izvedena u kombinaciji vizantijske
i romani~ke graditeqske tehnike. Pojava stubova kao nosa~a gorwe konstruk-
cije i kupole ima bliske paralele sa ~itavim nizom crkava na tlu Vizantije,
posebno u prestonici Carstva, kao i u Solunu.145 Izneto je i mi{qewe da kon-
struktivno re{ewe kupola na kamenim stubovima u Qubotenu, Zaumu i Marko-
vom manastiru predstavqa rezultat izrazito carigradskog uticaja.146 Osim
ovih crkava, trebalo bi imati u vidu i pripratu Pe}ke patrijar{ije, kao i ro-
mano-goti~ki koncept konstrukcije priprate u De~anima. Pretpostavqeni
sklop gorwih konstrukcija u novobrdskoj crkvi mogao je biti blizak sloènom
re{ewu, sa vizantijskim i romani~kim elementima. U tom smislu blisku pa-
ralelu novobrdskom hramu predstavqala bi crkva Svetog Nikole u manastiru
Svetih arhan|ela kod Prizrena, gde su gorwe konstrukcije tako|e oslowene na
kamene stubove, dok su zidovi bili izvedeni jednakom graditeqskom tehnikom
kao i zidovi crkve Svetog Nikole u Novom Brdu.147
U odnosu na konstruktivno re{ewe i proporcije pojedina~nih arhitek-
tonskih elemenata crkve, za razmatrawe porekla arhitekture crkve Svetog Ni-
kole naro~ito su va`ne crkve Markovog manastira148 i Nove Pavlice,149 koje
su vremenski i teritorijalno bliske novobrdskom sabornom hramu. U slu~aju
obe pomenute crkve mogu}e je uo~iti da se visina kupole, kao najistaknutijeg
142Deroko 1962, 174; Nenadovi} 1968,
arhitektonskog elementa objekta po wegovoj vertikali, prema ukupnoj visini
33–42; Gergova 2013, 83–92.
objekta odnosi u razmeri 1 : 3. Jednak mogu}i odnos pokazala je i studijska re- 143]ur~i} 1971, 333–344;
konstrukcija crkve Svetog Nikole u Novom Brdu. ]ur~i} 1988, 87.
144 Markovi} 2014, 77–98.
Obrada fasada i pitawe mesta dekorativne plastike 145 ]ur~i} 2010, 349–410.
@ivopisnu spoqa{wost crkve Svetog Nikole neimar je ostvario primenom 146 Babi}-\or|evi} 1994, 641–663.
zidawa fasada redovima tesanika u dve boje, zatim horizontalnim i vertikal- 147 Nenadovi} 1967, 78–91.
nim ra{~lawavawem fasada pomo}u isturenih kordon-venaca i trostepenih 148 Kora} 2003, 275–314; Kasapova 2012.
lezena, kao i primenom plitkoreqefne plastike moravskog tipa. 149 Mihailovi}, Kova~evi} 1989, 18, 21.
in the upper zone. The west facade had three blind arcades, while the north and the
south ones had four blind arcades each. While the arcades on the west facade were
almost of an equal span, those on the lateral sides had a rather uneven rhythm. Their
distribution corresponded to the division within the interior space and thus the
span of those arcades approximately corresponded to the span of the vaults in the
interior of the edifice. There are no archaeological indicators suggesting the man-
ner in which the east facade of the church was done, primarily the apse, which was
demolished in its entirety during the subsequent additional construction done on
the cathedral.
Among the fragments of the architectural plastic, there are several types that
may be differentiated (fig. 36).151 The first type would include fragments which,
most likely, represent remains of the cordon cornices – since by their profile they
differ from the cornice of the socle. While the socle cornice had a circular profile
only along one jutted upper edge and a flat surface under that circular profile, the
cordon cornice had only a circular profile along the entire jutted side. It is also
important that there are three-cascade projections in some examples of this type,
on the basis of which it may be concluded with certainty that these fragments could
only belong to the triple juts of the pilasters on the facade of the older section of
the cathedral.
The cornice of the facade’s pediment and the cornice on which the vaults in the
interior rested had the usual kyma profile (fig. 36/13). Among the fragments with
this profile, 27 breccia fragments were found and their profile height was 14 cm,
but there were also andesite fragments with the height of 10 and 12.5 cm. On the
basis of these differences, it may be concluded that the above-mentioned cornices
were located at different spots within the church.
In addition to the cornices with the kyma profile, there are also cornice pieces
with the same profile found in the socle cornice, but different by their dimensions.
While the socle cornice is 24 cm high, these others are 12 cm, 18 cm and 26 cm high.
These cornices come from the upper sections of the facade where they could as cor-
bels carry the archivolts of the pediments of the church with the Morava-style motifs.
The cornices with such a profile and in the same type of location may be found on
the facades of Lazarica, Ravanica, in the Chilandar exonarthex, as well as in other
Morava-style monuments, while a similar cornice at the church in the Kaleni}
monastery had a significantly more complex profile.
Another type of the architectural plastic includes colonettes, affixed to the
facade or cut into it (fig. 36/1–3). Among the colonettes, only one was found in the
remains of the church’s walls and it was cut into the mass of the pilaster located left
from the north portal. Its appearance here is related to the specimens at Lazarica,
Velu}e and Kaleni}. On the protruding corner of the second jut of the same pilaster,
that faces south, there used to be an affixed colonette. Apart from the mentioned
ones, there are no similar appearances of colonettes on the other pilasters of the
151 The analysis of the architectural plastic Church of St Nicholas, except in the decoration of the portals, which will be cov-
was done in line with the fragments ered below.
encountered at the site in 2015. Very interesting for our considerations are also the findings of four fragments
The documentation on the findings
of colonettes from the domes’ drums (fig. 36/6–7). The angle at which some of their
of fragments related to architectural plastic
discovered during the archaeological oblique sides are allows for a supposition that they were affixed or rather built into
excavations has not been preserved. the corners of the octagonal drums of the domes. According to their shape, there
Na~in oblikovawa fasadnih povr{ina redovima tesanika, ~esto u dve bo-

je, karakteristi~an je za romani~ke gra|evine na italskom tlu i podru~jima
centralne Evrope. Mnoge crkve na Primorju su imale spoqna lica izvedena
upravo redovima tesanika u dve boje. Pomenimo samo neke primere u oblasti
srpskog Pomorja – crkve Svetog Martina i Svete Marije Kole|ate u Kotoru,
crkvu manastira Ratac, zatim crkvu Svetog Nikole u Starom Baru, kao i crkvu
Svete Marije u Dawu.150 U sredi{wim oblastima srpskih zemaqa ovakve fasa-
de su imale neke od najzna~ajnijih vladarskih zadu`bina – crkve u Bawskoj,
De~anima i Svetim arhan|elima kod Prizrena.
U odnosu na romani~ke gra|evine, crkva Svetog Nikole se razlikuje po po-
javi trostepenih pilastara na fasadama, {to je pojava koja se ve} ranije uo~a-
va na vladarskim i vlasteoskim crkvama na tlu severne Makedonije, ali i na
crkvama moravskog tipa u sredi{wim oblastima dana{we Srbije. Primenom
plitkih pilastera, na navobrdskom hramu ostvarena je vertikalna podela fasa-
da na odre|eni broj poqa, koja su se u gorwoj zoni, sude}i prema arheolo{kim
nalazima fragmenata arhivolti, zavr{avale arkadama. Zapadna fasada imala
je tri, a severna i ju`na po ~etiri slepe arkade. Dok su arkade na zapadnoj fa-
sadi bile gotovo jednakog raspona, one na bo~nim stranama imale su dosta ne-
ujedna~en ritam. Wihov raspored je odgovarao podeli unutra{weg prostora,
pa je tako i raspon tih arkada pribli`no odgovarao rasponu svodova u unutra-
{wosti gra|evine. Ne postoje nikakvi arheolo{ki pokazateqi o na~inu obra-
de isto~ne fasade crkve, a pre svega apside, koja je pri kasnijoj dogradwi ka-
tedrale u celini poru{ena.
Me|u fragmentima arhitektonske plastike uo~ava se nekoliko tipova (sl.
151
36). Prvom tipu bi odgovarali fragmenti koji, po svoj prilici, predstav-
qaju ostatke kordon venaca – budu}i da se po svom profilu razlikuju od venca
sokla. Dok je venac sokla imao kru`ni profil samo du` jedne isturene gorwe
ivice i ravnu povr{inu pod tim kru`nim profilom, kordon venac je ~itavom
isturenom stranom imao samo kru`ni profil. Od zna~aja je i pojava trostepe-
nih ispada na pojedinim primercima ovog tipa, po ~emu se sa sigurno{}u mo-
è zakqu~iti da su ti fragmenti mogli pripadati jedino trostepenim ispa-
dima pilastara na fasadi starijeg dela katedrale.
Venac zabata fasada i venac na kome su se u unutra{wosti oslawali svodo-
vi, imao je uobi~ajeni profil kime (sl. 36/13). Me|u fragmentima sa ovim pro-
filom zate~eno je 27 fragmenata od bre~e, ~ija je visina profila bila 14 cm,
ali i fragmenti od andezita visine 10 i 12,5 cm. Na osnovu tih razlika, mo-
è se zakqu~iti da su se pomenuti venci nalazili na razli~itim mestima u
okviru crkve. Osim venca sa profilom kime, postoje i komadi venaca istog
profila kao i venac sokla, ali razli~itih po dimenzijama. Dok je venac so-
kla visine 24 cm, ovi ostali su visine 12 cm, 18 cm i 26 cm. Ti venci poti~u 150 Kora} 1965, 47–52, 70–73, 78–82;
sa gorwih delova fasade, gde su konzolno mogli nositi arhivolte zabata crkve ânak-Medi} 1989, 179–192, 203–229.
sa moravskim prepletom. Venci sa takvim profilom i na istom poloàju na- 151 Analiza arhitektonske plastike
laze se na fasadama Lazarice, Ravanice, zatim na hilandarskom eksonarteksu, vr{ena je prema fragmentima koji su
kao i drugim moravskim spomenicima, dok je sli~an venac na crkvi u Kaleni- zate~eni na lokalitetu 2015. godine.
Dokumentacija o nalazima fragmenata
}u imao znatno sloèniji profil.
arhitektonske plastike otkrivenih
Drugom tipu arhitektonske plastike pripadaju kolonete, priqubqene u fa- prilikom arheolo{kih iskopavawa
sadu ili use~ene u wu (sl. 36/1–3). Me|u kolonetama, na ostacima zidova crkve nije sa~uvana.
2 3 6
1
9 7
4
0 50 cm 8 10
5 11 12
Sl. 36. Crkva Svetog Nikole, primerci arhitektonske plastike od bre~e: 1–3) profili sa priqubqenim kolonetama;
4–7) koloneta i polukolonete; 8) profil sa sokla crkve; 9–10) profili neodre|ene funkcije; 11–12) profili sa baze
stupca; 13) profil venca; 14) fragmenti kordon-venaca; 15) plo~a, zavr{ni profil baze severnog stupca;
16) profil venca sa zapadnog portala; 17) profil venca sa ju`nog portala (R = 1 : 10)
Fig. 36. St Nicholas Church, examples of architectural plastic made of breccia: 1–3) profiles with joined colonettes;
4–7) a colonette and semi-colonettes; 8) profile from the socle of the church; 9–10) profiles of uncertain function;
11–12) profiles from the base of a pillar; 13) cornice profile; 14) cordon-cornice fragments; 15) a slab, the final profile of the base
of the north pillar; 16) profile of the cornice from the west portal; 17) profile of the cornice from the south portal (S = 1 : 10)
14
13
16
15
17
are two types of colonettes. The first would include three pieces with a teardrop-
shaped profile, which correspond to a colonette with a 12 cm diameter. The fourth
piece, as opposed to the previous three ones, consisted of a part of a small colonette
with a 9 cm diameter. The use of the two types of colonettes points to a conclusion
that these elements belonged to the domes of different sizes. According to the ear-
lier expressed positions regarding the existence of smaller domes above the narthex
of the church, it is obvious that the 9-cm diameter colonettes could correspond pre-
cisely to them, while the 12-cm diameter colonettes certainly belong to the main
dome.
Portals
The west portal, at the main entrance into the church, was located between two
central facade pilasters that were profiled on their lateral sides by three-cascade juts
(fig. 37). Out of the entire west portal of the Novo Brdo church, only the threshold
has remained in situ, as well as the lower section of the left jamb and the stepped
pilaster masses that were affixed to the jambs themselves. On the basis of those
remains, it may be concluded that the portal of the Church of St Nicholas was done
in two parts: the interior one, with breccia jambs, and the exterior one, with affixed
cascades of the pilasters built in the rows of breccia and andesite, while the colo-
nettes were cut into their jutted edges. On the basis of the field technical documen-
tation, the jamb was made of breccia and had a rectangular cross-section, with the
dimensions of 29 cm x 40 cm, while the height of the remaining section of the jamb
was 1.13 cm.152 The jamb was placed directly onto the threshold of the church, i.e.,
there was no specially profiled mass or an extension of the socle from the facade

zapadni portal,
delimi~na restitucija (R = 1 : 50)
west portal, partial restitution
(S = 1 : 50)
zate~ena je tek jedna, use~ena u masu pilastra, koji se nalazi levo od severnog
portala. Wena pojava srodna je primerima u Lazarici, Velu}u i Kaleni}u. Na
isturenom uglu drugog ispada istog pilastra, okrenutog ka jugu, nalazila se
prislowena koloneta. Sem navedenih, na drugim pilastrima crkve Svetog Ni-
kole ne postoje sli~ne pojave koloneta, osim u dekoraciji portala, o ~emu }e
daqe biti vi{e re~i.
Za na{a razmatrawa veoma su zanimqivi i nalazi ~etiri fragmenta kolo-
neta sa tambura kupola (sl. 36/6–7). Ugao pod kojim su odre|ene wihove kose
strane dozvoqava pretpostavku da su one bile prislowene, odnosno ugra|ene u
uglove osmougaonog tambura kupola. Po obliku se razlikuju dve vrste kolone-
ta. Prvoj bi pripadala tri komada sa profilom suze, koja odgovaraju koloneti
pre~nika 12 cm. êtvrti komad je, za razliku od prethodna tri, ~inio deo ma-
we kolonete pre~nika 9 cm. Pojava dveju vrsta koloneta upu}uje na zakqu~ak da
su ovi elementi pripadali kupolama razli~ite veli~ine. Prema ranije izne-
tim mi{qewima o postojawu mawih kupola nad narteksom crkve, o~igledno je
da su kolonete pre~nika 9 cm mogle odgovarati upravo wima, dok su kolonete
pre~nika 12 cm sigurno pripadale glavnoj kupoli.
Portali
Zapadni portal, na glavnom ulazu u crkvu, nalazio se izme|u dva sredi{wa fa-
sadna pilastra koji su na svojim bo~nim stranama bili profilisani troste-
penim ispadima (sl. 37). Od zapadnog portala novobrdske crkve in situ su pre-
ostali samo prag, dowi deo levog dovratnika i stepenasto oblikovane mase
pilastara, koje su bile prislowene uz same dovratnike.

severni portal,
delimi~na restitucija
(R = 1 : 50)
north portal, partial restitution
(S = 1 : 50)
pilasters under it. On the protruding corner of the exterior face of the jamb, there
was a cut-in colonette with a circular cross-section. According to the documenta-
tion from the times when the surveying was being done, it may also be concluded
that there were no other ornamental motifs on the exterior face of the jamb. Next
to the said jamb, the first cascade of the left pilaster’s jut was affixed and there was
also a colonette cut into its protruding corner. This first cascade of the jut with the
colonette was laid onto the socle cornice, as well as the entire pilaster, made of
alternating rows of breccia and andesite ashlars, the same as in the case of the
church’s facade.
As for the upper sections of the portal, only rare fragments have been preserved.
Judging by the way in which the interior sections of the portal were shaped, that
was common at the time of construction of the Church of St Nicholas, the portal’s
lintel could have had the same dimensions and the shape of the profile as the jambs.
In those terms, the lintel from the west portal of the Church of St Nicholas was sim-
ilar to the lintels in Ljuboten, Ljubostinja, Velu}e and Rudenica, and by its dimen-
sions and profile it was identical to the lintel of the Church of St Kyriake (Sveta
Nedelja) in Prizren.153
In the case of all of the mentioned, related portals, it was common to have a
cornice above the lintel. Among the fragments of the architectural plastic excavat-
ed in the direct proximity of the west portal, one cornice fragment attracts special
attention. It has a characteristic profile of an inverted kyma, with two convex thin
ribbons of semi-spherical cross-section above the inverted kyma profile, and with
one thin concave flat ribbon under the said kyma profile (fig. 36/16). The profile of
the same shape may be recognized primarily in the cornices above the lintels of the
side portals to the Chilandar exonarthex.154
Among the discovered fragments, no remains of any lunettes and archivolts of
the west portal have been recognized. It may be presumed that above the interior
section of the portal, i.e., above the jambs and the lintel, there was no special archi-
volt at all. Without this archivolt, the portal of the Novo Brdo church would be sim-
ilar in its appearance to the assembly of most of the portals in the Morava-style
churches. It is important to point out that there are no archivolts of the interior
sections of the portals even in the case of more complex portals of some older and
concurrently built churches on the territory of the present-day Macedonia, which
by their architectural and structural characteristics have already shown a striking
similarity with the solutions applied at the Church of St Nicholas. In our opinion,
the fact that there was no archivolt should be interpreted by structural reasons.
Namely, if the lintel beam was of the same dimensions as the jambs (i.e., 30 cm
wide), there may have been above the lintel a lunette with a fresco painting of the
temple’s patron. It was difficult for the lunette to be less than 30 cm deep, that is,
one foot deep (most frequent length of a brick) and the examples from the Morava-
style churches suggest that the lunette had to be the same width as the lintel. On
account of this, in comparison to the plane of the lunette, the potential archivolt
152
above the interior section of the portal could not protrude with its front side into
The portal’s jamb is missing now,
the drawing was published in the space.
Zdravkovi} 1958, 353, fig. 8. One of the important characteristics of Novo Brdo’s west portal is the use of
153 Nikoli} 1998, 108, drawing 27. corner colonettes with several projecting cascades. It is also noticeable that, in addi-
154 Bo{kovi} 1992, 43–54, fig. 39. tion to the colonettes, no other ornaments were found at the jambs of the west and
Na osnovu tih ostataka moè se zakqu~iti da je portal crkve Svetog Nikole

bio izveden iz dva dela: unutra{wi, sa dovratnicima od bre~e, i spoqni, sa
priqubqenim stepenima pilastara zidanim u redovima bre~e i andezita, u
~ije su isturene ivice bile use~ene kolonete. Na osnovu terenske tehni~ke do-
kumentacije, dovratnik je bio izra|en od bre~e i bio je pravougaonog preseka,
dimenzija 29 x 40 cm, dok je visina preostalog dela dovratnika bila 1,13 cm.152
Dovratnik je bio poloèn neposredno na prag crkve, tj. pod wim nije postoja-
la neka posebno profilisana baza ili produètak sokla sa fasadnih pilasta-
ra. Na isturenom uglu spoqnog lica dovratnika bila je use~ena koloneta kru-
`nog preseka. Prema dokumentaciji iz vremena istraìvawa, moè se tako|e
zakqu~iti da na spoqnom licu dovratnika nije bilo drugih ukrasnih motiva.
Uz pomenuti dovratnik bio je prislowen prvi stepen ispada levog pilastra, u
~iji je istureni ugao tako|e bila use~ena koloneta. Taj prvi stepen ispada sa
kolonetom bio je poloèn na venac sokla, kao i ~itav pilastar, izveden od na-
izmeni~nih redova tesanika bre~e i andezita, istovetno kao i fasade crkve.
Od gorwih delova portala o~uvani su retki fragmenti. Sude}i po na~inu
oblikovawa unutra{wih delova portala, koji je bio uobi~ajen u vreme gra|ewa
crkve Svetog Nikole, nadvratnik portala je mogao imati iste dimenzije i ob-
lik profila kao i dovratnici. U tom smislu, nadvratnik sa zapadnog portala
crkve Svetog Nikole bio bi sli~an nadvratnicima u Qubotenu, Qubostiwi,
Velu}u i Rudenici, a istovetan po dimenzijama i profilu nadvratniku crkve
Svete Nedeqe u Prizrenu.153
Kod svih pomenutih, srodnih portala, uobi~ajeno je bilo da se nad nad-
vratnikom nalazi venac. Me|u fragmentima arhitektonske plastike koji su
iskopani u neposrednoj blizini zapadnog portala, posebnu pa`wu privla~i je-
dan fragment venca. On ima karakteristi~an profil obrnute kime, sa dve is-
pup~ene tanke trake poluobli~astog preseka iznad profila obrnute kime, i sa
jednom tankom uvu~enom ravnom trakom ispod spomenutog profila kime (sl.
36/16). Profili istog oblika mogu se prepoznati najpre na vencima iznad
nadvratnika bo~nih portala hilandarskog eksonarteksa.154
Me|u otkrivenim ulomcima nisu prepoznati ostaci luneta i arhivolti za-
padnog portala. Moè se pretpostaviti da iznad unutra{weg dela portala, tj.
iznad samih dovratnika i nadvratnika, nije ni postojala posebna arhivolta.
Izostankom ove arhivolte, portal novobrdske crkve bi se izgledom pribli-
ìo sklopu ve}ine portala moravskih crkava. Bitno je napomenuti da arhi-
volte unutra{wih delova portala ne postoje ni kod sloènijih portala poje-
dinih starijih ili istovremeno gra|enih crkava na tlu dana{we Makedonije,
a koje su po arhitektonsko-konstruktivnim karakteristikama ve} pokazale iz-
razitu sli~nost sa re{ewima primewenim na crkvi Svetog Nikole. Izostanak
arhivolte, po na{em mi{qewu, trebalo bi tuma~iti konstruktivnim razlozi-
ma. Naime, ako je nadvratna greda bila istih dimenzija kao i dovratnici (tj.
{irine 30 cm), iznad nadvratnika je mogla postojati luneta sa freskom pa-
trona hrama. Luneta je te{ko mogla biti pli}a od 30 cm, odnosno dubine od 152 Dovratnik portala sada nedostaje,
jedne stope (naj~e{}a duìna opeke), a primeri iz moravskih crkava ukazuju crte` objavqen u Zdravkovi} 1958, 353,
na to da je luneta morala biti iste {irine kao i nadvratnik. Usled toga, po- sl. 8.
tencijalna arhivolta iznad unutra{weg dela portala ne bi svojim nali~jem 153 Nikoli} 1998, 108, crte` 27.
mogla iza}i upoqe u odnosu na ravan lunete. 154 Bo{kovi} 1992, 43–54, sl. 39.
the north portals. In terms of territory and chronology, the most similar in their
appearance to the portals of the Church of St Nicholas are the portals of the
churches in Matej~e and Markov manastir. According to the moulding of different
elements and the general assembly, the closest to the west portal of the Novo Brdo
church is the portal of the Church of St Demetrius in Markov manastir.
During the excavations, the north portal was found in a rather damaged shape.
It was flanked on both sides with triple-cascade jutted pilasters, preserved at the
height of one row of ashlars (fig. 38). In the middle of the left pilaster, there was a
cut-in colonette, as well as at the next jut of the same pilaster facing east. The same
case must have been with the jut of this pilaster facing west, i.e., closer to the portal,
which is destroyed now. This circumstance is emphasized by a preserved cascade
with a colonette at the pilaster right from the portal, although this one has no other
colonettes on its face. Among the remains of the architectural plastic, a fragment
of the north portal’s jamb has been recognized, with double cascade juts and affixed
small-radius colonettes. This fact suggests that the modelling concept for the north
portal was the same as for the west portal of the church.
No pieces of a lunette or an archivolt of the north portal have been encountered
either and there were also no remains of the architrave’s beam. We are of the opinion
that the north portal was made with the west one serving as the paragon, which is
suggested by the remains of its lower section. Judging by these characteristics, with
the moulding of its elements, this portal would be most similar to the portal of the
Church of the Holy Mother of God in Matej~e monastery.155
Within the south wall of the naos’s west bay, a relatively well preserved lower
section of the portal has remained with the height of 1.50 m, which was, as it has
already been pointed out, found in a walled-in shape. The jambs of this portal, which
as opposed to the previous ones was significantly more modest in its design, are
stepped back in comparison to the adjoining pilasters with which they are flanked
from both sides (fig. 22). As for the upper parts of this portal, two fragments of the
lintel beam have remained and they were found in the direct proximity, with one
of the being 14 cm high and 91 cm long. No pieces of any lunettes or archivolts have
been found.
On the basis of the jambs with gradually indented sides of the portal which in
the case of the west and the north portals had colonettes cut into their edges, it may
be said that with their artistic concept the portals followed the older Ra{ka-Roma-
nesque tradition in portal making and also that they were similar with their applied
assembly to some rulers’ and noblemen’s churches on the territory of the present-
day Macedonia, on the one hand, and to the portals of the Morava-style churches,
on the other.
Relief plastics of the archivolts, windows and rosettes

The fragment finds concerning the relief architectural plastic constitute an impor-
tant element in the considerations related to the former appearance of the facades
of the Church of St Nicholas. The specific form and dimensions of these fragments
suggest that most of the fragments of this type belong to archivolts. Thanks, to a
larger or lesser degree, to the preserved curvature of the sides, it was possible to
155 Dimitrova 2002, 64–72; determine approximately the radiuses of the arches and according to them the span
Kora} 2003, 218–219. of the archivolts to which the fragments used to belong. On the basis of the former
Jedna od va`nih karakteristika novobrdskog zapadnog portala je pojava

ugaonih koloneta na vi{e isturenih stepena. Uo~qivo je, tako|e, da osim kolo-
neta, na dovratnicima zapadnog i severnog portala nisu zate~eni nikakvi dru-
gi ukrasi. Portalima crkve Svetog Nikole teritorijalno i hronolo{ki iz-
gledom su najbliì portali crkava u Matej~i i Markovom manastiru. Prema
profilaciji pojedina~nih elemenata i op{tem sklopu, zapadnom portalu novo-
brdske crkve najbliì je portal crkve Svetog Dimitrija u Markovom manastiru.
Severni portal je prilikom iskopavawa zate~en u dosta o{te}enom stawu.
On je sa obe strane bio flankiran trostepeno isturenim pilastrima, o~uva-
nim u visini od jednog reda tesanika (sl. 38). Na sredini levog pilastra, bi-
la je use~ena jedna koloneta, kao i na slede}em prvom ispadu tog istog pila-
stra okrenutog ka istoku. Isti slu~aj je morao biti i sa ispadom ovog pilastra
okrenutog ka zapadu, tj. bliè portalu, koji je sada uni{ten. Na ovu okolnost
ukazuje o~uvani stepen sa kolonetom na pilastru desno od portala, iako ovaj
nema drugih koloneta na svom licu. Me|u ostacima arhitektonske plastike,
prepoznat je fragment dovratnika severnog portala, sa dvostepenim ispadima
i prislowenim kolonetama malog radijusa. Ta ~iwenica ukazuje na to da je kon-
cept modelovawa severnog portala bio isti kao i zapadnog portala crkve.
Od lunete i arhivolte severnog portala tako|e nisu zate~eni delovi, kao ni
od arhitravne grede. Mi{qewa smo da je severni portal bio ra|en po uzoru na
zapadni, na {ta ukazuju ostaci wegovih dowih delova. Po tim odlikama, ovaj
portal bi po profilaciji elemenata svog unutra{weg okvira bio najsli~niji
portalu Bogorodi~ine crkve u Matej~u.155
U okviru ju`nog zida zapadnog traveja naosa preostao je relativno dobro
o~uvan dowi deo portala u visini od 1,50 m, koji je, kao {to je ve} istaknuto,
zate~en zazidan. Dovratnici ovog portala, koji je za razliku od prethodnih bio
znatno skromnije obrade, stepenasto su povu~eni u odnosu na susedne pilastre,
kojima su flankirani sa obe strane (sl. 22). Od gorwih delova ovog portala
preostala su dva fragmenta nadvratne grede, koji su i prona|eni u neposred-
noj blizini, pri ~emu je jedan od wih visine 14 cm i duìne 91 cm. Od luneta
i arhivolti nisu prona|eni delovi.
Na osnovu dovratnika sa stepenasto povu~enim stranama portala, u ~ije su
isturene ivice kod zapadnog i severnog portala bile use~ene kolonete, moè
se re}i da su portali likovnom koncepcijom pratili stariju ra{ko-romani~ku
tradiciju obrade portala, ali i da su primewenim sklopom bili sli~ni, s
jedne strane, pojedinim vladarskim i vlasteoskim crkvama na tlu dana{we
Makedonije, a s druge, portalima crkava moravskog tipa.
Reqefna plastika arhivolti, prozora i rozeta

Nalazi ulomaka reqefne arhitektonske plastike bitan su element za razma-
trawa nekada{weg izgleda fasada crkve Svetog Nikole. Specifi~an oblik i
dimenzije ovih ulomaka upu}uju na to da je najve}i broj fragmenata ovog tipa
pripadao arhivoltama. Zahvaquju}i, u ve}oj ili mawoj meri, o~uvanim zakriv-
qewima strana, bilo je mogu}e pribli`no odrediti radijuse luka, a prema wi-
ma raspon arhivolti kojima su fragmenti pripadali. Na osnovu nekada{wih
mera prepoznate su arhivolte kojima su bili obrubqeni prozori, kao i arhi- 155 Dimitrova 2002, 64–72;
volte sa zabata crkve (sl. 39–40). Kora} 2003, 218–219.

measures, it was possible to distinguish archivolts that were used for framing win-
dows, as well as the archivolts from the pediments of the church (fig. 39–40).
Taking into consideration that the spans between different pilasters on the
facades were known, it was possible to presume the original position of the pediment
archivolts. Thus, it was established quite reliably that the archivolt (fragm. no. 11,
12, 22, 25) with alternately composed “textile sample” and the crossed lemniscates
with half-leaves protruding from them stood on the pediment above the south arm
of the cross-in-square design of the naos (archivolt 11). The archivolt with the de-
piction of crossed horizontal and vertical double lemniscates within the interlacing
(fragm. no. 5, 6, 7, 34, 35) most probably stood above the central field of the west
facade (archivolt 12), while the archivolt with the depiction of a number of “textile
samples” alternating with “semi-lemniscates” (reconstructed from fragm. no. 8, 16,
17, 46, 48) may have been located on the pediment of the north arm of the cross
(archivolt 13). The last archivolt for which the shape, span and decoration have
been approximately established, with alternating depictions of circles and ellipses
with inscribed lemniscates, derived from fragment 18, could perhaps correspond to
the south pediment of the narthex (archivolt 14).
Among the architectural elements with the Morava-style decoration, fragments
of smaller-span archivolts have also been noticed which could not belong to the
pediment arcades between the facade pilasters or to the portals’ archivolts. These
were, unquestionably, archivolts that were placed above the window openings of
the church. In the reports of the former researchers, a fragment of the upper sec-
tion of a window lintel with preserved inscription of the protomaster was men-
tioned as the only window fragment from the church and this has already been
brought up. Among the debris finds related to the archivolt fragments, five pieces
of the same moulding, arch radius and plastic decoration have also been noticed
and with their inside diameter they correspond to the external diameter of the said
window lintel (archivolts 1, 2, 3). All of these fragments contain plastic decoration
– a double guilloche created from a number of alternatively arranged circles and
ellipses (fragm. 1, 2, 3, 20, 21, 37, 38). It is important to underline that the exteri-
or archivolts of at least three single-light windows can be composed out of these
five fragments and one of these archivolts certainly stood above the window lintel
with the inscription of the protomaster. Similar to these windows was a single-light
window to which fragments with the oval segment interlacing motif belong (fragm.
39, 40, 41, 45).
Within the scope of the facades of the Church of St Nicholas, the described sin-
gle-light windows certainly used to exist in the lower fields of the west wall and,
judging by all, on the both facade sides of the east bay. Their position and the height
of the parapet are suggested by the subsequently walled-in remains of the lower
section of the window in the south half of the west wall. This was a single-light win-
dow with a parapet, at around two metres above the narthex’s floor level. A part of
the lintel above the single-light window with the remains of the inscription, as well
as one of the smaller archivolts with wattle-ornament decoration would correspond
to this monofora or a similar one, which has all been talked about above. Quite cer-
tainly, a same window also existed within the north half of the same wall. Similar
windows were most likely located within the narrowest fields of the side facades,
which correspond to the east bay, that is, to the pastoforia.
0 100 cm
Sl. 39. Crkva Svetog Nikole, fragmenti pleterne plastike

sa arhivolti zabata, delimi~na restitucija
Fig. 39. St Nicholas Church, fragments of the interlacing ornaments
in stone from the archivolts of the pediments, partial restitution
0 50 cm

fragmenti pleterne plastike sa prozora,
bifora i rozete (arhivolte 1–10),
fragments of the interlacing ornaments
in stone from the windows, biforated windows and rosette
(archivolts 1–10), partial restitution (S = 1 : 20)
0 50 cm
Some fragments point towards the existence of even larger windows. According
to the width of the cornices and the span of the archivolts which they circumscribe,
these were certainly remains of biforated windows. Fragments with a double guil-
loche motif, consisting of sequences of two circular and one oval fields into which
horizontal lemniscates were inscribed (fragm. no. 13, 15, 29, 33) suggest that one
such mullion window did exist (archivolt 5). A part of an archivolt with carved double
guilloche decoration (fragm. 2. archivolt 6) would suggest remains of yet another
biforated window. In the far circular field of this cornice, the fluting of the ribbon
was not finished.
Another fragment, which had a very complex, but heavily damaged Morava-
style interlacing ornament, could be ascribed to the lintel of a biforated window
(fragm. 26, archivolt 4). Along the inside arch of this fragment, which had a flatly
carved edge, there is a spirally twisted rope motif. A capital, parts of a base and a
window jamb (fragm. 23, 42–44), also with a decoration in the shape of a spirally
twisted rope, could correspond to another, perhaps similar biforated window. Taking
into consideration that all of these fragments contain the same carved decoration, of
exactly the same shapes and dimensions, it is certain that they used to belong to the
same set. According to the place in which they were found, as well as the size of the
capital, they could belong to the biforated window on the facade of the north arm of
the naos’s cross. A similar biforated window – when it comes to the size of the capital,
is located on the north facade of the Church of St Demetrius in Markov manastir.156
Among the findings of the Morava-style decorative plastic, particularly impor-
tant are the fragments with the motif of crossed curved oval-shaped ribbons (fragm.
28 and 49). According to the degree of the curvature of the ribbons and the preser-
ved border section with the spirally twisted rope ornament, it could be concluded
that both fragments belong to a rosette whose maximum diameter was 60 to 62 cm.
Judging by the dimensions, a cornice with a motif of a guilloche consisting of inter-
twined circles (fragm. 14) could correspond to it.
A significant find among the pieces with the Morava-style decoration is a
group of fragments which according to the radiuses of their interior and exterior
arches fit into one joint assembly. In those terms, fragment no. 9 stands out and it
suggests an existence of an archivolt with cut exterior ends – with the aim to have
it functionally fit in between the lateral projecting wall surfaces (archivolt 10). By its
span, the archivolt suggested by fragment no. 24 (archivolt 9) corresponds to the thus
shaped archivolt or rather to its width. At the same time, the archivolt consisting of
a voussoir with flatly carved face, without any ornamental motifs, corresponds to
the extrados of this archivolt. On the basis of the total width of such an assembly,
it is clear that it cannot fit into one of the fields on the facades of the church, whose
widths are determined by the distances between the three-cascade pilasters. Having
this in mind, the assembly of the above-mentioned archivolt certainly did not
belong to the facade curtains of the church. By its width, such structural assembly
could correspond to one of the sides of the octagonal drum of the church’s main
dome, especially if we take into consideration the afore-mentioned corner colonettes.
Equally important is also the fact that fragment no. 10 has the same curve radius,
which suggests that there was another archivolt of the same span, only with different
156 Kora} 2003, 282–295; ornaments. This piece of data could lead to a conclusion that different decorative
Kasapova 2012, 86–88. elements were present in the archivolts of the drum of the church’s dome.
Budu}i da su poznati rasponi izme|u pojedinih pilastara na fasadama,

bilo je mogu}e pretpostaviti prvobitni poloàj zabatnih arhivolti. Tako je
dosta pouzdano utvr|eno da je arhivolta (fragm. br. 11, 12, 22, 25) sa naizme-
ni~no komponovanim „tekstilnim uzorkom“ i ukr{tenim poloènim „osmica-
ma“ iz kojih izbijaju polulistovi, stajala na zabatu iznad ju`nog kraka upisanog
krsta naosa (arhivolta 11). Arhivolta sa prikazom ukr{tenih horizontalnih
i vertikalnih duplih osmica u prepletu (fragm. br. 5, 6, 7, 34, 35) najverovat-
nije je stajala iznad centralnog poqa zapadne fasade (arhivolta 12), dok se
arhivolta sa prikazom niza „tekstilnih uzoraka“ u smeni sa „poluosmicama“
(rekonstruisana od fragm. br. 8, 16, 17, 46, 48) mogla nalaziti na zabatu sever-
nog kraka krsta (arhivolta 13). Posledwa arhivolta za koju su pribli`no od-
re|eni oblik, raspon i dekoracija, sa naizmeni~nim predstavama krugova i
elipsi sa upisanim „osmicama“, izvedena iz fragmenta 18, mogla bi mo`da
odgovarati ju`nom zabatu priprate (arhivolta 14).
Me|u arhitektonskim elementima sa moravskom dekoracijom uo~eni su i
fragmenti arhivolti maweg raspona, koji nisu mogli pripadati zabatnim ar-
kadama izme|u fasadnih pilastara, kao ni arhivoltama portala. U pitawu su,
bez sumwe, arhivolte koje su se nalazile nad prozorskim otvorima crkve. U iz-
ve{tajima ranijih istraìva~a, kao jedini fragment prozora sa crkve, navo|en
je ulomak gorweg dela natprozornika sa o~uvanim natpisom protomajstora, o
kome je ve} bilo re~i. Me|u nalazima fragmentima arhivolti iz {uta uo~eno
je i pet komada iste profilacije, radijusa lukova i plasti~ne dekoracije, ko-
ji po svom unutra{wem pre~niku odgovaraju spoqnom pre~niku spomenutog
natprozornika (arhivolte 1, 2, 3). Svi ovi fragmenti sadrè plasti~ni ukras
– dvostruku pletenicu obrazovanu od niza naizmeni~no pore|anih krugova i
elipsi (fragm. 1, 2, 3, 20, 21, 37, 38). Va`no je napomenuti da se od ovih pet
fragmenata mogu sastaviti spoqne arhivolte najmawe tri jednodelna prozora,
od kojih je jedna sigurno nadvi{avala natprozornik sa natpisom protomajsto-
ra. Ovim prozorima je bio sli~an jednodelni prozor kome pripadaju fragmen-
ti sa motivom prepleta ovalnih segmenata (fragm. 39, 40, 41, 45).
U okviru fasada crkve Svetog Nikole, opisani jednodelni prozori izve-
sno su postojali na niìm poqima zapadnog zida, a po svemu sude}i, i sa obe
fasadne strane isto~nog traveja. Na wihov poloàj i visinu parapeta ukazuju
naknadno zazidani ostaci doweg dela prozora na ju`noj polovini zapadnog zida.
U pitawu je bio jednodelni prozor sa parapetom, na oko dva metra iznad ravni
poda priprate. Ovoj, ili sli~noj monofori, odgovarao bi deo natprozornika
sa ostatkom natpisa, kao i jedna od mawih arhivolti sa pleternim ukrasom, o
~emu je napred bilo re~i. Isti prozor, sasvim izvesno, postojao je i u okviru
severne polovine istog zida. Sli~ni prozori su se najverovatnije nalazili i
u okviru najuìh poqa bo~nih fasada, koja odgovaraju isto~nom traveju, odno-
sno pastoforijama.
Pojedini fragmenti ukazuju na postojawe i prozora ve}ih dimenzija. Pre-
ma {irini venaca i rasponu arhivolti koje oni opisuju, sigurno je da se radi
o ostacima bifora. Fragmenti sa motivom dvostrukih pletenica. koje ~ine ni-
zovi od po dva kru`na poqa i po jednog ovalnog u koji su upisane horizontalne
osmice (fragm. br. 13, 15, 29, 33) ukazuju na postojawe jedne takve bifore (arhi-
volta 5). Na ostatke jo{ jedne bifore, ukazivao bi deo arhivolte sa klesanim
The reconstruction of the assembly of one of the sides of the drum shows that
the centre of the arches of the archivolt carved in the interior was not in the same
point as the centres of the two upper exterior archivolts, which deviates from the
usual practice used for the drums in the Morava-style churches. The shaping up of
the presumed drum in the Novo Brdo church points to somewhat older paragons,
primarily the structures belonging to the Serbian sacral architectural practice on
the territory of the present-day Macedonia. At the churches in this area, the centre
of the interior archivolt is most often lowered in comparison to the centre of the
exterior archivolts on the sides of the drum. Related parallels in those terms may be
seen in the case of the domes of the church in Markov manastir 157 and the Church
of St George in Staro Nagori~ane.158 The same phenomenon has also been observed
at the domes of the church of the Matej~e Monastery,159 then temples of the Holy
Archangels in [tip160 and Lesnovo,161 as well as at the churches of the monasteries
of St Nicholas and St Andrew at the Treska river.162 This type of modulation of the
drum was greatly influenced by the radiating impact of the sacral buildings of
Thessaloniki.
By bringing together our above-presented considerations, it is also possible to
express certain conclusions regarding the former windows of the church. It is with
certainty that we may say that there used to be two single-light windows on the west
facade, in the lower zone, and it is almost certain that one of the windows, probably
a biforated window, could have been at the level of the catechumen. When it comes
to the east side of the church, of which there are no preserved remains, it may be
presumed that there used to be a window, most likely a biforated window, only in
the apse. In the sections of the side facades, which corresponded to the pastoforia,
there were certainly single-light windows. It is evident that in the higher zones of the
facades of the lateral arms of the cross-in-square of the naos there used to be bifo-
rated windows which, judging by the archaeological findings, may have had larger
dimensions. On the sides of the domes’ drums, there were quite certainly single-light
windows and those of them that were on the sides of the main dome had archivolts
decorated with low relief.
Characteristics of the architecture

and the dating of the older phase of the Church of St Nicholas
From the time of the discovery six decades ago to the present days, the remains of
Novo Brdo’s Church of St Nicholas have not been a subject of a thorough study. The
first observations of the researchers regarding the time when the church was built,
the construction phases, as well as the style characteristics, were presented within
the scope of the field reports, while conclusions were provided on the basis of par-
tial studies. Two construction phases were clearly noticed, which has remained an
157 Kora} 2003, 286, 289–290;
indisputable conclusion to the present days. In the meantime, there were even
Kasapova 2012, 277–284.
158 some uncertainties as regards the designation of the construction phases, so that an
Kora} 2003, 46–56.
159 Kora} 2003, 224–228.
opinion was given at one point that the east part of the church was older than the
160 Kora} 2003, 88–108.
west one – which was contrary to the conclusions of the analysis of the remains of
161 Kora} 2003, 160–166. the older and the younger constructions. As it turned out, the researchers were led
162 Kora} 2003, 319–321. to this erroneous opinion by the findings from some of the graves.163 Thus, it was
163 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 264–269; observed that during the building of the west wall of the Church of St Nicholas, a
]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 263. grave in which coins of nobleman Jakov were found as donation was cut through.
ukrasom dvostruke pletenice (fragm. 2, arhivolta 6). Na krajwem kru`nom

poqu ovog venca nije bilo zavr{eno kanelirawe trake.
Jo{ jedan fragment, koji se odlikovao veoma sloènim, ali i te{ko o{te-
}enim moravskim prepletom, mogao bi se pripisati natprozorniku bifore
(fragm. 26, arhivolta 4). Uz unutra{wi luk ovog fragmenta, koji je imao rav-
no klesanu ivicu, postoji motiv tordiranog uèta. Jednoj drugoj, mo`da sli~-
noj bifori, mogli bi odgovarati kapitel, delovi baze i doprozornika (fragm.
23, 42–44), tako|e sa ukrasom u vidu tordiranog uèta. Budu}i da svi ovi ulom-
ci sadrè isti klesani ukras, potpuno jednakih oblika i dimenzija, izvesno je
da su pripadali istoj celini. Prema mestu nalaza, kao i veli~ini kapitela,
oni su mogli pripadati bifori na fasadi severnog kraka krsta naosa. Sli~na
bifora – kada je re~ o veli~ini kapitela, nalazi se na severnoj fasadi crkve
Svetog Dimitrija u Markovom manastiru.156
Me|u nalazima dekorativne plastike moravskog tipa, naro~ito su va`ni
fragmenti sa motivom ukr{tenih zakrivqenih traka ovalnog oblika (fragm.
28. i 49). Prema stepenu zakrivqenosti traka i o~uvanim rubnim delom sa or-
namentom tordiranog uèta, moglo se zakqu~iti da oba fragmenta pripadaju
rozeti, ~iji je maksimalni pre~nik bio 60 do 62 cm. Woj bi, prema dimenzi-
jama, mogao odgovarati venac sa motivom pletenice sastavqene od preplete-
nih krugova (fragm. 14).
Zna~ajan nalaz me|u komadima sa moravskom dekoracijom predstavqa gru-
pa fragmenata, koji se prema radijusima svojih unutra{wih i spoqnih luko-
va uklapaju u jedan zajedni~ki sklop. U tom smislu, izdvaja se fragment br. 9,
koji ukazuje na postojawe arhivolte sa zase~enim spoqnim krajevima – sa ciqem
da se ona funkcionalno uklopi izme|u bo~nih isturenih zidnih povr{ina
(arhivolta 10). Tako uobli~enoj arhivolti, ta~nije wenoj {irini, odgovara
po rasponu arhivolta na koju ukazuje fragment br. 24 (arhivolta 9). U isto vre-
me, spoqnom rubu te arhivolte odgovara arhivolta sastavqena iz svodara sa
ravno otesanim licem, bez ornamentalnih motiva. Na osnovu ukupne {irine
ovakvog sklopa, jasno je da se on ne moè uklopiti u neko od poqa na fasadama
crkve, ~ije su {irine odre|ene razmacima trostepenih pilastara. Imaju}i to
u vidu, sklop pomenutih arhivolti sasvim sigurno nije pripadao fasadnim
platnima crkve. Po svojoj {irini, ovakav konstruktivni sklop mogao bi odgo-
varati jednoj od strana osmougaonog tambura glavne kupole crkve, posebno ako
bi se u obzir uzele i ugaone kolonete o kojima je napred bilo re~i. Od zna~aja
je i podatak da je istog radijusa krivine i fragment 10, {to ukazuje na posto-
jawe jo{ jedne arhivolte istog raspona, samo sa druga~ijom ornamentikom.
Ovaj podatak bi mogao da navede na zakqu~ak da su na arhivoltama tambura ku-
pole crkve bili zastupqeni razli~iti dekorativni elementi.
Rekonstrukcija sklopa jedne od strana tambura pokazuje da centar lukova
unutra{we zase~ene arhivolte nije u istoj ta~ki kao i centri dve gorwe spoq-
ne arhivolte, {to odstupa od uobi~ajeme prakse zastupqene na tamburima mo-
ravskih crkava. Oblikovawe pretpostavqenog tambura novobrdske crkve ukazu-
je na ne{to starije uzore, pre svega na zdawa srpskog sakralnog graditeqstva 156Kora} 2003, 282–295;
na tlu dana{we Makedonije. Na tamo{wim crkvama, centar unutra{we arhi- Kasapova 2012, 86–88.
volte je naj~e{}e spu{ten u odnosu na centar spoqnih arhivolti na stranama 157 Kora} 2003, 286, 289–290;
tambura. Bliske paralele u tom smislu su kupole crkve Markovog manastira157 Kasapova 2012, 277–284.
These coins are broadly dated at the time of the reign of Prince Lazar.164 Also, in the
presbytery of the added east section of the church, an interment was found with re-
mains of three deceased individuals who had been successively buried there and they
were dated through the finds of coins issued by Prince Lazar and Despot \ur|e.165
The stratigraphy of these graves, as well as the mentioned coin specimens, led the
researchers to certain conclusions, which had to be corrected after a repeated ana-
lysis of these finds, which will be further deliberated on below.166 One of the resear-
chers at the site, M. ]orovi}-Ljubinkovi}, dated the building of Novo Brdo’s Church
of St Nicholas approximately to the second half of the 14th century, while attempt-
ing to establish its places within the development of the sacral architecture of the
Moravan Serbia. In those terms, some observations were presented that concerned
a possible link between the Novo Brdo plastic with the earlier examples of the
Morava-style decoration, which were also confirmed by our own researches.167 In
subsequent studies on the Serbian medieval sculptural decoration, however, the
Novo Brdo’ Morava-style plastic finds are barely mentioned at all.168
If observed in its entirety, Novo Brdo’s St Nicholas Church, founded on the
town’s older necropolis along the single-nave temple that stood there, was built in
the spirit of the former achievements of the Serbian sacral architecture, along with
an onset of the wattle plastic decoration characteristic of the Morava-style whose
genesis has still not been studied to a sufficient degree.169 This is a phenomenon
that reflects a transitional period in the Serbian history, marked by a disintegration
of the state and the first rounds of Turkish conquests.170 Some of the more impor-
tant monuments of that epoch have reached our times in ruins or only in the form
of archaeological remains, which makes it more difficult to comprehend the style
transformations in the architectural shaping of the new temples. The remains of
Novo Brdo’s Church of St Nicholas, as well as the few findings discovered among
its ruins, allow us to forebode the transitional forms in that transformation of the
sacral architectural practice, but it seems to us that they are insufficient for reach-
ing any well-founded conclusions.
The shape of the ground plan of the Church of St Nicholas, in the form of a
cross-in-square design, with the naos and the narthex spatially linked, as well as the
domed structure resting on carved stone columns, are very close to a similar solution
used for the church in Markov manastir, with which there are other congruences
as well. What needs to be emphasized in particular here is the way in which the
narthex of the Novo Brdo church is connected with the naos, through a triple-arch
opening, with the central arch resting on two lower monolithic columns. It may be
164 Grave 737; Ivani{evi} 2001, 170. presumed that there was the same proportion ratio in the case of the width of the
165 Grave 236; Dimitrijevi} 1967, central bay and the height of the domed structure. Analogous proportion solution
276 i 297. has also been observed at the church of the monastery Nova Pavlica, where the
166 See p. 154–156. domed structure rested on carved stone columns.171
167 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972, 132–133. As opposed to the similarity of the above-mentioned structural solutions and the
168 Maksimovi} 1971, 133, fig. 228–230; proportion ratios, as well as some other architectural details, such as portals, some
Katani} 1988, 238;
Risti} 1996, 115, fig. 24. important differences may be noticed in the finishing of the facades in comparison
169 Kora} 1987, 131–144; to the older architectural solutions. In the case of the Church of St Nicholas they
Stevovi} 2006, 33–55. primarily reflect in the building of the church using rows of ashlars in two colours,
170 ]ur~i} 2010, 670–682. then the use of triple-cascade pilasters and cordon-cornices, as well as the appear-
171 Mihailovi}, Kova~evi} 1989, 21. ance of the Morava-style low-relief plastic. In the church in Markov manastir, built
i crkve Svetog \or|a u Starom Nagori~inu.158 Ista pojava je uo~ena i na kupo-

lama crkve manastira Matej~e,159 zatim hramova Svetih arhan|ela u [tipu160
i Lesnovu,161 kao i na crkvi manastira Svetog Nikole i Andrea{a na Tresci.162
Na ovakvu modelaciju tambura u velikoj meri je uticala i zra~ewe uticaja sa-
kralnih zdawa Soluna.
Svode}i na{a napred izloèna razmatrawa, mogu}e je izneti i odre|ene
zakqu~ke o nekada{wim prozorima crkve. Sa sigurno{}u se moè re}i da su
na zapadnoj fasadi, u dowoj zoni, postojala dva jednodelna prozora, a gotovo je
izvesno da je jedan prozor, verovatno bifora, mogao biti i na nivou katihume-
ne. Kada je re~ o isto~noj fasadi crkve, od koje nema o~uvanih ostataka, posto-
jawe prozora, najverovatnije bifore, moè se pretpostaviti jedino na apsidi.
U delovima bo~nih fasada, koji su odgovarali pastoforijama, sigurno su po-
stojali jednodelni prozori. Izvesno je da su u vi{im zonama fasada bo~nih
krakova upisanog krsta naosa postojale bifore koje su, sude}i prema arheolo-
{kim nalazima, mogle biti ve}ih dimenzija. Na stranama tambura kupola sa-
svim sigurno su postojali jednodelni prozori, od kojih su oni na stranama
glavne kupole imali arhivolte ukra{ene plitkim reqefom.
Odlike arhitekture i datovawe starije faze crkve Svetog Nikole

