The Emergence of Muslim Rule in India: Some Historical Disconnects and Missing Links

Author(s): TANVIR ANJUM

Source: Islamic Studies, Vol. 46, No. 2 (Summer 2007), pp. 217-240
Published by: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, Islamabad
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20839068
Accessed: 22-05-2015 08:41 UTC

REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/20839068?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents

You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, Islamabad is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve
and extend access to Islamic Studies.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Islamic Studies 46:2 (2007) pp. 217-240

The Emergence of Muslim Rule in India: Some

Historical Disconnects andMissing Links
TANVm ANJUM

Abstract
The emergence ofMuslim rule in India is an important development in southAsia.
This phenomenon, however, has not been treated in a holistic manner both in
seems to be a disconnect in its
temporal and spatial terms. In temporal terms, there
historical reconstruction. The textbooks,for instance, show a number of disconnects
among the various episodes in history,delinking themfrom each other. Besides, there
are also several historiographical silences which mar the historiography of the
on
emergence ofMuslim rule in India. In spatial terms, thenarrative remainsfocused
northern and north-western India, whereas thedevelopments resulting in eastward
as well as in the coastal regions of India are generally ignored. These
expansion
are themajor missing links in thenarrative of the emergence ofMuslim
developments
rule in India. This paper attempts topoint out theabove-stated historical disconnents
and missing links, but does not undertake tofill thesegaps. The paper argues that the
establishment ofMuslim rule in India was not the result of any abrupt development;
rather itwas a complex and protracted process stretching over centuries. The Arab
conquest of 93/712 was a part of the military expeditions in the north-western
later
peripheral regions of India under thePious Caliphs and the Umayyads. The
under theGhaznavids and Ghaurids should be seen in the context
military expansion
Caliphateinface of therise
of the'Abb?sid
of theweakeningof thecentralauthority
to expansion towards India.
of the regional military leaderswhich gave fresh impetus
The establishment ofMuslim rule in India, eventually culminating in thefoundation
was itsdirect outcome.
ofDelhi Sultanate,

<o>

Introduction

The emergence ofMuslim rule in India is an importantdevelopment in the

of the eighth
historyof the region. It startedin the late firstcentury/beginning
centurybut it took centuriesto be firmlyestablished in itsnorthern and later
in its southernparts.The process of the establishmentofMuslim rule in India
not only engulfed that countrybut some of itsneighbouring regions aswell.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
218 TANVIR ANJUM

However, in Indian historiography, the phenomenon of the emergence of

Muslim rule in India has not been treatedin a holisticmanner both in spatial
and temporal terms.

First, in temporal terms,there seems to be a disconnect in thehistorical

reconstructionof the events leading to the establishmentofMuslim rule in
India. For instance, the textbooks reconstruct its history by focusing on
disjointed events or episodes of history.These accounts beginwith theArab
conquest of Sindh [Sindh] in 93/712, thenmake a jump of a little less than
three centuries and come directly to Sultan [Sultan]Mahm?d of Ghaznah's
(r. 381-421/999-1030) Indian invasionsbetween 391/1001 and 417/1026, then
make another jump and come straightto Shih?b al-D?nMuhammad Ghaur?'s
(r. 556-602/1161-1206) battleswith Prithv?r?jChauh?n inTar?'in in 1191/587
and 1192/588, and finallythe establishmentofMuslim rule in India by Qutb
al-D?nAybeg (d. 607/1210) in a formal sense in 602/1206.Thus, a studentof
history findsa number of disconnects and historiographicalsilencesat various
places while going through the history of the emergenceofMuslim rule in
India.
This problem ispartlydue to thenotion of dividinghistorical events into
importantand less importantevents, and focusingon importantones while
ignoring the less important,and partly due to the practical need of dividing
the books of history into chaptersor sections,each focusingon one particular
historical event. Thus, lines are drawn between two historical events

demarcating them neatly. Though chapterization is done for convenience, in

doing so historical events envisaged in differentchapters/sectionsbecome self

contained entities and their relevance to each other is belittled.This creates
historicaldisconnect betweenvarious episodes inhistory,delinking themfrom
each other aswell asminimizing theirsignificance.
Secondly, in spatial terms, the focus of the events leading to the
establishmentofMuslim rule in India remains confined to that country,and
more specificallyto northernand north-westernIndia, as developments taking
place elsewhere do not figureprominently.For instance, the developments
taking place in the 'Abbasid Empire (132-656/750-1258) associated with
'Turkishmilitarism' resultingin eastwardexpansionismare ignored.Similarly,
developments taking place in the coastal regions of India such as Makran
[Makr?n],Malabar [Malabar],Concan and Coromandel Coasts have also not
received adequate scholarly attention. These developments are, in fact, the

major missing links in thenarrativeof the emergenceofMuslim rule in India.

The present paper argues that the establishmentofMuslim rule in India
was not the result of any abrupt development; rather, itwas a and
complex
protracted process stretchingover centuries.The Arab conquest of Sindh

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE EMERGENCE OF MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
219

needs to be viewed in a proper historical context provided by a series of

military expeditions takingplace in the north-westernperipheral regions of
India under the Pious Caliphs (11-40/632-661) and theUmayyads (41-132/
661-750), eventually culminating in the Arab conquest of Sindh by
Muhammad ibnQ?sim (d. 96/715).Thus, itwas not an isolated event; rather,
itwas part of a largerprocess thathad engulfed theneighbouring regionsof
India as well. In addition to military expansionism, a simultaneous
development took place in the coastal regionsof Indiawhere theArabs settled
and built their colonies.However, the latermilitary expansionism under the
Ghaznavids and Ghaurids can be understood within the context of certain
political developments relating to theweakening of the central authorityof
the 'Abb?sid Caliphate in face of the rise of the regionalmilitary leaders.
These developments in the 'Abb?sid Empire led to the rise of 'Turkish
militarism.' Besides other consequences, it had far-reachingrepercussionsfor
India, as it gave freshimpetus to expansionism towards it.The establishment
ofMuslim rule in India which culminated in the foundation of theDelhi
Sultanate was the direct outcome of the 'Turkish militarism.' Nevertheless,
this paper points out the historical disconnects and missing links in the
narrative of the emergenceofMuslim rule in India, and is not an attemptto
fill these gaps. It thus provides grounds forundertaking furtherresearchon
the emergenceofMuslim rule in India.
This paper, which is divided into three sections, attempts to deal with
military expeditions in thewestern peripheralregionsof India under thePious
Caliphs and theUmayyads, theArab settlementsin the coastal regions of
India, and the rise of 'TurkishMilitarism' under the 'Abb?sids resulting in
towards India which eventually culminated in the foundation of
expansion
Delhi Sultanate.

MILITARY EXPEDITIONS UNDER THE PIOUS CALIPHS AND THE

UMAYYADS

The rise of Islam in theArabian Peninsula in the seventhcenturyCE and the

subsequent political and military developments that took place in the early
Islamic era drasticallyaltered thepolitical frontiersin the entireNear East, and
even beyond. Within less than a century, some of thewestern peripheral
regionsof India came under thepolitical swayof theMuslims. Nonetheless, in
the course of time the process of expansion,which was once quite swift,was
the rule to
greatlydecelerated, and it took another five centuriesfor Muslim
establishfirmlyin the Indian heartland.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 TANVIRANJUM
220

In thewake of the dawn of Islam inArabia, the disparateArab tribes

were integratedunder the leadershipof theProphetMuhammad (peace be on
him) (d. 11/632),which led to the emergenceof a new political order in the
region.After his migration toMad?nah in 622 CE, he founded a state and
assumed its leadershipaswell.1 Itwas followedby conversion of thepeople of
Mad?nah to Islam aswell as thepolitical submissionofmany tribesto thenew
state.There also began successivemilitary clasheswith theMakkans, who
were the arch-enemiesof theProphet (peace be on him). Before his demise,
hostilitieswith the Byzantine and the Sasanian Empires had broken out as
well, since the tribes in the peripheral regions of Arabia were instigatedby
these empires to create trouble for the embryonicMuslim state.After the
Prophet's demise, during the reign of thePious Caliphs and theUmayyads,
theMuslim state underwent major territorial expansion.
The firstPious Caliph, Ab? Bakr (r. 11-13/632-634), concentratedupon
the suppressionof insurgentand refractorytribes.However, the reignof the
second Caliph, 'Umar (r. 13-23/634-644), witnessed the firstwave of
expansion of theMuslim state in thewake of conflictwith the Byzantine
Empire in the north-west,and the Sasanian Empire in the north-east.The
territorial stretch of the Muslim state was significantly enhanced by
annexation of large areas in Syria, Iraq and Persia.2Towards the close of the
reign of Caliph/Umar in 23/644, al-Hakam ibnAmr al-Tha'lab? conquered
Makran,3 which includedvast areas ofwhat is nowadays a part of Balochistan
[Bal?chist?n].4Thus, itwas during thePious Caliphate thatMakran, which lay
on thewestern fringesof India, came under thepolitical sway of theMuslims.
In addition,historical evidence suggeststhat 'Uthman ibnAb? 'l-'?s al-Thaqaf?
(d. 55/675), theGovernor of Bahrayn and 'Uman, sent a fleet to the coastal
regions of Th?n?h (nearBombay) and Broach (in theGulf of Cambay) via
Oman under the command of his brotherHakam ibnAb? al-'?s al-Thaqaf?
(d. ca. 45/665). But thisnaval expeditionwas sentwithout the permission of
the reigningCaliph 'Umar, who, upon coming to know of it, forbade

1
For a bit detailed description and analysis of thisdevelopment, see,Muhammad Hamidullah,
The Emergence of Islam, ed. and trans.Afzal Iqbal (Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute,and
Da'wah Academy, InternationalIslamicUniversity, 1999 rpt.,firstpublished 1993), 151-59.
2
For a detailed study see,Ahmad ibnYahy? al-Bal?dhuri,Kit?b Fut?h al-Buld?n, Eng. trans.
Philip K. Hitti, The Origins of theIslamic State (New York: Columbia University, 1916), see part
on Syria, part onMesopotamia, and part IV on al-Irak and Persia, 1: 165-300, 385-466. See
also, Fred McGraw Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests (Princeton,NJ: Princeton University
Press, 1981), chaps. and IV, 91-220.
3
See, Ahmad b. 'Ali IbnHajar al-'Asqal?n?, ai-Isababfi Tamyiz al-Sahabah, ed. 'AliMuhammad
al-Baj?w? (Cairo: Dar Nahdah, n.d.), 2:108.
4
In those days, the name Balochistan was not being used to referto any geographical area.The
adjoining regions of Sindh in itswest includedMakran and S?st?n.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE EMERGENCE OF MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
221

undertakingnaval expeditions for the timebeing. The Governor of Bahrayn

also sent one expedition to D?bul, a port in Sindh, under his brother
Mugh?rah ibnAbi -'?s al-Thaqaf? (d. ca. 15/636).5
Nonetheless, according to
Mub?rakp?ri, the purpose of these two expeditions was not territorial
subjugation and annexation; rather, they were meant to prevent their rulers
fromhelping thePersians against theMuslim armies.6
During the reign of the thirdCaliph, 'Uthm?n (r.24-35/644-656), an
importantcantonment in the regionborderingSindh and Balochistan, named
Qand?b?l (presentlyknown as Gand?v?, and situated inDistrict Kach?) was
consolidated, but no new military expeditionswere undertaken. It was,
however, during the reignof Caliph 'Ali (r. 36-40/656-661) thatTh?ghar ibn
Zu'ar was appointed on the Indian frontier,and amilitary expeditionwas sent
toK?k?n or Q?q?n (modernQalat in Balochistan) under him, leading to the
defeat of the local ruler of the region.7Owing to internaldissension and
political instability,furtherexpansionwas halted.
The Muslim state continued to expand furtherunder theUmayyads.
During the reign of its founder,Amir Mu'?wiyah (r.40-60/661-680), a
number of expeditions toMakran and Sindh were led by various military
commanders and/or local governors: 'Abd Allah ibn Saw?r al-'Abdi
(d. 47/667) was sent toK?k?n, and Sin?n ibn Salamah al-Hazl? (d. ca. 95/713)
was sent to B?dhiyah (near Lake Mancher, presently situated in District
Dadu), while Muhallab ibn Ab? Sufrah (d. 83/802) reachedMultan from
another route via Kabul, Khyber pass, Peshawar and Lahore in 44/665.8
Another expedition was led by Ab? 'l-Ash'athMundhir ibn J?r?d (d. ca.
61/681).9Many of these expeditionswere meant to reconquer the areaswhich

5
Muhammad Aslam, Muhammad ihnQ?sim aur usktJanashin (Lahore: Riy?z Brothers, 1996),
21. See also,Mawl?n? 'Abd al-Hal?m Sharar, T?rikh-i Sindh (Lacnow: Dilgudh?r Press, 1907),
1: 84.
6
Q?di Athar Mub?rakp?ri, Khil?fat-i R?shidah aurHindustan (Delhi: Nadwat al-Musannifin,
1972), 103.
7
'Ali ibnHamid ibnAbi Bakr al-K?fi,Fathn?mah-i Sindh (Chachn?mah), Persian trans., ed.
with Introduction,Notes and Commentary Nabi Bakhsh Khan Bal?ch (Islamabad: Instituteof
Islamic History, Culture and Civilization, 1983), 54-55. This expedition has not been
mentioned in any other or near source. For further discussion on
contemporary contemporary

military campaigns to India under thePious Caliphate, see,Muhammad Ishaq, "A Peep into the
First Arab Expeditions to India Under theCompanions of the Prophet," Islamic Culture, 19
(1945), 190-214.
8
See fordetails,Mawl?n? 'Abd al-Hal?m Sharar,Tar?kh-iSindh, 1:102-104.
9
For details of themilitary expeditions in Sindh andMakran, see Sayyid Ab? Zafar Nadv?,
T?r?kh-i Sindh (A'zamgarh: Ma'?rif Press, 1947), 33-38. See a brief summary in Aslam,
Muhammad ibnQ?sim aur uskt J?nashln,24-26. See also, 'Ali b. H?mid al-K?f?,Fathn?mah-'i
Sindh, 60.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
222 TANVIR ANJUM

had been conquered during the reignsofCaliphs 'Umar and 'Uthm?nbut had
become independentwhen therewas political chaos in the post-'Uthm?n
or to put down local insurgencies and rebellions. However, as a result,
period,
some parts of Makran and Sindh were conquered and made part of the
Umayyad Empire.
Nonetheless, itwas during the reignofUmayyad Caliph al-Wal?d (r. 86
96/705-15) that the second wave of conquest began, and the process of
territorialexpansion gained considerable impetus.His interestlay chiefly in
westward and northward expansion,which led to the conquest and annexation
of large territoriesinCentral Asia, North Africa and Spain. Expansion in the
east received little attention as to the westward and northward
compared
expansion.Nonetheless, two separatemilitary expeditionsunder 'UbaydAllah
ibnNabh?n (d. ca. 92/711) and Budayl ibn Tahfah al-Bajal? (d. ca. 92/711)
were defeatedby the forcesofR?j? D?hir (d. 93/712), the rulerof Sindh.10

In thenarrativeof Indian expeditionsby theUmayyads, a centralfigureis

thatof al-Hajj?j ibnY?suf (d. 95/714), theGovernor of Iraq,who was also in
charge of theEastern Territories includingS?st?n.He selecteda young general
of his own tribe,Ban? Thaq?f, namedMuhammad ibnQ?sim al-Thaqaf?,for
the purpose of undertaking a military expedition in Sindh in 92/711. The
causes ofArab invasion include, interalia, help of thePersians by the rulersof
Sindh andMakran against theMuslims, sheltergiven to rebel groups such as
some members of the 'Il?f? tribe by R?j? D?hir, and growing activitiesof
pirates in the Indian Ocean hampering sea trade.However, the immediate
cause was the plunder of eightmerchant vessels by pirates near D?bul (a
coastal town in Sindh),which were carryingthe familiesof theArab settlers
who had died in Sarand?p (SriLanka), and giftsfrom theKing of Sarandlp for
theUmayyad Caliph.11
In 92/711,Muhammad ibnQ?sim enteredSindh viaMakran, which was,
as indicatedabove, under theUmayyad rule.The Muslim forcescaptured and
annexed areas includingthe citiesofD?bul, N?r?n (modernHyderabad), Al?r
(the capital of D?hir's kingdom situatednear modern Rohri), Brahmanab?d
(later named Mans?rah), Askalandah (modern Uch), Multan and B?tiah
(situatednearmodern Bahawalpur). The forcesalso proceeded towardsGujrat
and Kathi?w?r, and captured and annexed important cities like Klraj and

10
Zafar Nadv?, T?r?kh-i Sindh, 42-43, and Aslam, Muhammad ibn Q?sim aur usk? J?nash?n,
31-32.
11
For details see Mohammad Habib, "The Arab Conquest of Sind", Islamic Culture, 3
(Hyderabad, 1929), 77-95, 592-611; Francesco Gabrieli, "Muhammad Ibn Q?sim ath-Thaqafi
and theArab Conquest of Sind,"East andWest, n.s, 15 (1965), 281-95.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE EMERGENCE OF MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
223