Od vremena otkrivawa pre {est decenija pa sve do na{eg vremena, ostaci novo-
brdske crkve Svetog Nikole nisu bili predmet podrobne studije. O vremenu
nastanka, etapama gra|ewa kao i stilskim odlikama, prva zapaàwa istraì-
va~a uglavnom su izlagana u okviru terenskih izve{taja, a zakqu~ci izno{eni
na osnovu parcijalnih prou~avawa. Jasno su uo~ene dve etape gra|ewa, {to je do
danas ostao nesporan zakqu~ak. U me|uvremenu, bilo je i nedoumica oko opre-
deqivawa gra|evinskih etapa, tako da je u jednom trenutku ~ak izneto mi{qewe
da je isto~ni deo crkve stariji od zapadnog – {to je bilo suprotno zakqu~cima
analize odnosa ostataka starije i mla|e gradwe. Na ovo pogre{no mi{qewe,
kako se posle ispostavilo, istraìva~e su naveli nalazi iz pojedinih grobo-
va.163 Tako je uo~eno da je prilikom gra|ewa zapadnog zida crkve Svetog Niko-
le, prese~en jedan grob gde je kao prilog na|en novac vlastelina Jakova, koji
se okvirno {iroko datuje u vreme vladavine kneza Lazara.164 Tako|e, u oltaru
dogra|enog isto~nog dela crkve otkriven je grobni ukop sa ostacima tri pokoj-
nika, koji su bili sukcesivno sahrawivani i datovani nalazima novca kneza 158 Kora} 2003, 46–56.
Lazara i despota \ur|a.165 Stratigrafija ovih grobova, kao i pomenuti pri- 159 Kora} 2003, 224–228.
merci novca, usmerili su istraìva~e ka odre|enim zakqu~cima, koji su na- 160 Kora} 2003, 88–108.
kon ponovne analize ovih nalaza morali biti korigovati, o ~emu }e u daqem 161 Kora} 2003, 160–166.
izlagawu biti vi{e re~i.166 Jedan od istraìva~a na lokalitetu, M. ]orovi}- 162 Kora} 2003, 319–321.
Qubinkovi}, gra|ewe novobrdske crkve Svetog Nikole okvirno je datovala u 163Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 264–269;
drugu polovinu 14. veka, uz poku{aj odre|ewa wenog mesta u razvoju sakralne ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 263.
164 Grob 737; Ivani{evi} 2001, 170.
arhitekture Moravske Srbije. U tom smislu izloèna su zapaàwa o mogu}em
165Grob 236; Dimitrijevi} 1967,
povezivawu novobrdske plastike sa ranim primercima moravske dekoracije,
276 i 297.
koja su potvrdila i na{a istraìvawa.167 U kasnijem studijama o srpskoj sred- 166 V. str. 155–157.
wovekovnoj skulptruralnoj dekoraciji, me|utim, novobrdski nalazi moravske 167 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972, 132–133.
plastike jedva da se i pomiwu.168 168Maksimovi} 1971, 133, sl. 228–230;
Posmatrana u celini, novobrdska crkva Svetog Nikole, zasnovana na sta- Katani} 1988, 238;
rijoj gradskoj nekropoli uz zate~eni jednobrodni hram, gra|ena je u duhu Risti} 1996, 115, sl. 24.
around the middle of the seventh decade of the 14th century,172 the facades were done
using an alternation in the rows of stones and bricks, with single-cascade pilasters
and a cordon-cornice only in the lower zone, while the plastic decoration was limited
to the capitals of the iconostasis and the door lintel beam of the west portal.173
The appearance of finely shaped facades using cut stone blocks in two or three
colours, laid in regular rows, is a characteristic of the main Serbian rulers’ endow-
ments built during the first half of the 14th century. When it comes to the monas-
teries Banjska174 and De~ani,175 such a manner of construction was interpreted by
having the sepulchral temple and endowment of the founder of the dynasty, Stefan
Nemanja, as a paragon. A third large endowment, the Monastery of the Holy Arch-
angels near Prizren, built during the fifth decade of the 14th century,176 follows this
tradition with its basic elements, but with a division of the facades using lesenes
and cordon-cornices in the spirit of the older Byzantine paragons. This symbiosis of
the Ra{ka-style roots and the influence of the Byzantine sacral architectural practice,
that got its full expression in the shaping up of the temples at Prizren’s Monastery
of the Holy Archangels, is considered to be the very beginning of distinctive archi-
tectural achievements in the areas under the influence of the Moravan Serbia.177 It
is in that context, as it seems to us, that we may view the features of the Novo Brdo
temple, trying to establish its place along the development line of the Serbian sacral
architectural practice at the dividing point between two epochs. We believe we are
not going to be wrong if we conclude that having the Prizren endowment and the
sepulchral church of Emperor Stefan Du{an as a paragon had a major impact on the
shaping up of its facades, but with an introduction of new decorative elements that
would have their full expression within the scope of the Morava architectural style.
In those terms, one of the important characteristics of the architecture of the
Church of St Nicholas is the appearance of plastic decoration on the facades. The
relief decoration of the windows, archivolts at the pediments and the rosettes, the
selection of the materials and the manner of carving, as well as the motifs, are closest
to the decorative plastic at the endowments of Prince Lazar. The building of Lazarica,
the Prince’s court church in Kru{evac, is rather reliably dated back to 1376/77,178
while the monastery temple in Ravanica was most likely built a little later, but cer-
tainly before 1381.179 It is believed that the Prince’s endowment activity ensued
right after the state assemblies held in Pe} in 1374/1375, that is, after the reconcili-
ation with the Patriarchate of Constantinople.180
Close parallels with the oldest Morava-style monuments undoubtedly repre-
sent an important element for the dating of Novo Brdo’s Church of St Nicholas. The
fragmentary preservation does not provide a possibility for more detailed analyses
172 of the observed similarities, which is particularly evident when attempting to com-
Kasapova 2012, 299–304.
173 pare representation, that is, the quantities of the plastic decoration on the facades.
Kora} 2003, 276–299;
Kasapova 2012, 129–135. Although there are not enough elements for final conclusions, one does get an im-
174 ]ur~i} 2010, 657. pression that in comparison to Lazarica and Ravanica, there was less carved plastic
175 Todi}, ânak-Medi} 2005, 258–261. on the facades of Novo Brdo’s church. This phenomenon may be explained by the
176 Nenadovi} 1967, 6–8. fact that the monumental appearance of the temple, built with ashlars of red breccia
177 Kora} 1987, 138–144. and green-brown andesite, was actually only supplemented with low-relief stone
178 Vulovi} 1980, 31–42. plastic, as a new decorative element. The stated parallels and the stated observa-
179 Vulovi} 1981, 20–21. tions point at a possibility that the building of the Church of St Nicholas may
180 \uri} 1975, 113. approximately be dated back to the first decade of the reign of Prince Lazar.
prethodnih ostvarewa srpskog sakralnog graditeqstva, uz pojavu pleterne pla-

sti~ne dekoracije karakteristi~ne za moravsko stvarala{tvo, ~ija geneza jo{
uvek nije u dovoqnoj meri prou~ena.169 U pitawu je pojava koja odslikava jedno
prelazno razdobqe srpske povesti, obeleèno dezintegracijom dràve i prvim
turskim osvajawima.170 Neki od zna~ajnih spomenika te epohe dospeli su do
na{eg vremena u ru{evinama, ili tek u arheolo{kim ostacima, {to oteàva
sagledavawe stilskih transformacija u arhitektonskom oblikovawu novih
hramova. Ostaci novobrdske crkve Svetog Nikole, kao i malobrojni nalazi ot-
kriveni u wenim ru{evinama, omogu}avaju da se naslute prelazne forme u toj
transformaciji sakralnog graditeqstva, ali nam se ~ini da su nedovoqni za
dono{ewe dovoqno utemeqenih zakqu~aka.
Oblik osnove crkve Svetog Nikole, u vidu upisanog krsta sa prostorno po-
vezanim naosom i pripratom, kao i potkupolnom konstrukcijom oslowenom na
klesane kamene stubove, veoma je blizak sli~nom re{ewu crkve Markovog ma-
nastira, sa kojom postoje i druge podudarnosti. Tu treba posebno ista}i na~in
na koji je priprata novobrdske crkve povezana sa naosom, preko trolu~nog
otvora, sa sredi{wim lukom oslowenim na dva nià monolitna stuba. Moè
se pretpostaviti da je bio isti i proporcijski odnos {irine sredi{weg tra-
veja i visina potkupolne konstrukcije. Analogno proporcijsko re{ewe uo~e-
no je i u crkvi manastira Nove Pavlice, gde je tako|e potkupolna konstrukci-
ja oslowena na klesane kamene stubove.171
Za razliku od bliskosti navedenih konstruktivih re{ewa i proporcij-
skih odnosa, kao i nekih drugih detaqa arhitekture, kakvi su portali, u obra-
di fasada uo~avaju se bitne razlike u odnosu na starija graditeqska re{ewa.
One se kod crkve Svetog Nikole najpre ogledaju u zidawu redovima tesanika u
dve boje, zatim primeni trostepenih pilastara i kordon-venaca, kao i pojavi
moravske plitkorezane plastike. U Markovom manastiru, gra|enom sredinom
sedme decenije 14. veka,172 fasade su ra|ene u alternaciji redova kamena i
opeke, sa jednostepenim pilastrima i kordon-vencem samo u prizemnoj zoni,
dok je plasti~na dekoracija ograni~ena na kapitele ikonostasa i nadvratnu
gredu zapadnog portala.173
Pojava fino oblikovanih fasada klesanim kamenim blokovima u dve ili
tri boje, sloènih u pravilne redove, odlika je glavnih srpskih vladarskih
zadu`bina gra|enih tokom prve polovine 14. veka. Kada su u pitawu Bawska174
i De~ani175 taj na~in gra|ewa tuma~en je ugledawem na grobni hram i zadu`bi-
nu rodona~elnika dinastije, Stefana Nemawu. I tre}a velika zadu`bina, ma-
nastir Svetih arhan|ela kod Prizrena, gra|en tokom pete decenije 14. veka,176
169Kora} 1987, 131–144;
sledi u osnovnim crtama tu tradiciju, ali uz ra{~lawavawe fasada lezenama
Stevovi} 2006, 33–55.
i kordon-vencima u duhu starijih vizantijskih uzora. Ta simbioza ra{kih ko- 170 ]ur~i} 2010, 670–682.
rena i uticaja vizantijskog sakralnog graditeqstva, koja je do{la do punog iz- 171 Mihailovi}, Kova~evi} 1989, 21.
raàja u oblikovawu hramova prizrenskog manastira Svetih arhan|ela, smatra 172 Kasapova 2012, 299–304.
se za~etkom osobenih graditeqskih ostvarewa u oblastima Moravske Srbije.177 173Kora} 2003, 276–299;
U tom kontekstu, ~ini nam se, moèmo posmatrati odlike novobrdskog hrama, Kasapova 2012, 129–135.
uz poku{aj da mu odredimo mesto u razvojnoj liniji srpskog sakralnog gradi- 174 ]ur~i} 2010, 657.
teqstva na razme|u dve epohe. 175 Todi}, ânak-Medi} 2005, 258–261.
Smatramo da ne}emo pogre{iti ako zakqu~imo da je na oblikovawe wego- 176 Nenadovi} 1967, 6–8.
vih fasada veliki zna~aj imalo ugledawe na prizrensku zadu`binu i grobni 177 Kora} 1987, 138–144.
Nevertheless, this still leaves space for a possibility that the Novo Brdo temple even
preceded the construction of the Prince’s endowments. It is important in all of this
to keep in mind a supposition given a long time ago that it was actually the masons
from Novo Brdo who took part in the building and decorating of the first Morava-
style temples and in this way we could perhaps credit them with the playing of an
active role in the shaping up of the Morava-style plastic decoration.181 A more reli-
able answer in those terms might be provided by further studies of the remains of
the wattle plastic from the other Novo Brdo’s temples, especially those that were,
as spolia, built into the town’s ramparts during the Turkish reconstruction.182
The broader context of the building of the Church of St Nicholas ought to be
viewed within the scope of the development stages of the town of Novo Brdo, but
the lack of original archive materials leaves many questions unanswered. We are no
closer to the solving of the issues if we consider the urban development of the other
towns in the Serbian medieval lands, which we have even less data on. Some con-
clusions might be based on a somewhat better known, later-date development of
Novo Brdo, its Orthodox Christian residents and temples, now only testified by
archaeological remains.
As opposed to the approximately determined time of the construction, it remains
unknown who the endower of the Church of St Nicholas was. It is an open question
whether a ruler was to be thanked for this endeavour or if this was the church built
by the citizens of Novo Brdo. Despite the fact that around the middle of the 14th
century Novo Brdo was flourishing and that in line with this the number of wealthy
and influential citizens was on the rise, we are prone to believe that this was a ruler’s
endowment after all. In those terms, we should primarily think of Prince Lazar,
who was born in the close proximity of Novo Brdo and had his heritage in this area
even before becoming the ruler of Serbia.183 Unfortunately, there is no confirmation
for this supposition either in the scarce original materials that we have available or
in the Prince’s biography. If the building of the church were dated earlier, a few
years before 1371, which should also not be excluded, the endower of Novo Brdo’s
181 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972, 131–133. temple could be Emperor Uro{ himself – whose court was in the area bordering the
182 In the enclosure wall of tower 7
territory of Novo Brdo, or perhaps his co-ruler, King Vuka{in. However, we also have
in the Lower Town, there are several
fragments of the Morava-style plastic no original data on their possible participation in this building endeavour. This
that come from some of the churches could be perhaps explained by the fact that due to the development of the events
in Novo Brdo that were demolished soon following their respective deaths in the course of the same year, 1371,184 the mem-
after the Ottomans had conquered the town
ory of these rulers, especially that of Emperor Uro{, was significantly pushed back
in 1455. As far as this plastic is concerned,
until now, only the drawings of three into oblivion. This supposition, at least as far as King Vuka{in is concerned, may be
rosettes are known (Bo{kovi} 1939, 163; supported by a great deal of identicalness of the applied structural solution with the
Bo{kovi} 1974, 105; Zdravkovi} 1956, Church of St Demetrius in Markov manastir, the family endowment of the Mrnjav-
341), while the other fragments have
neither been documented nor processed.
~evi} dynasty.185 These suppositions, which cannot be founded more strongly on
During the more recent surveying, the basis of the available findings, leave the issue of the endower open for further
2015–2016, in the Turkish reinforcement of considerations.
tower 6 in the citadel, several fragments
St Nicholas Church was built as the main Orthodox temple of the town of Novo
of the Morava-style plastic were also
discovered and these are yet Brdo. In addition to this indisputable fact, on the basis of an analysis of the struc-
to be processed. tural corpus of the edifice, as well as the subsequent additions that will be dealt with
183 Mihaq~i} 1975, 212–215. further on, a conclusion imposes itself that even at the time when the temple was
184 Mihaq~i} 1975, 164–184. originally built it was earmarked to play the function of a future religious centre.
185 \uri} 1968, 87–96. This could be supported by the catechumen, that we presume used to exist above the
hram cara Stefana Du{ana, ali uz uno{ewe novih dekorativnih elemenata,

koji }e do}i do punog izraàja u moravskom graditeqstvu.
U tom smislu, jednu od bitnih odlika arhitekture crkve Svetog Nikole
predstavqa pojava plasti~ne dekoracije na fasadama. Reqefni ukras prozora,
arhivolti na zabatima i rozete, izborom materijala i na~inom klesawa, kao i
motivima, najbliì je dekorativnoj plastici na zadu`binama kneza Lazara.
Gra|ewe Lazarice, kneève pridvorne crkve u Kru{evcu, dosta se pouzdano datu-
je u 1376/77. godinu,178 dok je manastirski hram u Ravanici po svemu sude}i po-
dignut ne{to kasnije, ali sigurno pre 1381. godine.179 Smatra se da je kneèva
ktitorska delatnost usledila odmah posle dràvnih sabora 1374/1375. godine
u Pe}i, odnosno posle pomirewa sa Carigradskom crkvom.180
Bliske paralele sa najstarijim moravskim spomenicima predstavqaju,
bez sumwe, vaàn element za datovawe novobrdske crkve Svetog Nikole. Frag-
mentarna o~uvanost ne pruà mogu}nost za detaqnije analize uo~enih sli~no-
sti, {to posebno dolazi do izraàja pri poku{aju upore|ivawa zastupqenosti,
odnosno koli~ine plasti~nog ukrasa na fasadama. Iako za kona~ne zakqu~ke
nema dovoqno elemenata, sti~e se utisak da je u pore|ewu sa Lazaricom i Rava-
nicom, na fasadama novobrdske crkve bilo mawe klesane plastike. Ova pojava
mo`da bi se mogla objasniti ~iwenicom da je monumentalni izgled hrama,
gra|enog tesanicima crvene bre~e i zelenosme|im andezitom, zapravo samo
dopuwen plitkorezanom kamenom plastikom, kao novim dekorativnim elemen-
tom. Navedene paralele i navedena zapaàwa ukazuju na mogu}nost da se gra|e-
we crkve Svetog Nikole okvirno datuje u prvu deceniju vladavine kneza Laza-
ra. Ostaje, ipak, otvorena mogu}nost da je novobrdski hram ~ak i prethodio
izgradwi kneèvih zadu`bina. Pri tome treba imati u vidu i jednu davno iz-
netu pretpostavku da su u gra|ewu i ukra{avawu prvih moravskih hramova u~e-
stvovali i novobrdski neimari, kojima bi se mo`da mogli pripisati i aktiv-
na uloga u oblikovawu moravske plasti~ne dekoracije.181 Pouzdaniji odgovor
u tom smislu mogla bi da pruè daqa istraìvawa ostataka pleterne plasti-
ke sa drugih novobrdskih hramova, posebno onih koji su kao spolije ugra|eni
u gradske bedeme prilikom turske obnove.182
[iri kontekst nastanka crkve Svetog Nikole trebalo bi posmatrati u 178 Vulovi} 1980, 31–42.
okviru razvojnih etapa grada Novog Brda, ali nedostatak izvorne arhivske gra- 179 Vulovi} 1981, 20–21.
|e ostavqa u tom smislu brojna pitawa bez odgovora. Re{avawu problema ne 180 \uri} 1975, 113.
pribliàva nas ni razmatrawe urbanog razvoja drugih gradova u srpskim sred- 181 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972, 131–133.
wovekovnim zemqama, o ~emu raspolaèmo sa jo{ mawe podataka. Pojedini za- 182 U turskom obzi|u kule 7 Doweg grada
kqu~ci mogli bi se zasnivati na ne{to boqe poznatom, poznijem razvoju No- nalazi se vi{e fragmenata moravske
plastike koji poti~u sa neke novobrdske
vog Brda, wegovim pravoslavnim ìteqima i hramovima, sada posvedo~enim
crkve poru{ene ubrzo posle osmanskog
samo arheolo{kim ostacima. zaposedawa grada 1455. godine.
Za razliku od pribli`no utvr|enog vremena gra|ewa, ostaje nepoznato ko Od ove plastike do sada su poznati samo
je bio ktitor crkve Svetog Nikole. Otvoreno je pitawe da li je za taj poduhvat crteì tri rozete (Bo{kovi} 1939, 163;
Bo{kovi} 1974, 105; Zdravkovi} 1956,
bio zasluàn vladar, ili je to bilo delo novobrdskih gra|ana. I pored ~iwe- 341), dok ostali fragmenti nisu
nice da se Novo Brdo sredinom 14. veka nalazilo u punom procvatu i da je u dokumentovani niti obra|eni.
skladu sa tim rastao broj imu}nih i uticajnih gra|ana, skloni smo pomisli Prilikom novijih istraìvawa
2015–2016. godine, u turskom oja~awu
da je ovde ipak u pitawu vladarska zadu`bina. U tom smislu, na prvom mestu bi
kule 6 u citadeli tako|e je otkriveno
trebalo pomi{qati na kneza Lazara, koji je poreklom bio iz bliè okoline nekoliko fragmenata moravske plastike,
Novog Brda i na ovom podru~ju imao svoju ba{tinu i pre nego {to je postao koji tek treba da budu obra|eni.
narthex, which is, as it is believed, one of the characteristics of cathedral temples
in the centres of dioceses.186 A view was expressed a long time ago saying that Novo
Brdo’s St Nicholas Church had served for a while as the seat of the Lipljan-Gra~anica
archihiereuses, who also appeared with the title of the metropolitans of Novo Brdo.187
This points to a possibility that the spatial solution of the church was adjusted to
certain needs of the archihiereuses already at the time when it was built. As it is
well known, catechumens most often existed at the Serbian churches that were the
seats of the dioceses, as is corroborated by the examples from @i~a monastery,188 Pe}
Patriarchate,189 Our Lady of Hvosno,190 then the Holy Virgin of Ljevi{a at Prizren,191
as well as Gra~anica monastery.192 Taking into account the context of the building
of the Church of St Nicholas in Novo Brdo, the given examples, close to this church
both in terms of the space and the time, clearly show that a similar need may have
existed here as well.
At the time when the autocephalous archdiocese was established in 1219, the
seats of the dioceses were, by the rule, located at monasteries, since the central
parts of the state had not been urbanized.193 Where there were options, the seats of
the dioceses were located at older urban centres, first in Prizren and Ston, then in
Skopje, and later in Belgrade and Smederevo. The abrupt development of Novo Brdo
during the 14th century and the transformation of this newly founded town into an
economic centre of the state could have served as a reason for planning a gradual
move of the Gra~anica archihiereuses’ seat to this urban setting. During the turbu-
lent times, when St Nicholas Church was being built, a fortified town provided a
diocese seat with a significantly greater level of security.
186
On catechumens,
see Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1988,
447–454, with older literature.
For the contrary opinion,
see ]ur~i} 2000a, 83–92.
187 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 261–267;
Jankovi} 1985, 186–187.
188 ânak-Medi}, Popovi},
Vojvodi} 2014, 132–134.
189 [uput 1977, 45–69.
190 Kora} 1976, 113–126.
191 Nenadovi} 1963, 70–71.
192 ]ur~i} 1999, 111–113.
193 Popovi} 2016a, 53–66.
vladar Srbije.183 Naàlost, u oskudnoj izvornoj gra|i kojom raspolaèmo, kao

i u kneèvom ìvotopisu, za ovu pretpostavku nema potvrde. Ukoliko bi se na-
stanak crkve ne{to ranije datovao, koju godinu pre 1371. godine, {to tako|e ne
treba iskqu~iti, ktitor novobrdskog hrama mogao je biti i li~no car Uro{ –
~iji se dvor nalazio u oblasti koja se grani~ila sa podru~jem Novog Brda, ili
pak wegov savladar, kraq Vuka{in. Me|utim, ni o wihovom eventualnom u~e-
{}u u ovom graditeqskom poduhvatu nema izvornih podataka. To bi se mo`da
moglo objasniti ~iwenicom da je usled razvoja doga|aja nakon wihove smrti u
toku iste, 1371. godine,184 se}awe na ove vladare, posebno cara Uro{a, bilo u
zna~ajnoj meri potisnuto. Mo`da bi u prilog iznetoj pretpostavci, bar kada je
u pitawu kraq Vuka{in, mogla da ukaè velika podudarnost primewenog kon-
struktivnog re{ewa sa crkvom Svetog Dimitrija u Markovom manastiru, poro-
di~nom zadu`binom Mrwav~evi}a.185 Navedene pretpostavke, koje se na osno-
vu raspoloìvih saznawa ne mogu ja~e utemeqiti, ostavqaju pitawe ktitorstva
otvorenim i za daqa razmatrawa.
Crkva Svetog Nikole gra|ena je kao glavni pravoslavni hram grada Novog
Brda. Pored ove nesporne ~iwenice, na osnovu analize konstruktivnog korpu-
sa gra|evine, kao i kasnijih dogradwi o kojima }e daqe biti re~i, name}e se
zakqu~ak da je ovom hramu jo{ u vreme gra|ewa bila namewena i funkcija budu-
}eg crkvenog sredi{ta. Na to bi mogla da ukaè pojava katihumene, za koju smo
pretpostavili da se nalazila iznad narteksa, {to je, kako se smatra, jedna od
odlika katedralnih hramova u sredi{tima episkopija.186 Jo{ odavno je izneto
mi{qewe da je novobrdska crkva Svetog Nikole jedno vreme sluìla kao sedi-
{te lipqansko-gra~ani~kih arhijereja, koji se javqaju i sa titulom novobrdskih
mitropolita.187 To ukazuje na mogu}nost da je za odre|ene potrebe arhijereja
ve} u toku gra|ewa ove crkve prilago|eno weno prostorno re{ewe. Kao {to je
poznato, u srpskim crkvama koje su bile sredi{ta episkopija, naj~e}e su posto-
jale katihumene, kako to svedo~e primeri iz @i~e,188 Pe}ke patrijar{ije,189
Bogorodice Hvostanske,190 zatim iz Bogorodice Qevi{ke,191 kao i Gra~anice.192
Imaju}i u vidu kontekst nastanka crkve Svetog Nikole u Novom Brdu, navedeni
primeri, prostorno i vremenski bliski ovoj crkvi, jasno ukazuju na to da je
sli~na potreba mogla postojati i ovde.
U vreme uspostavqawa autokefalne arhiepiskopije 1219. godine, sedi{ta 183 Mihaq~i} 1975, 212–215.
episkopija su se, gotovo po pravilu, nalazila u manastirima, budu}i da sredi- 184 Mihaq~i} 1975, 164–184.
{we oblasti dràve nisu bile urbanizovane.193 Tamo gde su postojale mogu}no- 185 \uri} 1968, 87–96.
sti, centri episkopija bili su sme{teni u starijim urbanim sredi{tima, 186 O katihumenama
najpre u Prizrenu i Stonu, zatim u Skopqu, a kasnije u Beogradu i Smederevu. v. Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1988, 447–454,
Nagli razvoj Novog Brda tokom 14. veka, i prerastawe ovog novozasnovanog gra- sa starijom literaturom. Za suprotno
mi{qewe v. ]ur~i} 2000a, 83–92.
da u privredni centar dràve, moglo je biti povod za planirawe postepenog
187 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 261–267;
preseqewa gra~ani~kog arhijerejskog sredi{ta u urbanu sredinu. U nemirnim Jankovi} 1985, 186–187.
vremenima, kada se gradi crkva Svetog Nikole, utvr|eni grad je episkopskom 188 ânak-Medi}, Popovi}, Vojvodi}
sedi{tu pruào znatno ve}u sigurnost. 2014, 132–134.
189 [uput 1977, 45–69.
190 Kora} 1976, 113–126.
191 Nenadovi} 1963, 70–71.
192 ]ur~i} 1999, 111–113.
193 Popovi} 2016a, 53–66.
120
St Nicholas Church – the added,

east section of the cathedral
T HE MONUMENTAL cathedral church, the construction of which was finalized

at the time of the reign of Prince Lazar at the latest, already after a few decades
became insufficient for the needs of the number of Novo Brdo residents that has
increased multiple times. The abrupt development of the town was accompanied by
a large influx of population, as well as the economic strengthening of the immi-
grants among whom, along with the merchant elite including foreigners and citizens
of the Serbian Coastal Region, there was also a lot of local Orthodox population.
Therefore, there was a need to build an extension to the town’s main temple, thus
increasing it in terms of its space. Also, the wealthy class of the Serbian population
aspired to have the place of their eternal rest in the cathedral church, as was com-
mon in the more developed coastal towns.
The preserved remains, as well as the results of the archaeological surveying,
have allowed us to separate quite reliably the extended structure of Novo Brdo’s
cathedral, the Church of St Nicholas, and also to notice the original idea behind the
added section and to establish what was achieved of that design. The revealed remains
have provided enough elements to imagine the former appearance of the added east
section, as well as that of the cathedral as a whole. Also, some particularly important
findings regarding the burials at this main town’s church have also been established.
The site for the extension of the existing temple, built at the place of the town’s
older necropolis, was not suitable, particularly if we bear in mind the configuration
of the terrain. Rather intensive burials continued around the Church of St Nicholas
even after its extension. Not far from the south-east corner of this temple, as has
already been pointed out earlier, there was an older single-nave church which, pro-
bably, even after the temple had been built remained to serve the function of a se-
pulchral chapel. The limited space did not allow the church to extend to the west, as
was usual. Contrary to that, on the east side the situation was somewhat better, since
the relatively flat terrain to the boundary wall of the necropolis was over 20 m long.
There were numerous interments in that area, as well as the older, small church, but
that was the only surface that was suitable for a more comprehensive extension. On
the basis of the preserved remains, it may be observed quite reliably what the original
design for the adaptation and extension of the church towards the east was.
It was in this space which was the only available one, that the extension of a
spacious east section, significantly wider than the already existing church and divi-
ded into three naves with a couple of interior free pillars, was planned. This new east
extension was around 23 m wide along the north-south axis and 13 m long in com-
parison to the east wall of the existing church. With this addition, the Novo Brdo
121
Crkva Svetog Nikole – dogra|eni,

isto~ni deo katedrale
M ONUMENTALNA katedralna crkva, ~ija je izgradwa okon~ana najkasni-

je u vreme vladavine kneza Lazara, ve} posle nekoliko decenija postala je ne-
dovoqna za potrebe vi{estuko uve}anog broja gra|ana Novog Brda. Nagli razvoj
grada pratio je veliki priliv stanovni{tva, kao i ekonomsko ja~awe doseqe-
nika, me|u kojima je, uz trgova~ku elitu stranaca i gra|ana iz srpskog Pomorja,
bilo i dosta lokalnog pravoslavnog ìvqa. Stoga se i javila potreba da se glav-
ni gradski hram dogradi i prostorno uve}a. Tako|e, postojala je i te`wa boga-
tog sloja srpskog gra|anstva da u katedralnoj crkvi obezbedi sebi mesto ve~nog
pokoja, kao {to je to bilo uobi~ajeno u razvijenijim primorskim gradovima.
O~uvani ostaci, kao i rezultati arheolo{kih istraìvawa, omogu}ili su
da se sasvim pouzdano izdvoji dogradwa novobrdske katedrale, crkve Svetog
Nikole, a tako|e, da se uo~i prvobitna zamisao dogra|enog dela i utvrdi {ta
je od te koncepcije ostvareno. Otkriveni ostaci pruàli su dovoqno elemena-
ta da se zamisli nekada{wi izgled dogra|enog isto~nog dela, kao i katedrale
u celini. Tako|e, do{lo se i do posebno zna~ajnih saznawa o sahrawivawu u
ovoj glavnoj gradskoj crkvi.
Za dogradwu postoje}eg hrama, podignutog na starijoj gradskoj nekropoli,
zate~ena lokacija nije bila podesna, naro~ito ako se ima u vidu konfiguraci-
ja terena. Oko crkve Svetog Nikole nastavqeno je dosta intenzivno sahrawivawe
i nakon wene izgradwe. Nedaleko od jugoisto~nog ugla ovog hrama, kao {to je
ve} ranije istaknuto, nalazila se starija jednobrodna crkva koja je, verovatno,
i posle wegovog podizawa ostala u funkciji grobqanske kapele. Ograni~eni
prostor nije omogu}avao da se crkva {iri prema zapadu, kako bi to bilo uobi-
~ajeno. Nasuprot tome, sa isto~ne strane situacija je bila ne{to boqa, budu}i
da je relativno ravan teren do ogradnog zida nekropole imao duìnu od preko
20 m. Na tom prostoru nalazili su se brojni grobni ukopi kao i starija, mala
crkva, ali je to bila jedina povr{ina pogodna za obimniju dogradwu. Na osno-
vu o~uvanih ostataka, moè se sasvim pouzdano uo~iti kako je izgledala prvo-
bitna zamisao za adaptaciju i pro{irewe crkve prema istoku.
Na tom, jedinom raspoloìvom prostoru bila je planirana dogradwa pro-
stranog isto~nog dela, znatno {ireg od zate~ene crkve, koji je parom unutra{-
wih slobodnih stubaca bio podeqen na tri broda. Ovo novo isto~no postrojewe
bilo je {irine oko 23 m po osi sever–jug, a duìne 13 m u odnosu na isto~ni
zid postoje}e crkve. Sa ovom dogradwom, novobrdska katedrala je dosegla du-
ìnu od 33 m, odnosno oko 110 stopa, i tako postala jedan od najve}ih hramo-
va u onovremenim srpskim zemqama. Dogra|eni deo je svakako bio zami{qen
cathedral reached the length of 33 m, that is, around 110 feet, thus becoming one
of the biggest temples in the contemporary Serbian lands. The added section was
certainly envisaged as the main space of the temple or the naos, which entailed
moving of the sanctuary towards the apse of the new central nave. In the new divi-
sion of the cathedral’s interior that had been envisaged in such a manner, the older
naos now got the role of a spacious narthex. It was also planned that the space in
which the older single-nave church was found got incorporated within the added
section, as the south nave. The ambitious plan regarding this extension, however, was
not fulfilled in its entirety. Only the central and the north naves with semi-circular
apses were built, while the south nave, founded on the remains of the demolished
older small church remained unfinished (fig. 41).
In order to be able to execute the planned extension, the presbytery was de-
stroyed along with a part of the east wall of the former Church of St Nicholas. The
small single-nave church was also demolished at this time. Only the south wall of
the church was kept and it was supposed to be incorporated into the relevant wall
of the added east section of the cathedral. It may be presumed that on this occasion
certain levelling works were also done and this was on the surface earmarked for
the new north nave. In that space, where there had certainly been earlier burials,
no traces of older graves were found during the archaeological surveying, which
would suggest that the north slope was cut into to a significant degree, while the
level of the terrain was lowered. Several earlier interments were discovered in the
area of the new central nave and in the apse, while a whole number of graves were
cut through with the foundations of the new walls.
The added section was solidly founded on stable rock surfaces and therefore
the depth of the roughly built foundations did not exceed 0.50 m to 0.80 m. The
aboveground parts of the walls were revealed as significantly collapsed, so that their
preserved remains rarely exceed the height of one metre. They were of a uniformed
width, which went from 0.90 m to 1.00 m, while only in the case of the central apse
it was a little bigger – up to 1.20 m. The interior faces of the walls were built using
roughly carved stone in an irregular bond, while the facade parts were finished sig-
nificantly more carefully. Above the foundation of the north nave walls, there used
to be a socle made of cut breccia blocks, which, as opposed to the older section of
the church, was with no particular moulding. In comparison to the face of the wall,
that socle protruded by 10 to 15 cm. Only foundations and blocks in the socle are
left now from the west wall of this lateral nave, which extended onto the direction
of the earlier east wall of the church. During the archaeological surveying, it was
established that its foundation rests on the north-east corner of the older church,
with no mutual structural connection. In the remains of the aboveground section
of this wall, which mostly correspond to a subsequent partitioning – which will be
dealt with later on – traces of a door have been revealed and this door does not
belong to the original corpus of the north side nave.
Above the socle, the east added section had the facade formwork made of alter-
nate rows of finely cut dark red breccia blocks and greenish-yellow andesite. This
facade formwork in two colours was finished in line with the older part of the
church. The only in situ preserved remains of the facade formwork were found in
the exterior face of the central apse. There are remains of the first rows of regularly
arranged cut blocks whose horizontal and vertical joints were grouted with lead,
a
0 5m
0 5m
b
Sl. 41. Katedrala Svetog Nikole sa dogra|enim isto~nim delom: a) osnova; b) podu`ni presek (R = 1 : 200)
Fig. 41. St Nicholas Cathedral with the added east section: a) ground plan; b) longitudinal cross-section (S = 1 : 200)
0 5m
Sl. 42. Katedrala Svetog Nikole,

fragmenti fasadne oplate sa severnog zida dogra|enog dela (R = 1 : 100)
Fig. 42. St Nicholas Cathedral,
fragments of the facade formwork from the north wall of the added section (S = 1 : 100)
which is a very rare phenomenon in the Serbian medieval architecture.194 Above

the socle, which was here made of carved stone laid down in irregular rows, a large
number of ashlars have been preserved.195 According to the documentation from the
times of the surveying, the first row was made using andesite blocks, 30 cm high,
the second row was made using around 15 cm high breccia ashlars, while the third
row was made using 20 cm high andesite blocks.
When it comes to the issue of the facade formwork, an important finding are re-
mains of the collapsed walled mass of the north wall.196 Namely, in some subsequent
period, this whole wall curtain toppled onto the neighbouring part of the north
slope. During the exposing of the remains of the toppled face, it was possible to
notice that it was done in the alternation between the rows of breccia and andesite
(fig. 42). The rows in the former lower section of the wall were made of bigger ashlars,
around 30 cm high and 20 to 60 cm long, while the rows in the upper zone were
made of somewhat smaller parts. In several places it was also possible to observe the
use of quite narrow ashlars, 5 to 10 cm long and 20 cm high. In the upper wall zone,
194 Zdravkovi} 1958a, 352.
where the ashlars were narrower, almost of a square shape, it was noticed that they
This data was recorded in the field log
for the year 1956. sporadically covered the vertical joints between different rows. At one of the ashlars
195 During the conservation, this situation used in the exterior face of the north wall, the corner was cut and a small block was
was neglected and today there is inserted in this place. This phenomenon could be linked to the work of the builders
only one row of ashlars in that spot. coming from the coastal region, whose usual practice involved cutting some of the
196 As for the north wall, only the breccia ashlars in order to rest the building scaffolds at such points. After the removal of the
ashlar skirting was preserved in situ,
with only three to four rows of stone scaffolding, the cut or damaged corners of the ashlars were filled in with smaller
belonging to the interior face. During blocks.
the field explorations conducted in 1960, Among the remains of the exterior face of the north wall, a window lintel has
the north wall was conserved and
been observed that was cut from a piece of breccia, 95 cm long and 70 cm high. Its
reconstructed to the height of over 2 m,
but without the renewal of the facade interior edge was done in an arched form, for the opening of the window, with the
formwork, see Field Journal, 9.8.1960. span of 70 cm. The upper edge of the window lintel was carved flatly, while on the
kao glavni prostor hrama, odnosno naos, {to je podrazumevalo pomerawe olta-
ra ka apsidi novog centralnog broda. U ovako zami{qenoj novoj podeli unutra-
{wosti katedrale, stariji naos je dobio zna~ewe prostranog narteksa. Bilo je
tako|e predvi|eno da se u okvir dogra|enog dela, kao ju`ni brod ukqu~i i pro-
stor na kome je zate~ena starija jednobrodna crkva. Ambiciozna zamisao o ovoj
dogradwi nije, me|utim, ostvarena u celini. Podignuti su samo sredi{wi i
severni brod sa polukru`nim apsidama, dok je ju`ni brod, na ostacima poru-
{ene starije male crkve ostao nezavr{en (sl. 41).
Da bi se mogla ostvariti planirana dogradwa, poru{ena je oltarska apsi-
da sa delom isto~nog zida ranije crkve Svetog Nikole. Tom prilikom sru{ena
je i i mala jednobrodna crkva. Od we je zadràn samo ju`ni zid, koji je trebalo
da bude ukqu~en u odgovaraju}i zid dogra|enog isto~nog dela katedrale. Moè
se pretpostaviti da su i ovom prilikom vr{eni izvesni nivelacioni radovi,
i to na povr{ini predvi|enoj za novi severni brod. Na tom prostoru, gde je sa-
svim sigurno bilo ranijeg sahrawivawa, u toku arheolo{kih iskopavawa nisu
otkriveni tragovi starijih grobova, {to bi ukazivalo da je severna padina u
zna~ajnoj meri zase~ena, a zate~eni nivo terena spu{ten. Na prostoru novog
centralnog broda i u apsidi, otkriveno je vi{e ranijih grobnih ukopa, dok je
~itav niz grobova prese~en temeqima novih zidova.
Dogra|eni deo bio je solidno utemeqen na stabilnim povr{inama stena,
te stoga dubina grubo gra|enih temeqa nije prelazila 0,50 do 0,80 m. Nadzemni
delovi zidova otkriveni su znatno uru{eni, tako da im o~uvani ostaci retko
gde prelaze visinu od jednog metra. Bili su ujedna~ene {irine, koja je iznosila
izme|u 0,90 i 1,00 m, dok je samo kod centralne apside ne{to ve}a – do 1,20 m.
Unutra{wa lica zidova gra|ena su lomqenim pritesanim kamenom u nepravil-
nom slogu, dok su fasadni delovi bili znatno bri`qivije obra|eni. Nad teme-
qom zidova severnog broda se nalazio sokl od klesanih blokova bre~e, koji je,
za razliku od starijeg dela crkve, bio bez posebne profilacije. U odnosu na li-
ce zida, taj sokl je isturen 10 do 15 cm. Od zapadnog zida ovog bo~nog broda, ko-
ji se nastavqao na pravac ranijeg isto~nog zida crkve, preostali su samo temeqi
i kvaderi u soklu. Prilikom arheolo{kih istraìvawa, utvr|eno je da se wegov
temeq naslawa na severoisto~ni ugao starije crkve, bez me|usobne konstruktiv-
ne veze. U ostacima nadzemnog dela ovog zida, koji najve}im delom odgovaraju
jednom kasnijem prezi|ivawu – o ~emu }e daqe biti re~i – otkriveni su trago-
vi jednih vrata, koja ne pripadaju prvobitnom korpusu severnog bo~nog broda.
Iznad sokla, isto~ni dogra|eni deo imao je fasadnu oplatu od neizmeni~-
nih redova fino klesanih kvadera tamno crvene bre~e i zelenkastoùtog ande-
zita. Ova dvobojna fasadna oplata bila je obra|ena po uzoru na stariji deo crkve.
Jedini in situ o~uvani ostaci fasadne oplate otkriveni su u spoqnom licu cen-
tralne apside. Tu su preostali prvi redovi pravilno sloènih klesanih kva-
dera, ~ije su horizontalne i vertikalne spojnice bile zalivene olovom, {to
predstvqa veoma retku pojavu u srpskom sredwovekovnom graditeqstvu.194 Nad
194 Zdravkovi} 1958a, 352.
soklom, koji je ovde bio gra|en pritesanim kamenom sloènim u nepravilne
Podatak zabeleèn u terenskom dnevniku
redove, ostao je o~uvan ve}i broj tesanika.195 Prema dokumentaciji iz vremena
za 1956. godinu.
istraìvawa, prvi red je bio gra|en kvaderima andezita, visine 30 cm, drugi 195 Prilikom konzervacije ovo stawe
red tesanicima bre~e visine oko 15 cm, a tre}i kvaderima andezita, visine je zanemareno i danas na tom mestu
20 cm. postoji samo jedan red tesanika.

stariji isto~ni zid sa dogra|enim
delom za oslonac novog luka
(terenska skica R. Qubinkovi}a)
older east wall with the added section
to serve as the support for the new arch
(field sketch by R. Ljubinkovi})
surface of the lintel there are no traces of any decorative plastic. Judging by the
position of the ashlars around this lintel, it may clearly be noticed that there were
no specially carved window jambs, but rather the lateral sides of the window were
done as an extension of the rows of blocks used in the face of the wall. In the field
technical shot of the collapsed remains of this wall, it was possible to see damage,
with no preserved blocks, in the spot which is symmetrical to the position of the
given window in comparison to the overall length of the north wall. Looking at the
revealed remains of the ashlars as a whole, it may be assumed that there used to be
another window in this place, of the same shape and dimensions as the previously
described one. Several long iron wedges were also discovered in the said ruins of the
north wall and these were used for linking the facade formwork with the core of the
wall mass.197
Other than the exterior facades, carved blocks were also used for building parts
of the walls from the interior side where in the upper zones they may have been
supports for the arches. It is interesting to point out that here, too, there are regular,
alternating rows of breccia and andesite ashlars.
In order to join together the existing corpus of the temple and the added east
section, in addition to the apse, almost the entire east wall was demolished. A large
arch was built between the remaining parts of this wall. In order to connect the inte-
rior spaces of the older and the younger, added section, along the route of the de-
stroyed east wall, an arch was built, with the span of 5.40 m, and it was based on a
rock and separately solidly founded. According to the manner of construction, as it
could be concluded during the surveying, it stood clearly apart from the remaining
sections of the older east wall. In the aboveground section, the arch was made, as it
has been mentioned above, using the rows of breccia and andesite ashlars (fig. 43).
Well based and solidly built lateral sides represented a firm support for this large-
197 Field Journal, 3–5.8.1959. span arch.
Zna~ajan nalaz, kada su u pitawu fasadne oplate, predstavqaju ostaci obru-

{ene zidne mase severnog zida.196 Naime, u nekom poznijem razdobqu ovo ~itavo
zidno platno prevrnulo se na susedni deo severne padine. Prilikom otkrivawa
ostataka oborenog lica, moglo se uo~iti da je ono bilo izvedeno u alternaci-
ji redova bre~e i andezita (sl. 42). Redovi u nekada{wem nièm delu zida bi-
li su od krupnijih tesanika, visine od oko 30 cm, a duìne 20 do 60 cm, dok su
redovi u vi{oj zoni bili od ne{to sitnijih delova. Na nekoliko mesta uo~e-
na je i pojava sasvim uskih tesanika, od 5 do 10 cm duìne i 20 cm visine. U
gorwoj zoni zida, gde su tesanici bili uì, skoro kvadratnog oblika, uo~eno je
da se mestimi~no poklapaju vertikalne spojnice izme|u pojedina~nih redova.
Na jednom od tesanika spoqnog lica severnog zida ugao je zase~en, a na wego-
vom mestu bio je uba~en mawi kvader. Ova pojava bi se mogla dovesti u vezu sa
radom primorskih majstora, kod kojih je bila uobi~ajena praksa zasecawa po-
jedinih tesanika, kako bi na takvim mestima oslawali skele za zidawe. Po
uklawawu skela, zase~eni ili o{te}eni uglovi tesanika su popuwavani ma-
wim kvaderima.
Me|u ostacima spoqnog lica severnog zida uo~en je i jedan natprozornik
klesan od komada bre~e, duìne 95 cm i visine 70 cm. Wegova unutra{wa ivi-
ca bila je izvedena lu~no, za otvor prozora raspona 70 cm. Gorwa ivica nat-
prozornika bila je otesana ravno, a na povr{ini natprozornika nema tragova
dekorativne plastike. Sude}i prema poloàju tesanika oko ovog natprozorni-
ka, jasno se moè uo~iti da tu nisu postojali posebno klesani doprozornici,
ve} su bo~ne strane prozora bile izvedene u produètku redova kvadera u lica
zida. Na terenskom tehni~kom snimku uru{enih ostataka ovog zida uo~eno je
o{te}ewe, bez o~uvanih kvadera, na mestu koje je simetri~no poloàju spome-
nutog prozora u odnosu na ukupnu duìnu severnog zida. Posmatraju}i u celi-
ni otkrivene ostatke tesanika, moè se pretpostaviti da je na ovom mestu po-
stojao drugi prozor, istog oblika i dimenzijama kao i prethodno opisani. U
pomenutim ru{evinama severnog zida otkriveno je i vi{e duga~kih gvozdenih
klinova, kojima je fasadna oplata bila povezana sa jezgrom zidne mase.197
Osim spoqnih fasada, klesanim kvaderima bili su gra|eni i delovi zi-
dova sa unutra{we strane, gde su se u gorwim zonama mogli nalaziti oslonci
lukova. Zanimqivo je ista}i da se i ovde pojavquju pravilni, naizmeni~ni re-
dovi tesanika bre~e i andezita.
Radi spajawa zate~enog korpusa hrama i dogra|enog isto~nog dela poru{en
je, osim apside, i gotovo ceo isto~ni zid. Izme|u preostalih delova ovog zida
podignut je veliki luk. Radi povezivawa unutra{weg prostora starijeg i mla-
|eg, dogra|enog dela, na trasi poru{enog isto~nog zida konstruisan je luk, ra-
spona 5,40 m, koji je bio zasnovan na steni i posebno solidno utemeqen. Po na- 196 Od severnog zida bio je o~uvan
~inu gra|ewa, kako se to u toku istraìvawa moglo zakqu~iti, jasno se izdvajao in situ samo sokl od tesanika bre~e,
a od unutra{weg lica tri do ~etiri reda
od preostalih delova starijeg isto~nog zida. U nadzemnom delu luk je bio gra- kamena. U toku terenskih istraìvivawa
|en, kao {to je ve} napred pomenuto, redovima tesanika bre~e i andezita (sl. 1960. godine, severni zid je konzerviran
43). Dobro zasnovane i solidno gra|ene bo~ne strane predstavqale su ~vrst i rekonstruisan do visine od preko 2 m,
ali bez obnove fasadne oplate,
oslonac za ovaj luk velikog raspona.
v. Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
Osnovni, nose}i konstruktivni elementi novog trobrodnog isto~nog dela 9. avgust 1960.
bila su dva zidana stupca kvadratne osnove, sa {irinom strane u ravni poda od 197 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
1,90 m. Stope stubaca, utemeqene na steni, zidane su masivno, u naizmeni~nim 3–5. avgust 1959.
severni stubac u dogra|enom delu,
north pillar in the added section,
partial restitution (S = 1 : 50)
0 2m
The basic, load-bearing structural elements of the new three-nave east section
were two pillars, squared in plan, with the ground-level width of the sides of 1.90 m.
The plinths of the pillars, founded on the rock, were built massively, using alternating
rows of breccia and andesite ashlars, while their nucleus was filled with broken
stone placed in lime mortar. In the section above the floor, these plinths were
moulded and shaped in the form of two cornices. The lower cornice had the form
of an up-side-down kyma, while the upper one had a profile with the torus motif on
a projecting edge (fig. 44 and 45).
The new central nave, 5.50 m wide, ended in the east with a spacious semi-cir-
cular apse. On the north side, the arches that carried the upper structure of the
lateral wall rested on the masonry pillar and the corresponding sections of the east
and the west walls. A similar solution, with symmetrically positioned masonry pillar,
which by its dimensions and the manner of building was equal to the north one, also
existed in the direction of the planned south nave. Here, however, a somewhat more
complex construction was originally designed. Away from the said south pillar, fur-
ther towards the east wall, another smaller pillar on was founded, with a rectangu-
lar base and with dimensions of 1.85 x 0.80 m. It was only around 0.90 m away from
the east wall, which shows that arches of different spans, resting on the said pillars,
were originally planned for this side. This plan, judging by all, had never been ful-
filled, so that the smaller pillar remained built only at the level of its foundation,
under the level of the floor.198
In the centre of the apse of the central nave, there was a built oblation table.
Its foundation was discovered there, with the dimensions of 1.50 x 2.50 m, based
on the rock, and it remained preserved at the height of barely 10 to 15 cm above the
198 At the time when the cathedral was level of the former floor. The specific foundation structure had the orientation of the
turned into a mosque, the foundation longer side along the east – west axis, which made it difficult to grasp the former
of this stanchion was under the level of
appearance of the oblation table in its entirety. At the time when the survey was
the floor, so that a wall was built above it,
thus closing both large arches towards starting, such dimensions of the foundations caused certain perplexity among the
the south nave, see p. 191. researchers, giving rise to a notion that this may have been an altar adjusted to the

ostaci ju`nog stupca
u dogra|enom delu
remains of the south pillar
in the added section
redovima tesanika bre~e i andezita, dok im je unutra{wost bila ispuwena lo-

mqenim kamenom u kre~nom malteru. U delu nad podom, ove stope su bile pro-
filisane i oblikovane u vidu dva venca. Niì venac je bio u vidu obrnute ki-
me, dok je onaj iznad imao profil sa motivom torusa na isturenoj ivici (sl.
44 i 45).
Novi sredwi brod, {irine 5,50 m, zavr{avao se na istoku prostranom po-
lukru`nom apsidom. Sa severne strane, na zidani stubac i odgovaraju}e delo-
ve isto~nog i zapadnog zida bili su osloweni lukovi koji su nosili gorwu kon-
strukciju bo~nog zida. Sli~no re{ewe, sa simetri~no postavqenim zidanim
stupcem, koji je prema dimenzijama i na~inu gradwe bio jednak sa severnim,
postojalo je i prema planiranom ju`nom brodu. Ovde je, me|utim, prvobitno
bila zami{qena ne{to sloènija konstrukcija. Od pomenutog ju`nog stupca,
daqe prema isto~nom zidu, bio je utemeqan jo{ jedan mawi stubac, pravouga-
one osnove, dimenzija 1,85 x 0,80 m. Od isto~nog zida bio je udaqen svega oko
0,90 m, {to pokazuje da su sa te strane prvobitno bili zami{qeni lukovi raz-
li~itih raspona, osloweni na pomenute stupce. Ova zamisao, po svemu sude}i,
nije ostvarena, tako da je mawi stubac ostao izgra|en samo u temequ, i to ispod
ravni poda.198
U sredi{tu apside sredweg broda nalazila se zidana ~asna trpeza. Tu je
otkriven wen temeq, dimenzija 1,50 x 2,50 m, zasnovan na na steni, koji je
ostao o~uvan u visini svega 10 do 15 cm iznad ravni nekada{weg poda. Osobena
temeqna konstukcija, orijentisana je duòm stranom po osi istok–zapad, {to
je oteàvalo sagledavawe nekada{weg izgleda ~asne trpeze u celini. U vreme 198 U vreme pretvarawa katedrale
kada su zapo~iwala istraìvawa, ovakav gabarit temeqa izazvao je nedoumice u xamiju, temeq ovog stupca nalazio
se ispod ravni poda, tako da je nad wim
istraìva~a, pobu|uju}i im sumwu da je mo`da u pitawu bio oltar prilago|en
podignut zid kojim su zatvorena oba
latinskom bogosluèwu.199 Me|utim, detaqnom analizom otkrivenih ostataka velika luka prema ju`nom brodu,
jasno se na isto~nom delu mogao uo~iti otisak zidanog stuba ~asne trpeze pra- v. str. 191.
vougaone osnove, pribli`nih dimenzija 1,40 h 1,20 m. Na preostalom zapadnom 199 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 326.
Latin service.199 However, a detailed analysis of the revealed remains makes it pos-
sible to clearly observe in the east section an imprint of a built rectangular-base pil-
lar of the oblation table with approximate dimensions of 1.40 h 1.20 m. In the re-
maining west section, it may be presumed that above the built foundation and in
front of the oblation table there were most probably two steps. Such a shape,
unusual on the Serbian territory, was without any doubt created after the credence
table of the nearby catholic temple Santa Maria de Nuovomonte, known as Sa{ka
church. These are almost exact altar elements in both of these temples, not only by
their shape but also by their dimensions.200
The nave on the north side, with a rectangular ground plan and the interior
dimensions of 6.50 x 13.40 m, ended towards the east also with an appropriate
semi-circular apse. Within its north wall, out of which, as it has already been said,
only collapsed remains have been discovered, there were two smaller windows sur-
mounted with an arch. The north nave was connected with the central nave and the
altar area with wide arched passages.
As opposed to the north nave, the question of the original design for the south
one, that remained unfinished, has remained open. According to the original plan,
it was supposed, as a whole, to take up the space earlier held by the old single-nave
church. As a part of the preparations for the new building, this small temple was
removed almost in its entirety. Its entire north wall, which was based on the rela-
tively shallow rock ridge, was demolished down to the bottom of the foundations.
The south pillar of the naos, as well as the afore-mentioned smaller pillar that was
closer to the east wall, were based along its alignment. Its west wall was also demol-
ished to the level of the foundations. Over its remains, as observed during the
archaeological surveying, there was a 10 cm levelling layer of clay that was filled
there and that was probably supposed to serve as the base for the future floor.201
On the opposite side, over the remains of the east wall and the apse of the small,
demolished church, there was the east wall of the south nave, flatly finished, and
nowadays there are mostly its foundations that are left, connected to the remains
of the south wall of the demolished small church. This older wall was, as it appears,
mostly kept with the aim to fit it into the added south nave. However, the works on
the building of this part of the temple had obviously been interrupted before the
extension was built, that is, before the direction of the older wall was extended and the
south-west corner of the south nave defined. During the archaeological surveying, no
traces of the south wall of the lateral nave were found farther from the south-west
corner of the demolished small church. There were also no traces of new construc-
tion or a trench for the laying down of the foundations at the expected position of
the west wall which would correspond to the direction of the relevant wall of the
north nave. At the presumed alignment of the walls of this imagined south-west
199 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 326. corner, interments of six undisturbed graves were found, some of which, perhaps,
200 The sanctuary’s refectory at the are from the times when the cathedral was being extended.202
Sa{ka church had the ground plan No significant remains have been left from the facades of the south nave,
with the dimensions of 2.50 h 1.47 m;
except at the joint with the central apse. It has been noticed here that the exterior
Popovi} 2018, being prepared
for printing. face of its east wall was divided with shallow pilasters that were absent on the other
201 Field Journal, 30–31.7.1959. facades of the added east section of the cathedral. As the only remain of the east
202 Graves no. 108, 195, 196, 199, 224, 240; facade curtain of the south nave, a pilaster has stayed next to the joint with the apse
Field Journal, July-August 1958. with which it was structurally connected (fig. 46). It was built in its entirety using
delu moè se pretpostaviti da su se nad zidanim temeqom pred ~asnom trpe-

zom nalazila, najverovatnije dva stepenika. Ovakav oblik, neuobi~ajen u srpskoj
sredini, bez sumwe, nastao je po uzoru na oltarsku menzu obli`weg katoli~kog
hrama Santa Maria de Nuovomonte, poznate pod imenom Sa{ka crkva. U pitawu
su gotovo jednaka oltarska postrojewa u oba ova hrama, i to ne samo po obliku
ve} i dimenzijama.200
Brod sa severne strane, pravougaone osnove i unutra{wih dimenzija 6,50 x
13,40 m, prema istoku je tako|e bio zavr{en odgovaraju}om polukru`nom apsi-
dom. U okviru wegovog severnog zida od koga su, kao {to je ve} navedeno, otkri-
veni obru{eni ostaci, nalazila su se dva mawa, lu~no zasvedena prozora. Sa
centralnim brodom i oltarskim prostorom severni brod je bio povezan {iro-
kim lu~nim prolazima.
Za razliku od severnog broda, pitawe izvorne zamisli ju`nog, koji je ostao
nedovr{en, ostalo je otvoreno. Prema prvobitnom planu, on je trebalo da u ce-
lini obuhvati prostor koji je zauzimala starija jednobrodna crkva. Radi pri-
preme za novu gradwu, ovaj mali hram je gotovo u celosti uklowen. Poru{en mu
je do dna temeqa ~itav severni zid, koji je bio zasnovan na relativno plitkom
grebenu stene. Na wegovoj trasi utemeqeni su ju`ni stubac naosa kao i pome-
nuti mawi stubac, bliè isto~nom zidu. Do ravni temeqa bio je poru{en i za-
te~eni zapadni zid. Preko wegovih ostataka, kako je uo~eno prilikom arheo-
lo{kih istraìvawa, bio je nanet nivelacioni sloj gline debqine oko 10 cm
koji je, verovatno, trebalo da posluì kao podloga za budu}i pod.201 Sa suprot-
ne strane, preko ostataka isto~nog zida i apside male poru{ene crkve, zasnovan
je isto~ni zid ju`nog broda, ravno zavr{en, od koga su uglavnom ostali samo
temeqi, povezani sa ostatkom ju`nog zida poru{ene male crkve. Ovaj stariji
zid bio je, kako izgleda, ve}im delom zadràn sa ciqem da bude uklopqen u do-
gra|eni ju`ni brod. Me|utim, radovi na gra|ewu ovog dela hrama su bili o~i-
gledno prekinuti pre nego {to je podignut nastavak, odnosno produèn pravac
starijeg zida i definisan jugozapadni ugao ju`nog broda. U toku arheolo{kih
istraìvawa nisu otkriveni tragovi ju`nog zida bo~nog broda daqe od jugoza-
padnog ugla poru{ene male crkve. Tragova nove gradwe, kao ni rova za ukopava-
we temeqa nije bilo ni na o~ekivanom poloàju zapadnog zida, koji bi odgova-
rao pravcu odgovaraju}eg zida severnog broda. Na pretpostavqenoj trasi zidova
ovog zami{qenog jugozapadnog ugla, otkriveni su ukopi {est neporeme}enih
grobova, od kojih su neki, mo`da, bili i iz vremena dogradwe katedrale.202
Od fasada ju`nog broda nisu preostali znatniji ostaci, osim na spoju sa
centralnom apsidom. Tu je uo~eno da je spoqno lice wegovog isto~nog zida bilo 200 Oltarska menza u Sa{koj crkvi u
ra{~laweno plitkim pilastrima, kojih nema na ostalim fasadama dogra|enog osnovi 2,50 h 1,47 m; Popovi} 2018,
u pripremi za {tampu.
isto~nog dela katedrale. Kao jedini ostatak isto~nog fasadnog platna ju`nog 201Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
broda, preostao je pilastar uz spoj sa apsidom, sa kojom je bio u i gra|evinskoj 30–31. jul 1959.
vezi (sl. 46). On je u celini zidan mawim tesanicima andezita, pri ~emu su 202 Grobovi br. 108, 195, 196, 199, 224, 240;
neki od wih bili sasvim neuobi~ajenog oblika. Naime, na licu pilastra poja- Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
vquju se tesanici u obliku latini~nog slova L,203 za koje nam nisu poznate pa- jul–avgust 1958.
203 Nekada{wi opus zidawa posle
ralele u sakralnoj arhitekturi moravskih oblasti Srbije. Sokl ovog zida, gra-
konzervacije je delom izmewen.
|en ve}im tesanicima bre~e, bio je niì za preko pola metra od sokla glavne
Neki tesanici ovog oblika rasuti su
apside, {to je bez sumwe bilo uslovqeno nagibom terena i prilago|avawem no- na terenu, a tehni~ki su snimqeni
ve konstrukcije ju`nog broda nivou starije, male crkve. 2016. godine.

deo oltarske apside
i veza sa zidom nedovr{enog
ju`nog broda
a part of the presbytery and connection
with the wall of the unfinished
south nave
smaller andesite ashlars, some of which were of quite unusual shape. Namely, on
the face of the pilaster there are ashlars in the form of letter L,203 for which we have
no known parallels in the sacral architecture of the Morava areas of Serbia. The socle
of this wall, made using larger breccia ashlars, was over half a metre lower than the
socle of the main apse, which was undoubtedly caused by the inclination of the terrain
and the adjustment of the new construction of the south nave to the level of the
older, small church.
A part of the older south wall which, apparently, was saved from demolition in
its entirety, was connected with the new east wall and the structure of the south
nave. This south curtain, as it could be clearly observed on the revealed preserved
remains, was carved from the exterior side over the width of around 30 cm.204
Judging by all, this was about an intention to allow for the placing of new facade
formwork, apparently with the aim to connect visually the older wall curtain with
the added section of the cathedral.
In the interior of the south nave, by the foundation of the smaller masonry pillar
towards the altar area, the base for a column with an octagonal cross-section was
discovered in situ, carved in the form of a truncated pyramid with indented corners
(fig. 47). In the direct proximity, six segments of the corresponding columns have
been found, as well as two fragments of the capitals, that were built as the spolia
into the foundation of a subsequent Turkish wall. As our analysis has shown, the
revealed findings come from two equally carved columns, made of three segments
each, mutually linked with metal gudgeons and topped with shallow capitals (fig.
203 The former building opus was partially 48). They were made of breccia in their entirety, while their surface, judging by the
changed after the conservation. preserved traces, was covered with a thin layer of fresco-plaster. Their former height
Some of the ashlars of this form were
was around 3.60 m. The place of one of these columns has been determined reliably
scattered around the terrain and they
were technically documented in 2016. by the position of the above-mentioned base, while in the case of the other, that
204 Notes of R. Ljubinkovi} belonged to the same structure in the south nave, it may only be presumed – and this
that go with Field Journal 1959. will be dealt with in more detail later on.

detaq poligonalnog stuba
u nedovr{enom ju`nom brodu
(1959. godine)
a detail of the polygonal column
in the unfinished south nave (1959)
Deo starijeg ju`nog zida koji je, izgleda, u celini po{te|en ru{ewa, bio je
povezan sa novim isto~nim zidom i konstrukcijom ju`nog broda. Ovo zate~eno
zidno platno, kako se to moglo jasno uo~iti na otkrivenim o~uvanim ostaci-
ma, bilo je sa spoqne strane oklesano u {irini od oko 30 cm.204 U pitawu je,
po svemu sude}i, bila namera da se omogu}i postavqawe nove fasadne obloge,
o~igledno sa ciqem da se to starije zidno platno vizuelno poveè sa dogra|e-
nim delom katedrale.
U unutra{wosti ju`nog broda, uz temeq maweg zidanog stupca prema olta-
ru, otkrivena je in situ baza za stub oktogonalnog preseka, klesana u vidu zaru-
bqene piramide sa zase~enim uglovima (sl. 47). U neposrednoj blizini otkri-
veno je {est segmenata odgovaraju}ih stubova, kao i dva ulomka kapitela, koji
su bili ugra|eni kao spolije u temeq jednog poznijeg turskog zida. Kako je na-
{a analiza pokazala, otkriveni nalazi poti~u od dva jednako obra|ena stuba,
klesana od po tri segmenta, me|usobno povezana metalnim mo`danicima i nad-
vi{ena plitkim kapitelima (sl. 48). U celini su bili klesani od bre~e, dok
im je povr{ina, sude}i prema sa~uvanim tragovima, bila prevu~ena tankim
slojem fresko-maltera. Nekada{wa visina im je iznosila oko 3,60 m. Mesto
jednog od ovih stubova pouzdano je odre|eno poloàjem gore pomenute baze, dok
se za drugi, koji je pripadao istoj konstukciji u ju`nom brodu, to moè samo
pretpostaviti – o ~emu }e daqe biti vi{e re~i.
U {utu kojim je zasuta unutra{wost novog, isto~nog dela katedrale, bilo je
relativno malo ulomaka plastike, i to iskqu~ivo klesane od bre~e. U pitawu
su uglavnom fragmenti jednostavno profilisanih venaca, naj~e{}e sa pod-
stre{ja na fasadama. Neki od ulomaka, odgovarali bi po svom obliku apsidal-
nim krivinama (sl. 49). Na nekoliko fragmenata venaca, me|u kojima je i je-
dan ugaoni, otkriveni su ostaci fresko-maltera sa slikanim ornamentom. U 204 Bele{ke R. Qubinkovi}a
pitawu su po svoj prilici ostaci venaca sa zidanih stubaca, a mo`da i bo~nih uz Dnevnih arheolo{kih iskopavawa
zidova sredi{weg broda. za 1959. godinu.

poligonalni stubovi klesani od
bre~e iz ju`nog broda (R = 1 : 25)
polygonal columns made of breccia
from the south nave (S = 1 : 25)
In the debris filling the interior of the new, east section of the cathedral, there
were relatively few fragments of the plastic, solely the one carved out of breccia.
These are mostly fragments of simply moulded cornices, most frequently from the
section of the facade just under the eaves. With their shape some of the fragments
would correspond to the apsidal curves (fig. 49). In several cornice fragments, in-
cluding an angular one, remains of fresco-plaster with painted ornament were re-
vealed. These are most likely remains of the cornices from the masonry pillars or
perhaps from the side walls of the central nave.
Among the carved breccia pieces, that are still located beside the remains of the
cathedral walls, there are three pieces in the form of battens (fig. 50), which appar-
205
ently were not noticed or documented by the former researchers.205 Two pieces
The fragments were discovered in 2016
within the scope of the preparation have a cross section of 22 x 18 cm and they are of the same shape. The first one was
of the documentation for this paper. preserved in the length of 79 cm, while the other is 92 cm long. In the case of both

fragmenti podstre{nog venca apside severnog broda (R = 1 : 10)
fragments of the cornice under the eaves of the north nave’s apse (S = 1 : 10)
fragments, the profile in one end is of a rectangular shape, while the other end has
an octagonal shape. In this, one of the sides of that profile is not obliquely cut, but
under an angle. On both of the pieces, the transformation from the rectangular pro-
file into the octagonal one was done by a concave cutting in the shape of a smaller
stylized leaf. On one lateral side of these pieces each, along the rectangular profile,
there was a shallow rectangular groove, intended for the fitting of the parapet slab.
The third piece had a quadrangular cross-section and somewhat different dimensions
of the profile – 16 x 17 cm. It was preserved in the length of 47 cm and it was obliquely
cut only on one side, in the same manner as the previous pieces. On its lateral side,
this piece also has a shallow regular groove for the fitting of the parapet slab.
The described pieces obviously constitute parts of the stone presbytery screen.
In the upper section, they used to turn into octagonal posts. The cutting under an
angle along one edge was done in such a way that one piece of the posts was sym-
metrical to the other as regards their front sides that are obliquely cut. For this reason
it is prudent to presume that both of the posts used to stand beside the presbytery
doors. The third piece also belongs to this ensemble, but, judging by its moulding,
it obviously leaned with one side against the masonry pillar (fig. 51).
During the archaeological surveying, no traces were revealed that would suggest
the former position of the iconostasis. It is prudent to presume that the stone pres-
bytery screen was between the masonry pillars, at the same plane as their east side.
This would be supported by the position of the oblation table and indirectly also by
the position of the graves in the central space of the naos.
The floor in the interior of the added east section of the cathedral mostly con-
sisted of massive grave slabs placed above the built tombs and other interments. A
similar situation, but significantly less pronounced, has also been observed in the
older section of the church. Burying the deceased in the cathedral constitutes an
exceptionally complex problem that must be observed along the chronological time-
line, bearing in mind the necropolis as a whole, in order to be able to separate and
interpret the appearance of interments within the cathedral, which will be dealt
with in more detail later on.
Remains of the wall paintings

The walls in the interior of the cathedral, both in the older west part of the temple
and in the one added on the east side, were covered in wall paintings, very little of
which has been preserved. A myriad of fresco-plaster fragments have been discov-
ered in the layers of debris, in the contents from the filled looted graves, as well as
in a pit south-west from the church. The only fragment preserved on a wall was
found in the ground zone of the north nave’s apse (fig. 52). This is a remaining of
the fresco-socle with an ornamental field framed with a painted ribbon in the form
of a chequer.206 During the archaeological surveys, no fresco fragments were
recorded by the places of finds, so no detailed analysis is possible of those last
206 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 327. remains of the destroyed wall paintings. The field logs put a special emphasis on the
207 Zdravkovi} 1958, 352–353. place where a larger quantity of fragments was discovered only in few of the cases.
208 At the National Museum in Belgrade, Such a case is, for instance, with the findings from the central apse, then from the
along with the archaeological finds from
north nave’s apse,207 as well as from different sections in the older, west part of the
the graves in the cathedral, there are
also nine fragments of frescos from this church. As opposed to the archaeological findings of pottery and metal, that have
site, as well as one from Sa{ka church. almost all been preserved, there is no trace left of the fresco fragments.208 They may

fragmenti oltarske pregrade
(R = 1 : 10)
fragments of the presbytery screen
(S = 1 : 10)
Me|u obra|enim komadima bre~e, koji se jo{ uvek nalaze uz ostatke zido-
va katedrale, postoje tri komada u vidu gredica (sl. 50), koje raniji istraì-
va~i izgleda nisu uo~ili niti dokumentovali.205 Dva komada su popre~nog
preseka 22 x 18 cm i jednakog oblika. Prvi je o~uvan u duìni od 79 cm, a dru-
gi u duìni od 92 cm. Kod oba fragmenta profil je na jednom kraju ~etvrtastog
oblika, dok je na drugom kraju osmougaon. Pri tome jedna strana tog profila
nije ukoso zase~ena, ve} pod uglom. Prelaz iz ~etvrtastog profila u osmouga-
oni je na oba komada izveden konkavnim zasecawem u vidu maweg stilizovanog
lista. Na po jednoj bo~noj strani ovih komada, du` ~etvrtastog profila, nala-
zio se plitki pravougaoni `qeb, namewen uglavqivawu parapetne plo~e. Tre-
}i komad bio je ~etvrtastog preseka i ne{to druga~ijih dimenzija u profilu
– 16 x 17 cm. O~uvan je u duìni od 47 cm, a samo na jednoj strani je koso zase-
~en, i to na isti na~in kao i prethodni komadi. Na bo~noj strani, ovaj komad
tako|e poseduje pli}i pravilan usek za uglavqivawe parapetne plo~e.
Opisani komadi o~igledno predstavqaju delove kamene oltarske pregrade.
U gorwem delu, oni su prelazili u osmougaone stubi}e. Zasecawe pod uglom du` 205 Fragmenti su otkriveni 2016. godine
jedne ivice izvedeno je tako da je jedan komad stubi}a prema drugom simetri- u okviru pripremawa dokumentacije
~an u odnosu na wihove predwe strane koje su koso zase~ene. Stoga se razlo`no za ovaj rad.

zami{qeni izgled oltarske pregrade
(R = 1 : 50)
imagined appearance of presbytery
screen (iconostasis) (S = 1 : 50)
be commented only on the basis of the data recorded in the field documentation or
mentioned in some of the reports.
The revealed fragments are small, with the size of 1 to 5 cm, and it was not pos-
sible to recognize parts of compositions on the basis of them. Most of them come
from the backgrounds, painted in dark-blue colour. Their structure consists of lime,
fine sand and a little chaff. As for the colours, from the traces of drapes or orna-
ments, dark and light gray, as well as ochre-green and dark green are present more
frequently, with less frequent use of reddish ochre, light pink and light yellow. If
observed in its entirety, the painted layer gives an impression of the al secco painting
technique.209 A small fragment of the head of an elderly man with gray beard comes
from the debris in the altar area. This is one of the very rare pieces of the wall paint-
ings with a depiction of flesh tones. Several fragments contain preserved parts of
Cyrillic signatures, done in white colour against the dark background (fig. 53).
Traces on some of the fragments have been recognized as parts of the painted bishop’s
polystavrions. On one group of fragments discovered near the east wall of the older
section of the temple, interesting details of floral ornaments have been observed,
such as may be seen in the Tree of Jesse composition. Among the remains of the
fresco-decoration, preserved in the parts of moulded cornices carved out of tufa, an
“ornament of free daisy flowers against the white background” stands out and there
are no parallels for it in the wall paintings from the territory of the Serbian lands.210
When it comes to the former wall paintings of the cathedral, discovering of a
pit, dug into the south-west corner of the fenced-off space of the necropolis, con-
stituted a particularly important find. Since the whole pit was filled with pieces of
fresco-plaster,211 this was, unquestionably, a place where the frescoes were buried,
removed at the time when the church was undergoing a reconstruction. The goal of
the custom of burying fragments of frescoes, as well as liturgical objects, corrobo-
rated also at some other medieval archaeological sites, was to prevent profaning of
209
the artefacts that carried cult significance.212 Among the numerous fragments of
According to the observations of
D. Tasi}, from the field inventory
the wall paintings from this interment, it was noticed that some of the pieces had
from 1956. two painted layers of fresco-plaster. Several similar fragments, also with two layers
210 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 328–329. of wall paintings, were found in the debris of the older, west section of the cathe-
211 Ljubinkovi} 1969, 229. dral. These findings, especially the ones from the pit, for which it may quite reliably
212 Juri{i} 1981, 169–176. be concluded that it was dug before the cathedral was turned into a mosque in
moè pretpostaviti da su oba stubi}a stajala uz oltarske dveri. Tre}i komad

je tako|e pripadao ovoj celini, ali je on, sude}i po wegovoj profilaciji, o~i-
gledno bio prislowen jednom stranom uz zidani stubac (sl. 51).
Prilikom arheolo{kih istraìvawa nisu otkriveni tragovi koji bi uka-
zivali na nekada{wi poloàj ikonostasa. Razlo`no je pretpostaviti da se ka-
mena oltarska pregrada nalazila izme|u zidanih stubaca, i to u ravni sa wi-
hovom isto~nom stranom. Na to bi ukazivao poloàj ~asne trpeze, a posredno
i poloàj grobova u centralnom prostoru naosa.
Pod u unutra{nosti dogra|enog isto~nog dela katedrale najve}im delom
su ~inile masivne nadgrobne plo~e nad zidanim grobnicama i ostalim grob-
nim ukopima. Sli~na situacija, ali izraèna u znatno mawoj meri, uo~ena je
i u starijem delu crkve. Sahrawivawe u katedrali predstavqa izuzetno sloèn
problem, koji se mora posmatrati u hronolo{koj ravni, imaju}i u vidu nekropo-
lu u celini, kako bi se mogla izdvojiti i protuma~iti pojava grobnih ukopa u
unutra{wosti katedrale, o ~emu }e daqe biti vi{e re~i.
Ostaci ìvopisa
Zidovi u unutra{wosti katedrale, kako starijeg zapadnog dela hrama, tako i
onog dogra|enog sa isto~ne strane, bili su prekriveni ìvopisom, od koga je
malo {ta o~uvano. Mno{tvo ulomaka fresko-maltera otkriveno je u slojevima
{uta, u nasipima iz zasutih opqa~kanih grobnica, kao i u jednoj jami jugoza-
padno od crkve. Jedini fragment o~uvan na zidu otkriven je u prizemnoj zoni
apside severnog broda (sl. 52). U pitawu je ostatak fresko-sokla sa ornamen-
talnim poqem uokvirenim slikanom trakom u vidu {ahovskog poqa.206 Prili-
kom arheolo{kih istraìvawa, fragmenti fresaka nisu evidentirani prema
mestima nalaza, tako da je izostala detaqnija analiza tih posledwih ostataka
uni{tenog ìvopisa. U terenskim dnevnicima je samo u pojedinim slu~ajevi-
ma posebno nagla{eno mesto gde je otkrivena ve}a koli~ina fragmenata. Takav
je slu~aj, na primer, sa nalazima iz centralne apside, zatim apside severnog
broda,207 kao i iz pojedinih prostora u starijem, zapadnom delu crkve. Za raz-
liku od arheolo{kih nalaza keramike i metala, koji su gotovo svi sa~uvani,
fragmentima fresaka izgubio se trag.208 O wima se sada moè suditi samo na
osnovu podataka koji su zabeleèni u terenskoj dokumentaciji, ili su pomenu-
ti u nekom od izve{taja.
Otkriveni fragmenti su sitni, veli~ine 1 do 5 cm, i na osnovu wih nije
bilo mogu}e prepoznavawe delova kompozicija. Najve}i broj poti~e sa pozadi-
na, slikanih tamnoplavom bojom. Struktura im se sastoji od kre~a, finog peska
i malo pleve. Od boja, sa tragova draperija ili ornamenata, ~e{}e su zastup-
qene tamno i svetlo siva, okerzelena i tamno zelena, a znatno re|e crvenkasti
oker, svetlo ruì~asta i svetloùta. Bojeni sloj, u celini posmatran, odavao 206 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 327.
je utisak al secco tehnike slikawa.209 Iz {uta u oltarskom prostoru poti~e ma- 207 Zdravkovi} 1958, 352–353.
li fragment glave starijeg ~oveka sa sedom bradom. U pitawu je jedan od veoma 208 U Narodnom muzeju u Beogradu,
retkih komada ìvopisa sa prikazom inkarnata. Na nekoliko fragmenata sa~u- uz arheolo{ke nalaze iz grobova
iz katedrale, nalazi se i devet
vani su delovi }irilskih signatura, izvedenih belom bojom na tamnom poza|u
fragmenata fresaka sa ovog lokaliteta,
(sl. 53). Tragovi na nekim ulomcima prepoznati su kao delovi slikanih arhi- kao i jedan iz Sa{ke crkve.
jerejskih polistavriona. Na jednoj grupi fragmenata otkrivenih kod isto~nog 209 Prema zapaàwima D. Tasi}a,
zida starijeg dela hrama, uo~eni su zanimqivi detaqi cvetnih ornamenata, iz terenskog inventara iz 1956. godine.

fragment ìvopisa
u apsidi severnog broda
(]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959)
fragment of the wall paintings
in the apse of the north nave
(]orovi}-Ljubinkovi} 1959)
1466, show that there were at least two to three phases of painting the church or
renewing the wall paintings. During the surveying works, no more reliable data
were obtained in those terms and therefore we could present only some basic sup-
positions. After the building of the Church of St Nicholas, that is, of the older sec-
tion of the cathedral, its interior was quite certainly painted. During the subsequent
extension, the encountered wall paintings were most probably damaged, especially
those on the remaining surfaces of the east wall, which could have been the imme-
diate cause for the partial reconstruction and perhaps for the painting of new fres-
coes. When it comes to the wall paintings, the situation with the younger extension
is somewhat more complex. In the east section of the cathedral, even before the
original design was fully accomplished, new wall paintings were done in the central
and the north naves. However, there is an open question as to whether all the wall
surfaces in this part of the temple were painted or it was done only partially. There
are reliable data only for the walls of the apses, which were quite certainly covered
with frescoes. For the other walls of both naves, with only minimal remains left of
them, even with finding fresco fragments in the debris, it is not possible to come up
with any more reliable conclusion. Also, the afore-mentioned pit with fresco frag-
ments, some of which have two layers of wall paintings, also represents an interest-
ing topic for further considering. If we presume that they correspond to the older
and the younger phases of the building of the cathedral, it remains unclear what
was the cause for them to end up in the debris before the final plundering of the
cathedral and its turning into a mosque. It is difficult to imagine that these frescoes

fragmenti fresaka sa ostacima
}irilskih signatura (R = 1 : 1)
Fig. 53. St Nicholas Cathedral, fresco fragments
with remains of Cyrillic signatures (S = 1 : 1)
kakvi se sre}u na kompoziciji Loze Jesejeve. Me|u ostacima fresko-dekoracije,

koji su sa~uvani na delovima profilisanih venaca klesanih od sige, izdvaja se
„ornament slobodnih cvetova margarite na belom poza|u“, za koji nema bliìh
paralela u ìvopisu sa podru~ja srpskih zemaqa.210
Kada je u pitawu nekada{wi ìvopis katedrale, naro~ito je va`no otkri}e
jedne jame, ukopane u jugozapadni ugao ogra|enog prostora nekropole. Budu}i
da je ~itava jama bila ispuwena komadima fresko-maltera,211 u pitawu je, bez
sumwe, ukop u kome su bile sahrawene freske, ukolowene prilikom neke obno-
ve crkve. Obi~aj sahrawivawa fragmenata fresaka, kao i bogoslu`benih pred-
meta, a potvr|en i na drugim sredwovekovnim nalazi{tima, imao je za ciq da
spre~i profanisawe artefakata sa kultnim zna~ewem.212 Me|u brojnim frag-
menatima ìvopisa iz ovog ukopa, zapaèno je i nekoliko komada sa dva sli-
kana sloja fresko-maltera. Nekoliko sli~nih fragmenata, tako|e sa dva sloja
ìvopisa, na|eno je u {utu starijeg, zapadnog dela katedrale. Ovi nalazi, po-
sebno iz pomenute jame, za koju se sasvim pouzdano moè zakqu~iti da je bila
ukopana pre pretvarawa katedrale u xamiju 1466. godine, ukazuju na najmawe dve
do tri faze oslikavawa crkve ili obnova ìvopisa. U toku istraìva~kih ra-
dova nije se do{lo do pouzdanijih podataka u tom smislu, te bi se stoga mogle
izneti samo neke osnovne pretpostavke. Nakon gra|ewa crkve Svetog Nikole,
odnosno starijeg dela katedrale, wena unutra{wost je sasvim sigurno bila ì-
vopisana. Zate~eni ìvopis je prilikom poznije dogradwe po svoj prilici
o{te}en, posebno na preostalim povr{inama isto~nog zida, {to je mogao biti
povod za delimi~nu obnovu, a mo`da i izradu novih fresaka. Sa mla|om dograd-
wom, kada je ìvopis u pitawu, situacija je ne{to sloènija. U isto~nom delu 210 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 328–329.
katedrale, i pre ostvarivawa prvobitne zamisli u celini, u sredwem i sever- 211 Ljubinkovi} 1969, 229.
nom brodu je ra|eno na novom ìvopisu. Otvoreno je pitawe, me|utim, da li su 212 Juri{i} 1981, 169–176.
were removed in order to have new, third painting of the walls, either of the temple
as a whole or of some of its parts. It seems more likely that they were damaged during
some of the calamities that took place in Novo Brdo during the first half of the 15th
century and that after that their remains were carefully gathered and buried.
Structural assembly and the former appearance

of the added east section of the cathedral
During the building of the east section of the temple, one of the most complex
structural endeavours was the linking of the space of the existing church and the
added section on the east side. In those terms, one of the interesting structural works
was done in the space of the former east wall of the church. On the basis of the
revealed remains it may be reliably concluded that a separate arch was made there,
which was linked to the east arm of the vault of the older church. Because of this,
the extension along the parts of the older east wall and the basing of the arch were
necessary for several reasons. The spatial solution for the new part of the church
caused its more pronounced height in comparison to the older roof surfaces. Thus
the gable of the new west wall had to rest on the supporting arch, which at the same
time was supposed to ensure not only its stability, but also the stability of the vault
of the east arm of the cross of the older naos, which simultaneously played the role
of one of the supports for the dome structure. Therefore, with its shape, dimensions
and position this arch had to be adjusted to the structural solution for the vaults of
the former naos. This would suggest that the space of the new central nave had to
be higher than the crown of the supporting arch and that it was only at that height
that its covering may be envisaged. In connection with that, it is worth pointing at
the proportion relations of the space that was arranged in this way. In our opinion,
based on study analyses, the presumed height of the new central nave could have
been twice its span, or rather, its width, and equal to the length between the arch
on the west side and the presbytery.
The interior division of the space towards the side naves was created with
arched arcades that rested on masonry pillars and parts of the east and the west
walls, which were built more solidly, on account of the foreseen larger load, using
regular ashlars made of breccia and andesite (fig. 54 and 55). The west pair of
arcades had an approximate span of around 4.20 m and 4.60 m, respectively, while
the east pair was a little different. On the north side, the east arcade had a span of
around 5.10 m, while on the opposite, south side, between the pillar and the east
wall, it was somewhat smaller, around 4.50 m.213 Above the arcades there were side
walls of the central nave whose width, judging by the dimensions of the pillars, was
around 1.40 m.
The building of the roof structure above the central nave had to correspond to
the structural characteristics of its supports. As it has already been pointed out
before, the height at which the supports for this structure were could not be less
than 11 m, while the span of the covering was around 5.5 m. In all of this, the role
of the central supports for the entire load-bearing structure of the side walls and
the covering was played only by the two masonry pillars. With such structural char-
acteristics of the space, which the said structure was supposed to cover, it would be
213 The spans were measured very difficult to imagine any vaulting. Because of the presumed height, as well as
at the level of the former floor. the side walls which we believe did not have the appropriate load-bearing capacity,
sve povr{ine zidova u ovom delu hrama u celosti bile oslikane ili je to oba-
vqeno samo delimi~no. Pouzdanim podacima raspolaè se samo za zidove ap-
sida, koji su sasvim sigurno bili prekriveni freskama. Za ostale zidove oba
broda, od kojih su o~uvani minimalni ostaci, i pored nalaza ulomaka fresa-
ka u {utu, pouzdaniji zakqu~ak nije mogu}e doneti. Tako|e, zanimqivu temu za
razmatrawe predstavqa i ranije pomenuta jama sa ulomcima fresaka, od kojih
su neki sa dva sloja ìvopisa. Ukoliko pretpostavimo da oni odgovaraju stari-
joj i mla|oj fazi gra|ewa katedrale, ostaje nejasno {ta je bio povod da se na|u
u {utu pre kona~nog pusto{ewa katedrale i wenog pretvarawa u xamiju. Te{ko
je zamisliti da su te freske uklowene radi novog, tre}eg ìvopisawa, bilo hra-
ma u celini ili nekog wegovog dela. Pre bi se moglo re}i da su bile o{te}ene
prilikom neke od neda}a koje su se de{avale Novom Brdu tokom prve polovine
15. veka, i da su nakon toga wihovi ostaci bri`qivo sakupqeni i sahraweni.
Konstruktivni sklop i nekada{wi izgled

dogra|enog isto~nog dela katedrale
Prilikom gra|ewa isto~nog dela hrama jedan od najsloènijih konstruktiv-
nih zahvata predstavqalo je povezivawe prostora zate~ene crkve i dogra|enog
dela sa isto~ne strane. U tom smislu, jedan od zanimqivih konstruktivnih za-
hvata izveden je na prostoru nekada{weg isto~nog zida crkve. Na osnovu otkri-
venih ostataka pouzdano se moè zakqu~iti da je tu bio izveden poseban luk,
koji je bio povezan sa isto~nim krakom svoda starije crkve. Usled toga je dograd-
wa uz delove starijeg isto~nog zida i zasnivawe luka bila nu`na iz vi{e raz-
loga. Prostorno re{ewe novog dela crkve uslovilo je wegovu izraèniju visi-
nu u odnosu na starije krovne povr{ine. Tako je i zabat novog zapadnog zida
morao biti oslowen na potporni luk, koji je istovremeno trebalo da obezbedi
ne samo wegovu stabilnost, ve} i stabilnost svoda isto~nog kraka krsta starijeg
naosa, koji je istovremeno imao ulogu jednog od oslonaca kupolne konstrukci-
je. Stoga je ovaj luk morao biti prilago|en oblikom, dimenzijama i poloàjem.
re{ewu konstrukcije svodova nekada{weg naosa. To bi ukazivalo da je prostor
novog sredweg broda morao biti vi{i od temena potpornog luka i da se tek na
toj visini moè pretpostaviti wegovo natkrivawe. Sa tim u vezi vaqa ukaza-
ti i na proporcijske odnose ovako odre|enog prostora. Po na{em mi{qewu,
zasnovanom na studijskim analizama, pretpostavqena visina novog central-
nog broda mogla je biti dva puta ve}a od wegovog raspona, odnosno {irine, a
jednaka duìni izme|u luka na zapadnoj strani i oltarske apside.
Unutra{wu podelu prostora prema bo~nim brodovima ~inile su lu~ne ar-
kade oslowene na zidane stupce i delove isto~nog i zapadnog zida, koji su zbog
predvi|enog ve}eg optere}ewa bili solidnije zidani pravilnim tesanicima
bre~e i andezita (sl. 54 i 55). Zapadni par arkada imao je pribli`no raspon od
oko 4,20 i 4,60 m, dok se isto~ni par unekoliko razlikovao. Sa severne strane,
isto~na arkada imala je raspon od oko 5,10 m, dok je sa suprotne, ju`ne strane,
izme|u stupca i isto~nog zida, bio ne{to mawi, oko 4,50 m.213 Nad arkadama su
se nalazili bo~ni zidovi sredi{weg broda, ~ija je {irina, sude}i prema di-
menzijama stubaca, iznosila oko 1,40 m.
Izvo|ewe krovne konstrukcije nad centralnim brodom moralo je odgovara- 213 Rasponi su mereni
ti konstruktivnim karakteristikama wenih oslonaca. Kao {to je ve} napred u ravni nekada{weg poda.

zid izme|u severne i oltarske apside
(deo obnovqen sigom 1959. godine)
wall between the north apse and
the presbytery (the part reconstructed
in tufa (calc-tufa) in 1959)
we are prone to conclude that there used to be a lighter wooden structure above the
central nave of the added section of the cathedral.
At this point, it is important to consider a dilemma the first researchers had
about the extension of the cathedral, which concerns the solution for the roof planes.
Moreover, \. Bo{kovi} allowed for a possibility that there was a domed structure,
while in that case the roof planes would be solved in the basilican manner or in line
with the cross-in-square design.214 However, the position and the size of the mason-
ry pillars in the naos, as well as the spans of the central and the north naves, do not
suggest a possibility of creating a domed structure. For this reason, we believe that
the most logical solution for the covering could have been achieved by applying the
basilican relation between the roof planes of different spaces within the extension.
A similar problem also appears when it comes to the upper structure of the north
nave, whose space was defined by the position of the massive masonry pillar. It was
on this pillar that the arched arcades, of unequal span and height, rested, which may
have caused unequal load on that pillar. On account of this, the wall above these
arcades was insufficiently stable to receive greater loads. Any additional load of the
said pillar and the arcades, with the presumed vault structure above the north nave,
could have led to the collapsing of the entire structure. Bearing all of this in mind,
we believe that it was most appropriate to cover the north nave, with an imposing
span of around 6.5 m, as well as the central nave of the church, with a wooden load-
bearing roof structure.
In the case of the basilican solution, the span of the central and the side naves
had a direct impact on the height of the cornices on which their roof structures
rested, as well as on the height of their ridge. In the case of the central nave, it would
be simple to cover the 5.5 m span using a wooden load-bearing structure of a double-
pitch roof. On the basis of the analysis of the preserved remains, it is far more dif-
ficult to determine the heights of the resting points and of the top of the roof struc-
214 Bo{kovi} 1974, 106–107. ture in the case of the north nave where, having in mind the basilican solution, the

zid izme|u oltarske apside
i prostora ju`nog broda
wall between the presbytery
and the space of the south nave
istaknuto, visina na kojoj su bili oslonci ove konstrukcije nije mogla biti
mawa od 11 m, dok je raspon natkrivawa iznosio oko 5,5 m. Pri tome su ulogu
sredi{wih oslonaca ~itave nose}e konstrukcije bo~nih zidova i natkrivawa
imala jedino dva zidana stupca. Sa ovakvim konstruktivnim odlikama prosto-
ra, koji je navedena konstrukcija trebalo da natkrije, bilo bi veoma te{ko za-
misliti zasvo|avawe. Zbog pretpostavqene visine, kao i bo~nih zidova za ko-
je smatramo da nisu imali odgovaraju}u nosivost, skloni smo zakqu~ku da se
nad sredi{wim brodom dogra|enog dela katedrale nalazila lak{a drvena
konstrukcija.
Na ovom mestu va`no je razmotriti dilemu koju su imali stariji istraì-
va~i o dogra|enom delu katedrale, a ti~e se re{ewa krovnih ravni. \. Bo{ko-
vi} je, {tavi{e, dozvoqavao mogu}nost postojawa kupolne konstrukcije, dok bi
krovne ravni u tom slu~aju bile re{ene bazilikalno ili shodno planu upisa-
nog krsta.214 Me|utim, poloàj i veli~ina zidanih stubaca u naosu, kao i ra-
sponi sredweg i severnog broda, ne ukazuju na mogu}nost formirawa kupolne
konstrukcije. Stoga smatramo da je najlogi~nije re{ewe natkrivawa moglo biti
postignuto primenom bazilikanog odnosa krovnih ravni pojedina~nih pro-
stora dogra|enog dela.
Sli~an problem postavqa se i kada je u pitawu gorwa konstrukcija sever-
nog broda, ~iji je prostor definisan poloàjem masivnog zidanog stupca. Na
taj stubac oslawale su se lu~ne arkade, nejednakog raspona i visine, {to je mo-
glo uzrokovati nejednako optere}ewe na taj oslonac. Usled toga zid iznad ovih
arkada bio je nedovoqno stabilan da primi ve}a optere}ewa. Dodatno optere-
}ivawe pomenutog stupca i arkada, sa pretpostavqenom konstrukcijom svoda
iznad severnog broda, moglo bi da dovede do uru{avawa ~itave konstrukcije.
Imaju}i sve to u vidu, smatramo da je severni brod, sa impozatnim rasponom od
oko 6,5 m, kao i centralni brod crkve, bilo najcelishodnije pokriti drvenom
nose}om konstrukcijom krova. 214 Bo{kovi} 1974, 106–107.
covering could have been made only by using a single-pitch roof over the span of
around 6.5 m. The presumed wooden supports for this roof structure had to be sup-
ported above the crowns of the arcades that separated the space of the north nave
from the naos. In the north wall of this side nave, judging by the earlier described
traces, there were two, relatively small, arch vaulted windows. There is an open
question whether there was another smaller window in the north apse. That possi-
bility is not excluded, but keeping in mind that there was no side sanctuary in the
north nave, which could be concluded by the position of the built tombs, we are
inclined to think that there was no need for any such window.
Attempting to reconstruct the former appearance of the added east section of
the cathedral, in line with the basilican solution, we have also presumed that there
were windows on the side walls of the central nave (fig. 41). With their shape and
dimensions, these windows were most likely similar to the windows in the north
wall and they were located above the supports of the roof plane of the north nave.
Taking into account the height of the central nave’s walls, as well as the dimensions
of these windows, it is possible to determine approximately the height at which they
were made and therefore the height of the ridge of the single-pitch roof of the north
nave.
In our considerations, we have started from an assumption that the height of
the imagined cornice on which arches supporting the dome stood above which
there were the windows of the central nave was at the same level as the cornice above
which the domed arches were built in the older section of the church. From the
exterior side – the support for the rafter of the single-pitch roof of the north nave
most probably stood at the same level with this interior cornice, that is, around 9 m
above the floor of the church,. Through this, we have obtained the relevant ratios
between the walls and the inclination of the roof planes between different parts of
the older and the younger constructions, that is, of the cathedral as a whole.
The said analyses allow us to go back to the considerations of the possible heights
of the masonry pillars, as well as of the arcades between the central and the north
naves – which in many aspects depends on the height at which the roof rafter of the
north nave rested. Having this in mind, the crowns of the arcades may have been
at 5.60 to 6.00 m above the floor, which would suggest that the height of the pillars
in the central nave was around 3.60 m. There was a moulded cornice at that level,
carved out of tufa or breccia and covered in fresco-plaster, which would be suggest-
ed by the findings of several fragments in the debris that were discovered near the
pillars.215
As opposed to the north nave, it is significantly more difficult to determine
how the south nave was envisaged, since this space had never been completely built.
It was narrower than the north nave and it was not foreseen that it should finish
with an apse on the east side. Its width of around 5 m, almost identical to that of the
central nave, was probably caused by the position of the south wall of the older single-
nave church. The characteristics of the ground plan of the south nave suggest that
this was a space envisaged differently from the corresponding space on the north
side. This nave, just like the north one, was separated from the naos by a larger pillar
that had a square base. It can only be imagined what the south-west corner of this nave
215 Field Journal, 12.8.1957. was supposed to look like, since no foundation trenches for the future walls were dug
and 18.7.1956. out during the construction process that was going on in that space. It is reasonable
Raspon centralnog i bo~nih brodova su kod bazilikalnog re{ewa direktno

uticali i na visinu venaca na kojima su bile oslowene wihove krovne kon-
strukcije, kao i na visinu wihovih slemena. Kod centralnog broda je bilo jedno-
stavno premostiti raspon od 5,5 m drvenom nose}om konstrukcijom dvovodnog
krova. Na osnovu analize o~uvanih ostataka, daleko je teè odrediti visine
oslawawa i vrha krovne konstrukcije kod severnog broda gde je, imaju}i u vidu
bazilikalno re{ewe, pokrivawe moglo biti izvedeno jedino jednovodnim kro-
vom, preko raspona od oko 6,5 m. Pretpostavqeni drveni nosa~i ove krovne
konstrukcije su morali biti osloweni iznad temena arkada, kojima je prostor
severnog broda bio odeqen od naosa. U okviru severnog zida ovog bo~nog broda,
sude}i prema ranije opisanim tragovima, postojala su dva, relativno mala, lu~-
no zasvedena prozora. Otvoreno je pitawe da li je i na severnoj apsidi postojao
neki mawi prozor. Ta mogu}nost nije iskqu~ena, ali budu}i da u severnom brodu
nije postojao bo~ni oltar, {to se da zakqu~iti prema poloàju zidanih grob-
nica, skloni smo pomisli da za takvim prozorom nije bilo potrebe.
U poku{aju rekonstrukcije nekada{weg izgleda dogra|enog isto~nog dela
katedrale, u skladu sa bazilikalnim re{ewem, pretpostavili smo i postojawe
prozora na bo~nim zidovima sredweg broda (sl. 41). Oblikom i dimenzijama, ovi
prozori su po svemu sude}i bili sli~ni pomenutim prozorima na severnom
zidu i nalazili su se iznad oslonaca krovne ravni severnog broda. Uzimaju}i
u obzir visinu zidova sredweg broda, kao i dimenzije ovih prozora, moè se
pribli`no odrediti visina na kojoj su oni po~ivali, pa stoga i visina sleme-
na jednovodnog krova severnog broda.
U na{im razmatrawima po{lo se od pretpostavke da je visina zami{qe-
nog venca nad kojim su bili prozori sredweg broda bila u istoj ravni sa ven-
cem iznad koga su formirani potkupolni lukovi u starijem delu crkve. Sa
spoqne strane, u istoj ravni sa ovim unutra{wim vencem, odnosno oko 9 m iz-
nad poda crkve, najverovatnije je leào oslonac nosa~a jednovodnog krova se-
vernog broda. Time su dobijeni odgovaraju}i odnosi zidova i nagiba krovnih
ravni izme|u pojedina~nih delova starije i mla|e gradwe, odnosno katedrale
u celini.
Navedene analize omogu}avaju da se vratimo razmatrawima mogu}ih visina
zidanih stubaca, kao i arkada izme|u sredweg i severnog broda – {to je u mnogo-
me zavisno od visine na kojoj se oslawaju krovni nosa~i severnog broda. Imaju-
}i to u vidu, temena arkada mogla su se nalaziti na 5,60 do 6,00 m iznad poda,
{to bi ukazivalo da je visina stubaca u sredwem brodu iznosila oko 3,60 m. Na
toj ravni nalazio se profilisani venac, klesan od sige ili bre~e i prevu~en
fresko-malterom, na {ta bi ukazivali nalazi nekoliko fragmenata iz {uta,
koji su otkriveni u blizini stubaca.215
Za razliku od severnog, znatno je teè utvrditi kako je bio zami{qen ju`ni
brod, budu}i da ovaj prostor nikada nije do kraja izgra|en. On je bio uì od
severnog broda i nije bilo predvi|eno da sa isto~ne strane bude zavr{en apsi-
dom. Wegova {irina od oko 5 m, gotovo podudarna sa sredwim brodom, verovat-
no je bila uslovqena poloàjem ju`nog zida starije jednobrodne crkve. Odlike
plana ju`nog broda ukazuju na to da je bio druga~ije zami{qen od odgovaraju}eg
prostora sa severne strane. Ovaj brod je, kao i severni, od naosa odeqen ve}im 215 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
stupcem kvadratne osnove. Moè se samo zamisliti kako je jugozapadni ugao 12. avgust 1957. i 18. jul 1956.
to presume that the west wall that was never built was supposed to follow the same
alignment of the corresponding wall of the north nave and that it would join at its
south-east corner the extension of the wall of the older church. The covering of this
nave may have been done using the same principle, as we have presumed in the case
of the north nave.
When it comes to the question of the unattained design related to the arrange-
ment of the interior of the south nave, a complex problem lies in the findings of
columns whose shafts had an octagonal cross-section. Through the reconstruction
of the two columns, in accordance with the revealed parts, we got their height of
around 3.60 m, which corresponds to the presumed height of the masonry pillars
in the central nave (fig. 48). The base of one of these columns has been preserved
in situ, along with the remains of the foundations of a smaller, not finished masonry
pillar, while it is not known where the other column used to be. That column obvi-
ously could not stand in the south-east corner, since there were built tombs in that
place. Since the remains of only two columns have been found, it is certain that
they had to be mutually connected. It seems as the most logical solution to presume
that the other column stood by the large masonry pillar, similarly to the position of
the column whose base was discovered next to the small, originally planned masonry
pillar. Judging by it all, these are parts of an unfinished whole that was not directly
linked to the basic structure of the cathedral. It is difficult to imagine what it looked
like and what its function was. We could not exclude a possibility that it was a part
of some representatively designed funerary feature. There are no closer analogies
for such a phenomenon in the Orthodox town temples in the broader Byzantine
cultural sphere, but certain influence from the areas of the Latin Church could not
be ruled out. Owing to the insufficient tangible traces that have remained after the
construction interventions during the Ottoman rule, as well as the state of the site
itself, further well-founded considerations about the appearance and the structural
solutions within the south nave are no longer possible.
A separate question within our considerations is the fact that as opposed to the
south nave, the central and the north naves were fully completed, painted and
equipped for liturgical services. Such partial use of temples under construction for
liturgical services, uncommon in the Serbian lands, has been documented with a
whole number of examples from the large churches of Apulia, as well as the numer-
ous West European cathedrals whose construction took very long.216 Under such
circumstances, the broad arched openings towards the south nave had to be closed
temporarily. Also, it may be presumed that the space of the south nave was also cov-
ered with some light structure. During the archaeological surveying, however, no
traces were observed that could be linked to an intervention of this kind. The only
remains of the walling in of the arches in the south wall of the central nave have
been quite reliably ascribed to the subsequent Turkish interventions, which does
not preclude a possibility that previously there had already been some wooden par-
titions there.
Regarding the interior arrangement of the cathedral of Novo Brdo, the pre-
served remains and the discoveries so far provide rather scarce data. As it has
already been pointed out, the sanctuary was separated from the naos with a stone
iconostasis whose position has been determined rather reliably. It was situated
216 ânak-Medi} 1997, 94. between the masonry pillars, with the same alignment as their east side. According
ovog broda trebalo da izgleda, budu}i da u procesu gra|ewa na tom prostoru ni-
su bili iskopani ni temeqni rovovi za budu}e zidove. Razlo`no je pretpostavi-
ti da je neizgra|eni zapadni zid trebalo da bude na istom pravcu sa odgovara-
ju}im zidom severnog broda i da se na jugoisto~nom uglu spoji sa produètkom
zida starije crkve. Pokrivawe ovog broda moglo se izvesti po istom princi-
pu, kao {to smo to pretpostavili u slu~aju severnog broda.
Sloèn problem, kada je u pitawu neostvarena zamisao ure|ewa enterije-
ra ju`nog broda, predstavqaju nalazi stubova ~ija su stabla bila oktogonalnog
preseka. Rekonstrukcijom dva stuba, prema otkrivenim delovima, dobijena je
wihova visina od oko 3,60 m, {to odgovara pretpostavqenoj visini zidanih
stubaca sredweg broda (sl. 48). Baza jednog od ovih stubova je o~uvana in situ, uz
ostatke temeqa maweg, neizgra|enog zidanog stupca, dok za drugi stub nije po-
znato gde se nalazio. Taj stub o~igledno nije mogao stajati u jugoisto~nom uglu,
po{to su na tom mestu postojale zidane grobnice. Budu}i da su prona|eni osta-
ci samo dva stuba, izvesno je da su morali biti u me|usobnoj vezi. Kao najlogi~-
nije re{ewe name}e se pretpostavka da je drugi stub stajao uz veliki zidani
stubac, sli~no poloàju stuba ~ija je baza otkrivena uz mawi, prvobitno pla-
nirani zidani stubac. U pitawu su, po svemu sude}i, delovi jedne nedovr{ene
celine, koja nije bila u neposrednoj vezi sa osnovnom konstrukcijom katedra-
le. Te{ko je zamisliti kako je ona izgledala i koja joj je bila funkcija. Ne bi se
mogla iskqu~iti mogu}nost da je bila deo nekog reprezentativno zami{qenog
funerarnog obele`ja. Za takvu pojavu nema bliìh analogija u pravoslavnim
gradskim hramovima {ireg vizantijskog kulturnog kruga, ali se ne bi mogao
iskqu~iti uticaj sa podru~ja latinske crkve. Usled nedovoqnih materijalnih
tragova koji su preostali posle gra|evinskih intervencija u vreme osmanske
vlasti, kao i stawa na samom lokalitetu, daqa utemeqena promi{qawa o izgle-
du i konstruktivnim re{ewima u okviru ju`nog broda vi{e nisu mogu}a.
Posebno pitawe u na{im razmatrawima predstavqa ~iwenica da su za raz-
liku od ju`nog, sredwi i severni brod bili u celini zavr{eni, ìvopisani i
opremqeni za bogosluèwa. Ovako parcijalno kori{}ewe hramova u izgradwi
za bogosluèwe, neuobi~ajeno u srpskim zemqama, dokumentovano je ~itavim
nizom primera iz velikih apulijskih crkava, kao i brojnih zapadnoevropskih
katedrala ~ije je gra|ewe dugo trajalo.216 U takvim okolnostima, {iroki lu~-
ni otvori prema ju`nom brodu morali su biti privremeno zatvoreni. Tako|e
bi se moglo pretpostaviti da je nekom lakom konstrukcijom bio natkriven i
prostor ju`nog broda. Prilikom arheolo{kih istraìvawa, me|utim, nisu
uo~eni tragovi koji bi se mogli povezati sa jednom ovakvom intervencijom. Je-
dini ostaci zazi|ivawa lukova u ju`nom zidu sredweg broda, sasvim pouzdano
su pripisani poznijim turskim intervencijama, {to ne iskqu~uje mogu}nost
da su se tu prethodno nalazile drvene pregrade.
O unutra{wem ure|ewu katedrale Novog Brda o~uvani ostaci i dosada{wa
otkri}a pruàju dosta oskudne podatke. Kao {to je ve} ranije istaknuto, sve-
tili{te je od naosa bilo odvojeno kamenom oltarskom pregradom, ~iji je po-
loàj dosta pouzdano utvr|en. Ona se nalazila izme|u zidanih stubaca, i to u
ravni sa wihovom isto~nom stranom. Prema analizi o~uvanih fragmenata,
mogu}e je zamisliti wen nekada{wi izgled (sl. 51). Oltarska pregrada je ima-
la, po svemu sude}i, {est stubi}a klesanih od bre~e, po tri severno i ju`no od 216 ânak-Medi} 1997, 94.
to an analysis of the preserved fragments, it is possible to imagine its former
appearance (fig. 51). The presbytery screen, most likely, had six pillars carved out
of breccia, three each to the north and south from the royal doors. In the lower sec-
tion, between the pillars, there were parapet slabs, above which there may have
been four larger icons in the intercolumniation. It has remained as an open ques-
tion in which way the altar area was separated from the side naves. Under the arch
on the north side, there used to be built tombs next to which there was probably a
parapet fence. It is significantly more difficult to imagine what this used to look like
from the south side. According to the initial design, the passage under the arch
between the pillar and the east wall, which was closed off towards the unfinished
south nave with the presumed temporary wooden structure, was probably due to
get a parapet partition. The discovered remains, which are going to be talked about
further on, suggest that this space had a funerary purpose also within the original
design for the south nave. A similar problem appears when attempting to define the
function of the north nave. We get an impression that it was first imagined as a para-
clise with a side sanctuary, which would be suggested by the apse on the east side.
However, in the place where the oblation table should stand, an interment has been
discovered which opens a question as to whether this was a part of the original
design or the design was simply negated by this interment.
Architectural characteristics of the added section of the cathedral

The basilican solution for the ground plan of the east part of the cathedral, with a
simplified three-nave ground plan, stands out with its somewhat unusual propor-
tions, that is, the smaller length of the added space in comparison to the width (with
the ratio of 14 : 21 m or 2 : 3). Such a proportional ratio was caused by the available
surface area, since the expansion towards the east was limited by the proximity of
the hillock’s slope, as well as the obvious desire to enlarge significantly the space of
the cathedral. According to our reconstruction, the ratio of the height of the cen-
tral nave to its length was pronounced with the scale of 1 : 1, which corresponds to
the simplified global solution for the ground plan of the added section of the cathe-
dral. The structural solution for the covering of the east section of the cathedral was
adjusted to the specificities of its ground plan, primarily to its proportional scheme.
The disproportionately large width of the side north nave in comparison to the central
nave led to more simplified solutions when selecting the type of covering structure
which, as we have already pointed out, influenced the lack of vaulted structures.
With the characteristics of its architecture, the added east section differed sig-
nificantly from the older west section of the temple. This was not only because of
the basilican solution for the ground plan and in connection with that the solution
for the roof structures – which was unusual in the then Serbian sacral architecture
– but also because of the shaping up of its exterior appearance. There was no relief
decoration on the facades of the added section of the cathedral or rhythmical ver-
tical and horizontal divisions of the facades with multiply projecting pilasters and
cordon-cornices, which was characteristic of the architecture of the Moravan
Serbia. There is similarity only when it comes to the building of the facade faces
using alternation of the rows of stone in two colours which was, as it appears,
caused by the aspiration to link visually the added section to the older part of the
temple. The decorative finish of the facades using different colour ashlars, laid into
carskih dveri. U dowem delu, izme|u stubi}a, bile su parapetne plo~e, iznad
kojih su se u interkolumnijama mogle nalaziti ~etiri ve}e ikone. Ostalo je
otvoreno pitawe na koji na~in je oltarski prostor bio izdvojen od bo~nih bro-
dova. Pod lukom sa severne strane nalazile su zidane grobnice, uz koje je vero-
vatno postojala parapetna ograda. Kako je to izgledalo sa ju`ne strane, znatno je
teè zamisliti. Prolaz pod lukom izme|u stupca i isto~nog zida, koji je pre-
ma nezavr{enom ju`nom brodu bio zatvoren pretpostavqenom privremenom
drvenom konstrukcijom, prema prvobitnoj zamisli verovatno je trebalo da do-
bije parapetnu predgradu. Otkriveni ostaci, o kojima }e daqe biti re~i, uka-
zuju na to da je ovaj prostor imao funerarnu namenu i u okviru prvobitne za-
misli ju`nog broda. Sli~an problem se postavqa i pri poku{aju definisawa
funkcije severnog broda. Ima se utisak da je najpre bio zami{qen kao para-
klis sa bo~nim oltarom, na {ta bi ukazivala apsida sa isto~ne strane. Me|u-
tim, na mestu gde bi trebalo da stoji ~asna trpeza, otkriven je grobni ukop, {to
otvara pitawe da li je to bio deo prvobitne zamisli, ili je ona ovim ukopom
bila negirana.
Odlike arhitekture dogra|enog dela katedrale