Bhelm?n.12The Arab armies went as far as the neighbouring regions of

modern Okara, known as Panj-M?h?t in those days.13After the death of al
Hajj?j in 95/714, Muhammad ibn Q?sim wanted to proceed further,but
Caliph Sulaym?n (r. 96-99/715-17) called him back in 96/715.14Ibn Q?sim
was replaced by Yaz?d ibnAb? Kabshah (d. 96/715) tomanage the affairsof
the conquered regions.
The Muslim rulers in Sindh,Multan andGujrat did not exercise absolute
authority, since, in thewords of modern historians, the "sovereigntywas
shared by differentlayersof kingly authority."15 The Arabs abstained from
centralizingpower in theirhands, and allowed thenatives considerable share
in power.16The conquest of theseareas has been perceived by some historians
as an isolated and insignificant
development inhistory,"only an episode in the
history of India and of Islam, a triumphwithout results."17However,
historical evidence suggeststhat ithad far-reachingsocial, religious,economic
and political consequences for the region.Socially, it createdopportunities for
interactionand dialogue between theMuslims and theHindus, which led to
exchange of knowledge and ideas between them.On the religious plane, it
gave impetus to the spreadof Islam, a processwhich had been initiatedin the
region long before the arrival of theArab armies and the establishmentof
Muslim rule. Commercially, trade between India and Arabia expanded
considerably after theArab conquest of Sindh, as the sea routes had now
become safe from the pillaging of the pirates.Politically, thesenorth-western
peripheral regionsof India came under the sway of theUmayyads, and laterof
the Abb?sids, which needs some elaborationhere.
In Sindh and its neigbouring regions, theUmayyad governorswere
regularly appointed by theUmayyad caliphs. Nearly 46 governorswere

12
For a detailed surveyof the conquest of Sindh,Makran andGujrat, see,ZafarNadv?, T?r?kh-i
Sindh, 45-120.
13
Aslam, Muhammad ibnQ?sim aur usktJ?nashtn,34-48.
14
In fact, the relationship between al-Hajj?j and Sulaym?n had been antagonistic for long.
However, al-Hajj?j had died before Sulaym?n's accession.After becoming Caliph, Sulaym?n not
only recalledMuhammad ibnQ?sim, but also ordered his execution.Muhammad ibnQ?sim
and al-Hajj?j belonged to the same clan of Ban? Thaqif. See for a good discussion on al-Hajj?j's
confrontationwith Sulaym?n and its impact,Zakariyau I.Oseni, aA Study of theRelationship
between al-Hajj?j Ibn Y?suf al-Thaqafi and theMarw?nid Royal Family in theUmayyad Era,*
Hamdard Islamicus,Karachi, vol. X, no. 3 (Autumn, 1987), 15-27, esp. 20-24.
15
Sugata Bose and Ayesha Jalal,Modern SouthAsia: History, Culture,Political Economy (Lahore:
Sang-e-MeelPublications, 1998), 27.
16
For details see, S. M. Jaffar,"The Arab Administration of Sind," Islamic Culture, 17
(Hyderabad, 1943), 119-29.
17
Stanley Lane-Poole, Mediaeval India underMuhammedan Rule (A.D. 712-1764) (Lahore: Sang
e-Meel Publications, 1997 rpt., firstpublished 1903), 12.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 TANVIR ANJUM
224

appointed in Sindh one afteranother by successiveUmmayyid caliphs.After

the inception of theAbb?sid rule, these areas remained under the direct
control of theAbb?sid governorsforsome time,but gradually thehold of the
Abb?sid Empire on itsperipheralareas started weakening. Sindh,Multan and
Gujrat already lay on the fringesof theAbb?sid Empire. In thewake of the
weakening of the central authorityof theAbb?sids in the end of second and
beginning of the third/first quarter ninth century, these regions gradually
threw off the yoke of theAbb?sid allegiance one afteranother and became
semi-independent.The following is a brief discussion regardingthese semi
independentkingdoms:18

Gujrat' During the reign of theAbb?sid Caliph al-M?m?n (r. 198-218/813

833), a slave named Fadl ibnM?h?n (d. probably before 202/817) established
his semi-autonomousM?h?niyyah Kingdom in Gujrat with its capital at
Sand?n (modern Sanj?n, a town situated in thenorth of Bombay). The rulers
of theKingdom owed allegiance to theAbb?sid Caliphs, and for this reason
thekhutbah (sermon)ofFriday Prayerswas read in theirname.However, after
some years, theMuslim rule came to a close, and theHindus took over the
control of the government.

Sindh: The lastAbb?sid governor of Sindh was H?r?n (d. 240/854), a

contemporary of theAbb?sid Caliph al-Mutawakkil (r.232-247/847-861).
AfterH?r?n's death in 240/854, 'Umar ibnAbd al-Aziz (d. before 270/882),
a member of an influentialfamily, founded a semi-autonomous
kingdom
known as theHabb?riyyah Kingdom of Sindh (240-417/854-1026). Its capital
was Mans?rah, which was formerlyknown as Brahman?b?d. Its rulershad
to get their from al-Mutawakkil, whose name was read in
managed recognition
the khutbah as well. However, the rule of theHabb?riyyah Dynasty ended
afterSultanMahm?d ofGhaznah invadedand conquered the region.19

Multan: Ban? S?mah Kingdom was founded inMultan byMuhammad ibn

Q?sim ibnMunabbih S?ml (d. between the years 279-286/892-899). It was

18
Q?d? Athar Mub?rakpuri, Hindustan men 'Arabon k? Huk?matain (Delhi: Nadwat al
Musannif?n, 1967), see the survey of theM?h?niyyah Kingdom, its origin and its rulers,
administrative system, relationshipwith the 'Abb?sid Caliphate, its downfall, 24-76; a brief
history of theHabb?riyyah Kingdom and its administration,77-123; a briefpolitical history of
theBan? S?mahKingdom, 169-238; a discussion on theMa'd?niyyah Kingdom, 255-70; and the
Arab rule inTur?n, 279-88.
19
For a detailed study of itshistory and administrativesystem, see,Mumtaz Husain Pathan,
Arab Kingdom of al-Mansurah in Sindh (Jamshoro:Instituteof Sindhology,University of Sind,
1974).

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE EMERGENCE OF MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
225

also a semi-autonomouskingdom,where thekhutbahwas read in thename of

the 'Abb?sidCaliphs. The S?m?s ruledMultan and itsneighbouring territories
for nearly one century, but later theywere subdued by the Ism?'?l?s in
375/985. The Ism?'?l? rulersofMultan owed their allegiance to the F?timid
Caliph of Egypt. The last Ism?'?l?rulernamed Ab? -Fut?hD?'?d ibnNasr
was defeated by SultanMahmud ofGhaznah in 401/1010-11, afterwhich the
rule of the Ism?'?l?scame to an end in the region.20

Makr?n: Ma'd?niyyah Kingdom in thecoastal areas ofMakran was foundedby

an influentialKh?rij? leadernamed Isa ibnMa*dan around 340/951. In fact,
theKh?rij?s were expelled from Iraq, fromwhere theywent toMasqat and
'Um?n and settled there.After theirexpulsion from these areas aswell, they
migrated toMakran. Being politically independent,the rulersofMa'd?niyyah
Kingdom, all ofwhom were Kh?rij?s by faith,did not owe allegiance to the
'Abb?sid Caliph of Baghdad. They had adopted theHindu title ofMah?r?j.
The Ma'd?niyyah Kingdom ended when its last rulerwas defeated by the
Ghaurids in 471/1078.21

Jur?n:T?r?n inBalochistan presented a differentpicture than the restof the

above-mentioned regions. An influentialArab family had established its
control inQand?b?l, but itwas suppressedby the 'Abb?sids.Again Qand?b?l
went out of the 'Abb?sid control, but its controlwas regained.Then around
340/951,Mugh?rah ibnAhmad founded a semi-independentkingdom, having
nominal adherence to the 'Abb?sid Caliphate.22Nonetheless, itwas not a
dynastic rule of one family,and one afteranother, itwas ruled by rulersfrom
Khuzd?r came under the influenceofKh?rij?s for a while
differentfamilies.23
as well. Later, SultanMahm?d Ghaznav? crushed the power of a ruler of
Khuzd?r, and finally,Ghiy?th al-D?nGhaur? (r. 558-599/1163-1203) invaded
the region and put an end to thekingdom.24
In a nutshell,while studyingthehistoryof theArab invasionof Sindh by
Muhammad ibnQ?sim itneeds to be borne inmind that itwas notmerely an
event of historical importance; rather, itwas part of a larger process of
expansion which began inArabia in the first/seventhcentury. Initially, the
neighbouring,regionsofArabia such as Syria, Iraq and Persia were annexed to

20
Farhad Daftary, The Ismailis: TheirHistory and Doctrines (Cambridge:Cambridge University
Press, 1990), 180.
21
See,Q?d? Athar Mubarakpuri, Hindustan min 'ArabonkiHuk?matain, 255-270.
22
See, ibid.,279-288.
23
See, ibid.
24
See, ibid.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 TANVIR ANJUM
226

theMuslim state. Itwas in the firstquarter of the eighth centuryCE (towards

the end of firstcenturyhijrt) thatnorth-westernperipheral regions of India
such asMakran, Sindh including Multan, andGujrat also came under the sway
of theMuslims during the rule of theUmayyads. Therefore, theArab invasion
of Sindh by Muhammad ibnQ?sim cannot be reduced to an isolated and
disjointed event and must be understood in the broader context of Arab
expansion in the east.Moreover, the storyof theArab rule in India does not
come to a close with the demise ofMuhammad ibnQ?sim in 96/715. This,
however, seems to be the underlying assumption in several textbooks of
historywhich do not mention the semi-independentstates in Sindh,Multan
andGujrat, and jump directly to the storyof theGhaznavids. The conquered
regions lateron split into five statesand came to be ruled by varied dynasties
which were subdued by the Ghaznavid and the Ghaurid rulers in the
fifth/eleventhand sixth/twelfthcenturies. The intermediate historical
developments between theArab invasionof Sindh byMuhammad ibnQ?sim
and theGhaznavid invasions in India and theGhaurid occupation of northern
India which hardly findmention in the textbooks of history are significant
enough to be given due attentionby historians.Moreover, there seems to be a
historiographical silence regardingthe settlementof theArabs in the coastal
regions of India, which needs to be viewed independentlyof theirmilitary
and hence, merits a brief discussion.
expansion