Bazilikalno re{ewe plana isto~nog dela katedrale, upro{}ene trobrodne
osnove, izdvaja se svojim unekoliko neuobi~ajenim proporcijama, odnosno ma-
wom duìnom dogra|enog prostora u odnosu na {irinu (sa odnosom 14 : 21 m
ili 2 : 3). Takav proporcijski odnos bio je uslovqen raspoloìvom povr{i-
nom, budu}i da je {irewe ka istoku bilo ograni~eno blizinom padine brega,
kao i o~iglednom èqom da se prostor katedrale znatnije uve}a. Odnos visine
centralnog broda prema wegovoj duìni, prema na{oj rekonstrukciji, bio je
izraèn srazmerom 1 : 1, {to odgovara upro{}enom globalnom re{ewu plana
dogra|enog dela katedrale. Konstruktivno re{ewe natkrivawa isto~nog dela
katedrale je prilago|eno specifi~nostima wenog plana, pre svega wegovoj pro-
porcijskoj shemi. Nesrazmerno velika {irina bo~nog severnog broda u odnosu
na centralni dovela je do upro{}enijih re{ewa pri izboru vrste konstrukci-
je natkrivawa {to je, kao {to smo ve} istakli, uticalo na izostanak svodnih
konstrukcija.
Odlikama svoje arhitekture dogra|eni isto~ni deo bitno se razlikovao od
starijeg zapadnog dela hrama. U pitawu je ne samo bazilikalno re{ewe plana,
a sa tim u vezi i re{ewe krovnih konstrukcija – {to je bilo neuobi~ajeno u
onovremenom srpskom sakralnom graditeqstvu – ve} i oblikovawe spoqnog iz-
gleda. Na fasadama dogra|enog dela katedrale nije postojao reqefni ukras,
niti ritmi~na vertikalna i horizontalna podela fasada vi{estruko isture-
nim pilastrima i kordon-vencima, {to je bilo karakteristi~no za graditeq-
stvo Moravske Srbije. Sli~nost postoji jedino kada je re~ o zidawu fasadnih
lica alternacijom redova kamena u dve boje {to je, kako izgleda, bilo uslovqe-
no te`wom da se dogra|eni deo vizuelno poveè sa starijim delom hrama. Deko-
rativna obrada fasada tesanicima razli~ite boje, sloènim u naizmeni~ne
redove, karakteristi~na za romani~ku arhitekturu Primorja,217 predstavqala
je, kao {to je ve} istaknuto, jednu od bitnih odlika srpskih vladarskih zadu`-
bina tokom prve polovine 14. veka. Polihromne, odnosno dvobojne fasade no- 217 Kora} 1965, 47–52, 70–73, 78–82;
vobrdske katedrale, kako wenog starijeg tako i mla|eg dela, svakako bi trebalo ânak-Medi} 1989, 179–192, 203–229.
alternating rows, characteristic of the Romanesque architecture of the Coastal
Region,217 represented, as it has already been pointed out, one of the important fea-
tures of the Serbian rulers’ endowments during the first half of the 14th century.
The polychromous, that is, the two-colour facades of the Novo Brdo cathedral, both
of its older and its younger sections, should certainly be seen as a coastal influence,
as well as the using of the monumental achievements of the then Serbian architec-
ture as the paragon.
On this occasion we are not going to go into more detailed consideration of the
numerous examples from the area of the Serbian coastal region and the Western
Mediterranean in a broader sense of meaning, that are close to the finish of the
facades of the added section of the Novo Brdo cathedral. Among the monuments that
are geographically close to us, we could set apart basilica B within the complex of the
Ratac Abbey near Sutomore. On the facades of this monumental, albeit unfinished
edifice, built around the middle of the 14th century, the striking artistic feature is
the alternation of the rows of pink and grey-white ashlars, as well as absence of any
other elements, such as pilasters or cordon-cornices.218 The structure of the Roma-
nesque windows was done in a similar manner, with emphasized window lintels and
sills, while ashlars in the extension of the rows at the appropriate heights were used
for the window jambs. Similarly finished facades, using rows of grey and pink ashlars,
may also be found in Kotor’s churches of the St Mary and St Martin, and of St
Anne,219 as well as in the former Franciscan Church in Bar.220
The system of wooden roof structures, based on the traditions of the early
Romanesque basilicas of the Apennine Peninsula, had its certain advantages. Primarily,
it should be pointed out that there was a possibility of increasing the span of the
edifice without any need for the central structural supports. On the other hand,
that system also allowed for faster and less expensive building. As opposed to the
Serbian architecture, dominated by vaults and domes, the wooden roof structures
were characteristic of the single-nave temples of the monastic orders, the Domini-
cans and the Franciscans, as well as of larger sacral edifices.221 Such a covering
solution was also presumed in the case of the added section of the Novo Brdo cathe-
dral that could be similar to the roof structure in the three-nave Church of the Saints
Sergius and Bacchus by the Bojana river,222 Cathedral of St Theodor in Bar, as well
as in some other temples of the Serbian coastal region.
For the large width of the north nave of the Novo Brdo cathedral, of around
6.5 m, it is more difficult to find related solutions for the structural assembly, in
which the side naves of the basilicas have such pronounced spans, almost equal to
that of the central nave. In those terms, perhaps the most similar solutions are
those used for the covering of the side naves of cathedrals in urban centres of
217
medieval Apulia.223 The spans of the side naves of the cathedrals in Otranto, Bari
Kora} 1965, 47–52, 70–73, 78–82;
ânak-Medi} 1989, 179–192, 203–229.
and Trani, with the width between 5 and 6 m, were apparently designed from the
218 Bo{kovi}, Kora} 1956–1957, 53.
very beginning for their covering with a roof structure.
219 ânak-Medi} 1989, 179–233. The afore-presented considerations clearly show that the new east section of the
220 Bo{kovi} 1962, 103–116. Novo Brdo cathedral has no related parallels in the Serbian medieval architecture,
221 Kora} 1965, 185. but rather that it was built modelling similar sacral edifices in the more developed
222 Kora} 1965, 32. coastal towns. In addition to the architectural features, this is also suggested by the
223 Belli d’Elia 1987, 121–138, 139–194, numerous built tomb structures intended for the burials of the citizens of Novo Brdo,
281–313. which constituted a novelty in the Serbian funerary practice.
posmatrati kao primorski uticaj, ali i kao ugledawe na monumentalna ostva-

rewa onovremenog srpskog graditeqstva.
Ovom prilikom ne}emo zalaziti u detaqnije razmatrawe brojnih prime-
ra sa podru~ja Zetskog primorja i Zapadnog Mediterana u {irem smislu, koji
su bliski obradi fasada dogra|enog dela novobrdske katedrale. Me|u spome-
nicima koji su nam geografski bliski, mogli bismo izdvojiti baziliku B u
kompleksu manastira Bogorodice Rata~ke kod Sutomora. Na fasadama ovog mo-
numentalnog, nezavr{enog zdawa, gra|enog sredinom 14. veka, upe~atqiva li-
kovna karakteristika fasada je smena redova tesanika ruì~aste i sivobele
boje, kao i odsutsvo drugih elemenata, kao {to bi bili pilastri ili kordon-
venci.218 Konstrukcija romani~kih prozora je izvedena na sli~an na~in, sa
nagla{enim natprozornicima i potprozornicima, dok su za doprozornike is-
kori{}eni tesanici u produècima redova na odgovaraju}im visinama. Sli~-
no obra|ene fasade, redovima tesanika sive i ruì~aste boje, imaju kotorske
crkve Svete Marije i Svetog Martina, odnosno Svete Ane,219 kao i nekada{wa
Fraweva~ka crkva u Baru.220
Sistem drvenih krovnih konstrukcija, zasnovan na tradicijama ranoroma-
ni~kih bazilika Apeninskog poluostrva, imao je svoja odre|ena preimu}stva.
Tu bi na prvom mestu trebalo ista}i mogu}nost pove}awa raspona gra|evine
bez potrebe sredwih konstruktivnih oslonaca. Sa druge strane, taj sistem je
omogu}avao brè i jevtinije gra|ewe. Za razliku od srpskog graditeqstva, gde
su dominirali svodovi i kupole, drvene krovne konstrukcije bile su karakte-
risti~ne za jednobrodne hramove mona{kih redova, dominikanaca i i frawe-
vaca, ali i za ve}a sakralna zdawa.221 Takvo re{ewe natkrivawa pretpostavqe-
no je i kod dogra|enog dela novobrdske katedrale, koje je moglo biti sli~no
krovnoj konstrukciji na trobrodnoj crkvi Svetih Sergija i Vakha na Boja-
ni,222 katedrali Svetog Teodora u Baru, kao i nekim drugim hramovima zetskog
primorja.
Za veliku {irinu severnog broda novobrdske katedrale, od oko 6,5 m, teè
je prona}i srodna re{ewa konstruktivnog sklopa, kod kojih bo~ni brodovi ba-
zilika imaju tako izraène raspone, gotovo jednake kao i centralni brod. U tom
smislu, mo`da su najsli~nija re{ewa kojima je ostvareno natkrivawe bo~nih
brodova katedrala u urbanim centrima sredwovekovne Apulije.223 Rasponi
bo~nih brodova katedrala u Otrantu, Bariju, i Traniju, {irine izme|u 5 i 6 m,
bili su, po svemu sude}i, od po~etka predodre|eni za wihovo natkrivawe drve-
nom konstrukcijom.
Napred izloèna razmatrawa jasno pokazuju da je novi isto~ni deo novo-
brdske katedrale bez bliìh paralela u srpskom sredwovekovnom graditeq-
stvu, ve} da je podignut po uzoru na sli~na sakralna zdawa razvijenijih primor-
skih gradova. Osim odlika arhitekture, na to ukazuju i brojne zidane grobne
konstrukcije, namewene sahrawivawu gra|ana Novog Brda, {to je predstavqalo 218 Bo{kovi}, Kora} 1956–1957, 53.
novinu u srpskoj funerarnoj praksi. 219 ânak-Medi} 1989, 179–233.
220 Bo{kovi} 1962, 103–116.
221 Kora} 1965, 185.
222 Kora} 1965, 32.
223Belli d’Elia 1987, 121–138, 139–194,
281–313.
154
Burials at the cathedral
D URING THE MULTI-YEAR archaeological surveying, 970 graves and grave

structures were found. The recorded graves do not include the disturbed and scat-
tered skeletal remains that suggest a significantly higher number of former burials.
These findings have, unfortunately, remained unpublished, while the field docu-
mentation has been preserved only partially, so it may hardly be expected that these
findings will be analyzed in the future. Also, there are no detailed data on the skeletal
remains from the devastated built tomb structures, so it is possible to get only a par-
tial insight as regards the number of buried individuals in some of these graves. Since
we do not have the data that would be of importance for our topic, we have limited
ourselves mostly to the considerations of the grave structures and the interments
within the cathedral’s walls. There, on the basis of the available documentation, it
was possible to set apart three basic burial horizons, from the first interments at the
necropolis to the burials that took place at the cathedral itself (fig. 56 and 57).
The burials next to the small single-nave church, within the original, fenced-off
area of the necropolis would correspond to the oldest horizon. After the building of
the cathedral, both of the older and the younger sections, numerous graves were
cut through with the digging of the foundations or they found themselves to be
within cathedral’s walls. A number of older, well preserved graves were found in the
south part of the necropolis where, at the time when the older, west section of the
cathedral was being built, the terrain was filled by over one metre and thus during
the younger interments those graves remained undisturbed. In the north part of
the former necropolis, where the delevelling of the terrain was done, as a part of the
preparations for the building of the new church, most of the older graves were
224 Graves 70, 71, 72 and 73; destroyed or removed. In the north nave of the older section of the cathedral, four
Field Journal, 12.8.1958. grave pits were revealed,224 dug into the crumbly rock, but with no remains of the
225 Graves 80, 81 and 83; deceased, and the same phenomenon was observed in the south nave as well.225
Field Journal, 19.8.1958. These were probably exhumations, aimed at transferring the remains of the de-
226
A note from the Field Journal, ceased to another location. The foundation of the south part of the cathedral’s west
30.8.1962: “cleaned grave 737,
which goes under the foundations of the
wall cut through several older interments. In the case of one grave in this cluster
cathedral. The skeleton is damaged. (grave 737), with the finding of some coins of Jakov, nobleman of Vuk Brankovi},
There is no skull, part of the scapula it was noticed that it partially went under the west wall,226 which pointed at a sup-
and the left arm … The grave is cut into
position that the burial was before the building of this wall. The mentioned coin
a schistose rock. A silver coin has been
found in the left section of the rib cage specimens, dated roughly back to the eighties of the 14th century,227 led the re-
(inv. no. 319).” searchers to date the building of the said wall to the time after the interment of this
227 Ivani{evi} 2001, 170. grave, which would consequently suggest that the time when the older section of
228 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 262–263. the cathedral of was built should be moved closer to the end of the 14th century.228
155
Sahrawivawe u katedrali
T OKOM VI[EGODI[WIH arheolo{kih istraìvawa otkriveno je 970

grobova i grobnih konstrukcija. Me|u evidentirane grobove nisu ukqu~eni po-
reme}eni i rasuti skeletni ostaci, koji ukazuju na znatno ve}i broj nekada-
{wih sahrana. Ovi nalazi su, naàlost, ostali nepublikovani, a terenska do-
kumentacija samo je delimi~no sa~uvana, tako da se te{ko moè o~ekivati da
ti nalazi u budu}nosti budu obra|eni. Tako|e nema ni detaqnijih podataka o
skeletnim ostacima iz devastiranih zidanih grobnih konstrukcija, tako da je
mogu}e ste}i samo delimi~an uvid o broju sahrawenih pokojnika u pojedinim
od ovih grobnica. Budu}i da se ne raspolaè svim onim podacima, koji bi bi-
li od zna~aja za na{u temu, ograni~ili smo se, uglavnom, na razmatrawa grob-
nih konstrukcija i ukopa u okviru zidova katedrale. Tu je, na osnovu raspoloì-
ve dokumentacije, bilo mogu}e izdvojiti tri osnovna horizonta sahrawivawa,
od prvih ukopa na nekropoli, pa do sahrana koje su vr{ene u samoj katedrali
(sl. 56 i 57).
Najstarijem horizontu odgovarali bi ukopi uz malu jednobrodnu crkvu, u
okviru prvobitnog, ogra|enog areala nekropole. Nakon gra|ewa katedrale, ka-
ko starijeg tako i mla|eg dela, brojni grobovi bili su prese~eni ukopima te-
meqa, ili su se na{li u okviru wenih zidova. Niz starijih, dobro o~uvanih
grobova otkriven je u ju`nom delu nekropole, gde je teren u vreme gra|ewa sta-
rijeg, zapadnog dela katedrale bio nasut za preko jedan metar, tako da su pri-
likom mla|ih ukopa ti grobovi ostali neporeme}eni. Na severnom delu neka-
da{we nekropole, gde je obavqena denivelacija terena, u sklopu priprema za
gra|ewe nove crkve, ve}ina starijih grobova bila je uni{tena ili uklowena. 224 Grobovi 70, 71, 72 i 73;
U severnom brodu starijeg dela katedrale otkrivene su ~etiri grobne rake,224 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
ukopane u tro{nu stenu ali bez ostataka pokojnika, a ista pojava je uo~ena i u 12. avgust 1958.
ju`nom brodu.225 U pitawu su verovatno bile ekshumacije, radi prenosa zemnih 225 Grobovi 80, 81 i 83;
ostataka pokojnika na drugu lokaciju. Temeqom ju`nog dela zapadnog zida ka- Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
19. avgust 1958.
tedrale prese~eno je nekoliko starijih grobnih ukopa. Za jedan grob u ovoj sku- 226 Navod iz Dnevnika arheolo{kih
pini (grob 737), sa nalazom novca Jakova, vlastelina Vuka Brankovi}a, uo~eno iskopavawa, 30. avgust 1962:
je da se delom podvla~i pod zapadni zid,226 {to je ukazivalo na pretpostavku „o~i{}en je grob 737, koji se podvla~i
da je sahrana obavqena pre gra|ewa ovog zida. Pomenuti primerak novca, vre- pod temeqe katedrale. Kostur je o{te}en.
Nema lobawe, dela ramewa~e i leve
menski okvirno opredeqen u osamdesete godine 14. veka,227 naveo je istraì-
ruke… Grob je use~en u {kriqastu stenu.
va~e da datuju gra|ewe pomenutog zida posle ukopa ovog groba, {to bi posle- U levom delu grudnog ko{a na|en je
di~no ukazivalo da vreme podizawa starijeg dela katedrale treba pomeriti srebreni nov~i} (inv. br. 319).“
bliè kraju 14. veka.228 îwenica da je pomenuti grob delom podvu~en pod za- 227 Ivani{evi} 2001, 170.
padni zid, a ne prese~en wegovim temeqima kao susedni grobovi, relativizuje 228 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 262–263.
Sl. 56. Grobni ukopi uz oltarsku The fact that the mentioned grave partially goes under the west wall and that it is
apsidu (1959. godine) not cut through with the latter’s foundations as the neighbouring graves, relativizes
Sl. 57. Grobni ukopi uz isto~ni the possibility of reaching such a conclusion. A similar case is the well-preserved
ogradni zid nekropole (1959. godine) grave 474, which partially went under the foundations of the west wall, in front of
the main entrance into the cathedral.229 Therefore, we are prone to the supposition
Fig. 56. Interments along that these two graves actually represent later-date interments that were partially
the presbytery (1959) placed under the wall of the temple on purpose. Another similar case in this same
Fig. 57. Interments along the east necropolis was with graves 172 and 173, that go under the west wall of the north
boundary wall of the necropolis (1959) nave of the added section of the cathedral, and during their interment the founda-
tion itself was damaged.
After the building of the Church of St Nicholas, that is, of the older west sec-
tion of the cathedral, the burying in the necropolis continued. South from the new
church, most of the graves were predominantly dug in into the new levelling fill
layer. The burials were also done in the expanded west part of the necropolis, in the
fill that covered the remains of the earlier boundary wall on that side. It appears
that rather intensive burying also took place in the east part of the necropolis.
Several graves have been surveyed there and they were interred in a “fan-like” form
towards the original apse of the Church of St Nicholas, following its shape.230 The
graves that were, like the previous group, revealed in the altar area of the added sec-
tion of the cathedral would also correspond to the first or the second horizon.231 A
number of older graves also come from the same period and these were cut through
with the foundations of the presbytery of the added section.
As opposed to the graves in the open section of the necropolis which, consid-
ering successive fillings,232 may be to a large extent designated stratigraphically to
229 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1960, 161. the first or the second burial horizon, the interments in the older section of the
230 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 265–266; cathedral constitute a significantly more complex problem. First, there is a question
graves no. 48–52. as to whether any burials took place at the Church of St Nicholas at all before the
231 Graves no. 22–26. adding of the east section. It is difficult to come up with reliable conclusions on this
232 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 264–265. issue on the basis of incomplete and only partially preserved field documentation,
mogu}nost dono{ewa ovakvog zakqu~ka. Sli~an slu~aj je i sa dobro o~uvanim

grobom 474, koji je bio delom podvu~en ispod temeqa zapadnog zida, ispred
glavnog ulaza u katedralu.229 Skloni smo, stoga, pretpostavci da oba ova groba
zapravo pretstavqaju poznije ukope, koji su namerno jednim delom podvu~eni
pod zid hrama. Na istoj ovoj nekropoli sli~an slu~aj je bio i sa grobovima 172
i 173, koji se podvla~e pod zapadni zid severnog broda dogra|enog dela kate-
drale, pri ~emu je prilikom wihovog ukopa i sam temeq bio o{te}en.
Nakon podizawa crkve Svetog Nikole, odnosno starijeg zapadnog dela ka-
tedrale sahrawivawe na nekropoli je nastavqeno. Ju`no od nove crkve, ve}i-
na grobova bila je prete`no ukopana u novi nivelacioni nasipni sloj. Sahra-
ne su vr{ene i u pro{irenom zapadnom delu nekropole, u nasipu kojim su bili
zasuti ostaci ranijeg ogradnog zida sa te strane. Izgleda da je dosta intenzivno
sahrawivawe vr{eno i u isto~nom delu nekropole. Tu je istraèno nekoliko
grobova, koji su bili „lepezasto“ ukopani prema prvobitnoj apsidi crkve Sve-
tog Nikole, prate}i wen oblik.230 Prvom ili drugom horizontu odgovarali bi
i grobovi koji su, kao i prethodna skupina, otkriveni u oltarskom prostoru
dogra|enog dela katedrale.231 Iz istog razdobqa poti~e i niz starijih grobova,
koji su bili prese~eni temeqima oltarske apside dogra|enog dela.
Za razliku od grobova na otvorenom delu nekropole koji se, s obzirom na
sukcesivna nasipawa,232 dobrim delom mogu stratigrafski opredeliti u prvi
ili drugi horizont sahrawivawa grobni ukopi u starijem delu katedrale pred-
stavqaju znatno sloèniji problem. Kao prvo, postavqa se pitawe da li je u cr-
kvi Svetog Nikole, pre dogradwe isto~nog dela, uop{te vr{eno sahrawivawe.
O tom problemu te{ko je donositi pouzdane zakqu~ke na osnovu nepotpune i
samo delimi~no o~uvane terenske dokumentacije, kao i ~iwenice da se gotovo
po pravilu radi o ukopima bez grobnih priloga, ili grobovima koji su naknad-
no pqa~kani. Prema odre|enim stratigrafskim zapaàwima, kao i poloàju
u okviru prvobitnog dela hrama, starijem horizontu sahrawivawa najverovat-
nije pripadaju grobovi otkriveni u potkupolnom prostoru i sredi{wem delu
zapadnog traveja.233 Vaqa napomenuti da je na tom prostoru, sude}i po nalazi-
ma brojnih kostiju rasturenih skeleta, bilo znatno vi{e starijih grobova, ko-
ji su uni{teni poznijim turskim ukopima. Sistemom eliminacije, mogu}e je
izdvojiti i neke grobove za koje se moè pouzdano tvrditi da pripadaju najmla-
|em horizontu, odnosno vremenu posle dogradwe isto~nog dela katedrale. Tu bi
na prvom mestu bile zidane grobnice, koje su kao vid sahrawivawa karakteri-
sti~ne za ovo razdobqe.234 Za grobove ukopane uz bo~ne zidove, od kojih se ve}i-
na nalazi u prostoru ju`nog broda, te{ko je odrediti da li poti~u iz vremena
pre ili posle dogradwe isto~nog dela katedrale. Prema na~inu sahrawivawa,
oni se me|usobno uop{te ne razlikuju. Kod ve}ine, grobne rake koritastog ob-
lika bile su use~ene u {kriqasto stenovito tlo, a ista pojava uo~ena je i kod
dubqe ukopanih grobova starijeg horizonta sahrawivawa na nekropoli. Kod go- 229 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1960, 161.
tovo svih ovih grobova, kod kojih su arheolo{ki ostaci boqe o~uvani, otkri- 230 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 265–266;
veni su tragovi drveta, a ~esto i gvozdeni klinovi, {to svedo~i da su sahrane grobovi br. 48–52.
pokojnika vr{ene u drvenim kov~ezima. 231 Grobovi br. 22–26.
U pomenutoj skupini iz starijeg dela katedrale, od ukupno 18 grobova 12 232 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1962, 264–265.
ih je bilo o~uvano, dok su ostali bili raskopani, uglavnom prilikom turske 233 Grobovi br. 62, 65–69, 82, 87, 88 i 89.
pqa~ke. Za na{a razmatrawa od posebnog su interesa preostali neporeme}eni 234 Grobnice 2, 3, 4, 14 i 76.
as well as the fact that these were almost by the rule interments with no grave goods
or graves that were subsequently looted. According to certain stratigraphic obser-
vations, as well as the position within the original section of the temple, the graves
found in the subdomical space and in the central section of the west bay most prob-
ably belong to the older burial horizon.233 It needs to be pointed out that, judging
by the findings of numerous bones of dispersed skeletons, there were significantly
more older graves in this space that were destroyed with subsequent Turkish inter-
ments. Using the system of elimination, it is also possible to set apart some graves
for which it may reliably be claimed that they belong to the youngest horizon, that
is, to the period after the extension of the east section of the cathedral. These would
be primarily the built tombs, which, as the burial form, were characteristic of this
period.234 For the graves interred along the side walls, most of which are in the sec-
tion of the south nave, it is difficult to determine whether they come from the period
before or after the extension of the east section of the cathedral. They do not differ
at all according to the manner of burial. In the case of most of them, the cylindrical
shape graves were cut into the schistose ground and the same phenomenon was also
noticed in the case of the more deeply interred graves of the older horizon of the
burials in the necropolis. In the case of almost all of these graves, in which the
archaeological remains are better preserved, traces of wood have been revealed and
often iron wedges as well, which constitutes a proof that the deceased were buried
in wooden coffins.
In the above-mentioned group from the older section of the cathedral, out of a
total of 18 graves, 12 of them have been preserved, while the remaining ones were
unearthed, mostly during the Turkish looting. Particularly interesting for our con-
siderations are the remaining undisturbed interments that stand out with more
complex burials or grave goods. In grave 54, beside the south wall, remains of two
burials were noticed. At the lower level, a child skeleton buried in a wooden coffin
was revealed and above it the remains of a damaged male skeleton with a silver ring
on his right hand, which was one of the rare grave goods found in the cathedral.235
A little farther, in the nearby grave 75, at the depth of 1.45 m, skeletons of two
deceased persons were found and it was possible to establish reliably that they were
buried at the same time, in the same wooden coffin.236 A similar occurrence of
burying two persons in the same coffin was also discovered in the neighbouring
grave 77. It was recorded that these skeletons lied one on top of the other. The lower
one belonged to an adult, while the upper skeleton could correspond to an older
child or a woman. It is particularly interesting to underline the observation that the
arms of the lower person were put around the upper one, next to the skeleton of which
233 Graves no. 62, 65–69, 82, 87, 88
there were traces of silver embroidery with two silver decorative ball-buttons.237 In
and 89.
234 the neighbouring grave 78, interred next to the south wall, skeletons of three suc-
Graves 2, 3, 4, 14 and 76.
235 Ze~evi} 2006, 206 (inv. no. 5074);
cessively buried individuals were found. The first burial, at the depth of 1.36 m, was
Field Journal, 6–7.8.1958. done in the grave pit into the schistose rock. Next to this deceased, there was an
236 Field Journal, 18.8.1958. obol of Despot Stefan.238 Above this one, there was another skeleton, while the
237 Field Journal, 19.8.1958. third one was discovered at the depth of 1.23 m.239 In the soil used to cover this
238 Ivani{evi}, Radi} 2004, 238, br. 31. youngest skeleton, a silver dinar of Prince Lazar was found.240 Coins were found in
239 Field Journal, 20.8.1958. two more graves in this group that were interred in the south nave. In grave 84,
240 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 274–275. which was partially disturbed with a later-date interment, an obol of Despot \ur|e
241 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 300. was found,241 while in grave 86, closer to the west wall, six more coin pieces were
0 5m
Sl. 58. Katedrala Svetog Nikole, osnova posle dogradwe isto~nog dela
sa pretpostavqenim rasporedom nadgrobnih plo~a u ravni poda (R = 1 : 200)
Fig. 58. St Nicholas Cathedral, plan after the addition of the eastern part
with presumed distribution of the grave slabs at the level of the floor (S = 1 : 200)
ukopi, koji se izdvajaju sloènijom sahranom ili grobnim prilozima. U gro-

bu 54, uz ju`ni zid, uo~eni su ostaci dve sahrane. U nièm nivou otkriven je
de~iji skelet sahrawen u drvenom sanduku, a iznad wega ostaci o{te}enog mu-
{kog skeleta, na ~ijoj se desnoj ruci nalazio srebrni prsten, jedan od retkih
grobnih priloga otkrivenih u katedrali.235 Ne{to daqe, u obli`wem grobu 75,
na dubini od 1,45 m, otkriveni su skeleti dva pokojnika, za koje se moglo pou-
zdano utvrditi da su bili jednovremeno sahraweni, u istom drvenom sandu-
ku.236 Sli~na pojava sahrane dva pokojnika u istom sanduku otkrivena je i u su-
sednom grobu 77. Zabeleèno je da su ti skeleti leàli jedan preko drugog.
235 Ze~evi} 2006, 206 (inv. br. 5074);
Dowi je pripadao odrasloj osobi, dok je gorwi skelet mogao odgovarati odrasli-
Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
jem detetu ili èni. Posebno je zanimqivo zapaàwe da je rukama dowe osobe
6–7. avgust 1958.
bila obgrqena gorwa, uz ~iji skelet je bilo tragova veza od srme sa dva srebrna 236 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
puceta.237 U susednom grobu 78, ukopanom uz ju`ni zid, otkriveni su skeleti 18. avgust 1958.
tri sukcesivno sahrawena pokojnika. Prva sahrana, na dubini 1,36 m, izvr{e- 237 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
na je u grobnoj raci ukopanoj u {kriqastu stenu. Uz ovog pokojnika nalazio se 19. avgust 1958.
1–1
2–2
Sl. 59. Katedrala Svetog Nikole, grobnice i grobni ukopi ispod ravni poda:
I. osnova – a) zidane grobnice; b) grobne rake ukopane u stenovito tlo;
s) ukopi grobova u nasipni sloj; d) ukopi starijih grobova pre gra|ewa crkve;
II. popre~ni preseci (R = 1 : 200)
Fig. 59. St Nicholas Cathedral, tombs and grave interments below the level of the floor:
I. ground plan – a) built tombs; b) grave pits dug into the rocky ground;
c) grave interments into the fill layer; d) interments of the older graves before
the building of the church; II. cross-sections (S = 1 : 200)
discovered placed by the deceased in a leather pouch. Among them, there was a silver
dinar of “Master” \ur|e, minted before 1427, then two Turkish coins, most prob-
ably of Murad II (1421–1451),242 while we have no data for the remaining three.243
The given examples of the interments from the older section of the cathedral
do not provide sufficient elements for their dating to the time before the extension
of its east section.
Taking into consideration that they concern a relatively short period of time of
only several decades, the coin finds could not provide a safe base for reaching any
reliable conclusions. The finding of the coins of Prince Lazar might suggest a pos-
sibility that there were burials in the cathedral even before the addition of the east
section, but all other numismatic findings fit more to the youngest burial horizon.
When it comes to the burying in Novo Brdo’s cathedral temple, the key change
was brought by the construction of the east section (fig. 59). Even when this space,
that was envisaged as a three-nave one, was first designed, there were plans to build
in a larger number of graves. These were obviously family tombs intended for several
burials. Most of these built grave structures were made at the same time when the
242
Inv. no. 359/1958; east section of the cathedral was extended. Since the whole temple was based on
Ivani{evi}, Radi} 2004, 240. rocky terrain, the graves could not be dug in the entire surface, so they were made
243 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 295. in those places where the irregular rocky base allowed it. In the places where this
0 5m
obol despota Stefana.238 Iznad wega bio je drugi skelet, dok je tre}i otkriven
na dubini od 1,23 m.239 U zemqi kojom je bio zasut ovaj najmla|i skelet otkri-
ven je srebreni dinar kneza Lazara.240 Nalaza novca bilo je u jo{ dva groba ove
skupine, koji su se nalazili ukopani u ju`nom brodu. U grobu 84, koji je delimi~-
no bio poreme}en kasnijim ukopom, na|en je obol despota \ur|a,241 a u grobu 86,
bliè zapadnom zidu, {est komada novca, koji su u ko`noj kesi bili priloè-
ni uz pokojnika. Me|u wima bio je jedan srebrni dinar „gospodina“ \ur|a, ko-
van pre 1427. godine, zatim dva turska, verovatno Murata II (1421–1451),242 dok
za preostala tri nemamo podataka.243
Navedeni primeri ukopa iz starijeg dela katedrale ne pruàju dovoqno
elemenata za wihovo datovawe u vreme pre dogradwe wenog isto~nog dela. Na-
lazi novca, budu}i da se radi o relativno kratkom vremenskom razdobqu od 238 Ivani{evi}, Radi} 2004, 238, br. 31.
svega nekoliko decenija, ne bi mogli biti siguran oslonac za dono{ewe pouzda- 239 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
nih zakqu~aka. Nalaz novca kneza Lazara mo`da bi ukazivao na mogu}nost da se 20. avgust 1958.
u katedrali sahrawivalo i pre dogradwe isto~nog dela, ali svi ostali numizma- 240 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 274–275.
ti~ki nalazi, vi{e odgovaraju najmla|em horizontu sahrawivawa. 241 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 300.
Kada je u pitawu sahrawivawe u novobrdskom katedralnom hramu, kqu~nu 242Terenski inventar 359/1958;
promenu je donela izgradwa isto~nog dela (sl. 59). U ovom, trobrodno zami- Ivani{evi}, Radi} 2004, 240.
{qenom prostoru, jo{ prilikom zasnivawa je bila planirana ugradwa ve}eg 243 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 295.

aksonometrijski presek
zidane grobnice 26
axonometric cross-section 0 2m
of built tomb 26
was possible, the tombs were built at the same time and in groups.244 It seems that
their wall masses were linked with the foundations of the north pillar, as well as of
the east and the west walls along this alignment. Between the tombs, where no
underground built constructions could be made, grave pits were dug out, partially
carved into the rocks. Some built tombs were made later, as well, where there were
possibilities for that, and this was certainly the case with the built tombs in the for-
mer east bay of the older section of the cathedral. There were also four built tombs
on the exterior north side, built together two by two, and they rested against the
foundation of the church.245
All the tombs in the cathedral were built equally, using roughly dressed stones,
in the shape of rectangular, most often three-level pits, of similar dimensions –
around 2.00 m long and 0.60 m wide. Their depth was uneven, between 2.00 m and
2.50 m, and there were also some deeper pits. The interior space of the tombs was
divided, almost by the rule, with two rows of consoles on which a metal grid or a
wooden board rested. These platforms were intended for the laying down of coffins
with the bodies of the deceased. The first level of the consoles was approximately at
244 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 325.
the depth of around 1 m under the level of the floor, while the second one was by
245
Tombs 322 and 323 next to
around 0.70–0.80 m lower. The lowest level, that is, the bottom of the grave was
the north wall of the older section of
the cathedral and tombs I and II along intended for the placement of the remains of the deceased who had been buried
the north-east corner of the north nave. earlier (fig. 60).
Sl. 61. Grobnice I i II

uz severoisto~ni ugao crkve
(prema ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972)
Fig. 61. Tombs I and II
by the north-east corner of the church
(according to ]orovi}-Ljubinkovi} 1972)
broja grobnica. U pitawu su o~igledno bile porodi~ne grobnice predvi|ene za

vi{e sahrana. Ve}ina tih zidanih grobnih konstrukcija gra|ena je istovreme-
no sa dogradwom isto~nog dela katedrale. Budu}i da je ceo hram zasnovan na
stenovitom tlu, grobnice nisu mogle biti ukopane na ~itavoj povr{ini, tako
da su gra|ene na svim onim mestima gde je nepravilna stenovita podloga to
omogu}avala. Na prostorima gde je to bilo mogu}e, grobnice su zidane jedno-
vremeno i u skupinama.244 Izgleda da su im zidne mase bile povezane sa teme-
qima severnog stupca, kao i isto~nog i zapadnog zida na tom pravcu. Izme|u
grobnica, gde nije bilo mogu}e gra|ewe podzemnih zidanih konstrukcija, uko-
pavane su rake, delom uklesane u stene. Neke zidane grobnice gra|ene su i ka-
snije, tamo gde su za to postojale mogu}nosti, a to je sigurno bio slu~aj i sa zi-
danim grobnicama u nekada{wem isto~nom traveju starijeg dela katedrale. I
sa spoqne severne strane postojale su ~etiri zidane grobnice, i to po dve za-
jedno gra|ene, oslowene na temeq crkve.245
Sve grobnice u katedrali zidane su jednako, lomqenim pritesanim kame-
nom u vidu pravougaonih, na~e{}e troeta`nih raka, sli~nih dimenzija – du-
ìne oko 2,00, a {irine 0,60 m. Dubina im je bila neujedna~ena, izme|u 2,00
i 2,50 m, a postojale su i dubqe rake. Unutra{wi prostor grobnica je bio po-
deqen, gotovo po pravilu, sa dva reda konzola na koje je oslawana metalna re-
{etka ili drvena plo~a. Ove platforme su bile namewene za polagawe kov~e-
ga sa telima pokojnika. Prvi nivo konzola je bio pribli`no na dubini od oko
1 m ispod ravni poda, a drugi za oko 0,70–0,80 m niì. Najniì nivo, odnosno
dno grobnice, bio je namewen za pohrawivawe zemnih ostataka ranije sahrawe-
nih pokojnika (sl. 60).
Sve zidane grobnice bile su pokrivene velikim i masivnim, pravilno 244 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 325.
klesanim pravougaonim plo~ama od bre~e. Jedine dve takve plo~e otkrivene su 245 Grobnice 322 i 323 uz severni zid
in situ na grobnicama uz spoqni severoisto~ni ugao crkve (sl. 61). Plo~e, koje starijeg dela katedrale i grobnice I i II
su se nalazile nad svim zidanim grobnicama u katedrali, kao i nad ve}inom uz severoisto~ni ugao severnog broda.
All of the built tombs were covered with large and massive, regularly carved
rectangular slabs made of breccia. The only two such slabs were discovered in situ
at the tombs next to the exterior north-east corner of the church (fig. 61). The slabs
that were above all the built tombs in the cathedral, as well as above most of the
dug-in graves, constituted the floor of the church at the same time. During the
Turkish plundering, before the cathedral was turned into a mosque, all grave slabs
were taken off the graves while the built tombs were opened and looted. On the
basis of the analysis of the interments in the cathedral, it could be noticed that
numerous graves without built structures, which were undoubtedly marked by
grave slabs, had also been disturbed. It appears that only those graves that bore no
grave markings had remained untouched. Not counting the graves from the older
horizons, only four undisturbed grave interments were discovered in the east section
of the cathedral. There were some more in the older, west section of the temple,
since it appears that, in addition to the tombs, only three graves were marked by
grave slabs.
Fourteen of the mentioned tombs, that are located in the north nave, including
also those to the east and west from the north pillar, were built simultaneously with
the walls of the younger section of the cathedral246 (fig. 62). Such would perhaps
be the case with two joint tombs, built along the foundation on the west side of the
south pillar.247 A somewhat more complex problem is linked to the built grave
structures in the space of the intended south nave of the cathedral. There, along the
foundation of the south-east corner, a block consisting of four simultaneously built
and mutually connected tombs of different sizes were dug in,248 only two larger of
which had the usual inner consoles. As opposed to the other tombs, in which the
consoles were made of roughly stone blocks, in the tombs from the south nave, the
246 Tombs in the north nave no. 5–13
consoles were finely carved and moulded.249 Another block, with three grave struc-
and 13a, then between the north stanchion
and the east wall no. 27–31, as well as tures, was built into a narrow space between the foundation of the east wall of the
between this stanchion and the west wall. older section of the temple and the remains of the foundations of the demolished
247 Tombs no. 38 and 190. single-nave church. The first two tombs (no. 106 and 107) were built at the same
248 Tombs no. 99–101 and 103. time, with no inner consoles, while their grave chambers were separated with a tufa
249 Field Journal, 23.8.1958. wall. The remaining narrow space was used for the third tomb (no. 109), which was

zidane grobnice u severnom brodu,
u toku iskopavawa 1957. godine
built tombs in the north nave,
during the 1957 excavations
ukopanih grobova, predstavqale su istovremeno i pod crkve. Prilikom tur-

skog pusto{ewa, pre pretvarawa katedrale u xamiju, sve nadgrobne plo~e su ski-
nute sa grobova a zidane grobnice otvorene i opqa~kane. Na osnovu analize
grobnih ukopa u katedrali, moglo se uo~iti da su raskopani i brojni grobovi
bez zidanih konstrukcija koji su, bez sumwe, bili obeleèni nadgrobnim plo-
~ama. Neoskrnavqeni su ostali, izgleda, samo oni grobovi nad kojima nije bilo
nadgrobnih obele`ja. Ne ra~unaju}i grobove iz starijih horizonata, u isto~nom
delu katedrale otkrivena su samo ~etiri neporeme}ena grobna ukopa. U stari-
jem, zapadnom delu hrama bilo ih je ne{to vi{e, budu}i da su nadgrobnim plo-
~ama, osim grobnica, izgleda bila obeleèna jo{ samo tri grobna ukopa.
êtrnaest pomenutih grobnica, koje se nalaze u severnom brodu, ukqu~uju-
}i i one isto~no i zapadno od severnog stupca, gra|ene su u isto vreme sa zi-
dovima mla|eg dela katedrale246 (sl. 62). Takav je mo`da bio slu~aj i sa dve
spojene grobnice, ugra|ene uz temeq sa zapadne strane ju`nog stupca.247 Ne{to
sloèniji problem predstavqaju zidane grobne konstrukcije u prostoru zami-
{qenog ju`nog broda katedrale. Tu je, uz temeq jugoisto~nog ugla, ukopan blok
od ~etiri istovremeno zidane i me|usobno povezane grobnice nejednakih ve-
li~ina,248 od kojih su samo dve ve}e imale uobi~ajene unutra{we konzole. Za
razliku od ostalih grobnica, kod kojih su konzole ra|ene od grubo pritesanih
blokova kamena, u onima iz ju`nog broda konzole su bile fino klesane i pro-
filisane.249 Drugi blok, sa tri grobne konstrukcije, bio je ugra|en u neveli-
ki prostor izme|u temeqa isto~nog zida starijeg dela hrama i ostataka temeqa 246 Grobnice u severnom brodu br. 5–13
poru{ene jednobrodne crkve. Prve dve grobnice (br. 106 i 107) gra|ene su isto- i 13a, zatim izme|u severnog stupca
vremeno, bez unutra{wih konzola, a grobne komore su im bile odvojene zidi- i isto~nog zida br. 27–31, kao i izme|u
ovog stupca i zapadnog zida.
}em od sige. U uski preostali prostor, uz delimi~no ukopavawe pod temeq sta- 247 Grobnice br. 38 i 190.
rog zapadnog zida male crkve, ugra|ena i tre}a grobnica (br. 109), koja je usled 248 Grobnice br. 99–101 i 103.
toga morala biti postavqena po osi sever–jug.250 U ovoj, mla|oj grobnici, uz 249 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
rasturene kosti jednog ili vi{e pokojnika, na|ena su dva srebrna dinara, je- 23. avgust 1958.
dan despota Stefana i drugi sa lavom na aversu, koji pripada kovawu despota 250Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
\ur|a.251 Pomenute grobne konstrukcije u nezavr{enom ju`nom brodu mogle su 18–20. avgust 1958.
biti zasnovane u vreme kada je zapo~eta gradwa ovog dela hrama, ali su neke, 251 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 282 i 297.
partially placed under the foundation of the old west wall of the small church and
for this reason it had to be position along the north-south axis.250 In this, younger
tomb, next to the scattered bones of one or several deceased persons, two silver
dinars were found, one of Despot Stefan and the other with a lion on the obverse
that belongs to the minting of Despot \ur|e.251 The said tomb structures in the
unfinished south nave could have been founded at the time when the construction
of this section of the temple started, but some, like tomb 109, were extended later.
However, although the building was interrupted and the unfinished south nave
stayed outside the sacral space of the cathedral, burials were conducted here, not only
in the built tombs, but also in the grave pits dug into the fill and the schistose rock.
After the extension of the cathedral, four tombs were built in the east bay of the
older temple252 and they were of the same shape and structure as the afore-men-
tioned ones. With their east sides, two among these tombs lean against the founda-
tion of the large arch that replaced the older east wall, while the third is positioned
along the alignment of this demolished wall. Two other tombs, duly cut into the
rocky ground and with no built structure, also need to be brought up and they were
most probably built at the same time as the above-mentioned ones.253
There were no built tombs in the central part of the naos. 14 grave pits carved
in the form of trough into the schistose rock were found there. Judging by all, the
very nature of the ground here did not allow for the making of built tomb structures.
However, a reasonable supposition has been given when it comes to the interments
of some later-date burials, from the times after the extension of the temple.254 This
opinion is also supported by a concrete finding of the stratigraphic nature. Namely,
the built tomb no. 38, with the finding of coins of “Master” \ur|e, minted before
1427255 – which was built at the time when the cathedral was being extended – was
damaged by the subsequent interments of graves no. 33 and 43.
During the archaeological surveying, in the looted built tombs and grave inter-
ments, the researchers found scattered bones of the deceased, traces of textile and
embroidered clothes, as well as small grave goods – mostly spherical buttons – ball-
buttons and few coins that were missed by the looters. Since these were devastated
graves, the skeletal remains did not attract any special attention of the researchers,
so not even approximate number of the people buried at the cathedral is known.
The field documentation contains sporadic data only for some of the tombs which
suggest a larger number of buried bodies. Thus, for instance, remains of three ske-
letons were discovered in tomb no. 13 and a similar situation was encountered in
grave 44, while 4 skeletons were found in tomb 14. In one of the tombs, along with
the bones of two adult bodies, remains of a child skeleton were also found. Remains
of five bodies were revealed in tomb II, dug next to the north-east corner of the
church, while in another tomb, as many as seven skeletons were identified among
the scattered bones. There are rare examples that only one dead person was buried
in a built tomb. Such is the case with tomb no. 8, where along with the scattered
250 Field Journal, 18–20.8.1958. bones of a single skeleton, remains of rich clothes were also found.
251 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 282 i 297. Iron wedges and pieces of wood were found in almost all of the tombs, which
252 Tombs no. 2, 3, 4 and 14. suggests that the burials were conducted in coffins. Judging by the preserved traces,
253 Tombs no. 1 and 32. the burials were most often done in wooden coffins even in the case of grave pits
254 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 325. that were dug into rocky ground. Significantly more rarely, only a wooden board was
255 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 293–295. placed above the deceased laid down directly into the pit.
poput grobnice 109, dogra|ene kasnije. Me|utim, bez obzira na to {to je gra-
|ewe prekinuto, a nezavr{eni ju`ni brod ostao izvan sakralnog prostora ka-
tedrale, ovde je vr{eno sahrawivawe, i to ne samo u zidanim grobnicama ve}
i u grobnim rakama ukopanim u nasip i {kriqastu stenu.
U isto~nom traveju starijeg hrama, nakon dogradwe katedrale, izgra|ene su
~etiri grobnice,252 istog oblika i konstrukcije kao i napred opisane. Dve me-
|u ovim grobnicama svojom isto~nom stranom naleù na temeq velikog luka,
kojim je zamewen stariji isto~ni zid, dok je tre}a na trasi ovog poru{enog zi-
da. Treba pomenuti i dve grobnice, pravilno use~ene u stenovito tlo i bez zi-
dane konstrukcije, koje su po svoj prilici istovremene sa gore pomenutim.253
U sredi{wem prostoru naosa nije bilo zidanih grobnica. Tu je otkriveno
14 grobnih raka koritasto use~enih u {kriqastu stenu. Po svemu sude}i, sama
priroda tla ovde nije dozvoqavala ugra|ivawe zidanih grobnih konstrukcija.
Me|utim, izneta je i razlo`na pretpostavka da su u pitawu ukopi ne{to poz-
nijih sahrana, iz vremena nakon dogradwe hrama.254 Ovo mi{qewe potkrepquje
i konkretan nalaz strarigrafske prirode. Naime, zidana grobnica br. 38, sa na-
lazom novca „gospodina“ \ur|a, kovanog pre 1427. godine255 – koja je gra|ena u
vreme dogradwe katedrale – o{te}ena je kasnijim ukopima grobova br. 33 i 43.
U toku arheolo{kih istraìvawa, u opqa~kanim zidanim grobnicama i
grobnim ukopima nalaène su rasute kosti pokojnika, tragovi tekstila i veze-
ne ode}e, kao i sitni grobni prilozi – uglavnom loptasta dugmad – puceta i
poneki komad novca, koji su izmakli pa`wi pqa~ka{a. Budu}i da su u pitawu
bili devastirani grobovi, skeletni ostaci nisu privla~ili posebnu pa`wu
istraìva~a, tako da nije poznat ni pribliàn broj sahrawenih u katedrali.
U terenskoj dokumentaciji postoje sporadi~ni podaci samo za neke grobnice,
koji ukazuju na ve}i broj sahrawenih pokojnika. Tako su, na primer, u grobni-
ci br. 13 otkriveni ostaci tri skeleta, sli~no je konstatovano i u grobu 44, dok
su u grobnici 14 na|ena 4 skeleta. U jednoj od grobnica, uz kosti dva odrasla
pokojnika, prona|eni su i ostaci de~ijeg skeleta. Ostaci pet pokojnika otkri-
veni su u grobnici II, ukopanoj pored severisto~nog ugla crkve, a u jednoj dru-
goj grobnici, me|u rasutim kostima, identifikovano je ~ak sedam skeleta.
Retki su primeri da je u zidanoj grobinici bio sahrawen samo jedan pokojnik.
Takav je slu~aj sa grobnicom br. 8, gde su uz rasute kosti jednog skeleta otkri-
veni i ostaci bogate ode}e.
Gotovo u svim grobnicama nalaèni su gvozdeni klinovi i tragovi drve-
ta, {to ukazuje na to da su sahrane vr{ene u kov~ezima. Sude}i po sa~uvanim
tragovima, sahrane su naj~e{}e obavqane u drvenim kov~ezima i u slu~aju grob-
nih raka koje su bile ukopane u stenovito tlo. Znatno re|e, iznad pokojnika po-
loènog direktno u raku, postavqana je samo drvena daska.
U opusto{enim grobnicama, kao i grobnim ukopima, uz ostatke rasturenih
skeleta ~esti su fragmenti bogate ode}e pokojnika. Ove nalaze, koji bi svakako
zahtevali posebnu obradu, ~ine delovi tekstila sa tragovima zlatoveza i srme, 252 Grobnice br. 2, 3, 4 i 14.
kao i brojne zlatotkane trake koje su krasile rubove ode}e. Me|u boqe o~uva- 253 Grobnice br. 1 i 32.
nim ostacima ode}e, vaqa pomenuti nalaze iz ranije navedene grobnice 8, u 254 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 325.
kojoj je otkriveno vi{e fragmenata tekstila, deo tkanine protkane zlatom, za- 255 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 293–295.
tim nekoliko zlatotkanih traka i na{ivak rukava sa postavom od tankog plat- 256 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
na.256 U grobu 45, koji je bio ukopan ispred carskih dveri ikonostasa, ostao je 12. avgust 1957.

grob (236) arhijereja sahrawenog
u oltaru (1959. godine)
grave (236) of the archihiereus buried
in the altar area (1959)
In the looted tombs, as well as in the grave interments, along with the remains of
scattered skeletons, there were frequent fragments of rich clothes of the deceased.
These findings, which would certainly require special analysis and study, comprise
pieces of textile with traces of goldwork or silver thread, as well as numerous gold-
weaved ribbons that adorned the edges of the clothes. Among the better preserved
remains of clothes, it is important to underline the finds from the earlier mentioned
tomb 8, in which several textile fragments were found, a piece of textile with gold-
work, then several gold-weaved ribbons and a trim of a sleeve with lining made of
thin cloth.256 In grave 45, which was dug in front of the royal doors of the iconosta-
sis, a piece of textile with goldwork in the form of a cross has been preserved.257
Remains of textile with the cross-like ornament were also discovered on the dis-
turbed skeleton in tomb 31. In the section of the chest and arms of this body, 24
ornamental ball-buttons were found and there must have also been fabric embroi-
dered with silver, which would be suggested by the traces of green corrosion on the
bones.258
Over 500 small ball-buttons, mostly made of silver with gild, come from the
graves in the cathedral.259 In most of the cases, these are individual finds, sometimes
the finds include 3 to 5 pieces, but there are also some with a higher number of but-
tons. Thus, for instance, around 20 ball-buttons were found in tomb no. 3,260 34
pieces in grave 35, in the section of the chest, and as many as 50 silver ball-buttons
in grave 41, along the traces of textile.261
Particularly important for our considerations are the finds of coins coming
from the graves in the cathedral, only 29 pieces of which, as it has already been said,
have been preserved 262. The oldest specimens, minted before the end of the 14th
century, belong to the issues of Prince Lazar (2 pcs), Prince Stefan Lazarevi} (2 pcs)
and nobleman Jakov (1 pcs). From the first decades of the 15th century, before 1427,
come the minting specimens of Despot Stefan (7 pcs). Most of the pieces, more
256 Field Journal, 12.8.1957. accurately 17 coins, belong to the issues of Despot \ur|e, two of which come from
257 Field Journal, 27.8.1957. the period before his was declared the ruler. The only foreign coin specimen among
258 Field Journal, 24. 8.1957. the findings from the cathedral belongs to the mint of the Hungarian King Sigismund
259 Ze~evi} 2006, 119–127. (1387–1437). It was discovered in grave 34, together with three other coins that
260 Field Journal, 9.8.1957. belong to the issues of the Prince, then Despot Stefan and “Master” \ur|e.
261 Field Journal, 25–27.8.1957. When it comes to the coin finds, as well as the broader considerations on the
262 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 271–307. building and the function of the main temple in Novo Brdo, particularly important
o~uvan komad tekstila sa zlatovezom u vidu krsta.257 Ostaci tekstila sa krsto-

likim ornamentom otkriveni su i na poreme}enom skeletu u grobnici 31. U
predelu grudi i ruku ovog pokojnika, otkrivena su 24 puceta, uz koje je verovat-
no postojala i tkanina vezena srmom, na {ta bi ukazivali zeleni tragovi ko-
rozije na kostima.258
Iz grobova u katedrali poti~u nalazi preko 500 malih loptastih dugma-
di, naj~e{}e ra|enih od srebra sa pozlatom.259 U ve}ini slu~ajeva, u pitawu su
pojedina~ni nalazi, kadkad se javqaju nalazi od 3 do 5 komada, ali ih ima i u
ve}em broju. Tako, primera radi, u grobnici br. 3 na|eno je oko 20 puceta,260 u
grobu 35, u predelu grudi, 34 komada, a u grobu 41, uz tragove tekstila, bilo je
~ak 50 srebrnih puceta.261
Za na{a razmatrawa od posebnog zna~aja su nalazi novca iz grobova u kate-
drali, od kojih je, kao {to je ve} ranije navedeno, sa~uvano svega 29 komada262
Najstariji primerci, kovani pre kraja 14. veka, pripadaju emisijama kneza
27. avgust 1957.
Lazara (2 kom.), kneza Stefana Lazarevi}a (2 kom.) i vlastelina Jakova (1 kom.).
Iz prvih decenija 15. veka, pre 1427. godine, poti~u primerci kovawa despo-
24. avgust 1957.
ta Stefana (7 kom.). Najve}i broj primeraka, ta~nije, 17 komada, odgovara emi- 259 Ze~evi} 2006, 119–127.
sijama despota \ur|a, od kojih dva poti~u iz vremena pre wegovog progla{ewa 260 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa, 9.
za vladara. Jedini strani primerak novca me|u nalazima iz katedrale, pripa- avgust 1957.
da kovawu ugarskog kraqa Sigismunda (1387–1437). Otkriven je u grobu 34, sa 261Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
jo{ tri nov~i}a, koji pripadaju emisijama kneza, pa potom despota Stefana i 25–27. avgust 1957.
262 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 271–307.
„gospodina“ \ur|a.
Kada su u pitawu nalazi novca, kao i {ira razmatrawa o nastanku i funk- 263Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1959, 174–175;
]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 266–267.
ciji glavnog novobrdskog hrama, od naro~ite su va`nosti nalazi iz groba 236,
264 U objavqenom izve{taju (Ljubinkovi}
otkrivenog u ju`nom delu centralne apside, u neposrednoj blizini ~asne trpe-
R. i M. 1959, 174–175) pomiwe se nalaz
ze (sl. 63). Taj grob privukao je posebnu pa`wu istraìva~a, koji su izneli mi- samo dva pokojnika, a ne tri, kako je
{qewe da su u wemu bila sahrawena dva arhijereja. Prema nalazima novca, sta- zabeleèno i opisano u terenskoj doku-
rija sahrana tada je datovana u razdobqe pre Kosovske bitke 1389. g, a druga u mentaciji.
265 Prema tekstu Dnevnika arheolo{kih
vreme vladavine despota \ur|a.263 Budu}i da se podaci u terenskoj dokumenta-
iskopavawa, 7. avgust 1959: „… Tu je
ciji ne podudaraju u celini sa navedenim mi{qewem, uslove ovog nalaza va- o~i{}en grob 236 – koji je bio use~en u
qalo bi preispitati. Otkrivena grobna raka, sa dnom na dubini od – 0,96 m u stenu. Bila su sahrawena ~etiri kostura
odnosu na ravan nekada{weg poda, ukopana je gotovo celom dubinom u {kriqa- (mo`da tri) jer na|ene su nad posledwim
sahrawivawem dve glave i duge kosti, koje
stu stenu. U grobu su otkrivene kosti tri pokojnika, od kojih je samo najmla|i
skeletu posledweg sahrawivawa ne pri-
skelet zate~en intaktan.264 On je bio sahrawen u drvenom kov~egu, od koga su pre- padaju. Grob 236 – sahrawen je u sanduku.
ostali znatni delovi. Na grudima pokojnika otkriveni su ostaci arhijerejske Bo~ne, ~eone i dowa daska na|ene su
ode`de, iznad glave je na|en dinar despota \ur|a, a u zemqi kraj nogu novac neo{te}ene. Na kosturu su ras~i{}eni
krstovi omofora i sakosa, koji su leàli
kneza Lazara.265 U pitawu je, kao {to su i raniji istraìva~i zakqu~ili, grob
na grudnoj kosti o boku, na rukama, na
arhijereja, sahrawenog u oltaru katedrale, negde nakon 1427. godine. Uz skelet kqu~noj kosti, i niè na kuku (inv. br.
ovog posledweg ukopa, otkrivene su dislocirane kosti jo{ dva ranije sahrawe- 136, 140). U grobu su na|ene i dve parice,
na pokojnika.266 Jednoj od ovih ranijih sahrana odgovarao bi nalaz novca kne- jedna izme|u cevanica (inv. br. 134), a
druga ~elo glave na steni (inv. br. 137).
za Lazara. Me|utim, nije bilo nikakvih drugih nalaza koji bi ukazivali na Obe srebrene. Pod ovim grobom na|eni su
starije ukope crkvenih velikodostojnika. Na osnovu sasvim jasnih podataka iz ostaci dvaju kostura…“; inv. br. 134 –
terenske dokumentacije, moè se dosta pouzdano zakqu~iti da oba pomenuta dinar kneza Lazara, inv. br. 137 – dinar
despota \ur|a (Dimitrijevi} 1967, 276 i
dislocirana ukopa pripadaju ranijim sahranama na nekropoli, iz vremena
297).
pre dogradwe isto~nog dela hrama. Istom, starijem horizontu sahrawivawa, 266 Lobawe prethodno sahrawenih poko-
odgovara i ostalih deset grobova otkrivenih u oltarskom prostoru katedrale, jnika na|ene su nad skeletom posledwe
kao i niz skeleta koji su prese~eni temeqima centralne apside. sahrane.
are the finds from grave 236, discovered in the south part of the central apse, in the
direct proximity of the oblation table (fig. 63). That grave caught special attention
of the researchers who are of the opinion that two archihiereuses had been buried
in it. According to the coin finds, the older burial was then dated to the period
before the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, while the other one was dated to the period of
reign of Despot \ur|e.263 Since the data in the field documentation do not coincide
completely with the given opinion, the conditions related to this find should be re-
examined. The discovered grave pit, with the bottom at the depth of 0.96 m in rela-
tion to the level of the former floor, was almost with its entire depth dug into the
schistose rock. Bones of three deceased persons were found in the grave, with only
the youngest skeleton found intact.264 He was buried in a wooden coffin, the signi-
ficant parts of which have been preserved. On the chest of the body, the researchers
found remains of the archihiereus’s robe, above the head there was a dinar of
Despot \ur|e and in the ground by his feet there was a coin of Prince Lazar.265 As
the earlier researchers also concluded, this was a grave of an archihiereus, buried in
the altar area of the cathedral, somewhere after 1427. Along with the skeleton of this
last burial, dislocated bones of two other bodies buried earlier were also found.266
263 The finding of the coin of Prince Lazar would correspond to one of these earlier
Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1959, 174–175;
]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 266–267. burials. However, there were no other finds that would suggest older interments of
264
The published report church dignitaries. On the basis of quite clear data from the field documentation,
(Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1959, 174–175) it may be concluded quite reliably that both of the mentioned dislocated interments
mentions the finding of only two bodies, belong to the earlier burials in the necropolis, from the times before the extension
not three, as was recorded and described
in the field documentation. of the east section of the temple. The other ten graves discovered in the altar area
265 According to the text of the Field of the cathedral, as well as a number of skeletons that were cut through by the
Journal, 7.8.1959: “… Grave 236 foundations of the central apse, also correspond to the same, older burial horizon.
– that was cut into the rock was cleaned The person buried in the cathedral’s sanctuary, in the archihiereus’s robes, was
there. Four skeletons (perhaps three) were
undoubtedly one of the Gra~anica metropolitans, from the period of the reign of
buried there, because above the last burial
two heads and two long bones were found Despot \ur|e.267 The names of only two metropolitans are known from that period.
that do not belong to the skeleton of the One of them, Metropolitan Dositej is reliably known to have died before 12 January
last burial. Grave 236 – buried in a coffin. 1453. His predecessor, as it appears, was Metropolitan Dionisije who may be pre-
The side, front and back boards were found
undamaged. The crosses of omophorium
sumed to have had his seat in Novo Brdo even before the Ottoman attack on Serbia
and sakkos were cleared on the skeleton and in 1439, but it remains open whether he stayed there also during the Turkish occu-
these crosses lied on the thoracic bone, pation, as well as after the liberation of the town in 1444. Also, it is not known when
flank, arms, clavicle and lower on the hip
he passed away268. At the time before the final Ottoman conquest of Novo Brdo in
(inv. no. 136, 140). Two coins were also
found in the grave, one between the shins 1455, as it is believed, the Gra~anica metropolitanate was headed by Venedikt
(inv. no. 134) and the other above the head Crepovi} who had to leave his seat owing to the Turkish persecutions. He withdrew
on the rock (inv. no. 137). Both made to Smederevo, at Despot \ur|e’s, from whom he received for enjoying for the rest
of silver. Under this grave, remains of
of his life the estate of the Church of St George in Vra}ev{nica which he was
two skeletons were found…”;
inv. no. 134 – Prince Lazar’s dinar, allowed to keep even if he returned to his metropolitanate.269
inv. no. 137 – Despot \ur|e’s dinar In addition to the said archihiereus’s grave, only three other undisturbed grave
(Dimitrijevi} 1967, 276 i 297). interments that had escaped the Turkish looting were found in the east extended
266The skulls of the previously buried
section of the cathedral. All three were dug into the schistose rock, with no built
bodies were found above the skeleton
of the last burial. structures and, as it appears, they were not marked by grave slabs. The interments
267 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 267. were located in the space between the presbytery and the unfinished south nave. By
268 Jankovi} 1983, 35. their position and mutual relation, they represent a separate micro-ensemble that
269 Stari srpski hrisovuqi, 5–6; could fit the family-type of the grouping up of graves. In grave 95, where there were no
Jankovi} 1985, 149. grave goods, next to the moved bones of an earlier buried body, a younger interment
1 4
2 5
3 6
Sl. 64. Katedrala Svetog Nikole, nalazi nakita iz grobova:

1–3) grob 97; 4) grob 96; 5) grob 50; 6) grob 54 (foto Narodni muzej)
Fig. 64. St Nicholas Cathedral, jewellery finds from the graves:
1–3) grave 97; 4) grave 96; 5) grave 50; 6) grave 54 (photo, the National Museum)
Pokojnik sahrawen u oltaru katedrale, u arhijerejskom odejaniju, bio je

bez sumwe jedan od gra~ani~kih mitropolita, iz vremena vladavine despota
\ur|a.267 Iz toga razdobqa poznata su samo imena dva mitropolita. Za jednog od
wih, mitropolita Dositeja pouzdano se zna da je umro pre 12. januara 1453. go-
dine. Wegov prethodnik, bio je, izgleda, mitropolit Dionisije, za koga se moè
pretpostaviti da je stolovao u Novom Brdu i pre osmanskog napada na Srbiju
1439. godine, ali je otvoreno pitawe da je tu ostao i za vreme turske okupaci-
je, kao i nakon osloba|awa grada 1444. godine. Tako|e nije poznato ni kada se
upokojio268. U vreme pre kona~nog turskog osvajawa Novog Brda 1455. godine,
kako se smatra, Gra~ani~kom mitropolijom upravqao je Venedikt Crepovi},
koji je zbog turskih progona morao da napusti svoje sedi{te. On se povukao u
Smederevo, kod despota \ur|a, od koga je dobio na doìvotno uìvawe vlaste-
linstro crkve Svetog \or|a u Vra}ev{nici, koje je mogao da zadrì i ukoliko
se vrati u svoju mitropoliju.269 267 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967, 267.
Osim pomenutog arhijerejskog groba, u isto~nom dogra|enom delu katedra- 268 Jankovi} 1983, 35.
le otkrivena su jo{ samo tri neporeme}ena grobna ukopa, koja su ostala po{te- 269 Stari srpski hrisovuqi, 5–6;
|ena turske pqa~ke. Sva tri su bila ukopana u {kriqastu stenu, bez zidanih Jankovi} 1985, 149.
was also found. Beside it, in grave 96, a male skeleton, judging by all, was found and
it had two ball-buttons, a luxurious ring made of gilded silver270 (fig. 64/4) and a
dinar of Despot \ur|e.271 In the neighbouring grave 97, in the narrow pit between
rocks, three undisturbed skeletons were revealed, lying one on top of the other,
which would suggest burials either at the same time or over a very short period of
time. At the bottom of the interment, there was a male skeleton, with a female one in
the middle and a child’s skeleton on top. Along with the remains of all three bodies,
wealthy grave goods have been preserved in situ. In the female grave, there was a gold
ring on a left-hand finger (fig. 64/3) and also gold-weaved ribbons next to which
there were 85 silver beaded ball-buttons. Most of the ball-buttons were discovered on
the ribbons that trimmed the clothes on the arms, from the shoulder to the elbow,
with 21 each on both sides. On the right-hand side of the dead woman, there were
14 ball-buttons on the trim of the dress or the vest and on the left-hand side of her
chest there were nine of them turned contrary. Another twenty dislocated ball-but-
tons were found on the lower section of the chest, but it was not possible to deter-
mine their former position.272 Next to the head of the lower, male skeleton four
similar ball-buttons each were found on both sides. Beside the child skeleton, next
to the remains of a textile ribbon around the neck, with four smaller ball-buttons,
a pair of golden earrings were found, as well as a smaller silver ring (fig. 64/1–2).273
The above-mentioned three graves, which judging by their mutual distribution
most probably belong to one family, may be approximately dated back to the fourth
or the fifth decade of the 15th century. A rather unusual position of the graves, at
the very edge of the altar area, towards the unfinished south nave, may give rise to
an idea that at the time of their interment the main section of the cathedral, that
is, the space in the central and the north naves has already been filled with graves.
However, it remains an open question why, as opposed to the east section of the
cathedral, there was significantly rarer burying in the older west section, although
there were conditions there for making built tombs.
The multi-level type of built tombs, which was present in a large number in the
cathedral, also existed in the nearby Sa{ka church. By their shape and the manner
of building, some twenty tombs discovered in this main Roman-catholic temple of
Novo Brdo do not differ from those in the Orthodox cathedral, but their distribution
within the temple was significantly different.274 In addition to Novo Brdo, so far the
use of two-level tombs has been confirmed only in two lonely examples. One tomb
of this type, most likely from the first half of the 15th century, has been discovered
270 Ze~evi} 2006, 202–203, ¹ 80 in the added south paraclise of the single-nave church Savovo near Studenica.275 A
(grob br. 96). similar, two-level tomb has also been discovered within the remains of the narthex
271 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 296–297. in the Ruìca church near Mile{evac.276 These were, unquestionably, tombs intend-
272 Field Journal, 29.8.1958; ed for the burial of the endowers and their structure has no related parallels in the
Ze~evi} 2006, 121. Serbian ruler s or noblemen’s endowments.
273 Qubinkovi} R. i M. 1961, 286;
The Novo Brdo cathedral, with numerous built tombs, represents a unique
Ze~evi} 2006, 167, br. 22 i 203–204,
br. 81. phenomenon on the territory of the central Serbian lands to date. There are very
274 Popovi} 2018, being prepared meagre data available on burials at an older cathedral temple – the Church of the
for printing. Holy Virgin of Ljevi{a in Prizren.277 During the extensive conservation and restora-
275 Vojvodi} 2015, 72–74. tion works conducted in the 1950’s, the probe archaeological surveying was of very
276 Gavri} 2011, 434–438. limited scope. On that occasion, five built tombs were found in the narthex and three
277 Nenadovi} 1963, 209–225. more in the pronaos, i.e., in the exonarthex, but there is no field documentation on
konstrukcija i, kako izgleda, nisu bila obeleèna nadgrobnim plo~ama. Uko-

pi su se nalazili na prostoru izme|u oltara i nedovr{enog ju`nog broda. Po
svom poloàju i me|usobnom odnosu, oni predstavqaju posebnu mikrocelinu,
koja bi mogla odgovarati porodi~nom grupisawu grobova. U grobu 95, gde nije
bilo grobnih priloga, uz pomerene kosti ranije sahrawenog pokojnika otkri-
ven je i mla|i ukop. Uz wega, u grobu 96 otkriven je, po svemu sude}i, mu{ki
skelet, koji je od grobnih priloga imao dva puceta, luksuzni prsten od pozla-
}enog srebra270 (sl. 64/4) i dinar despota \ur|a.271 U susednom, grobu 97, u
uskoj raci izme|u stena, otkrivena su tri neporeme}ena skeleta, koja su leàla
jedan preko drugog, {to bi ukazivalo na istovremenu ili vremenski blisku sa-
hranu. Na dnu grobnog ukopa leào je mu{ki skelet, zatim u sredini ènski,
nad kojim je bio skelet deteta. Uz ostatke sva tri pokojnika, sa~uvani su in situ
bogati grobni prilozi. U ènskom grobu na prstu leve ruke nalazio se zlatan
prsten (sl. 64/3), a otkrivene su i zlatotkane trake uz koje je bilo 85 srebrnih
loptastih dugmadi – puceta sa granulom. Najve}i broj puceta otkriven je na
trakama koje su obrubqivale ode}u na rukama, od ramena do lakta, i to po 21 sa
obe strane. Sa desne strane pokojnice, na rubu haqine ili prsluka, nalazilo
se 14 puceta, a na levoj strani grudi wih devet, naspramno okrenutih. Na ni-
èm delu grudi otkriveno je jo{ dvadeset dislociranih primeraka, ~iji se ne-
kada{wi poloàj nije mogao odrediti.272 Pored glave nièg mu{kog skeleta
otkrivena su po ~etiri sli~na puceta, sa obe strane. Uz de~iji skelet, pored
ostataka tekstilne trake oko vrata, sa ~etiri mawa puceta, na|en je par zlat-
nih nau{nica, kao i mawi srebrni prsten (sl. 64/1–2).273
Pomenuta tri groba, koja po me|usobnom odnosu najverovatnije pripadaju
jednoj porodici, mogu se okvirno datovati u ~etvrtu ili petu deceniju 15. ve-
ka. Dosta neobi~an poloàj grobova, na samom rubu oltarskog prostora, prema
nezavr{enom ju`nom brodu, navodi na pomisao da je u vreme wihovog ukopa
glavni deo katedrale, odnosno prostor u centralnom i severnom brodu, ve} bio
ispuwen grobovima. Ostaje, me|utim, otvoreno pitawe za{to se, za razliku od
isto~nog, u starijem zapadnom delu katedrale znatno re|e sahrawivalo, iako su
tu postojali uslovi za gra|ewe zidanih grobnica.
Tip vi{eeta`nih zidanih grobnica, koji je u katedrali zastupqen u veli-
kom broju, postojao je i u nedalekoj Sa{koj crkvi. Dvadesetak grobnica otkri-
venih u ovom glavnom katoli~kom hramu Novog Brda, ne razlikuju se prema ob-
liku i na~inu gra|ewa od onih iz pravoslavne katedrale, ali im je raspored
unutar hrama bitno razli~it.274 Osim Novog Brda, pojava dvoeta`nih grobnica
za sada je posvedo~ena samo na dva usamqena primera. Jedna grobnica ovog tipa, 270 Ze~evi} 2006, 202–203, ¹ 80
po svemu sude}i iz prve polovine 15. veka, otkrivena je u prizidanom ju`nom (grob br. 96).
271 Dimitrijevi} 1967, 296–297.
paraklisu jednobrodne crkve u Savovu kod Studenice.275 Sli~na dvoeta`na
grobnica prona|ena je i u okviru ostataka priprate crkve Ruìce nedaleko od
29. avgust 1958; Ze~evi} 2006, 121.
Mile{evca.276 U pitawu su, bez sumwe, grobnice namewene sahrani ktitora, 273 Qubinkovi} R. i M. 1961, 286;
~ija konstrukcija nema bliìh paralela u srpskim vladarskim ili vlasteo- Ze~evi} 2006, 167, br. 22 i 203–204,
skim zadu`binama. br. 81.
Novobrdska katedrala, sa brojnim zidanim grobnicama, predstavqa za sa- 274 Popovi} 2018, u pripremi za {tampu.
da jedinstvenu pojavu na podru~ju sredi{wih srpskih zemaqa. O sahrawivawu 275 Vojvodi} 2015, 72–74.
u starijem katedralnom hramu – crkvi Bogorodice Qevi{ke u Prizrenu, ras- 276 Gavri} 2011, 434–438.
polaè se vrlo oskudnim podacima.277 277 Nenadovi} 1963, 209–225.
this finding. There is a description of only one of the tombs that was built in the exo-
narthex, next to the portal at the entrance into the main part of the temple. It was
built solidly using broken stone, with the bottom at the depth of 1.70 m in relation
to the level of the floor. On its upper side, above one part of it, there was a vault
made of bricks, while the other part was closed with stone slabs. Remains of a body
buried in a coffin were found in the tomb, as well as remains of clothes with a num-
ber of ball-buttons and small clips. Such a tomb structure, which with its manner
of vaulting differs from the built graves in the Novo Brdo cathedral, is very similar
to the endower’s tomb of Bishop Nikola in the church of the Monastery Banja near
Priboj, as well as in some other monastery temples.278
Very little is known about the burials in town churches on the territory of the
Serbian lands, since the explorations of the remains of the urban centres of medieval
Serbia have been of a very limited scope until now. From the preserved archive
materials it is known that some wealthy citizens of Srebrenica had family tombs in
the town’s temples, among them also in the church that was the seat of the Ortho-
dox metropolitan. In Srebrenica, the cost of having a tomb built with a grave slab,
where the name of the deceased would be written, was up to 20 to 30 gold coins 279
Unfortunately, these data are not accompanied by archaeological findings, whether
this concerns unsurveyed sites (for instance, Rudnik and Smederevo) or the fact
that even the last remains of such edifices have been destroyed, as is the case with
the cathedral temple of the Assumption of Virgin Mary in Belgrade.280
As opposed to the interior of Serbia, until the beginning of the 19th century,
burying of town nobility and wealthier citizens in family built tombs that existed in
churches represented a common occurrence in the coastal towns. It is well known,
from the archive documents, that during the first half of the 15th century, all town’s
churches in Ragusa were filled with built tombs which, due to this, also became the
objects of trading. Therefore, even several bodies, not related by blood during their
lifetime, were buried in some of the tombs.281 Burying in churches was also gover-
ned by the regulations of the town’s authorities. Thus, at the beginning of the 15th
century, an obligation was introduced to have the name of the owner of the tomb
on the grave slab282 Without getting into the considerations of the other, numerous
examples from the Catholic temples in the towns of the Coastal Region, we are
going to deal only with the analogies from the Kotor’s cathedral of St Tryphon.
Several dozen built tombs have been found in this basilica built in the second half
of the 12th century.283 The oldest ones were on the exterior north side, while, as it
278 Popovi} 2006, 111–117, fig. 10. appears, there were no burials in the church itself until well into the 14th century.
279 Koji}-Kova~evi} 2010, 146–148. In the interior of the Kotor cathedral that had a somewhat smaller floor area that
280 Popovi}, Biki} 2004, 45–109. the cathedral in Novo Brdo, 45 built tombs have been found.284 In the presbytery
281 Petrovi} 1972, 69–76. and the east bay, there are 15 built tombs, symmetrically arranged in a broader area
282 Koji}-Kova~evi} 2010, 148. around the oblation table. Judging by their distribution, one gets an impression that
283 Kriànac 1995, 202–205. they were built at the same time and we are not going to be wrong if we presume
284 The cathedral in Kotor is 29 m long that they were intended for the burials of the church prelates. The researchers have
and the floor area of the interior space not dated these tombs more precisely, but it is possible to present certain supposi-
is around 342 m². The cathedral
tions in those terms. Their building may be linked to the works on the reconstruc-
in Novo Brdo is 32 m long and the floor
area of the interior space, without the tion of the altar during the 14th century, perhaps primarily to the time when the
unfinished south nave, is around 335 m². early-Gothic ciborium, which is believed to have been consecrated in 1362, was
285 ânak-Medi}, ûbrovi} 2010, 200. installed.285 The other tombs, built successively later on, are mainly grouped up in the
U vreme obimnih konzervatorsko-restauratorskih radova pedesetih godi-

na pro{log veka, sonda`na arheolo{ka istraìvawa bila su veoma ograni~enog
obima. Tom prilikom, u narteksu je otkriveno pet zidanih grobnica, a u tre-
mu, tj. eksonarteksu jo{ tri, ali o ovom nalazu nema terenske dokumentacije.
Postoji opis samo jedne od grobnica, koja je bila ukopana u eksonarteksu, pored
portala na ulazu u glavni deo hrama. Ona je bila solidno zidana lomqenim ka-
menom, sa dnom na dubini od 1,70 m u odnosu na ravan poda. Sa gorwe strane, nad
jednim delom se nalazio svod od opeka, dok je drugi deo bio zatvoren kamenim
plo~ama. U grobnici su otkriveni ostaci pokojnika sahrawenog u kov~egu, kao
i ostaci ode}e sa nizom puceta i sitnih kop~i. Ovakva grobna konstrukcija,
koja se na~inom zasvo|avawa razlikuje od zidanih grobova u novobrdskoj kate-
drali, veoma je sli~na ktitorskoj grobnici episkopa Nikole u crkvi manasti-
ra Bawe kod Priboja, kao i nekim drugim manastirskim hramovima.278
O sahrawivawu u gradskim crkvama na podru~ju srpskih zemaqa zna se ve-
oma malo, budu}i da su istraìvawa ostataka urbanih sredi{ta sredwovekov-
ne Srbije do sada bila veoma ograni~enog obima. Iz sa~uvane arhivske gra|e
poznato je da su neki bogati gra|ani Srebrenice imali porodi~ne grobnice u
gradskim hramovima, me|u wima i u crkvi u kojoj je stolovao pravoslavni mi-
tropolit. Za podizawe grobnice sa nadgrobnom plo~om, gde je upisivano ime
pokojnika, u Srebrenici je pla}ano i do 20–30 zlatnika.279 Te podatke, naà-
lost, ne prate i arheolo{ki nalazi, bilo da su u pitawu neistraèni lokalite-
ti (na primer, Rudnik i Smederevo) ili pak ~iwenica da su i posledwi ostaci
tih zdawa uni{teni, kakav je slu~aj sa katedralnim hramom Uspewa Bogorodi-
ce u Beogradu.280
Za razliku od unutra{wosti Srbije, u primorskim gradovima sahrawiva-
we gradske vlastele i imu}nijih gra|ana u porodi~nim zidanim grobnicama u
crkvama, predstavqalo je sve do po~etka 19. veka uobi~ajenu pojavu. Iz arhiv-
skih dokumenata je poznato da su u Dubrovniku, tokom prve polovine 15. veka,
sve gradske crkve bile ispuwene zidanim grobnicama, koje su usled toga posta-
le i predmet trgovine. U neke grobnice je, stoga, bilo sahraweno i po vi{e po-
kojnika, koji nisu za ìvota bili u krvnom srodstvu.281 Sahrawivawe u crkva-
ma bilo je regulisano i propisima gradskih vlasti. Tako je po~etkom 15. veka
uvedena i obaveza da se ime vlasnika grobnice ukle{e na nadgrobnim plo~a-
ma.282 Ne zalaze}i u razmatrawe drugih, brojnih primera iz katoli~kih hra-
mova u gradovima Primorja, zadrà}emo se samo na analogijama iz kotorske
katedrale Svetog Tripuna. U ovoj bazilici, podignutoj u drugoj polovini 12.
veka, otkriveno je vi{e desetina zidanih grobnica.283 Najstarije su se nalazi- 278 Popovi} 2006, 111–117, fig. 10.
le sa spoqne severne strane, dok se u samoj crkvi, kako izgleda, nije sahrawi- 279 Koji}-Kova~evi} 2010, 146–148.
valo do u 14. vek. U unutra{wosti kotorske katedrale, koja je imala ne{to ma- 280 Popovi}, Biki} 2004, 45–109.
wu povr{inu od katedrale Novog Brda,284 otkriveno je 45 zidanih grobnica. U 281 Petrovi} 1972, 69–76.
prezviterijumu i isto~nom traveju nalazi se 15 zidanih grobnica, simetri~no 282 Koji}-Kova~evi} 2010, 148.
razme{tenih na {irem prostoru oko ~asne trpeze. Sude}i po rasporedu, ima se 283 Kriànac 1995, 202–205.
utisak da su sve one gra|ene jednovremeno, a ne}emo pogre{iti ako pretposta- 284 Katedrala u Kotoru je duìne 29 m,
vimo da su bile namewene sahrawivawu crkvenih prelata. Ove grobnice istra- a povr{ine unutra{weg prostora
oko 342 m². Katedrala Novog Brda je
ìva~i nisu bliè datovali, ali je u tom smislu mogu}e izloìti odre|ene
duìne 32 m, a povr{ina unutra{weg
pretpostavke. Wihovo gra|ewe bi se moglo povezati sa radovima na obnovi olta- prostora, bez nezavr{enog ju`nog broda,
ra tokom 14. veka, mo`da najpre u vreme postavqawa ranogoti~kog ciborijuma, iznosi oko 335 m².
west bay and the south nave of the cathedral. They belonged to patrician families
and wealthy citizens who gained the right to be buried in the cathedral with their
gifts and endowments.
The said tombs from the Cathedral of St Tryphon are fully compatible with the
built tombs from the Novo Brdo cathedral – by the manner of building, their shape
and dimensions. Their interior level division, marked by consoles, which shows that
they were intended for several burials, is also the same.286 The differences, however,
may be noticed when observing the distribution of the tombs. In Kotor, the main
tombs – which, as we have assumed, were reserved for the church dignitaries – are
grouped up in the altar area, while no burials were intended in the altar area of
Novo Brdo’s cathedral temple. The only exception is the interment of the archi-
hiereus grave 236, in the pit that had not been prepared for this burial in advance.
This all concerns a different confessional practice – as opposed to the Latin Church,
in the orthodox temples, burying in the altar area was done very rarely and only as
a matter of exception. This difference is also visible in Novo Brdo, when the position
of the tombs in the orthodox cathedral temple is compared to the catholic Sa{ka
church where there are six built tombs in the altar area.287
The grave interments in the added, east section of the cathedral constitute a
specific testimony to the social structure of the citizens of Novo Brdo and the rise
of individuals from among the ranks of the domestic Serbian population. The tombs
built simultaneously with the building of this part of the temple were intended as
the eternal resting place for the members of the families of wealthy donors from
among the Orthodox citizens of Novo Brdo. It is in this light that the basic idea
behind the extension should be seen. In addition to the indisputable need to expand
the liturgical space, which suited the abrupt growth in the number of citizens, the
funerary function of the added section was also of particular importance. The spa-
cious side naves were meant precisely for this purpose, the north one with 21 built
tombs as well as the south, unfinished one, where that intent was only partially
realized. The prestigious place for the burial was also the space of the central nave,
in front of the sanctuary, where because of the nature of the terrain it was not pos-
sible to fit built tombs.
Despite the fact that almost all of the tombs, as well as the graves have been
looted and devastated, what little is left testifies that wealthy citizens of Novo Brdo
were buried in the cathedral. Among them, as it appears, there were also some cler-
gymen. Not being able to carry out a more detailed analysis of the social structure of
those buried, as the available materials prevent us from doing so, we are only going
to look back at some of the examples that we have already mentioned. Grave 45, in
front of the royal door, in the place that may have been deemed an honorary one, is
the place where a body was buried in rich clothes decorated with goldwork crosses,
which would suggest that this used to be a clergyman. This could also be assumed
for the deceased from tomb 31 buried in rich clothes with goldwork crosses. The
particularly rich traces of clothes make the deceased, who lay alone in tomb 8, in the
middle of the north nave, stand out.
286 The most frequent length of the tombs
is 2 m, the width is around 0.60 m, and
the depth is between 0.65 and 1.70 m
(Kriànac 1995, 204).
287 êr{kov 1958, 338–340.
za koji se smatra da je osve}en 1362. godine.285 Ostale grobnice, kasnije sukce-

sivno gra|ene, uglavnom su grupisane u zapadnom traveju i ju`nom brodu kate-
drale. Pripadale su patricijskim porodicima i bogatim gra|anima, koji su
svojim darovima i zave{tawima stekli pravo da se sahrane u katedrali.
Pomenute grobnice iz katedrale Svetog Tripuna sasvim su podudarne sa
zidanim grobnicama iz novobrdske katedrale – po na~inu gra|ewa, obliku i di-
menzijama. Jednaka im je i unutra{wa eta`na podela nazna~ena konzolama, ko-
ja pokazuje da su bile namewene za vi{e sahrana.286 Razlike se, me|utim, uo~a-
vaju kada se posmatra raspored grobnica. U Kotoru su glavne grobnice – koje su,
kako smo pretpostavili, namewene crkvenim velikodostojnicima – grupisane
u oltaru, dok u oltaru novobrdskog katedralnog hrama nije bilo predvi|eno sa-
hrawivawe. Jedini izuzetak predstavqa ukop arhijerejskog groba 236, u raku
koja za ovu sahranu nije unapred bila pripremqena. U pitawu je razli~ita kon-
fesionalna praksa – za razliku od latinske crkve, u pravoslavnim hramovima
sahrawivawe u oltaru se obavqalo veoma retko, i to samo po izuzetku. Ta raz-
lika je uo~qiva i u Novom Brdu, kada se poloàj grobnica u pravoslavnom ka-
tedralnom hramu uporedi sa katoli~kom Sa{kom crkvom, gde se u oltarskom
prostoru nalazi {est zidanih grobnica.287
Grobni ukopi u dogra|enom, isto~nom delu katedrale svojevrsno su svedo-
~anstvo o socijalnoj strukturi novobrdskih gra|ana i usponu pojedinaca iz
redova doma}eg srpskog stanovni{tva. Grobnice gra|ene istovremeno sa podi-
zawem ovog dela hrama, bile su namewene ve~nom pokoju ~lanova porodica bo-
gatih prilo`nika iz reda pravoslavnih gra|ana Novog Brda. U tom smislu bi
trebalo i posmatrati osnovnu zamisao ove dogradwe. Osim nesumwive potrebe
da se pro{iri bogoslu`beni prostor, {to je odgovaralo naglom rastu broja gra-
|ana, od posebnog zna~aja je bila i funerarna funkcija dogra|enog dela. Toj svr-
si bili su nameweni prostrani bo~ni brodovi, severni sa 21 grobnicom ili
grobnim ukopom, kao i ju`ni, nezavr{eni, gde je ta zamisao samo delimi~no
ostvarena. Presti`no mesto za sahrawivawe bio je i prostor sredweg broda,
ispred oltara, gde zbog prirode terena nije bilo mogu}e ugra|ivawe zidanih
grobnica.
I pored ~iwenice da su gotovo sve grobnice, kao i grobni ukopi opqa~ka-
ni i devastirani, ono {to je preostalo svedo~i da su u katedrali sahrawivani
bogati novobrdski gra|ani. Me|u wima je, izgleda, bilo i sve{tenih lica. U
nemogu}nosti da se upustimo u detaqniju analizu socijalne strukture sahra-
wenih, budu}i da nam to ne omogu}ava raspoloìva gra|a, osvrnu}emo se samo
na neke primere o kojima je ve} bilo re~i. U grobu 45, ispred oltarskih dveri,
na mestu koje se moglo smatrati po~asnim, sahrawen je pokojnik u bogatoj ode}i
ukra{enoj krstovima u zlatovezu, {to bi ukazivalo da je u pitawu bilo sve{te-
no lice. To bi se moglo pretpostaviti i za pokojnika iz grobnice 31 sahrawe-
nog u bogatoj ode}i sa zlatovezenim krstovima. Po naro~ito bogatim tragovo-
ma ode}e izdvaja se i pokojnik, koji je sam po~ivao u grobnici 8, u sredini
severnog broda. 285 ânak-Medi}, ûbrovi} 2010, 200.
286 Naj~e{}a duìna grobnica je 2 m,
{irina oko 0,60 m, a dubina izme|u
0,65 i 1,70 m (Kriànac 1995, 204).
287 êr{kov 1958, 338–340.
178
Extending of the cathedral

– the meaning, function and dating
T HE ECONOMIC RISE of Novo Brdo was a stimulus for spatial expansion of the
settlement and an accelerated growth of the urban population, which consisted to
a significant number of the local Serbian population. Gradually, a stratum of suc-
cessful entrepreneurs, who acquired their wealth working in trade or organizing the
work of the mines, gradually set apart. St Nicholas Church, built on the turn from the
seventh to the eighth decade of the 14th century was no longer sufficiently spacious
for the spiritual needs of this wealthy class. On the other hand, for the residents of
Novo Brdo which developed in the manner comparable to that of the prosperous
coastal urban centres, a large cathedral temple was not only a question of need, but
also a question of prestige. As opposed to the earlier period, when the well-off citizens
were mostly foreigners – the Latins, building of a monumental orthodox church
could have been only an endowment deed of a ruler. The original Novo Brdo’s St
Nicholas Church, which with its architectural solution and carved decoration fully
followed the developmental trends of the Serbian sacral architecture, would lead
precisely to such a conclusion.
Several decades later, at the time of the greatest rise of Novo Brdo, the social
structure of the population, as it appears, had significantly changed in comparison
to the previous period. Along with the rich and influential coastal people, domestic
merchants and well-off individuals, including members of nobility, also kept gaining
in importance. This influential class of domestic people and their aspiration to be
equal in many aspects to the residents of prosperous coastal communes constituted
one of the driving forces for the further development of the town. It seems to us
that the extension of Novo Brdo cathedral should be viewed in this context. This
endeavour was without any doubt a collective feat of the wealthy citizens of Novo
Brdo and of the other endowers of the cathedral. In addition to the indisputable
need to expand the liturgical space, which reflected the abrupt rise in the number
of citizens, one of the important motives was also the desire to ensure the place of
eternal burial within the consecrated space of a temple, as was the custom in the
town churches of the Latin West. Over twenty tombs for family burials prepared in
advance in the added section of the cathedral unambiguously suggest that there
was a large number of endowers from among the wealthy population of Novo Brdo.
In its final shape and form, the Novo Brdo cathedral represented a complex edi-
fice consisting of two corpuses quite different in their respective styles. An exten-
sion with its basilican shape, modelling the Romanesque edifices of the coastal
towns, was added to the older temple, founded and constructed in the spirit of the
Serbian sacral architecture. An attempt to overcome the pronounced disharmony
179
Dogradwa katedrale
– zna~ewe, funkcija i datovawe
P RIVREDNI USPON Novog Brda bio je podsticaj za prostorno {irewe

naseqa i ubrzano pove}avawe gradske populacije, koju je u zna~ajnom broju ~i-
nilo lokalno srpsko stanovni{tvo. Iz wihovih redova postepeno se izdvajao
sloj uspe{nih preduzetnika, koji su stekli imetak bave}i se trgovinom ili
organizacijom rada rudnika. Za duhovne potrebe ovog imu}nog sloja, kao i sve
brojnijeg srpskog stanovni{tva, crkva Svetog Nikole, gra|ena na prelazu iz
sedme u osmu deceniju 14. veka, vi{e nije bila dovoqno prostrana. Sa druge
strane, za ìteqe Novog Brda, koje se razvijalo po uzoru na napredna primor-
ska urbana sredi{ta, veliki katedralni hram, bio je ne samo stvar potrebe ve}
i prestià. Za razliku od ranijeg razdobqa, kada su imu}no gra|anstvo ~ini-
li prete`no stranci – Latini, gra|ewe monumentalne pravoslavne crkve mo-
glo je biti samo ktitorsko delo vladara. Prvobitna novobrdska crkva Svetog
Nikole, koja je svojim arhitektonskim re{ewem i klesanim ukrasom u potpu-
nosti sledila razvojne tokove srpskog sakralnog graditeqstva, vodila bi upra-
vo takvom zakqu~ku.
Nekoliko decenija kasnije, u vreme najve}eg uspona Novog Brda, socijalna
struktura stanovni{tva bila je, izgleda, u odnosu na ranije razdobqe u zna~aj-
noj meri izmewena. Uz bogate i uticajne primorce, sve ve}i zna~aj sticali su
doma}i trgovci i imu}ni qudi, me|u kojima je bilo i predstavnika vlastele.
Taj uticajni sloj doma}ih qudi i wihova te`wa da se u mnogo ~emu izjedna~e
sa ìteqima naprednih primorski komuna, pretstavqali su jednu od pokre-
ta~kih snaga daqeg razvoja grada. îni nam se da u tom kontekstu treba posma-
trati i dogradwu novobrdskog sabornog hrama. Ovaj poduhvat bez sumwe je bio
kolektivno delo imu}nih gra|ana Novog Brda, odnosno drugih ktitora kate-
drale. Osim nesumwive potrebe da se pro{iri bogoslu`beni prostor, {to je
odgovaralo naglom rastu broja gra|ana, jedan od bitnih motiva bila je i èqa
da se obezbedi mesto ve~nog pokoja u osve}enom prostoru hrama, kao {to je to
bio obi~aj u gradskim crkvama na latinskom Zapadu. Preko dvadeset unapred
pripremqenih grobnica za porodi~no sahrawivawe u dogra|enom delu kate-
drale, nedvosmisleno ukazuje na postojawe ve}eg broja ktitora iz redova boga-
tog novobrdskog gra|anstva.
U svom kona~nom obliku, novobrdska katedrala predstavqala je sloèno
zdawe, koje su sa~iwavala dva stilski sasvim razli~ita korpusa. Na stariji
hram, zasnovan i izveden u duhu srpskog sakralnog graditeqstva, prizidan je
bazilikalno uobli~en deo, gra|en po uzoru na romani~ka zdawa primorskih
gradova. Poku{aj da se prevazi|e izraziti stilski nesklad i poveù stariji i
a b
0 20 m
in the styles and bring the older and the younger sections of the structure together is
reflected in the same finishing of the facades using rows of regularly carved andesite
and breccia ashlars. However, despite the fact that this procedure contributed to the
visual merging of the edifice, the cathedral did not leave the impression of a har-
monious building. Its sections disharmonious in their styles reflected two different
epochs on the road of development of the town of Novo Brdo.
And yet, regardless of the somewhat questionable style values of the added tem-
ple, the intention of the citizens of Novo Brdo and of the church’s other endowers
was mostly realized. In its final form, the Cathedral of St Nicholas was one of the
biggest temples of medieval Serbia. As regards the floor area of its interior space, it
was second only to the monumental monastery temple in De~ani, but somewhat
more spacious than the church at the Monastery Resava.
In comparison to the cathedrals in the Serbian towns, at least those that have
been preserved or known by their archaeological remains, by its size the extended
Novo Brdo’s St Nicholas Church did not lag behind the cathedral of Prizren, the
Church of the Holy Virgin of Ljevi{a, and Kotor’s Cathedral of St Tryphon. In com-
parison to the Cathedral of St Theodore in Bar, the cathedral temple in Novo Brdo
was significantly larger (fig. 65).
The basic chronological framework for the dating of the extension of the Novo
Brdo cathedral, as well as the burials that took place there, is provided by the coin
finds. As it has already been pointed out, over 60% of the total number of identified
specimens come from the period of the reign of Despot \ur|e (1427–1456), which
shows that the most intensive burying was carried out precisely in this period. If we
add to this around 25% of the coins of Despot Stefan, minted after 1403, we get a
reliable terminus post quem for the grave interments in the added east section, that
is, for the cathedral as a whole. This would mean that burials in the main orthodox
temple of Novo Brdo were conducted over a period slightly shy of five decades. The
rare older coin specimens, minted before 1389, would fit, as it could be deduced,
the older horizon of the graves in the necropolis.
On the basis of these reliable chronological marks, as well as the considerations
of the architectural solutions for the east section of the temple presented earlier,
the extension of the cathedral could be approximately dated to the period of the
reign of Despot Stefan Lazarevi} (1403–1427), most probably to the second decade
of the 15th century. It remains an open question how long the works took and what
c d
mla|i deo gra|evine, ogleda se u jednakoj obradi fasada nizovima pravilno Sl. 65. Uporedni prikaz gradskih
klesanih tesanika andezita i bre~e. Me|utim, i pored ~iwenice da je taj po- katedrala u srpskim zemqama:
stupak doprineo vizuelnom povezivawu objekta, katedrala nije ostavqala uti- a) Bar; b) Kotor; c) Prizren;
sak skladnog zdawa. Weni stilski nepovezani delovi odslikavali su dve raz- d) Novo Brdo
li~ite epohe u razvojnom putu grada Novog Brda. Fig. 65. Comparative view at the
Pa ipak, bez obzira na unekoliko sporne stilske vrednosti dogra|enog hra- town cathedrals in the Serbian lands:
ma, namera novobrdskih gra|ana, wenih drugih ktitora, bila je uglavnom ostva- a) Bar; b) Kotor; c) Prizren;
rena. Katedrala Svetog Nikole predstavqala je, u svom kona~nom obliku, jedan d) Novo Brdo
od najve}ih hramova sredwovekovne Srbije. U odnosu na povr{inu unutra{weg
prostora, ona je bila mawa jedino od monumentalnog manastirskog hrama u De-
~anima, ali ne{to prostranija od crkve manastira Resave.
U pore|ewu sa katedralama u srpskim gradovima, bar onima koje su sa~u-
vane ili poznate prema arheolo{kim ostacima, dogra|ena novobrdska crkva
Svetog Nikole po svojoj veli~ini nije zaostajala za prizrenskom katedralom,
crkvom Bogorodice Qevi{ke i kotorskom katedralom Svetog Tripuna. U odnosu
na katedralu Svetog Teodora u Baru, novobrdski katedralni hram bio je znatno
ve}i (sl. 65).
Za datovawe dogradwe novobrdske katedrale, kao i sahrana koje su tu vr{e-
ne, osnovni hronolo{ki okvir pruàju nalazi novca. Kao {to je ve} istaknu-
to, preko 60% od ukupnog broja identifikovanih primeraka poti~e iz vremena
vladavine despota \ur|a, {to pokazuje da je upravo u tom razdobqu vr{eno naj-
intenzivnije sahrawivawe. Ako se tome doda i oko 25% novca despota Stefa-
na, kovanog posle 1403. godine, dobija se pouzdan terminus post quem za grobne
ukope u dogra|enom isto~nom delu, odnosno katedrali u celini. To bi zna~ilo
da su u glavnom novobrdskom pravoslavnom hramu sahrane obavqane u razdobqu
ne{to kra}em od pet decenija. Retki stariji primerci novca, kovani pre 1389.
godine, odgovarali bi, kako se moglo zakqu~iti, starijem horizontu grobova na
nekropoli.
Na osnovu ovih pouzdanih hronolo{kih odrednica, kao i ranije izloènih
razmatrawa arhitektonskih re{ewa isto~nog dela hrama, dogradwa katedrale
mogla bi se okvirno datovati u vreme vladavine despota Stefana Lazarevi}a
(1403–1427), najverovatnije u drugu deceniju 15. veka. Otvoreno je pitawe ko-
liko su dugo trajali radovi i {ta je bio razlog {to je ju`ni brod ostao nezavr-
{en. Na prvom mestu, moglo bi se pomi{qati na sloène probleme sa kojima
the reason was for leaving the south nave unfinished. To start with, we could think
of the complex problems faced by Novo Brdo, since the town was exposed to occa-
sional Ottoman attacks. The decisive factor was certainly the months-long siege and
occasional captures of the town in 1441 after which Novo Brdo recuperated with
difficulties. Such course of events may have led to an interruption of the further
works aimed at shaping up the cathedral, since its main section had already been
finished by then and capable of celebrating liturgies. However, the interruption of
the works on the building of the south nave perhaps was not caused by the turbu-
lent times and the Ottoman attacks. Although the function of this unfinished part
of the temple is not sufficiently clear, one does get an impression that, according to
the original design, this should have been a sepulchral chapel of some important
family from Novo Brdo that may have played an important role in the building of
the cathedral temple. If we are not wrong in presenting this supposition, then it is
easier to imagine that the fate of this, relatively speaking endower family may have
caused the interruption of the works and the giving up of the realization of that
original design which is now insufficiently known to us. But, without venturing into
further assumptions, it may be concluded quite reliably that at the time of the final
Ottoman conquest of Novo Brdo, at the beginning of June 1455, the cathedral had
still not been fully finished.
se Novo Brdo suo~avalo, budu}i da je grad bio izloèn povremenim turskim

napadima. Od presudnog uticaja je sigurno bila vi{emese~na opsada i privre-
meno zaposedawe grada 1441. godine, posle ~ega se Novo Brdo te{ko oporavqalo.
Takav razvoj doga|aja mogao je uticati na prekid daqih radova na uobli~avawu
katedrale, budu}i da je wen glavni deo do tada ve} bio zavr{en i osposobqen
za bogosluèwa. Me|utim, prekid radova na gra|ewu ju`nog broda mo`da nisu
uslovila nemirna vremena i turski napadi. Iako funkcija ovog nezavr{enog
dela hrama nije u dovoqnoj meri jasna, ima se utisak da je, prema prvobitnoj
zamisli, to trebalo da bude grobna kapela neke znamenite novobrdske porodi-
ce, koja je mogla imati va`nu ulogu u gra|ewu katedralnog hrama. Ukoliko ne
gre{imo iznose}i ovu pretpostavku, onda je lak{e zamisliti da je sudbina te,
uslovno re~eno ktitorske porodice, mogla uzrokovati prekid radova i odusta-
jawe od ostvarewa te, nama sada nedovoqno poznate prvobitne zamisli. No, ne
zalaze}i u daqe pretpostavke, moè se sasvim pouzdano zakqu~iti da u vreme
kona~nog turskog zaposedawa Novog Brda, po~etkom juna meseca 1455. godine,
katedrala jo{ uvek nije bila u celosti zavr{ena.
184
Mosque – the former cathedral

of Novo Brdo
D URING THE SIEGE and fights for the conquering of Novo Brdo in 1455,
most of the town’s churches were plundered and some certainly experienced major
devastations. There are no data after the establishing of the Ottoman rule and the
stabilization of the situation in the captured town that would suggest that the
churches in the suburb were demolished, which leads to a supposition that they
remained in the Christian hands. Contrary to the Turkish custom, since the town
did not surrender but was captured after a siege and weeks-long fights, no Christian
temple, at least at first, was turned into a mosque.288 Sultan Mehmed II obviously
wanted to establish a new order as soon as possible and continue with the operation
of the mines. The production of silver, which represented one of the vital interests of
the Ottoman Empire, depended on the Christians found in the town – the miners
and other skilled workers in that process that needed to be won over for the Turkish
rule even using certain privileges. That relatively tolerant relation towards the
Christians in Novo Brdo stayed to a larger or smaller degree for quite a while, as it
appears, until the middle of the 17th century, for as long as the mining production
survived.
It is an open question how the religious needs of the Turkish military crew and
the administration, that follow the establishing of the new order, were regulated. By
the rule, in the conquered towns, a mosque was founded right away, most often by
taking possession of some Christian temple or by founding a new place of worship
along with waqfs for its maintenance. As for Novo Brdo, there are no data on any
mosque during the first two decades of the Turkish rule. Also, it was not recorded
anywhere in the original documents that a new mosque or masjid had been built in
Novo Brdo during the 16th and the 17th centuries, in addition to which no traces of any
such buildings were recorded during the field prospecting of the area of the former
suburb. This could, certainly, not be considered as the final result, since the archae-
ological remains of these buildings, if they were built more modestly, of wood or in
the post and pane style, may hardly be differentiated from the traces of residential
buildings. Without venturing further into a discussion on this matter, that will be
possible to consider more reliably only when all the Turkish documents on Novo
Brdo have been studied, we are going back to our basic topic.
According to the data from the Serbian chronicles mentioned earlier, the Turks
had changed Sa{ka church in Novo Brdo into a mosque a whole decade after the
conquest, i.e., in 1466.289 This original testimony, often taken into consideration in
288 Andrejevi} 1976, 100–101. the scientific papers, has never been doubted, and was confirmed by the field explo-
289 Rodoslovi i letopisi, 243, br. 753. rations. In the previous pages, we have already mentioned the uncertainty of the
185
Xamija – nekada{wa katedrala