ARAB SETTLEMENTS IN THE COASTAL REGIONS OF INDIA

Hundreds of years before the prophethood ofMuhammad (peace be on him),

Arab tradershad active commercial relationswith the Indians, particularly
those inhabiting its coastal areas.25 These traders used to carry Indian
goods,
such as spices, to Europe via Syria and Egypt, and carried goods from
European markets to India,East Indies (presentIndonesia),China and Japan.26
According to Tara Chand, in that era,Arab tradershad not only established
their settlementsinmany costal towns and cities of India, but under their
influence the Indians ofMalabar Coast had also adopted theArab religion
(probablySabaean).27

25For
details see,George Faldo Hourani, Arab Seafaring in theIndian Ocean inAncient and
Medieval Times (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951). See also, Q?d? Athar
Mub?rakpuri, 'Arabwa Hind'Ahd-i Ris?latM?n (Delhi:Nadwat al-Musannifin,1965).
26
Sayyid Sulaym?nNadv?, 'Arabwa Hind k? Ta'll?q?t (Karachi:Karim Sons Publishers, 1976), 6.
27
Tara Chand, InfluenceofIslam on Indian Culture (Lahore: Book Traders, 1979), 30.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 OF MUSLIMRULE IN INDIA
THE EMERGENCE
227

One witnesses the continuance of thisArab tradition of commercial

activities in the IndianOcean and Bay of Bengal afterthe advent of Islam.28
Meanwhile, new colonies of these tradersand sailorskept on mushrooming on
the eastern and western coastal regionsof India.Historical evidence suggests
the presence of such settlementsand colonies on theKonkan andMalabar
Coasts long before theArab conquest of Sindh andGujrat in late first/early
eighth century and theTurkish conquests of fifth/eleventh and sixth/twelfth
centuries. Tara Chand writes on the authority Rowlandson, thatMuslim
of
Arabs first settled on theMalabar Coast about the end of the seventh
centuryCE (later of half the firstcenturyhijr?).29 The Muslim population of
as
these coastal regions includedArabs well as local people who had converted
to Islam. The spread of Islam among the natives must have received
considerable impetus [later] from the conversion ofHindu P?r?mal R?j? in
212/827.30 Important ports where Muslim settlementswere established
included coastal towns in Gujrat region named Khamb?yat or Kamb?y?h
(now known as Cambay) andHunawar in theGulf of Cambay, and Seymore
(modernChaul) near Bombay.31The presence of Arab Muslims in Sarand?p
(Ceylon or SriLanka) as early as thebeginningof the second/eighthcenturyis
evident fromthe incidentof theplunder of eightmerchant vessels carryingthe
familiesof theArab settlersby pirates.
In addition to these settlementsof traders,some of these colonies were
inhabited by political refugees,which included, among others,members of
Ban? H?shim who had been persecutedby al-Hajj?j ibnY?suf, theGovernor
of Iraq and an arch-enemyof this clan. In order to escape persecution, the
H?shim?s migrated to and settled in colonies on Concan Coast (the south
western coast of India). The descendants of these settlers came to be known as

Nav?'it/Nav?yat (derivedfromNau-w?rid or newcomer). The descendantsof

thosewho settled to the east of Cape Comorin in Tinnevelly District of
came to be known as Labbes.32 In addition to these
Madras refugees, other
groups had also sought refuge in these colonies. Owing to the fear of

28
For details of Arab navigation in the days of theHoly Prophet (peace be upon him), see,
'
trans. Sayyid Sab?h al-D?n Abd al-Rahm?n
Sayyid Sulaym?n Nadv?, The Arab Navigation,
(Lahore: ShaikhMuhammad Ashraf, 1966), 30-39.
29
Chand, InfluenceoflsUm on Indian Culture, 32.
30
See annotation in Ibn Batt?tah, 'Aj?'ib al-Asfar:Safarn?mah-'iIhn Batt?tah,Urdu trans,and
Notes Khan Bahadur Mawlav? Muhammad Husayn (Islamabad:National InstituteofHistorical
and Cultural Research, 1983), 292.
31
S.M. Ikram,History ofMuslim Civilization in India and Pakistan, 3d edn. (Lahore: Instituteof
IslamicCulture, 1982), 24. For a detailed description ofArab settlementson the coastal areas of
India, see, S.M. Ikr?m,?b-i Kauthar (Lahore: Ferozsons, 1952), 45-59.
32
Chand, InfluenceofIslam on Indian Culture, 32-33.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 TANVIR ANJUM
228

persecution from the followers of the Shrite sub-sect,Ism?'?l?s,who ruled

Multan during the fourth/tenthcentury,33 many had also migrated to these
coastal colonies of India.Moreover, therewere earlyMuslim settlementsalong
the Coromandal Coast as well, which was known to theArabs asMa'bar.
Later, some of the Sufis alsomigrated and settledin thesecolonies,where they
constructedtheirkh?nq?hsor Sufidwellings.34
The Arabs had extended their trade to the Bay of Bengal, and their
commercial activitiesalong the entirecoast of Bengal and Burma, fromwhere
they carried their trade goods to the islands ofMalaysia and Indonesia. A
famousport, Samandar, situatedon the coast of Bengal, findsmention in the
accounts ofArab geographersof the fourth/tenth and sixth/twelfthcenturies.
Long before the penetration of theTurkish conquerors in the region,Arab
tradershad settlednear the coastal region of Chittagong in East Bengal.35In
addition to these coastal areas,we find sizeableMuslim populations in nearby
islands, including Sarandlp (Ceylon or Sri Lanka) and Maldives as well.
According to an epigraphical evidence, the ruler of the Islands ofMaldives,
-
alongwith his subjects,had converted to Islam at thehands of ShaykhAb?
Barak?tY?suf Barbar? ofMorocco in the third/ninthcentury.36
These Arab settlementsbecame the hub ofmissionary activities,which
facilitatedthe spread of Islam in these peripheral regions of the Indian sub
continent in a peacefulmanner.37Not only that,thesecolonies of early settlers
also served as bases for the Muslim missionaries, who later spread Islam in

33
Daftary, The Ismailis: TheirHistory andDoctrine, 180.
34
Spencer J.Trimingham, The SufiOrders in Islam (London: Oxford University Press, 1971),
20-21.
35
Muhammad Mohar Ali, History of theMuslims of Bengal: A Muslim Rule in Bengal (600
1170/1203-1757) (Riyadh: Department of Culture and Publications, Imam Muhammad Ibn
Sa'?d IslamicUniversity, 1985), 1: 30, 37.
36
Ibn Batt?tah, 'Aj?'ib al-Asfar, 320-21. Shaykh Ab? -Barak?tY?suf Barbari arrived in
Maldives in 548/1153 and converted the local ruler to Islam.
37
For a survey of this development see,Thomas W. Arnold, The Preaching of Islam (London:
Constable, 1913 rpt., first published 1896), chap. DC, 254-93; S. M. Imamuddin, "Early
Preaching of Islam in the Subcontinentwith Special Reference to Sind," Journal of thePakistan
Historical Society,Karachi, vol. XXXIII, part IV (October 1985), 273-87; andMoinul Haq, "The
Spread of Islam in SouthAsia" inWaheed-uz-Zaman andM. Saleem Akhtar, eds. Islam in South
Asia (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1993), 52-83. For a
contradictoryviewpoint, seeBruce B. Lawrence, "Early Indo-Muslim Saints and Conversion" in
Yohanan Friedmann, ed. Islam inAsia: SouthAsia (Jerusalem:The Magnes Press, The Hebrew
University, 1984), 1: 109-45. For a critical review of various theories of conversion to Islam in
India, see, Richard M. Eaton, "Approaches to the Study of Conversion to Islam in India" in
Richard C. Martin, ed. Approaches to IsUm in Religious Studies (Tuscon: The University of
Arizona Press, 1985), 106-23.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE EMERGENCE OF MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
229

Malaya and Indonesia.38Here it is importantto clarifythat since the terms

'mission' and 'missionary' have Christian connotations, it should not create an

impression that likeChristianity, in Islam thepropagation of faith is the sole

responsibilityof some purpose-specificgroups. In Islam, theoretically,every
Muslim shoulders this responsibility, and is expected to contribute in
or her words as well as character.The earlyArab
spreading Islam by his
traders,who were Muslims by faith,were inspiredby a missionary zeal, and
took up the responsibilityof propagating their faithwherever theywent. It
was due to the effortsof these traders,Sufis and preachers that initiallyIslam
was
spread in India.39Muslim presence in various regions of India, which
initiallyminimal, would serve as a social base, though narrow, forMuslim
rule.Conversion to Islam in the subsequentcenturieswas indirectlyfacilitated
by the establishmentofMuslim rule.
In short, theArab rule in Sindh,Multan, Gujrat, Makran and Tur?n in
thewake of theArab invasion of Sindh byMuhammad ibnQ?sim, and the
settlementofArab traders in various colonies in the coastal regions of India
such asMakran, Malabar, Concan and Coromandel Coasts were
developments
independentof each other andwere takingplace almost simultaneously.These
developmentshadmany political, social, culturaland religious implicationsfor
these regions aswell as for the restof the Indian Subcontinent,but theyhave
not received adequate scholarlyattention.These developments are, in fact,the
missing links in the entireepisode of the emergenceofMuslim rule in India.