Novog Brda
U TOKU OPSADE i borbi za osvajawe Novog Brda 1455. godine, ve}ina grad-
skih crkvi je bila poharana, a neke su sigurno pretrpele i znatna o{te}ewa.
Nakon uspostavqawa osmanske vlasti i stabilizacije stawa u zaposednutom gra-
du, nema podataka koji bi ukazivali da su crkve u podgra|u ru{ene, {to navo-
di na pretpostavku da su one ostale u hri{}anskim rukama. Suprotno turskom
obi~aju, budu}i da se grad nije predao ve} je osvojen nakon opsade i vi{ene-
deqnih borbi, nijedan hri{}anski hram, bar u prvo vreme, nije bio pretvoren
u xamiju.288 Sultan Mehmed II je o~igledno èleo da {to pre uspostavi novi
poredak i nastavi rad rudnika. Proizvodwa srebra, koja je predstavqala jedan
od vitalnih interesa Osmanskog carstva, zavisila je od zate~enih hri{}ana –
rudara i drugih poslenika u tom procesu, koje je za tursku vlast trebalo pri-
dobiti i odre|enim privilegijama. Taj relativno tolerantan odnos prema
hri{}anima u Novom Brdu ostao je u ve}oj ili mawoj meri o~uvan dosta dugo,
izgleda, sve do sredine 17. veka, dok je opstajala rudarska proizvodwa.
Otvoreno je pitawe kako su regulisane verske potrebe turske vojne posade
i upravnog aparata, koji dolaze sa uspostavom novog poredka. Po pravilu, u
osvojenim gradovima odmah je uspostavqana xamija, naj~e{}e zaposedawem ne-
kog hri{}anskog hrama, ili zasnivawem nove bogomoqe sa vakufima za weno
izdràvawe. U Novom Brdu, tokom prve decenije turske vladavine, nema poda-
taka o postojawu xamije. Tako|e, u izvornoj gra|i nigde nije zabeleèno da je u
Novom Brdu tokom 16. i 17. veka gra|ena neka nova xamija ili mesxid, a ni pri-
likom terenske prospekcije prostora nekada{weg podgra|a tragovi takvih zda-
wa nisu evidentirani. To se, naravno, ne bi moglo smatrati kona~nim rezul-
tatom, budu}i da se arheolo{ki ostaci ovih zdawa, ukoliko su bila skromnije
gra|ena, od drveta ili bondruka, te{ko mogu razlikovati od tragova stambenih
objekata. Ne zalaze}i u daqu raspravu o ovom pitawu, koje }e mo}i pouzdanije
da se razmatra tek kada budu prou~eni svi turski dokumenti o Novom Brdu, vra-
ti}emo se na{oj osnovnoj temi.
Prema ranije navo|enom podatku iz srpskih letopisa, Turci su „{a{ku
crkvu“ u Novom Brdu pretvorili u xamiju ~itavu deceniju nakon osvajawa, tj.
1466. godine.289 Ovo izvorno svedo~anstvo, ~esto razmatrano u nau~noj litera-
turi, nije dovo|eno u sumwu, {to su i terenska istraìvawa potvrdila. Na pret-
hodnim stranicama ve} smo pomenuli nedoumicu istraìva~a,290 povodom navo-
da da je u pitawu bila Sa{ka crkva, drugim re~ima, rimokatoli~ka bogomoqa. 288 Andrejevi} 1976, 100–101.
Nakon arheolo{kih istraìvawa, ove dileme su razre{ene, ali je ostalo nedo- 289 Rodoslovi i letopisi, 243, br. 753.
voqno jasno za{to je srpski letopisac tu novobrdsku crkvu pripisao Sasima. 290 V. str. 29.
researchers290 as regards the opinion that this was indeed Sa{ka church or, in other
words, the Roman-Catholic house of worship. After the archaeological surveying,
these dilemmas have been resolved, but it has remained insufficiently clear why the
Serbian chronicler attributed this Novo Brdo church to the Saxons. An attempt to
explain this testimony brings us face to face with another, significantly more com-
plex problem, which requires special and detailed studies. Viewed more broadly, it
opens an intriguing question about the way in which the town, as a relatively new
phenomenon, created during the late urbanization of the Serbian lands, was re-
ceived by the Serbian broader setting. It seems to us that in this process, despite the
majority domicile population, Novo Brdo was considered as a foreign town because
of the significant number of Saxons and coastal merchants. In some documents the
town is even named the Saxon place and one travel writer, at the end of the 15th
century, went so far as to call Novo Brdo a German settlement.291 The fact that with
the opening of the mine the Saxons practically founded the town had, apparently,
been kept in the memory for a long time, even when there were no more Saxons
there. The above-mentioned record of the Serbian chronicler may be interpreted in
the light of these thoughts.
With an intention to adjust one church in Novo Brdo to their needs by turning
it into an Islam house of prayer, the Turks did not have a lot of choice. All of the
existing churches were relatively small and as such unsuitable for the Islam needs.
The Latin Church of St Mary in the Lower Market Square, now known as Sa{ka
church, was also not suitable. Although somewhat bigger than the rest of the single-
nave churches in Novo Brdo, its interior was not spacious enough and its location
outside the urban settlement was not appropriate either. The only church in the
suburb, which would suit the Turkish Islam needs with its position and size, was the
Cathedral of St Nicholas that was, judging by the news of the Serbian chronicler,
turned into a mosque a dozen years after the Turks had captured the town.
There are no data on what the fate of the cathedral was during the first years
of the Turkish rule over Novo Brdo. In the fighting for the capturing of the town,
the church must have been ransacked, maybe even damaged. It may be presumed
that in this period, until 1466, it remained in the Christian hands. It cannot be ruled
out that it was also renewed to a smaller degree after the looting. This could be sug-
gested by the finding of the pit with fresco fragments that were, most probably after
some plundering, collected and buried carefully.292 This fact could lead to a conclu-
sion that liturgical services continued to be performed at the cathedral for a certain
period of time after the fall of the town into the Ottomans’ hands. However, it re-
mains open when the large looting of the graves took place. It could have happened
right after the conquering of the town, but also a little later. If this major plundering
took place at the time when the Turkish rule was being established, then most likely
there were no more conditions for conducting liturgies at the devastated cathedral.
Regardless of which of these possible options one may favour, the fact remains that
before the conversion of the temple, all the tombs and grave interments were
opened and looted.
The available data shows that the Turks lifted the old floor of the church, most
290 see p. 30–32. of which consisted of large, massive grave slabs, used for closing the built tombs and
291 Kosti} 1922, 136. also for marking most of the other grave interments in the cathedral. As it turned
292 Ljubinkovi} M. 1969, 229. out during the archaeological surveying – which has already been emphasized above
Poku{aj obja{wewa ovog svedo~anstva, suo~ava nas sa jednim znatno sloèni-

jim problemom, koji zahteva posebna i detaqna prou~avawa. [ire posmatrano,
on otvara zanimqivo pitawe o tome kakva je u srpskoj sredini bila recepcija
grada, kao relativno nove pojave, nastale tokom pozne urbanizacije srpskih ze-
maqa. îni nam se da je u tom procesu Novo Brdo, i pored ve}inskog doma}eg
gra|anstva, zbog brojno zna~ajnog prisustva Sasa i primorskih tvgovaca, sma-
trano stranim gradom. U nekim dokumentima grad se naziva i sa{ko mesto, a
jedan putopisac, krajem, 15. veka, Novo Brdo ~ak naziva nema~kim naseqem.291
îwenica da su Sasi otvarawem rudnika prakti~no osnovali grad ostala je,
izgleda, veoma dugo u se}awu, pa i u vreme kada tamo Sasa vi{e nije bilo. U sve-
tlu ovih razmi{qawa mo`da bi se mogao protuma~iti i pomenuti zapis srp-
skog letopisca.
U nameri da jednu novobrdsku crkvu prilagode svojim potrebama tako {to
}e je pretvoriti u islamsku bogomoqu, Turci nisu imali velikog izbora. Sve
zate~ene crkve u podgra|u bile su relativno male i kao takve nepogodne za
islamske potrebe. Ni latinska Bogorodi~ina crkva na Dowem trgu, sada pozna-
ta kao Sa{ka crkva, tako|e nije bila odgovaraju}a. Iako ne{to ve}a od ostalih
novobrdskih jednobrodnih crkava, wena unutra{wost nije bila dovoqno pro-
strana, a ni lokacija izvan gradskog naseqa nije bila pogodna. Jedina crkva u
podgra|u, koja je po svom poloàju i veli~ini odgovarala turskim islamskim
potrebama, bila je katedrala Svetog Nikole koja je, sude}i po vestima srpskog
letopisca, pretvorena u xamiju desetak godina posle turskog osvajawa grada.
Nema podataka o tome kakva je bila sudbina katedrale tokom prvih godina
turske vladavine Novim Brdom. U borbama oko osvajawa grada crkva je sigurno
bila poharana, a mo`da i o{te}ena. Moè se pretpostaviti da je u tom razdobqu,
sve do 1466. godine, ostala u hri{}anskim rukama. Nije iskqu~eno da je u mawoj
meri i obnavqana nakon pohare. Na to bi mogao da ukaè nalaz jame sa fragmen-
tima fresaka koji su, najverovatnije posle nekog pusto{ewa, bri`qivo priku-
pqeni i sahraweni.292 Ta ~iwenica mogla bi da vodi zakqu~ku da su u katedrali
obavqana bogosluèwa jo{ izvesno vreme nakon pada grada pod osmansku vlast.
Ostaje, me|utim otvoreno pitawe kada je izvr{ena velika pqa~ka grobova. To se
moglo desiti odmah po osvajawu grada, ali i ne{to docnije. Ukoliko je do tog
velikog pusto{ewa do{lo u vreme uspostavqana turske vladavine, u devastira-
noj katedrali najverovatnije vi{e nije bilo uslova za bogosluèwe. Bez obzi-
ra na to kome bi se od ovih mogu}ih re{ewa priklonili, ostaje ~iwenica da su
pre konverzije hrama otvorene i opqa~kane sve grobnice, kao i grobni ukopi.
Raspoloìvi podaci pokazuju da su Turci podigli stari pod crkve, najve}im
delom sastavqen od velikih, masivnih nadgrobnih plo~a, koje su zatvarale zida-
ne grobnice, a tako|e obeleàvale i ve}inu ostalih grobnih ukopa u katedrali.
Kako se pokazalo tokom arheolo{kih istraìvawa – to je napred ve} istaknuto
– prekopani su i opqa~kani svi grobovi, koji su u podu bili obeleèni nadgrob-
nim plo~ama. Ostalo je neporeme}eno samo nekoliko grobova nad kojima, vero-
vatno, nije bilo nadgrobnih obele`ja. Iz grobnica, kao i grobnih ukopa pokupqe-
ni su svi krupniji komadi nakita, dok su sitniji komadi, kao {to su srebrena
loptasta dugmad-puceta, pa i primerci novca, naj~e{}e ostali u prekopanim 291 Kosti} 1922, 136.
grobovima. Tako|e, kako je to zabeleèno, 1466. godine jedno zapleweno zvono sa 292 Ljubinkovi} M. 1969, 229.
katedrale preneto je u ]ustendil i postavqeno na tamo{wu Sahat kulu.293 293 Snegarov 1958, 145.
– all the graves that were marked with grave slabs in the floor were turned over and
looted. Only several graves were left intact probably because there were no grave
markings. All big pieces of jewellery were taken from the tombs, as well as from the
grave interments, while smaller pieces, such as silver ball-buttons and even coin spe-
cimens most often stayed in the turned over graves. Also, as it has been recorded,
one captured bell from the cathedral was transported to Kyustendil (Bulgaria) in
1466 and placed at the Clock Tower there.293
During the archaeological surveying, different restructurings made during the
converting of the Novo Brdo cathedral into a mosque were clearly noticed and sin-
gled out. On this occasion, it was also noticed that in addition to the initial changes,
there were also remains of another younger, rather extensive reconstruction. These
observations were recorded in the field documentation and they were mentioned in
the reports, but the observed construction phases were not set apart or analyzed in
more details. Taking this into account, in the text below we are first going to deal
with the older restructurings, carried out in order to create the Islamic praying space,
and then we are going to focus more on the subsequent reconstruction of the mosque.
Conversion of the cathedral and the older phase of the mosque

As it has already been pointed out above, before the works on the restructuring and
adaptation of the former main church in Novo Brdo for the needs of the Islamic cult,
its entire interior was ransacked and dug out. Within the scope of the preparatory
works, first all of the opened and turned out tombs were covered with soil fill and
debris. The massive grave slabs, dozens of them, made of breccia, were removed and
later they were probably used as construction material at some other locations, since
their remains were not discovered during the excavations of the cathedral’s remains.
As the outcomes of the archaeological excavations have shown, the Islamic house
of prayer did not include the entire space of the former church. The mosque com-
prised the central and the north naves, and only the east bay of the older section of
the cathedral. In that space, in line with the east pair of the subdomical columns, a
partition wall was made, in the half-timber style, and the remains of its substruction
were noticed during the archaeological explorations.294 Within this partition wall,
there was an entrance into the new mosque; parts of its threshold and a monolithic
block used as a step have been discovered. The remaining west section of the former
church, the domed space, the west bay and the narthex, that were not included in
the mosque, most likely constituted some kind of an entrance hall (fig. 66).
In order to shape up the new space of the mosque, the arches in the wall of the
naos were walled-in towards the space of the unfinished south nave. The new wall,
around 1.00 m wide, was partly founded on the rock and on the built structure of
tomb no. 190. Farther towards the east, where the rock was deeper, parts of two older
polygonal columns were installed into the foundation of the new wall.295 The align-
ment of the new wall also passed over the foundation of the based, but unfinished
small rectangular pillar. On that occasion, the existing parts of the walls of the
unfinished south nave were most probably destroyed to the level of the floor.
The mihrab was added in the space of the former sanctuary, along the south
293 Snegarov 1958, 145. part of the apse’s conch. This is actually an added part of the wall in which there
294 Qubinkovi} R. i M. 1961, 286. was a semi-circular praying niche (fig. 67). Judging by the findings from the debris,
295 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 327. the niche itself, as well as its rectangular frame, were richly decorated using the
U toku arheolo{kih istraìvawa jasno su uo~ene i izdvojene pregradwe,

izvr{ene prilikom pretvarawa novobrdske katedrale u xamiju. Tom prilikom
je tako|e uo~eno da osim prvobitnih prepravki postoje i ostaci jedne mla|e,
dosta obimne obnove. Ova zapaàwa su zabeleèna u terenskoj dokumentaciji i
pomenuta u izve{tajima, ali uo~ene gra|evinske faze nisu ra{~lawene niti
detaqnije obra|ene. Imaju}i to u vidu, u daqem izlagawu prvo }emo posvetiti
pa`wu starijim pregradwama, izvr{enim u ciqu oblikovawa islamskog moli-
tvenog prostora, a potom se zadràti na kasnijoj obnovi xamije.
Konverzija katedrale i starija faza xamije

Kao {to je ve} napred istaknuto, pre radova na pregradwi i adaptaciji neka-
da{we glavne novobrdske crkve za potrebe islamskog kulta, ~itava wena unu-
tra{wost bila je opusto{ena i raskopana. U okviru pripremnih radova, najpre
su sve otvorene i raskopane grobnice popuwene nasipom zemqe u {uta. Masiv-
ne nadgrobne plo~e, klesane od bre~e, kojih je bilo vi{e desetina, uklowene
su i kasnije, verovatno, upotrebqene kao gra|evinski materijal na drugim lo-
kacijama, budu}i da prilikom iskopavawa ostataka katedrale nisu otkriveni Sl. 66. Biv{a katedrala posle
wihovi ostaci. pretvarawa u xamiju 1466. godine,
Islamska bogomoqa, kako su pokazali ishodi arheolo{kih iskopavawa, osnova (R = 1 : 200)
nije obuhvatala ~itav nekada{wi prostor crkve. U xamiju su bili ukqu~eni Fig. 66. Former cathedral after being
centralni i severni brod, i samo isto~ni travej starijeg dela katedrale. Na turned into a mosque in 1466,
tom prostoru, u ravni sa isto~nim parom potkupolnih stubova, bio je podignut ground plan (S = 1 : 200)
0 5m
Sl. 67. Xamija, biv{a katedrala,

ostaci prizidanog mihraba
(1959. godine)
Fig. 67. Mosque, the former cathedral,
remains of the added mihrab (1959)
stucco decoration.296 In this older phase of the mosque, no traces of built minbar
were found next to the mihrab. A well preserved section of the initial floor of the
mosque was found in this area, which does not rule out a possibility that there may
have been a wooden mihrab structure above it.
In line with the new purpose, a minaret was added by the south-west corner of
the former cathedral (fig. 68). As it could be concluded on the basis of the revealed
remains, the minaret had a polygonal base with 13 short sides. The entrance was on
the east side and it led, as is common, towards a spiral staircase, only four steps of
which have been preserved. Judging by the size of the base, it may be presumed that
the minaret was relatively high. It was built using regularly carved blocks of grey
colour, arranged into horizontal rows of the same height as on the facade of the
church.297 Two finished, smaller andesite blocks of grey colour come from the finds
discovered in the debris and they may originate from some narrow window of the
minaret. The joint with the south and the west facades was very well done, obvious-
ly with the aim to link the added minaret to the older building as harmoniously as
possible, thus getting a unique ensemble (fig. 69).
In the interior, above the fill of the previously crammed tombs, which was not
compacted, the floor was levelled using a layer of sterile clay soil with the average
thickness of around 20 cm. Above this layer there was a 2–4 cm mortar substruc-
ture on which floor bricks were laid. In the entire space of the mosque, this initial
floor was discovered for the most part rather well preserved. It was made of bricks
of rectangular, almost square shape with approximate dimensions of 30 x 33 cm.298
In comparison to the former floor of the church this new one made of bricks was
by around 20 cm higher. In the south-east section of the mosque that included the
space in front of the mihrab, i.e., the former presbytery and the part towards the
south pillar, the floor was raised by around 20 cm. A massive wood beam was placed
296 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 324. as a step between these two floor planes and its imprint has kept in the rendering
297 Zdravkovi} 1959, 321. base. A similar, albeit smaller, triangular raised section of the floor was located
298 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 323–324. right across the mihrab, in the north-west corner of the space for the prayers. Two

detaq prizidanog minareta,
osnova sa presekom
(prema Zdravkovi} 1959)
a detail of the added minaret,
the ground plan with the cross-section
(according to Zdravkovi} 1959)
pregradni zid, gra|en u bondruku, a ostaci wegove supstrukcije uo~eni su pri-

likom arheolo{kih istraìvawa.294 U okviru ovog pregradnog zida nalazio se
ulaz u novu xamiju, od koga su otkriveni delovi praga i jedan monolitni blok
koji je sluìo kao stepenik. Preostali zapadni deo nekada{we crkve, potku-
polni prostor, zapadni travej i priprata, koji nisu bili ukqu~eni u xamiju,
predstavqao je, po svemu sude}i, neku vrstu predvorja (sl. 66).
Radi uobli~avawa novog prostora xamije, zazidani su lukovi u zidu naosa
prema prostoru nezavr{enog ju`nog broda. Novi zid, {irine oko 1,00 m, de-
lom je bio utemeqen na steni i zidanoj konstrukciji grobnice br. 190, a daqe
prema istoku, gde je stena dubqa, u temeq novog zida ugra|eni su delovi dva sta-
rija poligonalna stuba.295 Trasa novog zida tako|e je pre{la preko temeqa za-
snovanog, a neizgra|enog, malog pravougaonog stupca. Tom prilikom, zate~eni
delovi zidova nezavr{enog ju`nog broda najverovatnije su u celini poru{eni
do ravni tla.
U prostoru nekada{weg oltara, uz ju`ni deo konhe apside, prizidan je mi-
hrab. U pitawu je dogra|eni deo zida u kome se nalazila polukru`na molitvena
ni{a (sl. 67). Sude}i po nalazima iz {uta, sama ni{a, kao i wen pravougaoni
okvir, bili su bogato ukra{eni {tuko dekoracijom.296 U ovoj starijoj fazi xa-
mije, uz mihrab nisu otkriveni tragovi zidanog mimbara. Na tom prostoru je
na|ena dobro o~uvana povr{ina prvobitnog poda xamije, {to ne iskqu~ije mo-
gu}nost da se nad wim mogla nalaziti drvena konstrukcija sli~nog postrojewa. 294 Qubinkovi} R. i M. 1961, 286.
U skladu sa novom namenom, uz jugozapadni ugao nekada{we katedrale 295 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 327.
dogra|eno je minare (sl. 68). Kako se moglo zakqu~iti na osnovu otkrivenih 296 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 324.

spoj prizidanog minareta
sa starijim zidom crkve
joint between the added minaret
and the older wall of the church
smaller, raised floor areas, bordered by finely finished narrow breccia ashlars were
situated along the side walls of the former east bay, on both sides of the entrance
into the mosque.
By turning the former cathedral temple into a mosque, any further burying of
the Christian population within the fenced-off space of the necropolis had ceased, but
the burying of the Islamic believers continued next to the newly-founded mosque.
During the archaeological excavations, several dozen younger Islamic graves were
clearly recognized above the older burying horizons and they differed by their special
orientation, along the south-west – north-east axis, as well as by some details related
to the interment itself. The graves of this younger necropolis are mostly grouped up
on the south-west side and especially on the west side. On the basis of the traces of
the headstones, it may be noticed that the burying was also done outside the former
boundary wall, along the entire west slope, where there has been no surveying. A
certain number of Islamic graves were also found in the south section of the former
churchyard, closer to the mosque’s wall. In comparison to the medieval graves, the
younger interments are distributed more sparsely, which suggests a significantly
lower intensity of burials.299 The grave markers were in the form of carved Muslim
tombstones, with mostly rare fragments of them preserved. Several better preserved
monuments have remained in the younger section of the necropolis, on the west
slope. In addition to the vertical markers, some graves were also marked, above the
grave pit, with a rectangular casing made of carved breccia blocks (fig. 70). Several
graves, dug in not far from the minaret were marked with grave slabs.
In the area of the demolished south nave, the researchers found remains of a
representative, covered tomb structure that may be called a türbe. The base of the
structure consisted of a square casing, with the dimensions of 5 x 5 m, made of
carved breccia blocks, around 30 cm high. Within this area, that was filled with soil
299 Ze~evi} 2006, planovi 2 i 3. and levelled out, there were four stone bases for wooden posts that were probably
ostataka, minare je imalo poligonalnu osnovu sa 13 kratkih strana. Ulaz se

nalazio sa isto~ne strane i vodio je, kao {to je to i uobi~ajeno, ka zavojitom
uskom stepeni{tu, od koga su ostala o~uvana ~etiri stepenika. Sude}i prema
veli~ini osnove, moè se pretpostaviti da je minare bilo relativno visoko.
Gra|eno je pravilno otesanim kvaderima sivkaste boje, pore|anim u horizon-
talne redove iste visine kao na fasadi crkve.297 Iz {uta poti~u nalazi dva
obra|ena, mawa bloka andezita sive boje, koji bi mogli poticati od nekog uskog
prozora sa minareta. Spoj sa ju`nom i zapadnom fasadom bio je veoma dobro
izveden, o~igledno sa ciqem da se dogra|eno minare {to skladnije poveè sa
starijom gra|evinom u jedinstvenu celinu (sl. 69).
U unutra{wosti, nad nasipom prethodno zasutih grobnica, koji nije bio
nabijen, pod je izravnat slojem sterilne ilova~e prose~ne debqine oko 20 cm.
Nad ovim slojem postavqena je malterena podloga, debqine 2–4 cm, na koju su po-
lagane podne opeke. U ~itavom prostoru xamije ovaj prvobitni pod je otkriven
najve}im delom dosta dobro o~uvan. Bio je ra|en od opeka pravougaonog, gotovo
kvadratnog oblika, pribli`nih dimenzija 30 x 33 cm.298 U odnosu na nekada-
{wi pod crkve, ovaj novi pod od opeka bio je vi{i za oko 20 cm. U jugoisto~nom
delu xamije, koji je obuhvatao prostor ispred mihraba, tj. nekada{wu oltarsku
apsidu i deo prema ju`nom stupcu, pod je bio povi{en za oko 20 cm. Kao stepe-
nik izme|u ovih razli~itih ravni poda bila je postavqena masivna drvena
greda, ~iji je otisak ostao o~uvan u malternoj podlozi. Sli~an, samo mawi, tro-
ugaoni povi{eni deo poda, nalazio se ta~no naspram mihraba, u severozapad-
nom uglu molitvenog prostora. Dve mawe, uzdignute povr{ine poda, ome|ene
fino obra|enim uskim tesanicima bre~e, nalazile su se uz bo~ne zidove neka-
da{weg isto~nog traveja, sa obe strane ulaza u xamiju.
Pretvarawem nekada{weg katedralnog hrama u xamiju, u okviru ogra|enog
prostora nekropole prekinuto je daqe ukopavawe hri{}anskog stanovni{tva,
ali je nastavqeno sahrawivawe islamskih vernika uz novoosnovanu xamiju. Pri-
likom arheolo{kih iskopavawa, iznad starijih horizonata sahrawivawa jasno
je prepoznato vi{e desetina mla|ih islamskih grobova, koji su se izdvajali
posebnom orijentacijom, po osi jugozapad–severoistok, kao i pojedinostima
samog ukopa. Grobovi ove mla|e nekropole grupisani su uglavnom sa jugozapad-
ne i, naro~ito, sa zapadne strane. Na osnovu tragova nadgrobnih spomenika, mo-
è se uo~iti da je sahrawivawe vr{eno i izvan nekada{weg ogradnog zida, du`
~itave zapadne padine, gde istraìvawa nisu vr{ena. Izvestan broj islam-
skih grobova otkriven je i u ju`nom delu nekada{we porte, bliè zidu xami-
je. U odnosu na sredwovekovne grobove, mla|i ukopi su re|e raspore|eni, {to
ukazuje na znatno mawi intenzitet sahrawivawa.299 Nadgrobna obele`ja su bi-
la u vidu kamenih klesanih ni{ana, od kojih su uglavnom sa~uvani retki
fragmenti. Nekoliko boqe o~uvanih spomenika preostalo je na mla|em delu
nekropole, na zapadnoj padini. Osim ni{ana neki grobovi bili su obeleèni,
iznad grobne rake, pravougaonim obzi|em ra|enim od tesanih blokova bre~e
(sl. 70). Nekoliko grobova, ukopanih nedaleko od minareta, bilo je obeleèno
nadgrobnim plo~ama.
Na prostoru poru{enog ju`nog broda otkriveni su ostaci reprezentativ- 297 Zdravkovi} 1959, 321.
ne, natkrivene grobne konstrukcije, koja bi se mogla nazvati turbetom. Osnovu 298 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 323–324.
konstrukcije ~inilo je kvadratno obzi|e, dimenzija 5 x 5 m, ra|eno od klesanih 299 Ze~evi} 2006, planovi 2 i 3.

nadgrobna konstrukcija
turskog groba 11
grave marker structure
of the Turkish grave 11
used as supports for the pyramidal roof structure. In the centre of this sepulchral
setting, two interments were found, with the orientation along the south-west –
north-east axis. Both deceased persons were buried in wooden coffins.300 One of
them had his arms straight by the body, while the other had his arms crossed.301
The Islamic tomb 7, found not far from the south wall of the former church-
mosque constitutes quite a particular phenomenon. This is in fact a built tomb, with
its bottom at the depth of 1.67 m. By the manner of building and dimensions, it did
not differ from the older tombs of this type that were located in the cathedral (fig.
71). The only difference is in the orientation, which was the same as in the case of
the other, younger Islamic graves. The body in the tomb was buried in a wooden
coffin, but with the arms stretched by the body.302
The younger tomb 43 also stood out by the characteristic form of the burial and
this tomb was also located in the area of the necropolis south of the former church.
Remains of a body in a wooden coffin were found in an interment of an identical
orientation as in the case of the neighbouring Islamic graves. The deceased person
was buried in rich clothes, with crossed arms. A small, solidly made ball-button and
bronze coins of Sultan Mehmed II (1451–1480) were found by the skeleton.303 The
grave was marked with a massive grave slab, made of breccia.
The stated phenomena, as well as some other similar ones, also observed in the
case of several other graves of the younger necropolis by the mosque, are foreign to
300 Field Journal, 22.8.1958. the Islamic funerary customs, which prescribe the laying of the body into the ground,
301 Qubinkovi} R. i M. 1961, 286. wrapped only in canvas, with the strict respect for the certain orientation of the
302 Field Journal, 25.7.1958. grave. Burial within a built tomb, then interment in a wooden coffin, in some cases
303 Field Journal, 4.8.1960. in clothes, as well as the crossed arms suggest preserved Christian traditions.304
304 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1960, 161–162. Judging by all, these were interments of the coverts – Christians who embraced

turska zidana grobnica 7,
nedaleko od ju`nog zida
Turkish built tomb 7,
not far from the south wall
blokova bre~e, visokih oko 30 cm. U okviru tog prostora, koji je bio ispuwen
zemqom i zaravwen, nalazile su se ~etiri kamene baze za drvene direke, na ko-
je se verovatno oslawala piramidalna krovna konstrukcija. U sredi{tu ovog
grobnog postrojewa otkrivena su dva grobna ukopa, orijentisana po osi jugoza-
pad–severoistok. Oba pokojnika bila su sahrawena u drvenim sanducima.300
Jednom od pokojnika, ruke su bile opu{tene du` tela, dok su drugom bile pre-
kr{tene.301
Sasvim osobenu pojavu predstavqa islamski grob 7, otkriven nedaleko od
ju`nog zida nekada{we crkve-xamije. U pitawu je zapravo zidana grobnica, sa
dnom na dubini od 1,67 m. Po na~inu gra|ewa i dimenzijama, ona se nije raz-
likovala od starijih grobnica toga tipa, koje su se nalazile u katedrali (sl.
71). Razlika je postojala jedino u orijentaciji, koja je bila ista kao i kod osta-
lih, mla|ih islamskih grobova. Pokojnik u grobnici bio je sahrawen u drve-
nom sanduku, ali sa rukama opu{tenim niz telo.302
Osobenim na~inom sahrane izdvajao se i mla|i grob 43, tako|e sa prostora
nekropole ju`no od nekada{we crkve. U grobnom ukopu identi~ne orijentaci-
je kao i kod susednih islamskih grobova, otkriveni su ostaci ukopa u drvenom
kov~egu. Pokojnik je bio sahrawen u bogatom odelu, sa prekr{tenim rukama. Uz
skelet je otkriveno jedno malo, punoliveno puce i bronzani novac sultana
Mehmeda II (1451–1480).303 Grob je bio obeleèn masivnom nadgrobnom plo~om,
22. avgust 1958.
klesanom od bre~e. 301 Qubinkovi} R. i M. 1961, 286.
Navedene pojave, kao i neke sli~ne, uo~ene kod jo{ nekolikih grobova 302 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
mla|e nekropole uz xamiju, strane su islamskim pogrebnim obi~ajima, koji su 25. jul 1958.
propisivali polagawe tela u zemqu, uvijenog samo u platno, i striktno po{to- 303 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
vawe odre|ene orijentacije groba. Sahrana u zidanoj grobnici, zatim ukop u 4. avgust 1960.
Islam after the Turkish capturing of the town. The examples of graves 7 and 43
would suggest that these were Islamized representatives of the town’s patricians
whose Christian families were still trying to keep the old funerary customs.
The new mosque, established in the restructured main town’s church in 1466,
constituted the only known older Islamic house of prayer in Novo Brdo. An indirect
piece of data about it has been preserved in the 1526 defter which mentions the
mahala of the honourable mosque as one of the main Islamic quarters of Novo
Brdo.305 As far as it is known, there are no more data on that older mosque in the
original historic materials from the 16th and the 17th centuries. According to the
oral tradition preserved among the local population, the older mosque was damaged
during a storm. It is believed that a lightning hit the minaret which then demol-
ished the entire edifice.306 A partial confirmation of this account was obtained dur-
ing the archaeological excavations. During the surveying, traces of major devasta-
tion caused by a storm were noticed, but this needn’t have been only a lightning
strike, but rather, most probably, it was a tectonic quake. It was then that the com-
plete interior structure of the older section of the former cathedral collapsed. In the
central space, the researchers found toppled columns of the subdomical structure
covered in debris and pieces of wall masses. It was noticed that, most probably at
the same time, the entire north wall of the north paraclise also collapsed or, to be
more accurate, it toppled outwards. There were certainly many more clear traces of
this destruction, but, unfortunately, they were not registered or described during
the diggings. There are no reliable data about the time when this major demolition
took place. During the 16th century, there were several powerful earthquakes in the
territory of the central and west Balkans. Without venturing into this interesting
topic, which seismologists may have something more to say about, we are going to
deal only with some of the recorded data. Even before the catastrophic earthquake
of 1667, two strong tremors were recorded in Kotor in 1537 and 1563.307 It appears
that the Studenica Monastery was seriously damaged in this period and certainly
before 1568.308 According to one record, from the end of the 16th century, a pow-
erful earthquake hit Prizren in 1594, but it was not noted whether anything was
destroyed on that occasion and if so, what it was.309 However, the most powerful
earthquake in this region, without any doubt, took place around the middle of the
16th century. One chronicle has kept a note on this: in the year 1555, there was a large
tremor and the town of Skopje was destroyed and in that town many a buildings and
temples collapsed.310 This catastrophic earthquake that destroyed Skopje was cer-
tainly felt quite strongly in Novo Brdo, as well, but it is not known whether the town
itself was damaged to any significant degree. Taking into consideration the strength
of the earthquake, as well as the relative proximity of the seismic area of the Skopje
valley as the likely epicentre, it may be presumed that there was significant destruc-
tion here, too. It seems to us that we are not going to be wrong if we assume that
during the above-mentioned tectonic quake a major part of the Novo Brdo mosque
305 Filipovi} 1954, 79. collapsed. Still, we could neither completely rule out the possibility that the de-
306 Zdravkovi} 1959, 320. struction took place several decades later, during the earthquake in the area of
307 ânak-Medi}, ûbrovi} 2010, 210. Prizren, or perhaps even in the first decades of the 17th century. The possibility
308 Popovi} 2015, 269–270. related to this later dating for the destructive earthquake would be suggested by the
309 Zapisi i natpisi, 249, br. 857. data of Marin Bizzi mentioned earlier who, as it appears, was in a position to see
310 Rodoslovi i letopisi, 266, br. 907. the Novo Brdo’s mosque, the former cathedral, back in 1610, before its collapse.
drvenom kov~egu, u pojedinim slu~ajevima i u ode}i, kao i prekr{tene ruke,

ukazuju na o~uvane hri{}anske tradicije.304 Po svemu sude}i, to su bili grob-
ni ukopi konvertitata – hri{}ana koji su primili islam posle turskog osva-
jawa grada. Primeri grobova 7 i 43, ukazivali bi na mogu}nost da su u pitawu
bili islamizirani predstavnici gradskog patricijata, ~ije su hri{}anske
porodice jo{ uvek poku{avale da sa~uvaju stare pogrebne obi~aje.
Nova xamija, uspostavqena u pregra|enoj glavnoj gradskoj crkvi 1466. go-
dine, predstavqala je jedinu stariju novobrdsku islamsku bogomoqu za koju se
zna. Posredan podatak o tome sa~uvan je u defteru iz 1526. godine, gde se kao
jedan od glavnih islamskih kvartova Novog Brda pomiwe mahala ~asne xami-
je.305 U izvornoj istorijskoj gra|i 16. i 17. veka, koliko je poznato, o toj stari-
joj xamiji nema vi{e podataka. Prema predawu sa~uvanom me|u lokalnim sta-
novni{tvom, starija xamija je postradala u toku jedne nepogode. Veruje se da je
u minare udario grom, koji je razru{io celo zdawe.306 Do delimi~ne potvrde
ovog predawa do{lo se u toku arheolo{kih iskopavawa. Tom prilikom, uo~eni
su tragovi velikog ru{ewa koje je prouzrokovala nepogoda, ali to nije morao
biti samo udar groma ve}, najverovatnije, tektonski poreme}aj. Tada se uru{i-
la kompletna unutra{wa struktura starijeg dela nekada{we katedrale. U sre-
di{wem prostoru otkriveni su obru{eni stubovi potkupolne konstrukcije za-
suti {utom i komadima zidnih masa. Uo~eno je tako|e da se, najverovatnije tom
prilikom, obru{io i ceo severni zid severnog paraklisa, ta~nije, da se on
prevrnuo na spoqnu stranu. Jasnih tragova ovog ru{ewa sigurno je bilo vi{e,
ali oni, naàlost, tokom iskopavawa nisu registrovani niti opisani. O tome
kada se desilo ovo veliko ru{ewe, nema pouzdanih podataka. Tokom 16. veka, na
podru~ju centralnog i zapadnog Balkana bilo je vi{e sna`nih zemqotresa. Ne
upu{taju}i se u ovu zanimqivu temu, o kojoj }e seizmolozi imati {ta da kaù,
zadrà}emo se samo na nekim zabeleènim podacima. Jo{ pre katastrofalnog
potresa 1667. godine, u Kotoru su zabeleèna dva jaka potresa, 1537. i 1563. go-
dine.307 U ovom razdobqu, a svakako pre 1568. godine, u jakom potresu je, izgle-
da, bio te{ko o{te}en i manastir Studenica.308 Prema jednom zapisu, krajem 16.
stole}a, 1594. godine, snaàn zemqotres pogodio je Prizren, ali nije zabele-
èno da li je i {ta tom prilikom postradalo.309 Me|utim, najsna`niji potres
na ovom podru~ju dogodio se, bez sumwe, sredinom 16. veka. O wemu je u jednom
letopisu ostalo zabeleèno: godine 1555. be{e veliki potres, i grad Skopqe se
uru{i i u tom gradu mnoga zdawa i hramovi se oburva{e.310 Ovaj katastrofalni
zemqotres koji je razorio Skopqe, sigurno se sna`no osetio i u Novom Brdu,
ali nije poznato da li je grad znatnije postradao. Imaju}i u vidu ja~inu zemqo-
tresa, kao i relativnu blizinu trusnog podru~ja skopske kotline kao verovat-
nog epicentra, moè se pretpostaviti da je i ovde bilo zna~ajnih {teta. îni
nam se da ne}emo pogre{iti ako pretpostavimo da je prilikom pomenutog tek-
tonskog poreme}aja do{lo do uru{avawa velikog dela novobrdske xamije. 304 Ljubinkovi} R. i M. 1960, 161–162.
Ipak, ne bi se mogla potpuno iskqu~iti ni mogu}nost da je do ru{ewa do{lo 305 Filipovi} 1954, 79.
nekoliko decenija kasnije, prilikom zemqotresa na podru~ju Prizrena, a mo- 306 Zdravkovi} 1959, 320.
`da ~ak i u prvim decenijama 17. veka. Na ovu mogu}nost poznijeg datovawa ra- 307 ânak-Medi}, ûbrovi} 2010, 210.
zornog zemqotresa ukazivao bi i ranije navo|eni podatak Marina Bicija, ko- 308 Popovi} 2015, 269–270.
ji je jo{ 1610. godine, kako izgleda, bio u prilici da vidi novobrdsku xamiju, 309 Zapisi i natpisi, 249, br. 857.
nekada{wu katedralu pre uru{avawa. 310 Rodoslovi i letopisi, 266, br. 907.
Reconstruction of the mosque – younger phase
According to the above-mentioned oral tradition, the mosque was in ruins for a
while, but was reconstructed later on. During the archaeological explorations, it
was possible to notice clearly the traces of this younger reconstruction, as well as to
separate stratigraphically these traces to a large degree (fig. 72). However, owing to
the lack of field documentation, this is now significantly more difficult, so that
some of the questions in connection with the scope of this reconstruction must
remain open. Also, it cannot be concluded reliably for how long the mosque
remained in ruins. The reconstruction, which included the entire former praying
area, may have started several years after the destruction or perhaps a few decades
afterwards.
The collapsed west section of the former cathedral, which served earlier as the
antechamber of the mosque, was not reconstructed and it remained mostly covered
in ruins. In that layer of debris, during the archaeological excavations, the researchers
came across later-date interments and traces of a hearth that were not connected to
the neighbouring Islamic house of prayer. Along with this part of the older edifice,
the partition wall with the portal at the entrance into the mosque was also destro-
yed. This wall was rebuilt along the former alignment, but without the opening for
the door. It was built using different types of stone and mud binder, that is, using
the material that came from the ruins of the surrounding walls. The new entrance
into the mosque, around one metre wide, was made within the scope of the west
wall of the former north nave of the cathedral. The flanks of this new entrance were
finished using tufa ashlars (fig. 73). On its interior side there was a broad step made
of breccia blocks, including also a slab that came there as the spolia. On the north
side, above the breccia socle of the older collapsed wall, a new one was built using
broken stone, in regular bonding, with weak lime mortar of crumbly structure. As
it appears, both apses were well preserved, so they bear no traces of this subsequent
reconstruction.
It is a particularly complex problem to try to clarify what remained of the inte-
rior structure of the east, basilican section of the former cathedral. By all accounts,
the entire north wall of the former naos was destroyed in the earthquake, with its
massive arches resting on the north pillar. During the archaeological surveying, it
could be noticed that this pillar was toppled almost to the level of the foundations.
The only part that has remained is the lower section of the moulded plinth that was
lower than the level of the younger Turkish floor. It may be presumed that these
remains had stayed under the new paving of which no preserved traces were left in
that space on account of the subsequent interments. One slab, which constituted
the upper section of the moulded plinth of this pillar, was built, as the spolia, into
the step beside the new entrance into the mosque.
It appears that the south wall of the former naos with the built pillar and the
relevant arches was not destroyed to any significant degree, so it was possible to
reconstruct it. The walled-in spaces under the arches, that closed the south side of
the mosque, were wall-in again, since the older Turkish wall that was there had cer-
tainly been destroyed. The new wall was not founded on the remains of the old one
with all of its width, but was moved by 20 to 30 cm towards the north. This correc-
tion of the alignment was, by all accounts, caused by the aspiration to found the
wall better, since, it is precisely in this area that the significant decline of the rock
Obnova xamije – mla|a faza

Prema ranije navedenom predawu, xamija je jedno vreme bila u ru{evinama,
ali je kasnije obnovqena. Prilikom arheolo{kih istraìvawa, bilo je mogu-
}e da se tragovi ove mla|e obnove jasno uo~e, a u dobroj meri i stratigrafski
izdvoje (sl. 72). Me|utim, usled nedostatka terenske dokumentacije, to je sada
u zna~ajnoj meri oteàno, tako da neka pitawa u vezi sa obimom ove obnove mo-
raju ostati otvorena. Tako|e se ne moè pouzdano zakqu~iti ni to koliko dugo
je xamija ostala u ru{evinama. Obnova, kojom je bio obuhva}en ~itav nekada-
{wi molitveni prostor, mogla je biti zapo~eta nekoliko godina, a mo`da i
koju deceniju posle ru{ewa.
Poru{eni zapadni deo nekada{we katedrale, koji je ranije sluìo kao
predvorje xamije, nije obnavqan i ostao je najve}im delom zasut ru{evinama.
U tom sloju {uta, u toku arheolo{kih iskopavawa konstatovani su pozniji uko-
pi i tragovi vatri{ta, koji nisu bili u vezi sa susednom islamskom bogomo-
qom. Zajedno sa ovim delom starijeg zdawa, poru{en je i pregradni zid sa por-
talom na ulazu u xamiju. Ovaj zid je na starijoj trasi ponovo podignut, ali bez Sl. 72. Xamija, biv{a katedrala,
otvora za vrata. On je bio gra|en razli~itim vrstama kamena sa blatnim vezi- posle obnove u 17. veku, osnova
vom, odnosno, gra|om koja je poticala sa ru{evina okolnih zidova. Novi ulaz (R = 1 : 200)
u xamiju, {irine oko jedan metar, ure|en je u okviru zapadnog zida nekada{weg Fig. 72. Mosque, the former cathedral,
severnog broda katedrale. Strane novog ulaza bile su ozidane tesanicima sige after the 17th century reconstruction,
(sl. 73). Sa wegove unutra{we strane nalazio se {iri stepenik od blokova bre~e, ground plan (S = 1 : 200)
0 5m

posle obnove u 17. veku, novi ulaz
obra|en sigom u okviru zapadnog zida
nekada{weg severnog broda
after the 17th century reconstruction,
new entrance finished with
calc-tufa within the west wall
of the former north nave
towards the south starts. This new wall was built using different types of randomly
picked stone. This material also included several spolia with relief Morava-style
wattle that came from the walls of the demolished west section of the former cathe-
dral (fig. 74).
In order to ensure the stability of the south wall, two massive counterforts
were added along its exterior face. They were both dug into the debris in the area
of the former south nave and were founded on the rock or on the older wall mass-
es, and also to a large degree on the older Turkish grave structure. In the base of
the roughly built foundations there was a grid made of crossed wooden beams. The
subsurface part of the counterforts was mostly made using smaller breccia and tufa
ashlars (fig. 75–77). It is important to emphasize that there were no spolia at all
among this building material,311 as opposed to the other walls built during the
younger reconstruction, where the stone coming from the collapsed walls of the
older section of the former cathedral was used in a significant quantity. This phe-
nomenon opens a question related to the dating of the building of the counterforts.
It is quite certain that they were built later than the time when the new mosque was
set up. This is suggested by the representative Turkish grave structure that was
negated by the building of the counterforts. On the other hand, the manner of
building and the used material would suggest the time before the younger recon-
struction. For this reason, it seems reasonable to us to assume that the counterforts
were built in the period preceding the first destruction of the mosque. There were
certainly reasons for such an intervention, since the alignment of the south wall
was on a relatively instable terrain. It was perhaps precisely thanks to these coun-
terforts that the south wall remained relatively well preserved even after the earth-
quake.
During the reconstruction works, the floor in the interior of the mosque was
raised and levelled out. Above the older floor, which was uneven on account of the
settlement above the former filled-in tombs, a layer of relatively pure soil was put
311 Field Journal, 28.7. and 1.8.1959. and after it had been compacted, a layer of clay soil was spread, followed by a thin

posle obnove u 17. veku,
novopodignuti ju`ni zid
sa ugra|enim spolijama,
spoqni izgled sa delom temeqa
(1959. godine)
after the 17th century reconstruction,
the newly built south wall with the
built-in spolia, exterior appearance
with a part of the foundations (1959)
me|u kojima i jedna plo~a, koja je tu dospela kao spolija. Sa severne strane, nad
soklom od bre~e starijeg obru{enog zida, podignut je novi od lomqenog kame-
na, u nepravilnom slogu, sa slabim kre~nim malterom tro{ne strukture. Obe
apside bile su, kako izgleda, dobro o~uvane, tako da na wima nema tragova ove
poznije obnove.
Naro~ito sloèn problem predstavqa poku{aj da se razjasni {ta je preo-
stalo od unutra{we strukture isto~nog, bazilikalno re{enog dela nekada{we
katedrale. U zemqotresu je, po svemu sude}i, stradao ceo severni zid nekada-
{weg naosa, sa svojim masivnim lukovima oslowenim na severni stubac. Pri-
likom arheolo{kih istraìvawa, moglo se uo~iti da je ovaj stubac bio poru{en
gotovo do ravni temeqa. Preostao je samo niì deo profilisane stope, koji je
bio niì od ravni mla|eg turskog poda. Moè se pretpostaviti da su ti ostaci
ostali ispod novog poplo~awa od kojeg, usled kasnijih ukopa, na tom prostoru
nije bilo o~uvanih tragova. Jedna plo~a, koja je ~inila gorwi deo profilisane
stope ovog stupca, bila je ugra|ena, kao spolija, u stepenik pored novog ulaza
u xamiju.
Ju`ni zid nekada{weg naosa sa zidanim stupcem i odgovaraju}im lukovi-
ma ~ini se da nije bio u znatnijoj meri bio poru{en, pa je bila mogu}a wegova
obnova. Zazidani prostori ispod lukova, koji su zatvarali ju`nu stranu xami-
je, ponovo su ozidani, budu}i da je stariji turski zid koji se tu nalazio sigur-
no bio poru{en. Novi zid nije celom {irinom utemeqen na ostacima stari-
jeg, ve} je za 20 do 30 cm bio pomeren ka severu. Ova ispravka trase bila je, po
svemu sude}i, uslovqena te`wom da se zid boqe zasnuje, budu}i da upravo na
tom prostoru po~iwe znatni pad stene prema jugu. Ovaj novi zid bio je gra|en
razli~itim vrstama priru~no prikupqenog kamena. Me|u ovom gra|om, nala-
zilo se i nekoliko spolija sa reqefnim moravskim pleterom, koje poti~u sa
zidova poru{enog zapadnog dela nekada{we katedrale (sl. 74).
Radi obezbe|ivawa stabilnosti ju`nog zida, uz wegovo spoqno lice dogra|e-
na su dva masivna kontrafora. Oba su bila ukopana u {ut u prostoru nekada{weg

isto~ni kontrafor
uz ju`ni zid (1959. godine)
east counterfort along the south wall
(1959)

isto~ni kontrafor utemeqen na
ostacima apside prvobitne crkve
(1959. godine)
east counterfort based on the remains
of the original church’s apse (1959)
layer of rendering base. As opposed to the earlier floor, this one was made of differ-
ent-format bricks – rectangular, hexagonal, as well as those older, square-shaped
ones. Relatively small areas of this younger floor have been preserved in the apses
and the south-west part of the praying area (fig. 78). During the construction of the
floor, west of the mihrab, a minbar was built with only its foundation preserved,
dug into the fill above the older floor. The minbar was built using carved stone and
lime mortar (fig. 79–80). Like in the case of the reconstructed south wall, the build-
ing structure of the minbar contained smaller pieces (spolia) of Morava-style plas-
312 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 323–325. tic decoration.312

zapadni kontrafor uz ju`ni zid
(1959. godine)
west counterfort along the south wall
(1959)
ju`nog broda i zasnovana na steni ili starijim zidnim masama, a velikim de-
lom i na starijoj turskoj grobnoj konstrukciji. U osnovi grubo zidanog temeqa
nalazio se ro{tiq od ukr{tenih drvenih greda. Nadzemni deo kontrafora
prete`no je gra|en mawim tesanicima bre~e i sige (sl. 75–77). Va`no je napo-
menuti da me|u ovom gra|om uop{te nije bilo spolija,311 za razliku od ostalih
zidova podignutih tokom mla|e obnove, gde je u zna~ajnoj koli~ini kori{}en
kamen sa poru{enih zidova starijeg dela nekada{we katedrale. Ta pojava otva-
ra pitawe datovawa gradwe kontrafora. Sasvim je izvesno da su oni pozniji od
vremena kada je ure|ena nova xamija. Na to ukazuje reprezentativna turska grob-
na konstrukcija, koja je negirana podizawem kontrafora. Sa druge strane, na~in
zidawa i upotrebqena gra|a, ukazivali bi na vreme pre mla|e obnove. Stoga
nam razlo`no izgleda pretpostavka da su kontrafori podignuti u nekom raz-
dobqu koje je prethodilo prvom ru{ewu xamije. Za ovakvu intervenciju sigur-
no je bilo razloga, budu}i da se trasa ju`nog zida nalazila na relativno nesta-
bilnom terenu. Mo`da je upravo zahvaquju}i ovim kontraforima, ju`ni zid i
posle potresa ostao relativno dobro o~uvan.
Prilikom radova na obnovi, u unutra{wosti xamije povi{en je i izrav-
nat nivo poda. Nad starijim podom, koji je bio neravan usled slegawa nad ne-
kada{wim zatrpanim grobnicama, nasut je sloj relativno ~iste zemqe, iznad
koga je posle nabijawa postavqan sloj ilova~e, a potom tanak sloj malterne
podloge. Za razliku od ranijeg poda, ovaj novi je bio ra|en od opeka razli~i-
tog formata – pravougaonih, {estougaonih, kao i onih starijih, kvadratnog
oblika. Od ovog mla|eg poda o~uvane su relativno male povr{ine u apsidama
i jugozapadnom delu molitvenog prostora (sl. 78). Prilikom izrade poda, za-
padno od mihraba podignut je mimbar, od koga se sa~uvao samo temeq, ukopan u
nasip nad starijim podom. Mimbar je bio zidan tesanim kamenom i kre~nim 311 Dnevnik arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
malterom (sl. 79–80). U wegovoj zidanoj strukturi bilo je, kao i kod obnovqe- 28. jul i 1. avgust 1959.
nog ju`nog zida, mawih komada plastike sa reqefnim pleternim ukrasom.312 312 ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959, 323–325.

ostaci starijeg i mla|eg turskog
poda ispred mihraba (1958. godine)
remains of the older and the younger
Turkish floors in front of the mihrab
(1958)
In the north-west section of the mosque, there was a gallery – the mahfili.
Judging by the finding of a sequence of three untilled stone bases, dug into the fill
up to the level of the older floor, this gallery was constructed of modest materials.
It was made in its entirety of wood and rested on carved wooden posts. The mahfili
was of a triangular shape, since it covered the entire corner of the mosque and it
also hung over the entrance into the praying area.
We may only guess what the mosque looked like after this reconstruction. As
opposed to the older one, which had retained the monumental appearance of the
former cathedral, the reconstructed mosque made a significantly more modest
impression. The former praying area was restored in this new edifice, but as a whole
the mosque got a completely new shape. It may be presumed that a new pyramid
hip roof was placed on top of the partially reconstructed walls which could also rest
on the central wooden post in the place of the former, demolished north pillar. The
roof covering was most probably made of wood shingles, since no terracotta roof
tiles were recorded during the archaeological excavations. With thus imagined roof
structure, which covered the area of an approximately square shape, with the di-
mensions of 19.5 x 19.5 m, a pronaos at least three metres wide may have been in
front of the entrance into the mosque. Most probably, there was wood ceiling above
the praying area in the interior of building.
There are no data as to when and how the reconstructed Novo Brdo mosque
was eventually destroyed. The archaeological documentation from the time of the
first excavations holds no data on any possible find of a layer of soot that could sug-
gest that the edifice may have been destroyed in a fire. Without getting into detailed
consideration of this issue, for which we have no valid data, we are going to stick to
the conclusion of the earlier researchers that the mosque was most probably destro-
yed at the time of the Austro-Turkish war at the end of the 17th century. Already at
the beginning of the following century, a new mosque was founded at the end of the
west slope of the elevation in which the remains of the old cathedral stand, and that
313 Zdravkovi}, Simi} 1956, 268, sl. 15–17. one has survived to the present313. Judging by the inscription carved into the slab
U severozapadnom delu xamije nalazila se galerija – mahvil. Sude}i po Sl. 79. Xamija, biv{a katedrala,
nalazu niza od tri neobra|ene kamene baze, ukopane u nasip do ravni starijeg posle obnove u 17. veku,
poda, ova galerija je bila skromne gra|e. Ona je ~itava ra|ena od drveta i po- ostaci zidanog mimbara
~ivala je na tesanim direcima. Bila je trougaonog oblika, budu}i da je obuhva- Sl. 80. Xamija, biv{a katedrala,
tala ceo ugao xamije, a natkrivala je i ulaz u molitveni prostor. posle obnove u 17. veku,
Kako je izgledala xamija posle ove obnove, moè se samo pretpostaviti. Za detaq temeqa mimbara
razliku od starije, koja je zadràla monumentalni izgled nekada{we katedra-
le, obnovqena xamija ostavqala je znatno skromniji utisak. U ovom zdawu ob- Fig. 79. Mosque, the former cathedral,
novqen je nekada{wi molitveni prostor, ali je xamija, posmatrana u celini, after the 17th century reconstruction,
dobila sasvim novi oblik. Moè se pretpostaviti da je nad delimi~no obno- remains of the built minbar
vqenim zidovima postavqena nova konstrukcija krova na ~etiri vode, koja je Fig. 80. Mosque, the former cathedral,
mogla biti oslowena na centralni drveni direk, na mestu nekada{weg, poru- after the 17th century reconstruction,
{enog severnog stupca. Krovni pokriva~ najverovatnije je bila drvena {indra, a detail of the minbar’s foundation
budu}i da prilikom arheolo{kih iskopavawa nisu zabeleèni nalazi crepa,
odnosno }eramida. Sa ovako zami{qenom krovnom konstrukcijom, koja je po-
krivala povr{inu pribli`no kvadratnog oblika, dimenzija 19,5 x 19,5 m,
pred ulazom u xamiju mogao se nalaziti trem {irine najmawe tri metra. Nad
molitvenim prostorom u unutra{wosti xamije najverovatnije je postojala dr-
vena tavanica.
Nema podataka kada je i kako postradala obnovqena novobrdska xamija. U
arheolo{koj dokumentaciji iz vremena prvih iskopavawa nema podataka o even-
talnom nalazu sloja gari, koji bi mogao da ukaè da li je zdawe mo`da strada-
lo u poàru. Bez detaqnijeg razmatrawa ovog pitawa, za koje nemamo vaqanih
podataka, zadrà}emo se na zakqu~ku ranijih istraìva~a da je xamija najve-
rovatnije stradala u vreme austroturskog rata krajem 17. veka. Ve} po~etkom 313 Zdravkovi},Simi} 1956, 268, sl. 15–17.
314 Za de{ifrovawe godine izgradwe
narednog stole}a, na kraju zapadne padine uzvi{ewa na kome leè ostaci stare
uklesane na plo~i iznad ulaza u xamiju
katedrale, zasnovana je nova xamija, koja je pretrajala sve do na{eg vremena313.
zahvalnost dugujemo dr Tatjani Kati},
Sude}i prema natpisu koji je uklesan u plo~u iznad wenog ulaza podignuta je nau~nom saradniku Istorijskog instituta
1117. godine po hixri, odnosno 1705. ili 1706. godine314. u Beogradu.
above its entrance, it was built in 1117 AH, that is, in 1705 or 1706314. The ruins
of the town of Novo Brdo – not only of the fortifications, but also of other destroyed
and abandoned edifices, were the source of building material for the local popula-
tion for a long time. It was mostly the carved stone, breccia and andesite ashlars, as
well as tufa blocks, that were taken away. The ruins of Novo Brdo experienced par-
ticularly large devastation when in 1892 Turks took the carved stone from here for
the purpose of building the military barracks in Pristina.315 On that occasion, all of
the carved stone from the ruins of the cathedral, both from the remaining walls and
from the debris, was taken away.
314 For the decoding of the year

of construction cut into the slab
above the entrance into the mosque,
we are grateful to Tatjana Kati}, PhD,
the scientific associate of the Institute
of History in Belgrade.
315 Kosti} 1922, 142;
Radovanovi} 1928, 174.

Ru{evine grada Novog Brda – ne samo fortifikacija, ve} i drugih razru-

{enih i napu{tenih zdawa, dugo su bili izvori{te gra|evinskog materijala
za lokalno stanovni{tvo. Ponajvi{e je odno{en obra|eni kamen, tesanici bre-
~e i andezita, kao i blokovi sige. Posebno velike {tete novobrdske ru{evine
su pretrpele 1892. godine, kada su Turci za gra|ewe kasarne u Pri{tini odav-
de nosili tesani kamen.315 Tom prilikom je i sa ru{evina katedrale odnet sav
obra|eni kamen, kako sa preostalih zidova, tako i iz {uta.
315 Kosti} 1922, 142;
Radovanovi} 1928, 174.

208
Final considerations
D ISPROPORTIONATE TO the importance which Novo Brdo used to have, the

life of this medieval town, viewed as a whole, has remained insufficiently known
and only partially studied. The preserved original historic records, which are almost
exclusively limited to the archives of Ragusa and Kotor, primarily shed the light on
the activities of the residents of Novo Brdo, most often foreigners, coming from
these towns. There is significantly less data on the local Serbian population that
constituted the majority in Novo Brdo and these are mostly indirect. With an excep-
tion of the well-known Law on the Mines of Despot Stefan, which also contains a part
of the Novo Brdo town’s statute, there are almost no preserved Serbian original
documents. Despite the fact that the available sources, strikingly unbalanced, do
not provide for the time being a possibility to view the overall development of Novo
Brdo during the 14th and the 15th centuries, they still provide the basic picture of
the town that is yet to be supplemented with field researches of the traces of the
former urban structures. In those terms, the several-year long excavations of the
remains of the main church of Novo Brdo, which served as a mosque after the
Turkish conquest of the town, have been of exceptional importance.
The extensive explorations of this monumental edifice surrounded by a necro-
polis, conducted more than six decades ago, were not finalized in accordance with
the original intention, so that there is no final analysis of the very important finds
that were obtained in the process. An attempt to do so now has been carried out
with a limited success. With the passage of time, a part of the field documentation
has been lost and what has remained, along with the published reports, is insuffi-
cient for a comprehensive study, especially when it comes to the findings from the
necropolis. For this reason, our considerations had to be limited to the remains of
the church itself, that is, to the architectural remains and built tomb structures, as
well as – within the limits of the available material – the grave interments that were
located in the interior of this main temple of Novo Brdo.
During the field researches of the site in the former centre of the urban zone
of Novo Brdo, a very complex stratigraphic situation was encountered, with archae-
ological remains that correspond to different periods in which this site was used.
316 The temple’s dedication of On the basis of the conclusions reached by the earlier researchers, as well as the
the Novo Brdo cathedral was reliably outcomes of our more recent surveying, it was possible to differentiate five stages,
confirmed by the earlier mentioned account or rather, construction phases which in continuity replaced one another from the
of Giorggio Bianchi from 1642 saying that
middle of the 14th century to the end of the 17th century. The necropolis with the
the Church of St Nicholas, the former
cathedral temple, had been turned into sepulchral church was singled out as the oldest one, followed by the building of the
a mosque (Ja~ov 1986, 589). main temple, while the extension of its east section was carried out in the third phase.
209
Zavr{na re~
N ESRAZMERNO ZNAÂJU koje je Novo Brdo nekada imalo, ìvot tog sred-
wovekovnog grada, posmatran u celini, ostao je nedovoqno poznat i samo deli-
mi~no prou~en. Sa~uvana izvorna istorijska gra|a, koja je gotovo iskqu~ivo
ograni~ena na dokumenta iz primorskih arhiva, Dubrovnika i Kotora, osvetqa-
va na prvom mestu delovawe novobrdskih ìteqa, naj~e{}e stranaca, poreklom
iz ovih gradova. O lokalnom srpskom stanovni{tvu, koje je ~inilo ve}inu gra|a-
na Novog Brda, raspolaè se sa znatno mawe podataka, i to uglavnom posrednih.
Sa izuzetkom poznatog Zakona o rudnicima despota Stefana, u kome se nalazi
i deo novobrdskog gradskog statuta, o ovom gradu gotovo da i nema sa~uvane srp-
ske izvorne gra|e. Uprkos ~iwenici da raspoloìvi izvori, izrazito neujed-
na~eni, za sada ne pruàju mogu}nost da se u celini sagleda razvoj Novog Brda
tokom 14–15. veka, oni ipak daju osnovnu sliku grada, koju tek treba dopuwava-
ti terenskim istraìvawima tragova nekada{wih urbanih struktura. U tom
smislu, od izuzetnog zna~aja su bila vi{egodi{wa iskopavawa ostataka glavne
novobrdske crkve, koja je posle turskog zaposedawa grada sluìla kao xamija.
Obimna istraìvawa ovog monumentalnog zdawa okruènog nekropolom,
vr{ena pre vi{e od {est decenija, nisu okon~ana prema prvobitnoj zamisli,
tako da je izostala i kona~na obrada veoma zna~ajnih nalaza do kojih se do{lo
tom prilikom. Poku{aj da se to sada u~ini ostvaren je sa ograni~enim uspe-
hom. Protokom vremena deo terenske dokumentacije je izgubqen, a ono {to je
preostalo, uz objavqene izve{taje, nedovoqno je za celovitu studiju, posebno
kada su u pitawu nalazi sa nekropole. Stoga su na{a razmatrawa morala biti
ograni~ena na ostatke same crkve, odnosno arhitektonskih ostataka i zidanih
grobnih konstrukcija, kao i – u okvirima raspoloìve gra|e – grobnih ukopa
koji su se nalazili u unutra{wosti ovog, glavnog novobrdskog hrama.
U toku terenskih istraìvawa lokaliteta u nekada{wem sredi{tu urbane
zone Novog Brda, ustanovqena je veoma sloèna stratigrafska situacija, sa arhe-
olo{kim ostacima koji odgovaraju razli~itim razdobqima kori{}ewa ove lo-
kacije. Na osnovu zakqu~aka do kojih su do{li raniji istraìva~i, kao i is-
hoda na{ih novijih ispitivawa, bilo je mogu}e izdvojiti pet etapa, ta~nije,
gra|evinskih faza, koje su se u kontinuitetu smewivale od sredine 14. do kra-
ja 17. veka. Kao najstarija, izdvojena je nekropola sa grobqanskom crkvom, za-
tim sledi gra|ewe glavnog hrama, a u tre}oj etapi dogradwa wegovog isto~nog
dela. Posledwe dve etape usledile su nakon pretvarawa novobrdske katedrale
u xamiju. U na{em izlagawu svaka od ovih etapa detaqno je razmotrena, uz do-
no{ewe odgovaraju}ih zakqu~aka.
The last two stages ensued after the Novo Brdo cathedral had been turned into a
mosque. Each one of these stages has been analyzed in our text in details, along with
the reaching of the relevant conclusions.
At the time when the urban area of Novo Brdo was still in the shaping phase,
a necropolis of the town’s Orthodox residents was established on the mild slope of
an elevation, almost in the centre of the future suburb. Soon after the first burials,
as it appears, the space of the necropolis was enclosed with a solidly built wall. The
archaeological surveys have shown that there used to be a small sepulchral church in
the central part of the necropolis of which, owing to the subsequent demolitions and
partitioning, only parts of the foundations based directly on the rock have remained.
On the basis of the fragmentarily preserved remains, it could be concluded that this
was a single-nave temple with a rectangular ground plan and a semi-circular apse
in the east. With two pairs of small pilasters, its interior space was divided into three
bays – the spacious central one and two narrow ones on the east and the west sides.
Most probably, the church had a semi-spherical vault, although it cannot be ruled out
that there was a dome above the central bay. During the archaeological diggings, no
traces of the former floor were found nor any possible traces of the older-date burials
in the church itself were noticed.
According to the characteristics of its architecture, that small church around
which, by all accounts, the town’s necropolis started to develop belongs to the rank
of modest, single-nave edifices, such as were built on the territory of the Serbian
lands over the period of several centuries. Therefore, the revealed remains, by them-
selves, do not provide sufficient data for any more reliable dating of the construction.
The building of this small temple, which preceded the building of the cathedral,
needs therefore to be viewed within the scope of the development of the urban
structure of Novo Brdo and the economic strengthening of the town. A very impor-
tant role in this process, in addition to the foreigners – the Saxons and the people
from the coastal towns – was also played by the local Orthodox population. It may
be assumed that already in the first decades of the 14th century, in addition to the
church intended for the Latin services, orthodox temples were built as well. Among
them, judging by all, there was also the small church at the necropolis. In compari-
son to the other single-nave temples of Novo Brdo, it was a little more spacious and
significantly more massively built (fig. 15). We should also not rule out a possibility
that already at the time when it was first founded it was given particular attention,
which is indirectly supported by the fact that a little later, the cathedral temple of
St Nicholas was built at the same site.316 The given considerations could suggest
that the building of the first – small single-nave church at this site could be dated
back to the second quarter of the 14th century, perhaps closer to the middle of the
century. It would also be the time when the burying in the necropolis around the
newly-built church started.
The exploitation of the rich silver mines and the fast urbanization accompa-
nied by the settling of the local population testify to the exceptional importance
which Novo Brdo had even before the middle of the 14th century. In line with the
prosperity of the town, the future town’s cathedral, St Nicholas Church, was built
in the centre of the suburb, on the existing necropolis, in order to meet the needs
of the increasing number of orthodox residents. The new temple was significantly
bigger than the former sepulchral church. It had a rectangular ground plan in the
U vreme kada je urbani areal Novog Brda bio jo{ u fazi oblikovawa, na bla-
goj padini visa, gotovo u sredi{tu budu}eg podgra|a, obrazovana je nekropola
pravoslavnog gradskog stanovni{tva. Ubrzo posle prvih sahrana, kako izgleda,
prostor nekropole bio je obuhva}en solidno gra|enim zidom. Arheolo{ka is-
traìvawa su pokazala da se u sredi{wem delu nekropole nalazila mala gro-
bqanska crkva od koje su, usled kasnijih ru{ewa i pregradwi, preostali uglav-
nom delovi temeqa, zasnovani neposredno na steni. Na osnovu fragmentarno
o~uvanih ostataka moglo se zakqu~iti da je u pitawu jednobrodni hram pravo-
ugaone osnove sa polukru`nom apsidom na istoku. Wegov unutra{wi prostor
bio je sa dva para malih pilastara podeqen na tri traveja – prostran central-
ni i dva uska sa isto~ne i zapadne strane. Crkva je, najverovatnije, imala po-
luobli~asti svod, mada nije iskqu~ena ni mogu}nost da je postojala kupola
nad centralnim travejom. U toku arheolo{kih iskopavawa nisu na|eni ostaci
nekada{weg poda, niti su uo~eni eventualni tragovi starijeg sahrawivawa u
samoj crkvi.
Ta mala crkva oko koje je, po svoj prilici, zapo~eto obrazovawe gradske ne-
kropole, prema odlikama svoje arhitekture spada u red skromnih jednobrodnih
zdawa, kakva se na podru~ju srpskih zemaqa grade tokom vi{e stole}a. Stoga
otkriveni ostaci, sami po sebi, ne pruàju dovoqno podataka za pouzdanije od-
re|ewe vremena gra|ewa. Nastanak ovog malog hrama, koji je prethodio podiza-
wu katedrale, stoga treba posmatrati u okviru razvoja urbane strukture Novog
Brda i ekonomskog ja~awa grada. Zna~ajan udeo u tom procesu, osim stranaca –
Sasa i qudi iz primorskih gradova – imalo je i lokalno pravoslavno stanov-
ni{tvo. Moè se pretpostaviti da su ve} u prvim decenijama 14. veka, osim
crkve namewene latinskom bogosluèwu, gra|eni i pravoslavni hramovi. Me-
|u wima, po svemu sude}i, nalazila se i mala crkva na nekropoli. U pore|ewu
sa drugim jednobrodnim novobrdskim hramovima, ona je bila ne{to prostra-
nija i znatno masivnije gra|ena (sl. 15). Ne treba iskqu~iti mogu}nost da joj
je ve} u vreme zasnivawa pridavan poseban zna~aj, na {ta posredno ukazuje i
~iwenica da se ne{to kasnije, na istoj lokaciji, gradi katedralni hram Svetog
Nikole.316 Navedena razmatrawa ukazuju na to da bi se gra|ewe prve – male,
jednobrodne crkve na ovom lokalitetu, moglo datovati u drugu ~etvrtinu 14.
veka, mo`da bliè sredini toga stole}a. To bi bilo i vreme kada zapo~iwe sa-
hrawivawe na nekropoli oko novosagra|ene crkve.
Eksploatacija bogatih rudnika srebra i brza urbanizacija pra}ena doseqa-
vawem lokalnog stanovni{tva, svedo~e o izuzetanom zna~aju koji je Novo brdo
steklo pre jo{ pre sredine 14. veka. U skladu sa napretkom grada, za potrebe
sve brojnijih pravoslavnih ìteqa u sredi{tu podgra|a, na postoje}oj nekro-
poli podignuta je crkva Svetog Nikole, budu}a gradska katedrala. Novi hram
bio je znatno ve}i od ranije grobqanske crkve. Imao je pravougaonu osnovu u
vidu razvijenog upisanog krsta. Na istoku se nalazila apsida, koja je prili-
kom poznije dogradwe isto~nog dela katedrale u celosti poru{ena. Sredi{wi
prostor naosa obrazovala su ~etiri stuba, klesana od bre~e, nad kojima se na- 316 Hramovna posveta novobrdske
lazila kupola. Unutra{wa priprata je od glavnog dela hrama bila odvojena sa katedrale pouzdano je potvr|ena ranije
navedenim kazivawem \or|a Bjankija
dva nià, sli~no klesana stuba.
iz 1642. godine da je crkva Svetog
Novobrdska crkva Svetog Nikole, zasnovana na starijoj gradskoj nekropoli Nikole, nekada{wi katedralni hram,
uz zate~eni jednobrodni hram, gra|ena je u duhu prethodnih ostvarewa srpskog pretvorena u xamiju (Ja~ov 1986, 589).
form of a developed cross-in-square design. In the east there was an apse which was
destroyed in its entirety during the subsequent extension of the east section of the
cathedral. The central space of the naos was created with four columns, made of
breccia, with a dome above them. The narthex was separated from the main section
of the temple with two lower, similarly carved columns.
The St Nicholas Church in Novo Brdo, based on the older town’s necropolis along
the existing single-nave temple, was built in the spirit of the previous achievements
of the Serbian sacral architecture, with the use of low-relief plastic decoration char-
acteristic of the Morava- style plastic. This is a phenomenon that reflects a transi-
tory period in the Serbian history, marked by the disintegration of the state and the
first Ottoman conquests. Some of the important monuments of that epoch have
reached our times in ruins or in the form of archaeological remains, which makes
it more difficult to observe the style transformations in the architectural shaping of
the new temples. The remains of Novo Brdo’s Church of St Nicholas, as well as the
few finds discovered in its ruins, allow us to glimpse the transient forms in the
transformation of the sacral architecture on the territory of the Serbian lands.
Nevertheless, it seems to us that they are insufficient for reaching any final, more
firmly based conclusions.
In this context, it is good to underline different specific solutions. The shape
of the ground plan of the Church of St Nicholas, with its cross-in-shape design,
with the naos and narthex brought together in the terms of space, as well as the
subdomical structure resting on carved stone columns, are very much related to a
similar solution in the church in Markov manastir, with which there are other con-
currences, as well. What needs to be pointed out in particular here is the way in
which the narthex of the Novo Brdo church is linked with the naos, via a triple-arch
passage resting on two lower monolithic pillars. It may be presumed that there was
the same proportion relation between the width of the central bay and the height
of the subdomical structure. An analogous solution has also been noticed at the
church of the Nova Pavlica Monastery, where the subdomical structure also rests
on the carved stone columns (fig. 35).
As opposed to the similarity in the said structural solutions and the proportion
relations, as well as some other architectural details, such as portals, significant dif-
ferences in the finishing of the facades may be observed in comparison to the older
architectural solutions. In the case of the Church of St Nicholas, they are primari-
ly seen in the style of building using rows of ashlars in two colours, then in the
application of three-cascade pilasters and cordon-cornices, as well as the use of the
Morava-style low-relief plastic. In the church in Markov manastir, built around the
middle of the seventh decade of the 14th century, the facades were done using the
alternating rows of stones and bricks, with one-cascade pilasters and a cordon-cor-
nice only in the ground-level zone, while the plastic decoration is limited to the cap-
itals of the iconostasis and the door lintel beam of the west portal.
The appearance of finely finished facades using carved stone blocks in two or
three colours, laid in regular rows, is a characteristic of the main Serbian rulers’
endowments built during the first half of the 14th century. When it comes to
Banjska and De~ani monasteries, such a building style has been interpreted as taking
Studenica Monastery – the sepulchral temple and endowment of the founder of the
dynasty, Stefan Nemanja, as the paragon. The third major endowment, the Monastery
sakralnog graditeqstva, uz pojavu pleterne plasti~ne dekoracije karakteri-

sti~ne za moravsku plastiku. U pitawu je pojava koja odslikava jedno prelazno
razdobqe srpske povesti, obeleèno dezintegracijom dràve i prvim turskim
osvajawima. Neki od zna~ajnih spomenika te epohe dospeli su do na{eg vremena
u ru{evinama, ili u arheolo{kim ostacima, {to oteàva sagledavawe stilskih
preobraàja u arhitektonskom oblikovawu novih hramova. Ostaci novobrdske
crkve Svetog Nikole, kao i malobrojni nalazi otkriveni u wenim ru{evinama,
omogu}avaju da se naslute prelazne forme transformacije sakralnog graditeq-
stva na tlu srpskih zemaqa. îni nam se, ipak, da su oni nedovoqni za dono{e-
we kona~nih, boqe utemeqenih zakqu~aka.
U tom kontekstu vaqa ukazati na pojedina karakteristi~na re{ewa. Oblik
osnove crkve Svetog Nikole, u vidu upisanog krsta sa prostorno povezanim na-
osom i pripratom, kao i potkupolnom konstrukcijom oslowenom na klesane
kamene stubove, veoma je blizak sli~nom re{ewu crkve Markovog manastira, sa
kojom postoje i druge podudarnosti. Tu treba posebno ista}i na~in na koji je
priprata novobrdske crkve povezana sa naosom, preko trolu~nog otvora, sa sre-
di{wim lukom oslowenim na dva nià monolitna stuba. Moè se pretposta-
viti da je bio isti i proporcijski odnos {irine sredi{weg traveja i visina
potkupolne konstrukcije. Analogno proporcijsko re{ewe uo~eno je i u crkvi
manastira Nove Pavlice, gde je tako|e potkupolna konstrukcija oslowena na
klesane kamene stubove (sl. 35).
Za razliku od bliskosti navedenih konstruktivih re{ewa i proporcij-
skih odnosa, kao i nekih drugih detaqa arhitekture, kakvi su portali, u obra-
di fasada uo~avaju se bitne razlike u odnosu na starija graditeqska re{ewa.
One se kod crkve Svetog Nikole najpre ogledaju u zidawu redovima tesanika u
dve boje, zatim primeni trostepenih pilastara i kordon-venaca, kao i pojavi
moravske plitkorezane plastike. U Markovom manastiru, gra|enom sredinom
sedme decenije 14. veka, fasade su ra|ene u alternaciji redova kamena i ope-
ke, sa jednostepenim pilastrima i kordon-vencem samo u prizemnoj zoni, dok
je plasti~na dekoracija ograni~ena na kapitele ikonostasa i nadvratnu gredu
zapadnog portala.
Pojava fino oblikovanih fasada klesanim kamenim blokovima u dve ili
tri boje, sloènih u pravilne redove, odlika je glavnih srpskih vladarskih
zadu`bina gra|enih tokom prve polovine 14. veka. Kada su u pitawu Bawska i
De~ani, taj na~in gra|ewa tuma~en je ugledawem na Studenicu – grobni hram i
zadu`binu rodona~elnika dinastije, Stefana Nemawu. I tre}a velika zadu-
`bina, manastir Svetih arhan|ela kod Prizrena, gra|en tokom pete decenije
14. veka, sledi u osnovnim crtama tu tradiciju, ali uz ra{~lawavawe fasada
lezenama i kordon-vencima u duhu starijih vizantijskih uzora. Ta simbioza
ra{kih obrazaca i uticaja vizantijskog sakralnog graditeqstva, koja je do{la
do punog izraàja u oblikovawu hramova prizrenskog manastira Svetih arhan-
|ela, smatra se za~etkom osobenih arhitektonskih ostvarewa u oblastima Mo-
ravske Srbije. îni nam se da u tom kontekstu treba posmatrati odlike novo-
brdskog hrama, uz poku{aj da mu se odredi mesto u razvojnoj liniji srpskog
sakralnog graditeqstva na razme|u dve epohe. Smatramo da ne}emo pogre{iti
ako zakqu~imo da je na oblikovawe wegovih fasada veliki zna~aj imalo ugle-
dawe na prizrensku zadu`binu i grobni hram cara Stefana Du{ana, ali uz
of the Holy Archangels near Prizren, built during the fifth decade of the 14th centu-
ry, follows this tradition with its basic elements, but with the division of the facades
using lesenes and cordon-cornices in the spirit of the older Byzantine paragons. This
symbiosis of the Ra{ka-style templates and the influence of the Byzantine sacral
architecture, that reached its peak in the shaping of the temples belonging to the
Monastery of the Holy Archangels, is considered to be the very beginning of the
characteristic architectural achievements in the areas under the Moravan Serbia
influence. It seems to us that it is in this context that we should view the features of
the Novo Brdo temple, while trying to determine its position along the development
line of the Serbian sacral architecture at the turning point between two epochs. We
believe we are not going to be wrong if we conclude that the shaping of its facades
was greatly influenced by the endowment from Prizren and the sepulchral temple
of Emperor Stefan Du{an, but with an introduction of new decorative elements that
would reach their full expression in the Morava-style architecture.
In those terms, one of the important characteristics of the architecture of the
Church of St Nicholas is the use of plastic decorations on the facades. The relief de-
coration of the windows, archivolts on the pediments and rosettes, with the selection
of the materials and the manner of carving, as well as the motifs, is closest to the
decorative plastic applied on the endowments of Prince Lazar. The building of
Lazarica, the Prince’s castle church in Kru{evac is rather reliably dated back to
1376/77, while the monastery temple in Ravanica was by all accounts built a little
later, but certainly before 1381. It is believed that the Prince’s endowment activity
ensued right after the state assemblies held in Pe} in 1374/1375, that is, after the
reconciliation with the Patriarchate of Constantinople.
The close parallels with the oldest Morava-style monuments represent, without
any doubt, an important element for the dating of Novo Brdo’s Church of St Nicholas.
The fragmentary preservation does not allow for any more detailed analyses of the
noted similarities, which is particularly evident when the presence or the quantities
of plastic decorations on the facades are compared. Although there are not enough
elements for any final conclusions, one does get an impression that in comparison to
Lazarica and Ravanica, the facades of the Novo Brdo church contained less carved
plastic. This phenomenon might be explained by the fact that the monumental
appearance of the temple, built using red breccia and green-brown andesite ashlars,
was actually only supplemented with the low-relief stone plastic, as a new decora-
tive element. The stated parallels and observations would allow for a supposition
that St Nicholas Church was built somewhere in the first years of the Prince Lazar’s
reign. Nonetheless, there is still an open possibility that the Novo Brdo temple actu-
ally preceded the building of the Prince’s endowments. In all of this, it is important
to keep in mind a supposition presented a long time ago saying that it was the masons
from Novo Brdo who took part in the building and decorating of the first Morava-
style temples and then it would be them who could be attributed with an active role
in the shaping of the Morava-style plastic decoration. A more reliable response in
that sense could be provided by further explorations of the remains of the interlacing
ornamental plastic from the other temples of Novo Brdo, especially those that were,
as the spolia, built into the town’s ramparts during the Turkish reconstruction.
The broader context of the building of the Church of St Nicholas should be
viewed within the scope of the development phases of the town of Novo Brdo, but
uno{ewe novih dekorativnih elemenata, koji }e do}i do punog izraàja u mo-

ravskom graditeqstvu.
U tom smislu, jednu od bitnih odlika arhitekture crkve Svetog Nikole
predstavqa pojava plasti~ne dekoracije na fasadama. Reqefni ukras prozora,
arhivolti na zabatima i rozete, izborom materijala i na~inom klesawa, kao i
motivima, najbliì je dekorativnoj plastici na zadu`binama kneza Lazara.
Gra|ewe Lazarice, kneève pridvorne crkve u Kru{evcu, dosta se pouzdano da-
tuje u 1376/77. godinu, dok je manastirski hram u Ravanici po svemu sude}i po-
dignut ne{to kasnije, ali sigurno pre 1381. godine. Smatra se da je kneèva
ktitorska delatnost usledila odmah posle dràvnih sabora 1374/1375. godi-
ne u Pe}i, odnosno posle pomirewa sa Vaseqenskom crkvom u Carigradu.
Bliske paralele sa najstarijim moravskim spomenicima predstavqaju, bez
sumwe, vaàn element za datovawe novobrdske crkve Svetog Nikole. Fragmen-
tarna o~uvanost ne pruà mogu}nost za detaqnije analize uo~enih sli~nosti,
{to posebno dolazi do izraàja kada se uporedi zastupqenost, odnosno, koli-
~ine plasti~nog ukrasa na fasadama. Iako za kona~ne zakqu~ke nema dovoqno
elemenata, sti~e se utisak da je u pore|ewu sa Lazaricom i Ravanicom, na fa-
sadama novobrdske crkve bilo mawe klesane plastike. Ova pojava mo`da bi se
mogla objasniti ~iwenicom da je monumentalni izgled hrama, gra|enog tesa-
nicima crvene bre~e i zelenosme|im andezitom, zapravo samo dopuwen plit-
korezanom kamenom plastikom, kao novim dekorativnim elementom. Navedene
paralele i zapaàwa dozvoqavale bi pretpostavku da je crkva Svetog Nikole
podignuta negde u prvim godinama vladavine kneza Lazara. Ostaje, ipak, otvo-
rena mogu}nost da je, {tavi{e, novobrdski hram i prethodio izgradwi kneè-
vih zadu`bina. Pri tome treba imati u vidu i jednu davno iznetu pretpostav-
ku da su u gra|ewu i ukra{avawu prvih moravskih hramova u~estvovali i
novobrdski neimari, kojima bi se mo`da mogli pripisati i aktivna uloga u
oblikovawu moravske plasti~ne dekoracije. Pouzdaniji odgovor u tom smislu
mogla bi da pruè daqa istraìvawa ostataka pleterne plastike sa drugih no-
vobrdskih hramova, posebno onih koji su kao spolije ugra|eni u gradske bede-
me prilikom turske obnove.
[iri kontekst nastanka crkve Svetog Nikole trebalo bi posmatrati u okvi-
ru razvojnih etapa grada Novog Brda, ali nedostatak izvorne arhivske gra|e
ostavqa u tom smislu brojna pitawa bez odgovora. Re{avawu problema ne pri-
bliàva nas ni razmatrawe urbanog razvoja drugih gradova u srpskim sredwo-
vekovnim zemqama, o ~emu raspolaèmo sa jo{ mawe podataka. Pojedini za-
kqu~ci mogli bi se zasnivati na ne{to boqe poznatom, poznijem razvoju Novog
Brda, wegovim pravoslavnim ìteqima i hramovima, sada posvedo~enim samo
arheolo{kim ostacima.
Za razliku od pribli`no utvr|enog vremena gra|ewa, li~nost ktitora crkve
Svetog Nikole potpuno je nepoznata. Otvoreno je pitawe da li je za taj poduhvat
bio zasluàn vladar, ili je to bilo delo novobrdskih gra|ana. I pored ~iwe-
nice da se Novo Brdo sredinom 14. veka nalazilo u punom procvatu i da je u
skladu sa tim rastao broj imu}nih i uticajnih gra|ana, skloni smo pomisli
da je crkva svetog Nikole ipak bila vladarska zadu`bina. U tom smislu, na pr-
vom mestu bi trebalo pomi{qati na kneza Lazara, koji je poreklom bio iz bli-
è okoline Novog Brda i na ovom podru~ju imao svoju ba{tinu i pre nego {to
the lack of the original archive materials leaves in this sense many questions unan-
swered. We are no closer to the solving of the problem if we consider the development
of the other towns in the Serbian medieval lands, which we have even fewer data
on. Some conclusions may be based on the somewhat better known, later develop-
ment of Novo Brdo, its Orthodox residents and temples, now only testified to by the
archaeological remains.
As opposed to the approximately determined time of the building, the persona-
lity of the endower of the Church of St Nicholas is completely unknown. It remains
an open question whether we need to thank a ruler for this endeavour or if it was
an act of the residents of Novo Brdo. Despite the fact that around the middle of the
14th century Novo Brdo was in its full bloom and that in line with that the number
of wealthy and influential citizens was on the rise, we are prone to think that St
Nicholas Church was a ruler’s endowment after all. In those terms, we should first
think of Prince Lazar, who was born in the close proximity of Novo Brdo and had his
inheritance in this area even before becoming the ruler of Serbia. Unfortunately,
there is no confirmation for this supposition in the scarce original records we have
at our disposal or in the Prince’s biography. If we were to date the building of the
church a little earlier, a few years before 1371, which should also not be ruled out,
the endower of the Novo Brdo temple could be Emperor Uro{ himself – whose court
was located in the area bordering the territory of Novo Brdo, or perhaps his co-
ruler, King Vuka{in. However, we also have no original data on their possible par-
ticipation in this building endeavour. This could be perhaps explained by the fact
that due to the development of the events following their respective deaths in the
course of the same year, 1371, the memory of these rulers, especially that of Emperor
Uro{, was significantly pushed back into oblivion. This supposition, at least as far
as King Vuka{in is concerned, may be supported by a great deal of identicalness of
the applied structural solution with the Church of St Demetrius in Markov manastir,
the family endowment of the Mrnjav~evi} dynasty. These suppositions, which can-
not be founded more strongly on the basis of the available findings, leave the issue
of the endower open for further considerations.
St Nicholas Church was built as the main Orthodox temple of the town of Novo
Brdo. In addition to this indisputable fact, on the basis of an analysis of the structu-
ral corpus of the edifice, as well as the subsequent additions, a conclusion imposes
itself that even at the time when the temple was originally built it was earmarked to
play the function of the future religious centre. This could be supported by the cate-
chumen, that we presume used to exist above the narthex – which is, as it is believed,
one of the characteristics of cathedral temples in the centres of dioceses. A view was
expressed a long time ago saying that Novo Brdo’s St Nicholas Church had served
for a while as the seat of the Lipljan-Gra~anica archihiereuses, who also appeared
with the title of the metropolitans of Novo Brdo. This points to a possibility that its
spatial solution was adjusted to such a purpose already at the time when the church
was built. As it is well known, catechumens existed by the rule at the Serbian
churches that were the seats of the dioceses, as is corroborated by the examples from
@i~a, Pe} Patriarchate, Our Lady of Hvosno, the Holy Virgin of Ljevi{a, and Gra-
~anica. Taking into account the context of the building of the Church of St Nicholas
in Novo Brdo, the given examples, close to this church both in terms of the space
and the time, clearly show that a similar need may have existed here as well.
je postao vladar Srbije. Naàlost, u oskudnoj izvornoj gra|i kojom raspolaè-

mo, kao i u kneèvom ìvotopisu, za ovu pretpostavku nema potvrde. Ukoliko
bi se nastanak crkve ne{to ranije datovao, koju godinu pre 1371. godine, {to
tako|e ne treba iskqu~iti, ktitor novobrdskog hrama mogao je biti i li~no
car Uro{ – ~iji se dvor nalazio u oblasti koja se grani~ila sa podru~jem No-
vog Brda, ili pak wegov savladar, kraq Vuka{in. Me|utim, ni o wihovom even-
tualnom u~e{}u u ovom graditeqskom poduhvatu nema izvornih podataka. To
bi se mo`da moglo objasniti ~iwenicom da je usled razvoja doga|aja nakon wi-
hove smrti u toku iste, 1371. godine, se}awe na ove vladare, posebno cara Uro-
{a, bilo u zna~ajnoj meri potisnuto. Mo`da bi u prilog iznetoj pretpostavci,
bar kada je u pitawu kraq Vuka{in, mogla da ukaè velika podudarnost prime-
wenog konstruktivnog re{ewa sa crkvom Svetog Dimitrija u Markovom mana-
stiru, porodi~nom zadu`binom Mrwav~evi}a. Navedene pretpostavke, koje se
na osnovu raspoloìvih saznawa ne mogu ~vr{}e utemeqiti, ostavqaju pitawe
ktitorstva otvorenim i za daqa razmatrawa.
Crkva Svetog Nikole gra|ena je kao glavni pravoslavni hram grada Novog
Brda. Pored ove nesporne ~iwenice, na osnovu analize konstruktivnog korpu-
sa gra|evine, kao i kasnijih dogradwi, name}e se zakqu~ak da je ovom hramu jo{
u vreme gra|ewa bila namewena i funkcija budu}eg crkvenog sredi{ta. Na to
bi mogla da ukaè pojava katihumene, za koju smo pretpostavili da se nalazi-
la iznad narteksa – {to je, kako se smatra, jedna od odlika katedralnih hramo-
va u sredi{tima episkopija. Jo{ odavno je izneto mi{qewe da je novobrdska
crkva Svetog Nikole jedno vreme sluìla kao sedi{te lipqansko-gra~ani~kih
arhijereja, koji se javqaju i sa titulom novobrdskih mitropolita. To ukazuje
na mogu}nost da je takvoj nameni ve} u toku gra|ewa crkve bilo saobraèno i
weno prostorno re{ewe. Kao {to je poznato, u srpskim crkvama koje su bile
sredi{ta episkopija, po pravilu su postojale katihumene, kako to svedo~e pri-
meri iz @i~e, Pe}ke patrijar{ije, Bogorodice Hvostanske, zatim iz Bogoro-
dice Qevi{ke i Gra~anice. Imaju}i u vidu kontekst nastanka crkve Svetog
Nikole u Novom Brdu, navedeni primeri, bliski prostorno i vremenski, jasno
ukazuju na to da je sli~na potreba mogla postojati i ovde.
U vreme uspostavqawa autokefalne arhiepiskopije 1219. godine, sedi{ta
episkopija su se gotovo po pravilu nalazila u manastirima, budu}i da sredi-
{we oblasti dràve nisu bile urbanizovane. Tamo gde su postojale mogu}nosti,
centri episkopija bili su sme{teni u starijim ili novim urbanim sredi{ti-
ma, najpre u Prizrenu i Stonu, zatim u Skopqu, a kasnije u Beogradu i Smede-
revu. Nagli razvoj Novog Brda tokom 14. veka i prerastawe ovog novozasnovanog
grada u privredni centar dràve, moglo je biti povod za planirawe postepe-
nog preseqewa gra~ani~kog arhijerejskog sredi{ta u urbanu sredinu. U nemir-
nim vremenima, kada se gradi crkva Svetog Nikole, utvr|eni grad je episkop-
skom sedi{tu pruào znatno ve}u sigurnost od manastira u ravnici.
Monumentalna katedralna crkva, ~ija je izgradwa okon~ana najkasnije u
vreme vladavine kneza Lazara, ve} posle nekoliko decenija postala je nedovoq-
na za potrebe vi{estuko uve}anog broja gra|ana Novog Brda. Nagli razvoj gra-
da pratio je veliki priliv stanovni{tva, kao i ekonomsko ja~awe doseqenika,
me|u kojima je, uz trgova~ku elitu stranaca i gra|ana iz srpskog Pomorja, bi-
lo i dosta lokalnog pravoslavnog ìvqa. Stoga se i javila potreba da se glavni
At the time when the autocephalous archdiocese was established in 1219, the
seats of the dioceses were, by the rule, located at monasteries, since the central parts
of the state had not been urbanized. Where there were options, the seats of the dio-
ceses were located at older or new urban centres, first in Prizren and Ston, then in
Skopje, and later in Belgrade and Smederevo. The abrupt development of Novo Brdo
during the 14th century and the transformation of this newly founded town into an
economic centre of the state could have served as a reason for planning a gradual
move of the Gra~anica archihiereuses’ seat to this urban setting. During the turbulent
times, when St Nicholas Church was being built, a fortified town provided a diocese
seat with a significantly greater level of security than a monastery in lowland.
The monumental cathedral church, the construction of which was finalized at
the time of the reign of Prince Lazar at the latest, already after a few decades became
insufficient for the needs of the number of Novo Brdo residents that has increased
multiple times. The abrupt development of the town was accompanied by a large
influx of population, as well as the economic strengthening of the immigrants
among whom, along with the merchant elite including foreigners and citizens of the
Serbian Coastal Region, there was also a lot of local Orthodox population. Therefore,
there was a need to build an extension to the town’s main temple, thus increasing
it in terms of its space. Also, the wealthy class of the Serbian population aspired to
have the place of their eternal rest in the cathedral church, as was common in the
more developed coastal towns.
The site for the extension of the existing temple was not suitable, particularly
if we bear in mind the configuration of the terrain. The limited space did not allow
the church to extend to the west, as was usual. Contrary to that, on the east side the
situation was somewhat better, since there was the relatively flat terrain to the
boundary wall of the necropolis. It was in this space which was the only available
one, that the extension of a spacious east section, significantly wider than the already
existing church and divided into three naves with a couple of interior free pillars,
was planned. The added section was certainly envisaged as the main space of the
temple or the naos, which entailed moving of the sanctuary towards the apse of the
new central nave. In the new division of the cathedral’s interior that had been en-
visaged in such a manner, the older naos now got the role of a new spacious narthex.
It was also planned that the space in which the older single-nave church was found
got incorporated within the added section, as the south nave. The ambitious plan
regarding this extension, however, was not fulfilled in its entirety. Only the central
and the north naves with semi-circular apses were built, while the south nave,
founded on the remains of the demolished older small church remained unfinished
(fig. 41).
With the characteristics of its architecture, the added east section differed sig-
nificantly from the older west section of the temple. This was not only because of
the basilican solution for the ground plan and in connection with that the solution
for the roof structures – which was unusual in the then Serbian sacral architecture
– but also because of the shaping up of its exterior appearance. There was no relief
decoration on the facades of the added section of the cathedral or rhythmical ver-
tical and horizontal divisions of the facades with multiply projecting pilasters and
cordon-cornices, which was characteristic of the architecture of the Moravan Serbia.
There is similarity only when it comes to the building of the facade faces using
gradski hram dogradi i prostorno uve}a. Tako|e, postojala je i te`wa bogatog

sloja srpskog gra|anstva da u katedralnoj crkvi obezbedi sebi mesto ve~nog po-
koja, kao {to je to bilo uobi~ajeno u razvijenijim primorskim gradovima.
Za dogradwu postoje}eg hrama, zate~ena lokacija nije bila podesna, naro-
~ito ako se ima u vidu konfiguracija terena. Ograni~eni prostor nije omogu-
}avao da se crkva {iri prema zapadu, kako je to bilo uobi~ajeno. Nasuprot to-
me, sa isto~ne strane situacija je bila ne{to pogodnija, budu}i da je postojao
relativno ravan teren do ogradnog zida nekropole. Na tom, jedinom raspolo-
ìvom prostoru, bila je planirana dogradwa prostranog isto~nog dela, znatno
{ireg od zate~ene crkve, koji je parom unutra{wih slobodnih stubaca bio po-
deqen na tri broda. Dogra|eni deo je svakako bio zami{qen kao glavni prostor
hrama, odnosno naos, {to je podrazumevalo pomerawe oltara ka apsidi novog
centralnog broda. U ovako zami{qenoj novoj podeli unutra{wosti katedrale,
stariji naos je dobio zna~ewe novog prostranog narteksa. Bilo je tako|e pred-
vi|eno da se u okvir dogra|enog dela, kao ju`ni brod ukqu~i i prostor na ko-
me je zate~ena starija jednobrodna crkva. Ambiciozna zamisao o ovoj dogradwi
nije, me|utim, ostvarena u celini. Podignuti su samo sredi{wi i severni brod
sa polukru`nim apsidama, dok je ju`ni brod, na ostacima poru{ene starije
male crkve, ostao nezavr{en (sl. 41).
Odlikama svoje arhitekture dogra|eni isto~ni deo bitno se razlikovao od
starijeg, zapadnog dela hrama. U pitawu je ne samo bazilikalno re{ewe plana,
a sa tim u vezi i re{ewe krovnih konstrukcija – {to je bilo neuobi~ajeno u
onovremenom srpskom sakralnom graditeqstvu – ve} i oblikovawe spoqnog iz-
gleda. Na fasadama dogra|enog dela katedrale nije postojao reqefni ukras, ni-
ti ritmi~na vertikalna i horizontalna podela fasada vi{estruko isturenim
pilastrima i kordon-vencima, {to je bilo karakteristi~no za graditeqstvo
Moravske Srbije. Sli~nost postoji jedino kada je re~ o zidawu fasadnih lica
alternacijom redova kamena u dve boje {to je, kako izgleda, bilo uslovqeno te-
`wom da se dogra|eni deo vizuelno poveè sa starijim delom hrama. Dekora-
tivna obrada fasada tesanicima razli~ite boje, sloènim u naizmeni~ne re-
dove, karakteristi~na za romani~ku arhitekturu Primorja, predstavqala je
jednu od bitnih odlika srpskih vladarskih zadu`bina tokom prve polovine
14. veka. Polihromne, odnosno dvobojne fasade novobrdske katedrale, kako we-
nog starijeg tako i mla|eg dela, svakako bi trebalo posmatrati kao rezultat
primorskih uticaja, ali i ugledawa na monumentalna ostvarewa onovremenog
srpskog graditeqstva.
Posmatran u celini, novi isto~ni deo novobrdske katedrale, bez bliìh
paralela u srpskom sredwovekovnom graditeqstvu, bio je svakako gra|en po uzo-
ru na sli~na sakralna zdawa razvijenijih primorskih gradova. Osim odlika
arhitekture, na to ukazuju i brojne zidane grobne konstrukcije, namewene sahra-
wivawu gra|ana Novog Brda, {to je predstavqalo novinu u srpskoj funerarnoj
praksi.
Grobni ukopi u dogra|enom, isto~nom delu katedrale svojevrsno su svedo-
~anstvo o socijalnoj strukturi novobrdskih gra|ana i usponu pojedinaca iz
redova doma}eg srpskog stanovni{tva. Grobnice, gra|ene istovremeno sa podi-
zawem ovog dela hrama, bile su namewene ve~nom pokoju ~lanova porodica bo-
gatih prilo`nika iz reda pravoslavnih novobrdskih gra|ana. U tom smislu bi
alternation of the rows of stone in two colours which was, as it appears, caused by
the aspiration to link visually the added section to the older part of the temple. The
decorative finish of the facades using different colour ashlars, laid into alternating
rows, characteristic of the Romanesque architecture of the Coastal Region, repre-
sented one of the important features of the Serbian rulers’ endowments during the
first half of the 14th century. The polychromous, that is, the two-colour facades of
the Novo Brdo cathedral, both of its older and its younger sections, should certainly
be seen as a result of the coastal influences, as well as the using of the monumental
achievements of the then Serbian architecture as the paragon.
If observed in its entirety, the new east section of the Novo Brdo cathedral,
with no related parallels in the Serbian medieval architecture, was certainly built
modelling similar sacral edifices in the more developed coastal towns. In addition
to the architectural features, this is also suggested by the numerous built tomb
structures intended for the burials of the citizens of Novo Brdo, which constituted
a novelty in the Serbian funerary practice.
The grave interments in the added, east section of the cathedral constitute a
specific testimony to the social structure of the citizens of Novo Brdo and the rise
of individuals from among the ranks of the domestic Serbian population. The tombs
built simultaneously with the building of this part of the temple were intended as
the eternal resting place for the members of the families of wealthy donors from
among the orthodox citizens of Novo Brdo. It is in this light that the basic idea be-
hind the extension should be seen. In addition to the indisputable need to expand
the liturgical space, caused by the abrupt growth in the number of citizens, the
funerary function of the added section was also of particular importance. The spa-
cious side naves were meant precisely for this purpose, the north one with 21 built
tombs or grave interments, as well as the south, unfinished one where that intent
was only partially realized. The prestigious place for the burial was also the space of
the central nave, in front of the sanctuary, where because of the nature of the ter-
rain it was not possible to fit built tombs.
At the time of the greatest rise of Novo Brdo, during the first decades of the
15th century, the social structure of the population was, in comparison to the pre-
vious period, significantly changed. Along with the rich and influential coastal peo-
ple, domestic merchants and well-off individuals, including members of nobility,
also kept gaining in importance. This influential class of domicile people and their
aspiration to be equal in many aspects to the residents of prosperous coastal com-
munes constituted one of the driving forces for the further development of the
town. It seems to us that the extension of Novo Brdo’s cathedral temple should be
viewed in this context. This endeavour was without any doubt a collective feat of
the wealthy citizens of Novo Brdo and of the other endowers of the cathedral. In
addition to the indisputable need to expand the liturgical space, which matched the
abrupt rise in the number of citizens, one of the important motives was also the
desire to ensure the place of eternal burial within the consecrated space of a tem-
ple, as was the custom in the town churches of the Latin West. It was not only a
question of need, but also a question of prestige. Over twenty tombs for family buri-
als prepared in advance in the added section of the cathedral unambiguously sug-
gest that there was a large number of endowers from among the wealthy population
of Novo Brdo.
trebalo i posmatrati osnovnu zamisao ove dogradwe. Osim nesumwive potrebe

da se pro{iri bogoslu`beni prostor, uzrokovane naglim rastom broja gra|ana,
od naro~ite va`nosti bila je i funerarna funkcija dogra|enog dela. Toj svr-
si bili su nameweni prostrani bo~ni brodovi, severni sa 21 grobnicom ili
grobnim ukopom, kao i ju`ni, nezavr{eni, gde je ta zamisao samo delimi~no
ostvarena. Presti`no mesto za sahrawivawe bio je i prostor sredweg broda,
ispred oltara, gde zbog prirode terena nije bilo mogu}e ugra|ivawe zidanih
grobnica.
U vreme najve}eg uspona Novog Brda, tokom prvih decenija 15. veka, soci-
jalna struktura stanovni{tva bila je, u odnosu na ranije razdobqe, u zna~ajnoj
meri izmewena. Uz bogate i ugledne primorce, sve ve}i zna~aj sticali su do-
ma}i trgovci i imu}ni qudi, me|u kojima je bilo i predstavnika vlastele. Taj
uticajni sloj doma}ih qudi i wihova te`wa da se u mnogo ~emu izjedna~e sa
ìteqima naprednih primorski komuna, pretstavqali su jednu od pokreta~kih
snaga daqeg razvoja grada. îni nam se da u tom kontekstu treba posmatrati i
dogradwu novobrdskog sabornog hrama. Ovaj poduhvat bez sumwe je bio kolek-
tivno delo imu}nih gra|ana Novog Brda, odnosno drugih ktitora katedrale.
Osim nesumwive potrebe da se pro{iri bogoslu`beni prostor, {to je odgova-
ralo naglom rastu broja gra|ana, jedan od bitnih motiva bila je i èqa da se
obezbedi mesto ve~nog pokoja u osve}enom prostoru hrama, kao {to je to bio
obi~aj u gradskim crkvama na latinskom Zapadu. Bilo je to ne samo pitawe po-
trebe, ve} i stvar prestià. Postojawe preko dvadeset unapred pripremqenih
grobnica za porodi~no sahrawivawe u dogra|enom delu katedrale, nedvosmi-
sleno ukazuje na postojawe ve}eg broja ktitora iz redova bogatog novobrdskog
gra|anstva.
U svom kona~nom obliku, novobrdska katedrala predstavqala je sloèno
zdawe, koje su sa~iwavala dva stilski sasvim razli~ita korpusa. Na stariji
hram, zasnovan i izveden u duhu srpskog sakralnog graditeqstva, prizidan je
bazilikalno uobli~en deo, gra|en po uzoru na romani~ka zdawa primorskih
gradova. Poku{aj da se prevazi|e izraziti stilski nesklad i poveù stariji i
mla|i deo gra|evine, ogleda se samo u jednakoj obradi fasada nizovima pra-
vilno klesanih tesanika andezita i bre~e. Me|utim, i pored ~iwenice da je
taj postupak doprineo vizuelnom povezivawu objekta, katedrala nije ostavqa-
la utisak skladnog zdawa (sl. 81–82). Weni stilski nepovezani delovi odsli-
kavali su dve razli~ite epohe u razvojnom putu grada Novog Brda.
Pa ipak, bez obzira na unekoliko sporne stilske vrednosti dogra|enog
hrama, namera novobrdskih gra|ana, wenih drugih ktitora, bila je najve}im
delom ostvarena. Katedrala Svetog Nikole predstavqala je, u svom kona~nom
obliku, jedan od najve}ih hramova sredwovekovne Srbije. U odnosu na povr{i-
nu unutra{weg prostora, ona je bila mawa jedino od monumentalnog manastir-
skog hrama u De~anima, ali ne{to prostranija od crkve manastira Resave. U
pore|ewu sa katedralama u srpskim gradovima, bar onima koje su sa~uvane ili
poznate prema arheolo{kim ostacima, dogra|ena novobrdska crkva Svetog Ni-
kole po svojoj veli~ini nije zaostajala za prizrenskom katedralom, crkvom
Bogorodice Qevi{ke, kao i kotorskom katedralom Svetog Tripuna. U odnosu
na katedralu Svetog Teodora u Baru, novobrdski katedralni hram bio je znatno
ve}i (sl. 65).
In its final shape and form, the Novo Brdo cathedral represented a complex
edifice consisting of two corpuses quite different in their respective styles. An ex-
tension with its basilican shape, modelling the Romanesque edifices of the coastal
towns, was added to the older temple, founded and constructed in the spirit of the
Serbian sacral architecture. An attempt to overcome the pronounced disharmony
in the styles and bring the older and the younger sections of the structure together
is reflected only in the same treatment of the facades using rows of regularly carved
andesite and breccia ashlars. However, despite the fact that this procedure contri-
buted to the visual merging of the edifice, the cathedral did not leave the impres-
sion of a harmonious building (fig. 81–82). Its separate parts sections disharmo-
nious in their styles reflected two different epochs on the road of development of
the town of Novo Brdo.
And yet, regardless of the somewhat questionable style values of the added tem-
ple, the intention of the citizens of Novo Brdo and of the church’s other endowers
was mostly realized. In its final form, the Cathedral of St Nicholas was one of the
biggest temples of medieval Serbia. As regards the floor area of its interior space, it
was second only to the monumental monastery temple in De~ani, but somewhat more
spacious than the church at the Monastery Resava. In comparison to the cathedrals
in the Serbian towns, at least those that have been preserved or known by their
archaeological remains, by its size the extended Novo Brdo’s St Nicholas Church did
not lag behind the cathedral of Prizren, the Church of the Holy Virgin of Ljevi{a, and
Kotor’s Cathedral of St Tryphon. In comparison to the Cathedral of St Theodore in
Bar, the cathedral temple in Novo Brdo was significantly larger (fig. 65).
The basic chronological framework for the dating of the extension of the Novo
Brdo cathedral, as well as the burials that took place there, is provided by the coin
finds. As it has already been pointed out, more than a half of the total number of
identified specimens come from the period of the reign of Despot \ur|e, which shows
that the most intensive burying was carried out precisely in this period. If we add
to this the coins of Despot Stefan, minted after 1403, we get a reliable terminus post
quem for the graves in the added east section, that is, for the cathedral as a whole.
This would mean that burials in the main Orthodox temple of Novo Brdo were con-
ducted over a period slightly shy of five decades. The rare older coin specimens,
minted before 1389, would fit, as it could be deduced, the older horizon of the
graves in the necropolis.
On the basis of these reliable chronological marks, as well as the considerations
of the architectural solutions for the east section of the temple presented earlier,
the extension of the cathedral could be approximately dated to the period of the
reign of Despot Stefan Lazarevi} (1403–1427), most probably to the second decade
of the 15th century. It remains an open question how long the works took and what
the reason was for leaving the south nave unfinished. To start with, we could think
of the complex circumstances faced by Novo Brdo, since the town was exposed to
occasional Turkish attacks. The decisive factor was certainly the months-long siege
and occasional captures of the town in 1441 after which Novo Brdo recuperated
with difficulties. Such course of events may have led to an interruption of the fur-
ther works aimed at shaping up the cathedral, since its main section had already
been finished by then and capable of celebrating liturgies. However, the interruption
of the works on the building of the south nave perhaps was not caused by the tur-
Za datovawe dogradwe novobrdske katedrale, kao i sahrana koje su tu vr{e-

ne, osnovni hronolo{ki okvir pruàju nalazi novca. Kao {to je ve} istaknuto,
vi{e od polovine od ukupnog broja identifikovanih primeraka poti~e iz vre-
mena vladavine despota \ur|a, {to pokazuje da je upravo u tom razdobqu vr{e-
no najintenzivnije sahrawivawe. Ako se tome doda i novac despota Stefana, ko-
van posle 1403. godine, dobija se pouzdan terminus post quem za grobne ukope u
dogra|enom isto~nom delu, tj. katedrali u celini. To bi zna~ilo da su u glavnom
novobrdskom pravoslavnom hramu sahrane obavqane u razdobqu ne{to kra}em
od pet decenija. Retki stariji primerci novca, kovani pre 1389. godine, odgo-
varali bi, kako se moglo zakqu~iti, starijem horizontu grobova na nekropoli.
Na osnovu ovih pouzdanih hronolo{kih odrednica, kao i ranije izloènih
razmatrawa arhitektonskih re{ewa isto~nog dela hrama, dogradwa katedrale Sl. 81. Katedrala Svetog Nikole,
mogla bi se okvirno datovati u vreme vladavine despota Stefana Lazarevi}a zami{qeni izgled crkve
(1403–1427), najverovatnije u drugu deceniju 15. veka. Otvoreno je pitawe ko- sredinom 15. veka
liko su dugo trajali radovi i {ta je bio razlog {to je ju`ni brod ostao neza- Fig. 81. St Nicholas Cathedral,
vr{en. Na prvom mestu, moglo bi se pomi{qati na sloène prilike sa kojima imagined appearance of the church
se Novo Brdo suo~avalo, budu}i da je grad bio izloèn povremenim turskim around the middle of the 15th century
bulent times and the Ottoman attacks. Although the function of this unfinished
part of the temple is not sufficiently clear, one does get an impression that, accord-
ing to the original design, this should have been a sepulchral chapel of some impor-
tant family from Novo Brdo that may have played an important role in the building
of the cathedral. Unless we are wrong in presenting this supposition, then it is eas-
ier to imagine that the fate of this, relatively speaking endower family may have
caused the interruption of the works and the giving up of the realization of that
original design which is now insufficiently known. But, without venturing into fur-
Sl. 82. Katedrala Svetog Nikole, ther assumptions, it may be concluded quite reliably that at the time of the final
zami{qeni izgled crkve Ottoman conquest of Novo Brdo, at the beginning of June 1455, the cathedral had
sredinom 15. veka, varijanta still not been fully finished.
bez kupola nad pripratom There are no data on what the fate of the cathedral was during the first years of
Fig. 82. St Nicholas Cathedral, the Turkish rule over Novo Brdo. In the fighting for the capturing of the town, the
imagined appearance of the church church must have been ransacked, maybe even damaged. It may be presumed that
around the middle of the 15th century, in this period, up until 1466, it remained in the Christian hands and that liturgies
a variant without the domes were performed at the cathedral for a certain period of time after the town had fallen
above the narthex under the Ottoman rule. However, it remains open when the large looting of the
napadima. Od presudnog uticaja je sigurno bila vi{emese~na opsada i privre-