'
RISE OF THE 'TURKISHMILITARISM' UNDER THE ABB?SIDS
AND EXPANSION TOWARDS INDIA

The Arab expansion during the eighthcenturyCE (lastquarter of firstand first

half of second centuryhijrt)was halted owing to certaindevelopmentswithin
theUmayyad Empire. In the subsequent centuries,however, theArabs were
replaced by the Turks, who then took the lead in the expansion of the
'Abb?sidEmpire, which had replaced theUmayyads. An importantquestion
that riseshere is:how andwhy did thistransitioncome about?While studying
the emergenceofMuslim rule in India one has to transcendthe geographical
confinesof India and go beyond them in order to search for the causes of the
rise of theTurks as a potent force in thebody politic of the 'Abb?sidEmpire.
The Turks played a crucial role in the expansion towards India owing to their

38
For a brief discussion, see,M. B. Hooker, "Introduction:The Translation of Islam in South
East Asia," inM. B. Hooker, ed. Islam inSouth-EastAsia (Leiden:E. J.Brill, 1983), 1-22.
39
Moinul Haq, "The Spread of Islam in SouthAsia,* 52-83.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
230 TANVIR ANJUM

military prowess, a phenomenon which has been dubbed as 'Turkish

militarism.'40State formationin thenorthernIndia by theTurks was a natural
outcome of the Turkish expansionism.
What follows is a brief account of the political developments in the
'Abb?sid Empire that led to the rise of the 'Turkishmilitarism' and the
subsequent expansion towards India. The Umayyad Dynasty was uprooted by
the 'Abb?sidRevolution of 132/749, and replaced by theHouse of 'Abb?s
(Ban? 'Abb?s),which ruled for about fivecenturies.For nearly a century,the
'Abb?sids ruled over theirEmpire with extraordinaryability,but the eighth
'Abb?sid Caliph, al-Mu'tasim Bi'll?h (r.218-227/833-842), is considered the
last effectiveruler of thedynasty.The post-Mu'tasim period showed signsof
decline and disintegration,which stretchedover a period of four centuries.
This era was also marked by the ascendancy of the Turkish military
commanders. In fact,duringCaliph al-M?m?n's reign (198-218/813-833), al
Mu'tasim, theGovernor of Syria and Egypt, initiatedthe practice of getting
recruitsfor the army from theEastern provinces of theEmpire, who came to
be known as the 'Turks'. Though all of themwere not ethnicallyTurks, but
being predominantly so, theycame to be referredto as such.The word Turk
was generallyused more in political and/or linguisticthan in an ethnic sense.
Many non-Turkish groups and clans had adopted theTurkish language,and
hence, too were as Turks. These troops came from diverse
they regarded
ethnic backgrounds, and were non-Arabic speaking.41
Hailing fromnomadic
were known for their military prowess, hardihood, valour,
backgrounds, they
rowdiness and loyalty.
The Central andWest Asian regionwas the home of theTurks, having
both their sedentaryaswell as nomad population. The Umayyads conquered
their lands quite early, but the conversion to Sunn? Islam among theTurks
generally took place in the fourth/tenth centuryunder the 'Abb?sids. It is said
in
that addition to the simplicityof the basic tenetsof Islam that appealed to
theTurks, it also opened opportunitiesof career for them,particularlyservice
in the state army,which befitted theirnatural aptitude.42 Moreover, in the
Central Asian regions, Islam was symbolized by jihad or holy war. These
detribalizedTurks were importedto theMuslim territoriesasmilitary slaves,

40
For a detailed study, see,Daniel Pipes, Slave Soldiersand Ishm: The Genesis ofaMilitary System
(NewHaven: Yale University Press, 1981).
41
For furtherdetails, seeAppendix I, "Juzj?n?'sUse of theWord Turk'" in Peter Jackson,The
Delhi Sultanate:A Political andMilitaryHistory (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1999),
326.
42
Osm?n SayyidAhmad Ism?'?l al-Bll?,Prelude to theGenerals: A Study of Some Aspects of the
Reign of the Eighth (AbbasidCaliph, Al-Mu'tasim Bi-Alkh {218-277ah/833-842 ad) (Reading:
Ithaca Press, 2001), 51-52.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE EMERGENCE OF MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
231

and came to be known as marniuk, literally

meaning slaves. In the opinion of
Patricia Crone:

The institution consisted in a simple fusion of the two

creation of the maml?k
components which had hitherto remained discrete, servile status and alien origin.
Freedman reared in an Islamic environment and free mercenaries recruited
abroad, for all that they became extremely common in theMuslim armies, were
so to speak approximations to the ideal type: the classical maml?k is
characterized by both personal dependence and cultural dissociation.43

These new recruits,according to al-B?l?,served three importantpurposes

of the al-M?m?n regime:First,with the expansion of the territorialboundaries
of the Empire, prosperity and affluencecrept in among theArabs, which
cultivated luxurious and comfortablelifestyles.Increasingurbanization,which
encouraged trade and commerce, and theflourishingof craftsand commercial
activities, further gave way to dwindling human resource for the civil
and army, as less people were now to
bureaucracy inclined join state services.
This vacuum created in the administrative circles of the Empire was
adequately filledby theseTurkish recruits.Secondly, the stabilityand security
of al-M?m?n's regimewas also threatenedby internaluprisings and external
threats,most notably fromByzantium. The practice of having new recruits
instilled fresh blood in themilitary, which considerably strengthenedthe
institution. Lastly, another consideration before al-M?m?n was the
pragmatic
elimination of old commanders, and their replacement by loyal generals in
whom he could repose trust. These factors combined necessitated the
introductionof new elements in the armyand administration.44
These military slaves owed their trainingaswell as theirprivilegedplace
in the society to the care of theirpatrons,who usually acted as the foster
parents of these slaves from adolescence.45 Al-Mu'tasim commanded the

personal loyaltyof these troops, as a majority of themwere his slaves aswell.

After assuming theCaliphate, he expanded this 'CaliphalCorps.' His favourite
commanders received governorships and other administrative responsibili
On the social plane, owing to thediscriminatorypolicies of al-Mu'tasim,
ties.46
the cultural exclusiveness and regional, tribal and ethnic identitiesof various
groups received encouragement,whereas on thepolitical plane, it contributed
to political instability.

43
Patricia Crone, Slaves onHorses: The Evolution of theIslamic Polity (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1980), 74.
44
Al-Bili, Prelude to theGenerals, 45-58.
45
Roy Mottahedeh, Loyalty and Leadership in an Early Islamic Society (Princeton,NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1980), 84.
46
Al-Bili, Prelude to theGenerals, 52-53.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 TANVIR ANJUM
232

Al-Mu'tasim was succeeded by his son al-W?thiqBi'll?h (r.227-232/842

847), who followed the policies of his father.His successor, Caliph al
Mutawakkil (r. 232-247/847-861), was put on the throne by the generals.
Soon theTurkish generals startedconspiringwith themembers of the ruling
family in proposing and deposing Caliphs. They also started concentrating
powers of civil administration in their hands. Under Caliph al-Musta'?n
(r.248-252/862-866), a Turkish generalUt?mish became wazir of theEmpire
and in charge of the treasury.47The military hegemony eventuallyculminated
in the creation of the designationofAmir al-Umara' for amilitary general in
324/936,who exercised all military and civil authority in the name of the
reigningCaliph al-R?d?Bi'll?h (r. 322-329/934-940).His name was insertedin
theFriday sermons aswell.48Henceforth, the 'AbbasidCaliphs were reduced
to mere in the hands of their generals-turned-mzz?rs, who came to
puppets
dominate the affairsof the state.
Owing to political fragmentationand instabilityat the centre, semi
independent regional dynasties sprangup in the peripheral provinces of the
'Abbasid Empire,49not tomention the emergenceof rivalCaliphates such as
the F?timid Caliphate of Egypt (297-567/910-1171) and the Umayyad
Caliphate of Spain (138-442/756-1031), and absolutely independentkingdoms
like those ofKh?rij?s,Qar?mat?s and Ism?'?l?sinMakr?n (340-471/951-1078),
Bahrayn (around 286-470/899-1077-78) and Multan (347-401/958-1010-11)
respectively,which naturally threatenedthe 'Abbasid political authority.The

47
The non-Turkish troops started an anti-Turkish protest movement leading to riots and
fighting in some parts of Iraq, and eventuallyUt?mish was killed by these troops.Hugh
Kennedy, The Armies of theCaliphs:Military and Society in theEarly Islamic State (London and
New York: Routledge, 2001), 138.
48
Al-B?l?,Prelude to theGenerals, 105.
49For
instance, theT?hirids emerged fromKhurasan (easternPersia) in the third/ninthcentury,
whereas the Saff?rids,who established themselvesin Slst?n, and laterconquered Khur?s?n from
theT?hirids, ruled during the lastquarter of the third/ninthcentury.The fourth/tenthcentury
witnessed the rise of the S?m?nids fromTransoxiana, who soon annexed Khur?s?n from the
Saff?rids.The Aghlabids ruled parts ofNorth Africa, while Egypt went under theT?l?nids in
the third/ninthcentury and laterunder the Ikhsh?didrulers in the fourth/tenthcentury,with a
brief interlude in between the two dynasties,when theAbbasid rulewas temporarilyrestored
there.Hamd?nids ruled overMosul and Aleppo (Syria) in the fourth/tenthcentury,while in
the fifth/eleventhcentury,Mesopotamia went under the control of the 'Uqaylids. Towards the
close of the fourth/tenth century, the Qar?kh?nids had established their dynasty in
Transoxiana, including Bukh?r? and Samarqand, as well as in Fargh?nah and K?shgaria. The
Ghaznavids established themselves in Afghanistan and Khur?s?n during the fourth/tenth
fifth/eleventhcenturies, but in the sixth/twelfthcentury the political power in Afghanistan
shiftedto theGhaurids. For a brief survey,see,Bertold Spuler, TheMuslim World: A Historical
Survey,The Age of theCaliphs, Eng. trans.F. R. C. Bagley (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960), 1: 59-61,
68-70, 75-81.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 OF MUSLIMRULE ININDIA
THE EMERGENCE
233

two regional dynasties of theGhaznavids (351-582/962-1186) and Ghaurids

(543-602/1148-1206) in theAbb?sid Empire,which will be brieflydealtwith
later, played an important role in the conquest and annexation of Indian
territories.

Many of the regional dynasties that emergedduring the laterAbb?sid

timeswere founded by the Turks. Ethnically, the T?l?nids (254-293/868
905), Ikhsh?dids (323-358/935-969), Qar?kh?nids (4th-10th/early7th-13th
were all of Turkish
centuries),Selj?qids (447-699/1055-1300) andGhaznavids
some description is the
origin. Another related phenomenon that requires
institutionof Turkish military slavery,as indicatedearlier. Itwas themilitary
slaves of Turkish ethnicity,who had founded these semi-autonomous states.
terms the military slavery and 'slave states' as 'peculiar' institutions.
Lapidus
Commenting on thisphraseology and theirfunctions,he adds that

...the translation of theword ghulam or mamaluk into English as "slaves" carries

or mamaluk designated a
inappropriate connotations. The concept of ghulam
a
binding personal obedience but not necessarily humble situation in society. In
itsArabic and Muslim sense the slave soldier was
the personal property of the
master and could be bought and sold. He was a servile retainer, depending upon
themaster for security and support. The social position of the slave, however,
did not reflect his personal servitude, but rather the status of his master. The
slave of the Sultan could be a general or minister of state, and the slave of a
an officer in the army or administration. Furthermore, military slaves
general,
were eventually manumitted and became freedmen, clients of their former
masters, which gave them limited legal rights to property, marriage and personal
or client
security. In this institution the exclusive personal loyalty of the slave
soldier to his master was crucial.50

As mentioned above, theGhaznavid Kingdom, which ruledAfghanistan

and Khurasan in the fourth/tenthand fifth/eleventhcenturies,was also
foundedby Turkish slavesAlptig?n(d. 366/977) and Subuktag?n (d. 387/997).51
In thewake of the disintegrationof the S?m?nidKingdom in the fourth/tenth
century, theGhaznavids established themselves in Afghanistan in 350/961,
and later inKhurasan in 389/999.Actually Alptig?n, a Turkish slavemilitary
commander,was appointed a provincial governor by the S?m?nidKing. He
foundedhis own semi-independent Kingdom ofGhaznah inAfghanistan after

50
IraM. Lapidus, A History of Islamic Societies,2nd edn. (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2002), 122.
51
For a detailed study of the role of Alptigin and Subuktagin, see, C. E. Bosworth, The
Ghaznavids: Their Empire inAfghanistanand Eastern India 994-1040 (New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, 1992), 37-44.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 TANVIR ANJUM
234

thedeath of theKing. Alptig?n's slave and son-in-law,Subuktagin,became the

rulerofGhaznah in 366/977.The Ghaznavids were the firstTurkishMuslim
rulers to penetrate in India. Subuktagin added Lamgh?n (near modern
Jalalabad) and Peshawar to theGhaznavid Kingdom. His conflictwith the
Hind?sh?hi Dynasty ofRaja Jaip?l,rulingover some parts ofAfghanistan and
north-western India, also started in 375-6/986-7. Subuktagin, however, died in
387/997 and after a war of succession between his sons,Mahm?d (r. 389
421/998-1030) finallyascended the throneofGhaznah a year later.He got the
confirmationof his rule from the S?m?nid King. The 'Abb?sid Caliph of
Baghdad, al-Q?dir Bi'll?h (381-422/991-1031), also gaveMahm?d a robe of
honour, a flag and the titlesofYamin al-Dawlah (therighthand of theEmpire)
and Amin al-Millah (the custodian of the faith)as a symbol of recognitionof
Mahm?d declared himself as an independentrulerof
his political authority.52
Ghaznah and assumed the title of Sultani His kingdom included Balkh,
Herat, Tirmidh,Khurasan, Lamgh?n andGhaznah.

During 391-417/1001-1026, he led about seventeenexpeditions to India,

and conquered a number of areas includingPeshawar,Kashmir, Bher? (in Salt
Range), Nagarkot, Thaneswar, Qanauj, K?linjar, Gw?li?r, S?mn?th (Gujrat)
andMultan. Lahore was captured in 421/1030.54SultanMahm?d, however,
did not annex all the conquered areas to theKingdom ofGhaznah. He only
annexed some parts of Sindh,Multan and thePunjab to it.Thus, some of the
north-westernIndian territoriesbecame part of theGhaznavid Kingdom. In
fact, he was chiefly interested in expansion towards Central Asia. Moreover,
the Indian territoriesformed the second line of defence in theEast. In other
words, strategically, these areas served as a buffer zone between the heartland
of the Ghaznavid Kingdom and the north Indian Rajput States.Mahm?d
repeatedly invaded the Indian territoriesin order to keep the easternfrontiers
of his kingdom safe.

52
Ab? Sa'?d 'Abd al-Hayy ibn al-Dahh?k ibnMahm?d Gardaizi, Kit?b Zayn al-Akhb?r (comp,
about 440 ah), ed.Muhammad N?zim (Berlin: Iransch?hr,1347/1928), 62.
53
There are differentopinions regardingMahm?d's assumption of the title of Sultan. See
Muhammad Nazim, The Life and Times ofSultanMahmud ofGhazna (Lahore: Khalil and Co,
1973), 69, n.
54
For a detailed account of the Ghaznavid conquests, see, Ab? Nasr Muhammad ibn
Muhammad al-Jabb?r al-'Utb?, T?r?kh-iYam?n?, Eng. tr.H. M. Elliot, ed. J. Dowson, The
History of India as told by itsOwn Historians (TheMuhammadan Penod) (Lahore: Islamic Book
Service, 1976 rpt, firstpublished 1869), 2: 24-51; andGardaizi, Kit?b Zayn al-Akhb?r,63, 65-80,
86-88. 'Utbfs T?rikh-i Yam?n? covers the history of Mahm?d's reign down to the year
410/1020. See also the details ofMahm?d's expeditions in India in S.M. Jaffar,
Medieval India
underMuslim Kings: The Rise and Fall of theGhaznawids (Peshawar: S.Muhammad Sadiq Khan,
1940), 2: 3, 49-83; andNazim, The Life and Times ofSultanMahmud ofGhazna, 86-122.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE EMERGENCE OF MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
235

The Ghaznavid conquestspaved theway for the futureconquest of north

India by theAfghans and theTurks, as theseconquests exposed theweakness
of themilitary systemof theRajputs. In the opinion ofWink, the economic
impactof theTurkish conquest of Indiawas "the revitalizationof economy of
settled agriculturethrough the dynamic impetusof forcedmonetization and
the expansion of political dominion."55This monetization was the resultof the
de-hoarding of Indian temple treasure,which went hand in hand with the
Turkish conquest.