meno zaposedawe grada 1441. godine, nakon ~ega se Novo Brdo te{ko oporavqalo.
Takav razvoj doga|aja mogao je uticati na prekid daqih radova na uobili~ava-
wu katedrale, budu}i da je wen glavni deo do tada ve} bio zavr{en i osposo-
bqen za bogosluèwe. Me|utim, prekid radova na gra|ewu ju`nog broda mo`da
nisu uslovila samo nemirna vremena i turski napadi. Iako funkcija ovog ne-
zavr{enog dela hrama nije u dovoqnoj meri jasna, ima se utisak da je, prema
prvobitnoj zamisli, to trebalo da bude grobna kapela neke znamenite novobrd-
ske porodice, koja je mogla imati va`nu ulogu u gra|ewu katedrale. Ukoliko ne
gre{imo iznose}i ovu pretpostavku, onda je lak{e zamisliti da je sudbina te,
uslovno re~eno ktitorske porodice, mogla uzrokovati prekid radova i odusta-
jawe od ostvarewa prvobitne, sada nedovoqno poznate zamisli. No, ne zalaze-
}i u daqe pretpostavke, moè se sasvim pouzdano zakqu~iti da u vreme kona~nog
turskog zaposedawa Novog Brda, po~etkom juna meseca 1455. godine, katedrala
jo{ uvek nije bila u celosti zavr{ena.
Nema podataka o tome kakva je bila sudbina katedrale tokom prvih godi-
na turske vladavine Novim Brdom. U borbama oko osvajawa grada crkva je si-
gurno bila poharana, a mo`da i o{te}ena. Moè se pretpostaviti da je u tom
razdobqu, sve do 1466. godine, ostala u hri{}anskim rukama i da su u katedra-
li obavqana bogosluèwa jo{ izvesno vreme nakon pada grada pod osmansku
vlast. Ostaje, me|utim otvoreno pitawe kada je izvr{ena velika pqa~ka grobo-
va. Ona se moglo desiti odmah po osvajawu grada, ali i ne{to docnije. Ukoli-
ko je do tog velikog pusto{ewa do{lo u vreme uspostavqana turske vladavine,
u devastiranoj katedrali najverovatnije vi{e nije bilo uslova za bogosluè-
we. Bez obzira na to kome bi se od ovih mogu}ih re{ewa priklonili, ostaje ~i-
wenica da su pre konverzije hrama otvorene i opqa~kane sve grobnice, kao i
grobni ukopi obeleèni nadgrobnim plo~ama.
Islamska bogomoqa, kako su pokazali ishodi arheolo{kih iskopavawa,
nije obuhvatala ~itav nekada{wi prostor crkve. U xamiju su bili ukqu~eni
centralni i severni brod, i samo isto~ni travej starijeg dela katedrale. Na
tom prostoru, u ravni sa isto~nim parom potkupolnih stubova, bio je podignut
pregradni zid u bondruku, sa ulazom u novu xamiju. Radi uobli~avawa molitve-
nog prostora, zazidani su lukovi u zidu naosa prema prostoru nezavr{enog ju-
`nog broda, a u centralnu apsidu ugra|ena je ni{a sa mihrabom. Preostali za-
padni deo nekada{we crkve – potkupolni prostor, zapadni travej i priprata,
koji nisu bili ukqu~eni u xamiju, predstavqao je, po svemu sude}i, neku vrstu
predvorja (sl. 66). U skladu sa novom namenom, uz jugozapadni ugao nekada{we
katedrale prisloweno je minare, gra|eno pravilno otesanim kvaderima siv-
kaste boje, pore|anim u horizontalne redove iste visine kao na fasadi crkve,
o~igledno sa ciqem da se dogra|eno minare {to skladnije poveè sa starijom
gra|evinom u jedinstvenu celinu.
Pretvarawem nekada{weg katedralnog hrama u xamiju, u okviru ogra|enog
prostora nekropole prekinuto je daqe ukopavawe hri{}anskog stanovni{tva,
ali je nastavqeno sahrawivawe islamskih vernika uz novoosnovanu xamiju.
Prilikom arheolo{kih iskopavawa jasno je prepoznato vi{e desetina mla|ih
islamskih grobova, koji su se izdvajali posebnom orijentacijom, kao i pojedi-
nostima samog ukopa. Kod nekoliko grobova mla|e nekropole uz xamiju, uo~ene
graves took place. It could have happened right after the conquering of the town,
but also a little later. If this major plundering took place at the time when the Ottoman
rule was being established, then most likely there were no more conditions for con-
ducting liturgies at the devastated cathedral. Regardless of which of these possible
options one may favour, the fact remains that before the conversion of the temple,
all the tombs and grave interments marked with grave slabs were opened and looted.
As the outcomes of the archaeological excavations have shown, the Islamic
house of prayer did not include the entire space of the former church. The mosque
comprised the central and the north naves, and only the east bay of the older sec-
tion of the cathedral. In that space, in line with the east pair of the subdomical
columns, a partition wall was made, in the half-timber style with an entrance into
the new mosque. In order to shape up the praying area, the arches in the wall of the
naos were walled-in towards the space of the unfinished south nave, while a niche
with the mihrab was built into the central apse. The remaining west section of the
former church, the domed space, the west bay and the narthex, that were not in-
cluded in the mosque, most likely constituted some kind of an entrance hall (fig. 66).
In line with the new purpose, beside the south-west corner of the former cathedral
a minaret was added, which was built using regularly carved blocks of grey colour,
arranged into horizontal rows of the same height as on the facade of the church,
apparently with the aim to link the added minaret to the older building as harmo-
niously as possible, thus getting a unique ensemble.
By turning the former cathedral temple into a mosque, any further burying of
the Christian population within the fenced-off space of the necropolis had ceased,
but the burying of the Islamic believers continued next to the newly-founded mosque.
During the archaeological excavations, several dozen younger Islamic graves that
differed by their special orientation, as well as by some details related to the inter-
ment itself, were clearly recognized. In the case of several graves of the younger
necropolis by the mosque, some phenomena were observed that are foreign to the
Islamic funerary customs – such as the interment in a wooden coffin, in some cases
in clothes, with arms crossed, and even in a built tomb, which unquestionably sug-
gests preserved Christian tradition. These were undoubtedly interments of the
coverts – Christians who embraced Islam after the Turkish capturing of the town.
Among them the first ones were certainly the Islamized representatives of the
town’s patricians whose Christian families were still trying to keep the old funerary
customs.
The new mosque, established in the restructured main town’s church in 1466,
constituted the only known older Islamic house of prayer in Novo Brdo. There are no
reliable data when the mosque was damaged for the first time, but on the basis of
an analysis of its ruins it could be concluded reliably that it was seriously damaged
during some strong earthquake. It was then that the complete interior structure of
the older section of the former cathedral collapsed. In the central space, the resear-
chers found toppled columns of the subdomical structure covered in debris and
pieces of wall masses. There are no reliable data about the time when this major
demolition took place, since there were several powerful earthquakes in the territory
of the central and west Balkans during the 16th and the 17th centuries.
After this major devastation, the mosque was in ruins for a while, but was re-
constructed later on. The collapsed west section of the former cathedral, which had
su i pojave strane islamskim obi~ajima – kao {to je ukop u drvenom kov~egu, u

pojedinim slu~ajevima i u ode}i, sa prekr{tenim rukama, pa ~ak i u zidanoj
grobnici, {to bez sumwe ukazuje na o~uvanu hri{}ansku tradiciju. Ovde se, bez
sumwe radi o sahranama konvertita – hri{}ana, koji su primili islam posle
turskog osvajawa grada. Me|u wima su sigurno na prvom mestu bili islamizi-
rani predstavnici gradskog patricijata, ~ije su hri{}anske porodice jo{
uvek poku{avale da sa~uvaju stare pogrebne obi~aje.
Nova xamija, uspostavqena u pregra|enoj glavnoj gradskoj crkvi 1466. go-
dine, predstavqala je jedinu stariju islamsku bogomoqu Novog Brda za koju se
zna. Nema pouzdanih podataka kada je xamija prvi put postradala, ali se na
osnovu analize wenih ru{evina moglo pouzdano zakqu~iti da je bila te{ko
o{te}ena prilikom nekog jakog zemqotresa. Tada se uru{ila kompletna unu-
tra{wa struktura starijeg dela nekada{we katedrale. U sredi{wem prostoru
otkriveni su obru{eni stubovi potkupolne konstrukcije zasuti {utom i koma-
dima zidnih masa. O tome kada se desilo ovo veliko ru{ewe, nema pouzdanih
podataka, budu}i da je tokom 16. i 17. veka, na podru~ju centralnog i zapadnog
Balkana bilo je vi{e sna`nih zemqotresa.
Nakon ovog velikog razarawa, xamija je jedno vreme bila u ru{evinama,
ali je kasnije obnovqena. Poru{eni zapadni deo nekada{we katedrale, koji je
ranije sluìo kao predvorje xamije, nije obnavqan i ostao je najve}im delom
zasut ru{evinama. Obnovom je bio obuhva}en ~itav raniji molitveni prostor
sa novim ulazom probijenim u zapadnom zidu nekada{weg severnog broda. Kako
je izgledala xamija posle ove obnove, moè se samo pretpostaviti. Za razliku
od starije, koja je zadràla monumentalni izgled nekada{we katedrale, rekon-
struisana xamija ostavqala je znatno skromniji utisak. U ovom zdawu obnovqen
je nekada{wi molitveni prostor, ali je xamija, posmatrana u celini, dobila
sasvim novi oblik. Moè se pretpostaviti da je nad delimi~no obnovqenim
zidovima postavqena nova konstrukcija krova na ~etiri vode, koja je mogla bi-
ti oslowena na centralni drveni direk, na mestu nekada{weg, poru{enog se-
vernog stupca. Krovni pokriva~ najverovatnije je bila drvena {indra, budu}i
da prilikom arheolo{kih iskopavawa nisu zabeleèni nalazi crepa, odnosno
}eramida. Sa ovako zami{qenom krovnom konstrukcijom, koja je pokrivala po-
vr{inu pribli`no kvadratnog oblika, pred novim ulazom u xamiju mogao se
nalaziti mali trem (sl. 71).
Nije poznato kada je i kako postradala obnovqena novobrdska xamija. Bez
detaqnijeg razmatrawa ovog pitawa, za koje nema vaqanih podataka, trebalo bi
prihvatiti zakqu~ak ranijih istraìva~a da je xamija najverovatnije strada-
la u vreme austro-turskog rata krajem 17. veka. Ve} po~etkom narednog stole}a,
1705. ili 1706. godine, na kraju zapadne padine uzvi{ewa na kome leè osta-
ci stare katedrale, zasnovana je nova xamija, koja je pretrajala sve do na{eg
vremena.317
317 Zdravkovi}, Simi} 1956, 268, sl. 15–17.

served earlier as the antechamber of the mosque, was not reconstructed and it
remained mostly covered in ruins. The reconstruction included the entire former
praying area with the new entrance made in the west wall of the former north nave.
We may only guess what the mosque looked like after this reconstruction. As
opposed to the older one, which had retained the monumental appearance of the
former cathedral, the reconstructed mosque made a significantly more modest
impression. The former praying area was restored in this new edifice, but as a whole
the mosque got a completely new shape. It may be presumed that a new pyramid
hip roof was placed on top of the partially reconstructed walls which could also rest
on the central wooden post in the place of the former, demolished north pillar. The
roof covering was most probably made of wood shingles, since no terracotta roof
tiles were recorded during the archaeological excavations. With thus imagined roof
structure, which covered the area of an approximately square shape, a small 3m
width porch may have been in front of the entrance into the mosque. (fig. 71).
It is not known when and how the reconstructed Novo Brdo mosque was even-
tually destroyed. Without getting into any more detailed considerations of this
issue, for which we have no valid data, we should accept the conclusion of the ear-
lier researchers that the mosque was most probably destroyed at the time of the
Austro-Turkish war at the end of the 17th century. Already at the beginning of the
following century, in 1705 or 1706, a new mosque was founded at the end of the
west slope of the elevation in which the remains of the old cathedral stand, and that
one has survived to our times.317
317 Zdravkovi}, Simi} 1956, 268, sl. 15–17.

229
Bibliografija
Bibliography
Andrejevi} 1976 – A. Andrejevi}, Pretvarawe crkava u xamije [On the transformation

of churches into mosques], Zbornik za likovne umetnosti 12, Matica srpska, Novi Sad
1976, 99–117.
Babi}-\or|evi} 1994 – G. Babi}-\or|evi}, Razgranavawe umetni~ke delatnosti i
pojave stilske raznorodnosti, u: Istorija srpskog naroda I, Beograd 1994, 641–664.
Belli d’Elia 1987 – P. Belli d’Elia, Pouilles romanes, Colections: La nuit des Temps, Zodiaque,
1987.
B. de la Brokijer – Bertrandon de la Brokijer, Putovawe preko mora [Le voyage
d’Outremer], Beograd 1950.
Bo{kovi} 1939 – \. Bo{kovi}, Novo Brdo [La forteresse de Novo Brdo], Godi{wak
Muzeja Ju`ne Srbije I, Skopqe 1939, 161–167.
Bo{kovi} 1962 – \. Bo{kovi}, Stari Bar, Beograd 1962.
Bo{kovi}, Kora} 1956–1957 – \. Bo{kovi}, V. Kora}, Ratac [Ratac], Starinar 7–8.
(n.s.), 1956–1957, 39–75.
Bo{kovi} 1974 – \. Bo{kovi}, Arheolo{ka istraìvawa Novog Brda, u: Velika arhe-
olo{ka nalazi{ta u Srbiji, Kolar~ev narodni univerzitet, Beograd 1974, 99–114.
Vojvodi} 2015 – U. Vojvodi}, Crkva Svetog Jovana u Savovu kod Studenice [Church of
St. John in Savovo near Studenica], Saop{tewa XLVII, Beograd 2015, 67–86.
Vulovi} 1972 – B. Vulovi}, U~e{}e Hilandara i srpske tradicije u formirawu
moravskog stila [The role of Chilandar and of the serbian tradition in the Morava style], u:
Moravska {kola i weno doba [L’ecole de Morava et son temps], ur. V. J. \uri}, Beograd 1972,
169–179.
Vulovi} 1980 – B. Vulovi}, Lazarica, Crkva Sv. Stefana u Kru{evcu [Lazarica-l’eglise
de Saint Etienne a Kru{evac], Starinar XXX, 1980, 31–42.
Vulovi} 1981 – B. Vulovi}, Arhitektura Ravanice, u: Manastir Ravanica, spomenica
o {estoj stogodi{wici, Beograd 1981, 19–32.
Gavri} 2011 – G. Gavri}, Crkva Ruìca podno Mile{evca i Pusta crkva u Seqa{nici,
prilog prou~avawu arheolo{ke ba{tine Sredweg Polimqa [Crkva Ruìca beneth Mile-
{evac, A contribution to the stady of the archaelogical heritage of the Middle Lim valley
(Polimlje)], u: \ur|evi Stupovi i Budimqanska eparhija, ur: B. Todi}, M. Radujko, Berane–
Beograd 2011, 429–438.
Gergova 2013 – I. Gergova, O Spasovici kod ]ustendila, jo{ jednom [On Spasovica once
again], Saop{tewa XLV, Beograd 2013, 83–92.
Gogi} 2016 – M. Gogi}, Rimokatoli~ka ùpa u Novom Brdu u kasnom srednjem vijeku [The
roman catolic parich of Novo Brdo in late-medieval period], Radovi Zavoda za povjesne
znanosti HAZU u Zadru 58, 2016, 1–25.
Deroko 1962 – A. Deroko, Monumentalna i dekorativna arhitektura u sredwovekovnoj
Srbiji, Beograd 1962.
Dimitrova 2002 – E. Dimitrova, Manastir Matej~e [The monastery of Matej~e], Skopje
2002.
Dimitrijevi} 1967 – S. Dimitrijevi}, Srpski sredwovekovni novac na|en u toku
iskopavawa na Novom Brdu [Les monnaies medievales serbes trouvees au cours des escav-
ations a Novo Brdo], Zbornik Narodnog muzeja 5, 1967, 271–308.
Dini} 1954–1955 – M. Dini}, Novo Brdo [Novo Brdo], Starinar V–VI, 1954–1955,
247–249.
Dini} 1962 – M. Dini}, Za istoriju rudarstva u sredwovekovnoj Srbiji i Bosni II [Con-
tributions a l’histoire de l’industrie miniere dans la Serbie et la Bosnie du moyen age II], Beograd
1962.
\uri} 1965 – V. J. \uri}, Nastanak graditeqskog stila Moravske {kole, fasade, sistem
dekoracije, plastika [L’ecole de Morava, origines du decor], Zbornik za likovne umetnosti
1, Matica Srpska, Novi Sad 1965, 35–64.
\uri} 1968 – V. J. \uri}, Tri doga|aja u srpskoj dràvi XIV veka i wihov i wihov
odjek u slikarstvu [Trois evenmentes dans l’etait serbe du XIVe siecle et leur incidence sur
la peinture de l’epoque], Zbornik za likovne umetnosti 4, Matica Srpska, Novi Sad 1968,
67–97.
\uri} 1975 – V. J. \uri}, Srpski dràvni sabori u Pe}i i crkveno graditeqstvo [Les
assamblees d’Etait, serbes a Pe} et l’architecture religieuse], u: O knezu Lazar [Le price Lazar],
Nau~ni skup u Kru{evcu 1971, Beograd 1975, 105–122.
Evlija êlebi – Evlija êlebi, Putopis, odlomci o jugoslovenskim zemljama, preveo H. [abanovi},
Sarajevo 1979.
@ivkovi} 2017 – V. @ivkovi}, Spomen grobnog mesta u testamentima Kotorana
(1326–1337), Istorijski ~asopis LXVI, Beograd 2017, u {tampi.
@itije despota Stefana 1989 – Konstantin Filozof, Povest o pismenima i @itije
despota Stefana Lazarevi}a, priredila G. Jovanovi}, Beograd 1989.
Zadu`bine Kosova 1987 – Zadu`bine Kosova, spomenici i znamewa srpskog naroda, ur.
Atanasije Jevti}, Beograd 1987.
Zapisi i natpisi – Stari srpski zapisi i natpisi I–VI, sakupio i priredio Q. Stoja-
novi}, Beograd 1986. (reprint)
Zdravkovi} 1953–1954 – I. Zdravkovi}, O Novom Brdu (raspored mahala u tursko doba)
[Traditions de Novo Brdo], Glasnik etnografskog instituta SAN, kw. II–III, 1953–54,
Beograd 1955, 809–812.
Zdravkovi} 1956 – I. Zdravkovi}, Arheolo{ko-konzervatorski radovi na Novom Brdu [Les
travaux archaeologiques et de conservation accomplis de 1952 a 1956 sur Novo Brdo], Glasnik
muzeja Kosova i Metohije I, 1956, 331–345.
Zdravkovi} 1958 – I. Zdravkovi}, Iskopavawa na Novom Brdu 1955. godine – rad na kon-
zervaciji tvr|ave i „Sa{ke crkve“ [Les fouilles a Novo Brdo en 1955], Starinar VII–VIII,
1958, 341–348.
Zdravkovi} 1958a – I. Zdravkovi}, Otkopavawe crkve Sv. Nikole na Novom Brdu 1956.
godine [Travaux de deblainment de l’eglise de St.Nikolas a Novo Brdo en 1956], Starinar
VII–VIII, 1958, 349–357.
Zdravkovi} 1959 – I. Zdravkovi}, Arheolo{ko-konzervatorski radovi na Novom Brdu
u 1957. godini [Recherches archaeologiques et de conservation a Novo Brdo en 1957], Sta-
rinar IX–X, 1959, 320–322.
Zdravkovi}, Jovanovi} 1954–1955 – I. Zdravkovi}, D. Jovanovi}, Novo Brdo – radovi

izvr{eni 1954 godine [Travaux executes en 1953], Starinar V–VI, 1954–1955, 275–282.
Zdravkovi}, Simi} 1956 – I. Zdravkovi}, M. Simi}, Manje crkvene gra|evine i zgrade tur-
skog doba na Novom Brdu i okolini, Glasnik Muzeja Kosova i Metohije I, 1956, 245–274.
Ze~evi} 2006 – E. Ze~evi}, Nakit Novog Brda [Jewel from Novo Brdo], Beograd 2006.
Zirojevi} 1974 – O. Zirojevi}, Tursko vojno ure|ewe u Srbiji 1459–1683 [L’organisation
militaire turque en Serbie 1459–1683], Beograd 1974.
Zirojevi} 1990 – O. Zirojevi}, Kroz Novobrdske mahale 1664/65, Miscellanea – Me{o-
vita gra|a XX, Beograd 1990, 7–14.
Ivani{evi} 2001 – V. Ivani{evi}, Nov~arstvo sredwovekovne Srbije [Serbian medieval
coinage], Beograd 2001.
Ivani{evi}, Radi} 2004 – V. Ivani{evi}, V. Radi}, Kovnica srpskog sredwovekovnog
novca u Novom Brdu [Serbian medieval mint at Novo Brdo], u: Novo Brdo [Novo Brdo], Beo-
grad 2004, 222–242.
Jankovi} 1983 – M. Jankovi}, Lipqanska episkopija i Gra~ani~ka mitropolija [The
Lipljan bishopic and metropolitenet og Gra~anica], Istorijski ~asopis XXIX–XXX, Beograd
1983, 27–37.
Jankovi} 1985 – M. Jankovi}, Episkopije i mitropolije srpske crkve u sredwem veku,
Beograd 1985.
Jire~ek, Radoni} 1978 – K. Jire~ek, N. Radoni}, Istorija Srba II, Beograd 1978.
Ja~ov 1986 – M. Ja~ov, Spisi Kongregacije za propagandu vere u Rimu o Srbima [Les documen-
tes de la sacree congregation de propaganda fide a Rome concernant Les Serbes], Beograd 1986.
Jovanovi} i drugi 2004 – V. Jovanovi}, S. ]irkovi}, E. Ze~evi}, V. Ivani{evi}, V.
Radi}, Novo Brdo, sredwovekovni grad [Novo Brdo, Medieval fortress], u: Novo Brdo [Novo
Brdo], Beograd 2004, 10–160.
Juri{i} 1981 – A. Juri{i}, Obi~aj sahrawivawa fragmenata ìvopisa i arhitektonske
plastik [Coutimes d’enterrment des fragments de peinture murale et des parties d’ornements
architecturaux], Saop{tewa XIII, Beograd 1981, 169–176.
Kasapova 2012 – E. Kasapova, Arhitekturata na crkvata Sv. Dimitrija – Markov
manastir, Skopje 2012.
Katani} 1988 – N. Katani}, Dekorativna kamena plastika Moravske {kole [La plas-
tique decorative en pierre de l’ecole de Morava], Beograd 1988.
Kova~evi} 2001 – M. Kova~evi}, Izra~unavawe broja stanovnika sredwovekovnog grada
Novog Brda, u: Naseqa i stanovni{tvo oblasti Brankovi}a 1455. godine, ur. M. Macura,
Beograd 2001.
Koji}-Kova~evi} 2010 – D. Koji}-Kova~evi}, Sredwovjekovna Srebrenica XIV–XV vijek
[Medieval Srebrenica XIV–XV century], Beograd 2010.
Konstantin iz Ostrovice 1986 – Konstantin Mihailovi} iz Ostrovice, Jani~arove
uspomene ili turska hronika, preveo i priredio \. @ivanovi}, Beograd 1986.
Kora} 1954–1956 – V. Kora}, Novo Brdo – radovi izvr{eni 1953 godine [Travaux exe-
cutes en 1953], Starinar V–VI, 1954–1955, 265–274.
Kora} 1965 – V. Kora}, Graditeqska {kola Pomorja [L’ecole de Pomorje dams l’architecture
serbe], Beograd 1965.
Kora} 1976 – V. Kora}, Studenica Hvostanska [Studenica de Hvosno], Beograd 1976.
Kora} 1987 – V. Kora}, Arheolo{ka opaàwa o priprati kneza Lazara u Hilandaru
[Opservations archeologique sur le nartex du prince Lazar a Chilandar], Izme|u Vizantije
i Zapada [Entre Byzance et l’Occident], Beograd 1987, 114–130.
Kora} 1987 a – V. Kora}, Izvori moravske arhitekture [Les origines de l’architecture de
l’ecole de Morava], u: Izme|u Vizantije i Zapada [Entre Byzance et l’Occident], Beograd
1987, 131–144.
Kora} 2003 – V. Kora}, Spomenici monumentalne srpske arhitekture XIV veka u
Povardarju [Les monuments de l’architecture serbe du XIVe siecle dans la region de
Povardarje], Beograd 2003.
Kosti} 1922 – K. Kosti}, Na{i novi gradovi na jugu, Beograd 1922.
Kriànac 1995 – M. Kriànac, Arheolo{ka istraìvawa u crkvi Svetog Tripuna u
Kotoru, Glasnik Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva 10, 1995, 202–213.
Qubinkovi} 1956 – R. Qubinkovi}, Dve gra~ani~ke ikone mitropolita Nikanora i
mitropolita Viktora [Deux icones a portraits du donateur a Gra~anica], Starinar V–VI,
Beograd 1954–1955, 129–138.
Ljubinkovi}, R i M. 1959 – R. i M. Ljubinkovi}, Novo Brdo – Katedrala, Arheolo{ki pregled
1, 1959, 170–176
Ljubinkovi}, R i M. 1960 – R. i M. Ljubinkovi}, Novo Brdo – Naselje, Arheolo{ki pregled 2,
1960, 160–162
Qubinkovi}, R. i M. 1961 – R. i M. Qubinkovi}, Novo Brdo, katedrala [Novo Brdo, cat-
edrale], Starinar XII, Beograd 1961, 206.
Ljubinkovi}, R. i M. 1962 – R. i M. Ljubinkovi}, Katedrala i Sa{ka crkva, Novo Brdo,
Arheolo{ki Pregled 4, 1962, 264–269.
Ljubinkovi}, M 1969 – M. Ljubinkovi}, Novo Brdo – srednjovekovni grad, Arheolo{ki pre-
gled 11, 1969, 228–229.
Maksimovi} 1971 – J. Maksimovi}, Srpska sredwovekovna skulptura [La sclupture
medievale serbe], Novi Sad 1971.
Markovi} 2014 – M. Markovi}, Mihailo Glavas Tarhaniot – ktitor manastira
Treskavca [Michael Glavas Tarchaneiotes – the ktetor of the Treskavac Monastery], Zograf
38 (2014), 77–98.
Mihailovi}, Kova~evi} 1989 – M. Mihailovi}, M. Kova~evi}, Nova Pavlica [Nova
Pavlica], Beograd 1989.
Mihaq~i} 1975 – R. Mihaq~i}, Kraj srpskog carstva [La fin de l’empire serbe], Beograd
1975.
Nenadovi} 1963 – S. Nenadovi}, Bogorodica Qevi{ka [L’eglise de Bogorodica Ljevi{ka a
Prizren], Beograd 1963.
Nenadovi} 1967 – S. Nenadovi}, Du{anova zadu`bina manastir svetih Arhan|ela kod
Prizrena [Monaster des saints archanges pres de Prizren, Fondation de l’emperer Du{an],
Beograd 1967.
Nenadovi} 1968 – S. Nenadovi}, Arhitektura Spasovice [L’architecture de Spasovica],
Zbornik za{tite spomenika kulture XIX, Beograd 1968, 33–42.
Nenadovi} 1980 – S. Nenadovi}, Arhitektura u Jugoslaviji od VIII do XVIII veka,
Beograd 1980.
Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1988 – Eksonarteks doma Spasovog u @i~i [L’exonartex de
l’eglise a @i~a], u: Studenica i vizantijska umetnost oko 1200. godine, ur. V. Kora},
Beograd 1988, 447–454.
Nikoli} 1998 – S. Nikoli}, Prizren od sredweg veka do savremenog doba –
urbanisti~ko-arhitektonski razvoj, Prizren 1998.
Novakovi} 1879 – S. Novakovi}, Novo Brdo i Vrawsko Pomoravqe, Godi{wica Nikole

ûpi}a III, Beograd 1879, 263–355.
Petrovi} 1972 – \. Petrovi}, Prilog prou~avawu kasnosredwovekovnih gradskih
grobaqa [Contribution to the stady of the medieval urban cimeteries], Glasnik
Etnografskog muzeja 35, Beograd 1972, 69–86.
Popovi} 1989 – M. Popovi}, Razgovor sa dr Mirjanom Qubinkovi}, Glasnik 5, Srpsko
arheolo{ko dru{tvo, Beograd 1989, 142–144.
Popovi} 2006 – M. Popovi}, Les Funerailles du ktitor: aspect archeologique, in: Procedings
if the 21st International Congress of Byzantane Studies, volume I, London 2006, 99–130.
Popovi} 2015 – M. Popovi}, Manastir Studenica – arheolo{ka otkri}a [The
monastery of Studenica: archaeological discoveries], Beograd 2015.
Popovi} 2016 – M. Popovi}, Citadela grada Novog Brda, Glasnik DKS 40, 2016, 74–80.
Popovi} 2016a – M. Popovi}, From the Roman castel to the Serbian Medieval city, in:
Processes of byzantinisation and serbian archeolaeology, ed. V. Biki}, Belgrade 2016, 53–66.
Popovi} 2018 – M. Popovi}, Sa{ka crkva u Novom Brdu – Santa Maria de Nuovomonte,
Starinar LXIX, u pripremi.
Popovi}, Biki} 2004 – M. Popovi}, V. Biki}, Kompleks sredwovekovne mitropolije u
Beogradu [The complex of the medieval mitropolitan church in Belgrade], Beograd 2004.
Popovi}, Biki} 2017 – M. Popovi}, V. Biki}, Ostaci jedne sredwovekovne ostave iz
Novog Brda [Remains of a medieval hoard from Novo Brdo], Zbornik Narodnog Muzeja 23,
Beograd 2017, 387–407.
Radovanovi} 1928 – V. Radovanovi}, Novo Brdo, u: Narodna enciklopedija srpsko-hrvatsko-
slovena~ka III, uredio S. Stanojevi}, Beograd 1928, 170–174.
Radoj~i} 1962 – N. Radoj~i}, Zakon o rudnicima despota Stefana Lazarevi}a [Das
Bergrecht des Despoten Stepfan Lazarevi}], Beograd 1962.
Ra~ki 1880 – F. Ra~ki, Izve{taj barskog nadbiskupa Marina Bizzi-a o svom putovanju god.
1610. po Arbana{koj i Staroj Srbiji, Starine JAZU, knj. XX, Zagreb 1888, 50–156.
Risti} 1996 – V. Risti}, Moravska arhitektura [The Morava architecture], Kru{evac
1996.
Samarxi}, Jakovqev 2016 – S. Samarxi}, G. Jakovqev, Crkva u citadeli Novog Brda –
transpozicija freske iz proskomidije, Glasnik DKS 40, 81–84.
Slijep~evi} 1991 – \. Slijep~evi}, Istorija Srpske pravoslavne crkve, prva kwiga,
Beograd 1991.
Snegarov 1958 – I. Snegarov, Turskoto vladi~estvo – pre~ka za kulturnoto razvitie
na búlgarskiÿ narod i drugite balkanski narodi, Sofiÿ 1958.
Stara srpska pisma 1868 – Stara srpska pisma iz ruskog manastira Sv. Pantelejmona
u Svetoj Gori, pribrao arhim. Leonid, Glasnik SUD XXIV, Beograd 1968, 271–275, br.
12.
Spomenici srpski 1892 – Spomenici srpski, sakupio K. Jire~ek, Spomenik SKA XI,
Beograd 1892.
Stari srpski hrisovuqi – Stari srpski hrisovuqi, akti, biografije i dr., pribrao
Q. Stojanovi}, Spomenik SKA III, Beograd 1890.
Stevovi} 2006 – I. Stevovi}, Kaleni} – Bogorodi~ina crkva u arhitekturi
poznovizantijskog sveta, Beograd 2006.
Zapisi i natpisi – Stari srpski zapisi i natpisi, kw. I, sakupio Q. Stojanovi},
Beograd 1982.
Rodoslovi i letopisci – Q. Stojanovi}, Stari srpski rodoslovi i letopisi,
Beograd–Sr. Karlovci 1927.
Stojanovi} 1929 – Q. Stojanovi}, Stare srpske poveqe i pisma, I/1, Beograd–Sr.
Karlovci 1929.
Stojanovi} 1934 – Q. Stojanovi}, Stare srpske poveqe i pisma, I/2, Beograd–Sr.
Karlovci 1934.
Tomi} 1972 – G. Tomi}. Jedna varijanta u okviru moravske {kole [Une variante dans
l’ecole de la Morava], u: Moravska {kola i weno doba, ur. V. J. \uri}, Beograd 1972,
249–263.
Filipovi} 1954 – N. Filipovi}, Iz istorije Novog Brda u drugoj polovini XV i
prvoj polovini XVI vijeka, Godi{wak Istorijskog dru{tva BiH, VI, Sarajevo 1954,
63–83.
Cviji} 1911 – J. Cviji}, Osnove za geografiju i geologiju Makedonije i Stare Srbije,
kwiga tre}a, Beograd 1911.
Todi}, ânak-Medi} 2005 – B. Todi}, M. ânak-Medi}, Manastir De~ani, Beograd
2005.
ânak-Medi} 1989 – M. ânak-Medi}, Arhitektura Nemawinog doba II – Crkve u
Polimqu i na Primorju [L’architecture de l’epoque de Nemanja II], Beograd 1989.
ânak-Medi} 1997 – M. ânak-Medi}, Katedrala Svetog Tripuna kao izraz
umetni~kih prilika u Kotoru sredinom XII veka [La catedrale Saint-Trypfon en tant que
reflet de la situation artistique a Kotor vers le milieu du XIIeme siecle], ZRVI 36, 1997,
83–98.
ânak-Medi}, ûbrovi} 2010 – M. ânak-Medi}, Z. ûbrovi}, Katedrala Svetog Tripuna u
Kotoru [The catedral of St. Tryphon at Kotor], Kotor 2010.
ânak-Medi}, Popovi}, Vojvodi} 2014 – M. ânak-Medi}, D. Popovi}, D. Vojvodi},
Manastir @i~a [@i~a monastery], Beograd 2014.
êr{kov 1958 – E. êr{kov, „Sa{ka crkva“ kod Novog Brda [“Eglise de Sas“ pres de Novo
Brdo], Starinar VII–VIII, 1958, 338–340.
]irkovi} 1997 – S. ]irkovi}, Katoli~ke parohije u sredwovekovnoj Srbiji, u:
Rabotnici, vojnici i duhovnici, Beograd 1997, 240–251.
]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1959 – M. ]orovi}-Qubinkovi}, Arheolo{ka iskopavawa na
Novom Brdu u toku 1957. godine [Fouilles archeological a Novo Brdo en 1957], Starinar
IX–X, 1959, 323–331.
]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1962 – M. ]orovi}-Qubinkovi}, Srpska sredwovekovna
gle|osana keramika (sredwovekovna keramika sa Novog Brda) [La ceramique serbe
emaillee du moyen age], Zbornik Narodnog muzeja III, 1962, 165–186.
]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1967 – M. ]orovi}-Qubinkovi}, Arheolo{ki i istorijski
zna~aj nalaza srpskog sredwovekovnog novca na Novom Brdu [Les monaies serbes de Novo
Brdo], Zbornik Narodnog muzeja V, 1967, 261–268.
]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1972 – M. ]orovi}-Qubinkovi}, Zna~aj Novog Brda u Srbiji
Lazarevi}a i Brankovi}a [Le role de Novo Brdo dans l’etait des familles Lazarevi} et
Brankovi}], u: Moravska {kola i weno doba [L’ecole de Morava et son temps], ur. V. J. \uri},
Beograd 1972, 123–138.
]ur~i} 1977 – S. ]ur~i}, The twin-domed Narthex in Paleologan Architecture, ZRVI
(1971), 333–344.
]ur~i} 1988 – S. ]ur~i}, Gra~anica, istorija i arhitektura [Gra~anica, son histooire
et son architecture], Beograd 1988.
]ur~i} 2000 – S. ûr~i}, The Eksonartex of Hilandar, u: Osam vekova Hilandara, ed. V.
Kora}, Beograd 2000, 477–486.
]ur~i} 2000a – S. ]ur~i}, Smisao i funkcija katihumena u poznovizantijskoj i srp-
skoj arhitekturi [The Meaning and Function of Katechoumenia im Late Byzantine and
Serbian Architecture], u: Manastir @i~a, Zbornik radova [Le monastere de @i~a], ur. G.
Suboti}, Kraqevo 2000, 83–92.
]ur~i} 2010 – S. ]ur~i}, Architecture in the Balkans, from Diocletian to Suleyman
Magnificent, Yale Univesity press, Naw Haven and London 2010.
[padijer 2004 – I. [padijer, Dijak Andreja, savremenik Nikona Jerusalimca, u:
Nikon Jerusalimac. Vrijeme – li~nost – djelo, Cetiwe 2004, 142–152.
[uput 1977 – M. [uput, Arhitektura pe}ke priprate [L’architecture de l’exonartex, de
Pe}], Zbornik za likovne umetnosti 13, Matica Srpska, Novi Sad 1977, 45–69.
[uput 1998 – M. [uput, Arhitektonski ukras spoqne priprate, u: Manastir
Hilandar, ed. G. Suboti}, Beograd 1998, 161–164.
Prilog
237
Gordana Tomovi}
Natpisi iz saborne crkve

Svetog Nikole – katedrale Novog Brda
T OKOM ARHEOLO[KIH iskopavawa velike gradske katedralne crkve u

Novom Brdu, koja su trajala od 1956–1959. godine, me|u obra|enim kamenim
ulomcima na{la su se i dva sa starosrpskim natpisima.1
Natpis na fragmentu arhivolte
1 V. Jovanovi}, S. ]irkovi}, E. Ze~evi},

Fragment je na|en u {utu ispred zapadnog portala prilikom arheolo{kih
V. Ivani{evi}, V. Radi}, Novo Brdo,
iskopavawa katedralne crkve 1958. godine (podatak M. Popovi}a). Natpis je
Beograd, 2004, RZZSK (Studije i
uklesan u dva reda na uskoj zaravwenoj povr{ini doweg levog dela kamene arhi- monografije 13), 114, 120–124, sl. 58;
volte. Izra|ena je od pe{~ara grube zrnaste strukture oker boje, i ukra{ena geo- Srpsko umetni~ko nasle|e na Kosovu
metrijskim prepletom. Posle konzervacije i spajawa tri prona|ena dela iste i Metohiji. Identitet, zna~aj,
ugroènost, Galerija Srpske akademije
arhivolte, ukupne dimenzije o~uvanog dela luka iznose 29 h 21 h 100 cm.2 Nat- nauka i umetnosti 141, Beograd 2017,
pis je izveden tehnikom kosog reza, tako da su se u uglovima slova formirali se- 254–255; 256–257 (D. Preradovi},
rifi (truglasta pro{irewa). Slova su klesana ve{to, u dva pravilna dvojinij- sa literaturom).
2
ska reda sa ujedna~enim razmakom i visinom slova (3,5–4 cm). Zbog o{te}ewa Fragment se ~uva u Narodnom muzeju
u Beogradu, inv. br. 24_4841, 24_4846,
kamene grede nedostaje zavr{etak oba reda natpisa, ali se tekst moè pouzdano
24_4847. Srpsko umetni~ko nasle|e
rekonstruisati. Po~iwe simboli~nom invokacijom u obliku krsta i glasi: na Kosovu i Metohiji, 254–255. Autor
€ h=(risto)sq za%Celo& ove katalo{ke jedinice, D. Preradovi},
na osnovu analize prepleta i drugih
i konq%cq&
podataka o vremenu izgradwe starijeg
Iako je natpis kratak, karakteristi~ni oblici slova omogu}uju da se vre- dela katedrale, datuje fragment
me urezivawa natpisa okvirno odredi. Na prvom mestu to je slovo H sa levim u posledwu ~etvrtinu 14. veka.
gorwim zavr{etkom povijenim blago udesno, dok je desni krak gore zavr{en
o{trom kukom. Slovo Z je oblikovano o{trim pravim crtama sa ve}im gorwim
delom, a celo slovo je uklopqeno u dvolinijski sistem, odnosno jednake je vi-
sine kao ostala slova. Slovo A je ra~vastog oblika sa gorwom crtom produè-
nom ulevo; slovo I ima sredwu popre~nu spojnicu sa crticom nadole po sre-
dini. Slova S i O su uska i za{iqena na gorwem i dowem kraju; slovo N ima
3 o{tro prelomqenu sredwu spojnicu, dok je slovo K (u ligaturi sa I) izvedeno od
G. Tomovi}, Morfologija }irili~kih
natpisa na Balkanu, Istorijski institut, dve odvojene crte, uspravne leve i o{tro izlomqene desne. Gotovo sva slova su
Beograd, 1974, str. 56–58, br. 37 ktitorski izvedena pravim i o{tro prelomqenim crtama. Blaga zakrivqenost opaà se
natpis vojvode Olivera iz Lesnova, kod leve crte slova H, kod oblikovawa slova S i O, kod ulevo opruènog kraka
1341. g. – slova: N, Z; str. 63,
br. 44 ktitorski natpis Dabiìva
slova A i doweg dela desnog kraka slova K.
iz Vagane{a, 1355. g. – slova: K, Z; Opisana slova pojavquju se pojedina~no u datovanim natpisima dosta rano,
str. 65–66, br. 47 ktitorsko-nadgrobni me|utim, ve}i broj takvih ili sli~nih oblika slova sre}e se zajedno u natpisi-
natpis jeromonaha Antonija / polo{kog
ma koji su nastali u periodu od sredine 14. do kraja tre}e decenije 15. veka.3
episkopa Joanikija, 1346–1355. g.
– slova: A, Z, I, K, S, O; str. 72–73, Isti vremenski okvir podràva i sadràj natpisa. Hristos za~elo i konac
br. 56 nadgrobni natpis Danila predstavqa srpsku varijantu poznate teolo{ke formule koja je, zasnovana na apo-
iz \urakovca, 1362. g. – slova: A, N; kalipti~nom tekstu, pratila Hristov ideogram: Ego sum alpha et omega, initium
str. 80, br. 67 nadgrobni natpis
et finis (Apocalypsis Johanni, 22 V 13; Otkrivewe Jovanovo, 1:8, 21:6, 22:13). Ova
Marine Vitoslave iz De~ana, 1374. g.
– slova: A, Z, I, K, N; str. 94, br. 87 formula pojavquje se u zapisima srpskih rukopisa od po~etka 14. veka i moè
nadgrobni natpis iz crkve Jov~e se pratiti, kako u svedenom, tako i u razvijenom obliku, do prvih decenija 16.
u podgra|u Novog Brda, 1400. g. veka.4
– slova: A, K, S ; str. 96, br. 89
ktitorski natpis despota Stefana
Bogorodici beogradskoj, 1403–1415. g.
– slova: Z, I, S, H ; str. 105–107,
br. 102 natpis o smrti despota Stefana,
1427. g. – slova: A, Z, K, N, O, S, H.
4 Q. Stojanovi}, Stari srpski zapisi i
natpisi, Beograd 1982², I, br. 34, 1300. g.;

br. 44, 1313. g.; br. 50, 1312–1317. g.;
br. 97, oko 1350. g.; br. 157, 1387. g.
(u vreme kneza Lazara i sina mu Vuka);
br. 162, oko 1388. g. (iz rukopisa
manastira Gra~anice, u vreme kneza
Lazara i gospodina Vuka): br. 163,
1388–1389. g. (hristosq Es(tq) za;elo i koncq,
tomou slava vq vykQ i vekq beskonq;niE,
pisao pop Mladen u vreme kneza Lazara); Natpis majstora na natprozorniku
br. 185, 1394. g.: br. 248, 1428. g.; iz Saborne crkve u Novom Brdu
br. 324, 1462. g.; br. 414, 1513. g.
(gre{ni Jovan, manastir sv. Trojice –
Rusanica). Dijak Andreja istom
formulom zapo~eo je svoj zapis Fragment arhivolte sa starosrpskim natpisom otkriven je ugra|en kao spo-
u Zborniku (panegiriku) iz 1425. g., lija u strukturi ju`nog turskog pregradnog zida iz mla|e faze obnove xamije
I. [padijer, Dijak Andreja, – nekada{we crkve Svetog Nikole. O uslovima i mestu nalaza detaqni podaci
savremenik Nikona Jerusalimca,
u: Nikon Jerusalimac. Vrijeme – nalaze na str. 75–77, u poglavqu Fragmenti kamene plastike sa natpisima.
li~nost – djelo, Cetiwe 2004, 142. Natpis je bio uklesan u polukru`ni natprozornik od pe{~ara oker boje,
5 Fragment se ~uva u Narodnom muzeju od kojeg sa~uvani fragment predstavqa levi i sredi{wi deo (25 h 16 h 12 cm),
u Beogradu, inv. br. 24_4840. te i natpisu nedostaje desna polovina.5 Povr{ina kamena je dobro zaravwena;
Srpsko umetni~ko nasle|e na Kosovu i
me|utim, naknadnom upotrebom i ugradwom ve} prelomqene lunete, do{lo je
Metohiji. Identitet, zna~aj,
ugroènost, Beograd 2017, 254–255 do o{te}ewa po rubovima fragmenta, pa je tako nestao i deo pojedinih slova
(D. Preradovi}, sa literaturom). sa~uvane polovine natpisa Iako je ova kamena lu~na plo~a {iroka samo 16 cm,
a sa dowe ivice mawim polukru`nim otse~kom u sredini jo{ je svedena na 12 cm,

luneta i uklesani tekst pokazuju bri`qivo i skladno komponovanu celinu u
kojoj je natpis ve{to prilago|en obliku kamena. Natpis te~e dowim delom plo-
~e, podeqen levo i desno od sredine luka u dve smisaone celine, a gorwi mawi
deo klesar je koristio za nadredna slova i znak za skra}enice. Iznad sredi-
{weg malog luka, prema otvoru prozora, uklesan je lepo oblikovan i razvijen
znak za skra}ene re~i (titla), koji sluì kako za tuma~ewe skra}enog teksta,
tako i kao ukras u sredini koji spaja desni i levi deo teksta. Kao i u natpisu sa
novobrdske arhivolte, slova su klesana tehnikom kosog reza ~isto i pravilno,
ali su ne{to vi{a i uà, sa ujedna~enom visinom od 6,5 cm i istim razmakom
izme|u dva reda. Tekst po~iwe simboli~nom invokacijom u obliku krsta i gla-
si (sa predloènom rekonstrukcijom izgubqenog desnog dela teksta):
maist(o)rq %gUrqgq&
Uporednim pregledom oblika slova oba starosrpska natpisa koji pripa-

daju arhitekturi Saborne crkve u Novom Brdu, uo~avaju se podudarnosti uz iz-
vesne mawe razlike, koje su prirodna posledica razli~ite veli~ine i oblika
natpisnog poqa i primene razli~itih slova. Slova sa arhivolte su {ira i ma-
wa, ne{to razvu~ena; na luneti su vi{a i uà, boqe i skladnije izvedena, ali se
u su{tini radi o istom epigrafskom rukopisu pismenog i vrsnog majstora
klesarskog zanata. Analogije za op{ti izgled natpisa (duktus) i slova u natpi-
su sa lunete mogu se prona}i u datovanim starosrpskim natpisima od sredine
14. do kraja ~etvrte decenije 15. veka, u istom ili bliskom obliku.6
Nalaze}i sli~nost izme|u slova iz potpisa protomajstora Borovi}a Rada
iz Qubostiwe i iz natpisa nepoznatog majstora novobrdske katedrale, kao i u 6 G. Tomovi}, Morfologija, str. 65–66,
kamenom ukrasu - motivu dvostrukog prepleta dveju crkava, \ur|e Bo{kovi} je br. 47 ktitorsko-nadgrobni natpis
izneo pretpostavku da je novobrdski majstor mogao biti upravo Borovi} Rade, jeromonaha Antonija / polo{kog
episkopa Joanikija, 1346–1355. g.
protomajstor iz Qubostiwe.7 Treba re}i da slovne sli~nosti postoje, ali ima – slova: A, I, L, M, O, P, T; str. 80,
i vidqivih razlika. U potpisu protomajstora isti~e se veliko i izrazito za- br. 67 nadgrobni natpis Marine
obqeno slovo S, koje znatno odstupa od uskog i dole za{iqenog oblika u oba no- Vitoslave iz De~ana, 1374. g.
vobrdska natpisa. Pored toga, razlika postoji i kod oblika slova A (bez gorwe – slova: A, I, L, M, O, P, S, T;
str. 105–107, br. 102 natpis o smrti
crtice ulevo), a naro~ito u op{tem izgledu natpisa, te se jasno ogleda druga despota Stefana, 1427. g.
ruka i li~nost klesara. Qubostiwski protomajstor Borovi} Rade i novobrdski – slova: A, I, L, M, O, P, S, T; str. 112,
nepoznati majstor mogli su da ìve i rade u istom ili bliskom periodu, ali br. 110 nadgrobni natpis Rodopa, 1436. g.
– slova: A, I, L, M, O, P, S, T.
su to bile razli~ite li~nosti. Sa druge strane, kao zna~ajan rudarski centar,
7 \. Bo{kovi}, Arheolo{ka istraìvawa
Novo Brdo je imalo i veoma razvijene razli~ite zanate. Majstor koji je pisme-
Novog Brda, Velika arheolo{ka
no i skladno uklesao ime u luneti glavne crkve i koji je ve{to izveo kameni nalazi{ta u Srbiji, izdawe Kolar~evog
ukras i natpis na arhivolti, po svoj prilici poticao je iz lokalne sredine. narodnog univerziteta, Beograd 1974,
U poslovnoj kwizi dubrova~kog trgovca Mihaila Lukarevi}a, koji je ìveo u 107, 114, sl. 13. O tome i: Vojislav
Jovanovi}, Novo Brdo sredwovekovni grad,
Novom Brdu tridesetih godina 15. veka, me|u du`nicima pomiwe se i Gurag 120–124 sl. 58; kao i D. Preradovi},
Churaturouich lavora petre (kamenodelac, kamenose~ac, kamenar), koji je bio ga- Srpsko umetni~ko nasle|e na Kosovu
rant za dug rudara Petra Lera 1436. godine.8 Na ovom podatku zasniva se pred- i Metohiji, 254.
8 Mihailo Dini}, Iz Dubrova~kog
loèna mogu}a rekonstrukcija teksta natpisa na kamenoj luneti, budu}i da bi
arhiva, kwiga I, Beograd 1957, 53, 70.
ime majstora moglo da bude \ura| (Gurag).
Srpska akademija nauka, Zbornik za
istoriju, jezik i kwièvnost srpskog
naroda, III odeqewe, kwiga XVII.
POREKLO ILUSTRACIJA
Fotografije:
Arheolo{ki institut: sl. 7, 9–11, 13, 18–24, 45–47, 54, 55, 67, 69–70, 73 i 80;
Narodni muzej: sl. 25, 29, 30, 33, 56, 57, 63, 64, 71 i 74–79;
S. Radovanovi}: sl. 4 i 8.
Planovi:
Arheolo{ki institut: prema arheolo{koj terenskoj dokumentaciji, sl. 12, 14, 43, 66, 72;
Narodni muzej: prema arheolo{koj terenskoj dokumentaciji, sl. 42 i 59.
Karta:
N. [uleti}, sl. 1.
SOURCES OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Photographs:
Institute of Archaeology: fig. 7, 9–11, 13, 18–24, 45–47, 54, 55, 67, 69–70, 73 and 80;
National Museum: fig. 25, 29, 30, 33, 56, 57, 63, 64, 71 and 74–79;
S. Radovanovi}: fig. 4 and 8.
Plans:
Institute of Archaeology: according to the archaeological field documentation, fig. 12, 14, 43, 66, 72;
National Museum: according to the archaeological field documentation, fig. 42 and 59.
Map:
N. [uleti}: fig. 1.
CIP – Katalogizacija u publikaciji

Narodna biblioteka Srbije, Beograd
904:726.54(497.11)"13/14"
726.71(497.11)"13/14"
POPOVI], Marko, 1944–

Crkva Svetog Nikole : katedrala grada Novog Brda / Marko Popovi}, Igor Bjeli} ; [prevod Verica Risti} ; crteì Igor Bjeli}]. – Beograd :
Republi~ki zavod za za{titu spomenika kulture = Belgrade : Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments of Serbia, 2018 (Beograd : Publikum
= Belgrade : Publikum). – 239 str. : ilustr. ; 30 cm. – (Studije i monografije / Republi~ki zavod za za{titu spomenika kulture, Beograd = Studies
and Monographs / Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments of Serbia ; 19)
Na spor. nasl. str.: St Nicholas Church. – Uporedo srp. tekst i engl. prevod. – Tekst }ir. i lat. – Tira` 500. – Napomene i bibliografske reference
uz tekst. – Bibliografija: str. 229–235. – Sadrì i: Natpisi iz saborne crkve Svetog Nikole – katedrale Novog Brda / Gordana Tomovi}.
ISBN 978-86-6299-031-0
1. Bjeli}, Igor, 1987– [autor] [ilustrator]
a) Novo Brdo – Crkva Sv. Nikole – 14v–15v
COBISS.SR-ID 267659532

Crkva Svetog Nikole. Katedrala Grada Nov PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Crkva Svetog Nikole. Katedrala Grada Nov PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Crkva Svetog Nikole. Katedrala Grada Nov PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

REPUBLI^KI ZAVOD ZA ZA[TITU SPOMENIKA KULTURE BEOGRAD

INSTITUTE FOR THE PROTECTION OF CULTURAL MONUMENTS OF SERBIA

Crkva Svetog Nikole

EDITOR Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments of Serbia

[tampawe ove kwige omogu}ilo je Ministarstvo kulture i informisawa Republike Srbije

48 | SEPULCHRAL CHURCH WITH THE NECROPOLIS

60 | ST NICHOLAS CHURCH – OLDER, WEST SECTION OF THE CATHEDRAL

120 | ST NICHOLAS CHURCH – THE ADDED, EAST SECTION OF THE CATHEDRAL

154 | BURIALS AT THE CATHEDRAL

178 | EXTENDING OF THE CATHEDRAL – THE MEANING, FUNCTION AND DATING

184 | MOSQUE – THE FORMER CATHEDRAL OF NOVO BRDO

208 | FINAL CONSIDERATIONS

11 | NASTANAK I RAZVOJ NOVOG BRDA U 14. I 15. VEKU

49 | GROBQANSKA CRKVA SA NEKROPOLOM

61 | CRKVA SVETOG NIKOLE – STARIJI, ZAPADNI DEO KATEDRALE

121 | CRKVA SVETOG NIKOLE – DOGRA\ENI, ISTO^NI DEO KATEDRALE

155 | SAHRAWIVAWE U KATEDRALI

179 | DOGRADWA KATEDRALE – ZNA^EWE, FUNKCIJA I DATOVAWE

185 | XAMIJA – NEKADA[WA KATEDRALA NOVOG BRDA

209 | ZAVR[NA RE^

A MONG THE TOWNS of medieval Serbia, Novo Brdo holds an exceptional

M E\U GRADOVIMA sredwovekovne Srbije Novom Brdu pripada izuzetno

Founding and development of Novo Brdo

T HE MEDIEVAL TOWN of Novo Brdo is situated in the mountainous region of

Nastanak i razvoj Novog Brda

C REDWOVEKOVNI GRAD Novo Brdo nalazi se u planinskom predelu ju`ne

Studenica Naupara Lipovac

njic Onogošt bla

Holy Apostles Novo Brdo P

d Bar Holy Virgin Skadar Holy Virgin Skopje

Sl. 1. Srpska despotovina u prvoj polovini 15. veka (prema N. [uleti}u)

Privu~eni poslom i mogu}om zaradom, u Novo Brdo su stizali i drugi

Sl. 3. Zamak – citadela Novog Brda

Sl. 4. Crkva u Zamku, otkriveni

do 10.000 stanovnika.25 Pore|ewa radi, procewuje se da je u to vreme u Srebre-

Nedaleko od ovog sredi{ta naseqa nalazila se glavna gradska crkva – kate-

Sl. 5. Utvr|ewe Novog Brda, osnova

katoli~ke zajednice u Novom Brdu.58 Za razliku od ve}ine zate~enih, relativ-

Sl. 6. Katedrala Svetog Nikole, op{ti izgled ostataka 2016. godine

69 ^er{kov 1958, 338–340.

68 Ja~ov 1986, 589.

O STACI GRADA Novog Brda, najzna~ajnije urbane naseobine sredwovekov-

Sl. 8. Ostaci zidova katedrale,

koji se nalaze na jednom uzvi{ewu, oko 200 m severoisto~no od utvr|ewa, gotovo

otkopavawu {uta u unutra{wosti crkve, do ravni mla|eg turskog poda.85 Sle-

Sl. 11. Prostor narteksa

izve{taji o istra`ivawima, sa zapa`awima autora i parcijalnim zakqu~ci-

100For the reconstruction of the situation

neobra|eni i zabele`eni samo u terenskoj dokumentaciji. Taj dokumentacioni

100 Za rekonstrukciju situacionog plana

Sepulchral church with the necropolis

Grobqanska crkva sa nekropolom

Sl. 13. Ostaci ju`nog dela

Posmatraju}i u celini najstariju fazu lokaliteta, name}u nam se neke

Sl. 14. Prvobitna jednobrodna crkva na nekropoli:

je bio dubqe utemeqen, ali i uklopqen u poznije zdawe katedrale. Na izvesne

Sl. 15. Novo Brdo, jednobrodne crkve:

zapo~iwe krajem 13. veka, predstavqala je jaku ekonomsku osnovu za zasnivawe

Pomenimo za sada jedine poznate ostatke male jednobrodne crkve – „Sabornice“,