These initial conquests of Indian territoriesalso opened a migration

corridor to India. The ethnicdiversityof Indiawas furtherenhanced by these
migrantswho hailed fromdifferentbackgrounds. Between the end of first/
beginning of eighth and sixth/twelfthcenturies, the Arabs, Central and
Western Asians includingTurks and Tajiks, Persians,Afghans andMongols
settled in north India. In addition to thesemigrants, these conquests provided
an opportunity to scholars and travellersto visit India,which led tomutual
exchange of ideas between theHindus and theMuslims. Most renowned
among themwas Ab? Rayh?n al-B?r?n?(d. after442/1050 according to the
Encyclopedia of Islam), the author ofKitdb al-Hind (The Book on India).He
met Hindu scholars and pandits (priests),and collected informationfor his
work, which deals with the geographyof India,Hinduism, and the traditions
and customs of the fifth/eleventh centuryIndian society. It is considered to be
the firstbook on the culturalhistoryof theHindus written by aMuslim.56

Though Muslim conquests and the establishmentofMuslim political rule

paved the way for propagation of Islam, it has been observed that the
missionary efforts of the preachers and Sufis in many regions began prior to
these conquests and annexations. The firstMuslim preacher who is said to
have migrated to Lahore forpropagation of Islam beforeMahm?d's invasions
was Shaykh Ism?'?l al-Bukh?r?al-L?haur? (d. 448/1056).He also propagated
the studyofHadith among theMuslims of the city.57Similarly,SayyidAll ibn
'Uthman al-Jull?b?al-Hujw?ri (d. 469/1077), popularly known as Data Ganj
Bakhsh, migrated fromGhaznah and settled in Lahore in the fifth/eleventh
century.He authored the first treatise on Sufism,Kashf al-Mahj?b (The

55
Andr? Wink, Al-Hind: TheMaking of theIndo-IslamicWorld: The Slave Kings and theIslamic
Conquests llth-13th Centuries (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 2: 4.
56
In the opinion ofA. H. Dani, his "scholarshipwas suffused with sympathy and his attitude
was understandability rather than disparaging the unfamiliarhabits and customs.... Alberuni's
purposewas not to justifyor condemn.He was aiming at introducingtheHindu society and the
Hindu science to theMuslim world." Ahmad Hasan Dani, Alberuni's Indica, Eng. trans,
abridged and annotated (Islamabad:University of Islamabad Press, 1973), 1.
57
Annemarie Schimmel, Islam in theIndian Subcontinent(Leiden-K?ln: E. J.Brill, 1980), 8.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
236 TANVIR ANJUM

Revelation of theHidden) written inPersian language.58

In addition to them,many other Sufis alsomigrated and settledinvarious
parts of India for the propagation of faith. In thewake of theGhaznavid
conquests,more 6ulam?\preachers and Sufis startedpouring into Punjab,
Multan and itsneighbouring regions,which had come under the sway of the
Ghaznavids. In thisway, the Turkish conquests indirectly facilitated the
spreadof Islam in the Indian sub-continent.
The Ghaznavids could retain political control over Khur?s?n till
431/1040, and over Afghanistan till 582/1186, when the political power
shiftedto the localmountain chieftainsofGhaur inAfghanistan, referredto as
Ghaurids after their local identity.Ghaur, situated in to the north ofKabul,
was once a tributaryprovince of theGhaznavid Kingdom. After the death of
theGhaznavid King SultanMahm?d, the chiefsofGhaur became independent
and established theirown Kingdom. The rulinghouse came to be known as
Shansab?niyyah.After some time, there starteda struggleforpower between
the rulers of Ghaznah and Ghaur, inwhich the latter emergedvictorious.
SultanGhiy?th al-D?n (d. 599/1203), the Shansab?n?King ofGhaur, captured
Ghaznah in 569/1173 and entrusted it to his brother Prince Shih?b al-D?n
Muhammad Ghaur?,who was also his deputy.
The Ghaurids are creditedwith undertaking the systematicconquest of
India in the sixth/twelfthcentury through theirTurkish slave generals and
layingthe foundationofMuslim rule innorthernIndia. In thosedays,Lahore,
Peshawar and their neighbouring territories were under the rule of the

Ghaznavids, andMultan andUch were under the control of Ism?'?l?rulers.A

local dynasty had established itself in Sindh, whereas the coastal areas of
Makran were being ruled by theKh?rij?s.As fornorth India, itwas under the
authorityof different Rajput states.Between theyears 571/1175 and 588/1192,
the territoriesof Uch, Multan, Gujrat, Peshawar, Sindh and Lahore were
occupied by Shih?b al-D?nGhaur?.He defeated theRajput confederacyled by
theRajput ruler ofDelhi andAjmer, Prithv?r?jChauh?n (R?'? Pith?r?), in a
decisive battle in the field of Tara'in in 588/1192. This victory laid the
foundationof theMuslim rule in the Indian sub-continent. His Turkish slave

58
For a brief biographical sketch, see,D?r? Shik?h, Safinat al-Awliy?\Urdu trans.Muhammad
'Ali Lutf? (Karachi:Naf?s Academy, 1959), 209-10. For his biography, teachingsandworks, see,
ShaikhAbdur Rasbdd, The Life and TeachingsofHazrat Data Ganjbakhsh (Lahore: Central Urdu
Development Board, 1967);Misbah-ul-Haque Siddiqui, ed. The Life and Teachings ofHazrat Data
Ganj Bakhsh (Lahore: Shahzad Publishers, 1977); and K. A. Nizami, "Shaikh 'AliHujw?ri Data
Ganj Bakhsh?Morning Star of a SpiritualRevolution in South Asia" inYusuf Abbas Hashmi,
ed.Historical Role ofThreeAuliya* ofSouthAsia (Karachi:University of Karachi, 1987), 1-34;
and Hakim Sayyid Amin al-D?n Ahmad Dehlav?, Tadhkirah-i 'AllHujwm (Lahore: 'Ilm-?
'Irf?nPublishers, n.d.).

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE EMERGENCE OF MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
237

generalQutb al-D?nAybeg, who originallybelonged toTurkistan, conquered

Delhi in 588-89/1193-94 andQanauj in 590/1194, andwas made in-chargeof
Another general Ikhtiy?ral-D?nMuhammad Bakhty?r
the Indian territories.
Khalj? (r. 592-601/1196-1205) conquered Bengal and Bihar in 591-592/1195
96, and was made in-chargeof these regions.59 Thus, these slave generals of
Shih?b al-D?nGhauri are creditedwith the expansion ofMuslim rule in the
Indian Subcontinent, since theywere given freehand in running the affairsof
their respective territories,and extending them by further conquest and
annexation.

Upon the death of Sultan Ghiy?th al-D?n in 599/1203, his younger

brotherShih?b al-D?nGhauri (who assumed the titleofMu'izz al-D?n) became
theKing ofGhaznah, Ghaur andDelhi. Three years later in 602/1206, Sultan
Shih?b al-D?nGhauri was murdered, andwas succeeded by his nephew Sultan
Ghiy?th al-D?nMahm?d (r. 602-607/1206-1210). It was he who played an
instrumentalrole in the foundationof theMuslim rule in India, practically
independentof any higherpolitical authority.In 602/1206, SultanGhiy?th al
D?n Mahm?d, the successorof Shih?b al-D?nGhauri, manumitted theTurkish
slave generalQutb al-D?nAybeg, and also bestowed the title of 'Sultan' on
him. Aybeg was also appointed as the ruler of the Indian territories with
Lahore as his capital in the sameyear.60
His authorityas the independentruler
of the Indian territories was acknowledged by the provincial governors in
India such as Ikhtiy?r al-D?nMuhammad Bakhty?rKhalj?, theGovernor of
Bengal and Bihar, andN?sir al-D?nQab?chah (r. 1206-1228), theGovernor of
Sindh and Multan, who was also a Turkish slave of Sultan Shih?b al-D?n
Ghauri, but hostilitieswere initiatedwith the rulerofGhaznah named T?j al
D?n Yald?z (r. 1207-1216).61Nevertheless, the life of Sultan Qutb al-D?n
Aybeg (r. 602-607/1206-1210), the founder of theDelhi Sultanate,was cut
shortby his accidental death in its capitalLahore in 607/1210.His successor,
Sultan?r?m Sh?h (r.607-608/1210-1211) proved weak and incapable. So by
the end of the firstdecade of the seventh/thirteenth century, the process of
state formation the Turkish conquerors in northern India was not yet
by

59
For a detailed account ofGhaurid campaigns, see, Sadr al-DinMuhammad ibnHasan Niz?m?,
Taj al-Ma'?thir, tr. and ed., Elliot andDowson, TheHistory ofIndia as toldby itsOwn Historians,
2: 212-35. Taj al-Ma'athir covers the history of theGhaurids from 602/1205 to 626/1228. See
also,Mohammad Habib, Politics and Societyduring theEarlyMedieval Period: CollectedWorks of
.A. Nizami
ProfessorMohammad Habib, ed. (New Delhi: People's Publishing House for
Centre ofAdvanced Study,Department ofHistory, Aligarh Muslim University, 1981), 2: 110
22.
60
Minh?j al-Sir?j Juzj?n?, Tabaq?t-i N?sir? (comp, in 1260), ed. Muhammad 'Abd Allah
Chught?'? (Lahore:Kit?bkh?nah-'iNaurus, 1952, rpt.),54.
61
Ibid., 526.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 TANVIR ANJUM
238

completed, and the Sultanate of Delhi was still in its nascent phase. The
political authoritywas yet to be firmlyestablishedand the state structureand
administrativesetup of theSultanatewere stillto be setup.
Sultan Shams al-D?n Iletmish (r.608-634/1211-1236),who replaced?r?m
Sh?h in 608/1211, is considered to be the co-founderof the Sultanatewith
Aybeg, as he is creditedwith itsconsolidation.He belonged to the Ilbar? tribe
of Turkistan.When he ascended the throneofDelhi, thewrit of the statewas
yet to be uniformly established,since thepolitical authoritywas contestedby
many regional leaders,most notably in Ghaznah, Multan and Bengal. He
moved the capital fromLahore toDelhi and courageously faced the external
and internalthreatsto thepolitical authorityof theSultanate.Not only did he
avert an imminentMongol62 invasion of India in 618/1221,63 he also
suppressedthe rival claimants to political powerwho had refusedto accept his
authority, such as N?sir al-D?nQab?chah in Sindh andMultan, T?j al-D?n
Yald?z in Ghaznah, and 'Ah Mard?n Khalj? (r.607-610/1211-1213) in
Bengal.64 Sultan Iletmish gave his trustedand most loyal slaves (bandag?n-i
kh?ss)governorships in thesenewly conquered territories which were farfrom
the capital.65In thisway, by deploying the resources of personal trust and
loyalty, he consolidated his political authority in these regions.He also
recovered vast territories lost under his predecessor, and also extended the

authorityof the Sultanate to regions includingRanthambh?r,Mand?r, J?l?r,

Nagda, M?lwah, Ujjain, Gw?li?r, Kat?har, Bahr?ich,Awadh andDo?b.66
In addition, a great deal of attention was to in
paid institution-building
order to ensure the sustainabilityofMuslim rule in India. Sultan Iletmish
consolidated the administrative structures in the Sultanate. He particularly

62
For a detailed study of theMongol Empire, their leaders andmilitary campaigns, dynasties,
customs and characteristics,see, Bertold Spuler,History of theMongols based on Eastern and
WesternAccounts of theThirteenthand FourteenthCenturies,Eng. trans,from theGerman, Helga
and StuartDrummond, A volume in The IslamicWorld Series, ed. G. E. von Grunebaum
(London: Routledge andKegan Paul, 1972).
63
Agha Hussain Hamadani, The FrontierPolicy of the Delhi Sultans (Islamabad:National Institute
ofHistorical and Cultural Research, 1986), 47-48.
64
For details see,A. B. M. Habibullah, The Foundation ofMuslim Rule in India (AHistory of the
Establishment and Progress of theTurkish Sultanate ofDelhi: 1206-1290 A.D.), 2nd rev. edn.
(Allahabad: Central Book Depot, 1961), 92-100.
65
Uch was given to a Shams? slave,Malik T?j al-D?n Sanjar,Multan toMalik Kablr Khan, and
Lakhnaut? to Malik Sayf al-D?n Aybeg after the dismissal ofMalik 'Ala' al-D?n Jani. Sunil
Kumar, "When Slaves were Nobles: The Shams? Bandagm in the Early Delhi Sultanate,"
Studies inHistory, vol. 10. no. 1 (New Delhi: 1994), 45-46.
66
Muhammad Aziz Ahmad, Political History and Institutionsof theEarly Turkish Empire of
Delhi, (New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, 1972, rpt., firstpublished Lahore:
Muhammad Ashraf, 1949), 166-77.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 OF MUSLIMRULE ININDIA
THE EMERGENCE
239

paid attention to the administrationof justice.He initiatedworks of public

welfare aswell, such as the constructionof a hugewater storage tank inDelhi
to overcome the problem of water shortage in the capital.He issued a new
silvercoinage,which signifiedassertionof his political authority.In 626/1229,
Sultan Iletmish received envoys from the 'Abb?sid Caliph of Baghdad al
Mustansir Bi'll?h (623-639/1226-1241),who had sent a robe of honour, title
and investiturefor the former.67 The recognitionof his rule from theCaliph
symbolized the legitimacyof Iletmish's regime. In fact,recognition from the
'Abbasid Caliphate was a source of legitimacyfor any government inDelhi.
Though Aybeg had laid the foundationof Delhi Sultanate in 602/1206 in a
practical sense, the recognition of Iletmish's rule by the Caliph laid the
foundationof theMuslim rule and authorityin a theoreticalsense.68
To sum up, by the close of the second/eighthcentury, theArabs had
exhausted their energies and gave way to luxurious lifestylesand opulence.
Consequently, thevacuum createdby dwindling human resource in the state
serviceswas adequately filled in by the Turks, who had gradually risen to
?
positions of power, especially in themilitary bureaucracyunder the Abb?sids.
The Turks eventually succeeded in establishingsemi-independent kingdoms in
the peripheral regions of the 'AbbasidEmpire. Among these regionalpowers
of Turkish ethnic origin, the Ghaznavids in the fifth/eleventhcentury
brought some areas in thenorth-westernfrontierregionsof India under their
sway. It was, however, their successors, the Ghaurids, who followed a
systematic expansionist policy towards India in the sixth/twelfthcentury
through theirTurkish slave generals. The Ghaurid military expansionism
eventually culminated in the foundation ofMuslim rule in India on stable
footings.

Concluding Remarks
The establishmentofMuslim rule in India was not the result of any single
political development; rather itwas the outcome of a complex and protracted
process stretchingover centuries.The Arab conquest of Sindh byMuhammad
ibnQisim in 92/711 was not a disjointed event in history but part of the

67
Ibid., 172.
68
Nevertheless, PeterHardy suggests that itwas by the end of the reign of SultanGhiy?th al
D?n Balban (r.664-685/1266-1286) that theDelhi Sultanatewas generally obeyed, butHardy
also infersfromvarious events that itwas not till the eighth/fourteenth
century that therewas a
voluntary recognition by non-Muslims of of
the authority Muslim ruling institutions.Peter
Hardy, "Growth of Authority Over a Conquered Political Elite: Early Delhi Sultanate as a
Possible Case Study" in J. F. Richards, ed.Kingship and Authority in SouthAsia (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1998), 218-19.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 TANVIR ANJUM

largerpolitical process ofArab expansion takingplace in the first/seventhand

second/eighth centuries.Historical evidence suggests that the conquest of
Sindhmust be viewed in the contextof a seriesofmilitary expeditions taking
place in thenorth-westernperipheral regionsof India under thePious Caliphs
and theUmayyads. Moreover, the storyof theArab rule in Sindh and its
neighbouring regionsdoes not endwith thedemise ofMuhammad ibnQ?sim
in 96/715, just four years after the invasion. The conquered regions
comprising Sindh,Multan, Gujrat, Makran and Tur?n later on came to be
ruled by varied dynastieswhich were subdued by theGhaznavid andGhaurid
rulers in fifth/eleventh and sixth/twelfth centuriesrespectively.Thus, a little
less than the fivecentury long rule of theArabs innorth-westernIndia,which
has received littlescholarlyattentionof historians, is a crucial butmissing link
in the narrative of the emergenceofMuslim rule in India. Another missing
link is the advent of theArab settlersin the coastal regions of India which
continued for centuries.These Muslim settlersintroduced their faith to the
indigenous population and made considerable conversions among them as
well. These new converts alongwith themigrantMuslims laterprovided the
social base to theMuslim rule in theseregions.
Another major disconnect in the history of the origin and development
of Muslim rule in India is the shift from the Arab expansionists of the
first/seventhand second/eighth centuries to the Turkish conquerors of
fifth/eleventhand sixth/twelfthcenturies.On the one hand, the rise of the
Turks as regional military leaders in theAbb?sid Empire or 'Turkish
militarism' led to theweakening of the central authority of theAbb?sid
Caliphate, and on the other hand, it gaveway to expansion in the east. The
military expansion under theGhaznavids and theGhaurids in India can be
understood within this context.Though SultanMahm?d of Ghaznah was
more interested in expansion towards Central Asia rather than India, his

repeated expeditions in the north-westernfrontierregions of India paved the

way for its futureconquest by theGhaurids. It is importantto recallhere that
the Ghaurids, unlike theGhaznavids, were not ethnicallyTurks, but the
Turkish slave generalsof theGhaurids played a crucial role both in expansion
and stateformationin India.

This content downloaded from 14.139.196.7 on Fri, 22 May 2015 08:41:38 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions