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Thesis submitted to the

6011 UnOVERSOTg

for the award of degree of

Iih OF IP EL it,j 136;

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by
SHARON JACQUELINE D'CIRUZ
RESEARCH (FELLOW,
Department of History,
Goa University.

finder the Guidance of

G.S. SIM= 15NAT
READER AND HEAD,
Department of Histor
Goa University,
Taleigao Plateau, 1- .711-"C"--------\ \ .41
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Goa — 403 206. "-----" - - . _
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(637v4 FEEC:3(1S4l\C=3V
 I hereby declare that this Ph.D. Thesis entitled "Franciscans in

Goa", submitted to Goa University forms an independent work

carried out by me in the Department of History, Goa University under

the supervision of Dr. N. Shyam Bhat, Reader and Head, Department

of History, Goa University, and this thesis has not previously formed
the basis for award of any Degree, Diploma, Associateship, Fellowship

or other similar titles.

Place: Taleigao Plateau, Goa.

Date: 10th February 2003 SHARON JACQUELINE D'CRUZ
Research Fellow
Gio■■■•■■...

Countersigned by: t H F,

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(Dr. N. Shyam Bhat)

Research Guide,
Reader and Head,
Department of History,
Goa University, Goa 403 206.

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 CERTIFICATE
I certify that this thesis entitled "Franciscans in Goa", stdmitted 6y

Sharon Jacqueline D'Cruz for the affard ofthe &Free (Doctor of/philosophy in

XI-story, Goa Universi ty, is a record of research work done iy her during the/erica

from 1998 to 2003 when she waded :order my guidance. flee thesis has not

previously formed the 6asisfor the aiwird of any degree, diploma, associateship or

fellowsh0 to Sharon JacquefineD'Cruz.

I affirm that this thesis su6mitted 6v Sfiaron Jacqueline DiCruz

represents the independent research work carried out 6y her under my

e4
supervision. •

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4.i P
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Taleigao Plateau, Goa. -r// t r

Date :10th February, 2003. (Dr. N. Shyam Bhat)

Go
Research Guide,
Reader and Head,
Department of History,
Goa University, Goa 403 206.

111
 ACRNOIDLEOGEMENT

I have received considerable help from several individuals and institutions

during the course of this research work. My sincere thanks goes to all of them.

First and foremost, I express my deep gratitude to my Research Guide, Dr.

N. Shyam Bhat, Reader and Head, Department of History, Goa University, for

his valuable guidance, constructive suggestions and encouragement in the

course of this research work.

I am indebted to the members of the Faculty Research Committee, namely

Professor V. Shivkumar, former Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences, Goa

University and Dr. Pius Malekandathil, Reader in History, Goa University and the

subject expert on the Faculty Research Committee, for their valuable

suggestions. I thank Professor K. M. Mathew, former Head of the Department of

History, Goa University, and the Faculty of the Department of History, particularly

Dr. Pratima Kamat for their help and cooperation.

I am grateful to Fr.(Dr.) Charles Borges, former Director of Xavier Centre of

Historical Research, (XCHR), Goa; Fr.(Dr.) Delio Mendonca, Director, XCHR;

Dr.. Cajetan Coelho, Administrator, XCHR; Professor Daniel D'Souza, former

Head of the Department of History, St. Xavier's College, Mapusa, Goa; Ms.

Maria do Ceu Barreto, Lecturer in Portuguese, Goa University and Dr. Xavier

Martins, Lecturer in History, Government College, Pernem, for their suggestions

and support.

I must acknowledge the cooperation received from the authorities of the

various archives and libraries due to which I was able to gather the source

material for this thesis. My thanks are due to the Director and staff of the 'Goa

State Archives; the Director and the staff of XCHR, Goa; the Chancellor of the

iv
Paco Patriarcal, Panjim; the Director and staff of the Dharmaram Pontifical

Institute, Bangalore; the Director of St. Anthony's Frairy, Koramangalam,

Bangalore; the Director and staff of the Heras Institute of Indian History and

Culture, Mumbai; the authorities of the Rachol Seminary Library, Goa; the

Curator and staff of Central Library, Panjim, Goa; the Librarian of the Athaide

Library, Mapusa and the Librarian and staff of the Goa University Library.

I thank Dr.(Fr.) Theodore Pereira, Alverno Frairy, Monte de Guirim and

Dr.(Fr.) Simon Rico Fernandes for permitting me to go through their personal

collections. I also thank Fr. Roy Pereira and Fr. Jerry Lobo for helping me with

the sources.

I express my gratitude to Dr.(Fr.) Antanasio Gomes, OCD and Msgr. Carmo

da Silva for helping me to translate the Latin documents.

I thank my colleagues, Shri P. Morakar and Ms. B. C. PiIli for helping me to

prepare the maps. I thank Mr. Agostinho Rodrigues for typing out the thesis with

a lot of patience.

Finally, I will be failing in my duty if I do not acknowledge the unfailing

support and love which I received from my .parents and my brother who have

been with me throughout my study.

Place : Taleigao Plateau, Goa

Date : 10th February, 2003. SHARON JACQUELINE D'CRUZ

 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AFH Archivum Franciscanum Historicum

AHU Arquivo Historico Ultramarino, Lisbon.
AlA Archive Ibero American.
Anais Anais Franciscanos em Bardez by F. X. Costa.
Annuario Annuario de Arquidiocese de Goa, 1955.
ANTI Arquivos Nacionais Torre do Tombo.
APO Archivo Portuguez Oriental.
ARF Annual Reports of the Fransciscans.
BEAF Boletim Ecclesiasitico do Arquidiocese De Goa.
BFUP Boletim da Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa, Lisbon.
BIVG Boletim do Institute Vasco da Goma.
BL Bibliotheca Lusitana by Barbosa Machado.
Bol. Gov. Boletim do Governo do Estado da India.
Bol. Off. Boletim Official.
Bosq. , Bosquejo das Communidades de Bardez, Salcete e Ilhas de Goa,
by F. N. Xavier.
Bull. Patr. Bullaruim Patronatus Portugalliae Regum In Ecclesus Africai,
Asiae Atque Oceanide.
CEO Conquista Espiritual do Oriente.
CIHMPEC Congresso Internacional de Historia Missionacao Portuguese e
Encontro de Culturas, Braga, 1993.
CL Chapter List of the Franciscans In India.
Dec. Decadas da Asia.
DHMP Documentacuo para a Historia dos Missoes do Padroado
Portugues.
DI Documenta Indica.
DRI Documentos Remetidos no India.
DUP Documentaccio do Ultramarino Portugues.
EHGLC Ensaio Historico da Grammatica no Lingua Canarim.
FO Franciscanos no Oriente.
HAG Historical Archives of Goa.
HC Hierarchia Catholica.
HMP Historia do Missoes do Padroado by Antonio de Silva Rego.
IVG Institute de Vasco da Gama.
JBHS Journal of the Bombay Historical Society.
MF Missoes Franciscanos.
ML Mitras Lusitanas.
NZM Neue Zeitfchrift Fur Missionswissenchaft.
OP Oriente Portugues.
VP Visitais Pastoralis.
XCHR Xavier Centre for Historical Research.

vi
 LIST OF MAPS

I. PARISHES IN THE PROVINCE OF BARDEZ (1542-1582)

II. PARISHES IN THE PROVINCE OF BARDEZ (1583-1622)

III. PARISHES IN THE PROVINCE OF BARDEZ (1622-1657)

IV. PARISHES IN THE PROVINCE OF BARDFZ (1657-1700)

vi i
 GLOSSARY

Aforamento tease of land.

Aldeia village.
Amas Desperos desperate souls.
Alvaro a decree issued by either the king, the Viceroy or the Governor
that is valid for one year without confirmation.
Amartes de La Croix bearers of the cross.
Annua de Goa an annual report sent from Goa.
Armadas a fleet of warships.
Arroba a unit of weight that is equal to thirty two lbs. or fourteen and
a half kilograms.
Ashrafis a silver coin of half a rupee.
Bairro a ward within a village.
BaIagatins the inhabitants of Goa who traded with the ghats.
Bandeira a ceremonial banner.
Baptismos Collectivo / a baptism ceremony where several catechumens were baptised
Baptism° Geral at a time.
Barra de Goa the bar of Goa where the ships anchored.
Bispo Residencial a bishop who was sent to live in the diocese.
Bispo de Mel ring bishops.
Born Documentos a term relating to the good documents or those that are
favourable to the order.
Bracas a unit of measurement.
Bramanes brahmins.
Broncos white Portuguese men.
Cafre negros or black slaves
Camareiro a representative of the Council.
Capita° Geral the Chief Captain of a fleet.
Canarins the native Christians of Goa.
Candis equal to twenty moos
Camara Geral Municipal Council.
Castico Portuguese born in India.
Chronique Scandaleuse a chronicle of scandals.
Carreira do India a round voyage from Portugal to Goa and back .
Coulam a ship.
Cotonias a cloth of silk and cotton.
Clero Indigena the local secular clergy.
Culto Gentio the local Hindu cult.
Capuchos another term for the recollects.
Carta Regia a Royal Provision to be implemented permanently.
Cofre a treasury box
Collegio dos Orfaos an orphanage where orphans were taught.
Casas dos Cathecumenos the houses where non-Christians were instructed before they
were baptised.

viii
Communidade Aldeana Village Community.
Cristaos da Terra local Christians.
Carta do Deaf& a donation decree.
Cruzados a Portuguese gold coin equal to four hundred reis.
Confraria a body for overseeing the religious cult.
Conquista Espiritual a Spiritual Conquest.
Cidade de Goa the City of Goa.
Congrua religious stipends for the clerics.
Cottubana land on permanent lease.
Corjas a quantity of twenty items.
Domestici Fidel the local faith
Dizimos a title that is equal to one tenth.
Diabos devilish cult.
Deformati the reformed frairs condemned the Observants as the deformed
ones.
Estado do India the Portuguese State in the East.
Escriveio scribe.
Ermida hermitage.
Expand° da Fe the spread of the faith.
Fazenda Treasury.
Feral register of land rights.
Foro quit rent.
Feitorias factories or trading outposts.
Fortelezas fortresses.
Fabrica an administrative body in charge of the church properties.
Frades do Missa the frairs who were allowed to say the mass.
Fidalgos Portuguese noblemen.
Fardos equal to twenty five to thirty corjas. One corja is equal to
twenty pieces.
Gale Bastardas a galley that is big enough.
Guvous gurus or Hindu religious teachers.
Ganho profit or gain.
Gaoncar descendant of the original member of a village community.
Gentilidade the way of life of the local Hindu people.
Igreja Real the Royal Church.
Infeis infedils or non-Christians.
Ida/ciio the ruler of Bijapur.
Imprimatur a certification that the book has been passed for publication.
Imperio Ultramarine the overseas Empire.
Indies the local people.
Joguis Hindu ascetic.
Juiz judge.
Jus Patronatus the patron.
Junta das Missoes the house that was in charge of the missions to the East.
Jones a share in the annual profits of the village.

ix
Kajis the Muslim religious teacher.
Khandis a'measure that is equal to twenty mounds.
Limpa Geracao the descendants of the clean races.
Lingua da Terra the local language.
Letras Apostolicas the apostolic letters.
Livro das Catehcumenos the register of those offering themselves for baptisms.
Lingua Maratha the language spoken in the areas adjoining the Portuguese
possessions in Goa.
Lingua Brahmana the language of the brahmins.
Meninos de Terra young local boys.
Mosterinho a monastery.
Moon a measure for solids equal to thirty two arrates.
Mesa board.
Mesticos the mixed blood.
Moos a measure equal to a hand.
Moradores a temporary resident in Goa who has no ownership rights.
Nem an unanimous decision of the Village Council.
Naturals Gentios the Hindu inhabitants of Goa.
Nobres nobles.
Nuntius a representative of the Pope.
Orcamento a budget statement.
Orfaos Naturals the local orphans
Ordinarios annual grant in cash or in kind.
Ouvidor Geral judge.
Palmar a palm orchard.
Pardao a gold coin equal to three hundred and sixty reis.
Provisik a legal provision.
Panos sails.
Pai dos Cristo& Father of Christians.
Procurador a legal person in charge of the financial and domestic matters.
Paulistas the Jesuits priests.
Pureza da Sangue the purity of blood.
Pipas barrels.
Quarteis payments made by the Crown in four installments.
Retiro a house of Recollection.
Regimento a standing Order.
Regula the Rule of St. Francis of Assisi.
Reigno Court of appeal.
Reis Vizinhos rulers like the Marathas, Bonsulo, Idalcao etc. who ruled the
areas that were contiguous to the Portuguese dominion.
Reis lowest denomination of currency in Goa.
Renda revenue or farmed taxes.
Soldados dos Armados armed soldiers.
Saracens a term for the infidels.
Sindico an union or an organization.
Terra Firme the hinterland in the Portuguese possession.
Terras De Infeis the lands that lay beyond the Portuguese dominions.
Tenca pension.
Tangos Broncos equal to one hundred and fifty reis in Bardez.
Tombo dos Bens Foreiros records of the properties that were leased out.
Tanador Mor a local revenue and judicial chief.
Usque os Indios till the Indies.
Vias dos Sucessoes Letters of Succession of the Viceroy or Governors.
Vedor de Fazenda Revenue Officer.
Vangods a settlement of the original clans of a land.
Vedor dos Obras officer in charge of the works in Portuguese Goa.
Xerafins (xs) a silver coin equal to five tangos or three hundred reis.

xi
 CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE NO.

DECLARATION ii- ii

CERTIFICATE iii - iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT iv — v
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS vi — vi
LIST OF MAPS vii — vii
GLOSSARY viii — xi
CONTENTS xii — xii

CHAPTER I : Introduction 01 — 37

CHAPTER II : The Establishment of the Franciscan 38 — 78

Mission in Goa (1517-1542)

CHAPTER III : The Extension of the Goa Mission 79 — 151

(1543-1582)

CHAPTER IV : Towards Stabilization (1583-1622) 152 — 236

CHAPTER V : The Progress of the Mission (1622-1657) 237 — 317

CHAPTER VI : The Stagnation of the Mission 318 — 385

(1657-1700)

CHAPTER VII : The Decline of the Mission (1700-1766) 386 — 458

CHAPTER VIII : The Expulsion of the Order (1766-1835) 459 — 504

CHAPTET IX : Conclusion 505 — 518

MAPS FROM 1 TO IV 519 — 522

APPENDICES FROM I TO 523 — 533

BIBLIOGRAPHY 534 — 545

xii
 CHIIPTER 1

INTRODUCTION
 (4111PTIA - I

INTRODUCTION

One of the spectacular features of the Age of Expansion was

the evangelical campaign undertaken by the Religious Orders. The

expeditions of the Portuguese to the East were an effect of a

Crusade, curiosity, commerce, conversion, conquest and

colonisation.' Missionary activities were undertaken by the

Mendicant Orders since the thirteenth century. In course of time,

the Order that had originated in Umbria, Central Italy, spread its

mission to different parts of the world. The Franciscan frairs, who

had an institutionalized setup and vast experience, came to be

associated with the Kings of Portugal and Spain. In the sixteenth

century, the latter were in search of agents to spread the Christian

faith usque os Indios. The Order gradually assumed a pseudo-

religious character and played an important role in shipping the

Gospel overseas. 2

THE SETTING: In the early sixteenth century, Portugal was a

small nation state in the Iberian Peninsula. The Portuguese

monarchs spearheaded the Geographical Expansions into the

unchartered seas. What had begun as a struggle against the moors

culminated into an impulsionary stir that lured the Portuguese to

come and establish an ephemera of Latin Christianity in the new

lands.
 The borders of the Portuguese seaborne Empire were

difficult to delimit because there was no Empire in the customary

sense of the term. The sixteenth century definition of the

Portuguese exploits was not a geographically defined space but a

chain of fortalezas and feitorias along the Indian Ocean and in the

adjacent areas from the Cape of Good Hope till Japan. This vast

commercial network consisted of bits and pieces of land

thousands of miles away from each other. Of these, only a few

were in the actual possession of the Portuguese Crown. 3

Within this geographical entity called the Estado da India,

Goa assumed prime importance. In 1530, it was officially declared

as the capital of the Portuguese seaborne Empire. The area of

study is limited to the Islands of Goa consisting of Vamsi, Chorao,

Divar, Jua and Tissuari. The frairs who came on the Portuguese

ships served as chaplains to the sailors. After their arrival in Goa,

they decided to raise a Frairy. In 1543, Bardez and Salcete came

under the effective control of the Portuguese. In 1555, the

authorities divided Goa into small missionary zones and placed

Bardez under the exclusive control of the Franciscans. From then

onwards, the Observant frairs worked in Bardez where they

founded twenty-four Parishes. They also had a Frairy and a

College in the City of Goa. From 1567 onwards, the Recollect

frairs settled down in Daugim, Monte de Guirim, Pilar and Radio'.

 3

CHRONOLOGY: The study is limited to the activities of the frairs

in Goa. Hence, an attempt is made to study the sequence of events

that are related to the origin, establishment, extension,

stabilization, progress, stagnation, decline and expulsion of the

Order from Goa. The frairs established themselves in the City of

Goa in 1517 and remained there till the Religious Orders were

expelled from Goa in 1835.

THE DRAMATIS PERSONAE: The missionary activities in Goa

were carried out by the missionaries. These did not constitute a

homogenous group. They could be classified into two groups, the

seculars and regulars. The seculars lived on their own or in

groups. They used their own stipends, and were not bound by

monastic rules. The regulars were attached to monastic

communities called Religious Orders. They had their own rules

called the Statutes and their own Superiors who were elected at

the Chapters. The religious were entrusted with omnimoda powers

to pioneer the work of evangelization in Goa.

The religious who came to Goa in the sixteenth century were

not hierarchically organized. They were directly under their

Patron. Within a short time they raised a Custody and later had

their own Province. The Order consisted of European frairs who

despised the secular clerics and were reluctant to share the

sacerdotal status with them. 4 It was only after the Council of

 4

Trent (1563-64) that the Portuguese spoke in terms of the

admission of the locals into the Order. This resulted in

internecine rivalries that beCame evident in the late eighteenth and

early nineteenth centuries.

For the Portuguese the non Christians outside Europe

included the mouros, gentios, heathens and Jews. 5 Their aim was

to split the local groups and to form new groups. They further

intended to convert them so that they fitted into the new groups.

HISTORIOGRAPHICAL SURVEY: Many scholars have studied the

history of Christianity in Goa from the sixteenth to the nineteenth

century. Since, this study is limited to the Franciscans in Goa, it

is important to mention the works that deal with the history of the

Franciscan Order both in India and in different parts of the world.

The Franciscan Order originated in Umbria, Central Italy, in

the early thirteenth century. The early history of the Order is

studied by E. Guirney Salter, Iriate Lazaro de Aspurz, Arnaldo

Fortini, Raphael M. Huber, Herbert Holzafel, Alexandre Masseron,

Marion A. Habig, John Moorman, Engelbert Omer etc. 6 They deal

with the life of the founder and the developments within the Order

till 1517, when the. Pope Sixtus V issued two Bulls that put an end

to the divisions within the Order and unified them.? The attempts

made by the frairs to change the Regula and the subsequent

divisions between. the Observants, Conventuals, Zealots, Spirituals

etc. is studied by Nimmo Duncan and Raphael M. Huber. 8 They

 5

also mention the Papal Bulls and the official correspondence with

Rome. Paul Sabatier, A. G. Little and Marion Habig provide a list

of the sources that are available for the study of the early history

of the Order. 9 These works provide the chronological and

historical framework for the study.

In the next century, the frairs came to be associated with

the Papacy and helped him in the Crusades. Besides some of the

above mentioned authors, Marcellino de Civezza, Luciano Petech

and Leonhard P. Lemmens have studied the triumphant march of

the frairs. Gradually, the frairs became the pampered children of

the Papacy and began to serve the Kings of Europe. Since this

topic is limited to a former Portuguese colony, it is important to

mention the authors who have worked on the Franciscans who

spearheaded the Portuguese mission in the Estado da India. Frei

Meersman Achilles, a Dutch American, wrote several books and

articles relating to the Franciscans in India, their Provincials,

Bishops, Auxiliary Bishops, Commissaries General etc. Besides

his magnum opus on the Franciscan missionaries in India, he has

written on their mission in Burma, Chaul, Poona, Canara coast,

Madurai, Coromandel coast, Fishery coasts, Ava, Pegu, Junk,

Ceylon, Kedah, Mergui, Myapore, Sumatra, Indonesia, Bombay et

cetera. 10 He tapped both original and secondary sources to

complete his work. However, he was consciously selective of the

documents and did not mention those that criticized the frairs. In

order to encourage the scholars to take up the topic, he provided a

 6

summary and published a number of documents related to the

Franciscans from the Moncoes do Reino. 11 Other scholars have

also dealt with their mission in different parts of the Estado da

India. 12

The triumphant march of Christianity under the Portuguese

was basically a Western enterprise. The religious conquistadores

worked as the amartes de la croix or soldiers of Christ who wanted

to thy up the sea of paganism in the vasto irnperio ultramarino.

After 1542, Christianity in Goa assumed a militant and

expansionist nature. The Jesuits tried to introduce the principle of

cujus regio eius religio and helped the Portuguese Monarchs to

spread Christianity in the Estado. The early Portuguese historians

followed a lusocentric approach. As such, they were interested in

the motives, actions and successes of both the conquistadores and

,

of the religious. Joao de Barros, Diego do Couto, Afonso de

Albuquerque, Gaspar Correa etc. 13 agreed that the frairs were

pioneers of the mission in the Portuguese Estado."

The chronicles of the frairs who belonged to the Order

constitute an important source. These frairs had worked in the

mission stations for several years and held important positions.

Though they made use of documents, records and other primary

sources, they had their own biases and presented an unbalanced

view that made their work suspect. They tried to propagate the

work that was undertaken by the frairs and praised the edifying
and the miraculous because they were loyal to the Portuguese

secular and religious authorities.' 5

The most important chronicler was Frei Paulo da Trindade

who wrote a number of booklets on Theology and Canon Laws.

Frei Leonhard Lemmens, found a copy of his Conquista Espirtual

do Oriente in the Vatican Library. Between 1962 to 1967, Frei

Felix Lopes published it in three volumes that dealt with the

Franciscans in Goa, their activities in Bassein, Salcete and Quilon

and the Eastern parts of South India, Ceylon and the Far East

respectively .He was well qualified and had an access to

documents, chronicles and other works that he used to complete

his work. He was also familiar with the socio-cultural and

religious life of the local people. However, his work was not a

standard, authoritative history as it was an apologia or a defense

of his Order against the criticisms and ridicules of the other

Religious Orders who accused his fairs of being indisciplined,

monastic and engrossed in the routine activities of their Parishes

and Frairies. The work abounded in heroic, miraculous and

extraordinary feats of the frairs who worked in the mission as he

was interested in the glorious achievements of the frairs and the

challenges that they overcame in the mission. His work was a

classical missionary account that was written by a chronicler of

the seventeenth century. 16

Another chronicler was Frei Jacinto de Deus whose

work is indispensable for the study of the origin and activities of

 8

the Madre de Deus frairs. Though the work suffered from falsity,

ignorance, malice, errors and perversity, it is widely used by the

Franciscan historians to study the Recollects. Frei Franciscus

Gonzaga left invaluable details on the origin and progress of the

Order in Goa. Though his book contained several errors, it is an

important source because he made use of several contemporary

documents. Frei Manuel de Monforte completed his chronicle in

Lisbon. The book contains a record the lives of the pioneers like

Frei Juan de Albuquerque, Frei Vincente de Lagos and Frei

Antonio do Porto. Frei Clemente de Santa Eyria wrote on the

Sao Thome Province in Goa. His original work was found in the

Library at Ajuda and was later transcribed by Antonio da Silva

Rego. It is relevant for the study of the early developments and

the threats to the Order in Goa. Frei Fernao de Soledade (1682 to

1736), wrote on the Franciscang in the Estado da India. Frei

Miguel da Purificacao also wrote about the Franciscan mission in

genera1. 17 All the chronicles that were completed in the

seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries were written in a

similar style. This was because the chroniclers generally

borrowed from the each other. As the chroniclers belonged to the

Order, they were always appreciative of the frairs and condemned

the locals of being gentios who worshipped the diabos. The Jesuit

Chroniclers like Francisco de Souza, Sebastia."o Goncalves,

Alessandro Valignano etc. were critical of the frairs and made

unrelevant conjectures about them. Nevertheless, they provided

 0

details on the number of converts, conversion policies et al. The

chroniclers generally make an unconscious attempt to link the

desire to fazer christandade to the grande guerra de obra spiritual

de Portuguese. They condemned the muyer indigena and spoke

about the efforts of the tumultuous frairs to save the almas

desperos, all because of gesta dei per lusitanos.18

Such an approach was criticised by the Third World

historians who speak in terms of a radical shift in historiography

of the Church in the context on its new liberated status and the

challenges that face the converts. In studying the origin, growth,

development, consolidation, stagnation and decline of the Order, it

becomes imperative to place it within the broader historical

context. The historians like Ian Clark, Francis Clark, Alden Daril

Mathias Mundadan, M. D. David, L. P. Thomaz and T. R. de

Souza and researchers like Ines G. Zupanov, S. Imanuel David,

Martin Brecht et al favour the reconstruction of Church history

and the redefinition of the frontiers of research to do away with the

predominance of the Latin orthodoxy. 19

SOURCES : This work is not a pioneering attempt in the field.

Missionary historians have worked on the rise and progress of

different Religious Orders in Goa. In this work, an attempt is

made to tap the melange sources in the Historical Archives, Goa,

Central Library, Panaji, Xavier Center for Historical Research,

Porvorim, •Heras Institute of Ancient Indian History and Culture,

 10

Mumbai, Capuchin Library, Monte de Guirim, Paco Patriarcal,

Goa, Library of the St. Anthony's Frairy, Bangalore, Dharmaram

Pontificial Library, Vidhyajyoti, Bangalore, Ataide Library, Mapusa,

and Rachol Seminary, Margao.

The born documentos of the Franciscan Order in the Roman

Archives have been transcribed by Luca M. R. Waddingo, A.

Chappini, Panzioni and Streit, while those relating to Christianity

in general are anodated by L. M. Jordao and Iosephus Wicki. 20 In

Portugal, the documents pertaining to the Indian Province

disappeared when the Archives of the Order in Lisbon were

destroyed. The General Archives was destroyed during the

uprisings of the nineteenth century. The documents pertaining to

the Order were sent from Goa during the tenure of Archbishop

Dom Francisco de Assuncao e Britto but, they never reached

Lisbon and the Archbishop was punished by Pope Pius VI. 21 The

documents relating to the frairs in Goa were transcribed by

Antonio da Silva Rego who was a moving spirit behind the

publication of the historical material on the doomed Portuguese

seaborne Empire. The documents that were ignored by him were

published by Georg Schurhammer who was the primus inter pares

till his death in 1971. 22

The material in the Spanish Archives was published by Felix

Lopes. He transcribed the lists of the frairs in Goa from the

Arquivo do Convent Franciscan de Pastrami, Espanha, the

 11

documents and the Statutes of the Order. Sortie Statutes are

also found in the Central Library, Panaji . 23

In the Historical Archives, Goa, there are several

manuscripts that are relevant for our study. 24 The Moncoes do

Reino contain four hundred and fifty six manuscript volumes that

cover the period from 1560 to 1914. They include the reports sent

by the Provincials of the Orders, individual frairs or by the

temporal heads to Portugal. Though many of these documents are

extended by unnecessary details like a brief history of the

achievements of the frairs or brief descriptions of the pioneers of

the Order, they are invaluable because they enable us to study the

nature and progress of the mission. Sixty two manuscript volumes

were published in Lisbon and many others were published by J.

H. da Cunha Rivara, A. B. Braganca Pereira and P. S. S.

Pissurlencar . 25 Those pertaining to the Franciscan Order have

been published by Fr. Achilles Meersman. The series of twenty

two documents entitled Reis Visinhos include the correspondence

between the authorities in Goa and the neighbouring Indian rulers

like the Marathas between 1619-1842. Six of these books are

indexed by the Centro de Estudos Historicos Ultrarnarinos. They are

useful for understanding the encounters between the Marathas

and the frairs. The Assentos do Conselho do Estado are records of

the minutes of the Council of State in Goa. They help us to trace

the role of the frairs in the policy making and decision taking

processes oaf the State between 1618 to 1750. The Assentos do

 12

Conselho da Fazenda consist of fifty-nine volumes (1613 to 1789).

They help us to study the assets and proceeds of the Order. The

Livros dos Receitas e despezas, pensoes and contas dos missoes

are useful in this study. The Tombo das Rendas das Aldeias and

the Forais de Bardez enable us to understand the role of the

villagers in the growth of the mission. The temple lands that were

handed over to the Religious Orders are stated in the Forais

antigos de Bardez and Aforamentos perpetuos dos Conventos

extintos.

The records entitled Papeis dos Conventos contain two

hundred and thirty seven documents (1560-1893), while those

entitled Papeis dos Conventos Extinctos contain one hundred and

seventy seven documents for the period between (1560 to 1885).

They are useful to study the Convents of Nossa Senhora do Cabo,

Sao Francisco, Madre de Deus, Sao Boaventura and Nossa

Senhora do Pilar. The three books on the laws and provisions in

favour of Christianity (1513 to 1843) are useful to study the

conversion policies. The assets that were handed over by the

Religious Orders to the State are mentioned in the Inventario

Geral da Provincia de Sao Thome and other Inventarios.26

There are collections of manuscripts in the Paco Patriarchal

that are useful to study the missions in Bardez towards the end of

the eighteenth century.

 13

The primary sources that are available in a manuscript form

can be supplemented by the manuscripts are published by

different scholars. The financial statements, for instance, have

been published by F. N. Xavier, Dr. P. S. S. Pissurlencar and Jean

Aubin. 27

One source that has been used extensively in this

thesis is the documents that are published by J. H. da Cunha

Rivara. He served as the Secretary General to the Government of

Portugal in India for twenty years. He had a strong anti-

Portuguese attitude that is reflected in his work that primarily

deals with the removal of the frairs from Bardez. 28

The Franciscan frairs not only devoted themselves to

evangelization, conversions and baptisms, but also to Church

building activities. The Churches became symbols of the faith of

a Parish. The archeological vestiges in the Churches in the

Bardez Province have been recorded by Ricardo Micheal Telles. As

the Secretary of the Permanent Commission for Archaeology and

the Correspondent of the Association of the Socio-geographical

Society, Lisbon, he has published several articles in the OP and

Voz. 29

The frairs were the agents of the Kings of Portugal in the

Conquista Espiritual. The frairs who constituted the two Provinces

in Goa have been studied by Frei Achilles Meersman. The

biographical details of the early frairs have been provided by Felix

Lopes and the chroniclers of the Order. The occasional attempts

 14

made by the frairs to adapt to the new conditions can be studied

from the Statutes, which also help us to study the developments

within the Order. 30 Msgr. F. X. Gomes Catao has also written

extensively on the Franciscans. However, most of his works are

still in a manuscript form. 31

The secondary works provide the intellectual rationale or

methodical blueprint for this work. The hagiographic approach

that was predominant in Europe did not find much ground in the

microcosm regional studies. Historians and scholars like Stephen

Neill, George Schurhammer, Antonio da Silva Rego, George

Moraes, Joseph Thekedath, Mathias Mundadan, Anthony D'Costa,

Carlos Merces de Melo, A. B. da Braganza Pereira, M. D'Sa et

cetera provide interesting details for the study. 32 Most of these

works are true to the facts and attempt at a limited analysis of the

same. As such, they do not seem to be romanticized texts that

have a bias against or in favour of some individuals, groups,

institutions or ideologies. One cannot deny the facts that they

dealt with the achievements of the foreign missionaries and the

role of the Colonial State in supporting and promoting the

missions. However, such an approach was inevitable as most of

the correspondence and information about the Eastern missions

was furnished by the missionaries or their temporal allies.

 15

CHAPTERISATION: The source material enables us to compile a

comprehensive history of the Franciscans in Goa from their rise till

their expulsion in 1835 in a chronological and sociological

sequence. This is done in the following nine chapters:

The Introductory Chapter deals with the geographical and

chronological parameters of the study, the published sources

available for the study, the historiographical bent of these works,

the nature and scope of the study and the history of the Order

from the earliest times till 1517 when the frairs established

themselves in Goa.

The Second Chapter deals with the attempts made by the

Observants to institutionalise themselves into a Frairy. This

covers the period between 1517 to 1542. It deals with the

transition from the relatively modest projects of the frairs to the

ambitious complexities of their activities. It also deals with their

endeavors to Christianize the Islands of Goa and the adjoining

areas.

Chapter Three is devoted to the arrival of the Society of

Jesus and its aftermath on Goa. The division of the Velhas

Conquistas into exclusive mission zones, the General Baptisms,

the Church building activities and the attempts of the Recollects to

stabilize their mission till 1582 forms the content of this Chapter.

The attempts to stabilize and consolidate the mission by

erecting a Custody, attempting to introduce the Second Order and

by framing Statutes forms the subject matter of the Fourth

Chapter that covers the period between 1583 to1622.

Having strengthened themselves in structural and human

terms, the frairs tried to spread the mission. The criticisms leveled

by the other religious prompted the frairs to work harder and to

send the reports about their activities to Lisbon. The Fifth

Chapter analyses the progress of the mission into the outlying

areas despite severe challenges from the Marathas and other

native reactions. This continued till 1657, when the features of

stagnation began to set in.

Chapter Six concentrates on the stagnant nature of the

mission especially in Bardez where the missionaries began to face

several criticisms. Despite this, the frairs continued to work in the

mission. This is evident from the baptism records and from the

Church building activities.

Chapter Seven deals with the slow but steady decline of the

mission that culminated in the replacement of the frairs by the

native clergy in 1766. Here ,an attempt is made to analyse the

role of the Camara de Bardez and the authorities to replace the

frairs.

The Eighth Chapter deals with the attempts made by the

frairs to maintain their hold over the five Parishes, which belonged

to the Order. These attempts continued till 1835 when the

Religious Orders were expelled from Goa.

 17

Chapter Nine serves as a Conclusion. It deals with the

history of the Franciscan Order in Goa with special reference to

the revival of the militant zeal of the Crusades and the

institutionalization of the frairs as a prime, isolated group that

coordinated with the other Orders to spread the mission in Goa. A

number of unifying themes are pinpointed to provide coherence to

the above Chapters. It ends with an estimate of the legacy of the

frairs in Goa.

NATURE AND SCOPE OF THE STUDY : A characteristic feature

of the sixteenth century was the outbreak of a religious Revolution

in Portugal. The Religious Orders cooperated with the Pope and

the Kings for the spread of the Christian faith. Goa was a

miniscule that was soon developed as an examplae of the

Portuguese presence in the Seaborne Empire. Within one century,

the expansao da fe reached an apogee. This was evident from the

clerical organization, extension of the powers of the frairs,

attempts at progress, efforts towards systematization,. growth of

Parishes, increasing number of converts etc. The success of the

entire process was attributed to the Religious Orders that worked

in Goa at different points of the time. However, the entire process

that related to the evolution of a Christian heritage in Goa can be

traced by studying the Franciscan Order because the frairs were

the first to come and the last to leave.

 18

The process bf reform and division that afflicted the Order in

Europe was also evident in Goa. The frairs were organised into

two Provinces, the Sao Thome Province of the Observants and the

Madre de Deus Province of the Recollects. While the former had

one Frairy, one College, twenty four Parishes and two Hospices,

the latter had its Frairy at Daugim and Houses of Recollection at

Pilar, Rachol and Cabo respectively.

The frairs came to the mission field to preach. Their aim

was semi-religious and their approach was legalistic. It was

based on the enactments of the Council of Trent and the

obligations entrusted to them by the Padroado. The frairs were

responsible to the Holy See, the King of Portugal and to their

authorities in Rome. In many cases, the frairs tried to surpass

one authority or another and this resulted in disorders and

disputes that are evident in the second half of the seventeenth

century. The material available in the form of complaints of the

interested and prejudiced parties is sufficient to prepare a

chronique scandaleuse of the Order.

It is not uncommon for the historians of the post-colonial

period to blame individuals and institutions of conscious faults

that they committed while trying to stabilize the Province. The

close cooperation between the Church and the State is believed to

be detrimental to religion because it made the missionary and the

mission dependent or even subservient to the State. This was

unavoidable in the historical context in which the enterprise

 10

functioned. There were instances When those who were against

monastic traditions went against the frairs and their mission. The

Placet Regium was a direct indication that the Patron interfered in

ecclesiastical matters. There were certain other cases wherein the

frairs protested and even lobbied against certain officials and

others wherein the latter attempted to thwart the mission. The

mission was theoretical construct that was based on a Western

structure. Hence, only detailed empirical research can explain

the alleged religious aggression that was a part and parcel of the

missionary movement that developed around this time. For this, it

is essential to distinguish between the sacerdotum Church and the

imperium Church. 33

The conversion of the fine mundi involved different concepts

namely, theology, faith, dedication of the missionaries, heroic

deeds on the sea et al. However, in this entire process, the

pioneering phase is the most important. Subsequently, the

mission extended, progressed and declined. The entire process

can be seen as a struggle of a missionary who came with the

Western power and was an agent of the Imperial powers and the

convert who adopted Christianity and later diversified it to suit the

regional or the new conditions. As such, the latter adopted an

apocalyptic spirit. The main problem to reconstruct the history of

the latter is the lack of documents that deal with the indios. Such

an attempt requires hermetic principles. A contextual

 20

interpretation is also important to study the spread df Christianity

in the new social milieu.

Every Order is an institution that has its own individuality,

hierarchy and aim. However, once it established itself in a new

land, the local Christians were influenced by the identity of the

Order. Nevertheless, on the intellectual plane the moving spirit

behind all the Orders that came to India was Lusitanismo or the

Vision of Portugal. The Orders that came to India were moving

symbols of the Republica Christiana that brought about a shift

from one phase representing o regresso a evangelizacao pacifica to

o explosao missionaria. As such the missionaries tried to use the

teachings of the Roman Catholic Church and adapt them to suit

the interests of their Patron to fulfill the supra task of converting

the pagaos dos campos that was the ultimate obra spiritual de

Portugal. The theologians see this as a success of the missionary,

a hagiographic view focuses on the influence of the founder saints

while a simple approach focuses on the phases of struggle, growth,

reforms and vicissitudes of the Order. 34

There are periodic efforts to rewrite the history of the

Church. While the earlier historians tried to present the subject

matter as a series of events arranged chronologically in a well

ordered set, the later scholars tried to introduce the principle of

dynamism. Instead of limiting themselves to a narrow chronology

or to documentary facts, they latter started passing judgements on

the historical events. Irrespective of the approaches, both the

 21

studies indicated that Christianity as a religion and the

Franciscan Order as its agent embodied certain structures, ideas

and relationships that have to be studied with relative accuracy

taking into consideration the origins, developments, characteristic

patterns et cetera. 35 This demands a shift from the existing

historiographical trends and the avoidance of a possible

transcendence of modern views. Epistemology i.e. how people in

different times and places recognised themselves as a part of a

common group will find an expression in such a work. While

documents provide the substance, a historical analysis will enable

us to understand the matrix on which the historical facts can be

placed. It is not uncommon for historians to concentrate on the

surface, beginning with the growth of the mission, establishment

of Churches, conversion etc. These are seen as the heroic deeds

of a State sponsored enterprise. As such, the entire mission is

seen as an intensive conversion activity of a missionary, who was

encompassed within the anvils of a colonial structure. The

extensive study of a broad convert group and their complex links

with the missionary are thus ignored. Conversion in such cases,

is seen as an apostrophe that was embedded into the indigenous

setup without resistance on the part of the convert.

Conversion was carried out within a system and it would

never be successful without a devised technique of alliance

building that gave strength, stability and security to the religious

organization. Bonds of citizenry, clientage, collaboration and

 22

affiliation went a long way in creating a local elite social group that

collaborated with the missionaries and helped to further their

mission. The nature of such links provides an understanding into

the relationships between the conscious givers and unconscious

receivers.

Franciscanism was a movement that stabilized itself in

certain parts of India. Since Goa is selected as a microcosm for

study and Bardei was an important area therein, the latter can be

used as a pedantic term to describe an ethnically different setup

that evolved subsequently. Though a holistic and diachronic

study is inevitable, an attempt is made to delimit both the

territorial and chronological frameworks within which the

missionaries worked.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND:

ORIGIN OF THE ORDER : Giovanni was born to in Umbria, Central

Italy in 1182. In 1207, he decided to become Gods trabadour and

conceptualized the establishment of an apostolic Order. The Order

acquired its forma vitae at a but in Rivo Torto with the help of

Inocent III. Francisco now called Francis of Assisi owed allegiance

to the Pope and took the vows of lattissima poverta, splendissima

Castila e sancta obedienza. The followers were called the

Penitents of Assisi or the Frairs Minor .36

The Lateran Councils favoured an evangelical enterprise to

restore Europe to a state of grace. Hence, the poor Mendicants of

 23

Assisi decided to shoulder the task of spreading the Gospel into

the world. In fact, the missionary enterprise became the raison

d'etre of this Order. Francis himself went to Tunis and Accursio

in the early thirteenth century. The frairs went to Morocco, Syria

and Egypt where they founded fifteen Frairies. The frairs

documented their objectives in the Regula of 1221. It was

approved by Pope Honorius III in 1223. 37

REFORMS AND DIVISION : After the death of Francis of Assisi, the

Zealots or Spirituals began to emphasize on the Rule with special

emphasis on communal and personal poverty while the Moderates

were in favour of preaching and study. The dissensions continued

till 1233, when the Regulata Bullata was introduced. This formed

the canonical basis of the Franciscan Order. 38 Such a solution was

only tentative and for nearly three hundred years, the frairs tried

to institutionalize and embody the aspirations of their founder or

set up that was apt to the socio-religious conditions of the day.

PLUS EXEMPLO QUAM VERSO : The frairs concentrated on the

domestici fidei and ventured into South East Asia. The Mongol

invader Chengiz Khan had made Europe unsafe for Christianity.

In such a situation, the Religious Orders that had hitherto

assisted the Pope in an evangelical Crusade now decided to launch

a military Crusade against the saracens. The religious provided

the Popes with an effective army of spiritual warriors. Over the

next fifty years, the Christian forces drove the moors away from
 24

the Peninsula and checked the Mongol advance. 39 In 1245, Frei

John of Piano de Carpine was the Papal Legate in the Court of the

Great Khan at Karakorum, Central Mongolia. Frei Lourenco de

Portugal served as the Papal Legate in the Middle East and

handled the diplomatic relations with the Tartars on behalf of the

See. Pope Innocent IV formed a missionary society called the

Societais Peregrinantium Pro Christi that consisted of Dominican

and Franciscan frairs. 40 Towards the end of the century, the Order

boasted of zealous frairs like Frei Joao de Monte Corvino who was

a legate of Pope Nicolao IV in the Court of the Great Khan at

Khanbalik in Peking. Clemente V helped him to establish the

Archdiocese of Peking. Frei Joao de Monte Corvino was

consecrated as the first Archbishop of Peking and the Patriarch of

the Mongol Empire by seven Franciscan frairs. 41 In 1338, Frei

Joao de Marignolli was sent on a mission to the Great Khan. He

went to Peking, China and India. In India, he founded a Latin

Church in Quilon and was honoured by the St. Thomas

Christians. 42 Blessed Odoric de Pardenone was sent to China in

1316. In the same year, four frairs from the Convent of Tabris,

Italy went to Omruz, Coromandel and Thana. There, they were

killed by the locals. In 1328, Frei Joao de Cora de Soltane was

sent to the Kingdom of the Khan. Other Franciscans like Frei

Bernardone de Cardio, Frei Pedro de San Germaniano and Frei

Othen were sent to the city of Morocco where they were tortured.
 25

They became the first martyrs of the Order. 43 Hence, the frairs df

the Seraphic Order had a record in the mission field.

Apart from serving in the mission, the frairs also occupied

Episcopal positions and formed the backbone of the Church

hierarchy. They provided the Church with a corps of well

instructed agents who were dedicated to the Pope. In the

fourteenth century, they preached the Crusades in North and

Central Italy. They also helped the Kings of Europe to assert their

religious sovereignty. 44

ATTEMPTS AT REFORM : The fifteenth century was characterized by

an attempt to merge the status evangelicus with the vigourous way

of life. The Exiit qui Seminat of Innocent III dated 1279, brought

about a reconciliation of the two.

Those who believed in following the Rule ad litteram... sine

glossa were called Spirituals. They lived a monastic life in small

monasteries that were located afar away from the villages. The

Community frairs were those who moved away from the principles

of the founder and joined the militant Church. 45 Pope Clemente V

had to issue the Exivi de Paradiso to save the unity between the

Zelanti and Conventuals. 46

Between 1378 and 1417, the Pope was dismissed and

Robert of Geneva was elected as the head of the Avignon Papacy.

This was called the period of the Great Schism. France, Scotland,

Spain, Naples and South Germany supported the Avignon Popes

 20

while the rest of Europe supported the Roman Popes. The frairs

functioned within a sacerdotal organization and enjoyed a quasi-

parochial status that was buttressed by Papal privileges. In the

fifteenth century, the Observants gained the upper hand over the

Reformed Orders and the Pope tried to unite the Order at the

General Chapter at Rome. 47

CARRYING THE GOSPEL : The fifteenth century marked the

triumphant progress of the Regular Observants. From 1400, the

missionaries were sent to different areas from Lapland to Congo

and from Azores to China. By 1417, the Observants were

permitted to establish the Houses for the Observanti in England,

Spain, Germany and Hungary. Their missionary fervour was

encouraged by Pope Eugene IV who occupied the See in 1446.

Three Italian frairs, Frei Joao de Capistrino, Frei James de March

and Frei Alberto de Sarteano served as the legate of Eugene IV, the

Papal Ambassador to Greece, India and Ethiopia and the Apostolic

Commissary in patribus Orientalibus respectively. Frei Francis

Sagar and Frei Joao de Calabria went to the borders of Abyssinia.

Between 1454 and 1457, Frei Louis de Bologna was given special

permission to leave for Ethiopia. 48

Pope Eugene IV gave the Observants considerable

autonomy. The frairs were welcomed in both Spain and Portugal.

Pope Calixtus III and later Pope Sixtus IV also supported theni.

The experience of the frairs in the mission field and their close
 27

alliance with the Reformation Popes went a long way in making

them the prospective candidates for the new mission that would be
undertaken by Portugal.

THE PIONEERS OF THE MISSION TO INDIA : With Portugal,

the history of missions entered a new Era. The Iberian Peninsula,
which had hitherto been a battlefield now, became the locus for
the growth of a new Nation State. The court atmosphere in
Portugal was the locus classicus for the revival of the reconquista
spirituality. Individuals families, groups and institutions
volunteered to take up the leadership of the Conquista Espiritual.
The Militant Orders in Portugal like those of Avis, Santhiago
and of Christ flourished in Portugal. Infante Dom Henrique lifted
the banner of Expansion as the Head of the Order of Christ. Dom
Joao followed the tradition and received the Bull Respublica
Christiana from Pope Martinho V. Portugal experienced a revival
of the old spirit of the Crusades. The Se of Centa was raised to a
Cathedral and missionaries were to the newly acquired lands. The
King, Dom Diego served as the Administrator of the Order of
Christ. Dom Manuel was educated by Dom Diego Silva e Menezes,
the brother of two Spiritual Franciscans Frei Santa Beatriz da
Silva e Beato and Frei Arnador da Silva. Such an association
between the frairs and the Kings led Jaime Cortesao to believe that

even the inspiration of the maritime expansion and the interest

that pushed Portugal towards the unknown lands came from the
 28

Franciscans. They infused a new ardour of proselytisation into the

Catholic Church. 49

How did the Franciscans get associated with the voyages of

rediscovery? This is a question that is often raised but rarely

answered by the historians. However, as a background to the

Order that flourished in Goa for nearly more than three centuries,

it is indispensable to study its association with those who were

concerned with this politico-economic Crusade. The Pope was

favourable to the Kings of Portugal. In 1455, Pope Calixtus III

bestowed the omnimodem jurisdictionem ordinarium on the Grand

Prior of the Order of Christ over the Portuguese missions in terns

el locis usque ad Indos acquisitus et acquivendis. It was confirmed

by Pope Sixtus IV who was a defender of Christendom. The frairs

became the pampered children of the Holy See. They were

favoured for assignments and appointed as emissaries, papal

chaplains, penitentiaries and Preachers. 5° In Portugal, a Province

was raised in 1368 and the frairs had Houses in Ledo and Galizia.

In 1487, the King Jobo I, sent the frairs to Ethiopia, Sindh and

Jerusalem. 51 In the fifteenth century, Frei Joao de Guadalupe

established a Congregation of Sancta Evangelho that consisted of

the Observants. Pope Alexander VI helped them to go to the

Islands of Madeira. In 1501, Alexander VI issued the Statua

Alexandrina that was the longest Statute of the Observants. In

1502, he suppressed all the Reformed Orders and placed them

under the Head of the Observants. 52 Two years later, Pope Julius
 20

II issued the in Militantis Ecclesiae that conferred several privileges

on the frairs. Between 1512 to 1517, the frairs were employed and

sent on diplomatic missions to the Eastern lands. On 'account of

their success during the Apostolic Age, the Order was called the

Ordo Praedicatorium and the century was called the Golden Age of

Franciscan Preaching. In Portugal, they raised the Custodie da

Piedade and were placed under the Vicar General of the

Observants. The frairs owed allegiance to the Orders of Santhiago

and of Christ and claimed the legitimacy of the Regra Serafica.

Hence, they were favoured by both the Kings and the Papacy

during the period of Expansion. In fact, the support of the latter

was not needed because the Monarchs of Portugal were the jus

patronatus of the missions in the East. s3

POR MARES NUNCA DANTES NAVEGADOS: The organisation of the

missions remained Papal in nature but the missionary activities

assumed a national characters as the Royal. Vicariate of Portugal

had the right to sent missionaries to the East. Having their roots

in Italy, the frairs who lived in Portugal had a long association

with the Papacy and the Christian Kings of Europe. They

endeavoured to make Europe safe for Christendom and had

worked in Guinea, Mongolia, Peking, Omruz, Persian Gulf, China

and South India. 54

In 1500, the first group of Franciscans arrived in India on

the fleet of Pedro Alvares Cabral. The frairs were well versed in he
doctrine, pledged to discipline and formerly held position of

responsibilities. They had permission to establish a residence in

Cochin and any other places that was chosen by them. 55 En route

to his destination, Cabral anchored at Anjedive where the frairs

preached twenty three souls including Gaspar da Gama. From

here, they proceeded to Calicut and occupied the houses on the

shore with the permission of the Zamorin. The Muslim merchants

were threatened by their presence and incited the inhabitants to

fight against them. In the insurrections that followed, three frairs

and fifty men were killed in Calicut. The frairs who escaped

ventured further. Frei Cruz worked among the Nestorians in

Cochin while Frei Salvador proceeded to Cannanore and converted

the King. Frei Simao de Guimares worked in Malabar. Frei

Coimbra accompanied Cabral to Portugal in January 1501. He did

not return to India but requested the King to send missionaries to

found the mission there. 56 This indicated that the frairs had

undertaken the enterprise with interest and were suitably

rewarded for the same.

The frairs who came to India were generally of the

Portuguese decent. They were selected by the Provincial and sent

by the King for three years. They were unorganized and were

responsible to the Portuguese civil authorities in Goa. The Popes

continued to bestow privileges on the Kings to spearhead the

mission and the frairs were their agents.57

 In 1503, the King sent a regimento to Dom Francisco de

Almeida to establish a House for the frairs in Ceylon. In 1505,

Francisco came to India as the first Viceroy alongwith the

Franciscan frairs. Having reached Cochin, they raised a Church

dedicated to Sao Bartholomeu. The frairs who came aboard these

vessels worked as chaplains and catered to the spiritual needs to

those onboard. Apart from the frairs, seculars, Dominicans and

Trinitarians were also sent. Dom Manuel permitted them to build

Frairies in Negapatnam and Cannanore. 58

In 1506, the King send seven Franciscans alongwith Nuno

Tristao da Cunha and gave them the permission to found a

mission in Socotra. The Island was conquered and handed to Frei

Antonio do Louro so that he could cater to the spiritual needs of

those who lived there. Frei Louro was determined to work in India.

In the meanwhile, some frairs landed at Goa with Afonso de

Albuquerque. There was a reference to Frei Francisco de Rocha

who was present on 25th November 1510, when Goa was seized

from the Adil Shah of Bijapur. Albuquerque send Frei Louis do

Salvador with two servants, one linguist and his nephew on a

friendship mission to Vijaynagar. Frei Rocha was made the first

parish priest of Goa on 22nd December 1510 and was given the

right to conduct the marriages of the soldados. After the conquest

of Goa, Frei Paulo de Coimbra, the Superior of the Franciscans

said the first thanksgiving mass at the Church of St. Catherine of

Alexandria. Frei Joao de Alemao, a German confessor and

confidant of Albuquerque was appointed as the first Provedor of

the Royal Hospital. 59

After completing his task in Goa, Albuquerque decided to go

to Malacca. Frei Louro who had the Royal Orders to travel to Goa,

followed him alongwith Afongo de Noronha. However, on the way,

they were shipwrecked. Many died and nearly thirty occupants

were trailed along the coast of Cambay. Here, they were arrested

and taken to Sultan Muhamad Shah I who held them on a

ransom. The King permitted two men, Diego Correia and

Francisco Pereira de Borredo to go to Goa and collect the ransom.

However, as they did not return, Frei Louro applied to the Royal

Court to allow him to go to Goa to collect the ransom. He received

the permission, pledged his hood and chord with the Sultan and

left for Goa. He reached Goa on 19th October 1511, collected the

ransom and left in the company of Gongalo Homem. He paid the

ransom to Manzar Khan II and released the prisoners. In March

1512, the frairs returned to Goa. 60

The frairs helped Albuquerque to consolidate the Portuguese

power in the East. When he captured Malacca, he was assisted by

eight Chaplains, the majority of whom were Franciscans. In the

absence of a residence in Goa, they occupied some temporary

quarters in an old mosque. Their activities were limited to the

Portuguese soldiers and some Christians who lived in garrison

towns around the forts. In 1512, Albuquerque came back in the

company of Franciscans and Dominicans.61

 Frei Louro returned to Portugal in the fall of 1512. He

requested Albuquerque to construct a monastery for the frairs in

Goa or to write to the King and to the Superiors of the Order to

help him in this regard so that the former could return with the

other brothers to Goa. Frei Louro went to Portugal to get

permission to found a Frairy because he wanted to make Goa a

base for radiating the mission into the Estado da India.62

As Albuquerque was busy with other admonitions, Frei

Louro had to go a long way to realize his dream of founding a

permanent canonical settlement in Goa. 63

The frairs can rightly be called pioneers of the mission in

Goa because they founded a mission and helped Albuquerque to

lay the foundations of a strong centre for the Portuguese Seaborne

Empire.

Notes and References :

Stephen Neill, A History of Christianity in India (the beginnings to 1707 A. D.), 1984, p.1.
2
Charles Borges, 'Shipping the Gospel', Journal of Maritime Archeology, Vol. I, p. 45.
3
For the details regarding the motives behind the Portuguese expansion overseas, one may refer to
Christopher Bell, Portugal and the quest for the Indies, 1974; C. R. Boxer, The Portuguese seabome
empire, 1969, pp. 1-5; W. G. L. Randles, 'Notes on the Genesis of discoveries', in STVDIA Vol.
5(1960),p.21; Luiz Filipe Thomaz, 'Estratura politica e administrativa do Estado da India no seculo', Actas
do Seminario International do Historia Indo-Portuguesa,Vol. II, p. 515; Richard Goietz, 'From territorial
boundaries to an inner frontier: the first century of the Estado da India', STVDIA No. 53 (1994), pp. 93-4.
C. R.Boxer, The Church and Iberian Expansion (1440 — 1770), 1978, pp. 1-5.
 34

5 Maria Agusta Lima Cruz, 'Notes on Portuguese relations With Vijaynagar (1500-05)', in Sanjay
Subrahmanyum (ed), Sinners and Saints: the successors of Vasco da Gama, 1998, p. 13.
8
E. Gurney Salter (trans), The legend of St. Francis by the Three companions, 1905; Kate Lazaro de
Aspurz, Franciscan History : the three Orders of St. Francis of Assisi, translated from Spanish by Patricia
Ross, 1983; Arnaldo Fortin', Francis of Assisi, translated from Nova Vit de San Francisco by Helen Moak,
1981; Raphael M. Huber, A documented History of the Franciscan Order, 1944; Herbert Holzafel, A
History of the Franciscan Order, translated by Antonio Tibesar and Gervase Brinkmann, 1948; Alexandre
Masseron and Marion A. Habig (ed), The Franciscans: St Francis of Assisi and his three Orders,
1959;John Moorman, The History of the Franciscan Order from its origins to the year 1517, 1968;
Englebert Omer, St. Francis of Assisi: A Bibliography, 1965.
Bull. Pair.
8
Nimmo Duncan, Reform and division in the Medieval Franciscan Order (1226-1538), 1987; Raphael M.
Huber, Op. cit., 1944.
9
Paul Sabatier, Estude des sources no vie da Sant Francois d'Assie, 1894, translated by F.C. Burkett, A
study of the sources of the life of St. Francis in St. Francis: Essays in commemoration, 1926; Marion Habig
(ed.), Omnibus of the sources of the life of St. Francis of Assisi, 1973; A. G. Little, A Guide to Franciscan
Studies, 1920; Marcellino de Civezza, Historie Universalle des mission Franciscanes d'apres de traduit de
missions, 1899, in four parts; Marcellino de Civezza, Storia Universale delle Mission Francescanae, (1300-
1500), 1757-1895, Vol. VI,; Luciano Petech, L'Francescani nell Asia Central e Orientate nel XII e XIV
seculo, 1979; Leonhard P. Lemmens, Die Herden missionem de Spatmittelatters (1219-1919), 1999.
1° Achilles Meersman, The Ancient Franciscan Provinces in India (1500-1835), 1971; The other works that
are published by Meersman are 'The Provincials of the Ancient Franciscan Provinces in India', Extract of
AFH, Vol. 60(1967); 'The First Latin Bishops of the Portuguese period in India', in NZM, Vol. 20(1964);
'Franciscan Bishop's in India and Pakistan', in AFH, Vol. 72(1979); 'Early Auxiliary Bishops of Goa', in
NZM, Vol.25(1969); 'The Institution of the Commissaries General for the Portuguese Franciscans in the
East', Extractum of AFH, Vol. 59(1966); 'Documents pertaining to the return of the Franciscans to Burma in
the Archdiocesan Archives of Madras and Mylapore', AFH, Vol. LXV(1973); 'The Franciscans in and
around Chaul and Poona after the surrender of Chaul to the Marathas', IES, Vol. III (1964); 'Catholic
beginnings on the Canara Coast, 1ES Vol. I (1962); 'Documents pertaining to the Franciscans in the
Madurai Missions and the Coromandel Coast in India (1790-1830)',in AFH, Vol. LXVII (1974); 'The fishery
coasts under the Portuguese patronage during the years 1759-1838', ICHR, Vol. XI, No. 3, (1977); 'The
Franciscans in the Ancient Kingdoms of Ava and Pegu', in AFH Vol. XXXI (1938); 'The Franciscans in
Junk, Ceylon, Kedah and Mergui', in AFH, Vol. LVI (1963); 'The Franciscans of the Mother of God
Province in Sumatra', in Franciscan Studies, 1944; The Franciscans in the Indonesian Achipelago (1300-
1775), 1967; The Franciscans in Bombay, 1957; E. R. Hambye, in the 'In Memoriam on Fr. Meersman',
states that he had twelve books and thirty articles to his credit, Indica, Vol. 20, No. 5 (1983), p. 48. His
works have helped to disprove many accusations that the Observants were interested in spreading
Christianity than in recording the progress and opposition to their work. J. H. da Cunha Rivara, Brados .a
favor das communidades das Aldeias do Estado da India, 1890, p. 83.
11 Meersman Achilles, 'The Goa Archives and the history of the Franciscans in India', Indica, Vol. 1(1964); His
other works are Annual Reports of the Portuguese Franciscans in India (1713-1833), 1972; 'Some
eighteenth century statistics of the Archdiocese of Goa and of the Diocese of Cochin', ICHR, Vol. I, No. 2,
1968; 'A list of Franciscans in India in the year 1810', AFH, Vol. 54 (1961); 'Personnel of the Indian
Province of Sao Thome in the year 1770', AFH, Vol. 63 (1970).
12
Felix F.Lopes, 'A evangelizaclio de Ceilao desde 1552 - 1602', STVDIA, Vols. 20-2 (1967) and MF; A. M.
Manuel Taveira, 'Franciscanos na Japao (1583 to 1603)', Itinerarium, Vol. VIII,(1962), pp.37-8; Gervasis
Mulakava, 'Portuguese missionaries in Cochin till 1558', STVDIA, No. 49 (1989).
13 Joao de Barros, Decadas da Asia: de feitos que os Portugueses fizeram no descoabrimento e conquista
dos mares e terras do Oriente, Vols. 1-VIII, Lisbon, 1777-8; Diogo de Couto, Decada, in 15 Volumes,
Lisboa, 1778-88; Afonso de Albuquerque, Callas de Afonso de Albuquerque, Vols 1-V11, Lisboa, 1884-
1935; Gaspar Correa, Lendas da India, Tomos 1-IV, Lisboa, 1858-66.
14 Gilbert Freyre, Aventura e Rotina, Lisbon, 1952, p.192.
15
Mathias Mundadan, Church and missionary works on lndo Portuguese history. John Correia Afonso(ed.),
lndo-Portuguese History: sources and problems, 1981.p. 5.
16 For details regarding the works of Paulo da Trindade refer to Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., 1957, pp. 232-3;
ML. Vol. 1, p. 256 gives a few biographical details on Trindade; Annales, Vol. XXVI, p. 17, Vol. XXVII, pp.
449 and 131; CEO Vol. I, pp. 59, 71, 51 and 48; Achilles Meersman, Op.Cit., 1937, Appdx. III, pp. 230-35;
Miguel da Purificao, Relacao Defensive, Vol. V, pp. 61 and 19; Marcellino de Civezza, Op. cit., 1899,pp.
131-32;Streit Bibliotheca Missionum, 1934, Vol. V,pp.128-227; Assentos, Vol. III, pp. 129 and150; Paul
Sbaralea,Op. cit. Vol. III, p. 315; John Correa Afonso, Op. Cit., 1981, pp. 9-13; G. Schurhamer, St. Francis
Xavier and his times: lndia(1941-45), 1977, Vol. II, pp. 629-30; BL provides a list of his works, Vol. III, p.
526. Other works are found in 1VG, Goa, their titles are transcribed by Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., 1957,
p. 232-3. The copy of Trindades work was found in the Vatican Library, Cod. Lat. No. 7746. It was
perhaps salvaged when the Franciscan Generalate was sacked during the Roman risings;DI, Vol. II, p. 22;
CEO Vol. I, pp. 264-5;AchilleS Meersman has published a review of this book in Op. cit. AFH, Vol.
56(1963), p. 480; Op. cit. Vol. 58 (1965), p. 564; Op. cit Vol. 62 (1969), p. 413; and Op. Cit., 1971, pp. 236
and 270-72. The criticisms against the frairs were leveled by the Jesuit historians like Giovanni Pietro
Maffei, Historicum lndicarum, 1747, Book 12.
 17
Frei Jacinto de Deus, Vergel de plantes e floras da Provincia da Madre de Deus dos Capuchos teformados
da India Oriental, 1690; Franciscus Gonzaga, De Origine Seraphicae religionis Franciscanae euis que
progressious, 1587; Manoel de Monforte,Chronica da Provincia da Piedade Primeira Capucha de toda a
ordem e regula observancia do nosso seraphico Padre sao Francisco, 1751; Fernando de Soledade,
Historia Serafica Chronologica Sao Francisco da Provincia de Portugal, Lisbon, 1705-21; Clemente de
Santa Eyria, Noticia do que °brava° os frades de sao Francisco, filho da Provincia do Apostolo sao
Thome no servico de Deos e da sua Magestade que Deos guarde depois que pacarao a esta India
Oriental. The last work is transcibed in DHMP Vol. XII: Manoel da Esperanca Historia Serafica dos Frates
de San Francesco na Provincia; Miguel da Purificacao Relacao Defensiva dos Mhos da India e da
Provincia do Apostolo Sao 'Thome, 1640.
16
Francisco de Souza, Oriente Conquistado a Jesus Christo pelos padres da Companhia de Jesus a
Provincia de Goa, 1881; Sebastiao Goncalves, Primeira parte da Historia dos Religiosos da Companhia de
Jesus, 1957-62;Alessandro Valignano, Historia del Principio progressa de la Compania de Jesus em la
lndias Oriental, Roma, 1524-6.
19
For details on such perspectives one may refer to T. R. de Souza, The Catholic Church in India, 1987; T.
R. de Souza and Charles J.Borges (ed.), Jesuits in India in historical perspective, XCHR, 1992; T. R. de
Souza, (ed.), Discoveries, Expansion and Asian Cultures, 1994; His other works are 'Spiritual Conquest of
the East: a critique of Church History of Portuguese Asia (sixteenth to seventeenth century)', in ICHR, Vol. .
XIX (1985), pp. 100 onwards; `Diversas formas de Christo em Asia, in Separata del Concilium, n° 246
(1993), 'The Afro Asian Church in the Portuguese Estado da India', 1CHR, Vol. XXI, No. 2(1987), p.93;
`Christianization of Goa and Cultural conflicts; 'The Christian missions and the aftermath of discoveries',
Alden Duril, The making of an enterprise (the Society of Jesus in Portugal, its empire and beyond) 1540-
1750, 1996; A. M. Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, Vol. I, 1984; M. D. David, Asia and
Christianity, 1985; Francis X. Clark, An introduction to the Catholic Church of Asia, 1987; Ian D. L. Clark,
'Church History or History of the Church', in ICHR, Vol. VIII, No. 2 (1974); S. Imanuel David, 'History of
Christianity in India: changing perspectives',in ICHR, Vol. XIX, No. 1 (1986); Felipe F.R Thomaz
'Descobrimentos e evangelizacao da cruzada a missao Pacifica' in CIHMPEC, Vol. I,p.67; Ines. G.
Zuspanov ' The Prophetic and the Miraculous in Portuguese Asia' in Sanjay Subrahmanya (ed.) Op. cit.,
1998; Martin Brecht 'The materials, sources and methods of ecclesistical history', 1975; Francois Houtart
and Genevive Lemerciner 'Genesis and Institutionalization of the Indian Catholocism', 1981.
20
Annales,Tomos1—)0N; Streit Op. cit. 1934; J.H Sbarela, Bullarum Franciscanum; Bull. Pah-.; DI.
i 21
These details are drawn from the Introductory Chapter of Achilles Meersman, Op. cit. ,1971.
22
C. R. Boxer, 'In honorium on Antonio da Silva Rego', Indica, Vol. 24, No. 2(1987), p.187;His interview is
published in Itinerario, Vol. VI1(1983), p. 19; DHMP Vol. V; G. Schurhammer, Op.cit., 1977,Vol. II (India.
1541-45); G. Schurhammer, 'Carta inedita sobre a fundacao do Convento de sao Francisco de Assisi', in
BIVG, Vol. 74 (1957).
23
MF ; FO.
24
For guidance to the Goa Archives refer to V. T. Gune. A guide to the Collections of records from the Goa
Archives, Panaji; P. S. S. Pissurlencar, Roteiro dos Arquivos da India Portuguesa and V. T. Gune, Source
material from the Goa Archives, in John Correa Afonso (ed.), Op. Cit., 1981,pp. 19-33.
APO; Assentos.
28
BFUP. and Assentos; These sources are found in HAG. Ms. 8022 (1815-34); 8006 (1783-1828); 665
(1771-1818); 9505 (1809-35); 9514-15 (1835-42); 7587-88 (1647; 7628-30 (1836-42) and 2653 (1757-
1847). The Inventarios are found in HAG. Mss. 823, 2750, 2799 and 2470-73.
27
Bosq.; P. S. S. Pissurlencar, Tombo das Rendas que sua Majestade tern nas ten -as de Salcete Bardez, e
nests Ylha de Goa', BIVG, Vol. 62 (1945) and Vol. 66 (1950); Antonio do Abreu, 'Orcamento do Estado da
India (1574)' This is published by Jean Aubin in STVDIA, Vol. 4 (1959), pp.169-278; Miguel da Purificacfto,
Op. Cit.
28
EHGLC; Bol. do Gov. (1856),p. 495; George Moraes 'In Honorium 'CIHMPEC, p. 651.
29
OP is a Journal of the Commissario Archaelogica da India Portuguesa. The old Series were published by
Imprensa Nacional, Nova Goa(1-904 to 1920) and the new Series were published in Bastora (1930 to
1940), while Voz is a bulletin of the Archdiocese of Goa and Daman. It was a weekly publication of the
Patriacial das lndias Orientals.
30
Achilles Meersman, 'Statutes of the Franciscan Province of St. Thomas the Apostle in India (1686-97)',
STVDIA, Vols. 13-14 (1964); MF ; In the Rare Book Section of the IVG, there are manuscripts of the
Statutes bearing Ms. nos. 29, M-10 (a)and 10 (b).
31
F. X. Comes CAI°, Ferguesia de Pileme: no tricentenario da fundacao da sua igreja (1658-1758), 1958;
His other works are 'Aldeia de Assagao (Goa), Subsidios para sua historia, STVDIA, Vol. 40(1978); igreja
de Moira', BEAG, Ser.III, Ano. XXVI (1967,. In the XCHR there are several manuscripts in the F. X.
Comes Catao Collection. Two of these namely, Igrejas de Bardez: noticia historica da sua fundacao e
relagao completa dos seus vigarios, Mss. 279 and Legados Pios que oneram os bens sitados nos
Conselhos das fihas das Bardes, Salcete e Marmugao do distrito de Goa, are useful to us.
32
Stephen Neil, Op. cit.,1984; and A History of Christian Missions, a Pelican History of the Church, 1964;
George Schurhammer Op. cit., 1977; HMP; George Moraes, A History of Christianity in India (from early
times to St.Francis Xavier (52-1542 A.D.),1964; A.M. Mundadan, Op. cit.,1984; Anthony D'Costa, The
Christianization of the Goa Islands(1510-1567), 1965; Canoe Merces de Melo, The Recruitment and
formation of the native clergy in India (16m-19Th centuries) a historico-canonical study, 1955; A. B. da
 86

Braganza Pereira, 'Historia Religlosa da Goa', Separate da OP, 1935; M. D'sa, History of the Catholic
Church in India (52-1662 A.D.), Vol. I, 1910.
33
Roland A. Ven, Spontaneous Expansion of the Church, 1971.
34
C. R Boxer Op. cit., Itinerario, Vol. VII, No. 2(1983), p. 16; Luiz Felipe Thomaz, Op. cit., C1HMPEC, Vol I,p.
67; In 1972, Jacques le Goff organised a Co!toque on La naissance e le development des Orders
Mendicantes; Jose Mattaso, 'Raises de missionacao Portuguesa' in CIHMPEC, Vol. I.
as
D. L. Ian Clark, Op. cit. in ICHR, Vol. VIII, No. 2(1974), pp. 91-93.
38
For the early life of Francis of Assisi one may refer to Englebert Omer, Op. cit.,1965; E. Guimey Salter,
Op. cit.,1905; Inane Lazaro de Aspurz, Op. cit., 1983. In the Frairy of St. Francis in Goa, there are several
paintings that depict the main events in the life of the saint. There is also a wooden statue of the Saint
below which are inscribed the three Vows of the Order. Ricardo Telles, Os Franciscanos no Oriente e
seas Conventos, 1922,pp. 12-4.
37
Englebert Omer, Op.Cit., 1965; the details on the Regula are available in Annales; M. James, 'The
Papacy and the early Franciscans' in Franciscan Studies, Vol.36(1976), pp. 248-52; Paul V. Risley,
'Francis of Assisi: its political and social history (1175-1225)', in Franciscan Studies, Vol. 34(1974), pp.
248-52 and 393.
38
M. Weber, The theory of social and economic organization, 1987, pp. 4-32 and 358-73; A. G. Little, Op.
cit.,1920, pp. 43-5; Nimmo Duncan, Op. cit.,1987.
39
M.James, Op. Cit., pp. 248-52; Giolano Golubovich, Bibliografica della terra Santa e dell Orienel, 1928, Vol.
I, pp. 108 and 128-9, Vol. II, p. 169; Louis Gottschalk, Louis Mackinney, C. Pritchard, E. Eart and Co.,
History of mankind: the foundations of the modem world (1300-1775), 1969, Vol 4(1); John Moorman, Op.
cit., 1968, p.170; Gratien de Paris, Historie de la fondation et de evolution de l'orde des freres mineurs XII
siecle, 1982,p.1517; A.Lopez, 'Confessores de la familia Real de Castile e confessores de la familia
Aragon', in AIA, Vol. XYJa (1929),pp. 72-5; John Moorman, Op.cit., 1968, p. 170.
40
Marion Habig, 'Marignolli and the decline of medieval missions to China', in Franciscan Studies, Vol.
5(1945), p. 21; Marcopolos predecessors in the Catholic World, Vol. 5(1934); Christopher Dawson, The
Mongol mission:Narratives and letters of the Franciscan missionaries in Mongolia and China in the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, 1955, pp.54-5; Antonio Montes Moreira, 'Discurso Inaugral', in
CIHMPEC, Vol.!, p. 49; L.M. Zaleski, The Martyrs of India, 1913.
41
Though seven Bishdps were deputed, only three arrived in China and two went to Peking. They included
Frei Nicholas de Banzia, Frie Andreuceio de Assisi and Frei Ulricus de Sigfasdorf. These details are
available in A. G. Little, Jean de Mont Corvin, Premier Eveque de Khanbaliq (1247-1326), 1924, p.36;
Stephen Neill, Op. Cit., 1984, pp. 126-7; Golubovich, Op. Cit., 1928, Vol. III, pp. 294 and 197; Thomas
Luo Yu, 'The Avignon Popes and Montecorvino', in Acts of the International Workshop on Monte de
Corvino(1294-1994),pp.149-50; Christopher Dawson, Op. Cit.,1955, p. 224; Wyngaert Vanden(ed.),
Sinica Franciscana, Vol. I,p.340; J.H Sbarela Op. cit., Vol. V, p.37; I de Rachewitz, Papal envoys to the
Great Khan, 1971.
42
Christopher Dawson, Op. Cit.p.224; Georg Schurhammer, The Malabar Church and Rome during the early
Portuguese period and before, 1934, pp.8-42.
43
Before his death, Blessed Pardenone dictated an account of his voyage to Frei Guglelmo di Sologna who
wrote The travels of Frei Odoric, Luo Yu, Op.cit,p. 150; Zaleski, Op.cit., p. 14. On the walls of the Frairy of
St. Francis, Goa there are paintings of the Franciscans who were martyred from the coasts of
Monomotapa till Japan F. X. Vaz,'Galeria dos Matyres Franciscanos no Convento de Sao Francisco de
Assiz em Goa' OP, Vol. VII(1910), p.22; and Vol. X(1912), p. 147. A similar work is found in Ricardo Telles,
Op. cit.,1922; These frairs included Frei Thomas de Tolentino, Frei Jacome de Padua, Frei Pedro de
Senis and Brother Demetrius a lay brother; John Moorman, Op. Cit., 1968,pp. 193-4,; Marion Habig, The
journeys often, pp.102-117.
44
Norman Housley, The Italian Crusades: The Papal-Avignon Alliance and the Crusades against Christian lay
powers (1254-1343), 1982, p.117; John Moorman, Op. Cit., 1968, p. 430; In the same frairy there are
eight paintings of the Franciscan Saint Kings. For details refer to Ricardo Telles,Op. Cit.,1922, pp.1 and
22-23, 0 Heraldo (29-9-1921); Jean Richards, La Papaute et les missiones d' Oriente au moyen age,
1977.
45
Nummo Duncan, Op. Cit., pp.103 onwards, Manuel do Monforte, Op. cit., 1696, pp. 120-3,27, 52-5 and
282-3. They formed Provinces like Arrabida, Antonio, Piedade etc; Paul Sabatier, Op. cit., 1926,Vol.
V,pp.80-6.
se
Bullarium Franciscanum.
47
John Moorman, Op. Cit., p. 384; Nimmo Duncan, Op. Cit,p.89 ; Analecta Minorum, Vol. IX, p. 514.
sa
J. A. de Kok, 'The Frairs Minor in European society', in Dom Peter (ed) Franciscans and Srilanka, 1983,
p.46; Bullarium Franciscanum, Vol. V,p.208; John Moorman, Op. Cit., p. 576; Butt. Patr, Vol. I, pp.35 and
47.,
49
Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Career and legend of Vasco da Gama, 1997, p. 25; Luis Felipe Thomaz, Op.
Cit,C1HMPEC, Vol. I, p. 118; D.S. W. Duffle and George Winnus, Foundation of the Portuguese
Empire(1415-1580), 1977; Fernando da Soledade, Op. cit., Vol. III pp. 481-2; Manoel de Monforte, Op.
,

Cit., pp. 154-56; Appolinario da ConceicSo, Claustro Franciscano, 1845,pp.6-8, HMP Vol. I, pp. 154-56;
Jaime CortesAo, A Expedicao de Pedro Alvares Cabral e o descobrimento do Brazil, 1922,pp. 26-28.
50
Bull Pair, Vol. I, pp. 26-28; Ludwig Pastor, History of the Popes: from the close of the middle Ages, 1848.
51 Barros, Dec. I, p. 5.
52 John Moorman, Op. Cit,p.576.
53 Achilles Meersman, Op.cit., Journal of the Sindh Historical Society, Vol. IV (1940), p.1; Made Elle, Historie
des instituts religieux et missionaires, 1930, p. 97; Antonio da Silva Rego, Le Patronage Portugalis de l'
Oriente, MCMLVII, p. 43.
54 Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., Journal of the Sindh Historical Society, Vol. VI(1940), p.1.
55 DHMP Vol. V, pp.395-96; Femao de Soledade, Op. Cit, Vol. III, p. 489; HMP Vol. I, pp. 153-61 and 246-
72; MF, p.171; Fortunato Almeida, Historia da Igreja em Portugal, 1915, Vol. III. p. 93; DHMP. Vol.!, pp. 45
and 88; They included Frei Henrique de Coimbra, the Guardian, Frei Maffei, an organist, Frei Pedro Neto,
a chorist of the Holy Orders, Frei Joao de Vitoria, a lay brother, Frei Francisco da Cruz, Frei Luis de
Salvador and Frei Simao de Guimares, preachers and Frei Masseo de Guimares, a preacher and organist;
Jaime Cortesao, Op. cit.,p.273; Jacinto de Deos Op. cit.; Lucas Waddingus, Op. Cit., Vol. XV, pp.212-23.
56 Jaime Cortesao, Op. cit.,1922,p.274; Faria y Sousa Asia Portuguese, 1941-47, Vol.l,p.67; On the walls of
the gallery of Martyrs in the Frairy of St. Francis, Goa, there are paintings of the first religious who came in
1500 from Portugal in the ship of Pedro Alvares Cabral, Anais,p. 3; F.X. Vaz, Op. Cit., OP, Vol. VII (1910),
p.24; Ricardo Telles,OpCcit, 1922, p. 31-3; Barros, Dec. II, p.23; Vol. I, p.266; Afonso de Albuquerque,
Vol. II, p. 341; Braz de Albuquerque, Commentarios do Grande Afonso de Albuquerque, 1922, Parte II, pp.
44-49; CEO, Vol. Ill,p. 60; Bol.do Gov., No. 62(1872),pp.264-65; William Brook Greenlee, Voyages of
Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and India, MCMXXXVIII,p.53; Jacinto de Deos,Op.cit., pp.4 and 11.
57 These Bulls are available in the Bull. Patr. A brief contents of these Bulls are found in Charles Martial de
Witte, 'Les lettres Papales concernant expansion Portuguese au XVI .' secle', in NZM, Vol. 41(1985), pp.
41-68; DI. Vol.l,p.18; Harry Johnston, The Pioneers in India, 1993, p.200.
58 Regimentos de Dom Francisco de Almeida,p.17; Fernao de Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. IV, p.3; J. Petrus
Maffei Historiarum Indicarum,1747, p.1 ; CEO Vol. II, p.361; Bras de Albuquerque Op. cit., Vol.1, p.48;
Gaspar Correa, Op. Cit., Vol. I, pp.683-84.
59 DHMP Vol. I, pp. 69-70; Vol. II, p. 74; Vol. I, pp. 118 and 176-8; HMP Vol. I, p. 178; Anais. p. 4; F. N.
Xavier, Resumo historic° da maravilhosa vide, conversoes e milagres de San Francisco Xavier, 1865,
pp.37-38; Every year the feast was celebrated with greatest solemnity by the Franciscan frairs who were in
charge of this place. This was done in the presence of all the regular and secular clergy and the Viceroy
who donned red habit of the brotherhood of the Saint; Dennis Klougen de Cottineau, A Historical sketch of
the City of Goa, Delhi, 1995, pp.8-9 and 34; DHMP, Vol. I, pp.81-82,166-7 and 136; G. Schurhammer, Op.
cit., BIVG. No. 50(1971), pp. 40-41.
6° Gaspar Correa, Op. Cit., Vol. II, pp. 200-3; DHMP, Vol. I, p. 53; Barros, Dec. II, pp. 172-74; DHMP, Vol. I,
pp.134; HMP Vol. I, pp. 247-8.
61 Achilles Meersman, Op. cit. Vol. 56(1963), p. 40; Amaro Pinto Lobo, Memoria Historico da Archidiocese de
Goa (1533-1933), 1933, p. 22; DHMP Vol. I, p. 168.
62 DHMP Vol. I, pp.1454, 175-7, 93 and 339; Vol. II, p. 133; Vol. VI, p. 468; Vol. V, p. 323; Gaspar Correa,
Vol. II, pp. 459 and 537.
63 HMP Vol. I, p.249; DHMP Vol. I, p. 350-51, and Vol. II, p. 133.
 COTO II

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRANCISCAN MISSION IN GOA (1517-1542)

The Spiritual Conquest of the East was the mission that was

entrusted to the earliest Religious Order that came to Goa. The

term mission never had a fixed meaning. In 1517, the frairs who

worked in an unorganized group institutionalized themselves into a

Frairy. From then onwards, they could be called missionaries who

carried on the mission of catering to the spiritual needs of the

Christians who lived in the ilhas de Goa.

FREI ANTONIO DO LOURO AND THE FOUNDING OF THE

FRANCISCAN FRAIRY IN GOA: The mission largely depended

upon the efforts of individual frairs because the Padroado

authorities did not interfere with the institutionalization of the

same. The frairs were given the choice to select a mission field and

to cultivate it. However, that mission field had to be favoured by

the Padroctdo. Frei Antonio do Louro was in charge of the fairs who

worked in Goa. He strove hard to organize the frairs. As early as

1513, he had voiced his desire to Afonso de Albuquerque to build a

monastery for the fairs in Goa. 1

In 1517, Frei Louro returned to Goa with Fernao de

Alcacova, Vedor da Fazenda and eight frairs of the Piedade

Provincei. 2 Frei Louro was given extensive powers by the

authorities in Portugal to establish a mission in Goa. However, he

could not execute this task without the permission of the local

authorities. He approached the Governor, Lopo Soares de

Albergaria and gave him some papers that confirmed his mission.

The Governor had been instructed to allot some land to the frairs

within the walls of the City of Goa. 3

The Governor faced a practical difficulty. The City was small

and already had a Church and an Oratory. Therefore, he

requested the frairs to take up a big place outside the City that was

much more suitable. This was located close to a tank that was

named after Timoya. 4

Frei Louro was not happy because he wanted to remain

within the City so that he could administer the sacraments of

baptism and matrimony to the Christians who lived there.

Therefore, he requested the Governor to give them, a small house

within the City that could accommodate at least eight frairs. 5 It

must be noted that the City of Goa was within the jurisdiction of

the Padroadaand Frei Louro felt that he would be safe there.

Though the Governor was personally against this, he knew

that it was dangerous to go against the frairs because they were

his agents. He ceded to their demands and advised the Captain

Dom Goterre de Monroy to satisfy the frair. The latter assured him
that he would give them! a place in the City. Frei Louro was so

happy with this decision that he wrote to the King that the frairs

were favoured by him. 6 Till that time, the frairs were requested to

occupy the houses that belonged to Joao Machado, a tanadar who

was killed at Ponda. The frairs occupied them as a residencia

temporaria. Before the rains, they built a Chapel, three side alters

and raised a bell suspended on two pillars. They also built a

sacristy and the cells at the side of the garden. They developed the

area that surrounded the garden and conducted all the

sacraments there. Though they had settled down, they still lived

as soltos or unorganized groups.'

In 1518, five frairs were sent to Goa. Since there was no

place to accommodate them, Frei Louro requested the King to

provide them with a Frairy. The request was not fulfilled till 4th

November 1518 because the Governor did not have sufficient

money. Frei Louro complained about this to the King and

requested him to send a certain amount of money for the

construction of the Frairy. 8 He informed the King about the

prospects of raising the money within the City of Goa and

requested him to gift them with the Sapthanatha temple in the

Island of Divar so that the stones could be used as a quarry for the

foundation of the Frairy.9

 41

The Governor, Diego Lopes de Sequeira favoured the frairs.

He allotted them some land and money from the Royal Treasury to

enable them to meet the expenses of the Frairy. The land had

formerly accommodated the houses of the native unmarried

women. Though, the plan of the Frairy was formally sanctioned in

1518, the cornerstone was laid only on 2nd February 1520. During

the intervening period, the frairs procured some funds and gave

the contracts. In his letter dated 27th October 1520, Frei Louro

reported to the King that the Chapels and the Frairy were raised at

a minimum cost. The vault was used because wood was expensive

and difficult to procure. Frei Louro intended to make the Frairy the

best in the whole of the Province of Portugal excluding Lisbon. 10

In 1524, the Frairy was almost completed with the help of

the Capitao-mor and King Dom Manuel. Frei Louro was appointed

as the first Imeritus Comisarius Indiae et Gardianus huius

Conventus Seraphici Patris Nostri Francisci in hac civitate de Goa. 11

ROYAL ALMS: Before dealing with the financial aspects of the

Franciscan mission in Goa, it is important to place the

missionaries and their activities within the general ecclesiastical

context. In keeping with the Padroado obligations, the King was

nominated as the de jure patron of all the missions and

missionaries in the East. He had to fulfill this by making regular

provisions and meeting the requirements of the Frairies and the

 42

religious in the form of money, bboks or articles that were needed

for the spread of the faith. The Kings of the Aviz dynasty Dom

Manuel I and Dom Jobo III accepted their position and fulfilled

their responsibilities.

One such consignment was sent on 5th January 1518. Frei

Louro received a set of books that were needed for the theological

formation of the frairs from Pero de Quaresma, the Factor of

Cochin. The list indicated the formation of the clergy was strictly

canonical and the King was responsible for supplying everything

that the frairs needed to keep themselves acquainted with the

liturgy. As a Patron of the religious establishments in the East,

Dom Manuel undertook the responsibility of constructing the

Frairy in Goa at the cost of his Treasury. The frairs requested the

King to sanction additional grants like an altar screen for the main

altar and ten for the side altars, the permission to use the stones

of the temple of Divar and other monetary grants.' 2

The King sanctioned money to meet the expenses of the

Frairy. However, on account of practical difficulties, the money was

not received in time. To meet the expenses, the frairs procured

loans from the local inhabitants. In a letter of 30th August 1519,

Frei Louro stated that Duarte Pereira, Pero Cerveira and Joao

Lobrato lent one hundred, one hundred and twenty and one

hundred and fifty gold pardaos respectively for the work of the
 48

Frairy. The money was used for purchasing wood from the terra

firme and for making payments for the houses and the land that

was acquired for the Frairy. The agreement was signed by Frei

Louro in the fortress of Goa and the obligation to repay the

expenses was undertaken by the King. By 20th April 1520. The

King repaid the money. In his letter, the Governor Diego Lopes de

Sequeira informed the King that Francisco Cornivel repaid Joao

Lobrato, Pero . Cerveira and Duarte Pereira. 13

The frairs had recently moved into the City of Goa. Hence,

they had no alternate source of income because a few Christians

and converts lived there. The King was the sole financier of the

missions to the East and his grants were called esmolas. These

were sent to the Guardian of the Frairy, Governor or to the Factor

who were the official recipients of these favours. In a letter of 27th

November 1517, the Factor of Cannanore stated that his Treasurer

gave Frei Louro forty six pardaos to buy what was needed for the

Franciscan Frairy in Goa. On 25th August 1518, the Governor

Diego Lopes de Sequeira received a mandate from Francisco

Cornivel to buy twelve pipas of wine, one pipa of vinegar and one

fourth pipa of oil for the frairs. On 29th September 1519, Frei

Louro, wrote to Francisco Cornivel that the items had been

delivered to their House. On 3rd November 1519, Frei Pero de

Alenquer, the Vicar stated that he had received one pipa of red
 44

wine from the Factor. In another letter of 25th November 1519,

Antonio Coresma reported that he received nineteen cruzados. In

a similar letter dated 5th October 1519, the Guardian

acknowledged the receipt of twelve pipas of red wine. Alfonso

Velho, the Vicar of the City received one fourth pipes of red wine for

the masses. The basic necessities of the frairs were also met by the

King. Frei Pero de Alenquer stated that he had received forty,

twenty, twelve and forty cotonias for the tunics and vestments of

the frairs on four separate occasions. Besides this, the King also

provided for the decoration and ornamentation of the Frairy. In

1520, Frei Louro wrote to the King that he had received goods

worth eighty pardaos. This included an altar screen for the

Confraria de Nossa Senhora da Conceicao.14 Between 1521 and

1525, the Royal grants were temporarily stopped because of

administrative misfailings.

After 1525, the alms included the articles that were needed

to complete the work inside the Frairy. In 1525, Frei Pero received

more than twenty five arrates of velvet for the pictures. On 12th

September 1527, Frei Francisco received six mattresses from

Portugal for the Infirmary. The King sent hard cash to make

purchases. On 27th November 1526, Afonso Meixa, the Captain

and Treasurer ordered Miguel do Valle, the Factor of the City of

Goa to give five thousand four hundred refs to the Franciscan

' frairs to buy three pipas of wine and rice. In February 1527, the

Guardian received seventy two arrates of copper to make

caldrons.'5

Between 1526 and 1527, the frairs carried out the

construction work in the Frairy with the help of the casados and

the converts. In 1526, the Royal Tax Collector of the City Joao

Biscainho prepared a list of the work that had to be completed. The

Pedreiro, Joao Fernandes had bought some things that were worth

four hundred and thirty five pardaos to construct a buttress,

modify the cells, bolt the side arcs, tar the skylight in the kitchen,

shut the window that was in the dormitory of the last cell and to

undo the arch near the door of Santa Catarina. The estimated cost

was thirty pardaos. On 20th March 1527, the Guardian of St.

Francis and the Factor of the City made an agreement with

Sebastido Pires, the inhabitant of Goa to clean the Church and the

tank and to clear the garden .The cost was estimated to be twenty

one pardaos and three tangas. The Guardian, Frei Francisco

Tomayo stated that he had completed the work in time. He also

wrote to the Factor that Sebastia."o Pires had completed the Chapel

in the main Frairy, repaired the tank, completed the construction

of the new tank and cleared the debris in the orchard for which he

was paid thirty pardaos in tangas.16

 The frairs ! collected a lot of money by performing religious

services. On 17th December 1528, Frei Afonso Soeiro stated that

Marlin Gracea, a casado and inhabitant of Goa had complained

about a frair who had not fulfilled the obligations for which he had

paid. The King gave them forty one parda-os, seven hundred

tangas and thirteen reis. The frairs had used this to buy some

things. 17 The Frairy was completed with the help of the King but

the initiative was undertaken by the frairs.

SUCCESSES AND FAILURES: The success and failure of the

missionaries represented the vicissitudes of the mission. Though

the Franciscan Order was established in the City of Goa, the

missionaries had to face several problems due to which they failed

in their mission. Since the mission was controlled, financed and

executed from the West, their success and failure depended upon

the ability and willingness of the Portuguese and the Roman

authorities to support the mission.

One of the prime indices of success was conversion. Using

this criterion, the frairs were quite successful in their mission to

convert the non-believers to the Christian faith. On 4th November

1518, Frei Louro reported to the King that the frairs had baptized

eight hundred souls. 18

The frairs raised their voice against the social evils in Goa

especially against the burning of widows and handled the mission

well. In a statement of 12th January 1522, the Bishop of Dume

wrote to the King that the frairs were virtuous and of exemplary

lives. Within the first eight years of their arrival, they were able to

convert several locals and conduct a General Baptism. In 1526, a

whole village in the Island of Tiswadi was converted. The frairs

erected a hermitage so that the people could attend mass and

receive the teachings in the Christian faith. The Portuguese frairs

needed the support of the Christians in Goa. Hence, they raised

the Confraria of Nossa Senhora da Conceicclo. They also had the

support of the Portuguese officials in the City. In his report dated

December 1527, Sebastido Pires wrote to the King that the

Churches were well served and that the sacraments were well

administered. Rico, a Government official stated that the presence

of the Frairs of St. Francis was one of the good things in the

country. 19

The frairs were strong bulwarks to the Portuguese presence

in Goa as they sheltered all those who came from Portugal and

helped them to settle down there. Hence, the authorities favoured

them. In his letter dated 25th September 1530, Vicente de Lagua

praised the Franciscans for their teaching abilities and wrote to the

King that each Frairy should be provided with Franciscan

preachers for the name of God was abused and forgotten in Goa. It

was opined that the preachers would remind the Portuguese

 48

settlers in Goa about their political and religious obligations to

Portugal. The Bishop of Cranganor also advised the King to send

three or four preachers because it would benefit the souls of the

people. He stated that Frei Rodrigo da Serpa and Frei Lourenco de

Goes, the Commissaries of the Order at Goa, had converted several

souls. The preachers boosted the morale of the Portuguese who

were new to the place and had an unconscious desire to return

back. Apart from catering to the spiritual needs of the Portuguese

settlers and converting the local inhabitants, the frairs

accompanied the Portuguese on expeditions. On 1st January 1531,

Frei, Antonio Padrao accompanied the Viceroy Nuno da Cunha on

his left expedition to Diu. He was also present at the siege of Diu

in 1538.20

As members of the Portuguese ecclesiastical organization,

the frairs were invited to solemnize the religious services that were

conducted by the State. On 13th December 1521, Frei Fernando

Vaqueiro was invited to preach for the mass that was held in

memory of Dom Manuel. Joao de Albuquerque authorized them to

hold a Chapter. Frei Pedro de Atouguia was invited for the Auto da

Fe that was held in Goa in 1542. The Guardian took personal

interest in the Goa mission. In 1539, Dom Joao de Castro praised

him for being a good shepherd for the people in Goa. The

authorities decided to entrust the Seminary of Santa Fe to the

frairs because their Frairy was continuously inhabited by virtuous

and honest frairs who lived exemplary lives. They believed that the

frairs were responsible enough to direct it because they underwent

formation courses in their Frairies. 21

The frairs were dedicated to the mission. However, the

ultimate success of the Order depended upon the ability of the

successors to carry on the mission of their predecessors. Frei

Louro died before the completion of the Frairy of Goa but his

successors completed the Church, sacristy, cells, cloister, kitchen,

refectory, dormitory, infirmary and workshops. It was completed

at the cost of sixty thousand gold pardaos. It had a tiled roof and

an altarpiece from Portugal. According to the Camara, it was the

best in the whole of the kingdom and was the first House of the

religious in Goa. 22

The frairs were not always sincere and the Superiors

complained about the frairs for staying beyond the usual term of

office, non-adherence to the religious obligations and other

excesses. The Guardian, Frei Lamego wrote to the King that there

were only five frades da missa, three coristas and four legios in the

Frairy in Goa. He requested the King to act against six frairs who

had come with Frei Louro and had overstayed beyond the usual

term. There were also complaints about their involvement in trade.

In a letter of 25th September, the frairs were accused of neglecting

the converts. 23 As such, the frairs had a mixed record of success

and failure in their mission in Goa.

AIDS TO CONVERSION: In the course of carrying out their mission

in the Estado da India, the frairs encountered several challenges

and worked out definite strategies to convert the local people in the

areas that were under their spiritual control. The main aim of the

missionaries was to protect the converts and they could not fulfill

this aim without the support of the authorities.

The frairs secured help from the Governor, Diogo Lopes de

Sequeira to complete the Frairy of St. Francis in Goa. Dom Duarte

de Menezes guided the completion of the Frairy but, the frairs

could not achieve much during his tenure, as he preferred to

spend on the consolidation of the Empire. The Governor, Dom

Vasco da Gama received five frades de missa, three clerics, four

legios and two novices in Goa. The frairs realized that their success

depended the secular authorities. Hence, they tried to gain their

goodwill by cooperating with Governors and got involved in issues

that were related to their succession. 24

The frairs took a lot of interest in the heathens even after

they were converted as there was a possibility that they would

revert back to heathenism. To avoid this, the frairs made several

suggestions that were summarised in a letter of 4th December

1517. Frei Louro requested to the King to forbid the poor

 51

mendicants or yogis from entering the Island because they brought

bulls, flowers used in worship and other relics of the temples with

them. He stated that these people of God had their temples in the

mainland and worshipped idols and statues that were enemies of

the Cross. The converts attended the feasts that the gentios

celebrated every year. According to Louro this had to be stopped.

He requested the King not to favour idoltry, to destroy the temples

in the Islands and to raise Churches in their place. He also

advised the King not to allow the non-Christians to live in the

Islands and to possess land. The King was instructed to avoid

contacts between the Hindu and the newly converted people by

establishing a separate quarter for the new converts and by

promulgating an Order by which the new converts were to be

instructed in the Christian faith. He believed that the ordinary run

of converts were nominal Christians who were not strong in their

faith. The gentios were against the frairs. A frair wanted to work

among the gentios but they told him not to speak to them as they

did not want to be converted. To avoid an interaction between the

converts and gentios, Frei Louro requested the King to permit him

to bring the newly converted men and women in the Frairy so that

they could be instructed in the faith . The frairs volunteered to

instruct the converts but it was left up to the converted men and

women to encourage the new converts to attend such instructions.

 52

To avoid any clash in the mission, the interference by the Vicars,

secular fathers or anybody else had to be completely ruled out.

Frei Louro requested the King to instruct the Captain of the

Fortress in this regard. Frei Louro suggested that the King should

provide a bairro exclusively for the Christians. This would enable

the frairs to work without any hindrance. Frei Louro assured the

King that he could convert several gentios if he distributed rice

and alms to them. 25 Frei Louro suggested an individual or

personal approach to convert the dominant classes. This method

was evident from the case of Crisna, the chief supporter of

paganism in the Islands of Goa. Frei Louro had spoken to him and

he had come close to Christ. However, he refused to be converted

until he saw His Majesty in Portugal. The King took him to

Portugal and Crisna promised him that he would return to Goa

and get baptised alongwith his family. The King promised to give

him important offices in Goa for life. However, on his arrival to

Goa, he refused to change his faith and the authorities dismissed

him from the post of the tanadar-mor of the district and the official

interpreter to the Governor. These offices were given to another

Brahmin named Loku, who had accepted the new religion. 26

Conversions were based on a priori methods. Only one

provision in the Decree dated 30th June 1541 referred to the

destruction of temples in the City of Goa. The Governor and the

 53

Vedor da Fazenda held a meeting with the gauncars at which they

decided to sanction four hundred and sixty eight pardaos per

anum for the Ermidas of Sao Thiago, Benastarim, Nossa Senhora

de Divar, Nossa Senhora de Conceicao, Panjim, Nossa Senhora de

Guadalupe, Sao Joao , Nossa Senhora da Luz, Madre de Deus,

Daugim, Santa Luiza and Sao Lourenco from the proceeds of the

temple lands. The Chaplains there were obliged to say masses on

Sundays and to spread of the culto Christo. The frairs were

interested in the local Christians and requested the Bishops to

look after them. This was evident from a letter of Frei Antonio

Padrao. In 1532, Frei Vaqueiro the first Latin Bishop in Goa went

around to administer the sacrament of confirmation and to

instruct the people. Frei Louro convinced the King that he had

built the Frairy at Goa to carry out the lauvor de Senhor Deus by

conducting divine services and other ceremonies. He also

promised to baptize the people and to educate the women and

children in the Christian doctrine. 27 The frairs were able to fulfil

most of these obligations.

TOWARDS THE GROWTH OF A HIERARCHY: In the beginning

of the sixteenth century, the Portuguese expeditions to the East

were accompanied by chaplains who catered to the spiritual needs

of those on board. By virtue of his Padroado obligations, the King

of Portugal had the exclusive right to send the missionaries to the

 54

East. The Franciscans who came alongwith the sailors generally

belonged to the Province of Portugal and owed allegiance to the

Cismontana or Ultramontana families.

The frairs tried their best to work for the spread of the faith.

but, the early efforts of the frairs can hardly be called a mission as

the frairs did not have a well structured canonical organization or

a planned programme of action. The frairs functioned as soltos or

small unorganized groups.

When Frei Louro returned to India in 1517, his missionary

aim was clearly defined. He wanted to continue with the

missionary work and found a Frairy in Goa and requested the

King and the Governor to allow him to carry out his plan. He was

appointed as a Guardian and placed in charge of the frairs who

came with him. In a letter of 4th November 1518, he used the title

of Commissario. 28

When the Goa mission was founded, the frairs were trying to

initiate some reforms in Europe. Many frairs tried to observe an

austere life and attempted to obey the Regulata per se. The

ongoing differences between the frairs resulted in a crisis within

the Order that continued till 29th May 1517 when Pope Leo X

introduced the Ite vos vivem vacam. According to this, the

Reformed Congregations were instructed to renounce their

distinctive titles and dress codes. The Omnipotens Deus of 12th

 55

June 1517, decreed that the I Observants would be given a

preference over the Conventuals. Hence, the frairs who came to

Goa were called the Frair Minor or the Observants though they

belonged to the Piedade Province. 29

The construction of a Frairy in Goa was the first step

towards the formation of a fraternity. The Rule specified that such

a setup had to Frairy had to be founded in one fixed place and had

to consist of twelve frairs who were governed by a Guardian. The

Frairy was placed under the jurisdiction of the Mother Province in

Portugal and the Minister General of the Order was its head. The

Guardian of the Frairy in Goa represented the Province of Portugal

as well as the Padroado in Goa. He was helped by the Vicar or the

second in command of the Frairy. 3°

The Goa mission was placed under an Apostolic

Commissary. Pope Alexander VI by Cium sicut Majestas of 26th

March 1500 authorized the King to nominate one and send him to

the Estado da India as it was extensive and the Archbishop of

Funchal found it difficult to administer Goa from there. To solve

this problem, power was decentralized and placed in the hands of

the Auxiliary Bishops. These were the first Latin Bishops of the

Portuguese period in India. However, they did not possess any

episcopal jurisdiction and in most cases their services were

temporarily transferred to India.. Because of the nature of their

 50.

appointments and duties, they were called Ring Bishops or Bispos

de Anel. In a letter of 12th January 1522, Dom Duarte Nunes, the

Bishop of Dume wrote to the King that their task was to consecrate

the holy oil and to administer the sacrament of confirmation. 31

In the sixteenth century, the authorities began to face the

problem of shortages of the frairs. The Observants of the

Portuguese Province did not want to go to India because of the

eastern climate. It was paradoxical that while the hierarchy was

evolving, nearly twenty religious had already died. In a letter of 4th

November 1518, Frei Louro wrote to the King that there were only

three frairs in Goa. In view of the above, the ecclesiastical

authorities in Goa realized that they could hardly rely upon the

recruits from the Mother Province and requested the authorities to

permit them to ordain the frairs in Portugal. Pope Leo X had

consented to this. On 12th January 1518, he issued the Exponi

Nobis that permitted the indios and others to be ordained in

Portugal with a special permission from Rome. The Order was

promulgated in Goa.. Frei Louro informed the King that he had

accepted five candidates into the Novitiate, out of which two had

already made their profession and the other two were yet to do so.

For the proper theological formation of the novices, he fore planned

of a Centre of Studies in India for which he had already received a

consignment of books. The plan began to, materialize. In 1519,

the Franciscans established a Frairy and began to admit

candidates who were presented to them. Dom Duarte Nunes

ordained four frairs in Goa. Frei Andre de Torquemada arrived as

the First Franciscan Titular Bishop in India with the title of Bispo

de Duvno. The Superiors did not approve of the admission of locals

into the Order but the Guardian faced a practical problem. In a

letter of 27th October 1520, Frei Louro complained that he needed

at least twenty frairs. However, the number of frairs in Goa was

comparatively higher. This was evident from the letter of the

Guardian who stated that there were sixteen frairs in India of

which fourteen were in Goa.

By 1527, the problem of shortages became worse because

there was no Ring Bishop in Goa after 1524. In a letter of 1st

December 1527, the Commissary Frei Goncalo de Lamego wrote to

the King that there was no Bishop to ordain the frairs who were

trained in India. He further informed him that there were only

three clerics and fourteen frairs in the Frairy of Goa. Since the last

few years only one or two frairs had arrived in each ship. Two of

Frei Louros companions were dead and the other six frairs had

returned to Portugal. Though the number of frairs in the House

was not sufficient to handle the routine apostolic works, the divine

services were held with great pomp as in Portugal.. The Vicars and

Commissaries were sent to Goa for three years and inspite of the
 58

favourable conditions, the frairs looked westwards and longed to

return to Portugal. The authorities were strongly against the

ordination of the frairs in Goa. In 1531, the Superior of the

Observants sent an ordinance prohibiting the admission of novices

in Goa. He promised to send the religious for the Apostolate from

Portugal. However, till 1532 not a single frair was sent to India. In

a letter of 8th November 1532, Frei Rodrigo da Serpa complained to

the King that hardly any frairs arrived from the kingdom. 32

At the request of the frairs the Titular Bishop, Frei Andre de

Torquemada ordained four priests and one cleric at the Frairy in

Goa. The Vicar General who was against Frei Andre declared that a

Titular Bishop had no right to confer the Holy Orders in Goa. Frei

Andre anticipated trouble and defended himself by stating that the

frairs and the cleric Joao Roiz were presented to him by the frairs

as being virtuous, fully instructed and ready for ordination.

Accordingly, Andre conceded to their appeal only because it was

impossible for them to go to Portugal and there was no other

Catholic Bishop in India who could ordain them. The Acting Head

of the Frairy had showed him the Bull of Innocent X by which the

Franciscans were given special priviledges to ordain their frairs

with any Bishop. However, the Vicar General refused to pay any

heed to this and ordered an inquiry. His allegation was that, the

frairs were not fit for ordinations. However, Frei Andre defended
himself by stating that even the cleric had carried dismissorials.

The Ordinances issued by the Bishop Dom Duarte included the

testimonies of four individuals including those who were called

upon to decide the cases. However, the Vicar appealed to the King

and argued that the Bishop had no right to ordain Portuguese

candidates in Goa as this needed a special permission from

Rome. 33

In Goa, a Guardian was aPpointed in charge of the Frairy,.

After the death of Frei Antonio do Louro, Frei Pero de Alenquer was

promoted to the post. During his tenure, Pope Adrian V drew up

the Bull Omnimoda in favour of Charles V and gave him apostolic

powers in the mission lands. The mission in general was placed

under the direct control of the Council of the Indies that had the

right to appoint and send the frairs to the mission. The Superiors

had to forfeit their right in this matter. Frei Alenquer expired before

completing his tenure. He was succeeded by Frei Francisco

Tomayo. Since his appointment was made on an emergency, there

was no reference to him. Within ten months, he was replaced by

Frei Goncalo de Lamego who signed as the Guardian and

Commissary in December 1527. 34 By then, frairs had already

founded missions in Pegu, Bombay, Bassein, Salcette, Karanja,

Chaul and in the other neighbouring areas.

 The difference between the Guardian and Commissary in

Goa was very narrow. Leo X made a reference to Small and Big

Frairies. The former consisted of twelve frairs who were placed

under a Vicar or a Superior. A group of Frairies was placed under

a Commissary. This was the first step before the foundation of an

independent Province. Frei Lamego was succeeded by Frei Antonio

Padrao as the Commissary. He went to. Portugal and returned to

India but on the way he was killed in Ceylon. He was succeeded

by Frei Rodrigo da Serpa. During his incumbency, the question of

admitting Indians into the Order became worse. As a Commissary,

he tried to solve the problem of the shortage of frairs by admitting

the mesticos into the Order. Frei Serpa deliberately took up this

issue because he found their prohibition scandalous. He wrote to

the King that there were only twenty frairs, there were many

honourable Portuguese, and Goan men whose sons wished to serve

God and were not very different from the Portuguese who took the

habit in Portugal. In fact, they were much more suitable as they

loved the habit and wanted to live in India. They rarely thought of

going back to Portugal as they were closer to their fellow

countrymen. They had deep roots in India and would easily convert

their maternal relatives to the faith. 35

The last Titular Bishop to occupy the See was the Bishop of

Aureopolis, in Patribus infidelium, Frei Fernando Vaqueiro, Bispo

Auarense . He had served as an Auxiliary or Coadjutor to Cardinal

Dom Henriques. From here his services were transferred to India

by the Padroado for three years. In the absence of an official

residence for the Bishops, he lived in the Frairy. He was received

into the City of Goa by the Governor . He died in Omruz where he

was buried in the altar of the main Church. During his tenure in

Goa, he worked for the conversion of the non-Christians and

administered the sacraments to the new converts. He also ordained

many novices in Goa. 36

In 1534, an attempt was made to make Goa a separate

Bishopric. Dom Joao III directed his nephew Dom Martinho to

negotiate with the authorities in Rome. Dom Martinho secured a

Consistory from Pope Clemente VII entitled Hode Santissimus,

which provided for the erection of a new Diocese in Goa. On 27th

April 1532, Joao III proposed Frei Francisco de Melo as the first

but his death brought all the subsequent developments to a

standstill. It must be noted that Bishops were appointed and sent

to Goa from Portugal. Such developments did not affect the

hierarchy in the Frairy. By 1537, the conditions in Rome began to

improve. The King presented Frei Joao de Albuquerque as a

candidate to occupy the new Bishopric to the Pope. Frei Joao, a

Piedade frair, had served as a confessor of Infante Dom Jaime and

King Joao III. Although he was elected as the Bispo Residencial, the
 62

letter that approved his appointment came from Pope Paulo III on

11th April 1537. This delay was because the latter was not very

much in favour of appointing the members of the Religious Orders

as Bishops. Pope Paulo III had instructed Cardinal Santiquatro to

request the King not to present frairs for such appointments. The

Portuguese plenipotentiary, Pedro de Souza de Tavora assured the

Pope that the appointment was made only because they could not

find a secular priest who was willing to go to the East. In fact, the

frairs were closely associated with the Padroado and served as

their allies. The Pope had no other alternative but to accept Frei

Albuquerque as the Bishop. On 13th January 1538, he was

consecrated by the Bishop of Sao Thome by Didacus Ortez de

Vithegas, the Bishop of Lamego and the Archbishop of Funchal in

Lisbon. Frei Vicente de Lagos was appointed as his Coadjutor. In

September 1539, the Bishop came to Goa but he was not given a

public reception till the next year because he was sick and there

were rumors regarding an attack on the Portuguese by the Rumes

Turks of Egypt. On 25 March 1539, he was officially proclaimed as

the Bishop of the Diocese of Goa by Clemente VII. Thereafter, he

inaugurated the Cathedral and instituted a Chapter. The Council

of the City of Goa referred to his zeal and solitude for the poor

Christians. After completing his tenure, he refused to consider a

 @es

second term as he was dissatisfied with the behavibur of his

countrymen. 37

In 1539, Frei Paulo de Santarem arrived from Portugal as the

new Guardian for the Frairy. He was nominated by Dom Joao de

Castro and occupied this position till the time when the

Commissariat of Sao Thome was stable enough to be raised to a

Custody. The proposal to erect a Custody was an indication of the

progress of the Order. A Custody is defined as a Congregation of

Frairies that are united among them but are interdependent. Such

a Custody is raised when a Commissariat was able to assume the

responsibility for its formation and policies. A petition was

forwarded to the authorities to get the permission to erect a

separate Custody for the members of the Piedade Province in Goa.

This demand was backed by the experiences of those missionaries

who had returned to Portuga1. 38

On 14th June 1541, John Mattei of Calvi, the National

Commissary was appointed as the Minister General of the Order.

At the request of the King Dom Joao III, he visited the Provinces,

attended the Chapters and got himself acquainted with the

problems and prospects of the Order. In India, he got in touch

with Frei Pero de Atouguia who had arrived in Goa on 6th May

1542. The Royal representative, Frei Silvestre adviced the King

about the necessity of raising a Custody. He instructed the King

to elect a common Superior and a Congregation of twelve frairs.

The Custody was to be called Santo Evangelho. Based on this, the

Pope passed a decree by which the Custody of Sao Thome was

erected. It had its own seal bearing an inscription : Sigilium

Custodiae Sancti Thomae Provinciae Portugaliae. Frei Pero de

Atouguia was selected as the Custodio as stated in a letter of 5th

January 1543. This was an important development in the history

of the Franciscan Order in Goa. From now onwards, there was an

organic change in the relations between the Province in Portugal

and the Custody in Goa. The latter was given considerable

autonomy in the mission. The Custodial Chapters were held every

three years at which the frairs met to legislate upon and resolve

various matters pertaining to the mission. The Definitors were

authorised to reshuffle the frairs in the different Houses within the

Custody. The growth of the Franciscan Order coincided with the

growth of the Christian population. On 20th September 1542, the

Papal Nuncio Francis Xavier wrote that Goa was a City that was

wholly inhabited by Christians "a sight really worth to be seen".

There was a monastery with many Franciscan frairs, a splendid Se

with many Canons and other Churches. 39

THE SEMINARY OF SANTA FE: In the forties of the sixteenth

century, the authorities decided to establish of a Seminary in Goa.

The shortage of frairs in the Mother Province haunted the

 5

authorities both in Goa and in Lisbon. The distance between

Portugal and Goa as well as other problems like climate, constant

outbreaks of epidemics, political disturbances etc. deterred the

frairs from sailing across the seas and from entering the mission

lands. In the face of such problems, suggestions were made to

educate and form the frairs in Goa.

On 24th April 1541, the Confraternity of Santa Fe was

established by Afonso de Albuquerque. The Confraternity decided

to establish an institution to educate the Christian boys in the

East, teach them good manners, ordain them as clero indigena and

to send them to preach in the distant lands. It was also decided

to train them as linguists and interpreters. In the beginning , this

institution functioned close to the Church of Nossa Senhora da

Luz and was allotted the revenues of the temples that were

destroyed. 4 °

However, within a short time, the site was found unfit and it

was decided to shift it to the Rua dos Cavalhos. The task was

allotted to the Superintendent of Nossa Senhora da Luz. Miguel

Vaz, the Vicar General and the members of the Confraternity

approached the Commissary, Frei Paulo de Santarem and

requested him to take charge of it . The Guardian, Frei Antonio do

Casal and the other frairs supported this. On 14th December

1541, the Patron of the Confraternity, Miguel Vaz and five others
informed the King about its foundation and sent him a copy of the

Statutes. The Statutes specified that the Confraria wanted to give

it to the Franciscans because they had a Frairy in which the

religious were in continuous residence, there were frairs who

could look after the Custody and the ministry, they were well

acquainted with the area and with the people and were virtuous,

honest and well trained in the doctrine. They also had all the

facilities that were needed to train the priests. The plan was

proposed to Frei Paulo de Coimbra, the Commissary who agreed to

help them and stated that it was a part of their duty. They

intended to have two classes, one for reading, writing and

Christian doctrine and the other for Latin. 41

On 16th November, the frairs took over the Seminary with

the permission of Frei Paulo de Coimbra and began to teachi the

mogos. In addition to this, they were authorised to construct,

administer and direct the new House. They taught the boys for a

number of months. Martin Afonso de Melo acknowledged all their

help and wrote to the King that Frei Paulo da Santarem had always

helped in the establishment of the House. The converts had

contributed four thousand cruzados for the Seminary. It had

revenue that was sufficient to look after a hundred students. 42

In 1542, Frei Pero de Atouguia was elected as the first

Custos of the Franciscans in India. He informed the King that the

 631

Francisdans wanted to establish a Frairy in Goa. The Vicar

General tried his best to persuade the frairs to continue to

administer the Seminary. However, the new Custos was not in

favour of this because they themselves needed the staff. All their

pleadings went in vain much to the disappointment of Miguel Vaz.

Cosme Anes suggested that the Seminary should be handed over

to Francis Xavier. He held a discussion with the Captain of the City

Dom Gracia de Castro at which he voiced his opinion. However,

Castro was not convinced and thought of handing it over to the

Dominicans. He wrote to the King that the latter had yielded

much fruit because of their preaching. He also lamented about the

bad treatment he received from the Custos Frei Atouguia. Finally,

by the end of 1542, the Confraternity handed the Seminary to the

Jesuits. Francis Xavier appointed Paulo Camerino to look after the

boys. 43

INTERFERENCE IN POLITICS: The Franciscans in Goa owed their

allegiance to the Mother Province in Portugal. Since they were

recruited by the Padroado authorities, they were responsible to the

King of Portugal. Hence, it was not exceptional for them to

interfere in local politics, a matter that was clearly out of their

mission.

In the twenties of the sixteenth century, a problem came up

regarding the appointment of the Governors Pero de Mascarehnas

 68

and Lopo Vaz de Sampaio. On 21st February 1526, the Governor,

Henrique de Menezes died in Cranganore. The King sent a letter by

which he appointed Pero de Mascarhenas as his successor.

However, Mascarhenas could not join his office immediately

because he was still serving in Malacca. In the meanwhile, the

Portuguese nobles in Goa nominated Lopo Vaz de Sampaio as the

Governor and Sampaio assumed his office immediately. By that

the time, a new edict was sent from Portugal. This changed the

procedure of appointing a new Governor. Since the old letter was

invalid, the authorities in Goa had to wait for fresh instructions.

Pero de Mascarhenas was not allowed to take charge and Sampaio

continued as the Acting Governor. Sampaio was supported by the

Vedor da Fazenda, Afonso Meixa and many frairs like Frei Antonio

do Padrao who reported to the King that Sampaio was good and

well experienced. In other words, Sampaio was recognized as the

de facto Governor of Goa and Cochin. 44

As the opinion was divided into two factions, the case was

debated upon. Finally, it was decided to submit it for arbitration.

Sampaio was threatened by anonymous letters and forced to

return to Portugal. He was to be substituted by Pero de

Mascarhenas who had come to Goa. As soon as he disembarked

from the ship, he was opposed by Afonso Meixa. However, he

entered Goa and convinced the nobles that he was the de jure
Governor. After a few days, the nobles were convinced that

Mascarhenas was the legitimate Governor. They approached the

Franciscan Guardian and persuaded him to request the people not

to oppose Mascarhenas. The Guardian promised to do so. On the

following Sunday when the Church was full of people he openly

spoke in favour of the new Governor. 45

The Vicar General took up the case. The former Governor

Sampaio believed that the Franciscan Guardian supported

Mascarhenas. In his sermon, the latter had preached that

Sampaio was not the actual Governor. He summoned the Vicar

General and advised him that by virtue of holding the office he

should affix the Edicts of Excommunication on the City doors

against those who spoke in favour of Mascarhenas. The Guardian

publicly declared that the Vicar General had forbidden interference

in political matters. However, the Vicar General defended himself

by stating that he had never taken such a partisan stand in favour

of Mascarhenas. On 1st December 1527, Frei Goncalo Lamego, the

Guardian confessed that he had supported Mascarhenas because

of the nobles. As a result of this, the divisions were further

accentuated. On the same night, the letters were put up on the

door of the Frairy. After Mascarenhas arrived in Goa, he received

an Order to return. He took shelter at Cranganor where the

Captain, Dorn Simao de Menezes treated him with great care. A

 Id

few days later, he was accepted as the Governor and entrusted

with the keys of the fortress. This was taken as an insult by the

fidalgos. In Goa, the discussions continued. One frair Frei Joao

supported the cause of Sampaio and asked the Vicar General to

excommunicate all those who followed Mascarhenas. 46

It was now proposed to submit the case for arbitration. An

equal number of judges were to be proposed by the two candidates.

In addition to this, .the fidalgos were allowed to nominate their own

judges. Since the opinion was divided, a new judge was called to

decide the case. In the session that was held in the Franciscan

Frairy in Goa, the decision was given in favour of the Franciscans

and the new Governor. The frairs were so overjoyed by the decision

that they conveyed the decision from the Court in session to the

fort where Meixa resided by signs. In a letter, the Commissary Frei

Goncalo de Lamego excused himself for the tribulations and

requested the King to pacify them and to advice them suitably. 47

Another incident took place in September 1524, when the

Governor Dom Vasco da Gama arrived in Goa. He knew that

anyone who brought women in the ship would be punished.

However, when his ship had docked at Mozambique, three women

came on board. On his arrival, Dom da Gama decided to punish

them publicly to avoid such relapses. When he took this decision,

the Franciscans and the Misericordia requested him to forgive the

 T1

poor women with a raised Cross. But, Dom Gama ordered the

Crucifixes to be taken away and warned the Franciscans that they

should not repeat the act lest they were wrongly understood by the

people. 48

In this manner, the frairs made themselves unpopular by

interfering with things that were beyond their mission. However,

some frairs did not like such a behaviour. When Frei Fernando

Vaqueiro came to Goa as the Bishop, the moral behaviour of the

Portuguese in Goa were so bad that he requested the authorities

to send him anywhere but not to Goa. 49 However, things went

from bad to worse and the relations between the frairs and the

secular authorities were only alliances of convenience.

AGAINST THE OTHER RELIGIOUS ORDERS: The religious who

came to Goa were not a homogenous group. They were divided

into two groups, the religious and the seculars. The relation

between the two was never cordial. The frairs were disliked by the

seculars because the latter were threatened by their simple life and

evangelical fervour. They also resented the priviledges that were

granted to them by the Popes and Kings of Portugal. These

misunderstandings assumed such severe proportions that a frair

was subjected to a severe treatment by the seculars.50

 l2

In a letter of 15th February 1519, Dom Duarte Nunes

requested Antonio Carneiro to give him a hand over the secular

clergy because they hindered their evangelical work. Frei Louro

complained that the Franciscans had already converted eight

hundred Hindus and that the number would have been greater, if

it was not for the seculars who opposed frairs. The latter not only

placed obstacles in their way but also frustrated their desire to

serve God. Such conflicts surfaced mainly because of the

difficulties in procuring alms. Since the Royal grants were not sent

regularly, the Franciscans and seculars were forced to depend on

the alms of the faithfully. The frairs were afraid that the seculars

would mulct their mass stipends. The conflict culminated into

jealousies. On one occasion, the frairs went to the extent of

obstructing the extension to the belfry of the Cathedral at Goa. In

a letter dated 27th October 1520, Frei Louro complained that it had

occupied half of the City. The problem was not lopsided. The

seculars also had problems with the frairs. In fact, when the Frairy

had reached a certain height, the inhabitants of the neighbouring

Houses had complained that their privacy, light and air was

blocked by the new walls. The frairs succeeded in patching up the

windows of the neighbouring houses on grounds that they

overlooked their monastery. When the bell tower of the Cathedral

 'Z8

was complete, the Franciscans complained that the toll of the bells

disturbed them. Inspite of such bickerings, the Frairy was

completed and the frairs shifted into their new House. The

seculars now complained that the frairs were a threat to their

income. As a result of these conflicts, the temporal authorities

were not favourably inclined towards the religious. In a letter of

23rd December 1542, the Governor Martim Afonso de Souza did not

speak very highly of the frairs. In 1531, the inhabitants of the City

of Goa asked King Joao III for four bells and adornments for the

Cathedral. The King agreed but the frairs were against this and

they had to be content with only one bell. 51

When the Diocese was erected in Goa, there were nearly a

thousand Catholics there. In June 1541, Fernando Rodrigues de

Castelo Branco stated that the City of Goa had many Churches

including the Cathedral, Nossa Senhora da Luz, Nossa Senhora do

Rosario and the Frairy of St. Francis. Though the frairs handled

the responsibility of looking after the converts, the temporal

authorities were not always in favour of them because of their

jealousies and involvement in non-religious issues. Martim Afonso

de Sousa wrote to the King that the frairs did not want to control

the Seminary of Santa Fe because of their enmity with the seculars

who built the bell tower of the Cathedral of Goa.. On 23 rd

Decmbr1542,hoplainedbutfrsohKing.52
 The conflicts between the regulars and the seculars were

temporarily solved because of the shortage of priests. The frairs

complained that they were interested in extending the religion of

Christ in India, but they were hindered from this because they

had to recite psalms, conduct funerals and perform ceremonies

both in the day and at night. They did not have sufficient time to

move about, give instructions and to convert the local Hindus. The

Franciscan Bishop tried to bring about a reconciliation with the

other Orders .This was evident from a letter dated 4th March 1541,

in which Francis Xavier wrote to Fathers Claude Jay and Diego

Lainez that "there is a Bishop in India ... the good man has a great

share of zeal, goodness and simplicity". 53

In 1542, a body of new men came to India. They were

neither religious nor seculars as they were bound by rigid rules of

obedience and loyalty to the Pope by the Bull Regimini Militantes

Ecclesiae. They formed the kernel of religious militia. Francis

Xavier, the Papal Nuncio reached Goa on 6th May 1542. Till then,

the Franciscans Order was the only Order to whom the King had

entrusted the Spiritual Conquest of the East and the frairs had

raised eleven Convents, three Colleges and eight missionary

centres in the area that extended from East Africa to Singapore

and to the sea of China. This implies that by the time Francis
 '15

Xavier actually landed in Goa, conversions had already begun and

the Jesuits continued what the Franciscans had begun. Hence,

the Franciscans sowed the seeds of evangelization in the East. 54

Notes and References :

DHMP Vol. I, p. 174; Afonso de Albuquerque, Vol. III, pp. 246-8.
2
Gaspar Correa, Vo1.11, p. 537; M. J. Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cif, Vol. II, p. 33; HMP Vol.', p. 249; DHMP
Vol. II, p. 350-53.
3
Gaspar Correa, Vo1.11, p. 537; Bol. do Gov., no. 62 (1972), pp. 264-5.
4 HMP Vol. I, p. 250; Gaspar Correa, Vol.11,p. 538.
5
Ibid.
a Gaspar Correa, Vol.11 , p. 538; HMP Vol. I, pp. 249-50 and 354.
7
Gaspar Correa, Vol.11 , p. 538; CEO Vol. I, Cap . 22, p. 127, ff. 3.
8 DHMP Vol. I, pp. 354-55.
9
Dl, Vol. IV,p. 206; DHMP Vol.1,p.354; A. B. Braganca Pereira, Op. cit.,OP, Vol. 1(1935), p. 144; A. B. de
Braganca Pereira, 'Templos levantados em Goa por Afonso de Albuquerque', OP, Vol. 23(1939), pp.134-
35.
io Ramusio, Primo volume delle navigatione et viaggi, 1550, p. 196.; G. Schurhammer, Op. cit,BIVG , Vol. 74
(1957), pp. 56,59 and 66.
The Manueline style was characterized by sailors ropes, a Greek Cross, a Crown and an armillary sphere.
It had a trefoil opening that is made of a different stone. The two mouldings that run right around the trefoil
arched doorway formed a depression in between. This is filled with carved square flowers. Above was a
decoration that was a continuation of the mouldings. This ended at the Crown that has a Greek cross
enclosing the Portuguese national symbol. On either sides were armillary spheres. This indicated the
close relation between the Crown and the Cross. Judilia Nunes, The Monuments in Old Goa, 1979,p. 67;
DHMP Vol. V, p.463; Vo1.11, pp.36-37; DHMP Vol. I, p. 203;Vol IV, p. 436; CEO Vol. I, Cap . 19, pp. 102-
03; Gabriel Saldanha., Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 34; DHMP Vol. I, p. 355.
12
This consignment included a Degredo Exemplaries, Sexto Clemetinas de vitae de Crista in Latin and
another in Portuguese in four volumes, a Pontitycall Ricardo in two volumes, a Sacramentaes, three
Evangelhos, four Fos Sanctorum a Vitae Patrum, a big Demingall de Canto, a Saterio de Canto, three
amtifonarios, three Opius Auryo de Verytate, five Satteyros, a transito de Sao Jeronnimo, two sermones
Cristy, ten Roman missaes, two Postilas, three Espelhos de Consciencia, two big missaes, one breviary, a
big Ordenaria in four volumes, three Sumas de sao Thomas, two racionaes, one Sermones Rubert and de
Trinitate de sao Agostinho, thirty four works in Latin, two brevaries a Soprimentos Caronicarum, one of
Agostinho, one Opusquelo de San Agostiny, one civet super sententias, two Capitularios, six Angelicas,
one Especullum Minorum, one Catolicam Portista, twenty works in the language, seven cathechisms, one
hundred and fifty cartilhas and four Bosquos Deleitosos; DHMP Vol. I, pp. 336-39; The details relating to
the publication of these works are provided by HMP Vol. I, pp. 257-59; CEO Vol. I, Cap . 22, pp. 127-8;
DHMP Vol. V, p. 463; G. Schurhamer, Op. Cit., BIVG.Vol.74(1954),p. 65; DHMP Vol. I, p. 354.
13 HMP Vol. I, p. 252; DHMP Vol. I, pp. 368-70.
DHMP Vol. I, pp. 412, 346-7, 392-3, 383, 389,396 and 426;G. Schurhamer, Op. Cit., BIVG.
Vol.74(1957),p.65.
15 DHMP Vol. II, pp. 74,106, 96-97 and 199.
16 DHMP Vol. II, pp. 90-92 , 105 and 102-03; HMP Vol. I, p. 254.
17 DHMP Vol. II, pp. 172-73 and 99.
18 DHMP Vol. I, p. 351.
19 Ibid.; DHMP Vol. I, pp.244-48;J. N. Fonseca, A Historical and Archeological Sketch of the City of Goa,
1986, p. 63; DHMP Vol. II, pp. 136-8; G. Schurhamer, Op. Cit., B/VG.Vol.74(1957),p. 65; DHMP Vol. II,
pp. 136-38, and 199-200.
20
DHMP Vol. II, pp. 191-98; Vol. III, pp.4-5; DI. Vol. I,Appdx. 2,pp. 771-790; Meersman Achilles, Op.
cit.,1957, p. 117; J.P Maffei Op. cit.p.295.
21
Gaspar Correa, Op. Cit., Vol. II,p. 730; Barros, Dec III, p. 180; Afonso de Albuquerque,Vol. III, p.33; DHMP
Vol. III,p. 10; Estatutos da Confraria de Conversao a fa. DI, Vol. I, pp. 771-90 and 796, CEO Vol. I, Cap .
52, p. 266.
22 DHMP Vol. II, pp. 90-92 and 102-03; G. Schurhamer , Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 163.
23
DHMP Vol. II, pp. 132-35, 113-4 and 192.
24
DHMP Vol. II, pp. 132-35; Barros, Dec IV, p.157.
25
DHMP Vol. I, p. 351-4.
26 Afonso de Albuquerque, Vol. V, p. 233; P. S. S. Pissurlencar, Agentes de Diplomacia Portugues na India,
1952, Vol. I, pp. 1-21 and 57; DHMP Vol. I, p. 354;Vol. II, p. 196; G. Schurhamer, Op. Cit., BIVG
Vol.74(1957), p. 66; DI Vol. I, pp. 66-70 and 325-7; DHMP Vol. IV, p. 560; APO, Vol. V, p. 460 and 161-
74; DHMP Vol. II, pp. 296-98; APO Vol. V, pp. 161-174; Dl Vol. I, pp. 326-28.
27
Henry Heras, The Conversion policy of the Jesuits in India, 1933, p.8; The disposal of the temple lands is
dealt by Anthony D'Costa' The Demolition of the temples in the Islands of Goa and the disposal of temple
lands' NZM. Vo118(1962);DHMP Vol. II, p. 300; CEO Vol. I, Cap .40,p. 212; DHMP Vol. II, pp.299-302,
APO, Vol. V, pp. 161-173; DHMP Vol. I, pp. 189-190; G.Schurhamer, Op. Cit., BIVG, Vol. 74(1957), pp.
61-62.
28.
DI Vol. I, p.18; G. Schuhamer, Op. Cit., 1977,Vol.11,p. 628-29; CEO Vol. I, Cap .39, p.207; DHMP Vol. I, p.
355.
29
Nimmo Duncan, Op. Cit., p. 638 and 640; John Moorman, Op. Cit., pp. 583-4.
30
Holzafel, Op. Cit., Vol. III, pp. 371 and 344; Golubovich,Op. Cit., Vol. III, p. 670; Dutch Franciscan
Provincialate,1994, Vol. I, p. xix; DHMP Vol. I, pp. 383,389 and 392; Achilles Meersman, The Ancient
Franciscan Provinces in India (1500-1835) (hereafter AFPI), 1971,p. 57.
31
Bull. Patr. Vol. I, pp.59 and 100; Achilles Meersman, 'Origin of the Latin Hierarchy in India', in Clergy
Missionary Supplement, Vol. V(1960), p. 74; Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit, NZM, Vol. 20(1964), p.179;
Meersman Achilles, Op. cit., NZM, Vol.25.(1969); DHMP Vol. I, pp. 443-5.
32
HMP Vol. I, pp. 255-56; DHMP Vol. I,pp.350-52; Bull. Patr. Vol. I,p.121; G. Schuhhamer, Op.
Cit.,BIVG,V01. 74(1957), p.62; DHMP Vol. 1, p.336-38; CEO Vol. 1, Cap . 61, p.314; DHMP Vol. II, pp.
118-24; G. Schuhamer, Op. Cit., BIVG, Vol. 74(1957), p.64; DHMP Vol. 11, pp. 348 and 133; HMP Vol. I,
p.265; Gaspar Correa, Vol. IV, p. 669; Dl, Vol, I, p.31; Stephen Neill, Op. Cit,1984, p. 123; DHMP Vol. II,
pp. 256-61 and 213-15.
33
DHMP Vol. I, pp. 436-42,443-57 and 460-63.
34
DHMP Vol. I, pp.436-63 and 172-73; Vol. Il, pp. 99, 172-3 and 132-35; Gaspar Correa, Vol. II, pp. 133-34
and 155-56.
35
Holzafel, Op. Cit., Vol. II, Cap. 3, p. 371; Golubovich, Op. Cit, Vol. III, p. 669 and Vol. I p. 456; Dutch
Franciscan Provincialate, Op. Cit., p. xix; He accompanied the Governor to Ceylon, Queroz, Op. Cit, p.
316, SRD Vol. II, pp. 189-90; Gaspar Correa, Vol. III, p. 396; Barros., Dec. IV, p. 437; DHMP Vol. III, pp.
213-5; CEO Vol. I Cap . 19, p.104; Achilles Meersman, 'The question of admitting the Indians to the
Franciscan Order', NZM Vol. 13 (1957), pp. 11-12.
36
DHMP Vol. 11, pp. 235-37; Sebastiao Goncalvez, Op. Cit, Vol. II, p. 191; Diego do Couto, Dec. IV, p. 224;
DUP Vol. 1, pp. 28 and 94; CEO Vol. I, Cap 18, pp. 93-94; HC Vol. 111, p. 138; Jacinto de Deos,Op.
Cit.,1690,p.21; Amaro Lobo Pinto, Memoria Historico Ecclesiastica da Arquidiocese de Goa 1933, pp.28;
Barros, Dec. V, pp.67-123; DHMP Vol. II, pp.236-237; A. B. Braganza Pereira,Op. Cit., Separata de
OP(1935), Vol. I, p. 64.
37
Bull. Patr. Vol. I, pp.140and 148; Corpo Diplomatico V01.II,pp.361 and 376; Diogo do Couto, Op. Cit.,Vol. V,
p.229; Bull. Patr., Vol. I, pp. 148 and 140; Corpo Diplomatico., VoI.II, p. 376;Achilles Meersman,Op.
Cit,AFH.Vol.72(1979),pp.140-1; DHMP Vol. II, pp.243-46; Bull. Patr., Vol. I, p. 278;HC. Vol. III, p. 204;
DHMP Vol. III, pp. 262-65; Diego do Couto, Op. Cit., Dec. V, pp.229 and 274-76; MF, p.175; DHMP Vol. II,
pp. 247-48 and 262-64; DHMP Vol. III, p.565; Gaspar Con -ea, Op. Cit., Vol. IV, p. 10; Diogo do Couto, Op.
Cit.,Vol. V, p.229; Dl Vpl. VII, p.442; A. B. de Braganza Pereira, Op. Cit, Seperata de OP(1935),Vol. I, p.
55.
38
DHMP Vol. II, pp. 325-26; DI., Vol. I, p.786.
28
Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit, 1922, p.11; Dutch Franciscan Provincialate, Op. Cit, p. xix; Miguel de Purificapio,
Op. Cit,p.2; Gabriel Saldanha Op. Cit.,Vol.l,p.78; Fernando de Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. Ill, p.98 ; HMP Vol.
1, p.264; DHMP Vol. II, p.362-63; MF, pp.177 and 167; DHMP Vol.11l, p.6.
40
DHMP Vol. Il, p. 299; Dl, Vol. I, pp. 777-85; Dl, Vol. I, p. 52; CEO Vol. I, Cap ., 52, pp. 266-69; HMP Vol.
I, pp. 279-86; DHMP Vol. II, p.293.
41
Dl, Vol. I, p. 796;DHMP Vol. III,p.2-3; Dl, Vol. I, pp.771-90;CEO Vol. I, Cap . 52, pp. 268-9; DHMP Vol. II,
p. 327; Gaspar Correa, Vol. IV, p.290; DHMP Vol. II, pp. 306-08; Dl, Vol. I, pp. 771-90; HMP Vol. I, p.
285.
42
DHMP Vol. II, pp.327-28; Vol. III, pp. 16-17; Gaspar Correa, Vol. IV p.290;DHMP Vol. 111, pp.2-3; Dl, Vol. 1,
pp. 792-97.
43
DHMP Vol. II, pp. 326-32; Gaspar Correa, Vol. IV, p. 406; DHMP Vol. II, p. 309-10; Manuel Aragao
Texeira, Descricao Geral a historia das Moedas cunhadas em nome dos Reis, Regentes a Govemadores
de India, 1964, p. 849; Queroz, Op. Cit., p. 1139.
Gaspar Correa, Vol.IV,p.406; Barros, Dec II, pp. 107 and 157; HMP Vol. I, p.266; DHMP Vol. II, pp. 191-
8.
as
Gaspar Correa, Vol. II, p. 134; HMP Vol. I, p.268; DHMP Vol. II, p. 136.
46 Gaspar Correa, Vol. III, pp. 134,156 and 103; HMP Vol. I, p. 267.
47 DUP., Vol. I, p.495; DHMP Vol. II, pp. 132-5; G. M. Moraes, Op. Cit„1964, pp.242-3; CEO Vol. I, Cap . 63,
p. 324.
 78

48
Barros, Dec. III, pp. 369-70; Gaspar Correa, Vol II, p. 820.
49
A. B. Braganza Pereira, Op. Cit., Seperata de OP. (1935),Vol. I, p. 55; Amaro Pinto Lobo, Op. Cit.,1933, p.
28.
50
HMP Vol. I, p. 160; Gaspar Correa, Vol. II, pp. 930-34.
51
DHMP Vol. I, p. 377-79 and 354-55; G. Schuhamer, Op. Cit., BIVG.Vol. 74(1957), pp. 60 and 74; DHMP
Vol. II, p. 309-10; Gaspar Correa, Vol. II, p.538 and Vol. IV, p. 669; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, pp.
33 and 347; DHMP Vol. II, pp.270-90; DI, Vol. I,p. 143; DHMP Vol. II, pp. 309-10; APO Vol. I, pp. 13-14.
52
P.L. Kierkels, Apostolic Delegation to the East Indies (1884-1934), pp.9-10;Dl. Vol. I, pp.2-5; DHMP Vol. II,
pp. 309-10.
53
Francisco de Sousa, Op. Cit., Part II, p. x; G.Schuhamer, Op. Cit., 1977, Vol. I, pp. 119-122.
54
Stephen Neill, Op. cit.,1964, p. 148; HMP Vol. I, p. 272; Amorim Pessoa, Op. Cit,Vol. HI, Part 1, pp. 237-8;
Henry Heras, Op. Cit., 1933,p.14; J. N. Fonseca, Op. Cit.,1986, p. 63;Henry Coleridge, The letters and
Instructions of Francis Xavier, 1997,p. 47."All that has been done for forty years in the East Indies on
behalf of the -sick, the non Christians, the catechumens and the converts rested on the shoulders of the
Franciscans" Franciscus Gonzaga Op. Cit., p.12.
Ell Lvtuffo
 (4141.141 III

THE EXTENSION OF THE GOA MISSION (1543-1582)

On 4th May 1542, the sun had set and darkness had set in

when the coulam of Francis Xavier entered the bars de Goa. The

mission had progressed but the leaders were not as active as the

Jesuits. As a strong arm of the Counter Reformation, the Jesuits had

came to Goa with royal blessings and a religious mandate. The King

Dom Joao III wanted brave men who could cross the immensity of

India and get supporters for the Empire while Pope Paul III was bent

upon introducing militant Christianity. The Society was a reactionary

Order whose power in the mission field was formally acknowledged by

the Pope and the King. This intense militant spirituality had a great

impact on Goa. 1

RELATIONS WITH THE OTHER ORDERS: The Papal Nuncio and the

head of the Jesuits in Goa, Francis Xavier, expressed his satisfaction

over the work that was undertaken by the frairs. In the fifth month of

his arrival to Goa, he wrote to the Society that .Goa was a fine looking

City that was entirely in the hands of the Christians. However, he was

not impressed by the monastic Order as he felt that the latter was bent

upon observing claustral discipline and on establishing itself in Goa.

 83

He complained that although they worked for thirty-five years in Goa,

the frairs converted a few people. 2

The religious who worked in the Goa mission were a part of the

Bishopric and Francis Xavier knew that he had to get acquainted with

the religious authorities there. On 12 May 1542, he visited Frei Joao

de Albuquerque and informed him that he was sent to India by Pope

Paul III to help the Portuguese who were already there, to instruct the

new converts and to work for the conversion of the infidels. He also

showed him the Papal Briefs and Royal letters. Xavier made it clear

that he was surrendering them to the Bishop who was the shepherd of

the Christian flock in Goa so that the latter was assured that the

Nuncio would not misuse his power. The Bishop was so overwhelmed

by his humility that he embraced him, returned the documents to him

and stated that Francis could make use of the faculty that he received

from the King and the Pope. On his visit to the Franciscan Frairy,

Francis met one of the two frairs who had left Portugal with him. The

other, Frei Joao de Villa Conde had remained in Socotra. 3 In this

manner, Francis Xavier was able to develop friendly relations with

those who worked in the Goa mission.

The King looked after the missionaries through his

representatives. In the Instructions of 5th March 1546, the King

directed the Vicar General to help the Jesuits and the Franciscans of

the Piedade Province who were virtuous and lived a good life. The frairs
and the Jesuits preached on Sundays and on special occasions. They

also instructed the inhabitants of the City of Goa on the faith and

administered the sacraments of baptism and confession. 4 This

indicated that soon after their arrival, the Jesuits did not launch a

massive conversion drive. This would have brought an activist Order

into a direct conflict with the contemplative frairs. Instead, they

realized that a close collaboration was unavoidable and beneficial

because they worked in the same territorial area. The Jesuits were not

the only ones to benefit from the hospitality of the frairs. When the

Dominicans arrived in 1548, they had no proper residence. The frairs

received them cordially in their Frairy and invited them to teach

Theology in their Frairy. On 13th December 1548, Pe. Gaspar Barzeus

stated that the Jesuits visited the Governor, Bishop, Dominicans and

the Franciscans where they were treated well. 5

However, as the mission progressed, jealousies were bound to

occur among the religious because the Pope and the King entrusted

excessive priviledges to certain Orders. The politico-religious

connection between the Jesuits on one hand and the Pope and the

King on the other also resulted in a rivalry that was less than godly.

Royal grants that were hitherto entrusted to the secular authorities

were now sent to the Jesuits. 6 It must be noted that the Jesuits

maintained close relations with the Pope and the King. The frairs

knew this and used them as a medium to voice their difficulties to

 82

Rome and Portugal. This was evident from a letter of 12th January

1549, in which Francis Xavier wrote to the Pope that the whole of

India had one Bishop who was anxious to get acquainted with him. In

another letter of 2nd February 1549, he appealed to the King on behalf

of Frei Antonio do Casal who wanted to return to Portugal after two

years of service.?

The Religious Orders never had cordial relations with the secular

clergy. This was because the seculars felt that the regulars lived a

retired life in their Frairies. But, this was not always true. In a letter

of 30th December 1549, Cosme Anes made it clear that the frairs

served inside and outside the Frairies. They lived a contemplative life,

but also preached and to baptised. 8

Francis Xavier wanted to avoid conflicts with the Franciscans

and Dominicans mainly because the first two were in Goa since its

Conquest. He believed that it was important for him to work under

the direction of the frairs. On 20th December 1551, Frei Barzeus

stated that the Jesuits should not preach outside the Se so that they

did not come into a conflict with the other religious. In the fifth

Instruction to Frei Bardeus, Francis Xavier advised the latter that the

best way to avoid scandals in Goa was to be humble and unbiased in

his dealings with the frairs. In a similar set of Instructions, he wrote

to Frei Antonio de Heredia from Cochin that he had to strive to make

himself loved by the frairs and the inhabitants. Francis Xavier

 83

instructed Fr. Barzeus, not to quarrel with the Franciscans and

Dominicans and not to say anything against them from the pulpit as it

could cause a scandal. Instead, he advised him to cultivate friendly

relations with the frairs by visiting them periodically and by going to

preach in their Parishes whenever it was required. 9 The people were

closer to the frairs than to the Jesuits whom they despised as

newcomers. In a letter of 14th November 1559, Brother Luis Frois

wrote that the Franciscans and Dominicans had gone long way in

preaching the evangelical message and in baptising many gentios in

the Islands of Goa. Daugim, a part of Carambolim, Goadelupe,

Morcondim, Moula, a great part of Agardim, Goa Velha and the whole

of Chora.- o and Divar had been cleant off the culto gentio. The frairs

destroyed their temples and within ten months, they baptized twenty

five thousand souls. In Daugim, thirty brahmins along with their

families were converted. Since they were the local Monarchs of the

land, many others had followed their example. In a letter of 10th

December 1560, Luis Frois acknowledged the fact that the frairs had

assisted the Jesuits in the harvest of souls in the villages and Islands

around Goa. A similar observation was made by A. de Quadros. In

his letter of 18th January 1563, he stated that seventy thousand

Christians were converted in the areas around Goa since the last six

years because of the efforts of the Jesuits and those who had been

motivated to imitate them. This raises doubts as to whether Tiswadi

 84

was Christianized only by the Dominicans in the first half of the

sixteenth century. On the contrary, it proves that the frairs were

among the other religious who were active in he evangelisation of

Carambolim and Ribandar till 1555. 10

On 3rd Septerriber 1572, the Augustinians came to Goa. Since,

they did not have their own House, the Franciscans invited them to

live at their Frairy. The Augustinians reported that they were not well

received by the other religious who were jealous of them. The frairs

were the only ones who offered them their hospitality and they stayed

with them for three months. Frei Antonio da Paixao helped them to

buy a piece of land called San Antonio and some small houses in the

Rua do Outerio. The Augustinians were so grateful that they stated

that their gratitude for the frairs would never die. 11

In this manner, the frairs maintained cordial relationships with

the Religious Orders that came from Europe at different points of time.

They not only gave them shelter but also helped them to stabilize

themselves in Goa.

THE ROYAL CHURCH: The Padroado obligations prompted the Kings

of Portugal to look after the maintenance of the missions and

missionaries in the East. In the Period of Expansion, the King adhered

to this responsibility and contributed towards the same. Hence, such

contributions were called Royal alms. During the Viceroyalty of Dom

Affonco de Noronha small fortresses was constructed in Bardez. The

 85

fortresses formed an important aspect of the Portuguese defence

system over newly acquired Provinces. They were equipped with a

garrison and with good cannons. These fortresses were located at

strategic points. After the cessation of Bardez, the Portuguese built

one fortress opposite to the Island of Goa called it Aguada. Opposite to

it was the Castle of Nossa Senhora do Cabo. Two miles within the

channel above the Island of Bardez was a castle called Reis Magos and

near it was a monastery. The Portuguese presence was limited to the

coastal towns where the factories were established and to the forts

where the garrisons were kept. The Chaplain catered to the spiritual

needs of the Portuguese soldiers stationed there. In course of time,

the Chaplain attempted to convert those who lived around the fortress.

Hence, the earliest reference to a Christian community in Bardez is

found in this garrison town that was located along the coast. In 1550,

the Custos Joao Noe crossed the River Mandovi, entered the Province

of Bardez and put up a temporary altar at Verem where he offered the

first mass in Bardez. He later founded an Ermida dos Santos Reys

Magos in front of the barra de Goa, at a place called Maravagaru. 12

In 1555, the Viceroy, Dom Pedro de Mascarhenas officially

entrusted Bardez to the Franciscans. In the same year, Joao Noe

constructed an Ermida and a College for the meninos da terra. The

edifice did not develop into a full fledged Church till 12th November

1559, for Luis Frois referred to it as a Mosterinho de Sao Francisco.

The structure was called an Igreja Real as it was financed by the

Fazenda Publica. The frairs also used the alms that they had collected

from their benefactors. 13 The King, Dom Joao III was interested in the

Christianization of Bardez. He instructed the frairs to take all the

local, orphan boys till the age of fourteen and to teach them the holy

faith and good manners. He directed the Viceroy to give them the

necessary help in the form of the revenue of the temples. By

1567,nearly three hundred temples in Bardez were destroyed and the

revenue of one temple was sanctioned to the frairs. This indicated

that the local cult was destroyed and the proceeds were used for the

maintenance of the new cult."

The Viceroys, who disembarked at the barra de Goa, did not

have an official residence. They stayed at Reis Magos for three to four

days after which they were taken to the City with usual solemnity.

The Viceroys who died in the City of Goa were also brought here in the

gale bastardas that were covered with the panos negros. The body was

buried in the Church in the presence of several fidalgos. After the

official funeral, the vias das sucessoes that were kept at Reis Magos

were opened and the name of the succeeding Governor was read out.

The commemorative slabs of seven Viceroys and Governors are found

in the Church. After the death of the Viceroy Luis da Ataide, his will

was opened and he was dressed in the habit of St. Francis. The funeral

was attended by the Chapter of the Cathedral, members of the

 8?

! Religious Orders, brethren of the Misericordia, fidalgos, cavaleiros, and

officers of the Treasury and of Justice. The services were conducted in

the Church of Reis Magos and the body was buried in the Chapel.

Nearly twenty five Viceroys stayed here between 1571 and 1779. After

this, they were accommodated in Born Jesus. The Viceroys who

received their appointments in Goa also spend the night at the

Franciscan College in Bardez till the official ceremony was complete.' 5

.

Many non-religious authorities who left on the expeditions

outside Goa lived in the Church of Reis Magos. In a letter of 26th

December 1558, Antonio da Costa referred to Dom Constantino de

Braganza who stayed at the Mosterio de Sao Francisco na evocacao da

Reis Magos till his departure. Pe. Marcos Prancudo and Brother Andre

Fernandez arrived at the barra at night. In 1564, the Governor,

Francisco Baretto visited Reis Magos when the novenas were going on

and instructed the Viceroy to give four thousand pardaos for the

expenses of the House. 16

Reis Magos had a casa for the Governor, Rectory for the frairs,

Church, school for the Catechumens and a Seminary or Collegio for

the orphans. In a document of 31st August 1580, there was a reference

to the services that were conducted in the Church. The frairs recited

masses, administered the sacraments and converted the locals who

lived near the Mosterios.17

 88

ATTEMPTS AT DIVIDING THE MISSION FIELD - THE BARDEZ

PROVINCE: Tissuari consisted of thirty villages that were located on

the bank of the barra de Goa and were limited by the Passo de

Banastarim. It had a residence of the Archbishop and four

monasteries that were occupied by the Religious Orders. In 1543, the

Portuguese had acquired the adjacent mainlands of Bardez and

Salcete. With this, the political and religious responsibilities of the

Portuguese increased. In November 1545, the Vicar General wrote to

Dom Joao III that he had to defend the terms formes that the Idalcao

had ceded to him. Bardez was located on the northern side of the

Island of Goa. It was fifteen miles long and forty five miles broad. It

occupied a strategic position as Linschoten stated: "... land of Bardez,

which is highland under which land the Portingales e Anker safety out

of all danger ... the land of Bardez is also under Portingall subjection

and is full of villages inhabited with people that are of firme land lying

about it called canariins. The frairs of the Sao Thome Province had

already entered the area and founded some isolated residences in the

fortress there. Frei Luis Salvador visited Bardez when it was under

the Idalcao. In a letter of 8th March 1546, the Governor Dom Joao de

Castro had requested the King to Christianize Bardez. Within two

years, the christian faith had considerably progressed, for Rui

Barbudo, the Pai dos Christaos reported to the King that there were

several Christians there. In another letter, the King stated that

 nr4

everything in the Estado was gran that the Holy faith had spread

in Bardez and Salcete. 18 In 1549, the Viceroy victoriously entered

Bardez and Salcete. After thi:3, serious efforts were made to

Christianize the newly acquire.' lands and to consolidate the

Portuguese power there. In 1551, the Viceroy Dom Afonso de Noronha

permitted the frairs to make incursions into Bardez, occupy the fort of

Reis Magos and convert a few locals. Bardez was a dangerous mission

zone and the authorities request d the frairs to spread the faith so

that the converts would help them to defend the land. One such

request was made by Jeronimo P.A. Camara Manuel, who stated that

the faith be spread in the terra :irmes that was handed over to the

Portuguese by the Idalcao. Within two years, the frairs succeeded in

fulfilling their responsibility. In a letter of 12th January 1553, Frei

Gaspar de Barzeus briefed Ignatius of Loyola thus " In this Island of

Goa, there is an Island at two lea Taes and other surrounding Islands

that are a part of the terra forme the Adil Shah and in that there are

several Christians. There is a Co , ut of the Governor, the Viceory, the

Bishops and the prelates who rule the Church because this is a

metropolis and in this Island there is a monastery of the

Franciscans". 19 In a letter of 20th March 1554, the King stated that

he had sent Pero Mascarenhas a member of his Council as the Viceroy

because he had great confidence in him and knew that he would do

something for His service. The Viceroy had a lot of confidence in the
frairs. He requested them to take charge of the Churches in the

neighbourhood of Goa including those of St. John de Baptist,

Carambolim and Nossa Senhora de Ajuda, Ribandar. At this time,

four Religious Orders were working in Goa. 20

In 1555, the authorities decided to divide the mission field in

Goa between the Religious Orders. There is no single documentto

explain this. Some scholars believe that mission was divided to ensure

the proper and speedy evangelization of the terms de infeis. Yet,

others contend that Bardez was a border Province that was still

susceptible to invasions from the Bijapuri rulers from whom it was

captured. Hence, the Portuguese decided to leave it to the frairs upon

whom they could depend. The authorities had greater confidence in

the frairs because they were of a Portuguese origin and they would

never collaborate with the local rulers against the Portuguese.

Instead, they would defend it for them because they were a part of the

colonial enterprise. This was clear from a letter of Miguel Vaz who

suggested to the King that idolatry had to be destroyed in Bardez and

Salcete to defend the lands that the Idalcao had ceded to him. It is

opined that, the mission was divided to ensure the well being and

safety of the converts who lived in Goa. The religious who worked in

Goa belonged to different Religious Orders. Some had come recently

while others had worked there since the early sixteenth century. Each

of them had their own aims, and ideologies. Hence, it was difficult for
 81

them to cooperate with each other. The mission was divided to avoid

the conflicts between them. The scholars also believe that the

mortality caused by the famine of 1543 prompted them to take this

step, as the religious were dependent on the alms of the inhabitants of

the City. Irrespective of the reason, it is a fact that the Viceroy, Dom

Pedro Mascarhenas divided the whole enclave except the City of Goa

among the three Religious Orders. This was confirmed in a letter of

6th December 1555. The Preachers (Dominicans) were given fifteen

villages in Ilhas. The rest of Ilhas, Divar, Chorao and the Province of

Salcete were allotted to the Paulistas (Jesuits). Bardez was entrusted

to the Franciscans. Each of these areas developed as an exclusive

missionary zone that was placed under the exclusive control of the

respective Religious Orders. 21

From then onwards, Bardez became a sole preserve of the

Franciscans who worked there till their expulsion in 1835. Unlike the

Jesuits who were rich, ambitious and accuminious, the Franciscans

taught the people of Bardez to be open, simple or alegre, divertido,

festeiro e frascario. It is opined that, Bardez still carries the imprint of

the missionary methods that were used by the frairs. The Custos, Frei

Joao Noe accepted the mission and celebrated a mass in Verem. 22

CHURCH BUILDING: After the cessation of Bardez to the Franciscans,

the frairs began to convert the locals. Within a short period, of time

they destroyed nearly three hundred temples, five in each village and
 02

raised Churches and Crosses on their ruins. 23 The construction of

Churches was an important index of their success in the mission

because it indicated that the Christian community was large enough

to be organized into a Parish or a settlement of Christians. The

Churches were completed under the guidance of individual Rectors

who were appointed in charge of a Parish for a fixed period of time. It

is interesting to note that the Churches were completed using Royal

alms, yields of the former temple lands and the contributions of the

gaoncars.

In 1555, the frairs converted several gentios in the terra firme.

These lived in the garrison town of Reis Magos that was located close

to the barra de Goa near their fortress. They raised a Church that was

dedicated to Reis Magos on a hill called Maravagaru. This Church was

built on the ruins of a temple that was dedicated to Betal in which the

naturais and gentios performed their ceremonies. This was evident

from the vestiges that are still found there. 24

• The frairs shouldered an apostolic mission and began to move

from place to place. They preached, converted, baptized and organized

the local converts into small Christian communities called Parishes.

Each Parish consisted of a number of villages and had one Church to

cater to the spiritual needs of the converts. Reis Magos was the center

of their activities in Bardez. From there, the frairs proceeded towards

the hinterland and entered Candolim. In 1560, they raised a Church

 08

there and dedicated to Nossa Senhora da Esperanca. It catered to the

converts of Corda, Solpem, Pilerne and Calangute. Candolim was

easily converted, as it was inhabited by brahmins of the Atri gotra.

Frei Pedro de Belem used the alms of the faithful to buy the courtyard

to the temple of Deuchi Ameychi for the Church. 25

In 1560, the frairs moved further and converted several gentios

to Christianity. The Christian population was large enough to enable

the frairs to raise another Parish and Church at Nagoa. It was

completed in 1577 and served as a nucleus for the villages of Parra,

Anjuna, Assagao, Siolim, Oxel and Saligao. It was financed by the

Communidade of the village and was entitled to the income of the

former temple lands including those of Vetn1 and Ravalnath. The

Church was dedicated to Santissima Trinidade. 26

The frairs did not go beyond Candolim and Nagoa because they

found it difficult to convert the gentios there. Instead, they proceeded

along the lower bank and converted many people in the villages of

Penha da Franca, Serula and Soccoro. In 1565, they constructed a

Church in Serula that was located along the tributary of the River

Mandovi. This village was important, as it was the head of the body of

nine villages (Communidade Aldeana) in Bardez called the Camara

Geral. Hence, it was called Sirura. The Church was dedicated to San

Salvador as it was completed during the tenure of Frei Francisco do

Salvador, at the cost of the local gauncars. It is interesting to note

thh.t on the feast day of Nossa Senhora do Salvador, the whole Eastern

side of Bardez was blessed as an indication that Christianity in the

North East of Goa had progressed from here. The Church had a

cloister, cells and a small Chapel. 27

After the Churches were completed, the reports were sent to

Portugal so that they could be registered there. The Churches of Reis

Magos, Candolim, Serula and Nagoa were entitled to a Royal grant as

specified in the Orcamento of 1574 and in the Regiinento of 1576. All

these Churches were constructed along the banks of the River

Mandovi. A characteristic feature of the last few decades of the

sixteenth century, was the proliferation of the Christian faith into the

hinterland. When the frairs converted the people along the coast, the

gentios who wanted to escape conversions began to move towards the

terra firme. The Custos and the parish priests were appointed for a

short period of time, after which they were transferred. The new

personnel generally came with the zeal and determination to extend

the mission into the adjoining villages. The frairs generally targeted

the areas that were close to their centre, those in which the people

accepted them, those that were strategic and those which had a

garrison. In 1568, they moved towards the extreme North and

constructed a Church that was meant for the Christian communities

of four villages, namely Marna, Oxel, Chapora and Vari. Hence, it was

constructed at a central point on a hill belonging to the Communidade

 95

de Assagao. However; the site was found unsuitable and it was later

decided to shift it to Gaungavaddo. At the site of the Old Church,

there is an inscription: "Here existed the old Church founded by the

Franciscans in 1568". 28

The frairs carried their mission into the villages that were

contiguous to those that already had a Church. They were able to

fulfill this with the help of the local converts and the gaoncars. It is

argued that the destruction of the pagan antiquities in Bardez left the

gentios in a religious vacuum. They found it difficult to live in a Parish.

Many migrated with their images but others found it difficult to break

away from the land of their birth. Hence, they were forced to accept

the new faith. In 1551, the Jesuits reported that the Fathers who

worked in Goa could maintain themselves with the alms of the local

people who were highly esteemed and devout. Around 1569, a

Church was build in Nerul and dedicated to Nossa Senhora dos

Remedios. The village was agriculturally productive and inhabited by

gente fidalgos. The temple of Shantadurga that existed here was

destroyed and the image was shifted to Mandrem. The Church had

the Arms of the First Order that indicated that it was an important

Parish. The frairs had generally raised Parishes in villages that were

productive and self sufficient. 29 Though the Church of Sao Thome,

Aldona was constructed in 1569, it did not figure in the Orcamento of

1574, because it was not entitled to receive an annual grant from

Portugal. As such, it was not recognized as a separate Rectorate. The

Church was located in Coimbavaddo, Aldona that was also an

important village. The Church was financed by the village community

and by the converts. Though the majority of the Churches were

financed by the locals, individual donors often took the initiative of

constructing Rectories. One such person was Baltasar de Sa, a priest

from Betim. He constructed a Hospice at Valverde and entrusted it to

the frairs alongwith some revenue. In 1779, this source yielded three

hundred xs. 3 °
In this manner, the frairs succeeded in extending the mission

into the areas that were recently incorporated into the Estado. They

were able to stabilize the mission with the help of the local converts.

THE MADRE DE DEUS FRAIRY-THE RECOLLECT FRAIRS: The

Franciscan Order was a monastic Order but the minorites could not be

called hermits because they were dedicated to the Apostolate. In the

sixteenth century, the War of Independence in Portugal came to an

end and he Observants and Conventuals there organized themselves

into the Province of Portugal. However, in 1517 they tried to form

separate Provinces. In Europe, the Conventuals founded Convents in

the cities and in the country side while the Observants had their own

Provinces like the Province of San Antonio (1568), Piedade (Vila

Vicosa), Arrabida, Algarves et cetra. As the number of Conventuals

increased, they also tried to form the Capuchin Province of Piedade.

 87

Their Convents were called the Houses of Seclusion or Recbllection as

they represented their contemplative life. However, in Goa these frairs

played an important role in deepening the domestici fidei of those who

lived in the proximity of the Frairies and many left their Frairies to

participate in the apostolic life of the Church. They were called

Capuchos in Spain and Portugal and the Zacolante in Italy because

they wore a long black cotton robe, with large cowls and a white

girdle. 31

The Recollects came to Goa in the early years of the Portuguese

Conquests. In 1541, they raised an Ermida dedicated to Madre de

Deus at Daugim. This village was entirely converted and organized

into a Parish called St. Joseph. The Communidade de Neura had

contributed a certain amount for the repair of the Ermida and by

1543, it was a popular place of worship. In 1547, there was a

reference to an attempt made by the Recollects to form a second

Custody. Frei Antonio do Porto, Frei Joao de Goa and Frei Domingos

drafted a petition in which they requested the King and the Pope to

allow the Recollects to form their own Custody. However, neither the

King nor the Pope was in favour of them. This was clear from a letter of

15th December 1549, in which Fr. Belchior Rodrigues wrote to Fr.

Simao Rodrigues that the Recollects did not get the permission from

the General and the frairs who formed the Confraria de Piedade.

Hence, they were subjected to the Observants in Goa.32

 08

The Recollects worked as a part of the Order. In 1559, Dom

Gaspar de Ledo Pereira, a native of Algarve was sent as the first

Archbishop of Goa. He left Lisbon for Goa on 15th April 1560. In her

letter, the Queen stated that his presence would yield considerable

fruit. The Archbishop was more inclined towards a life of prayer and

solitude. Hence, he founded a Casa do Recolectado dos Franciscans

Reformados at his own expense and named it Madre de Deus. It was

meant to cater to the frairs who wanted to live an austere life of prayer

and penance. The Archbishop sent an appeal to Rome and requested

the Pope to permit them to form their own Custody. But, the petition

was rejected. Since the Archbishop occupied an important position, he

decided to pursue the demand personally. He sent his Camareiro,

Francisco Vaz to Portugal with letters to Dom Henrique, Regent and to

the Provincial of the Piedade Province. He requested the latter to send

a group of frairs to look after the retiro. The Provincial of the Piedade

Province refused to help him because the mission was supported by

Portugal and the Archbishop had little power in a Padroado area. 33

Therfo,tCamiprchedtPovnialfArbd

Province with the same request. The latter agreed to help him and sent

four frairs. Three died on the sea and only one named Frei Pedro de

Magdalena landed at Goa in 1565. But, he did not get support from

the Sao Thome frairs. Frei Magdalena proceeded to Omruz, founded a

Frairy and tried to spread the mission there. He came back to Goa
 00

and approached the Archbishop. Since, the Recollects numbered less

than twelve, the proposal was placed before the Custos of Sao Thome,
Frei Joao de Ceita. He agreed to help them out and sent some frairs
from his Custody. The Archbishop provided them with a Convent
where they could conduct the services as prescribed by the Statutes of
the Reformadas da Provincia do San Antonio. 34

The site that was chosen for the monastery was located at
Daugim, that was contiguous to the City of Goa. The Archbishop
decided to build a House that was capable of accommodating forty
frairs. It was opined that the retiro was located at a distance from the
City because the area had good bastions and redoubts and was only
four leagues away from the City. It was strategically located at a site,
which an invader may have used to penetrate into or attack the City.
The frairs stated that the site was chosen according to the General
Rule of the Order that gave importance to isolation, contemplation and
prayer. The Statutes that were followed there were similar to the
Arabida Province in Portugal. In a letter of 13th November 1560, Pe.
L. Frois, referred to a Recollect brother who taught the doctrine to the
Christians. He lived in the house of a tanadar, converted the gentios

around his house and organised a baptism in the Church of the City of
Goa at which nearly a hundred people were baptised. In a letter of
17th December 1563, there was a reference to nearly four hundred
Christians and two brothers in the Church called Madre de Deus. In
 155

another letter of 26th November 1565, Fr. Sebastiao Goncalves wrote

to Lourenco Meiva that among the other Churches, were those of

Madre de Deus, Daugim and Reis Magos. 35 This indicated that the

Ermidas served as Parish Churches where the sacraments were

conducted. The House was completed before the Frairy and

inaugurated on 31st October 1569. It was placed under the President,

Guardian, Superior of the Chapter, a novice who wore the garb for six

months and two novices who prepared for their vows. Besides these,

there were also the religious who had been sent from Arrabida by Dom

Joao III. The inaugural ceremony was similar to that in Lisbon. In

January 1570, the Custos and frairs of Sao Thome celebrated a

Custodial Chapter at which Frei Fernando do Paz was elected as the

Guardian of the Madre de Deus frairs. The other members of the

House were selected and placed under Frei Francisco de Cetuval, the

Superior. However, the Frairy was under the jurisdiction of the same

Custody. 36

In 1573, the Archbishop resigned from the See and retired to

Daugim. In 1576, the Pope, Gregory XIII instructed Frei Gaspar to

resume his position as the head of the Archdiocese. During his stay at

theFrairy, Frei Gaspar helped the clerics and the people to venerate

Our Lady and founded the Confraria de Madre de Deus. On 15th

August 1576, the Archbishop died and was laid to rest in the main

chancel of the Church of Madre de Deus, Daugim. Frei Antonio

 161

became , the next Guardian but he had neither the capacity nor the

determination to carry on the Recollect movement. Hence, after 1576,

the Capuchos remained in the same position till 1622. 37

CONVERSIONS: In 1542, two significant developments took place.

The Observants of Sao Thome were raised to a Custody and Francis

Xavier came to Goa with the shock troops of the Padroado. It is

believed that the Portuguese missionary activity that was slack and

tolerant did not get rolling till then. The personality of the Jesuit

Nuncio, the support of pious colonial officials and the rigid backing

from the post Counter Reformation proceedings intensified the mission

in Goa. The earlier monastic Orders had definite religious convictions

but the Jesuits were totally different from them. After the Counter

Reformation, the religious sought to wipe out the heathens.

Christianity assumed a separate identity and there was a conscious

desire to create uniformity in the lifestyle and beliefs of the converts.

Roman Catholicism was not limited to the Church, but to collective

religiosity. As such, a Catholic was seen to be different from the

heathens and pagans and this difference resulted in an intolerance

towards the gentios.. The religious who hitherto emphasized on the

willingness of the gentios to become Christians, now began to shower

benefits on those who were willing to get converted and discriminated

against or even reattributed those who were unwilling to change their

faith. This psychological force was used to convert them. The new
 152

zeal made the new Militant Orders accuse the Franciscans of burying
the dead, chanting requiem masses and of neglecting conversions. 38
The seeds of conversion were sown by the frairs much before the
arrival of the Jesuits. There was a reference to several Christians in

Goa. A village called Daugim was entirely converted. It was stated that
the gentios were so overwhelmed by the new faith that they pulled

down a temple and asked the frairs to build a Church. Apart from
this, there was no reference for a mass conversion during this period.

The King periodically instructed the Vicar General to convert the local
people and the latter sent regular reports to the King asking him for
his help. In his letter of Miguel Vaz, reminded the King about his duty
to do away with idolatry in Bardez and Salcete. He requested the King
to instruct the Governor to call the people in his presence and explain
to them the error in which they lived. As the Patron of the Padroado,

the King was obliged to help in the spread of Christianity in lands that
were acquired by the Crown. The King was in favour of this but he
strongly believed that this had to be pursued in a moderate manner.
The King was interested in the political security of the land and
wanted to create bulwarks for the Portuguese in the newly acquired

lands. The Vicar General knew that a moderate approach would not

yield the desired results. He wanted the King to intervene in this

matter. In his letter of November 1545, he requested the King to

remove all traces of idolatry from the adjoining areas of Bardez and
 103

Salcete and to take steps to prevent Hindu worship there. The King

was finally convinced of this. In his letter, he requested the Governor

to abolish the vestiges of idolatry from Bardez and Salcete and to make

efforts to convert the people in a gentle and kind manner. The concept

of force was to be ruled out and the method that was adopted had to

be such that the converts would not misunderstand it. The preachers

were instructed to avoid disputes and to preach with zeal and

prudence. The Archbishop was warned to follow only those means that

were acceptable by the King. 39 It should be noted that such a careful

policy had to be pursued because the two areas had been recently

acquired by the Portuguese and there was constant fear of a revolt or

an alliance of the locals with the Idalca" o.

In pursuing the above, the frairs were instructed to give

importance to evangelisation through the word of the mouth.

Moreover, conversions had to be limited to the locals of a high social

standing. In a letter of 1548, Francis Xavier requested the King to

provide each fortified town with good preachers who would concentrate

only on preaching. The capacity of the frairs in this regard was

recognized by the Bishop, Frei Joao de Albuquerque. The ceremonies

that were conducted in Portugal were also introduced in Bardez. In

1548, the Bishop baptized a Brahmin named Locu, his wife and

grandson at St. Paul. He was renamed Lucas de Sa. The office of the

tanador-mor was given to him as a reward. The Governor Gracia de Sa

 1®4

was his godfather. After the baptism ceremony, there was a procession

in which Locu and his family rode in front of the fidalgos. The

baptism feast lasted for more than a week. 40

The conversions of the local native elite were not restricted only

to Bardez, Salcete and the Islands of Goa. The Kings who lived in the

Kingdoms that were outside the above mentioned areas were also

converted. Frei Pero de Alenquer converted the Prince of Ceylon. In

1547, Tribuly Pondar, the father of the King of Cotta was baptized.

The King of Tanor had friendly relations with the Portuguese.

However, by 1531, the relations between the two became bad and

Tanor was lost to the Portuguese. The King who was defeated was

forced to be baptized. The Bishop, Joao de Albuquerque was taken

from Goa to baptize him. The Bishop informed the King that the King

of Tanor was recently converted as per the Christian norms. On 2nd

October 1549, the latter came to Goa to receive the sacrament of

Confirmation. In a letter of 2nd March 1551, the King expressed his

pleasure over this and hoped that the other Kings realized the great

error in which they lived. Frei Joao de Villa baptised the King of Cota.

The King was educated in Goa where he lived like a Prince. He was

renamed Dom Joao Parea Pandar after the King of Portugal Dom Joao

III. The frairs baptized the nephew of the King of Kandy in the Frairy

of St. Francis, Goa. The Viceroy, Dom Duarte Menezes was his

godfather. The Prince was named after Dom Joao III. The Prince of
 165

Ceitavaca Dom Felipe was baptized at the College of Reis Magos. He

studied Arts and proceeded to Coimbra to continue his studies. Dom

Joao of Kandy was ordained and allowed to sit among the Bishops.

Dom Constantino, the Prince of Jafnapatao, his brothers and his

cousins were also baptised. In most of the cases, the conversions of

these Kings and Princes preceded the evangelization of the land. They

were brought to Goa for instruction, baptisms and for the other

sacraments because Goa was the Bishopric where the Bishop resided.

Several orfaos naturais, mocos brancos, nobres and fidalgos also came

to the College of Reis Magos to learn Latin and good manners. The

College had priests, teachers and defmitors who served God. The

locals who studied there were brahmins of the limpa geracao. The

Bishop was often summoned to the College. The fairs also gave

importance of Colleges where they could provide instructions to the

local people. In November 1547, Dom Joao de Albuquerque wrote to

the Governor Dom Jobo de Castro that he should found a College in

Bacaim and others in Chaul, Goa and Couldo. 41

The Society of Jesus had its own individuality that was oriented

towards motivating the frairs to carry forth the banner of the Counter

Reformation. The King was bent upon undertaking such a venture

especially in the newly conquered lands. In 1546, he instructed the

Governor that the mainlands of Bardez and Salcete should be wiped

out from the vestiges of idolatry. Although the frairs were infused with
 106

the new spirit, they were not fanatical and pursued a policy of

moderation while converting the people. In 1552, the Jesuits harassed

the Hindus. The latter were forced to cut their hair, eat beef and to go

against their customs and idolatries. The Dominicans and Franciscans

objected to this. But, all the Religious Orders cooperated with each

other when it came to certain issues like Sati. In 1555, the Governor

Francisco Baretto passed a legislation that favoured widow burning.

This was vehemently oppdsed by the Jesuits, Dominicans and

Franciscans, as it was tantamount to a great offence against God. The

protest was so effective that the State decided that no Hindu woman

should be allowed to burn herself in Bardez, Salcete or in the Islands

of Goa. In a letter of 20th December 1555, Pe. Baltazar Dias, Vice

Provincial of the Jesuits stated that since twenty years this practice

had been stopped. In 1556, the same Governor cancelled the law that

gave religious freedom to the slaves. The three Orders insisted that

the decree that gave freedom to convert slaves should be reintroduced,

as it was a great incentive for conversions. They refused to agree with

the Governor and decided to send a joint memorandum to the King

requesting him to abolish the decree. But, to the annoyance of the

Jesuits, the Dominicans and Franciscans refused to sign the

memorandum. The Jesuits did not relent. They went forth with their

demand and forced the King to cancel the decree. The Mendicant

Orders refused to sign the memorandum because the King Joao IV

had warned them to be cautious while dealing with idolatry in Bardez

and Salcete. He did not want them to exasperate the minds of the

people because he believed in crewing them with all imaginable

mildness. He wanted the frairs to show them their errors of paying

homage to insensible images and idols instead of worshipping a true

God. 42 Such a negative approach towards the non-Christian practices

was expected from a group of people who believed it that they

practiced a superior religion. However, this policy did not continue for

long. Militant Protestantism threatened the Christian hegemony in

Europe. The Church was forced to respond vigorously. The Catholic

Church did so by enacting sweeping, purifying and centralizing

reforms. The Council of Trent (1545-63) tried to improve the practices

of the Church. The Jesuits believed that they could strengthen the

beliefs of the non-Christians at home and convert the heathens beyond

Europe to the true faith. Christianity and heathenism contradicted

each other, but the former gained precedence over the latter largely

because of the efforts of the missionaries. Between 1557 to 1606,

Provincial Councils were held in Goa to discuss the methods to be

adopted to spread the Christian faith. They decided that

evangelization had to be more intense and this was often equated with

forcible conversions. While the Jesuits supported this, the frairs and

the Viceroy tried their best to collaborate with the locals. In a letter of

14th November 1559, Luis Frois stated that the frairs collaborated
 168

with the poorl people unlike the Jesuits who believed that it was

important to exclude the gentios and brahmins from the services of the

State. In a letter of 20th December 1559, Emanuel Nunes wrote to the

Regent that the frairs were against the methods that were proposed by

the Jesuits. In their sermons, they openly denounced the manner in

which Christianization was carried out, because many native Hindus

were forced to leave their homes. The Viceroy tried to solve these

problems by calling a meeting of the Jesuits, Franciscans and

Dominicans in which all of them agreed that the methods adopted by

the Jesuits were reprehensible. The Jesuits defended themselves by

stating that they did not mind what their men said because they

loyally followed their conscience. 43 It must be noted that the so called

forcible methods did not seem fanatical to the Jesuits who were armed

with a Bull of militancy. But, the Mendicants were against this.

By 1559, the frairs became acquainted with the new policies.

The Provincial Councils proposed that the local cult should be

abolished, temples should be destroyed and Hindus customs should

be prohibited. Their customs were prohibited by law. On 29th August

1566, a law prohibited the construction of temples in Bardez and

Salcete. Another law stated that the Hindu temples, sanctuaries and

images should be destroyed. On 27th July 1559, the Alvara of Dom

Constancio de Braganca stringently imposed these rules. On 30th

June 1560, he prohibited the widows from being burnt in the City of
 169

Goa and in the districts of Bardez and Salcete. He decreed that

anyone who helped her would be taken as a prisoner and that his land
would be confiscated. No jogi was allowed to enter the Islands for fear

that the neo converts would revert to their own religion. Though these
laws were introduced, they were not implemented in Bardez. This was
either because Bardez was largely inhabited by the gentios or because

it was more susceptible to invasions. In fact, the number of non-

Christians there that was so high that the Christians of Chorao did not

marry their daughters to the converts of Bardez because they did not
want them to live among the gentios. Similarly, the Hindu Brahmins of

Chorao requested the Viceroy to allow them to cremate their dead in

Bardez. This indicated that the anti-Hindu legislations were not

stringently applied in Bardez. The total number of Christians in the

Islands of Goa, Bardez and Salcete were fifty thousand and most of
them were concentrated in the Islands of Divar and Chorao and in
Salcete. This was evident from a letter of Luis Frois dated 1st
December 1560, in which he expressed his happiness over the fruit
that the Jesuits yielded in Salcete. He requested the frairs to make

efforts to do away with idolatry in Bardez that was also under the
Estado. 44

This trend changed with the introduction of the Holy Office of

the Inquisition. It aimed at safeguarding the faith by avoiding heresy

and idolatry. As a result, both the gentios and neophytes became the
 116

targets of the Inquisition. Many non- Christians left their lands and ,
began to settle down in adjoining areas that lay beyond the
jurisdiction of the Padroado. This gave rise to the concept of mass
migrations. Several frairs like Frei Andre de Santa Maria served in the
Inquisition. The First Provincial Council had already proposed that
the new converts should be instructed on the Christian doctrine. Dom
Sebastiao had suggested that the gentios who lived in each Parish had
to be enlisted in a Roll. These had to be divided into small groups of
hundred each. Every Sunday, they had to be instructed in the
Christian doctrine for one hour. Later, they were sent to the Houses of
the Dominicans, Franciscans and Jesuits. On 2nd April 1560, the
Viceroy Dom Constancio de Braganza ordered that a large number of
Brahmins whose names were included in the lists had to be thrown
out of the Islands of Goa so that it was free from the gentios. However,
those of Bardez and Salcete were permitted to live in their villages. In a
letter of 12th December 1560, Luis Frois wrote to Fr. Marcos
Prancudo, that there were several uncultivated areas in Bardez and
Salcete, while all the people in Chord° and Divar were converted.
Mass migrations had posed a challenge to the State though it had
reduced the number of Hindus in the Provinces. Hence, the
authorities decided not to apply the law to Bardez and Salcete. Both
these Provinces were recently acquired and the Portuguese had not
stabilized their power there. Moreover, the local people were needed to
 111

cultivate the agricultural land because the mission was indirectly

dependent on the land revenue. The frairs did not want to evoke the
hostility of the Christian gaoncars there. Hence, in a letter of 3rd
December 1561, Conde de Redondo, Dom Francisco Coutinho
requested the migrant gentios from Bardez and Salcete to return. The
Dominicans, Jesuits and Franciscans convened a meeting at which
they went against the expulsion of those who opposed Christianity.
The Franciscans supported some decrees that were against the anti
human customs of the locals. On 10th July 1560, the Captain Jorge
Goteres presented a decree that banned Sati to the Escrivao and
instructed him to implement it in all the villages of Bardez. In May
1561, Goncalo Correa, the Escrivao of Bardez passed the Order of the
Viceroy in the villages of Serula and Pomburpa. By June, it was
notified in Candolim, Calangute, Nagoa and Saligao. 45 In this manner,
some local customs were banned using the help of the local officers.
But, other discriminatory policies were opposed.
By 1560, the dominant classes who were hitherto favoured by
the Portuguese were targeted. In a letter of 10th December 1560, Luis
Frois referred to thirty converted brahmins who lived in Goa. Daugim,
a big part of Carambolim, Goadelupe, Moula, Agacaim, Goa Velha and
the whole of Divar and Chord° were converted. The State no longer
pursued the policy of non-interference with the brahmins. On 2nd
April 1560, the Alvara of Viceroy Dom Constancio de Braganza
 112

instructed the Viceroy to drive away the Hindu brahmins I from the

lands in the Kingdom. Between 1561 to 1564, the Captain, Noronha

requested the Viceroy to drive the brahmins and gentios because they

impeded the growth of Christianity. The Dominicans, Franciscans,

Archbishop and the Jesuits supported this as the brahmins went to

the Islands, Bardez and Salcete and lived there. In this manner, the

Franciscans helped the authorities to carry out the task of conversion.

Many of the brahmins were very popular, as they were ministers of the

devil and masters of idolatry. They were superstitions and viewed

Christianity with malice. Hence, the frairs were afraid that they would

threaten them in Bardez. In 1562, a joint meeting of the Jesuits,

Franciscans, Dominicans, the Archbishop, Judges, Councilor,

Treasurer etc. was convened by the Viceroy. All of them decided in

favour of the expulsion of the brahmins. But the King and the Viceroy

were against this because they were interested in the security of their

land. Hence, they decided to adopt other measures. In a letter of 6th

March 1563, the King instructed the Viceroy to request the Archbishop

of Goa, Provincial of the Jesuits, Dominicans and Franciscans to

prepare the Rolls of gentios but to exclude the brahmins of the Island

and the farmers. On 27th November 1563, the Ouvidor Geral was given

the responsibility of driving away the brahmins and gentios and of

notifying all the brahmins whose names had appeared in the Rolls of

the Archbishop. The three Religious Orders were also asked to help in
 11,3

this task. 46 In this manner, the authorities tired to convert the

brahmins without evoking their hostility.

Besides dealing with the brahmins, the authorities thought of

destroying the vestiges of Hinduism. The Viceroy, Dom Pedro
Mascarhenas divided the Goa mission and this hastened the
evangelization of Bardez. During the tenure of Martim Afonso, a

number of temples in the Islands were destroyed with the help of the
Captains of Bardez and Salcete. Most of the people there were

converted and the others migrated. In a letter of 11th December 1564,

there was a reference to many people in the Frairy of Goa. On 4th

January 1566, the Viceroy Dom Antao Noronha passed an Alvara by

which he instructed the authorities not to allow the gentios to build
new temples or to repair the old ones. This was repeated on 29th
August 1566. The reason was explained by Fr. Gomes Vaz who stated
that the presence of the temples made idolatry very obstinate in
Bardez. The rites and ceremonies that were performed by the people
of Bardez were prohibited. On 27th February 1567, the Alvara was
extended to Bardez, and nearly three hundred temples were destroyed.

In a letter of 12th December 1567, Gomes Vaz stated that there were
no temples in Bardez, because the priests of St. Francis had razed out

their memories and thereby weakened the devil and his friends. In
their annual report, the Jesuits also testified to the same. Because of

this, the devotees were forced to carry the images of their Gods and
 114

deities to the areas that were outside the jurisdiction of the

Padroado.47

The frairs were directly associated with the Inquisition. In 1567,

the first Auto da Fe was conducted. The ceremony began with a

procession from the Palace of the Inquisition and ended at the Church

of St. Francis, Goa. The First Provincial Council was attended by the

Archbishop, Frei Dom Gaspar de Ledo Pereira and the Superiors of the

different Religious Orders. The Provincial Council had decided to

convene a meeting. In the meanwhile, Frei Dom Gaspar had resigned

from the See and was succeeded by the Archbishop Dom Jorge

Themudo. However, before the meeting was held, he expired. The

King requested the See to reinstate Frei Dom Gaspar as the

Archbishop. He convened the meeting on 12th June 1575 and passed

thirty three decrees. The most important decision of the Council

related to the pagans living in the Parishes of the City. In their

petition to the Viceroy, the religious requested him to permit them to

instruct the gentios. Based on this, the Viceroy passed a law on 4th

December 1567, according to which a separate Roll of the gentios was

to be prepared in each Parish. Every Sunday evening, a group of fifty

were to be sent to the Convents of St. Paul, St. Domnic or St. Francis

to hear the instructions given by a priest for one hour. The frairs were

requested to take on this responsibility with dedication. For this, the

ecclesiastical ministers were paid a regular due that was to be

 115

procured from the dizimos of Bardez and Salcete. It must be noted

that these two Provinces were very rich. For instance, the temples that
were destroyed in Bardez yielded revenue of ten to twelve thousand
pardaos. The King was bent upon avoiding reconversions to the
original faith. Hence, he forbade the Hindu festivals and idolatry in
Bardez and Salcete because it attracted the neo converts and caused
harm to Christianity. He also prohibited the kajis, joguis and guvous
from living in his dominion. They were ordered to leave within one
month. The Viceroy, Noronha prohibited the building or repair of
temples. The officials were instructed to help the frairs in this matter.
On 27th February 1566, Pe. Baltasar Lopes, Pai dos Cristaos
presented the law to the Captain Baltasar Lobo e Souza in the
verandah of his house in Bardez. He handed it to him in the presence
of the escrivdo, lingua de terra, merinho and the escriveio of the Camara
Geral. The notification was signed by the Escrivao, Mangana Sinay.
The revenue of these temples was to be used for pious works. In a
letter of 12th March 1569, the King Dom Sebastiao disposed off the
temple lands in Bardez and Salcete and donated the money for
Christian worship and for the spiritual good of the inhabitants whose
ancestors had donated them. In a letter of 23rd January 1569, Dom
Sebastiao had ordered the Viceroy to use the revenues of the temples
to meet the expenses of the mission. But, this was not adequate for in
a letter of 6th December 1575, it was stated that it was impossible to
 116

sustain all the Christians in the lands. 48 In this manner, the King

made efforts to carry out the mission as well as to finance it.

Discriminatory methods were adopted to punish those who

refused to adopt the decisions of the State. The villagers of Bardez

who had migrated outside their area were not to be paid their jonos.

This was decreed by Dom Joao on 21st November 1573. Shortly after

this, the sons of the Province of Sdo Thome were able to convert the

infieis by preaching the faith and constructing Churches wherever they

were necessary. Most of the Christians were poor and sustained only

on rice. By a letter of 1574, it was clear that there were three

thousand Catholics. 49

The Second Provincial Council was held on 12th June 1575.

Among the delegates were the Archbishop, Frei Dom Gaspar de Ledo

Pereira, Frei Francisco de Santarem, the Commissary and Frei

Domingos de Jesus. The Council took several decisions regarding the

Hindu orphans. In 1575, a Royal Order had requested the Fathers of

St. Paul to instruct the Hindu orphans from Bardez and Salcete.

Those who hid them either lost their properties or were sent to the

galleys. In the College of Reis Magos, there were provisions to teach

the orphans. In 1576, Dom Joao III was informed that the Hindus

orphans were taught the Christian doctrine and good manners there.

In a letter of 26th February 1575, the Governor Antonio Moniz Baretto

wrote about the orfaos das terras in the Parishes. The King looked
 U?

after the well being of the conlverts. He passed an Alvara that

prohibited the oppression of the poor Christians of Bardez, Salcete and
the Islands and increased the sustenance grants that were given to
them. The juiz was instructed to give them three pardaos and to help
them whenever they needed his help. In a letter of 24th March 1576,
the King requested the
. juizes to deal with the infieis orfaos who were
brought from Bardez and Salcete and sent to the College of Reis Magos
and of St. Paul respectively. 50
Such policies resulted in widespread conversions. In a letter of
20th October 1580, it was stated that Christianity had progressed into
the new fields in Goa and in the adjacent lands. The frairs converted
several gentios and orphans by tempting them with benefits. In his
letter dated 14th November 1575, the Viceroy instructed the Juizes

dos Orfaos to give the ganho to the local orphans. But, the juizes were
not always responsible and honest. In a letter of 20th February 1581,
there was a reference to the complaints that were voiced by the gentios

of Bardez and Salcete that the juizes did not pay them the receipts
from the Treasury. The King Dom Sebastiao was also informed about
the problems that the juizes created for the Christians. 5'
The authorities continued to issue the legislations against the
construction of the temples because the yields of the temple lands
were now diverted to the mission. In a letter of 28th March 1580, the
Governor stated that the King had prohibited the construction of
 118

temples and had supported conversions and Christianity. Dom

Sebastido stated that anyone who stopped the work of conversion was

to be seriously punished. No idols were permitted and the celebration

of local feasts and other divine services were stopped in Bardez and

Salcete. He believed that the gentios who practiced idolatry gave a bad

example to the converts, who turned back to their old rites and

developed a prejudice against conversions. However, despite the anti-

Hindu legislations that were intended to protect the converts and keep

the gentios at bay, the Portuguese officials and frairs continued their

old policy of supporting their collaborators. As such, the individuals

who backed the Portuguese were given benefits galore. On 3rd April

1582, the King insisted that the gaoncaria rights should be made

known to the gaoncars through an Alvara and a Foral. By this time,

we can state that most of the gaoncars from the Parishes had been

converted, others had been lured by benefits while yet others who had

refused to accept the new faith were forced to migrate. Since the

villages were largely inhabited by the Christians, there were periodic

references to the gaoncars and their role as financiers of the Churches.

The locals who had joined the new cult began to keep away from les

autres. Thus, a new citizenry that was formed was largely native in its

roots but Christian in form. In the Annua de Goa of 1582, there was a

reference to many Christians in the terra firme that was located one

tyro and a hand from the River that divided it from the Christians in
 118

the City of Goa. The latter did not communicate or marry their

daughters there because there were many gentios. 52

All these changes, both in the religion and customs of the local

people were achieved through a package of reforms that were

systematically planned out at the Provincial Councils and successfully

implemented by the Religious Orders. Since the Franciscans were

given the charge of Bardez, they were responsible for the

implementation of these decisions there.

CHALLENGES TO THE FAITH: The missionary movement in Goa

was carried out as per the directions of the Padroado authorities that

were based in Portugal and the Popes who had their seat in Rome.

Hence, the faith and the methods that were used to spread the faith

were alien to the locals. It was natural, that this would evoke a

negative reaction among them. This aspect has not been reported and

systematically dealt with in the contemporary documents as most of

them had been completed by the missionaries themselves. In the

absence of solid historical evidence, it is important for us to read in

between the lines and unravel the strong opposition to the missionary

interference. The religious encounters resulted in popular reactions

that were sporadic and disconnected outbursts. Nevertheless, they

indicated an ongoing resentment that existed among the locals. 53

In 1555, Bardez was assigned to the Franciscans. Within a

short period of time, it developed as 'their exclusive missionary zone

 123

and the locals slowly got accustomed to the frairs. In 1559, three
Jesuits from Chorao infiltrated into Bardez on a peaceful errand. The
local people heard that they had come to throw away the images of the
gentios. The people immediately got together to defend the statue of
Betal. One of the Jesuits who was an immature young student,
entered a wayside shrine and threw away an image. This enraged the
villagers who seized the native Christian and stood around him with
drawn swords. However, the older Jesuit convinced them of the
peaceful nature of their visit and avoided violence. 54 This incident
indicated the relevance of the warnings given by the King in which he
requested the frairs to proceed with moderation. It also indicated the
common sense of the authorities to entrust the newly acquired area to
a monastic Order that had laboured in the field since a long time.
The replacement of the symbols of the faith of the gentios with
those of the Christians evoked a negative response from those who
were powerful enough to stick to their old customs and religion. This
occurred at a time when Church building activities had developed into
an enterprise. After Dom Gaspar came to Goa, he held several
Baptisms and converted the gentios who had learnt the Christian
doctrine. In his letter of 1st December 1561, P. L. Frois, the Ex-
Commissary of the Societatis Lusitaniae stated that the frairs had
raised some crosses in Bardez to consolidate the Christian faith there.
But, they had to face the wrath of the gentios. In another letter Fr.
 121

Pero de Almeida gave the account of some brahmins in Bardez who

beat up a frair and left him to die. The brahmins were afraid that he
would destroy their idols. In a letter of 1561, Br. Cristovao Luis wrote
to Pero Lopes that the brahmins desecrated a Cross that was erected
by the frairs. The Christians of Chorao retaliated to this. At night, they
entered the village and spend the night in the temples of the gentios.

They carried off ten stone idols from a temple in Bardez and destroyed
them. The accused were the brahmins of the Atri gotra. 55
The religious realized the importance of collaborating with the
natives to ensure the success of their mission. It was common for
them to convert the dominant groups to Christianity, so that they
supported their cause. The old Church of Madre de Deus, Siuli
(Siolim), was to be built on the ruins of the temple of Santeri on a hill
that belonged to the Communidade de Assagao. As the villagers were
not powerful enough to defend the temple, carried away the image of
Shri Devi Sateri Siolkarin to Morjim in Pernem. The frairs were not
happy with the place and after thirty two years, they decided to shift
the Church to Gaunca vaddo, where the three brothers Gonexa
Gaunco, Fonde Gaunco and Zagra Gaunco lived. They were the
gaoncars of the first voto. The frairs were aware that if they converted
them before the local people, they would not retaliate. Hence, they
converted them and raised a Church for the Christians of Anjuna,
Assagao, Siolim and Oxe1.56
 In many cases, political attacks and counter attacks coincided
with such reactions, thereby giving them a religious colour. This was

especially in the cases where the Christian religious structures were

targeted. One such incident took place during the Governorship of
Dom Diogo de Meneses. On 22nd October 1576, the Portuguese made
peace with the Idalcao but the latter did not stop the attacks. As a

result, the local people began to take refuge in Calicut. This resulted in
counter attacks. In the course of these attacks, some ships belonging
to the Zamorin took refuge in the Portuguese harbours. Many mouros

entered Bardez and camped in the garden of the Church of Santissimo

Trindade, Nagoa from where they tried to try to set fire to the Church.
When they did not succeed, they climbed the roof and broke all the
tiles. They also hacked the Cross that was in the courtyard in front of
the main door of the Church. Many gentio gaoncars also helped the
mouros. After they left, the frairs came back, took the help of the
converts, raised another Cross and adorned it. 57 This partly explains
why the Portuguese wanted to convert the locals in Bardez.

FINANCE - A STUDY OF THE INCOME AND EXPENDITURE: The

assets, liabilities, income and expenditure of the frairs during this

period indicated the role of the Kings of Portugal in financing the

mission during this post Counter Reformation period. It also indicated

the financial viability of the faithful to maintain the cult and the
 123

position of the frair§ after the breakup of the mission among the major

Religious Orders.

The close alliance between the State and the frairs continued

even in the worst times so much so that the State requested the frairs

to comment upon the devaluation of the currency. In a statement of

19th September 1545, the Custos, Guardian and the discretorium of

the Frairy in Goa declared that the poor converts should be provided

with alms for their sustenance. The King provided for the

maintenance of the Frairy and for the sustenance of the frairs and the

converts. In one letter, Frei Antonio do Casal requested the King to

send an altarpiece for the main altar, two altars for the transept and

one for the Chapter hall of the Frairy in Goa. In a letter to Simao

Rodrigues, Francis Xavier stated that the Bishop and the frairs were

provided with wine from Portugal at the expense of the Public

Treasury.

The frairs received Royal grants. But, as the convert community

became stronger in their faith, they began to contribute towards the

maintenance of the cult. The Bishop shouldered the responsibility of

collecting the money and using it for the spread of the faith. In a letter

of Frei Vincente de Lagos, it was clear that the Bishop divided the

excess money and distributed it as alms. In addition to this, he

pawned his own silver and to give alms to the converts. This led many

people to believe that he had too much money. Some complained that
 124

he got the money by fining the native Christians who did not go for
mass on Sundays and on feast days, by fining pagan merchants if they
displayed their wares before mass and by fining those who got married
without the permission of the Portuguese. The first two accusations
were false and the third was a bit exaggerated. In fact, the Bishop was
well advanced in age and he knew that if he did not do this, many
converts would leave the Christian religion. Hence, he did what he
could to ensure that the happiness of the converts. Several reports
testified that the service in the Cathedral were similar to a Royal
Court. The money that was used for this was acquired from the taxes.
In a letter of 1st August 1559, there was a reference to an attempt
made by the Viceroy to throw away the books and forais of the gentios
who lived in Bardez and Salcete. 58 This indicated how the tax money
was without leaving any evidences and accounts.
The revenue statement for the year 1554 stated that the Bishop,
Vicar General, sacristan, Vicars of Nossa Senhora da Luz and Sao
Joao, Holy House of Mercy, Santa Fe and its College and the Religious
Houses of the Franciscans figured in the list of expenses. In a list of
revenues, it was clear that the Governors, Martin Afonso de Sousa,
Dom Joao de Castro and Gracia de Sa procured a foro that was equal
to forty eight thousands pardaos per annum. Bardez itself yielded
twelve thousand pardaos. In Bardez, the revenue was procured from
several sources: the custom houses and crossings yielded one
 125

thousand pardaos per year, the Orraquas mirabarrg yielded four

hundred pardaos per annum while the gaoncars of Bardez paid a tenca
of one thousand six hundred and seventy five tangas brancas per year.
Hence, the Province of Bardez yielded a lot of revenue to the State
most of which was used for the maintenance of the religion. In
addition to this, money was sent from Portugal. The Franciscan Frairy

in Goa itself received one hundred and thirty five pardaos. In the list
of the expenses of the Churches, monasteries and the House of Mercy,

it was clear that the monastery of St. Francis in the City of Goa
,

received wine and oil from the King. A lot of money was spent on
charity and other pious works. In 1553, the Governor Dom Martin

Afonso gave three hundred pardaos from the revenue that was
procured from Bardez and Salcete to the Hospital of Goa. In 1569, the
proceeds of the temples that were destroyed were sanctioned to the

College and for the conversion of the people who lived there. 59 The use
of the revenue from the temple lands for the mission has been studied
by Fr. Anthony D'Costa. There were several instances wherein the

King and the Viceroy took decisions in favour of the above. In a letter

of 1569, the King Dom Sebastiao permitted the frairs to use the
proceeds of the temple lands to serve the spiritual good of the
inhabitants of the land whose ancestors had donated them. This was
supplemented by the Royal grants. In a letter of 1st August 1559, the

Viceroy instructed the religious to use the proceeds of the Treasury to

 126

convert the gentios of Bardez, Salcete and the Islands. Each of these I

areas had separate Treasuries and dividends for the local Christians.

During this time, paddy fields that were worth a thousand cruzados

were apportioned by the Church. The Franciscan Churches in Bardez

received the dues from the temples. Most of them were built on the

ruins of or in place of the temples. The donations that were hitherto

made to the temples were now diverted to the Churches. Income was

also procured from the taxes that were imposed on the temple lands.

On 1st October 1567, the Viceroy Dom Antao Noronha passed a

Provisao by which the proceeds of the temple lands in Bardez and

Salcete were be handed over the parish priests. They yielded thirty

thousand pardaos and six thousand reis to the Treasury. Six

thousand reis were sanctioned for the fabrica of each of the Churches

and to each Vicar, beneficiary and Curate respectively. One pardao

was to be paid to the usher every month. Though the Churches were

entitled to such revenues, they rarely received their dues because they

were appropriated by the local coverts. The authorities often took

steps to avoid this. On 27th March 1569, the income of the temple

lands in Bardez and Salcete was transferred to the Churches. These

inhabitants of Bardez were quite rich as Bardez had an agricultural

surplus. In fact, Dom Antonio de Noronha referred to a document

dated 21st March 1569, in which it was stated that the income from

the lands and properties in Bardez had super abounded even after
 12i

paying the Prior, Vicars, priests and other ministers who lived in the

Churches in Bardez. The surplus was used to buy some things for the

casados, catechumens, and fabrica and for the converts. This was

more clear from the budget statement that indicated that at a time

when the ordinary expenses of the Archbishop had almost tripled, the

Franciscans collected the usual six hundred pardaos. The additional

proceeds had to be used to pay for the dresses of those who were

recently converted and those who were going to be baptised. It must be

noted that while the Churches symbolized a new religion, the white

dress used at the baptism ceremony was identified with the

acceptance of a new culture; namely, the Lussitanian culture.

Therefore, many baptism ceremonies were delayed because the dresses

were not sent in time. The proceeds of these lands were also to be

used to pay the head of the Se and the parish priests of Bardez and

Salcete. The practice of supplementing the Royal grants with the

revenue that was procured from the divine services and from the

temple lands continued till the last quarter of the sixteenth century.

The new Religious Orders were welcomed by the Portuguese. In 15=8,

the Agustinians arrived into the City of Goa. They were helped by the

frairs who gave them shelter in the Terreiro de San Antonio. The

noblemen and the inhabitants of the City were delighted and spent

four hundred xs to offer thanksgiving masses in the Frairv. By then.

the frairs converted a number of people. These neo - converts also

helped the frairs in the mission. This was evident from the Torribo dos

bens foreiros that was kept in the Royal Treasury. In this, it was clear

that the villagers of Candolim had donated a garden and palmgrove for

the maintenance of a temple called Deuchi Ameychi. They now agreed

to divert the same proceeds to enable the frairs to raise a Church and

to maintain the cult. Besides this, the frairs procured their income

from mass stipends. In a document of 31st August 1580, there was a

reference to daily masses that were said in Frairy for the souls of the

soldados dos armados and to the sacraments that were administered

to the christaos da terra who lived in the vicinity of the Church. The

King, Dom Henrique had issued Carta de Doacao dated 30th August

1580, by which he transferred a mulako of the Vithala temple in Serula

to the Church of Reis Magos, Verem for the benefit of the converts: In

a letter of 1st October 1580, the King instructed the frairs to give two

hundred pardaos to dress the new converts. This expense had to be

met from the income of the temple lands of Bardez. This money was

generally handled by the Pai dos Christaos and the juizes dos orfaos

who were in charge of the orphans. In a letter of 20th February 1581,

it was stated that the converts of Bardez and Salcete received several

benefits from the latter. 60

Apart from the Frairy of St. Francis and the Church of Reis

Magos that were Royal enterprises, the Churches that were founded in

Bardez also received Royal grants after the frairs got the approval of
 120

the Padroado. This was clear from the Orcamento of Antonio de Abreu.
According to this, the Frairy of the City of Goa was entitled to receive
wine, oil and vinegar from Portugal every year. This was worth six
hundred thousand reis. The local Christians received three hundred
and sixty reis per annum while the Pai dos Cristaos received four
thousand, three hundred and thirty reis per annum. The frairs who
living in the Church of Reis Magos were given four gold pardaos that
was equal to four hundred and forty reis. The Churches in the City of
Goa, Salcete, Bardez and in the Islands were entitled to eighty seven
comtos, seventy two thousand and three hundred reis. The frairs got
six thousand, three hundred reis from the Islands of Bardez and
Salcete. This was procured from temple lands and spent on the
Churches as per the Royal Ordinance. In Bardez, four Churches
received Royal grants. The Church of Reis Magos received two
hundred pardaos per annum, while the Churches of San Salvador,
Symloa (Serula), Nossa Senhora da Esperanca, Camdouly and
Trymdade, Nagoa received forty two thousand reis per year
respectively. These four Churches had four meirinhos who served the
Christians in the Churches. The frairs received nearly seventeen
thousand, two hundred and eighty reis per year. In Goa, they
administered another Church called Sao Bartolomeu for which they
received forty two thousand reis. The four Churches spent one
hundred and eighty six thousand reis per year. 61 From this budget, it
 1.36

was clear that the receipts of the four Churches were higher than the

expenses. The frairs spent the additional revenue on the extension of

the faith.

In 1576, the Vedor da Fazenda, Diego Veiho, compiled a

- Regiment° of the fortresses in Goa. In this, he stated that the expenses

of the Parishes in Bardez were met by using the revenue that the

gentios had hitherto allotted for their temples. The King had instructed

the frairs to use it for their expenses. The Church of Reis Magos,

Salvador, Trindade and Nossa Senhora da Esperanca were permitted

to spend the produce of the temples. This amounted to one hundred

and ninety eight thousand, nine hundred and sixty re-is. In Reis

Magos, the receipts were equal to sixty thousand reis and the other

three Parishes procured forty six thousand, three hundred and twenty

reis. Certain Churches received more proceeds as compared to the

others. The revenue depended on the productivity of the area, the

amount of lands handed over to the frairs, the number of converts, the

relations of the frairs with the converts and on the extent of the

mission. This was evident from another income statement of 1576 that

stated that the above mentioned Churches met their yearly expenses

from the proceeds of the temples. This was equal to six thousand, four

hundred pardaos in tangas. The surplus income was used to meet the

expenses of the Churches in the City of Goa, Islands of Goa, Bardez

and Salcete, to dress the new converts and to give alms to the
 131

Christians. In a letter of 1st October 1580, it was stated that one

thousand, two hundred pardaos were spent on the dress of the
catechumens and more than seven hundred was spent on the
Christians every year. 62 As such, the proceeds of the temple lands and
Royal grants were used to maintain the mission in Goa. The converts
benefited from conversions because almost all the proceeds were
allotted for their wellbeing.

GENERAL BAPTISMS: The frairs converted several gentios. But,

conversion per se was not the ultimate aim of the frairs. Hence, it was
specified that the catechumens who accepted the new faith had to be
taken to the Houses of the Religious or to the Churches to be
instructed in the Christian doctrine before they were baptized. In the
first period, the number of converts were limited and it was possible to
baptize them individually. But during this period, the instruments of
Counter Reformation were used to bring about mass conversions
within a given territory. The mission was extended to the adjoining
areas where the frairs raised several Parishes. The Diocese and
Archdiocese of Goa was very extensive and it was impossible for the
Bishop, Archbishop or his representative to baptize the converts
individually.
To counter these difficulties, the frairs performed General
Baptisms. The catechumens from the different Parishes in Goa were
brought to a certain place once a year and baptized. These were first
 132

started by the Jesuits in 1557. In a letter of 1559, L. Frois stated that

the gentios and mouros who wanted to change their faith were taken to

the Colleges of the frairs or Dominicans where they were taught

catechism till they received baptism. On Friday, the Masters taught

them the Christian doctrine and confirmed that they were familiar

with it. They were baptized by the Religious Superiors in the

Cathedral and the Viceroy was appointed their godfather. From here,

they were taken in a solemn procession, with the palmas in their

hands as a symbol of their victory against the devil. Amidst great

festivity, the indianos were received into the new faith en massa. Such

a public ceremony was conducted in the presence of the Governor and

other dignitaries as was stated in the letter of 14th January 1561. The

converted gentios were given a new name and a new identity. This

pomp and glamour encouraged many non converts to join the new

faith. On 1st August 1557, Br. Christopher Luis referred to a ceremony

that was held at the Franciscan Frairy in Goa at which two hundred

and forty three neofitos from the Province of Bardez were received into

the Church. 63 The services that were associated with the

sacraments were conducted with the approval of the Superiors. The

very fact that the frairs conducted the General Baptisms in the City of

Goa with the assistance of the Bishop, indicated that they had the

permission of the ecclesiastical authorities.

 183

In the second half of the sixteenth century, the frairs proliferated

into Bardez. Infused by the spirit of the Counter Reformation, they

launched a massive drive for conversions. The policy ,of systematic

and organized evangelization resulted in an increase in the number of

neophytes and catechumens and it was impossible to take them in the

City of Goa. Hence, the frairs began to organize the baptism

ceremonies in Bardez. This was evident from the noticia of 14th

November 1559, in which Luis Frois wrote to the Viceroy Dom

Constancio de Braganza that except for the Brahmins and gentios who

were the virtual owners of the land, the local catechumens from

Bardez were taken two leagues away from the Island, to a place called

Reis Magos. Here they were instructed in the Catholic religion and

acquainted with the things of the faith. At times, they were persuaded

to receive baptisms in the College, as it was difficult to go to the

Islands. The locals preferred this as they could be close to their

houses. In a letter of 1559, it was stated that the Franciscans

solemnized the baptismos collectivos in Reis Magos while the

Dominicans conducted them in Santa Barbara. In 1560, there was a

further increase in the number of converts as Goa was raised to a

status of Archdiocese. With the arrival of the Archbishop, who was a

Franciscan, the frairs received a lot of help and favours to convert and

baptise the gentios in the Island of Bardez. In many cases, the

Superiors created problems for the frairs, as the former believed that
 134

they had the sole right to baptise the gentios. In such cases, the frairs

involved the secular arm. One such incident took place in Daugim. In

a letter of 13th November 1560, there was a reference to a brother who

had converted nearly a hundred people and wanted to baptise them in

a Church in the City of Goa. But, the Custos stated that they could

not be baptised there as they were too many who were waiting to

receive the faith. After the mass, Fr. Francisco Roiz, and some priests

refused to baptise them because they were not properly instructed. In

the afternoon, the tanadar of the village of Madre de Deus, Daugim

came to Daugim with the catechumens who were well dressed in blue

and red. They assembled in there and waited for the frairs to conduct

the ceremony as per the directions of the. Viceroy. The brother

communicated the message to the other priests and brothers who

immediately went to Divar or the Terra Santa and conducted the

baptisms. On 15th December 1560, a ceremony was held at the College

of St. Paul, Goa where those who were converted by the Jesuits,

Dominicans and Franciscans were baptised in the presence of the

Bishop, Viceroy and the Coadjutor of the Patriarchy of Ethiopia. 64

.

Thisleadtocnubpismwercondutlyia

areas.

On 10th September 1563, the General Baptisms were

temporarily stopped because the Archbishop, Dom Gaspar had

resigned from the See and his successor Archbishop Themudo had
 135

died. Dom Gaspar reoccupied the See but it was doubtful whether he

had the authority to conduct such a ceremony on his own. To clarify

this, the Viceroy called a meeting of the Council. This was attended by

the Archbishop and the representatives of the Religious Orders. The

Council took a decision in favour of the General Baptisms. Dom

Gaspar was determined to destroy paganism in Goa. It was believed

that there was not a single day when he did not do anything to destroy

the diabos and raise Christianity on the ruins of idolatry. He visited

the cities and villages in the Archdiocese, instructed those who had

received the faith and provided the frairs with number of facilities to

conduct the General Baptism with forcas. The Letras Apostolicas of

Pope Paul V also authorised the frairs to conduct baptisms. The

Archbishop used these letters to restart the practice. In 1563, a

solemn baptism was held in the Frairy in the City of Goa where seven

hundred people were baptised. The King, Dom Henrique supported

the decision of the Pope. In a letter of 4th March 1563, the former

wrote to the Archbishop about the Letras Apostolicas. 65

After 1563, General Baptisms were held in Bardez. Between

1563 to 1602, five ceremonies were conducted were conducted at the

cost of the State. An Alvara of 25th January 1571 specified that the

State Treasury would provide the catechumens with the clothes that

were needed for the baptism ceremony. During the tenure of Antonio

Moniz Baretto, a General Baptism was scheduled at Seruia. The

 186

Archbishop, Dom Gaspar ordered the clothes to be brought from

Chaul and the Governor promised to provide dinner. The Archbishop

came from Panelim but the Governor forgot to bring the dinner. When

the latter came without the dinner, all the people were disappointed.

The Rector, Frei Joao da Trindade saved the honour of the Governor

by making the arrangements for dinner through his father who was a

rich and important citizen in the City of Goa. This indicated that the

secular and the religious authorities cooperated with each other to

conduct such ceremonies. The baptisms were conducted by several

priests and the ceremonies went on till late in the night.66

THE EXTENSION OF THE HIERARCHY: A characteristic feature of

this period was the progressive transformation of the Mission into a

Church. The Church was the focal point as it catered to the spiritual

needs of the small Christian communities called Parishes. The Order

that had existed in a very rudimentary form was raised to the status of

a Custody and Frei Pedro de Alenquer was appointed as the Custos.

His appointment was confirmed in a letter of 1543 and sent to the

King. The list of the Custos who succeeded him is stated by Paulo da

Trindade and Ricardo Telles. On 19th September, Frei Alenquer

returned to Portugal. Since the Custos was the head of the frairs in

Goa, the Pope tried to bring him under his control. For instance, Frei

Antonio do Casal, the Custos, was a legate a latere of the Pope.67

 13?

The Frairy was under the Guardian. Frei Paulo de Santarem

functioned as the Guardian and the last Commissary General of the

Order in Goa. The Bishop, Joao de Albuquerque was a frair. He

occupied an important position and all the religious who entered Goa

had to seek his blessings. On his arrival, Francis Xavier visited the

Bishop who lived in the Cathedral. He also visited Frei Santarem

because he was well acquainted with the land and the people through

years of experience.68

In the second half of the sixteenth century, there was a shortage

of frairs to handle the mission. Moreover, the ships were delayed and

the authorities in Portugal were unable to recruit and send the frairs

as and when required. Natural calamities aggravated the problem.

The frairs in Goa were unable to handle the work. In 1543, there was a

severe outbreak of cholera in Goa in which twelve to twenty people

died everyday. There was only one Parish Church that was dedicated

to St. Catherine. To solve the problem of burials it was decided to

create two Parishes. This further increased their work. The Pope

showered privileges on the sons of the Province and Pope Paulo III

praised the sons of the Piedade Province. The Pope authorised the

Archbishop to extend the service of some frairs and to ordain the

young novices and mesticos to handle the mission. The earlier Rule

had stated that the novices could be ordained only after completing

their higher studies. After this, they were appointed as Preachers and
 188

Rectors. At this time, young frairs were recruited and sent to Goa. But

by 1546, the situation began to improve and six frairs were sent to
Goa and placed under the Guardian Frei Antonio do Porto.69
The Diocese of Goa was the largest in Christendom. It included
thirteen Parishes and other Houses. The Bishop was old and sick.
Hence, he had little time and energy to handle the work that was
entrusted to him. Francis Xavier realized this and requested the King

to give him a Coadjutor who would assist him in the apostolic

ministry. 7 ° But, it was doubtful whether this request was fulfilled.

There was a difference between the frairs who worked in the

Estado da India. Within the Piedade Province, there was a difference
between those who worked in Bacaim and Ceylon respectively. In Goa,

the Capuchos or Conventuals were different from the Observants. The

frairs of the Piedade Province demanded an independent Custody. Frei
Domingos who was returning from Portugal was requested to present
an appeal to the King and to propose it to Rome. However, the
Recollects did not succeed as the General of the Order refused to

accept their demand. In 1548, the Sao Thome Custody was raised,
but the title was not used till a later date' because of certain
differences that took place among the frairs which will be dealt with in

the subsequent Chapters.

In the Tridentine period, the Religious Orders had to conduct the

services in the Churches. The quality of the mission and the

 138

reputation of Portugal as a great missionary rower depended on the

Dominicans and Franciscans. Both were trained by the religious who

were brought from Portugal. There was a reference to Frei Sebastiano

de Vargas, a great scholar and preacher who instructed the preachers

and frairs in the Escoto every day. When the Dominicans came to

Goa, there were forty frairs. The Dominicans, Franciscans and Jesuits

coordinated with one another. In his letter, the Bishop wrote to King

Joao III that the frairs of the first two Orders were very virtuous and

did what they could with their preaching. Later, the Jesuits became

more proficient and got more attention. The demand for preachers

was understood as importance was given to the priori methods to

convert the locals. When Frei Antonio do Casal came to Goa, he

requested the authorities to give him additional frairs and a couple of .

preachers. The faith formation of the frairs enabled them to teach by

personal example and to use other methods. Frei Antonio do Casal

believed that the frairs were the best to handle the mission. The

authorities in Portugal could not do much to increase the number of

frairs. This was because a large number of missionaries had to be

sent to the different mission fields in different parts of the world. In a

letter of 21st January 1549, the Custos complained that no frairs had

been sent since the last four years. Besides the routine work of

preaching and attending to the spiritual needs of the faithful, the frairs

had to take part in solemn occasions like processions.72

 146

The extension of the services of the frairs depended on the

personal contacts that the frairs maintained with the authorities. Frei
Antonio do Casal, the Custos completed his term on 21st January
1549, but his term was extended by the General of the Order. The

frair had personal contacts with the temporal authorities. The

Governor, Dom Joao de Castro was dying to confess to him. This was

also testified by a letter of Francis Xavier to Simao Rodrigues in which

he stated the Frei Antonio do Casal served God and the King in this

region for more than five years. The problem of shortage of frairs was

directly linked to the ordination of the Indians into the Order. The

Superiors of the Order were never in favour of the mesticos because

they believed that they were not fit to perpetuate the mission. The

frairs had already experienced several scandals and disorders in Cape

Camorin and Cranganore that were caused by the mesticos. The fact

that the frairs ordained the priests from the casta de cristetos novos

was clear from a letter of 22nd December 1550. Inspite of the

legislations that were against such ordinations, the Bishop permitted

this to solve the problems that affected the Diocese. The Diocese was

extensive but the workers were few. The Bishop tried to solve this

problem by ordaining the mesticos but this was not favoured by the

authorities. In 1553, the Bishop died because he was tired of the

worries and difficulties that he had to face. This may have been yet
 141

another reason that prompted the authorities to divide the mission

field during the tenure of Frei Antonio do Casa1. 73

The Franciscan Order in Goa faced several challenges after the

death of Bishop Albuquerque. The Bishop was a frair and he had

yielded much fruit for the Order. Throughout this time, there were

complaints about the decline in the number of the frairs. The

Portuguese frairs who worked in Goa were waiting to go back. This

was clear from a letter of 4th January 1555, in which 13. Dias lamented

that a group of frairs with vast experience was waiting to leave the

country. In another letter of 30th December 1549, Cosme Anes stated

that ten or eleven frairs were waiting to leave for Portugal. After this,

the problem improved, as many were ordained in Goa. In 1556, the

Patriarch of Ethiopia, Dom Nunes Barreto ordained thirty to forty

frairs in Goa. The frairs also received a few mesticos and some former

students of the Jesuit College into the Order. 74 But the local clergy

were never allowed to occupy the higher positions in the Order. The

Catholic mission had extended to different parts of the Estado and the

number of converts and missionaries had increased. These two

factors prompted the authorities to think in terms of raising an

Archdiocese.

Between 1550 to 1551, Funchal ceased to be the Metropolitan

See and Goa was attached to Lisbon. On 4th February 1558, Pope

Paul IV issued the Etsi Sancta et Immaculata that detached Goa from
 142

the ecclesiastical Province of Lisbon and raised it to an Archdiocese.

Goa was made the de jure centre of Christianity in the Estado da India.
As a result of this, there were changes in the Decrees that governed
the Order. For instance, the Guardian was not allowed to spend more
than three years in one Convent. He could not be deposed at any
Chapter by a simple canonical process. In December 1560, Dom

Gaspar de Ledo Pereira came to Goa as the first Archbishop. He was a

Franciscan who had hitherto served as the Conego of the Cathedral of

Evora. As the Archbishop, he was not happy with the methods that
were used to spread Christianity. He attended the First Provincial
Council of 1567 and took several decisions for the benefit of the
religious. Since he belonged to the Order, he took decisions in favour
of his co-frairs and his Order. Hence, after his appointment, the
number of frairs began to increase. In a letter of 12th December 1560,
Luis Frois stated that twelve frairs arrived in Goa alongwith two
priests, brothers and six Dominicans. These frairs handled the

mission and were occasionally sent to attend to certain duties. In

1562, when the Patriarch Nunes Baretto died, the Franciscans sent a
group of thirty frairs to attend the funeral. There was a constant

demand for additional frairs as is evident in the statement of the

Archbishop who expressed his desire to see them arrive by shiploads.

To solve the problem, the frairs decided to train and ordain novices in

Goa. The Custos, Frei Francisco de Chaves requested the King to send
 143

priests who were literate so that they could teach the religious. Pope

Pius V was not happy with the progress of Christianity. He had tried to

solve the problem by allowing the descendents of the converts to be

admitted into the Order. He was sure that the parentage of those who

entered the Christian faith two generations back was not difficult to

trace. The Portuguese gave importance to pureza da sangue to ensure

that the priests were men of good example and reliable. After this

Order, the Franciscans began to admit a few mesticos. On 23rd March

1657, the Pope issued the Exponis Nobis by which he permitted all the

religious who were attached to the Mendicant Orders in the East

Indies to hold the office of parish priests and to celebrate the

sacraments without the permission of the Pope. 7

In 1567, the First Provincial Council tried to draw out the

abuses and vices in the Church and to reform it. Moreover, it

intended to plant virtues in the Catholics and to augment the religion

and the faith. The frairs and the Archbishop played an important role

in the deliberations. In 1567, four frairs were sent to Goa. The

M1

number of frairs who were sent to Goa varied depending on the

situation in Portugal. For instance, in 1568 only six or seven frairs

disembarked for India because of a pestilence that broke out in

Lisbon. By 1577, the situation changed. King Philip II felt that it was

essential to send a large number of missionaries from Portugal to

India. Pope Gregory XII also decreed that the mesticos could not be
 144

ordained. The authorities tried to bring the missionaries under their

direct control. Hence, the King requested the Minister General
Christophe de Chaffontaines to create an office of the Commissary
General for India. The latter was to be selected by the King. The Pope
and the King also tried to fill in the office of the Archbishop with their
own candidate and requested Dom Gaspar to resume the office. 76
In 1572, Frei Luiz Vellozo arrived to Goa as the Custos. His

successors, Frei Francisco de Santarem and Frei Simao de Nazareth

received the habit at the Franciscan Frairy in Goa. The latter was
given a Brief entitled Christophorus a Capite Fortuim that granted him

an additional term of office. Such benefits were bestowed on the frairs

to solve the problem of shortages. The frairs were trained by a Master
of Theology who taught them Philosophy and examined them.n In

1580, the Crowns of Spain and Portugal were united under Felipe I.
This continued till 1640 and was called the period of the Babylonian
captivity. The immediate fallout of this was the rivalry between Spain

and Portugal. The missionaries began to show disinterest in the

mission and engaged in petty squabbles. In such a situation, it was
difficult for the King to execute the Padroado obligations. To solve
such problems the Pope issued the Brief entitled Pus Votis on 18th July

1581. This empowered the Minister General to direct the Custody of

India and to control the frairs, professed, novices and other religious.78
 145

This began a new Chapter in the History of the missionaries who

worked in the mission field.

THE RELATIONS WITH THE STATE: In 1542, the Jesuits arrived as

close confidants of the Pope. Popularly called the shock troops of the

Padroado, they took on the responsibility of extending the Royal

mission into the distant lands. This does not mean that the frairs had
neglected their mission. The latter had crossed the political contours of

the Padroado and often sidelined their religious overtures to fulfil the
duties of the State. The Kings of the Aviz dynasty, Dom Joao III, Dom
Sebastido and Dom Henrique were supportive of the mission and the

frairs tried their best to help them.

Around this time, the Captain of Goa, Dom Joao Pereira went on

an expedition against the Idakao He was assisted by one thousand

locals and seven hundred Portuguese. When the Captain reached
Verna, Salcete, he found that the enemy had already camped there
with two squadrons of four thousand five hundred men each and a
hundred horses at each point. When he saw this, he did not loose

hope but fought valiantly and killed more than eight hundred men
including the cousin of Sotermao Aga. Only fifty Portuguese and a

hundred local people were killed. This victory was attributed to Frei
Antonio do Casal, Custos and Vicar of the Order who encouraged the

soldiers with a Crucifix in his hand. He served as an informer of the

State for in a letter of 1549 the frair informed the King about the
,
 146

things that were taking place in his land. The Governor, Nuno da
Cunha had been entrusted with the lands of Bardez and Salcete.
However, the new lands were neglected because the Portuguese
soldiers were sent to recapture Diu. In 1543, a Peace Treaty was

signed between the Idalcao and the Governor, Martin Afonso de Sousa.
The conflict did not end there as the Idakao continued to threaten the
lands. Bardez had forty eight villages, but eight among them had been
incorporated with the others. The Portuguese were interested in

Bardez because it had yielded revenue of three thousand, eight

hundred and forty two tangas bragas. 79

The close alliance between the secular authorities and the
religious prompted the frairs to accompany the expeditions. Frei Paulo
de Santarem accompanied the Viceroy, Dom Joao de Castro on an
expedition to Diu. On the second expedition, he was accompanied by

Frei Antonio do Casal. Following the conquest of Diu, they both made
a triumphant entry into Goa. Some frairs like Frei Luis de Govea and

Frei Estavam de Gois along with the local padres cared for the
wounded passengers and the crew that landed in Goa after a rugged

journey from Portugal. The frairs had a Frairy from where they tried to

convert the gentios, thereby making the land safe for the Portuguese.
The Frairy served as a Supply Frairy that provided frairs whenever

they were required for the service of the State. On 2nd February 1559,

Frei Belchoir de Lisboa accompanied the Viceroy, Dom Constantino de

 14Y

Braganza on an expedition to Ceylon and was killed there. The frairs

served as the personal confidants of the Portuguese authorities who

were deputed to Goa. Frei Antonio do Casal was present when the

Viceroy had breathed his last.80 In 1559, the frairs heard about the

death of Dom Joao III and conducted religious services in the Frairy of

St. Francis. In the Frairy of Madre de Deus, masses were said for his

soul for eight days. This indicates their loyalty to their Patron.81

Hence, by this time the frairs were directly associated with the

Padroado hierarchy and succeeded in achieving what the latter could

not achieve with the force of their arms. They founded a mission in

Cananore, Diu, Daugim, Mylapore, Damaun and Thana. The mission

progressed mainly because of the Counter Reformation spirit that was

infused into the Goa mission by the Jesuits.

Notes and References :

Gaspar Correa, Vol. IV, pp. 226-27; Diego do Couto,Dec.. V,p.9; For details about the arrival of Francis Xavier
refer to DHMP Vol. II, pp. 309-10; C. R. Boxer. The Christian century in Japan(1599-1656),1951, Book II, pp. 46
and 154; J. S. Cummins, The Jesuit and the frair in the Spanish expansion to the East, 1986, p. 72; T. R. de
Souza, 'Spiritual conquest of the East: a critique of spiritual conquest of the Church History of Portuguese Asia
(sixteenth to seventeenth century)', in 1CHR Vol. XIX(1985); Bull Patr. Vol. I, p.146.
2
Letter of Francis Xavier dated 20 th September 1542, published in Henry James Coleridge, Op.Cit.,1997, p. 115;
Maurice Collis, The land of the Great Image, 1948,p. 44.
3
J.M de Texeira(ed) Cronica do Felicissimo Rei Dom Manuel, 1926,p. 842; Annales Vol. XVIII, p. 129; DHM. Vol.
II, p. 156; APO, Vol. I, p. 43; Gaspar Correa, Vol. IV, p. 32.
 148

4
DHMP Vol. III, pp. 259-60; Vol. IV, p. 7.
5
Gaspar Correa, Vol. IV, p. 669; DHM Vol. II, p. 207-11; Dl Vol. IV, p. 395.
Kenneth Scott Latourette, A History of Christianity: Three centuries of Advance (1500-1800 AD), 1939, Vol. III,
p. 24; Stephen Neill, Op.Cit.„ 1964, p. 177;M.J. Castelloe, Op.Cit.,1993, p. 244.
M.J Castolloe,Op.Cit., 1993, pp. 220-21 and 247.
8
Gaspar Correa, Vol. II, p. 930-31; DHMP Vol. III, p. 539; Vol. IV, pp. 472-74; Vol. III, p. 541.
A. B. Braganza Pereira, Op.Cit.; Separata de OP, Vol. I, p. 60; M.J Castelloe, Op.Cit., 1993,p. 413 and 419.
10
DHMP Vol. VII, p. 344; Vol. VIII, pp. 229-30; Cipriano de Cunha Gomes, 'A Cristianizacao de Bardez',BIVG Vol.
(1957); DI Vol. I, pp. 743-44; APR, p.69.
11 DHMP Vol. XII, p. 110; Vol. X!, pp. 102-03 and 229.
12
Gabriel de Saldanha, Op.Cit, 1990, Vol. II, p.270 and 225; Achilles Meersman, Op.Cit, 1957, p. 94; J.14 da
Cunha Rivara Travels of Francisco Pyrard Laval (1601-45), 1858-62,Vo1. 11, Part I, pp. 30-7; S.N Sen(ed.) Indian
Record Series,1949,Chapt. VII, Part III, Book I, p. 190; Houtart, Op.Cit., 1981,p. 59; Francisco y Sousa, Op.Cit.,
Vol. I, pp. 169 and 288;Amaro Lobo, Op.Cit, 1933,p. 186; CEO Vol. 1, Cap. 56, p. 288; for the monument
commemorating Afonso de Albuquerque disembarkment refer to Ricardo Telles, 'Igrejas, Capelas, Conventos e
palacios na Velha Cidade de Goa', OP Vol. I (1921), p. 49.
13
Obras de Amorim Pessoa, Vol. III, p. 249, for details about the College and the Church refer to Ricardo Telles
Op.Cit., OP Vols. 2 and 3, p. 250 and OP Nos. 18 and 22, pp.220 ; Jacinto de Deus, Op.Cit.,p. 22; Gaspar
Correa, Vol. IV, p. 560; DI, Vol. IV, p. 278; DHMP Vol. VII, p. 304; Anais, p. 5; Amaro Lobo, Op.Cit.,1933, p.
186
14
DHMP Vol. V, p. 407; DI Vol.1, pp. 596-638; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 56, pp. 288-89;
15
CEO Vol. I, Cap. 58, p. 288, ff. 2; Ferreira Martins, Cronica dos Vicereis e Govemadores da India, 1919;
Ricardo Telles, Apontamentos pars a historia dos Reis Magos, 1906, p. 3-4; The Court of arms of Dom Luis da
Ataide is found in the sanctuary of the Church. It consists of a Crown and a dragon. A specimen of the same is
seen in Ricardo Telles, '0 Povorello de Assisi' OP. Vol. p. 25; For the list of Viceroys who resided here refer to
Bol. do Gov. no. 68 (1862); Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit.,1906, pp. 3-4; F. N. Xavier, Seige chronologica dos
Vicereis: Relagao dos Vicereis de Goa, 1908; DI Vol. IV, p. 377.
18
DHMP Vol. VI, p. 461;DI Vol. IV, p. 194; DHMP Vol. VIII,p.231.
17
Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit.,1922, p. 28; The services there reflected a fidalgo spirit and on the 5th, 6th and 7th of
January a fair was held within the limits of the Royal fort in Reis Magos. It was attended by the Viceroy, the
Archbishop and the luso descendents. On the feast day, before the solemn mass three boys dressed as the
three Kings mounted the horses and entered the Church from Betim. In the Church, they sat on special chairs
close to the Viceroys and Governors the politico-religious ethos of the House; Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit.„ 1906, p.
7; Ricardo Telles, 'Singularidade dos actos religiosos', in Voz Vol. 52(1935), p. 585.
18
Joao de Barros, Dec. II, p. 424; DHMP Vol. XII, p. 481; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 17, p. 88; S. N. Sen(ed.), Op.Cit,
1949,p. 191;P. -S.S Pissurlencar Op.Cit, in BIVG Vol. 62 ( 1945), pp. 69-71; Diego do Couto, Dec. I, p. 416;
DHMP Vol. III, p.159; Arthur Coke Bumell (ed). The voyage of John Huygen Linchoten to the East Indies, 1988,
p. 176.
19
P. S. Pissurlencar, 'Tentativas dos Portugueses do concao,' in Anais da Academia Portuguese da Historia, Vol.
VI, (1955), p. 426; CEO Vol. I, Cap.54, p. 272; DHMP Vol. III, p.317; Vol. IV, pp. 174-78.
20
CEO Vol. II, p. 74; DHMP Vol. III, p. 317.
21
APO Vol. I, p. 40; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 71 , p. 360 and Cap. 55, p. 283, ff. 1.
22
DHMP Vol. III, p. 207; F. X. Costa, Op.Cit., p. 5; F. X. Gomes CatSo, 'Primeiros Vigarios colados das Igrejas de
Bardez', in BEAG Vol. 11(1953), pp. 399-400; Ismael Gracias 'Beati Paliperes Spiritu' ,OP.Voi.5(1908), p. 332;
Achilles Meersman, Op.Cit., 1957, p. 158; CEO Vol. I, Cap.23, pp. 126-7 and 363, fl. 12,Cap. 19, p. 101; DI Vol.
III,pp.350-54;DHMP Vol. VI, pp. 48-49; F. Coutinho, Le Regime Paroissal de Rite Latin de l'Inde, 1958, p. 140.
Antonio de Noronha, Os Indus de Goa e a Republica Portuguese, 1922, p. 51; T. R. de Sousa, Moira, a peep
into the past: Some historical notes on Moira, 1986,p. 4; Bosq., Vol. ll,p. 151; DI Vol. II, pp. 315-16; The
seperation of the mission among the three Religious Orders is dealt by Castilho de Noronha 'A Christianizacao
de Ilha de Tissuari nao foi exclusivement obre dos religiosos da Ordem de Sao Domingos (1583-1619)', BIVG
Vol. 80 , pp. 45-55.
24
CEO Vol. I, Cap. 56, p. 285.
25
Ibid. p. 288; The vestiges included two big granite tigers that were located at the end of the staircase and the
tank that was located along the passage to the parochial residence in which small idols were found while
constructing the cemetery; Ricardo Telles, 0 Povorello de Assisi, p. 25; Bol. do Gov. no. 330 (1891); F. X.
Gomes Catao, Igrejas de Bardez: noticia historica dos seus vigarios, XCHR Ms.
Anais., pp. 7 and 11; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 58, p. 295; DHMP Vol. V, p. 466; Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit,1922, p. 29. A
list of temples in Candoli is provided by Valentim Correia, 'Liwo de Aforamentos' Tombo de Bardez N° 311.
 148

This is published by P. S. S. Pissurlencar, 'Tombo das rendas que S. M. tern na terras de Salcete, Bardez e
nesta Ylha de Goa', in BIVG, Vol. 64 (1945), p. 50.
27
Antonio de Padua, Noticia da fundagao das igrejas de Bardez. This list prepared by the ex-Provincial of the Sao
Thome Province dated 31" January 1767 is found in BNL, Mss 2161, and published in 0 Heraldo (3-1-1913);
DHMP Vol. V, p. 446;Anais., pp. 15-16.
28
Marcellino de Civezza, Op.Cit.,1859, Vol. VII, pp. 170-71, also provides a list of Churches in Bardez; Antonio
da Padua, Op.Cit.;pp.16-7; CEO ,Vol. I, Cap. 57, p. 293; Ricardo Telles, 'Capelas nos Reis Magos', in Voz,
Vol. 10 (1935), p. 101; DHMP vol. V, p. 467; Anais., p. 16.
29
Jean Aubin, Op. Cit.,STVDIA Vol. 4 (1959);CEO Vol. 1, Cap. 57, p. 296; DHMP Vol. V, p. 467; Ricardo Telles,
'Igreja de Nerul', in Voz Vol. 47 (1936), p. 523;Anais., p. 14.
30
J. S Cummins, Op.Cit., 1986,p. 72; DHMP Vol. III, p. 618; Rui Gomes Pereira, Goa: Hindu temples and deities,
1978,p. 73; Anais., p. 17; The term Nerul is derived from 'nell' (rice) and 'ur' (village). for details one may refer
to Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit., 1925, p. 1; Antonio da Padua, Op.Cit.pp.32; Leopold de Rocha, 'As Contraries de
Goa', STVDIA Vol. 34(1972), p. 293; Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit., in Voz, Vol. 37 (1936), p. 409; DHMP Vol. V, p.
467; Gomes Catao, Igreja de Nerul', in BEAG, Vol. 15 (1956), pp. 395-96.
31
Anais., p. 18; Pe. Gabriel Saldanha, Op.Cit., Vol. II, p. 236; C. C. da Nazare, 'Estabelecimentos de caridade
fundados em Goa pelo clero regular e secular', 0 Ultramarino, 21-11-1902.
32
Holzafel, Op.Cit., p.261; Achilles Meersman, Op.Cit.,1967, p.8; Nimmo Duncan, Op.Cit.,p. 162; Paul Sabatier,
Speculum Perfectionisseu San francisco Assisiensis, Legenda Antiquissima, 1898, p. 232; Achilles Meersman,
Op. Cit., 1957, p. 19; The Capuchos had to be distinguished from the Capuccinos, a branch that was founded in
Italy. Achilles Meersman, Capuchos e Capuchinos, in OP, No. 18 (1937), pp.. 127-28; Dennis Klougen de
Cottineu, Op.Cit., p. 74.
33
DHMP Vol. II, p. 343; Vol. III, p. 526-30; DI Vol. I, p. 726; ; Gabriel Saldanha, Op.Cit., Vol. II, pp. 33 and 94;
DHMP Vol. IV, p. 414.
34
APO Fasc. I, Part I, pp. 48-49; Diego do Couto,Dec. VII, pp. 336-37;Leopold Rocha Op. Cit.STVDIA Vol.
34(1972), pp. 247-48; CL p. 13; Anuario., p. 68; Achilles Meersman, The Franciscans in Tamil Nadu, 1962, pp.
13-14; Gabriel Saldanha, Op.Cit., Vol. II, p. 100; DI Vol.!, p. 563-64;CE0 Vol.!, Cap. 41, p.212 .
35
Jacinto de Deos, Op.Cit., pp. 26 and 29; Achilles Meersman, Op.Cit., 1943, p. 20; F. N. Xavier (ed.), Gabinette
Literario das Fontinhas, 1846-48, p. 119; DHMP Vol. IV, p. 331; DI Vol. I, pp. 551-570, for details on the life of
the Archbishop refer to Jacinto de Deos, Op.Cit, p. 27-29.
38
A solemn procession began from the Franciscan Frairy in Old Goa and proceeded to the Madre de Deus
Convent in Old Goa. It consisted of the Viceroy, Archbishop, Custos Frei Joao de Certa, Cathedral Chapter,
religious of the convent, inhabitants of the House and several notables. En route to the Convent of Madre de
Deus, the religious and the Te Deum Laudamus and the psalms to the tune of many instruments. The
procession advanced along the flower strewn streets. On entering the retiro of Daugim, the Archbishop made a
long prayer .and preached an elegant sermon; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 94; CEO Vol. I, Cap. ,pp.
204-05; CL pp. 135-39 and 191-94; S. N. Sen, Op.Cit., 1949,p. 186; Cunha Rivera, Op.Cit., 1858-62,VoI. II,
Part. I, p. 33; DHMP Vol. Il,p. 103; Ismael Gracias, Op. Cit.,OP Vol. IX(1912), Nos. 5 and 6; pp. 110-11; Bo!.
do Gov. N°. 39(1859); DHMP Vol. IX,p.241; Vol. VIII, pp.78-80.
37
Gabriel Saldanha, Op.Cit., Vol. II, p. 94; Jacinto de Deos, Op.Cit., pp. 33-37; CEO Vol. I, Caps. 40 and 41, pp.
210-13 and 214-16; CL pp. 193-94; Tabua das casas e frades da Custodia Franciscana de sao Thome de
India em 1585, in FO pp. 65-70.
38
Gabriel Saldanha, Op.Cit., Vol. I, p. 363; APO Vol. I, pp. 77-80; Jacinto de Deus, Op.Cit.,pp. 33-34; Fundo
Geral No. 176, BNL fl. 84 cited in Leopold Rocha, Op.Cit., STVDIA Vol.34 (1972), p. 248; ARF.,Report 1, p. 61;
MR Vol. 79, fl 339. His mortals remains were later transferred to the Se Cathedral, Goa, ML.,Vol.l, p. 198;
Amaro Lobo Op. Cit.. 1933,p.9.
39
G. D. Winnus, 'Millenarianism and Empire: Portuguese Asian decline and the crise de Conscience of the
missionaries', Itinerario Vol. XI, No. 2(1987), pp. 38 and 41; CEO vol. I, p. x.
40
DHMP Vol. II, pp. 243; Vol. III, p. 68; DI Vol. I, pp. 66-72; DHMP Vol. III, pp.54 and 321-22; Henry Heras,
Op.Cit. p. 32.; APO Fasc. I, Parte I, p.40.
41
DHMP Vol. IV, p.121; Vol. VI, pp. 454-55;Vol. IV, pp. 108-09; F. N. Xavier, Resumo historic° da maravilhosa
vide, conversoes e milagres de San Francisco Xavier, 1865,p p.7-8; M. D'Sa Op.Cit.,p. 55; DI Vol. I, p. 326-28.
42
Querroz Op. Cit.,p. 1603; Diego do Couto, Dec. VI, p. 478; Barros, Dec. 1, pp. 159-162; DHMP Vol. III, pp. 284-
314; Vol. IV, pp. 347-58; CEO Vol. III, p. 245; Barros, Dec. VI, pp. 95-105; APO Vol. I, p. 33; CEO Vol. II, pp.
296 and 389, Ricardo Telles Op. Cit., OP Vol.25 ,(1937), p. 182; There is a reference to a procession dedicated
to the Onze Mil Virgens that was carried out in three stages. This holy relic was brought to Goa in 1548 and kept
in the Frairies of the Dominicans and Franciscans. The first phase was devoted to the Oragao, Pro Miltione e
Virgilio and Salustio altematim. In the second part, Fr. Josepho Ribeiro delivered three lessons in theology and
later in the day four to five frairs spoke about how they worked on the mission in the heat and in winter. Such a
method must have borne fruit.CE0 pp. 48-49; Fernao de Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. III, pp. 541-42 and 609-13;
CEO Vol. I, Cap. 56, p. 289; DHMP Vol. III, p. 529.
 153

43
DI-IMP Vol. III, pp. 324-25; Vol. IV, p. 297; DI Vol. III,p. 406; Vol. IV, p. 190; DHMP Vol. VIII, p. 40; Vol. XII, pp.
819-20; Philip Baldeus, A True and exact description of the most celebrated East India, Coasts of Malabar and
Coromandel, 1996, p. 646.
44
Dl Vol. IV, pp. 318-19; Alden Dauril Op.Cit., 1996,p. 6 and vii; Bull. Patr. Vol. I, p. 142; There was a reference to
a woman from the terra flan° who was married to a man in Chorao. She went to the Church of Chorao to
become a christian. The priest who was also from Chorao sent a brother with her. They entered a house of her
relatives the and brother told a small girl that if there was Christ he would draw out a motim or a gold hook that
the married woman wore in her nose as a sign of idolatry; DI Vol. IV, pp. 489 and 213; DHMP Vol. V, p. 297.
45
Anthony D'Costa, Op.Cit.,1965, p. 29; APO Vol. V, Part II, p. 613; Part. I, pp. 410' 458,454 and 451; Annas
Cannas da Cunha, A Inquisicdo no Estado, p. 249; DHMP Vol. VIII, p. 238; Dl Vol. VI, p. 369; DHMP Vol. I, p.
143; Vol. X,p. 354;Vol. III, pp. 203-08; Dl Vol. IV, p. 328; Vol. III, pp. 726-27; Vol. IV, p. 677; DHMP Vol. VIII,
160; DI Vol. IV, p. 743.
Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 149; A.K Priolkar The Goa Inquisition,1961, p. xii; A. Baiao, A Inquisicao
de Goa, Vol. II, pp. 37, 65,84,103,122,2 and 119; Fortunato Almeida, Op. Cit., Vol. II, pp. 988-89; DHMP Vol.
III, p.72 ; CEO , Vol.l, Cap.53,p.271; APO. Fasc. V, Part I, p. 451; DHMP Vol. X, p. 405-06; DHMP Vol. VIII, p.
238,; Dl Vol. V,p. 60; Vol. IV, p. 834; BFUP Vol. 2, p. 84, Leis por favor da Christandade, fls. 34-45; APO
Fasc. V, Part II, p. 488; DI Vol. VI, p. 176-77; Vol. V, pp. 122-23.
47
DHMP Vol. VIII, pp. 229-30; BFUP Vol. 1p.51; APO Vol. V, Part 2, p. 451; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 55, p. 284;
DHMP Vol. IX, pp. 175-76; APO Fasc. V, Part II, p. 544-45.
4a
Dl Vol. VI, pp. 701-02 and 356; DHMP Vol. VI, p. 48; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 64, p. 325; BFUP. Vol. II, p. 87; Vol.
I, p. 50; DHMP Vol. X, p. 298; A list of the temples is provided by A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., 1961, pp. 83-84; P. S.
S. Pissurlencar, Op. Cit.; BIVG No. 62 (1945); DHMP Vol. V, p. 408; Vol. X, pp. 74-75; DI Vol. VII, p. 62;
DHMP Vol. X, pp. 288 and 298; Vol. V,pp. 298;DI.VoLVII, p.396
49
Fortunato Almeida, Op. Cit., Vol. ill pp. 519-21; Bull Patr. Voll„Appdx. I, p. 41; Carlos Merces de Melo, Op.
,

Cit.,1955, p. 323; APO Vol. V, Part III, pp. 687 and 628; DHMP Vol. XII, p. 643; DI Vol. V, p. 9; APO Fasc. V,
Part II, p. 613; DHMP Vol. X, pp. 74-75; Vol. XI, pp. 31-35.
so
APO Fasc. VI, p.9; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 55, p. 282; Dl Vol. IV, p. 742; Vol. X, p. 256; Vol. VIII, p. 745.
51
Bull. Patr. Vol. I, Appdx. pp. 6-29; DHMP Vol. IX, p. 248 ;• CEO Vol. I, Cap . 56, p. 288; DI Vol. X, p. 53;
Wicki, 0 Livro do Pai dos Christaos, 1969, p. 202; APO Vol. V, Part II, pp. 903-905.
52
DHMP Vol. XII, p. 280; APO Vol. V, Part II, pp. 909-10 and 712; DHMP Vol. XII p. 722, Leis por favor da
Christandade, fl. 46;APO Vol. V, Part III, pp. 973-74; Wicki, Op. Cit., 1969 p. 94; BFUP Vol. II, p.18 ;Vol. I, p.
38.
53
BFUP Vol.1, p. 35, Provisoes e Alvaras a favor da Christandade (1533-1831), Its. 35-36 ; APO Vol. V, Part III,
967-68; Wicki, Op. Cit., 1969 ,p. 66; BFUP Vol. l,p. 48; Vol. II, p. 79; Leis por favor da Christandade, fl. 19;
APO Vol. V, Part III, p. 991, Wicki, Op. Cit., 1969 ,p. 102; DHMP Vol. XII, p. 788.
54
Delio de Mendonga, Conversions and Citizenry in Goa under Portugal (1510-1610), 2002, p. 125; T. R. de
Souza, 'Christianization of Goa and Cultural conflicts', in T. R. de Souza (ed.), Goa to me, 1994, p. 87.
ss
Di Vol. IV, p. 310; Vol. VI, p.682.
se
DI Vol. V.,p. 279; DHMP Vol. VIII, pp. 485, 421 and 485-9;D/ Vol. V, pp. 358-59; Portaria 3056 ( 23-11-1937);
Bol. Off 94.
57
The term Suili is believed to be derived from Shivling; Antonio Ataide de Lobo, A frequesia de Siolim, 1931, p. 2.
The image was brought back to Siolim on 15th March 1978; DHMP Vol. X, p. 298; A remembrance of the old
site is found in the form of a Cross called the Sonar Khetticho Khuris and an inscription that was raised in 1910.
This is evident from the Relatorio of the Superior dated 31 si January 1767 that is stated in Bosq., p. 474; Antonio
Ataide de Lobo, Op. Cit., 1931,p. 8.
58
CEO Vol. I, Cap. 60, p. 307.
so
DHMP Vol. III, p. 279-80; Vol. IV, p. 256; J.M Castelloe, Op. Cit., 1993,p. 244; DHMP Vol. IV, p. 187; DI Vol. I,
pp. 410-26.
ao
DHMP Vol. IV, pp. 208,137-38 and 471; Vol. III, p. 440; DI Vol. I, p. 744, DHMP Vol. VII, p. 289, APO
Fasc. V, pp. 412-13; DI Vol. I, p. 531;DHMP Vol. IV, pp. 245-46 and 566; Gaspar de Correa, Op. Cit., Vol. IV,
p. 10.
81
Jose de Lima Felner Rodrigo, Tratado do Tombo Geral da India e Subsidos do Tombo Geral da India
Portuguesa, MDCCCLXVIII, pp. 46-47 and 55-56;Arthur Teodoro de Matos, 'Assets and income of the Religious
Orders in Goa at the end of the Sixteenth century', in T. R. de Souza(ed.), Op.Cit.,1994, p. 155. He makes a
reference to a document available in Bibliotheca Ajuda 51-VII-31, fl. 18v-20; Jose da Lima Felner Rodrigo, Op.
Cit., pp. 70; DHMP Vol. VII, p. 194; DI Vol. I, pp. 606-12; Vol. II, p. 508; Vol. VIII, p. 406; Vol. Xl, p.339.
82
Anthony D'Costa Op.Cit., NZM vol. 18(1962) and Op.Cit,1965; DI Vol. VIII, p. 406; DHMP Vol. X, p. 470-71;
APO, Vol. V, Part II, p. 687; DHMP Vol. X, pp. 298; DHMP Vol. VII, p. 289; APO Vol. V, pp. 412-13; Arthur
Theodore de Matos, Op. Cit.,in T.R de Souza(ed) Op. Cit.,1994, pp. 153 and 155;P.S.S Pissurlencar Op. Cit.,
BIVG no. 62 , pp. 169-72; DI Vol. VIII, p. 553; Vol. IX, p. 278 and 281; DHMP Vol. XII, p. 253; Vol. XII, pp. 357-
 151

58 and 111-112; Bol. Off. 94; Portaria no. 3056; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit.,1906,p. 10, Ms. in the IVG is published
in Tribuna (July-September 1922); Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit, 1906, p. 11-12; DI Vol. XII, p. 87; DHMP Vol. XII, p.
722; APO Vol. V, pp. 973-4; Leis por favor de Christandade,11. 46.
83
Jean Aubin, Op.Cit.,STVDIA, Vol. 4 (1959 ) pp. 213, 234 and 239-40.
ea
P. S. S. Pissurlencar, Regimentos des fortalezas da India, 1951, pp. 33 and 35-36; DI Vol. IX,pp. 274-75;
DHMP Vol. XII, pp. 353, 361 and 365; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., BIVG Vol. 26, (1935), p. 9; DI Vol. XII, p.
87;DHMP Vol. IV, pp. 319-20;Vol. VIII, p. 303.
ea
CEO Vol. I, Cap. 64, pp. 325-26; DI Vol. V, pp. 358-59; Viriato de Albuquerque, 'Casa de Cathecumenos em
Goa', in OP Vol. II (1905), p. 442.
ea
DHMP vol. VII, pp. 328-29, CEO Vol. I, Cap. 55, p. 284; DHMP Vol. VII, p. 414; Vol. VI,p.348; CEO Vol. II,
p.284; DHMP Vol.VIII,pp.103 and 78-80; DI Vol. IV, p. 319.
87
CEO Vol. I,Cap.64,p.326; Dl Vol. VI, pp. 138-39 and 122-24; Francisco de Sousa, Op. Cit., 1881,Vo1. I, pp. 86-
87; J.Petrus Maffei, Op.Cit.,1747, Vol. II, pp.81-2; DHMP Vol. IX, pp. 250-51; Dl Vol. V, pp. 20 and 229-30;
Viriato de Albuquerque, Op. Cit. OP Vol. 11 (1905), p. 412.
ea
CEO Vol. I, Cap. 64, p. 326; Gabriel de Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 240; DHMP Vol. XII, p. 712.
89
DHMP Vol. II, p. 331; MF,p. 177; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 20, pp. 105-11; Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit., OP, Vol. IV, p.
11; Querroz, Op.Cit.,p. 1603; DHMP Vol. III, p. 67; Vol. IV, docs. 43 and 49.
70
DHMP Vol. III, pp. 281 and284; DHMP Vol. I, pp. 307-15; ML Vol. I, pp. 20-30 and 595-97; S. Brian, 'El
Primeiro Bispo de la India; Fray Juan Albuquerque', in Misiones Franciscanas Vol 39 (1955), pp. 130-2; DHMP
Vol. II, pp. 437-39 and 141.
71
Gaspar Correa, Op.Cit., Vol. VI, p. 298; Annales Vol. XVIII, pp. 450-52, CEO Vol. I,Cap. 63, pp. 320-22; DI
Vol. I, p. 76; Vol. III, p, 812, DHMP Vol. II, p.103; Vol. III, pp. 218-19; Dl Vol. I, p. 98; Vol. II, p. 247 ;
DHMP Vol. III„ p. 318.
72
These Parishes were Sofala, Mozambique, Omruz, Diu, Chaul, Goa, Cannanore, Cochin, Quilon, Colombo,
Malaca, Maluco and Sao Thome; Henry Coleridge, Op.Cit.,1997, pp. 124 and 77-78; DHMP Vol. III,p. 40.
73
DHMP Vol. I, p. 110; DHM Vol. II, p. 200; Pe. Gabriel Saldanha, Op.Cit., Vol. II, pp.. 133-134.
74
DHMP Vol. VII, p. 382; DHM Vol. II, p. 515; .Correa, Op.Cit., Vol. IV, pp. 667-69; DHMP Vol. IV, pp. 253-59
,28and 259; Gabriel Saldanha, Op.Cit., Vol. I, pp. 28-29; DHMP Vol. IV, doc. 49.
75
DHMP Vol. III, p.64; Vol. IV, pp. 254-56; J.M Castelloe, Op. Cit., 1993,p. 247; DI Vol. I, pp. 25-26; DHMP Vol.
IV, p. 101; Dl Vol. II, p. 134; J.M Castelloe, Op.Cit., 1993, p. 146; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 19, pp. 98-100.
78
APO Fasc. I, Part I, pp. 26-27; WDI Vol. III, pp. 14 and 211; DHMP Vol. II, p. 561; Vol. IV ,p. 472; Vol. VI,
doc..19; Dl Vol. III, p. 570; Delio Mendonca, Op.Cit., 2002, p. 19; DHMP Vol. VI, doc. 42.
77
HC Vol. III, p. 199; Bull. Pair. Vol. I, p. 193; Golubovich, Op.Cit., Vol. III, p. 349; Holzavel, Op.Cit., Vol. III, p.
372; Fortunato Almeida, Op.Cit.,Vol. III, p. 1013; Corpo Diplomatico, Vol. VIII, p. 62; CEO Vol. I, Cap. ,p.
211; DHMP Vol. IX, p. 317; Diogo do Couto, Dec. 7, Cap. 5; DHMP Vol. VIII, p. 238; WDI Vol. IV, p. 834;
DHMP Vol. IX, pp. 137 and 315; Felix Lopes, 'Os estudos Franciscanes entre os Franciscans Portugueses no
seculo XVI', Colectanea dos Estudos, Vol. 2(1951), p. 188; MF. p. 181; APO Vol. V, Part II, p. 580; AFPI.,p. 77;
Miguel da Purificacao, Op.Cit., p. 60; Bull. Patr. Vol. I, pp. 213-14; DHMP Vol. I, p. 110.
78
DHMP Vol. X, p. 263; Aspurz, Op.Cit., p. 304; Bull. Patr, Vol. I, Appdx. 39.
79
A list of Custos is provided by Ricardo Telles, 'Inventarios dos Conventos de Sao Francisco de Assisi, Sao
Caetano e in Separate do BIVG (1943), pp. 13-14 and in Relagao dos Custodios de Provincia de sao
Thome; Femao Soledade, Op.Cit., Vol. III, p.189; FO pp. 66 and 109; CEO Vol. I, Cap .38, p. 201; Diogo do
Couto, Op. Cit., Dec. VII, Cap. 5; Dl Vol. X, p. 462.
ea
A. G. Nicolau Pereira, 'Expansion of Christianity in the East (1500-1700)', BIVG Vol. 174 (1994), p. 34; CEO
Vol. I, Cap. 65, pp. 323-24.
81
CEO Vol. I, Cap. 53, pp. 273-74; DHMP Vol. IV, p. 254, Barros, Dec. IV, pp. 416 and 458; Dec. V, pp. 372-3;
DHMP Vol. III, doc. 83; Dl Vol. ll,pp.269-70; SRD. Vol. IV, p.156;CE0 Vol. I, Cap. 20 ,p.105;
 eIMPTER IU

TOWARDS
STABILIZATION
(1583-1622)
 COM 1,1

TOWARDS STABILIZATION (1583-1622)

The Franciscan mission in Goa was well established as

both the Church building activities and the number of converts

had increased. This was despite the threat that was posed by the

Dutch. Besides being the political enemies of the Portuguese, the

Dutch Calvinists believed that they were the true and Reformed

Christians. Hence, they not only attacked the Portuguese

dominions but also infiltrated into their mission stations. In

Portugal, power was in the hands of the Spanish Hapsburgs. In

this situation, the Observants who were hitherto under the

Mother Province in Portugal were able to assert their autonomy

and found a separate Province in Goa. The Capuchos also

organized themselves into a Custody.

THE PROVINCE OF SAO THOME, GOA: Between 1542 and

1582, the Franciscans raised several Parishes within the given

territory that could be clubbed together and governed by their

own Superior without being dependent upon the Mother

Province in Portugal. The recruits from Lisbon were insufficient to

handle the extensive mission.

 153

In 1583, a Chapter was held at Toledo, Spain at the

initiative of the Cismontane family. At this Chapter, the

representatives of the Custodia de Sao Thome submitted a

petition in which they requested their Superiors to raise a

Province. The General, Frei Francisco Gonzaga agreed to this

and passed a Decree entitled Cum Auctoritate Apostolica sibi

Commissa in 1583 by which raised the Sao Thome Province in

Goa. But, the Decree was not implemented in Goa because the

frairs of the Piedade Province in Portugal were opposed to it and

wanted the frairs in Goa to be kept under the close supervision of

the authorities in. Portugal. In 1583, the Minister General held a

Chapter at which Frei Gaspar de Lisboa was elected as the

Custos. In the meanwhile, the Deputy of the Holy Office

nominated Frei Andre de Santa Maria as the Custos. Frei

Andres appointment was invalid because Frei Gaspar was

recognised as the Custos. Frei Gaspar argued that the General

had nominated him as the Custos and Commissary General of

the Custody of Goa and Malacca. But, the Superiors in Goa

refused to accept him because they had not accepted the Papal

Decree.'

Frei Gaspar had the evidence that proved his position.

Moreover, his appointment had been accepted by the Minister

,

General. But, the frairs in Goa refused to accept his authority.

He left Goa and went to the Frairy in Cochin. After ten months,
 154

he came back to Goa, organized the Provincial Council and

helped in the Auto da Fe. In 1585, a Custodial Chapter was

held to elect the Council, Definitor and Superiors of the Houses.

The proceedings of the Chapter were sent to Rome through a

representative of the Custody, Frei Lopo de Sao Francisco. At a

General Chapter that was held in 1587, a Tabua of the Houses,

Superiors and frairs in the Goa Province was prepared. However,

the Observants of the Piedade Province refused to accept the

proceedings of Chapter as it was presided over by Frei Gaspar.

Portugal was five hundred leagues away from the East Indies and

the Minister of the Province could not handle the Goa mission on

his own. Therefore, he decided to decentralize his power and

empower the Custos who was elected in India. The latter was

placed in charge of an area utroque fora India, China and

Mal acca.2

Between 1585 and 1590, the frairs instructed the people,

taught catechism, converted the gentios and raised Parishes

and other Religious Houses in the Islands of Goa and Bardez.

By 1593, the frairs felt that their mission in Goa was stabilized

enough to be organized into a Province. At the Chapter of

Vallaloid, the King, Felipe I authorised Frei Jeronimo do Espirito

Santo to go to Goa as. the Custos. His appointment was accepted

by the General Chapter. In 1595, he held a Chapter at which a

 155

Tabua of frairs and the Statutes for the Province were drawn

up. 3

In 1597, Frei Jeronimo completed his term and left for

Europe. The new Statutes that were implemented created a lot

of confusion in Goa. Some frairs refused to accept the Statutes

because the Custos who presided over the Chapter was

nominated by the King. The frairs in Goa continued to appeal in

favour of a Province. On 11th September 1612, Pope Paul V

acceded to their demands and issued a Bull entitled Ex Conjuncto

nobis de Super that permitted the frairs to erect the Province of

Sao Thome. The General Chapter of Rome also accepted the

Decree. Frei Luiz da Conceicao, a former Custos was appointed

as the first Provincial. However, before the Bull was passed the

Minister General, Frei Joannes Hierro died and the Vicar

General, Frei Antonio de Trejo suspended the decree. The frairs of

the Piedade Province issued a Suspension Decree. This was

implemented by Frei Sebastia'o dos Santos who arrived in Goa in

December 1614 as the Commissary General. In 1618, the

Chapter of Salamanca decided to re-erect the Sao Thome

Province in Goa. The Piedade frairs refused to accept this

decision and the frairs in Goa complained to the King Felipe I.

In a letter of 22nd May 1618, the King wrote to Nuntius, Antonius

Cajetan.us but the authorities in Rome refused to take any action

because the Re-erection Decree was not passed there. Frei

 156

Miguel da Purificacao went to Rome alongwith his Procurador.

After a long drawn struggle between the Pope and the King, the

Re-erection Decree passed on 9th October 1619. Frei Francisco

de Sao Miguel was authorized to execute the Decree in Goa but

before his arrival to India, he expired. The Decree was officially

promulgated in Goa by Frei Diogo dos Anjos. The Province of

Goa now became an autonomous unit. The Commissaries

General which were hitherto appointed from the Provinces of

Portugal (1378), Algarve (1533), Piedade (1517), St. Anthony

(1568) or Arrabida (1560) were now appointed by the Minister

General in Rome. According to the Constitution of the Order,

the Provincial had to be elected every three years. In 1622, Frei

Luiz da Cruz succeeded Fr. Luiz da Conceicao as the Provincial.

But, he was not easily accepted in Goa. The latter made a

petition to the Councillor, Fernao de Albuquerque and to the

Relacao and agreed to show them the letter that proved his

appointment and his right to visit the Province. By, then the

frairs had extended the mission in the Islands of Salcete, Mount

Poinsur, Pare, Amboli, Bhaynder, Trombay, Kalyan , Agra, Ava,

Pegu, Aracan and Pegu. 4

Though the Province was erected in 1619, the title was

used only in 1622 because of the tussle that took place between

the authorities in Rome and in Portugal.

 15?

THE ATTEMPTS TO INTRODUCE THE SECOND ORDER: The

Second Order was a Congregation of nuns who were dedicated to

St. Clare. When Frei Gaspar de Lisboa was the Custos, the frairs

in Goa wanted to found a nunnery in the City of Goa. But, this

could not be done without the permission of the Patron of the

Missions. In a letter of 7 December 1587, Frei Gaspar requested

the King .him to assign the Professed HouSe of Born Jesus to the

Poor Clares. The Santa Casa de Misericordia and the authorities

of the City of Goa also supported him mainly because this House

would help the orphan girls. The Viceroy, Manoel de Sousa

Coutinho also made the same proposal. 5

The Jesuit Provincial, Valignano decided to build a

Professed House because of the professed members of the Order

found it difficult to live in the College of St. Paul. The Jesuits

acquired a site in the City of Goa. Valignano acquired some

additional land from the inhabitants who lived there by offering

them some Houses that belonged to the College of St. Paul. This

brought him into direct conflict with his Superiors because he

did not have the right to give the College property without the

approval of the General. Valignano did this mainly because he

was afraid of the Franciscans who had raised a tumult when they

heard that Jesuits were going to transfer their Professed House.

The frairs even tried to evoke the support of the Santa Casa de

Misericordia. Valignano did not waste time in acting against his

 158

opponents. On 3rd and 4th September 1585, he sent three Jesuits

to occupy the new site. The frairs complained about this to the

Viceroy, the authorities in Rome and to King Felipe while the

Jesuits tried to get the help of the Municipality and the

Archbishop. The Viceroy favoured the Jesuits and stated that the

Jesuits needed such a House. 6

In 1589, the Professed House was complete. The frairs

were now determined to thwart its functioning. In the same year,

Frei Gaspar de Lisboa complained to Felipe I that the Jesuits

owed many Houses in Goa. He accused the Jesuits of infiltrating

into their pastoral domain and of being powerful and

troublesome. Frei Gaspar de Lisboa requested the King to hand

over the House to the nuns of St. Clare. He stated that such a

House would benefit the State because many Portuguese orphan

girls whose fathers had lost their lives while spreading the

Christian faith and in the service of the King would be safe there.

He argued that as the Franciscan Order was the oldest Order to

be established in Goa, the frairs had the right to acquire more

land. He further accused the Jesuits of acquiring a large part of

the Estado within a short time. In his letter, Frei Gaspar

requested the King to hand over the properties of the deceased to

the frairs because they had the legal right to look after the

orphans. He reminded the King of his moral responsibility to

look after the children of those who died in his service.? In his
 158

letter of 23rd December 1589, Frei Gaspar wrote to the King that

it was necessary to have a Convent in the City of Goa because it

was inhabited by several honourable ladies whose honour was in

danger as they had no shelter and they were likely to "...offend

God". Moreover, the King had to fulfil his obligation of helping

the orphan girls who had reached a marriageable age and the

widows whose fathers and husbands had died in the army while

fighting against the enemies of the Crown. He stated that the

Franciscan Order could look after them because they had been

in the mission field since a long time and the Sisters of St.

Clare would cater to their spiritual needs as they were dedicated

to recollection and service. In a letter of 23rd December 1589, the

Custos requested the King to give them the big and high House

in the Terreiro dos Galos that belonged to the Paulistas. The

Camara that was in charge of public and social welfare also

favoured a Convent for the noble and honourable women whose

fathers and husbands had expired in the service of God and of

the King. 8

In the meanwhile, the frairs made all the arrangements to

bring the Poor Clares to Goa. They collected two hundred

thousand xs from the Tertiaries in Bassein. The Second Order

was popularised in Goa. In the Church of Penha da Franca,

there was a Court of Arms of the Second Order. Though the frairs

were ready to bring the nuns, their plan would not materialize
 lea

without the permission of the authorities. The King refused to

grant permission for a nunnery. In a letter of 1593, Dom Felipe I

admitted that the Convent would solve many serious problems

that were faced by the innocent women who lived in Goa. But,

it was neither his service nor that of God to found the Convent

for them. In another letter of 17th February 1595, he wrote to the

Viceroy Dom Mathias not to allow the Poor Clares to build a

Convent in Goa. The Archbishop of Goa, Dom Alexio de Menezes

was an Augustinian and had his own plans to build a Convent

for the nuns of Santa Monica. Though the King was against a

Convent, he did not want to insult the frairs who worked for Him.

Hence, he left the decision to the Archbishop and Viceroy. In a

letter of 22nd February 1597, he instructed the Viceroy to consult

the Bishop of Cochin and other prelates in this matter. By then,

the Jesuits and the Augustinian Archbishop manipulated the

decisions and the authorities refused to grant the permission for

the Convent. The Jesuits were permitted to occupy the Professed

House. The frairs now realized that it was impossible to found a

nunnery and the Custos, Frei Miguel de Sao Boaventura decided

to use the money that was collected to found a House of Studies

where the clerics would be taught Philosophy, Theology, Konkani

and other subjects. 9 This indicated that the King, Archbishop

and the Viceroy were the three pillars of the success of any

missionary activity in Goa.

THE KONKANI LANGUAGE: The Portuguese frairs who worked

in Goa hardly gave any importance to the local language because

they conducted catechism classes in Portuguese and made use

of interpreters if at all they needed to communicate in the local

language.

In 1592, the Decree that was approved by the Fourth

Provincial Synod that was held in Goa explicitly stated that no

priest could be appointed as a Pastor in the Parish Church

unless he knew the local language and until he passed an

examination in the same. The frairs were given six months to

learn Konkani, failing which they were to be removed. The King

instructed the Custos, Frei Jeronymo do Espirito Santo that it

was his responsibility to instruct the frairs to learn the language

of the place wherein they resided. The authorities in Bardez

observed that many new converts communicated and lived with

their gentio friends and relatives. Others worshipped their Gods

and followed their old customs. The frairs tried to enlighten

them but they could not do much as they did not know the

language well. Hence, they were instructed to learn the local

language so that they could catechize, preach and confess the

locals. The Custos reminded the frairs about their duty to study

the local languages. In the College of Reis Magos, he separated

the Seminary of Sao Jeronymo from the Orphanage. He included

Konkani in the curriculum and ensured that the novices who

 162

were formed there were trained in the local languages. Reis

Magos was the first educational institution that taught Konkani

to the novices.' 0

In 1567, Pope Pius V issued a Brief that stated that the

parish priests had to know the local language. This was

directed to the King of Portugal. The General Chapter of 1585,

the Provincial Synod and the Provincial Councils instructed the

frairs to take interest in Konkani, Sanskrit and Marathi and to

write a textbook on the Christian doctrine in the same so that

the natives understand the new religion. Frei Jeronymo learnt

the many languages and invited the local Jewish, Muslim and

Hindu scholars to hold discussions with him. In this, he tried

to prove the falsity of -their religious tenets. Many frairs learnt

the local language and compiled books in the same. In 1595,

Frei Jeronymo met Frei Amador de Santa Ana and Frei Joao de

Sao Mathias who knew Konkani. The latter taught Konkani to

his co-frairs, translated the Flos Sanctorum from Latin to the

lingua maratha and knew to pronounce the Konkani vocabulary

so well that even the Brahmins who heard him could not make

out that he was a Portuguese. The Custos, Frei Francisco de

Arruida enclosed a copy of his book in crimson velvet with silver

clasps and sent it to the Viceroy, Dom Francisco da Gama. The

latter sent it to King Filipe II to prove that the frairs knew the

language. The King directed it to the Escorial in Madrid. Frei

 lees

Joao de Sao Mathias was appointed as the Censor of the

Konkani language by the Inquisition to check and review the

books that were published and translated in Konkani. He

translated the Simbolo do Cardeal Belarmino, a text of two

thousand verses into Konkani and wrote about the life of Christ

in the lingua brahmana. Both the frairs, compiled a book on the

Christian doctrine and on the mysteries of the faith in the local

language. Frei Antonio da Piedade was also well versed in the

language. The frairs took interest in the local language because

the Archbishop had stated that the frairs made use of

interpreters to communicate with the converts. In fact, he

wanted to entrust the Parishes to the Brahmin, native clergy

who were well versed with the lingua maratha and the lingua

brahmana that could be understood by the local people."

The Provincial Council of 1606 warned the parish priests

who worked in Bardez that they would loose their position if they

failed to pass an examination in the local language within six

months of their appointment. The Custos, Frei Miguel de Sao

Boaventura and the Archbishop, Dom Alexio de Menezes

supported this and many frairs learnt Konkani. Francisco da

Gama stated the frairs studied the local languages and composed

books in it. Frei Manoel Banha wrote a Konkani vocabulary and

Frei Christovao de Jesus wrote the Arte Gramatica. Many of

these works were used to instruct the local people. Frei Antonio
 164

da Piedade, Rector of Pomburpa knew the local language and

used to preach it to the people. The Archbishop of Goa presented

a copy of Thomas Stephens Crista Purana to a Brahmin lady

from Moira who read to the people it on Sundays and on

feastdays. The people liked it so much that they used to hurry

to the Church to hear it. In Moira, there was a Brahmin

sacador. When the lady read the book in the Church, he envied

her as he did not know to read the script. After some time he

also learnt to read. This indicated that the frairs made use of the

dominant classes to spread their religious ideals. The Pope

rewarded those frairs who took the trouble of learning Konkani.

Gregory XV permitted Frei Francisco Negrao to occupy his office

for an additional term so that he could complete his chronicle.

The latter completed it and took it to Rome to be published. This

encouraged the frairs to concentrate on the local language. In a

letter of 10th January 1621, the Viceroy stated that there were

several frairs who were acquainted with it. 12

At this time, the frairs were trying to ward of the criticisms

regarding their ignorance of the local language. This was a

hurdle to their effort to erect a Province in Goa.

FINANCIAL CONSIDERATIONS: The financial position of the

Estado da India was stable and the King met the expenses of the

Houses and Rectors who belonged to the Order. The Parish

Churches were built with the help of the local people.

 1 ,5

The Statutes of 1585 clearly stated that the frairs could

neither possess estates nor hoard riches. They could only make

use of the Houses in which they lived. They were not entitled to a

fixed salary and had to depend upon the alms that they collected

from the local people. In case they did not have money or work,

they had to go from door to door begging for alms. On 4th

December 1585, the Viceroy, Dom Duarte de Menezes

implemented the Provisao of King, Dom Felipe I by which the

Christians of Bardez were placed under the Pai dos Christaos

who was entitled to five hundred xs. The King tried to control

the religious and instructed the latter to enquire into their

assets. In a letter of 1588, he sanctioned forty two thousand reis

per annum for the frairs. Out of this, thirty thousand reis had to

be paid to the priests and six thousand reis were to the

Confraria and for the hosts and for wine respectively. 13

The King wanted to ensure that the frairs did not claim the

ownership of the properties that were given to them for their

maintenance. The donation that was made by Dom Henrique to

the College of Reis Magos to meet the expenses of the fabrica was

confirmed. The frairs said mass and distributed communion to

the soldiers of the armadas there. The new converts from the

villages that were close to the monastery allotted the proceeds of

two varzeas, a mulaco of the Vithala temple in Serula and a

varzea entitled Puelo Xetta in the same village to the frairs. This
 166

was hitherto sanctioned to the temple. On 16th June 1590,

Catarina de Faria donated two varzeas to Church of Pomburpa.

The Seminary of Sao Jeronymo was also entitled to a subsidy

from the Camara Geral de Bardez. The King tried to exercise his

control over such receipts. In a Provisdo of 24th March 1594, he

instructed the Viceroy, Dom Mathias de Albuquerque to maintain

the Tombo dos Escrivaes of the village in the sacristy of the

Church in Bardez. The parish priests also kept confidential

records there. In a letter of 14th December 1585, Frei Gaspar de

Lisboa stated that the Frairy of Goa guarded the cofre of money

that was sent by the King. This was done to ease the burden from

the State. In a letter of 21st January 1588, the King instructed

the Viceroy, Dom Duarte de Menezes to use the proceeds of the

lands in Bardez to pay the Archbishop and the priests. The King

took personal interest in the missionaries and requested the

Viceroy to inform him about the means of their sustenance. 14

The first Synod of the Province held in 1595 approved the

Statutes that were introduced by the General Chapter of Toledo.

According to this, the frairs were instructed to observe poverty.

They could not have ownership rights over their Frairies and

Houses. Even the donations had to be considered as alms. The

Recollects had to be content with their habit, tunic and a couple

of sacred books. The Tabua of 1595 stated that there were

several frairs in Goa and eleven Parish Churches in Bardez. The

latter had a Rector who also served as a Preacher and Confessor.

The mission was extensive and stable. The King exercised his

Padroado obligations. There was a reference to a grant that was

made by the King of Portugal. It included the following:1 5

Item Quantity

Wine Thirty three and a half pipas

Oil Fifty nine cantaros
Corn Fifty five candis
Rice Nineteen candis
Fine Rice Fifty two fardos
Coconut Oil Two candil
Butter One candil
Plums Fifteen maos
Wax Two candis
Cloth Twenty two Cutonias
Sugar Three fardaos
Plums of grapes Fifteen moons
Marmelade Twelve caixas
Paper One rim that was worth one hundred and
twenty xs
Medicines for One thousand, nine hundred and ninety
the pharmacy six xs.

The Religious Houses received funds directly from the State

unlike the Parish Churches that were maintained by the

Christians. The Church of Mapusa was built with the help of the

gaoncars of Mapuca, Cuchelim and Corlim. They, along with the

first and fourth vangods instituted the two sodalities of Our Lady

of Miracles and the Blessed Souls. Similarly, the Church in

Calangute was built at the cost of the gaoncars. By 1595, the

frairs raised eleven Parish Churches most of which were built

with the help of the local converts. The religious were given

land, groves and estates. Francisco Pais stated that the Jesuits
 168

collected their proceeds with the help of tax collectors who were

the christaos da terra.. This money was used for the divine

services. Since the frairs were bound by the vow of poverty,

they left their accounts in the hands of a lay person who had to

submit the same to the Casa dos Contos. The Church of Aldona

was built at the cost of the Communidade Agricola, and so was

the Church of St. Michael, Anjuna. The money that was collected

from the _ adjoining mission stations was also used for building

the Religious Houses in Goa. At the end of the sixteenth century,

the State made an attempt to record the income and properties of

the frairs. In 1596, Manuel de Abreu Mouzinho, a Judge of the

High Court of Goa worked out an inventory of the lands and

properties of the religious in Goa at the request of the Viceroy,

Dom Francisco da Gama. The religious owned nine thousand,

four hundred and eighteen xs and four hundred and thirty eight

revs. Out of this, the frairs owned eight hundred and seventy xs

and four hundred reis. 16

The King generally financed the new missions that were

undertaken by the frairs as per the Papal laws and Royal

sanctions. In the late sixteenth century, the Patron of the

Missions emphasized on the instruction of the catechumens and

the wellbeing of the new converts. The House of Monte de Gurim

was a College, House of Studies, Catechumenate and a

Hospicio or a House of Recreation where the frairs took rest after

 168

working in the mission. It was entitled to an ecclesiastical

revenue of six hundred and six xs and three tangos per year from

the main Frairy. This was used to meet the expenses of the Pai

dos Christaos who lived there. It was also entitled to an

additional subsidy of one thousand, three hundred and thirty

three xs, one tanga and seventy reis by an oral testimony. In

Alvara of 20th February 1598, the King instructed the Viceroy,

Dom Francisco to provide it with two thousand xs per anum.

This was confirmed by a Royal letter of 1st March 1597 and by

the Ecclesiastical Chapter of 1598. The Seminary of St. Jerome

was entitled to two hundred and fifty xs to meet the expenses of

the oil and the wax and one thousand xs a year for the upkeep of

the orphans and catechumens. This was confirmed by a Royal

Charter. In Pomburpa, the College was entitled to five candis of

corn, fifty candis of rice and fifty xs. The frairs often used the

alms that they collected on the mission within the Estado. The

funds that were collected from the nobles of Bassein to found a

nunnery for the nuns of Santa Clara were used to build a College

and a Professed House where the novices could study. The Pai

dos Christaos helped the frairs to convert the infeis, instruct the

new converts and to care for the new Christians. The manpower

that was needed for the spiritual care of the converts was

provided by the Frairy in Goa. In a letter of 16th March 1593, the

King instructed the Viceroy to send the frairs who worked in

Ceylon to the Frairy of St. Francis, Goa, to collect the money that
 1T

was needed to sustain the frairs in Ceylon and Calecoulao, to

repair their Houses and to care for the sick. The authorities

emphasized on the proper training of those who offered

themselves for baptism. On 8th January 1598, the King wrote to

Dom Francisco, the Viceroy that Jeronimo Pedroso who was

promoted by the Inquisition advised the Archbishop of Goa to

separate the orphans from the Catechumens in Bacaim,

Cranganor and Goa. This was implemented by the frairs who

separated the. Orphanage from the Catechumenate. Both the

Houses received maintenance grants from the benefactors. On

11th June 1604, Louisa da Madre de Deus, the widowed daughter

of Ana de Santa Maria donated her houses, a palmar, an

arecanut grove and varzeas called Quelloxy to the Franciscans.

All this yielded one thousand and four hundred xs. The proceeds

were allotted to the catechumens, fabrica, beneficiaries of the

palmars and arecanut groves and to the parish priest

respectively. The grant was made in the presence of Leonor de

Andrade and Nuno da Cunha. Since the first part was not used,

the proceeds were sent to the Sindico and used to say masses for

the intention of her mother. Lourenco Esteves, donated a palmar

to the Confraria of Nellur on 1st July 1604. 17

The frairs were given donations, bequests and proceeds of

the former temple lands. In the beginning of the seventeenth

century, the authorities tried to exercise some , control over these

proceeds. As such we have a number of documents in this

regard. The frairs had a coffer in the Frairy of St. Francis, Goa

where the Letters of Succession were kept. After the death of the

Viceroy, the officers took the box to the Church were the body of

the dead man was kept and opened it with three keys. The letter

was read out solemnly and the coffer was taken back to the

Frairy and entrusted to the Guardian. The Royal grants were

also kept there before they were distributed. In a letter of 23rd

February 1608, the King instructed the Viceroy to ensure that

the coffer that was kept in the Frairy was not misused. From

now onwards, it could be opened only with the permission of

Joao Freire de Andrade, Chancellor of the Relacao de Goa who

was authorised to remove the Letters of Succession from the

coffer. To avoid any frauds, the letters were sealed in sear cloth

and put in a chest of lead that had an iron lock with three keys.

These were kept with three separate people. This indicated that

the King did not trust them.

The frairs owned a lot wealth. This was evident from a

letter of 9th February 1611, in which the King stated that the

Camara of the City had informed him that the Frairy was entitled

to grants and vazeas that yielded three thousand xs. In addition

to this, they had estates that were worth three thousand xs. This

was enough to sustain forty frairs. In a letter of 24th January

1610, the King, Dom Sebastiao confirmed the receipts of the

 172

temple lands in Bardez that were sanctioned to the frairs. The

reason for doing this was clear from a letter of 15th March 1611,

in which the King wrote to the Viceroy about the sorry state of

the finances of the State. The King wasted his resources in

fighting the wars against the mouros and the heretic enemies of

the Church and on the alms that were allotted to the faithful,

widows and orphans. The was clear in a letter of 27th March

1612, in which the King stated that he spent two thousand

pardaos on the dresses of those who were baptised unexpectedly

at the General Baptisms. The State allotted ecclesiastical revenue

called ordinarios to the frairs. This generally included a fixed

amount in cash or in kind. To avoid any disappointment, the

King instructed the secular and religious authorities to inform

him about the Religious Houses that were established in Goa.

When Lopo de Sao Francisco came back from the General

Chapter, he requested Frei Gaspar to send a list of Houses that

the frairs had founded in the areas where they had converted the

people. In a letter of 7th December 1587, the Custos stated that

the King knew about them because he was informed by the

Viceroy. The permission of the King preceded the sanction of

such grants. This was clear from a letter of 22nd March 1597, in

which the Procuradorof the Custody was informed about a Royal

Instruction that was sent to the Viceroy, Mathias de

Albuquerque. In this the King instructed the latter about the

Houses that did not receive the ordinarios till date because they
 1Y8

were not reported to the King. Till then, the Parish Churches

depended on alternate source of income. On 12th March 1611,

Marquis de Castello Rodrigues instructed the Viceroy to sent

him a register of the lands in Bardez, Salcete and in the Islands

of Goa. It must be noted that the frairs faced several problems

as the gaoncars rarely paid their revenues regularly. In a letter of

14th February 1613, the King wrote to the Viceroy that the

gaoncars of the Camara Geral de Bardez had not paid the

proceeds and foros as per the foral. The former temple lands

belonged to the King since the last forty years. The temples were

destroyed and thirteen Churches were raised on its ruins. The

dizimos of the estates amounted to three thousand xs. These

were intended to sustain the parish priests. But, this could not

be done as the inhabitants did not pay the dizimos. In a letter of

17th March 1612, the Archbishop informed the Viceroy about the

problems that the frairs faced in Bardez. In another letter of 21st

March 1613, the King wrote to the Viceroy that the Camara had

complained to him that the people did not pay the foro for the

lands that were rented to them. The others sold the yields but

refused to pay the foro. The Archbishop failed to do anything

about the rendas of the lands in Bardez. The gaoncars helped

the frairs to raise the Churches, but the authorities also wanted

them to sustain the frairs because a large part of the State

income was spent on the defense of the land. Revora was handed

over to the Ranes for security. Some lands in Anjuna were also
 174

given away for a similar reason. In such a crisis, the frairs had to

depend on the benefactors. The House of Our Lady of Pilar was

built with the help of Fernao Christovam and Amaro de Rocha.

The King made it a point to provide for the maintenance of the

Religious Houses. In a letter of 19th March. 1612, the Viceroy was

instructed not to delay the payments to the contractors who

worked in the Frairy and to pay them from the money that was

sent to the coffers in the Frairy. A Royal Decree of 16th April

1617 sanctioned an ordinaria of one thousand xs per annum to

the College of Sao Boaventura. The Frairy was provided with the

mass stipends that were given to the frairs to offer the masses in

the memory of the European soldiers of the First Regiment and

the Legion of Royal Volunteers who died in Ponda and who were

buried in the Chapter and Cloister of the Frairy. They were

buried there because before they lived with the frairs before their

death. The Conseiho da Fazenda met the routine expenses of

the Frairy. On 21st November 1613, it decided to spend one

hundred pardaos to pay the singers and to meet the other

expenses of the Chapel during Lent. In another letter of 13th

August 1615, it instructed the Viceroy, Dom Jeronimo de

Azavedo to pay the religious in the Estado twenty five xs per

head. The gaoncars helped the frairs to build the Parish

,

Churches. In return for this, they were given several privileges

on account of which they became influential and even misused

their powers. The Judge of the High Court who was present at
 175

the auctions of the paddy fields in Serula complained that the

gaoncars helped the State to increase its revenue. In Mapusa

and Colvale, they tried to take the best paddy fields. In Bardez,

the land was mainly owned by the Communidades. The Father of

the-Christians and parish priests depended on the contributions

that were made by the gaoncars. They harassed the local people

and -forced them to contribute for the Church projects.

Everytime they came to Church, the gaoncars were forced to

pass a nemo in this regard. The frairs befriended the rich and

influential gaoncars and forced them to coax the others to

contribute towards their projects. Hence, a number of locals

were against the frairs.' 8

The mission in Goa was stabilised as the Frairies and other

Houses were provided with provisions and alms from Portugal

while the Parish Churches were financed by the gaoncars, the

Camara Geral de Bardez and by the faithful.

CONVERSIONS: The King helped the Catholic missionaries in

the areas wherein they secured a foothold. The frairs gave

importance to vertical conversions and concentrated on the

adult catechumens. The European missionaries were against the

local culture because it was new to their perception. Physical

violence was not used because the Christian religion was against

the use of crude physical force. Most of the gentios were

converted with economic, social and psychological pressures.

 1Y6

The Parish Churches. were administered by the parish

priests who were helped by groups of people called the Confrades.

The latter ensured the efficiency and continuity in their work

because the frairs got transferred every three years. In a letter of

December 1583, Fr. E. Texeira and Fr. Joao Crasso informed

Joao Petro Maffeio that all the Churches in Bardez had Confraria

that served the Churches by maintaining the chalices,

vestments, candles and other necessities. On 9th June 1585, the

Third Provincial Council passed nearly thirty decrees that were

related to the conversion policies and the new converts. It gave

importance to those who were already converted. The frairs

admitted that baptism was a legal indication of the acceptance of

the new faith. Hence, it had to be given only after the

catechumens were instructed in the Christian doctrine. By

1587, the frairs converted nearly seven thousand people and the

number increased thereafter. They held forty three General

Baptisms at Reis Magos where four thousand, five hundred

catechumens were received into the faith. Frei Manoel Pinto

converted nearly one thousand, eight hundred people who were

baptised at Reis Magos in less than a year. The Custos, Frei

Jeronymo do Espirito Santo baptized two thousand people in

four to five months. The ceremony was attended by the Viceroy,

Francisco da Gama and the Archbishop, Alexio de Menezes. This

indicated the success of the frairs. However, foreign travelogues

testified to the contrary. In 1593, Linschoten reported that the

 1TZ

Hindu rites were still performed in the City of Goa, Bardez and

Salcete. The conversion records also proved the contrary. In

1592, a curious and astonished frair inquired about how the

Franciscans converted so many people in Bardez. The frairs

stated that they achieved this by preaching to the people or by

taking away the Hindu orphans from their relatives and baptising

them. This indicated that the frairs did not use physical force.

In the same year, Frei Manoel Pinto held three General Baptisms

at Reis Magos at which one thousand, five hundred people were

converted. The mass and rapid conversions were not favoured

by the Fourth Provincial Council that was held in 1592. The

latter emphasized on the proper instruction of those who offered

themselves for baptisms. For this, the frairs were instructed to

prepare a compendium on the Christian doctrine and to

translate it into the local language. This was done to enable the

Priors, Curates and Rectors to explain it to the local converts

from the pulpit on Sundays and on feast days. The Council

instructed the Preachers, Confessors and lay catechists to visit

the parishioners occasionally. The General Statutes of 1595 also

instructed the Rectors not to force the gentios to receive the faith,

instead they were instructed to guide them to accept Christianity

voluntarily. The frairs were advised to be cautious while

converting the locals or accepting the orphans. The former were

warned against the use of indiscreet and cudgel means. It must

be noted that Bardez was located to the North of the Island of

 118

Goa. It spanned over five leguas and was inhabited by several

Brahmins who were the greatest obstacle to the conversion of the

gentios. Hence, the frairs were adviced to hold General Baptisms

so that they could baptise all those who were converted on one

day. This was an occasion of great pomp and solemnity that

gave a feeling of identity to the converts and cowed down the

opposition that was building up against the frairs. Between 1584

and 1590, the opponents argued that the frairs were not suited

for the Parish Churches in Bardez because they concentrated on

their Prairies. But the frairs were able to disprove them. 19

The King of Portugal was happy with the reports that were

sent to him about the progress of the frairs. This was clear from

his letter to the Viceroy dated 11th January 1596, in which the

King stated that the frairs worked diligently in Bardez and in

other mission areas that were adjacent to it where they yielded a

lot of fruit. In Pomburpa, the frairs brought up many orphans of

Hindu parentage as the wards of the State. The frairs who

worked outside Goa sent the converts to Goa to be baptized Goa

was the religious and political headquarters of the Estado.

Moreover, conversions implied a major transformation in the life

of the converts and an obliteration of all the earlier religious

beliefs, cultural signs and social ties. After baptism, the converts

bore the identity tag of the convert group. There were instances of

interaction and synthesis but the changes were more obvioUs.

 1119

Hence, many of those who offered themselves for baptisms

outside Goa were brought here so that the sacrament could be

administered in a more familiar setting. In 1588, the frairs

baptised Dom Joao de Austria, the King of Candia, his son, Dom

Felipe and daughter, Fimata Devina Suri Ada. In 1591, they

baptised Changali Cumara, the heir Prince of Jafna, his wife and

daughters at Reis Magos. They were called Constantino, Dona

Clara, Donna Isabel and Dona Maria respectively. The last one

became the prioress of the Convent of Santa Monica. In 1594,

Frei Manoel dos Santos baptised the King of Sete Portal and

named him Dom Manuel. He died at Reis Magos. His nephew

was called Dom Francisco and his son was called Dom Joao. The

Princess and his wife were called Donna Antonia and Donna

Brites. The King and Queen of Ceitavaca were converted in Goa

and named Dom Felipe and Dona Catarina respectively. In the

kingdom of Cotta, the frairs converted the two Princes and

baptised them at the College of Reis Magos. The two Princes of

Ceylon accompanied Frei Simao de Luz and Frei Manuel Pereira

to Goa where they were baptised as Dom Joao and Dom Felipe.

Dom Joao, the Prince of Colombo was brought to Reis Magos

and baptised by the Commissary General, Frei Jeronimo do

Espirito Santo. Dom Felipe, the grandson of Raju, the King of

Ceitavaca was defeated by the Portuguese in an encounter.

 186

He was taken to the Frairy in Goa and baptised. Between

1596 and 1597, he was sent to the College of Reis Magos

and taught good habits, Christian doctrine, reading, writing and

Latin. Later, the Council of Portugal sent him to Lisbon along

with Andre Furtado. Dom Felipe pursued a course in Arts at

Coimbra and remained there till his death. 20

The frairs realized that they were accused of neglecting

their missionary duties because they did not report their

achievements in Goa to Portugal and Rome. The other Religious

Order discredited them and there were allegations that the frairs

only chanted the services, sang in the choir and buried the dead.

The Viceroy who was a friend of the Custos requested the frairs

to keep the authorities informed about their accomplishments in

the mission field. Moreover, the Province was about to be raised

and the frairs had to prove that they were active in the mission.

Hence, the frairs felt that they should restart the General

Baptisms and celebrate them at the Frairy in Goa in the

company of the Viceroy, Archbishop, nobles and other officers, so

that it would be a grand testimony of their work. The Fifth

Provincial Council also favoured conversions. From 1600, they

sent periodic reports to Portugal and Rome in which they stated

the number of converts and the year in which the General

Baptisms were held. These reports are summarized below:

 121

Year Number of Place where the Number Total number

General General Baptisms of of Christians
Baptisms were held. converts in Bardez
1602-1604 8 St. Francis Frairy, Goa 7000 32.000
1605-1608 4 St. Francis Frairy, Goa 2500
1605-1614 12 St. Francis Frairy, Goa 8100
1608-1611 4 St. Francis Frairy, Goa 3000
1611-1614 4 St. Francis Frairy, Goa 11770
1614-1619 3 St. Francis Frairy, Goa 2000
1619 Moira 300

All these baptisms were held during the tenure of the

Commissary Generals, Frei Miguel de Sao Boaventura, Frei

Antonio da Portuincula, Frei Francisco de Arruda, Frei Luiz da

Conceicao and Frei Sebastiao dos Santos. The statistics that

were compiled during this time stated that there were nearly

forty seven thousand converts in Bardez.

The frairs spent a lot of money on the General Baptisms.

Between 1605 and 1608, the frairs spent nearly two thousand xs

on the clothes of the catechumens who were converted at four

separate ceremonies. A number of Brahmins, main gaoncars,

jocins or the high priests of the Hindus and the sinais or teachers

of the gentios were baptised. The Fifth Provincial Council

instructed the religious to send all the Hindus above the age of

twelve years to attend the Konkani preaching that was

conducted in the Parish Churches on Sundays. The Custos

instructed the frairs to send the converts to the House of

Catechumens at Sao Boaventura, three days before the baptisms.

 182

On the day of baptism, the latter dressed and taken to the

Church in a procession with a palm leaf in their hands. They

were accompanied by all the Rectors and frairs of the Province.

The roads were decorated with carpets and covers. The

Archbishop, Dom Alexio de Menezes tried to ensure that they

were baptised by conviction. Those who were about to receive the

sacrament were asked whether they wanted to be Christians by

their own will. They had to answer this question positively. Only

then, they were baptized in the presence of the Viceroy, nobles,

Inquisitors and the frairs. The King who had hitherto expressed

his dissatisfaction over such occasions was now impressed by

the work that was undertaken by the frairs. In a Royal letter

dated 23rd February 1605, he requested the Viceroy to

congratulate Frei Miguel de Sao Boaventura for the General

Baptisms that were held at Goa. 21

Till then, the King was averse to the General Baptisms

because they were not conducted as per the norms that were

prescribed by the Provincial Councils. In a letter of 28th February

1605, the King had instructed the frairs to exercise care and

vigilance while instructing the people. But, Frei Miguel was able

to convince him on the same. On 15th December 1602, he held a

baptism ceremony that continued for three days. Within the next

three years, he held eight General Baptisms at which seven

thousand people were converted. During his tenure, he requested

 188

the frairs to preach the Christian doctrine in the local language

and to catechise the catechumens. Thereafter, they were sent to

the House of Catechumens and baptised voluntarily. Though the

King approved of this, it involved a lot of expenditure. As the

King was not in a position to meet the same, the frairs requested

him to allot the proceeds of the big temples in the Islands of Goa

to sustain the Churches, Frairies and the catechumens. The

frairs served the Estado. They held the Autos da Fe, went

abroad the ships and served as Chaplains to the garrisons. In a

letter of 6th December 1608, it was stated that the frairs said

mass on Sundays and on other Holy days aboard the nau Sao

Antonio. However, communion was not distributed because the

Pope did not permit consecration on the sea. Hence, it was

natural that the State would reciprocate their help. 22

Between 1611 and 1616, the frairs did not make much

progress because the State faced a crisis and the King was

unable to send the resources that were needed to convert the

people. But, after 1616 the situation improved. In 1616, Frei

Sebastiao dos Santos held three General Baptisms at the Frairy

in Goa and baptised one hundred and twenty people. At another

one, five hundred people were baptized. The King closely

monitored the activities of the frairs through the Viceroy. In a

letter of 30th January 1613, the King stated that the Viceroy,

Lourenco da Tavora wrote to him about the progress of

 184

Christianity in Goa. In another letter of 2 nd March 1615, there

was a reference to a list of Parishes and Houses that belonged to

the frairs. The Viceroy periodically requested the King to

inquire about the religious and to see what could be done to

protect the Christians. It was customary for the frairs to send

the reports on the mission to Portugal. In a letter of 23rd January

1610, the King informed the Viceroy that the frairs had sent the

certificates that testified the General Baptisms that they

conducted since the last two years and a list of the gentios that

they converted. The King expressed his happiness over this and

instructed the Viceroy to give the Custos all that he needed. 23

The frairs basically concentrated on the Brahmin castes.

The authorities also instructed the frairs to hold the General

Baptisms in the Parish Churches so as to cut down the

expenses that were incurred on the grand public celebrations.

This was clear from a letter of 20th November 1618, in which the

King supported this provided it was conducted at the cost of the

locals. One such baptism was held at Serula at which several

villagers were converted. In 1619, three hundred Brahmins from

the whole village of Moira accepted Christianity on the same

day. The Provincial, Frei Luis da Conceicao and Frei Miguel da

Madre de Deus held a General Baptism at which one hundred

and twenty catechumens were baptized. The Rector of Mapuga,

Frei Madre de Deus decided to build a Church at Uccassaim.

 185

When the frairs tried to acquire the land, one man refused to give

his land because he did not profit from it. But, when he came to

know that the frairs wanted to build a Church, he agreed.

When the frairs were busy building the Church, the

superstitious Brahmin gentios refused to listen to the Rector.

The Rector met the chief gaoncars and told them to inform the

villagers of Moira that he wanted to serve the village by

converting the people. The frairs praised the villagers of Moira for

being noblemen and gave them some books that would teach

them about the true God, rectify their errors and destroy idolatry

with the light of the faith. Two days later, the frairs held a

discussion with them. After the discussion, all the villagers

agreed become Christians on the condition that a Church was

built in their village. The frair was very happy with their spirit

and asked them to sign a register in which the villagers certified

that they had volunteered to get baptised along with their wives

and children. On the next day, the scribe prepared a public

declaration that was signed by them. The Viceroy helped the

frair and gave him the grants from the Fazenda. Within a short

time, the Church was completed. Twice a week, the

catechumens were sent to. Mapusa to learn the Christian

doctrine. Within four months, they were baptised at a ceremony

that was conducted by the Provincial. Moira was the only village

that was converted en masse and the only Parish in which the

locals requested the frairs to give them their own Church.

 186

The frairs made use of the written word and encouraged

the people to read a book before mass. Since the frairs found it

difficult to read the local language, they depended on the local

Christians. The .Archbishop, Dom Christovao de Lisboa offered a

copy of the book that was written in the local language to a native

Brahmin lady who knew how to read and write. She read it

before the mass on Sundays and on feast days and she did it so

well that everyone used to hurry to the Church to listen to her.

The Provincial held another ceremony at the Frairy at which five

hundred people were baptised. This was the last General

Baptism that was held till 1632. 24

From this it is clear that the frairs used different methods

to spread Christianity among the locals. The latter accepted it

because they wanted to protect their own privileges as can be

seen in the case of Moira. Many frairs, especially those who were

expelled from the neighbouring mission stations devoted their

time to study the local religion while others to catered to forty

thousand converts who lived there.

THE COLLABORATION WITH THE LOCAL PEOPLE: With

reference to conversions, it is common for the historians to

concentrate on the sequence of events that took place within a

geographical area in a given span of time. However, religious

beliefs cannot be preached in a vacuum. Traditional historians

and chroniclers emphasize on a miraculous and sudden

 181

conversion of the people. Within such a paradigm, the concept

of adaptation was ignored. It was virtually impossible for a non

European group to stabilize its mission in a new land without

building up an alliance with the Brahmins, older gaoncars and

others who occupied a high social position. The frairs

collaborated with the locals to protect the interests of the Estado

and thereby kept the system running efficiently. Through this

socio-religious parentage, the frairs created bonds of affiliation

and clientage. 25

Salvador Pinto or Santu Sinay, an inhabitant of Candolim

was born in a Hindu family. He was taken away by the frairs and

educated at Reis Magos. Since he belonged to the nobre de

gencao, he was respected by the local people. He helped the frairs

to convert several people. In return for his noble service, he was

granted a grave in perpetuity in the transept of the Church in

Candolim. Many local Indian Princes and benefactors who died

in Goa were also buried in the main Frairy. However, the locals

elite did not always respond positively to the frairs. On the

contrary, they resisted the efforts that were made by the frairs.

Such incidents are clearly mentioned in the chronicles. When

the Rector of Mapusa was build the Church, some demons with

dreadful intentions tried to drive the frairs out by flinging stones

at the main alter. In the same Parish Church, a dreadful cobra

called deosa negra magoda threatened the Church but it was

 188

driven out by the priests who conducted a procession of the

Blessed Sacrament. As such, the frairs were the best defenders

of their mission but their efforts to defend the Christian faith

was generally given a miraculous colour. It is surprising to note

that, thereafter, the gaoncars of Mapusa helped the Rector to

built a Church there. The frairs primarily concentrated on the

Parishes and it was impossible for them to work without the

active support of the gaoncars because the Parishes were located

in the villages. Some villages were inhabited by the Brahmins

who tried to preserve their identity and status. They collaborated

with the frairs, permitted them to build Churches and even

changed their faith. The best example of one such village that

was converted en masse was Moira. The Rector of Mapusa who

was busy building a Church in Uccassaim was invited by some

Christian gaoncars to attend the auction of the lands in Moira.

The Rector attended the auction and in the process he won over

the goodwill of the people. He preached to them about God and

taught them to pray. After two days, he spoke to them. They all

agreed to become Christians and requested the to build a

Church for them so that they did not have to go to Mapusa to

receive the instructions. A local Brahmin lady helped the frairs.

When the building work was in progress, nearly three hundred

men and women were instructed. Many of the Parish Churches

were completed with the help of the gaoncars. Moreover, the

King and the Viceroy tried to use the alms that were provided by
 180

the gaoncars to conduct the General Baptisms that involved a

huge expenditure. The benefactors like Luisa da Madre de Deus

donated their houses, money and estates to the frairs to carry on

the mission. This indicates that the frairs had several local

collaborators who enabled them to stabilize the mission in Goa. 26

AGAINST THE OTHER RELIGIOUS ORDERS: The frairs

maintained good relations with the Dominicans and the

Augustinians but not with the Jesuits. The main cause for the

conflict that took place during this time, was the Professed House

of Born Jesus. Between 1584 and 1590, the frairs tried to

convert the House into a Nunnery for the Poor Clares. In a letter

of 15th December 1585, the Custos, Frei Gaspar de Lisboa

questioned the authorities if the Jesuits had taken the

permission of the Pope to build a House. The latter was aware

that Pope Clement II had stated that no religious could build any

Houses without securing a Brief from the Pope. Frei Gaspar

argued that the new House was illegal as the Jesuits constructed

it without a Papal Brief. In letter dated 18th December 1585, the

Jesuit L. Pinheiro informed the General of the Jesuits Order, Fr.

Aquaviva that there were differences between the Franciscans

and the Jesuits because Frei Lisboa felt that a Professed House

was not needed in the City of Goa. The Loyolians were accused of

upsurping the missionary rights of the frairs in the City of Goa

and for being powerful, excessively rich and troublesome. The

 16

Provincial of the Jesuits, Fr. Valignano had his own arguments.

In his letter of 25th December 1585, Valignano made it clear to

the General that the Jesuits needed a Professed House because

the other House that was small and that it was used as a

Church where masses and feasts were celebrated and people

were buried. The latter bought some houses and gardens around

the House with the help of some benefactors, send three Jesuits

to occupy the land provisionally, acquired some additional land

by giving the local inhabitants the land that the Society owned

elsewhere and got the support of the Viceroy, the Archbishop, the

Municipality and the Misericordia. On 13th January 1586, he laid

the foundation stone of the House on the Rua dos Galos. 27

The frairs did not stop opposing the Jesuits. In his letter of

13th January 1587, the Franciscans suggested that it should be

converted into a Convent for the nuns of Santa Clara. The King

considered the request and in his letter of 6th February 1587, he

directed the Viceroy to look into the matter. But, the Viceroy

could not do much. In his letter of 20th November 1587,

Valignano informed Fr. Aquaviva that the problem had

aggravated and that one frair went to Portugal to request the

King to stop the work. Moreover, the Chapter and the Custos

decided to get a Papal Brief against the Jesuits. The frairs had a

lot of confidence because the authorities in Portugal were close to

the Franciscan General. Frei Gaspar complained to the King that

 11

a new House could cause a lot of inconvenience to the frairs as

they were dependent on alms. The frairs wanted him to convert

it into a Convent for the nuns of St. Clara as the latter would

provide shelter to the orphans and poor girls who had lost their

parents on the ships and who lived in the City of Goa. The

Viceroy supported this and in his letter of 10th December 1588,

he added; "these girls had no help whatsoever". But Valignano

refused to agree with this. In his letter of 4th December 1587, he

informed the King that he had started building the House with

the permission of the Archbishop, Viceroy, Camara, Misericordia,

authorities of the City of Goa and sixty to seventy inhabitants of

the City. He made it very clear that the Jesuits did not infiltrate

into the land that belonged to the frairs because there were three

roads in between the two Houses. He was sure that even the

Court would not be able to stop their work. The Custos was

mainly concerned with the alms but Fr. Valignano argued that in

1576, the frairs received thirty three and a half pipas of wine,

forty two cantaros of oil and other provisions that were worth

eighty thousand reis. In addition to this, the frairs received mass

stipends, stipends for funerals and burials that were conducted

in their Churches and alms from the devout Christians who

lived in the vicinity.28

 192

The Viceroy was unable to take any action and referred the

matter to the King. In his letter of 6th Febivary 1589, he made it

clear that the work had progressed and although the frairs felt

much, they could not oust the Jesuits. He blamed the Custos

for all the problems and stated that he was unable to conform

with the other religious who worked in the City of Goa. In his

letter of 6th February 1589, the King wrote to the Camara that a

recluse House for the noble women and the daughters of the

Royal officers who died in service was not needed . The response

in favour of the Jesuits was favourable. In a letter of 5th October

1589, Fr. Lobo de Abreu wrote to Fr. Aquaviva that many

authorities alongwith the King had realized that a Professed

House was needed for the service of God. But, the Custos was

determined to build a Convent for the nuns and forced the King

to order an inquiry on the differences that took place over the

Professed House. In the meanwhile, the Jesuits completed it and

used it as a House of probation for the priests who had taken the

vows. Though the Jesuits used some questionable methods,

nobody dared to criticize them openly because their power and

influence with the Home Government was dangerously great so

much so that the Viceroy believed that if he had them for his

friends he had no need of any other agents to help him but if they

were his enemies, he would have the whole world against them.

As the frairs lost the case, the Augustinians carried forth their
 183

mission and started building the Convent of Santa Monica for

the nuns. 29

The above indicated that the relations between the

Religious Orders were not cordial especially when it came to the

survival and sustenance of their Houses.

THE REACTIONS OF THE NATIVES TO CONVERSIONS: The

early missionaries wooed the local population into the new faith.

By the seventeenth century, the frairs possessed Religious

Houses in Tiswadi and Bardez. Both, S. G. Pereira and Henry

Heras opine that the frairs did not make use of forcible methods

to convert the people. Therefore, they faced little or no defiance

from the local people. In fact, the resilience of the local converts

depended on the encounters that they had with the foreign

missionaries and the methods that they used to convert them

and isolate them from the indigenous cult and devotion. 30

The converts who were hitherto in charge of the land were

appointed as local officers under the Portuguese. In many cases,

the former took advantage of their position to appropriate the

land and records that belonged to their co- villagers. In

Calangute, Venaique set fire to the temporary Church to destroy

the records of certain lands that he had appropriated in the

village. The local people resisted the attempts that were made by

the frairs to raise religious structures in their villages. One such

 104

reaction took place in Sangolda. The Captain of Bardez, Diogo

Lobo, his brother, Frei Manuel de Souza and Frei Joao de Sao

Mathias helped Frei Miguel de Sao Boaventura to acquire the

site to build the Church of San Diego. They wanted to build

the Church on the site of an old temple that was dedicated to

Calemdevta. Accordingly, they held negotiations with the

Christian villagers who agreed to the proposal. But, after the

Angelus, a gentle young lady who was returning home was

frightened by the God. The gentios rushed to the site. When they

learnt that the frairs had decided to built a new Church on the

site of the temple, they were agitated and the women and

children burst out crying. Since it was nearly nine o'clock in the

night, the Captain went back home, Frei Manuel went to

Candolim and Frei Joao left for Nagoa. After they left, the demon

entered the body of a local widow who was the sister of a convert,

Alvaro da Costa because he wanted the frairs to be thrown out of

the village. Such incidents cannot be sidelined because they

forced the people to react. A similar incident took place in

Mapusa. The Church of St. Jerome was stoned by some

mischievous spirits who also harassed the new Christians. One

day, after mass stones were flung on the pulpit. The people

began to flee the Church in fear but no Christian was struck.

The Rector, Frei Luis da Sao Bernardino was hurt. He did not

want the converts to suffer any more. Hence, he requested the

Rector of Nagoa to have a procession of the Holy Sacrament in

 125

the Church so that the devil would leave. On doing this, the

tribulations stopped. Many of these incidents were in keeping

with the Hindu traditions. As such, it can be stated that they

were the reactions of the gentios who wanted the frairs to vacate

their villages and spare their temples. The frairs also fabricated

such myths because they wanted to elicit a favourable opinion

from their Superiors and Patron. Nevertheless, they indicate

that evangelisation was not carried out without any reaction

from the local people.

There were several cases wherein the frairs tried to prove

that the locals who resisted the new faith would be punished by

the True God. The Rector of Mapusa, Frei Antonio da Piedade

was called to confess an old sick man who was swollen and was

about to die. His wife promised to offer wax candles to save her

husbands life. The man was cured in a few days. This was one

instance that showed that God helped the new Christians. It is

interesting to note that the frairs made use of the local folk cult

in this regard. Some gentios got converted to escape the

punishments that were levied on them by the State. In the same

Parish, there was a respected Hindu who used false testimonies

to accuse the frairs of serious faults. The frairs struggled to

counter the accusations. Finally, the Hindu was proved to be

wrong and when he was about to be punished he agreed to get

converted alongwith his family. In the Parish of Salvador do

 X86

Mundo, Serula a local Brahmin had been converted since the

last twelve years. But, he continued to practice the Hindu

customs and offered rice, coconuts and other things to the Gods.

The devil appeared to him in a human form and taught him to

use some medicines that would cure the sick. But, when he used

the natural medicines on the sick, he could not cure them. In

desperation, he went to the Church of Salvador and sought the

help of the Patron. In Serula, there was another Brahmin who

was nearly a hundred years old. He had three sons, two of whom

were converted. The Hindu son was afraid that his father would

become a Christian. The frairs met the old man and instructed

him in the Christian faith. But, as he was brought up in the

terra firme, he worshipped the idols in a temple and preferred to

live with his son who was not converted. The Rector, Frei Tome

Toscano who was in the terra firme sent his companion to call

him. Thereafter, the old man approached the Rector and

requested him to convert him. After him, many wanted to be

converted. But, the Rector insisted that they should be instructed

and catechised first. After the old man was instructed, he was

baptised and brought to the land that was inhabited by many

Christians. This indicates that many people were forced to get

converted because they were unable to defend their own religion.

The Christian missionaries were well acquainted with the Hindu

customs and traditions. Hence, they did not find it difficult to

disprove their tenets and beliefs. The converts were given a new
 107

identity and their names were recorded in a special register. In

1597, the lingua do Christo of Serula, Manuel Rodrigues de

Velotim prepared a register of the people who were baptised in

Serula. The first to be converted were the Velosos of Quitala.

Serula, was an important village that was inhabited by the

Brahmins who were reluctant to get converted. But

subsequently, they did so in order to preserve their old privileges.

The frairs faced several problems to acquire the sites for their

Churches because the local people did not want to give away

their lands for a religion that was counter to their faith. Since

the Church of St. Jerome, Mapusa was too _small to

accommodate all the parishioners, the frairs decided to divide

the Parish and build a Church at Uccasaim. A Hindu man

refused to sell the land at any cost although it was full .of a few

thristles and bushes. The Rector, Frei Miguel de Madre de Deus

convinced him in such a way that the gentio came to the frair and

donated the land to him. 31

The Portuguese conversion policies changed from time to

time In the seventeenth century, they began to oppress the poor

converts in Bardez, Salcete and Tiswadi. This, along with the

policy of forcible conversions did not go unhampered. In 1614,

the local Christian and Hindu chiefs decided to kill all the

Rectors in Bardez. However, the plot was brought to the notice of

the Portuguese by an old woman. In some villages, the Hindus

 188

got converted for their own benefit. In Moira, the five Brahmin

vangors offered themselves for conversion en masse. Their Gods

were transferred to Mulgao and a Church was raised in the

village. This was a cold calculation by the shrewd Moidekars to

preserve their age old customs and usages. The frairs converted

the local inhabitants who lived in the areas that were under their

jurisdiction. They tried their best to protect them from the

gentios. In a letter of 31st January 1620, it was stated that the

greatest threat to Christianity were the new Christians who were

influenced by the rites and superstitions of the gentios. Though

the latter were not permitted within their mission field, the

Brahmins and jogis entered from the land of the infediles and

aroused the sentiments of the converts. This was confirmed in

another letter of 7th March 1619. The new converts were placed

under the Pai dos Christaos who was sustained by the gaoncars

of Bardez. The Pai dos Christaos was in charge of the local

converts. Hence, he often misused his power. In a letter of 5th

March 1620, there was a reference to Frei Simao de Nazareth

who was so rich ad powerful and that he had splendid repasts

and properties that were acquired at the cost of the local

inhabitants, much to the disgust of the older and serious frairs

who called him the Viceroy of Bardez. The main gaoncars and

inhabitants of Bardez were unhappy with him and they

complained to about him to the Custos. The Custos instructed

the gaoncars to sign a petition so that they would get justice. The
 100

latter signed the petition, submitted it and returned. Frei Simao

could not attend the proceedings as he had to go to the South.

The Court did not consider this and decided to dismiss him. This

indicated the exorbitance of the religious and the capacity of the

frairs to influence the local converts. The local people who

hitherto helped the Viceroy and the Captain complained against

the exorbitance of Frei Simao. But, the latter did not tolerate

this. The Christians were severely punished. Some were taken

to the galleys, others were sent to the Casa de Polvora and yet

others were sent home with a rope around their neck. Frei Simao

caused a lot of trouble and shame to the religious. Hence, the

Viceroy realized that he had to take action because the case had

been lost in favour of the locals. In an undated document, the

Viceroy made it clear that no frair or Pai dos Christaos could send

anyone to the galleys without his permission. The Court and the

Archbishop also accepted the fact that the riches and prejudices

of the frair had forced the gaoncars to go against him. 32

The above reactions are taken from the chronicles that are

biased in favour of the frairs. But, even these indicate that the

locals did not receive the faith easily. There was a great amount

of reluctance that has been mystified by the contemporary works.

EDUCATION: The frairs established a House of Studies where

the novices were trained for priesthood. Here, they were taught

different courses but the syllabus was unorganised and based on

the pattern that was followed in Europe.

In 1593, the Statutes of the Order stated that the Preachers

and Confessors had to be of a Portuguese decent. They had to

be virtuous, learned and forty years old. They had to be selected

by the Guardian, Vicar of the House or by some other official.

Each Province had to have a place where the novices could be

taught Philosophy, Humanities, Latin, Arts and Theology. The

College of Reis Magos already existed in Bardez. In a letter of

20th November 1589, Fr. Manuel Pinto wrote to the King, Dom

Felipe I that a frair lived there and helped the Portuguese to

convert the main infieis of the terra firme. The young orphan

boys were also brought and trained in the same College. During

the tenure of the Captain, Diogo Lobo de Sousa the local

Christians who belonged to noble families were brought up and

instructed in the College of Reis Magos. In 1595, the frairs

decided to separate the Houses of Studies from the

Catechumenates. In 1595, the Hospice of Desemparados was

founded for the catechumens of Bardez. In a letter of 1595, the

King appreciated the good work that was carried out by this

House and promised to provide the necessary help. It was build

close to a mosque and its doorway has an Arabic inscription.

 261

The House was affiliated to the Frairy of St. Francis. The Pai dos

Christaos of Bardez also lived there. Between 1595 and 1597,

Frei Jeronimo do Espirito Santo extended the College of Reis

Magos and separated the College from the Seminary because he

did not want the orphans, frairs and catechumens in the same

place. In a letter of 8th January 1598, he informed the

Archbishop that this was necessary for the proper formation of

the frairs. The inscription that read Collegio dos Reis Magos was

retained there. The House of catechumens was called the

Seminario do Sao Jeronimo or an Orfantiofio. It could

accommodate sixty boys including the locals who were taught

reading, Christian doctrine, music, hymns, good manners,

writing and Latin. In 1595, there were nearly eighty students

who were instructed by fifteen frairs. Each class had a Master.

The orphan boys had to attend classes for two hours in the

morning and in the afternoon. Many of the orphans boys,

especially the Brahmins were trained to become secular priests.

They were authorised to serve the Archdiocese. The

catechumens were later transferred to Monte de Guirim.

In 1602, Frei Miguel de Sao Boaventura came to Goa as

the Commissary General of the Sao Thome Province. He knew

that the Poor Clares would not be permitted in Goa because the

Jesuits had already occupied their Professed House. He decided

to use the money that was collected from the Tertiaries in

 22

Bassein to build a separate House of Studies This House figured

in the chart of Pietro Della Valle. It was intended to House two

hundred brothers and frairs. The foundation stone was laid by

the Archbishop, Dom Alexio de Menezes on 1st December 1604 in

the presence of several dignitaries. The Custos got a letter from

His Holiness. In the same year, a College was founded in the

Parish of Pomburpa where young boys were taught reading and

writing.33

The College of Sao Boaventura was an elegant edifice and a

center for ecclesiastical studies in which the novices were

prepared to receive the Holy Orders. It was inaugurated on 13th

July 1618. At that time, fifteen frairs lived there. The main

subjects included Philosophy, Theology and Konkani. The

novices were also taught the art of preaching. The ecclesiastical

studies at Sao Boaventura were well organized but the facilities

were restricted only to the Portuguese. In a letter of 29th

February 1605, the Archbishop made it clear that no mesticos

should be admitted there. They had to be sent to the House of

Catechumens in the College of Reis Magos. The latter was a

House of formation for the novices of the Order. In 1585, it had

one Lecturer for Grammar and four for Philosophy, Konkani and

Theology. The novices had to follow the rules that were similar to

Santa Fe. They had a fixed schedule. After singing the Psalms,

they had to go to the refractory with great modesty. The

 2ek

collegians had to maintain discipline and read religious books.

They had to learn the hymns and other prayers. Three hours

were devoted to study and classes were conducted till five.

During Lent; they had to maintain discipline and fast for three

days in a week namely, on Tuesday, Thursday and Friday. They

had to clean the dormitories, carry water and do other domestic

work. They had to follow the monastic rules. In the morning,

they had to attend mass and sing the ladanhias of Our Lady with

the Salve Regina. On the feast days of the Order, they had to get

up early and go to the choir where they sang the matinas. They

had to hear mass everyday and confess once a month. Thrice a

month, there was a procession of the Holy Sacrament. The

College of Reis Magos had a Rector who was in charge of the

collegians, grammar teacher, master, lay brother, Judge who

provided training in the Christian doctrine and a Vicar of the

Christians who confessed, distributed communion and taught

the Christian doctrine. In 1595, a Chapter was convened at Goa

at which Frei Gaspar de Sao Mathias requested the Minister

General, Frei Francisco Gonzaga to send trained Italian or

Spanish Lectors to Goa. The General agreed to send the Lectors.

He also suggested that the Custos should select four frairs from

the Custody at the Chapter and send them for higher studies at

Sao Boaventura, Portugal or Sao Joao de Evangelista, Algarve.

The first batch of students were selected by the Minister General

himself and included two clerics from India and Portugal

 264

respectively. This partly solved the problem of supplying trained

Preachers and Lectors. In a letter of November 1587, Frei Gaspar

reported to the King that eight frairs had cleared the examination

that was held for the Preachers. 34

The College of Sao Boaventura was founded as per the Rule

of St Francis. The frairs like Antonio de Lisboa and Boaventura

had emphasized on education. The General Chapter of

Valladolid (1565) approved the Statutes that gave importance to

the studies of the friars so that they could instruct and help the

converts. This was also emphasized by the General Statutes at

Toledo, Pope Martin V, and the General Statutes of the

Cismontana family. The frairs were instructed to pursue a

course of studies so that they could be qualified in grammar and

latin, serve as Confessors and Preachers and take up studies in

Theology and Dogmatics. The General Congregation of Toledo

(1583) approved of a regular course of study in the Frairy of St.

Francis where there was a lento do primo and one for theology. In

1585, eight students pursued their studies in Theology,

Philosophy and Arts. In 1595, a post of a teacher was created.

But, the frairs were unable to handle the work in the cloister as

well as the divine services like the Vespers, matinas, Conventuals

masses etc. Hence, Frei Miguel de Sao Boaventura decided to

separate the House of Studies. 35 But, the Viceroy felt that a

General House of Studies was not practical. In a letter of 24th

 2e6

December 1613, the Viceroy informed the King that the local

boys studied with the novices and that the novices could not

adjust to them as the former were proud and selfish. Moreover,

religious education was not beneficial for the local boys as the

educated boys were neither capable of bearing arms nor of tilling

the land. The Viceroy suggested that such boys should not be

admitted because the people of the land wanted their boys to

study either to serve as officers or clerks. The Viceroy felt that if

they were educated, only a few Brahmins would be employed

and the others would be unemployed. Moreover, the latter would

ignore the responsibilities of the land and there would be no

people to carry out the other jobs in the State. Hence, he was

against the Houses of Study and Colleges and even suggested

that the one in Cochin and in the City of Goa had to be done

away with. But, the King and the frairs were against this and

went ahead with their plans. In a letter of 26th January 1614,

the Viceroy informed the King that the Custos, Frei Luiz da

Conceicao informed him that the College of Sao Boaventura was

built since the last eight to nine months and received the

ordinarios. Within one year, they had many Preachers who were

well qualified. In a letter of 2nd March 1615, the King instructed

the Viceroy to send a report on the College of the Salo

Boaventura and to give him information of the number of

students and religious who inhabited the House. The King was

very particular about the religious. In a Royal letter of 2nd March

 2e6

1615, the King requested the authorities to review the Houses of

Study with a lot of consideration. In a letter of 9th January 1616,

the Viceroy stated that there were fifty frairs at Reis Magos. The

Seminary had several mesticos, local boys and students from the

other Colleges like St. Paul who opted for admissions there. Frei

Paulo da Trindade served as a Lector in Theology at the College of

Sao Boaventura where he completed a work on the history of the

Order. Frei Sebastiao dos Santos taught Holy Theology there. 36

By this time, the Houses of Study were well established and

conducted courses for the frairs, catechumens and orphans.

Separate Colleges were founded for the frairs where they were

trained for priesthood. But, there was a general tendency to keep

the natives out of the Religious Orders.

CHURCH BUILDING: During this phase, conversions progressed

at a rapid pace and the authorities were obliged to grant a

parochial status to many Rectories that were founded in Bardez.

New Parish Churches were also raised to cater to the spiritual

needs of the new converts.

The increase in the number of Churches is evident from

the Custodial Chapter List of 1585. There were seven Parish

Churches in Bardez including Aldona, Siolim and Nerul. Bardez

was made up of twelve deshas and the main ones were Serula,

Assagao, Pomburpa, Calangute, Aldona, Candolim, Nachinola

 201

and Saligao. Except the last two villages, the frairs had built

Churches in all these villages that were largely inhabited by the

Brahmins. The Churches that were recently completed did not

figure in the list because they were not granted a parochial status

by the King of Portugal. The Parish Churches in Bardez were

placed under the jurisdiction of the Church of Reis Magos that

was the center of the Franciscans in Bardez. This is clear from a

document of Alex Afonso dated 1583. Between 1585 and 1590, it

is difficult to analyse the achievements of the frairs because

there are hardly any documents that give us such details_ In his

letter the Custos, Frei Gaspar de Lisboa stated that the frairs

extended their Spiritual Conquests upto one thousand leagues

and converted large areas. In 1585, one hundred and twenty

three priests, twenty two lay frairs, fifty four students and several

choir frairs worked in the mission field. The frairs realized that

their missionary activities were carried out in an haphazard

manner. At the General Chapter, they decided that the Custos

and parish priests should be encouraged to build Houses and

Rectories in the areas where the religion was stabilized and

where the converts lived. This was to be done to ensure that the

converted souls did not revert back to their old religion. Frei

Andre de Santa Maria raised two or three Rectories in one year.

Frei Manoel Pinto was also actively involved in this work. By

1595, the frairs tried to channelize their missionary activities in

the right direction. This is clear from a letter of 19th December

 268

1595, in which Fr. Thomas Stephens, the Jesuit Superior,

informed the General that they prepared the map of the missions

in Bardez and Salcete so that they could have a better

understanding of the villages. The Tabua dos _trades of 1595,

listed twelve Parish Churches in Bardez. The King was happy

with the progress. In his letter of 1 1 th January 1596 the King

stated that he was pleased to learn that the frairs were working

diligently in Bardez and in the adjacent lands by converting the

gentios. 37

The Parish Church in Siolim was built in 1568. But, it

was not recognised as a Regular House till 1585. In 1600, the site

at which it was located was found to be unsatisfactory and the

Church needed extensive repairs. Since, there was no Church in

the main village, the villagers had to go to the military chapel at

Tropa. The frairs decided to build a new Church there. They

demolished the old Church and began to collect alms for the new

structure. As they were occupied with these plans, two

Portuguese merchants who had been shipwrecked came to the

Fonde Poim along the Chapora River. When they saw the frairs

collecting alms, they approached them to fulfil the vow that they

had made to St. Anthony. They had promised to build a Church

if they were saved from the peril. A site was chosen at Marna

where there was a temple that was dedicated to Shri Dev Vetal,

the gramadevta. This place called Sant Antonichem Bhattem. It

 268

was chosen because it was closer to the place where the

Christians lived and would enable the frairs to concentrate on the

conversion of the remote villages. In 1600, the frairs raised a

new Church which was the only one in Bardez that was built in

the Corinthian style. Since the Church was built on the ruins of

an old temple, the frairs had to encounter several problems. In

1600, when the construction work was in progress a big serpent

that resembled a Basilisk dragon who had the power to kill men

with its sight was seen crawling in the residence of the frairs. The

latter was made of bamboo and covered with palm leaves. Frei

Braz who directed the work was disturbed and decided to shift

the site. But, he was saved by the Saint. The frairs generally gave

such miraculous explanations to cover up their un-Christian

deeds. As the number of frairs increased, the Superiors felt that

it was necessary to extend the main Frairy by acquiring the

Houses and shops that were contiguous to the old Frairy. This

could not be done without the permission of the authorities.

Accordingly, they submitted an application to the local

authorities. But, the Governor was not keen on this mainly

because there were too many religious in the City of Goa. Hence,

the frairs directly appealed to the King. In a letter of 6th February

1589, the King approved of their plans and the frairs were

allowed to acquire the lands that surrounded the Frairy. Frei

Manoel Pinto bought the land and completed the work with Royal

assistance. The Parish Houses in Bardez built with the help of

 216

the benefactors. In 1595, the Church of Pomburpa was built by

Louisa da Madre de Deus and her mother Dona Anna de Santa

Maria who belonged to the Third Order of St. Francis of Assisi.

By a testimony of 11th June 1604, it was handed over to the

frairs. Pomburpa, lay within the jurisdiction of Olaulim and

included Vellotim. This village was inhabited by the Portuguese

nobles who moved on horsebacks. The fidalgo outlook of this

village was reflected in the local dictum, "Goribancheam porank

him Pombulpechim festam noim". Another feast that reflected the

spirit of the nobility was that of Reis Magos. On the feast day, a

holiday was declared. The feast was attended by the Viceroy . The

celebrations included a gun salute and a guard of honour. The

servants and other inhabitants also took part in the

celebrations. 38

By 1591, Christianity progressed towards the North of

Bardez. In 1591, Colvale was raised as an independent Rectory.

The Church was dedicated to Stigmata of the Patriarch of the

Order and catered to the villages of Colvale, Camurlim and parts

of Revora and Nadora. A number of people were converted and

the expenses of the Church were borne by the Communidade. In

1599, the Brief of Clemente VIII was discussed by the

Congregation of Cardinals and the images of Stigmatas were

erected in the Churches. Benedict X permitted the frairs to raise

Stigmatas in the Churches of Reis Magos and St. Francis.

 211

On 27th February 1566, the Camara Geral, representative

of the Governor, Captain, Baltasar Lobo e Sousa and the Pai dos

Cristads, Fr. Bartolomeu Lopes worked out the terms of an anti

Hindu notification that was to be made applicable to the villages

of Corlim and Cuchelim. Based on this, the Viceroy, Dom Antao

de Noronha drew up a Proviseio which decreed that no temple

should be built or repaired in Bardez without his permission and

that its income should be used for the pious works that were

carried out by the frairs. In 1594, the Church of Mapusa was

built on the ruins of the Tulsai temple. It was dedicated to Sao

Jeronimo. Mapusa was the centre of the Conselho de Bardez and

was bound by Colvale in the North, Guirim in the South, Tivim,

Uccasaim and Moira in the East and Parra, Assagao and Siolim

in the West. Some believe that it was built on the ruins of

Shantadurga temple The Church is built in the Eastern style

and is a place of veneration for many Hindus. 39

The General Chapter of 1595, permitted the frairs to

construct the Parish Churches. Frei Jeronymo do Espirito

proposed that the abandoned Hindu mutt in Calangute could be

converted into a Church. In the same year, the frairs raised a

temporary structure of palm leaves on the ruins of the

Shantadurga temple and dedicated it to St. Alexius. It was

intended to cater to four thousand converts. Apart from Parish

 212

Churches, the frair also raised a House at Monte de Guirim that

was located at the center of the Province. In 1596, they raised an

Ermida dedicated to Nossa Senhora de Saude on the ruins of a

mosque. This had a Hospice and served as a Casa dos

Catechumenos that was affiliated to the Frairy of St. Francis. It

has a statue of the Povorello of Taurnaturgo.

The official report of Bardez stated that the Church of Sao

Thome, Aldona was raised in 1596 on the ruins of the Bhagvati

Temple in Coimbra Vaddo. The Christian gaoncars of that village

had good relations with the frairs. They encouraged the frairs to

work in their village and offered one jono to the Saint. By the end

of the sixteenth century, Church building activities reached a

peak. In 1658, John Huygen Von Linschoten stated; "...on the

Northern side of the Cuttie and Island of Goa, layeth the land of

Bardez which was high and under what land the Portingales do e

Anker safely out of all danger...". In the City of Goa, the Frairy

was completed. It was able to house one hundred religious

including the Provincial, Guardian, frairs, clerics and novices

who were needed to cater to the Parish Churches and other

Religious Houses. The Chaplains and supply frairs who could be

sent on any expedition or mission also lived there. The Church of

the Holy Spirit that was contiguous to the Frairy was completed

in 1521 but was blessed on 2nd August 1602 by the Archbishop

Dom Alexio de Menezes.

 213

In the seventeenth century, the frairs concentrated on

spreading the mission towards the North West of Bardez. They

raised Parish Churches and named them after the frairs. In

1602, most of the Brahmins of the Atri gotra from Anjuna were

converted. The Church of San Miguel was raised there during the

tenure of Frei Miguel de Sao Boaventura. It was intended to

cater to the converts. In 1604, Frei Miguel raised the Church of

Sao Diego to cater to the villagers of Sangolda and Guirim. It was

built with the alms that were collected from the villagers and was

entitled to two jonos from both the Communidades. The villagers

of this Parish were not firm in the faith. Between 1604 and 1614,

Sebastiao Manrique visited Goa and left an account of

sumptuous Churches and Monasteries that were built by the

monastic Orders. The frairs had twenty three Domini Doctrinales

in Bardez including Chapels and thirteen Parishes that are

referred to in a Royal letter of 14th February 1611. The rapid

Church building activities coincided with the accusations that

were leveled against the frairs and the support they got from the

Portuguese and the converts. The rapid extension of the mission

impressed the Viceroy who could ensure the security of Bardez.

In a letter of 24th December 1613, the frairs defended their claims

to stay in Bardez and refuted all charges that were leveled

against them. But, the King was afraid that rapid conversions
 214

would affect the security of the State. In a letter of 18th

December 1615, the Viceroy warned the frairs that the King

forbade the erection of Monasteries and Churches without his

permission. This ban came in the wake of the attempts that were

made by the local people to resist such moves. Nevertheless,

Church building activities continued and many Parish Churches

were built and extended to accommodate the converts. In 1618,

the Church of Santa Isabel was raised and dedicated to the

Queen of Portuga1. 40

The endeavours that were made by the frairs had the

desired effect. In a letter of 1st April 1615, the Viceroy informed

the King that the frairs conducted the divine services and

converted the unfaithful with zeal and determination. In another

letter of 15th February 1614, he wrote to the King that the frairs

protected the converts and propagated the faith. There is a

reference to the Churches of Santa Isabel, Ucassaim and Sao

Christovao, Tivim that were located at the extreme end of the

Portuguese dominions in Bardez. Frei Sebastiao dos Santos was

actively involved in spreading the Christian faith in Bardez. The

gaoncars and the Camara were favourable towards the frairs. In

a letter of 2nd February 1618, the King referred a the

Representation in which, the Camara de Bardez requested him

to favour the frairs who baptized the gentios. The King acceded to

this appeal and instructed the Viceroy to follow the directions of

 215

27th February 1618. The Viceroy reported that all the help was

given to the frairs to conduct the General Baptisms. The

Archbishop was placed in charge of implementing the Orders of

the King. In a letter of 16th January 1621, the King expressed

satisfaction over the fact that his Orders were carried out. 41

Througsceft,airudenstblzgh

mission in Goa at a time when the mission outside Goa was

threatened by powerful enemies.

THE RELATIONS WITH THE SECULAR AUTHORITIES: Between

1561 and 1600, Portugal was governed by three Kings Dom

Sebastiao, Dom Henry and Dom Felipe. A series of reforms were

initiated in Portugal that were subsequently extended to Goa.

The frairs encountered several difficulties with the Portuguese

officials. This was because the frairs kept a watch on their

activities and sent the complaints to Portugal. In a letter of 20th

November 1589, Frei Manoel Pinto complained to the King

against the Governor, Manoel de Sousa Coutinho. He was

accused of accepting bribes, allowing superstitious practices and

preventing the conversion of the people of Bardez. It must be

noted that the two had arrived in the same boat and were closely

associated with each other. It was customary for the Viceroys to

stay at the College of Reis Magos. Some of them who died in Goa,

were also buried there. In 1581, the Viceroy, Dom Luis da Ataide

died and was buried in the in the niche of his brother in the
 21.6

Church of Reis Magos. In a letter of 14th December 1595, Frei

Gaspar de Lisboa described Reis Magos as a House where the

out going Viceroys lived for many months till the ships left for

Portugal. The Franciscan Colleges in Goa and Cochin were

entitled to Royal stipends that were sent to the Viceroy in the

form of a Regimento. The General Statutes of 1595 clearly stated

that the frairs could neither own Frairies nor Houses in the

Custody. They could not impose fines on the Christians or

Hindus. Moreover, they could not accept or spend the alms on

their own accord. Every Rector had to maintain an account book

that stated the Income and Expenditure in his respective Parish.

This had to be signed by the parish priest and by the one who

maintained the accounts of the Parish Church. This was despised

by many locals who hitherto benefited from the same. The

Custos, Frei Miguel de Sao Boaventura summoned Venaique, a

Hindu from Calangute who had forged some signatures and

appropriated considerable wealth in Calangute. The fraud was

unearthed by the parish priest of Calangute who consulted the

Livro dos Baptizados that were kept in the Church. To hide his

crime, Venaique set the Church that was made of coconut leaves

on fire and destroyed the books. But soon, he felt sick and the

people came to know about his crime. They immediately burnt

his house in Camorlim and reported the matter to the Custos.

This was one instance that indicates that the dominant classes

exploited the converts and appropriated their wealth. The poor

 21Y

converts reacted to this by approaching the parish priests who

were their benefactors. The latter could handle such cases

because they were familiar with the local laws. In case they could

not, they directed the cases to the Custos who had a lot of

experience in the Goa mission. The Viceroys maintained cordial

relations with the frairs. as they were aware that the latter had

close relations with Portugal. Mathias de Albuquerque was a

benefactor of the Order. He donated a brocade with his Court of

Arms to the Guardian of St. Francis, bought a row of Houses for

the Frairy, and gave six hundred xs, a big gold plated door rest

and many silver chalices for the Frairy. In return for this, Frei

Luis Veloso felicitated him with a habit and a chord. Dom

Francisco da Gama stayed at the College of Reis Magos after his

arrival to Goa. Dom Martin Afonso de Castro had a Franciscan

frair, Frei Cosme as his Confessor. When he died in Malacca, he

was buried in the habit of St. Francis. The frairs played an

important role in the appointment of the Viceroys. After the death

of the Viceroy, Dom Luis de Ataide, the Bishop, Dom Joao Ribeiro

Gayo and the President of the Court put the Letters of Succession

on the altar of the Church of Reis Magos. The Secretary, Manuel

Botelho Cabral opened the sheaf that was sent to the Governor

one year in advance with instructions that he should not open

them. The Bishop and the Secretary read the Provisao to those

who were present in the main Chapel where the body of Dom

Luis de Ataide was kept. The Captain, Dom Tristao de Menezes

 218

sat down on a chair and the newly appointed Governor knelt

down before him. The Captain handed over the sheaf to him on

behalf of the King. Thereafter, the Chancellor of the Estado,

Andre Fernandes administered the oath to him and only then the

Viceroy was buried. The Viceroy and Archbishop, Dom Alexio de

Menezes attended the matins and the feast at Cabo. But, he was

against the frairs because he was an Augustinian. He was

against the appointment of the Regulars as parish priests. In

1563, the Council of Trent had prohibited the appointment of

regular clerics as parish priests. However, on 23rd March 1567,

Pope No V allowed the religious to occupy these posts because

there were no trained secular clergy. By 1605, a number of

secular clergy were trained in Goa and the King suggested that

the lay priests should be nominated as parish priests. Taking

advantage of this, the Archbishop and the other religious raised

their voices against the frairs. In order to protect their hold over

the Parishes, the frairs appealed to the Viceroy, Dom Francisco

who adviced them to publicize their works. It must be noted that

the frairs helped the State as and when they were summoned.

Frei Joao de Corda and Frei Eleutheiro de Santhiago were sent to

Arracan and Pegu to help Frei Manoel dos Maltos. The next

Viceroy, Andre Furtado de Mendonca also supported the frairs

as he was influenced by his Confessor, Frei Manuel do Monte

Olivete, Lector in Theology. Rui Lourenco de Tavora had a

Franciscan Confessor. He patronized the House at Cabo and

joined the Sindico of the Order. 42

The frairs were strong bulwarks to the Estado during a

period of a general decadence. In 1598, the Dutch blockaded

Goa. The Portuguese immediately fortified Cabo and Agoada.

Since the frairs occupied both these areas, they were involved in

protecting and defending the Portuguese ships and soldiers that

took refuge in the fort. In a letter of 7th January 1611, the King

referred to a letter of Antonio Pinto which the latter wanted him

to destroy the old earthing that encompassed the hill in Bardez.

He also the King to maintain close relations with the people in

Bardez as they could invigorate them with their families and

cattle. The Viceroy also informed the King that the people who

inhabited the lands around Bardez could help the State in time

of a war. Hence, instead of concentrating on the Parish

Churches, the frairs and local authorities were adviced to save

their proceeds and properties in Bardez as it was difficult for the

Portuguese to replenish the stocks of the terra firrne. Bardez was

a belt along the peninsula that had a small adjoining land that

could be fortified as it was in the form of a small hill that jutted

out into the River. The Viceroy was instructed to make sure that

the people did not pass through the stone fortification that was

raised at the cost of the Treasury, with the proceeds of the lands

and with the help of the local inhabitants. The Viceroy assured
 226

the King that the proceeds of the lands in Bardez could be

diverted to meet this end. The Archbishop and the Viceroy were

instructed to control the finances of the State and to channelize

the funds for defending the land. In a letter of 19th March 1612,

the King informed the Archbishop that Frei Christovao had

written to him about the defence and fortification of the lands in

Bardez. The King was particular about the expenses that were

incurred in Bardez. In a letter of 25th January 1615, he

instructed the Viceroy to buy wine and other things that were

needed for the divine services with the ordinarios but not to waste

money buying expensive things. This indicates that the King did

not stop financing the mission. On 19th March 1612, Dom

Estevao de Faro informed the King about the payments that were

made to the contractors who bought the coffers in the Frairy.

The expenses were partly defrayed with the proceeds and yields

of the properties that the frairs had in Goa. On 5th April 1615,

the Archbishop wrote to the Viceroy that he was permitted to pay

the rendas to the officers and scribes. In addition to this, the

converts also paid a certain amount of money to the State. This

is clear from a letter of 24th December 1618, in which the Viceroy

informed the King that those who had been converted since the

last fifteen years paid the dizimos to the Treasury. But in course

of time, the latter refused to pay this. This is clear from a letter

of 28th March 1620, in which Dom Felipe instructed Conde do

Redondo to collect the dizimos from the people as they had not
 221

paid it for the last five years. Despite such a critical situation,

the Viceroys Fernao de Albuquerque and Dom Joao Coutinho

supported of the frairs primarily because they needed their help

to defend Bardez. 43

During this period, the frairs maintained cordial relations

with the secular authorities except for a few instances when the

seculars wanted to overthrow them. As such, he frairs were able

to stabilize their hold over the Parishes.

THE ERECTION OF THE MADRE DE DEUS CUSTODY: In the

early seventeenth century, the Franciscan Order was split on the

basis of the vows of poverty and the observance of the Rule of St.

Francis. After the death of St. Francis, Frei Elias, the first Vicar

General of the Franciscans secured Papal priviledges that were

in support the Regula. This was pursued by Frei Bernardino de

Sena, Pedro de Alcantara etc. In Goa, the Recollects were

patronized by the Bishop, Frei Joao de Albuquerque. The

Recollects popularly called the Conventuals, believed in the

pristine spirit of the Order and emphasized on private prayer,

poverty, contemplation and monasticism. But, this was practiced

together with active missionary work. 44

The Recollects were recognized by the Statutes of the

General Congregation of Toledo. The Minister General, Frei

Francisco Gonzaga recognized them as a part of the Regular

 222

Observants but he criticized them for not converting the gentios

and for giving up the mission in favour of the Frairies. The

Custos defended himself and stated that the Recollects spent

only two hours in the choir. The rest of the time was spent in

securing a strong hold in the lands that were converted. As such,

the Recollects had their Houses in Goa, Damao, Thana and

Chaul where they abided by the vows of chastity, poverty and

obedience. They lived a solitary life and generally built their

Convents in isolated places that were located far away from the

City. The Custos requested the General Chapter to send his

report to the Province in Portugal stating that the Recollects

worked there since the last fourteen years. In Portugal, the

Recollects were raised into a Custody at the General Chapter of

Rome held in 1571. At the General Chapter of Toledo, 1583, the

frairs in Goa tried to raise a Custody for the Recollects. The

Custos supported them for in a letter of 6th February 1589, Frei

Lisboa wrote to the Viceroy that the Houses of Recollection had to

be separated from the Custody of Sao Thome. But, the Viceroy

preferred to leave this to the General of the Order because it was

an internal matter. The King was consulted in this regard. In a

letter of 6th February 1589, he instructed the Viceroy to discuss

the separation of the Houses of Recollection with the General of

the Order. In another letter of 22nd February 1589, the King

warned the Viceroy that the Archbishop should not hinder the

progress of the Order.45

 223

The Congregation of priests supported the decision to

separate the Recollects from the Observants. The General, the

Chapter and the frairs of the Portuguese Province also agreed to

this proposal provided the latter continued to remain under their

jurisdiction. At the General Chapter at Vallaloid, 1593, the

Recollects repeated their appeal in favour of a separate Custody

in Goa. In 1595, Frei Jeronymo dos Espirito Santo arrived as the

Commissary General and Custos of Sa.O Thome Province. He was

succeeded by Frei Francisco da Arruda. On 5th February 1594,

the Viceroy, Mathias de Albuquerque helped the Custos and the

Bishop, Andre de Santa Maria to lay the foundations for a House

of Recollection at the barra de Goa. It was called the Ermida of

Nossa Senhora do Cabo. In February 1594, the Viceroy built a

Chapel at his own cost. It was completed within six months. This

in itself indicates the love and concern that he had for them. On

account of this he was called the "Protector of the Reformed

Franciscans". He handed it to the Capuchos on the condition

that they would look after it failing which it was to be handed

over to the Archdiocese. The Archbishop of Cochin, Dom Andre

de Santa Maria helped Frei Gaspar because the latter believed

that active missionaries were needed in India. Above the door of

the sacristy in the Ermicla in Cabo, are the Court of Arms of the

Archbishop. In the same year, a Chapter was held at the Frairy in

 224

Goa at which a new Definitorum was chosen and a Tabua of the

frairs was drawn up. The house at Daugim had a Guardian,

Confessor, President, Master of the novices, Confessor,

Preacher, two choir frairs, two deacons, one lay brother, one door

keeper, a gardener, a sacristan and two novices. A retiro was

intended to be a House of Seclusion in which the frairs could

lived according to the rule of St. Francis. The life in such a retiro

can be studied from the description that is provided on the House

in Cabo. Here, the frairs observed strict abstinence. The daily

meals consisted of vegetables and fruits. Meat could not be

brought in the premises even one third of a mile away. Everyday,

except on Sundays and feastdays, the frairs scourged themselves

for forty five minutes and spent fifteen minutes in meditation. In

the mornings, they sang the matins and this was followed by

personal prayer and mass. The frairs observed the rules of the

cloister and lived in a spirit of recollection and contemplation.

The novices and choir frairs were also trained in this. The frairs

kept fasts and followed other penitential practices. They worked

and subsisted on alms. After the midnight prayers, they had to

observe silence. The frairs had their own Novitiate under the

Vicar, Frei Francisco dos Anjos. 46

In 1594, the House at Cabo accommodated the Recollects.

The Convent of Madre de Deus had fourteen frairs. In 1595, the

frairs held a Chapter at which Frei Lopo de Sao Francisco was

 225

appointed as the Commissary. Frei Gonzaga instructed them to

send the proceedings of the Chapter to him as he wanted to

publish his work. Frei Lopo sent several documents to him.

At the Custodial Chapter that was at the Frairy in Goa, the

Apostolic Briefs of Popes Sixto V and Clemente VIII and the

General Statutes of Toledo and Valladolid were summarized. The

third part of the Statutes dealt exclusively with the Houses of

Recollection. Here, the divine services had to be simple. All the

brothers had to attend mass but they could neither say mass nor

recite the epistle in the Houses of the other religious. The .

Recollects had to be content with a habit, a tunic, two simple

clothes and a couple of sacred books. They had to sleep on the

planks. Inside the House, they had to observe silence and speak

what was necessary very softly. They could not enter each others

cells. In the Frairy of Madre de Deus Goa, they could not even

bury the dead without the permission of the Superiors. Outside

the House, the frairs had to observe discipline and even their

recreation had to be modest. They could neither sleep nor eat

out. At the Custodial Chapter, the frairs requested the Meza to

permit the Preachers to be exempted from distributing

communion when they had to deliver the sermons.

The Recollects of Portugal were also against both the

erection of the Madre de Deus Custody and Sao Thome Province.

The General consulted the Council of Portugal and decided to

 226

suspend the Erection Decree. The frairs took the help of Cardinal

Arrigonio, approached Pope Paul V and requested him to confirm

the Decree. The latter agreed and sent Frei Sebastido dos Santos

to India as the Commissary General to execute the decision. The

General Chapter of Salamanca also decided in favour of the

erection of the Madre de Deus Custody. The Decree reached in

Goa in 1618. On 16th February 1620, it was promulgated and

two days later, Frei Francisco de Sao Miguel officially raised the

Custody and held the first Custodial Chapter at which Frei

Francisco de Sao Dionysio was elected as the first Custos of the

Madre de Deus frairs. 47

The frairs of the Portuguese Province refused to share their

power with the frairs in Goa. In fact, they were against the

decision to have two Commissaries. The General, Frei

Bernardino de Sena tried his best to abolish the Custody. But,

he could not do much because the Recollects were favoured by

the General Chapter. The latter was convinced that the Houses

in Goa were strong enough to form a Congregation which was

dependent on the Sao Thome Province. On 1612, the Viceroy,

Ruy Lourenco was informed that some religious had come to

Portugal with the permission of the Superior to remind the King

that it was his duty to protect the Order. The Custos and the

frairs also send him a Representation and requested him to

separate the Custody in India from the Portuguese Province. The

 22?

King asserted his authority in this regard. In a letter of 18th

March 1615, the King replied to a letter of the Archbishop who

informed him that Fernando Chrom had built a monastery of the

Capuchos close to the City. The King instructed him not to allow

any Convent to be built without his permission. The appeal in

favour of a Custody was put to vote but the frairs lost by one

vote. Since the Houses were Retiros, they were provisionally

inhabited by the authorities who lived there before embarking for

Portugal. The Viceroy, Rui Lourenco de Tavora resided at Cabo

after relinquishing his Viceroyalty on 24th December 1612 and

Frei Andre de Santa Maria retired at Daugim after he resigned

from the See in 1615. In the early decades of the seventeenth

century, there were two Houses of Recollection in the City of Goa

and both were located at isolated places. Cabo was located at a

distance of two leagues from the Islands of Goa while the retiro of

Madre de Deus was located towards the East of the City, near the

River. The Recollects repeatedly forwarded their petition to their

Superiors. At the General Chapter of Rome, they requested the

Minister General, Frei Joannes Hierro to permit them to raise the

Custodia de Madre de Deus. The proposal was discussed by of the

President, Cardinal Arrigonio who is hailed as the Protector of

the Order. The proceedings were sent to the Holy See and based

on this the Pope issued the Ex Conjuncto nobis desuper on 1st

September 1612. By this, the Houses of the Recollects in India

were separated from the Observants and the former were raised
 228

to the status of a Custodia. The Custos who was nominated had

expired. Hence, a new Chapter was planned. However, merely a

month later the General, Frei Joannes Hierro expired and his

successor, Frei Antonio de Trejo suspended the Decree. The

frairs of the Province were not allowed to receive novices or work

without his permission. Though the King favoured such a move,

the Viceroy was against a new Custody. In a letter of 20th

March 1612, he made it clear that the Recollects did not have

sufficient reasons to raise a separate Custody. By 1620, the

Royal opinion changed. In a letter of 19th February 1620, King

Dom Felipe informed the Viceroy that he sent Frei Francisco de

Sao Miguel to India to raise the Custody. 48

The Madre de Deus Frairy in Daugim was neither big nor

ostentatious. The cloisters and dormitories were modest and

they accommodated forty frairs. The frairs lived in poverty and

were generally dependent on the rich locals who lived around the

House. They helped the authorities whenever they came to

Daugim. Frei Gaspar helped the Viceroy, Dom Luis da Ataide

when he was fighting a war with the mouro at Banastarim. In

return for this, the latter sent him a dissipated iron ball which

he could hit at the enemy. Meat was not allowed in the refectory

and the diet included bread and rice. The frairs who lived there,

observed poverty and austerity. Nevertheless, they took part in

the apostolic and missionary works. The people admired the care
 228

and concern with which they treated and converted the sick and

the unfortunate. The Frairy was also used as a Retiro where the

frairs retired from the active mission and lived a humble life

engrossed in contemplation, prayer and study. The House at

Cabo, was built on the foundations of an Ermida that was built in

1541 by the Viceroy, Mathias de Albuquerque with the

permission of the Archbishop, Dom Matheus de Medina. Ever

since then, it served as a sacristy to the Church. The structure

was modest and the cells were simple. It was intended for those

who gave up the grandiosity of the world and lived in evangelical

poverty. Many noble benefactors were buried here. It was

strategically located afront the Island of Goa. The House at Pilar,

was founded at the initiative of Frei Luis de Conceigao. The latter

was a favorite of the Governor, Fernao de Albuquerque and was

nominated as the Provincial Minister by the Minister General,

Frei Joao de Hierro. His appointment was confirmed by Paul V.

As the Commissary General, he raised an Ermida on a hill in

Tiswadi, in the Parish of Goa Velha. The foundation stone was

laid by the Archbishop Cristovao de Lisboa. The House was not

very big. It had cells and narrow dormitories. On one side, there

was a spacious refractory, a Chapel and a verandah. The main

floor served as a residence for the Patriarch and for those who

came on retreats. The House also had a place where the clerics

were taught Philosophy and Theology. In the Rectory, we find the

 236

Court of Arms of the First and the Second Order. The Recollects

lived in these three Houses. 49

Having stabilized the mission, the Recollects tried to raise

their Custody into a Province. They already had a Congregation

of Convents that were united among themselves and were not

dependent on the others. On 28th September 1622, Frei Luiz da

Conceicao died in Daugim and the Custos, Frei Manoel Baptista

went as the Procurador to Rome to request the Pope to raise the

Custody into a Province. On 15th January 1622, Frei Manoel got

the permission from Gregory XV who issued a Brief in this

regard. The new Province was placed under the Discalced frairs

of Spain. This was done because the two Crowns of Spain and

Portugal were united. The Recollects were allowed to have their

own Vicar General and to hold a General Chapter. On 2nd

February 1623, the Decree was executed in Goa by the Apostolic

Commissary, Frei Boaventura das Chagas. The erection of the

Madre de Deus Province largely depended upon the cooperation

of the authorities in Rome. This was because the King was not in

favour of a Contemplative Order. 50

In 1622, there were several irregularities in the Church.

The authorities in Portugal faced practical difficulties and found

it difficult to send the frairs from Portugal. Portugal was facing a

twilight of its Empire. The dwindling resources, lack of personnel

and territorial losses made Rome realize that Portugal was unable
 231

to handle the colossal task of evangelizing the East. Rome

wanted to bring the mission stations under the Roman Pontiff.

All these factors prompted Pope Gregory XV to establish the

Sacrae Congregationae da Propoganda Fideion 6th January 1622.

This marked the beginning of the stagnation and subsequent the

decline of the Padroado missions in the East. 51

Notes and References :

MF pp.167-68; Holzavel, Op. Cit., p.310; FO, p. 139; DHMP, Vol. I, p.255;Achilles Meersman,
Op. Cit.; S7VDIA, Vol. 9 (1962), pp. 29 and 32-33;Achilles Meersman, Op. Cif., AFH Vol.
59(1966), p. 5; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 35; Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. III, p. 632; DHMP
Vol.II, p.73.
2
Bull Patr Vol, I, Appdx.57; DHMP. Vol. III, p. 93; Vol. II, p. 74;Vol. V, p. 126; Vol. XI, p. 141;
MF pp. 181-2; Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit.; AFH Vol.59 (1966), pp.7-8.
3
CEO Vol. I, Cap 61,p.312; FO doc. 4, p. 102; MF p. 167; Espelho Antonia da Piedade,
Penitentes e Chronica da Provincia de Santa Mafia da Arrabida, 1728, Vol. I, pp. 763-76; Jacinto
de Deos, Op. Cit., p. 23; Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. III, p. 632; Antonio da Piedade, Op. Cit., p.193.;
The Statutes of the Custody of sao Thome (1595) prescribed the norms of behaviour for the frairs.
The Novices were to be appointed and instructed as per the Statutes. The frairs had to follow the
rules of the Custody. The Preachers and lectors were excused from morning prayers only when
they had to preach or teach. Every Friday they had to pray before the Holy Sacrament. In every
Vicariate and Rectory they had to conduct the holy services, the choir in the Chapel at prescribed
times. All the frairs had to sing hymns and lauds like Benedictus, Vesperas, Psalms ladanias etc.
On the feast days of the Saints of the Order, a Conventual mass was held at the main altar the
Commissary or the Guardian. The Choir frairs had to serve for thirty years as deacons or twenty
 232

years as subdeacons. The frairs had to observe silence and discipline in the sacristy. Every frair
had to spend time in the choir in prayer or in song. The doorkeeper, sacristan, nurse, keeper and
the mess worker were exempted. The locals (negros) were not allowed in the sacristy. No local
religious could write or read letters without showing them to their prelate. They could correspond
only with their mother or brothers. No frair could be made a Confessor unless he was thirty years
old. No frair could consume wine in the refectory nor could they move on carts and steads unless
they were sick. A frair could seek the services of preachers or old priests if he had too many
sermons but by and large no Rector could entrust the tasks in the Rectory to the seculars. He
could impose fines or penalties nor take money to give permission for the marriages of the locals.
The locals could be accepted into the Holy faith only if they volunteered. No religious could live in
Bardez without the permission of the Rector of Reis Magos. No member of the Third Order could
live in the Custody among the others. They were given a ginger coloured habit with a tapering
hood and a sash. These statutes laid down the basic norms of behaviour for the frairs. They also
differentiated between the different sects within the Order and brought the Rectors under the
purview of the Superiors. The General Chapter held at Vallaloid on 5 June 1593 approved the
Statutes for the Custody of Sao Thome. According to these the Custody of India Oriental de
Portugal had to be placed under a frair who could live in India for three years from the day he
received his patent from the General. This term could be extended only at the request of the
Minister or Definitor of the Portuguese Province. His duties were specified by the Statutes of
Toledo. He had to return back ipso facto after his Menlo. The Custos, Definitors and Guardians of
Sao Thome and Madre de Deus Provinces had to be Portuguese in decent but and ipso facto
incurrenda, the Custos could not receive castigos or mestigos into the Order because it was felt
that many disturbances were caused due to the appointment of local seculars, young frairs and
those who did not have enough credibility. The Custos could not permit any frair to go to Portugal
without the prior knowledge of the whole Definitorium. The India Oriental had two Custodies, one
in Malacca and the other in Goa. Both were under the Province of Portugal. Since the latter had
much work in sending frairs to the mission every three years it was proposed that the Chapters
and Congregations should be held in Goa at which they could receive novices, Confessors and
Preachers. It was even proposed that it should be raised as a Province under a Minister as it was
impossible to send decisions, doubts, cases and other matters to the Minister or to the
Commissary General in Portugal. The General Statutes of India Oriental de Castella (Cap 3°) also
suggested that the Commissary General and the Custos who were sent from Portugal to hoed
charge of the sao Thome Custody should be given the plenary authority in utroque fora by the
Minister General over the frairs in Malacca, China and India. As such they had to be authorized to
visit, punish, sentence, solve and dispense all the cases, punishments, censors and irregularities
that were otherwise under the jurisdiction of the Minister General but the Custos could not
dispense, declare, innovate or alter any matter that was included in the Statutes and he was
under the Provincial Minister and other Superiors in Portugal. These Statues were intended to
regulate the relations between the different components of the Order. MF Caps. 1, 2, 3 and 5;
The frairs were granted several privileges that were specified by Frei Boaventura des Chaguas,
Op. Cit.; IVG Mss. 29, fls 1-372; These included the privileges to celebrate the masses, fls. 125; to
administer the sacraments, fls. 127-143; to enjoy the privileges granted hitherto, fls. 1-481 on the
way of life of the frairs, fls. 143-333. On their appointments Ifs. 333-54, fls 1-51 etc. an explanation
to these was provided by Paulo da Trindade Op. Cit., IVG Mss. 29, fls. 482-539 dated 20th
Februay168.otnisrucegadthlsnreguaiotbflwdyhemis
found in IVG. Ifs. 540-630.
4
MF includes the Statutes that were drawn up in 1595, pp. 181-201; CEO. Vol. 1, pp. 21, 45 and
65; Analees Vol. XXV, pp. 491-92 and 521; DM. Vol. 12, p. 226; Miguel da Purificacao, Op. Cit.,
p.7; Holzavel, Op. Cit., pp. 691 and 694; MR. Vol. 22B, fl. 440; DHMP . Vol. V, pp.446-7
;Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., Vol. 60 (1967), pp. 4-5; Jacinto de Deus, Op. Cit., pp. 4.5-6; Miguel
da Purificacao, Op. Cit., p. 2; CEO. Vol. I, pp. 117, 134, 145, 238 and 246; Achilles Meersman,
Op. Cit.,1957, p. 13; BFUP. Vol. I , p. 85; HMP. Vol. I, p. 200; APO. Vol. 6, Part II, p.1212 Dl
Vol.1,p.566; CEO Vol. ll,pp.154-55;Vol.l,p.331; Felix Lopes Op.Cit.,S1VDIA, Vols. 20-
22(1967),p.71.
5
FO doc. 3, pp. 104-113; BFUP. Vol. V , p.550.
6
DI Vol. XIII, pp. 549-51 and 683-85; Vol. XIV, pp. 10, 33-35, 18, 8-9, 103, 5-7, 105, 1 and 14-19;
A summary of the contents of these documents was available Ibid., pp. 24-25, 11 and 197-98; FO
pp. 50-54; APO. Vol. III, p. 195; Dl. Vol. XI, p. 85.
FO, doc. 4, pp. 104-08; BFUP. Vol. V , p. 550. There was the case of Jorge da Costa the brother-
in-law of Frei Gaspar who came to the Estado with his wife and children. He wanted the frairs to
help him. His unmarried relative Beatriz Rebeiro was a poor orphan. Her relative Estevao da
Costa had died in the service of Dom Sebastiao. As Jorge himself had two daughters and one
son. Hence, he wanted the King to help her.
8
Achilles Meersman, 'Attempts to introduce the Poor Clares into India', IES. Vol. 2 (1963). p. 105;
Dl. Vol. XV, p. 455; DHMP Vol. XI, p. 19; BFUP. Vol. V,pp.550-1; Vol. I, pp. 438 and 443; FO.
doc. 5, pp. 113-5.
 233

5 Gerson da Cunha, Op. Cit.,; Journal of the Bombay Asiatic Society, p.195; Joseph Wicki The
Professed House of Born Jesus'BIVG. Vol.147 (1985), p. 94; BFUP. Vol. I, pp. 327, 438, 448 and
443; AHU Registos de Cartes de 1589-97 in Delio Mendonca, Op. Cit., 2001, Appdx 8, p. 427;
Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit.; IES. Vol. 2 (1963), p. 150; DHMP . Vol XI, p. 113; APO. Vol.
III,p.195;. The foundation stone of the College 'of Sao Boaventura was laid by the Archbishop.
10 Bull. Patr., Vol.l, Appdx. 1, p. 123; MF. pp. 189-91; CEO. Vol. I, Cap. 69, pp. 349-50; Anais, p. 5;
Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit.,1906,pp.6-8; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit. Vol. II, pp. 225-26; Achilles
Meersman, Op. Cit; NZM. Vol 16(1960), p. 44.
11 Bull. Patr. Vol. I, p. 212; MF , pp. 189-90; CEO. Vol II, pp. 25 and 16; MF p.187; Tabua das
casas e frades desta Custodia Franciscana de sao Thome da India, in A1A. Vo1.11, (1914) p. 189;
CEO Vol. I, p. 116;Cap. 69, 350-51; DHMP . Vol. V, p. 406; Anais p. 18; EHGLC Caps. CLXV
and CLXVIII. A copy of the manuscript was kept in the Escorial in Spain and referred to in
Civezza, Op. Cit., 1859, p. 550; Miguel da Purificagao, Op. Cit., p. 3; BL Vol. II, pp. 694-5. lists
the work of the frairs; DHMP . Vol. V, p. 495; Jose Pereira, Op. Cit.,1982, p. 12; C.0 Nazareth,
Op. Cit., 1927,p. 146;P.S.S Pissurlencar Op.Cit, BIVG. No. 26 (1935), p. 10.
12 CEO Vol. I, Cap. 65, p. 328; DRI. Vol. 15, p. 55; Mss of the Order cited in CEO. Vol. I,Cap. 70, p.
350 and translated in Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., NZM. Vol. 16 (1960) p. 44; DHMP . Vol. V, p.
495; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 59, pp. 303-05; Analees, Op. Cit., Vol. XXV, p.621; DRI. Vol. 15, p. 55;
John Correa Afonso, 'More light on an unnoticed scholar Frei Francisco Negrao', JUB, Vol. XIV,
Part IV (1946); BL Vol. III, p. 214; Faria y. Souza, Op. Cit., Vol. III, p. 401; Jacinto de Deos, Op.
Cit., pp. 3-4.
13 BFUP. Vol. XII, p. 60; DRL Vol. I, p. 95; Vol. XII, p. 966.
14 Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., 1906,pp. 17-18; Leopold Rocha, Op. Cit., p. 307; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 22, p.
128; BFUP. Vols. 3-4, p. 279 and 282.
15 Achilles Weisman, Op. Cit., STDIA Vols. 13 and 14 (1964), Caps. 3 and 2; MF . doc. 2, pp.183-
4. The document relating to the grant was found in the Archly() da Fazenda, dated 15th November
1596. It figures out the donations made by Dom Manoel and Dom Filipe. This was transcribed in
'Ordinaria do Convento de Sao Francisco de Goa', OP. Vol. IX, Nos. 3 and 4(1912), pp. 99-100;
APO. Vol. II, Part I, pp. 250-51.
16 K. S. Latourette, Op. Cit., 1926, Vol. III, pp. 39-40; Amaro Lobo Op. Cit., p. 162, Alexi° Braganza,
A Igreja da Mapusa, 1926 p. 10; CEO. Vol. I, Cap. 61, p. 308; In 1595 the gauncais of Aldona met
and decided to contribute 25 xs. to build the Church. These gauncars had surnames as Kamat,
Prabhu, Naik and Xista; The Tabua das casas e frades da Custodia Franciscana de sao Tome da
India em 1595, in AIA Vol. 11(1914) it refers to the Parish Churches of Cirula, Candulim,
Nellur,Nagoa, Colvale, Calamguty, Pomburpa, Reis Magos, Aldona and Ciolim; Gomes Catao,
XCHR Ms. ff. 5; Theodore dos Matos, Op.Cit., 1994, pp. 151-2 and 156-57; f. 22.
17 J. M. do Carmo Nazareth, 'Occidentals e Orientalis - os Conventos religiosos de Goa', OP. Vol. IV
(1907), p.151; Gabriel Saldanha,Op.Cit., Vol. II, p. 234;Gabriel Saldanha,'Collegio ou Hospicio do
Monte de Guirim', OP Vol. I (1904), p. 151;Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., BIVG. Vol. 59 (1944), p. 96; S.
M. Sen (ed.), Op. Cit., 1949, p. 194; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 73; APO. Vol. V, Part 3,
p. 1022; J. Wicki, 0 Livro do Pai dos Chrfstao, 1969, pp. 14-18; BFUP. Vol. II, pp. 201, 61 and
237;C.C. Nazareth, Establishimento de educacao e ensino en Goa pelo clero regular e secular,
Jomal das Colonies, Vol. 8(1903); Ms. of 1750, fl. 23, cited in Leopold Rocha, Op. Cit., pp. 307
and 296 and in Herald° (2-2-1921).
18 CEO Vol. I, Cap. 22, pp. 128-29; L °M. Vol. I, fis. 109 and 404; DRI. Vol. I, pp. 91 and 40405;
BFUP. Vols. 9, 10 and 11, p. 599; DRI. Vol. I, p. 415 and 254-55; APO. Vol. V, p 0.64, 103, 109
and 111; APO. Vol. 3, pp. 98 and 734-35' DRI. Vol. I, pp. 323, 222 and 415; HAG. Assentos do
Conselho da Fazenda., Vol. V, ft 31v; Vol. IX, fl. 31v, stated in Bosq., Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 61;
Leopold Rocha, Op. Cit., p. 434; ARF Report I, from MR Vol. 26A, fl. 244; BFUP. Vol. I , pp.
442, 540 and 509; DRI. Vol. I, pp. 227-28; The inscription was found in Gabriel Saldanha, Op.
Cit., Vol. II, pp. 43-44; F. N. Xavier, Resumo historic° da Vida do glorioso sao Francisco Xavier,
1859, pp. 125-26; Assentos do Conselho da Fazenda, Vol. I, Part I, (1613-17); doc. 7, p. 8; doc.
22, pp. 23-24; AHU, India Caixa 6, ff. 29 in T. R. De Souza, Op. Cit.,1979, Apdx A-4, p.225; MR
Vol. 13, f/. 112v.
15 Don Peter, Op. Cit., 1996, p. 966; Bull.Patr. Vol. 1, p. 60; FO ;Franciscus Gonzaga, Op. Cit., p.
1218; CEO. Vol. I, Cap. 64, pp. 326-27; The decrees of the Third Provincial Council are found in
APO Vol. V;MF Cap. 6; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 53, p. 271; Cap. 64, p. 325; FO p. 79;
20 CEO Vol. I, Cap. 56, p. 285; APO. Vol. III, pp. 569-70, also in Dl. Vol. XVIII, p. 482; DHMP .
Vol. I, p. 12; Susan Bayly, Op. Cit., 1989, p. 1; Femao de Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. III, pp. 541 and
551; Fortunato de Almeida, Op. Cit., Vol. III, p. 354;Jacinto de Deos,Caminho dos frades, Vol. III,
p. 330; BoL do Gov. No. 67(1880), pp. 65-66; No. 214 (1885), DRI. Vol. I, pp. 8 and 106; Vol. II,
p. 39; Vol. III, p. 263; Querroz, Op. Cit., pp. 381, 578-91; CEO Vol. II, Cap. 14, pp. 73-76; For a
short note on General Baptism refer to T. R. de Souza, The Portuguese in Asia and their Church
 234

patronage', in M. D. David(ed.), Op. Cit., 1988, p. 19; Dom Joao was buried in the Convent of
Telheiras. Dom Felipe died in the Franciscan Convent in Portugal and was buried in the Frairy in
Goa.
21
CEO Vol. I, Cap. 65, pp. 330-32; J. N. Fonseca, Op. Cit., 1986, p. 65; Anais, p. 86; Baiao, Op.
Cit., Vol.11, p. 585;Jacinto de Deos, Op. Cit., pp. 87-88; The decrees of the fifth Provincial Council
are published in APO Vol. V; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 64, pp. 327-29; DHMP Vol. V, p. 418; BFUP.
No. 6-B, p. 513.
22
L°M. Vol. 1, p. 20; CEO . Vol. I, Cap. 64, p. 328-30; Femao de Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. IV, pp. 205-
06; Gaspar de Sao Bernardino, Itinerado da India por terra a este reino de Portugal, 1611; DRI.
Vol. I, pp. 163-164; Maurice Collins,Op. Cit., p. 71.
23
Ricardo Telles 'Real Casa dos Cathecumenos em Goa' Voz, (1941), p. 36; DRI. Vol. I, p. 298;
Vol. IX, pp. 85-86, and 284-85; DHMP . Vol. V, p. 417 and 420; CEO. Vol. III ,p.73;DRI. Vol. 1, pp.
297-98;
24
C. Nazareth, Op. Cit., Journal des Colonies, Vol. 8 (1903); The frairs in Goa tried best to imitate
the pomp and splendor of the religious ceremonies in Portugal. On 31 st August 1617, the Pope
Paul V had held a General Congregation of Inquisitors in Rome and the Congregation of Cardinals
published a Decree entitled Sancttissimus Mote by which importance was given to the devotion of
Our Lady in different part of the world. In the Frairy of St. Francis, Goa, the feast of Conceigao de
Virgem was celebrated. The Church was decorated. Four tangos of the Cloister was covered
with a rich cloth. The inhabitants of the City were richly dressed and so were the four attars and
the cloister. The images were dressed with gold and precious stones. During the mass, the best
music was played and two to four choirs sang. News spread in the City. The Provincial of sao
Thome said mass along with the Bishop of Japan. Bells toiled, crackers blasted and there were
lights, joy and festivity all around. For three days the preachers in Theology explained the Biblical
verses, epigrams and recited other prayers in Latin. The Cloisters resounded with sonets,
octaves, tercets and songs in Portuguese. On the last day, before the feast some people were
dressed in the Moorish style. They went on the main roads on horses with a cesas in their hands,
singing hymns and playing instruments. There was a public procession in the City. A number of
charolas of the Order joined it. Behind the procession was a big vehicle on which an image of Our
Lady was richly dressed and kept on a high point. In front of the chariot was a boy dressed in the
Franciscan habit a bonnet of white tassel on his head bearing the symbol of the Theological
Doctor. In his left hand, he held a book and a banner of red damask in the right hand. Behind
him was the vehicle accompanied by four ninfas who were richly dressed with gold garlands and
pearls on their head. This was followed by the religious who went with raised crosses. This
description summarizes the pomp with which the frairs celebrated their feasts, CEO Vol. 1, Cap.
58, pp. 298-302; T. R. de Souza, Moira: a peep into the past, pp. 1-2; Houtart, Op. Cit., p.130;
Femao de Soledade, Op. Cit. , p. 513; This book was either the Purana a historia Biblica or the
Purana Christa, Ibid.
25
Susan Bayly, Op. Cit., 1989, pp. 327-28.
26
FO. p.109; CEO. Vol. I, Cap. 57, p. 295; Ricardo Telles, 'Epitafios nas igrejas das Mapusa e
Candolim', in OP. Vol. XIII , pp. 216-7; Fernando de Soledade, Op. Cit., p. 505; CEO Vol.1, Cap.
58, pp. 303-04.
27
FO. doc. 2, pp. 89-90; Dl Vol. XIV, pp. 72-73 and 121; Vol. XV, pp. 464-67; Vol. XIV, pp. 195-200;
Francisco de Sousa, Op. Cit., pp. 999-1001.
28
APO. Vol. III, Part I, p. 90; Dl. Vol. XIV, pp. 106-08; Vol. XI, pp. 8, 104-06, 688-90 and 10; Vol.
XIV, pp. 103, 19 and 43-46
29
APO. Vol. III, pp. 195 and 103; Dl. Vol. XV, pp. 371 and 385; Vol. XIV, doc. 39 and p.113; DI. Vol.
XIV, pp. 72-75, 195-99, 247-48, 576-78 and 688-90; Vol. XV, p. 597; APO, Vol. III, pp. 274-86;
Dl. Vol. XIV, pp. 600,195-99, 516-18, 688-90 and 706-08; Vol. XV, pp. 455-61; BFUP No. 15,
pp. 596 and 109-26; Vol. XVI, p. 357.
30
S. G. Pereira, Op. Cit.,1941, pp. 16-17; Henry Heras, Op. Cit., 1933; Susan Bayly, Op. Cit. 1989.
31
CEO Vol. I, Cap. 60, p. 307, Cap. 61, pp. 288 and 308-11; F. X. Gomes Catao, XCHR Ms. fl.
5; CEO Vol. I, pp.308 and 288; DRI Vol. VII, pp. 55-7, 83 and 88;FO p. 81 and fl. 24; DHMP .
Vol. V, p. 438; T.R de Souza, Moira: a peep into the past, p.4; Anais., p. 71.
32
This was cited in the fifth Statute that was drawn and approved by the General Chapter held at
Vallaloid on 5th June 1593; MF Cap. 5, point 8; FO. doc. 12, pp. 139-40; The inscription was
found in Tribune. (8-4-1921); APO. Vol. III. p. 804; ML. Vol. I, pp. 228 and 150; 0 Heraldo (24-4-
1920); Micheal Telles, Op. Cit., 1922, pp. 89; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, pp. 225-26, fl. 1;
C. Nazareth, Op. Cit., 1927, p. 179;Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., in OP. Vol. IV (1907), p. 150-
51; ML. Vol. 1, p. 304; MR. Vol. 464, fl. 85; APO. Vol. III, p. 804, ML. p. 228; DHMP . Vol. V,
p. 465; XCHR Mss, p. 2; Mats, p. 22; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 56, pp. 289-90, ff. 2; Joao Crysolomo
d' Amorim Pessoa, Noticias sobre o Estado do Real Padroado Portuguese no anno de 1779, Vol.
III, p. 249; A. B. da Braganza Pereira, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 198; 0 Heraldo. (14-6-1914);Ricardo
Telles, Op. Cit., BIVG. No. 59 (1944), p.87.
 235

33
Jacinto de Deus, Op. Cit., p. 23; This chart was found in Fonseca, Op. Cit., pp. 242-43; Gabriel
Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 72; Michael Telles, 'Igrejas, Coventos e Capelas na Velha Cidade de
Goa', OP. Vol. I, (1931), p. 142; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 30. p. 165; Cap. 52, pp. 264-65; Cap. 65, p.
327; Bosq., Op. Cit., p. 152; Bol. do Gov. No. 86 (1870);Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., BIVG Vol.
59(1944), p. 103; Inventarios (1748 and 1749); Ricardo Telles, 0 Povorello de Assisi. Poeta e
sancto, 1926, p. 29. This monograph has a photograph of the College.
34
CEO. Vol. I, Cap 51, pp. 264-65; BFUP. Vol. I, p. 801; DRI. Vol. I, p. 20;Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit.,
BIVG. Vol. 59 (1944), p. 87; Anuario p. 161; BFUP. Vol. I, p. 237; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 56, pp. 290-
91; Anais, pp. 22 and 34; Gonzaga, Op. Cit., pp. 1214 and 226. the frairs who were sent for
higher studies includes Frei Francisco Bocarro and Frei Joao Pompeo of Portugal and Frei
Rodrigo das Chagas and Frei Francisco da Sao Miguel from India. the last one returned to India
as the Commissary General; FO, pp. 60, 66 and 102; MF . pp. 183-84; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 21, p.
114.
35
Felix Lopes, Santo Antonio de Lisboa, Doutor Evangelica, Braga, 1954; The Chapter of Toledo
was held in Segovia. Pope Martin V in the Constitution (nos. XVI and XVII) also gave importance
to education; Statuta Generalia Barehnonensia pro Cusmontana familia, Toledo, 1883, fls. 23-24;
Tabua Op.Cit.; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 52, pp. 262-65.
36
BFUP, Vol. I , p. 736; also in Bol. do Gov. No. 34, (1933); DRI. Vol. IX, pp. 220-21 and 286-87;
Vol. III, p. 171; FO doc. 2, pp. 82-83; BFUP. Vol. I, p. 801; DI. Vol. V, pp. 142, 172 and 609;
CEO Vol. 1, Cap. 51, pp. 255-66;
37
CEO. pp.255-56; Gonzaga, Op. Cit., p. 1241 ; Bosq., Op. Cit., Vol. II, pp. 24-25; T. R. de Sousa,
Op. Cit., 1979, p. 58; Anuatio, pp. 184-85, 189-91, 174-75; Sebastian Goncalves, Op. Cit., Vol.
III, p. 293; CEO Vol. I, Cap 75, pp. 388-97; DI. Vol. XII, doc. 148, pp. 966-67; Vol. XIII, Appdx. I,
p. 852; Vol. IX, pp. 274-75 and 79; Tabua in A/A Vol. II 1914; MF pp. 37-38; DI. Vol. XVIII, p.
467; Tabua Op. Cit.' MF , p. 190; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 55, pp. 285;
38
Antonio Lobo, A freguezia de Siolim, 1931; Ricardo Telles, lgreja de Siolim, Voz. No. 47(1936), p.
523;; Anais., Op. Cit., pp. 14-15; Femao do Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. III, p. 513;. DHMP . V, p.
467. The frairs had already built the main altar and the niche in the wall had an image of Saint
Anthony. Before doing this, he decided to confide in the Saint. To his astonishment he found that
the cobra was entangled to his chord. This legend may have been a testimony to the fact that a
cobra who was worshipped in the temple may have been trying to find his hole that was ruined to
build the Church. To commemorate this legend a picture of the saint was painted. He was holding
a serpent tied to a chord in the right hand and a cross in the left; Tropa meant a military centre. In
Mama, there was a property of St. Monica called Vethalache Tolli. At the side of the old Church, a
cross called Sonar Khetticho Khuris was built; Ana's., Op. Cit., p. 16; CEO. Vol. I, Cap. 60, p. 305;
BFUP. Vol. V , p. 550; Vol. I, pp. 290-91, 341 and 324; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 57, p. 294; The donation
grant was stated in Tribuna (6-2-1920) and in 0 Heraldo (14-4-1918) and (27-4-1918);Ricardo
Telles, Op. Cit.; BIVG. Vol. 59(1944), p. 108.
39
Anais., pp. 20-21; Telles, Op. Cit., Voz, No. 20, (1936), p. 285; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit.,1922, p.
38; DHMP. Vol. V, pp. 467-69 CEO. Vol. I, Cap. 57, p. 296; Amara Lobo, Op. Cit., p. 161;
Aexio Braganza, Op. Cit., 1926, p. 9. Mapusa which was then the chief town where the weekly
fair was held, CEO Vol. I, Cap. 57p. 294, It was inhabited by Hindus who were firm in their beliefs.
When the missionaries and converts gathered in the Church the demons tried to drive them out.
This partly proves that the local Hindus were attached to their temple; Femao de Soledade, Op.
Cit., p. 513; But after the Church was built they shifted their devotion to Our Lady of Milagres.
This was mentioned in the Noticia of 1722. Hence, it was a misnomer that it was dedicated to Sao
Hierinymus. It was believed that Shantadurga who was later worshipped as Out Lady of Milagres
was one of the seven sisters who were worshipped in the different villages of Goa namely Lairai,
Mahamai, Kelbai, Adibar and Morzai, Tulzai and Shitala. The first five were worshipped at Sirgao,
Mulgao, Mayem, Angedic and Morzim. The seventh was worshipped at Ratal and had her temple
in Vainguinem. They had one brother named Khetoba or Kheto who became lame after he was
kicked by his sister. 0 Heraldo, (24-VII-1922), Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., Voz No. 20(1936), p.212;
Another legend states that the seven sisters were converted. The converted sisters were Our
Lady of Candelaria, Pomburpa, Our Lady of Rosary, Navelim, Immaculate Conception, Moira, Our
Lady of Health, Cuncolim, Our Lady of Miracles, Mapusa, Our Lady of Victory, Revora, etc. The
rear of the Church in Mapusa was still in the oriental style. It had a rock hewn stairway that led to
the tank of the old temple. Our Lady of Miracles bears a garland of flowers that belonged to
goddess Tulxy. These are identified as lotuses and a tuff. In front of the Church was a pedestal
of black granite that bore mythological figure. In this Church, two images were brought out on the
novena day, one was bathed with oil and the other was adorned with flowers. A pot of oil that was
offered to our Lady was taken for the Shirgao Zatra and the mogra flowers was sent from Shirgao
for Our Lady of Miracles; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., OP No. 12, pp. 216-7; H. Bravo de Morais, Op.
Cit., Mss 1722; N. T. (27-4-1982). The Hindus still offer oil to the goddess that was collected and
taken for the zatra at Sirigao; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 60, p. 308; Anais., p. 21; DHMP . Vol. V, p. 469.
 286

40
Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, pp. 233-34. In this book there was an inscription of the Collegio
Real that existed here. On a stone on the doorway was an Arabic inscription, Tribuna 8-4-1921;
Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., OP Vol. XVI, p. 30; APO. Vol. III, p. 804, 0 Heraldo (5-3-1922); ML.
Vol. I, p. 70; MR. Vol. 1654, fl. 4; F. X. Costa, Op. Cit., p. 22; F. X. Gomes Catao, BEAG 1956, pp.
353-59; DHMP . Vol. V, p. 407; Lopes Mendes, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 218; Several testimonies prove
that the Churches received the grants from the dying benefactors and also received such deposits
and endowments, HAG Vol. 2489. J.B. Amnacio Gracias, Op. Cit., OP. Vol. XVI, (1919), p. 365;
Bosq., Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 419; Arthur Coke Bumell, The voyage of John Huygen von Linschoten to
the East Indies, Vol. I, 1988, p. 176. APO. Tomo. IV, Vol. II, Part II, p. 55; Ricardo Telles, Op.
Cit., OP. Vol. I (1931), p. 55; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 33; Anais., Op. Cit., p. 4;
Arsenio Dias, Serafim de Assisi, p. 88; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit.,OP No. .I (1931) p. 44.MR. Vol.
86A, fl. 37; Anais., pp. 23-24; CEO, Vol. I, Cap.39, p. 208; Cap. 57, p 296; Maurice Collins, Op.
Cit., p. 43; Analees, Vol. 25, p. 25; Coutinho, Op. Cit., p. 119; P.S.S Pissurlencar, Op. Cit., 1951,
p. 35; Fernao de Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. III. p.503; CEO Vol. I, Cap.69, pp. 350-51; ML. Vol. II,
p. 74; MR. Vol. 86A, fl. 40; DR!. Vol. 61, p. 606-611, p. 343.
41
DR! Vol. IX , p. 342; Vol. V, Tomo XII, p. 164; Vol. XI, p. 302; Vol. VII, p. 178. By the first two
decades of the seventeenth century the frairs of the Sao Thome Province had eleven Frairies,
three Vicarates, six Colleges and forty Rectories; Ricardo Telles Op.Cit,OP. Vol. IV, p. 227.
42
FO doc. 12, p. 138; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 71, p. 365; Diego de Couto, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 285; Ricardo
Telles, Op. Cit., 1922, pp. 34-35; The Court of Arms was founder here; LFO. doc.2, pp. 82-83; MF
Caps. 3 and Cap. 6; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 60, p. 308; Cap. 71, pp. 365-66; Barros, Op. Cit., CEO
Vol. I, Cap. 71, p. 368; Telles, Op. Cit., p. 34; 0 Heraldo (11-11-1919); CEO Vol. I, Cap. 71, pp.
367-68; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 229; CEO Vol. III, pp. 73-78.
43
DR! Vol. VIII, p. 477 and 229; Vol. IX, pp. 404-06,414, 18, 358 and 163; Vol. VII, p. 47; CEO Vol.
I, Cap. 71, p. 368.
44
Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., Separata de BIVG (1943), p. 10; Aspurz, Op. Cit., p. 59.
45
CEO Vol. I, Cap. 39, p. 208; Diogo do Couto, Op. Cit., Vol. X, p. 537; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 42, p.
220, ff.3; LFO. doc.3, pp. 78-80; doc. 2, pp. 73-75; Baia°, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 119; CEO Vol. I,
Cap. 42, pp. 220-22; Bull. Pair. Vol. I, p. 232; Jacinto de Deus, Op. Cit., pp. 56-58; APO. Vol. III,
pp. 196-97; BFUP. Vol. 3-A, p. 29; Vol. 3-B, p. 298.
46
Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 364; F. X. Gomes Catao, 'The Reformed Franciscans and
the Frairy of Our Lady of the Cape', ICHR Vol. IV, No. 2(1970), p. 84; MF . pp. 73-74; Bull. Patr.
Vol. I, p.37; FO. doc. 1, p. 93; Ricardo Telles, 'Convento do Cabo', OP. Vol. I (1903-04), p. 55;
Baia°, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 97; LFO. doc. II, pp. 75-77; LFO, p. 67; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 5, p. 49; AFPI.
pp. 26-27; Jacinto de Deus, Op. Cit., p. 85; CEO Vol. I, Cap.52, p. 256, CL pp. 26-27 and 189;
MF pp. 119-202 and 185.
47
MR. Vol. 79, fl. 339v; Franciscus Gonzaga, Op. Cit.; LFO. pp. 75-77; MF Part 3, Cap. 1,2,3 and
4 and part 111r; LFO. doc. 2, pp.75-77; Cottineau de Klougen, Op. Cit., pp. 43 and 143; Holzafel,
Op. Cit., p. 611; Analees, Vol. XXV, p. 521; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., 1906, p. 11.
48
DRI. Vol. III, p. 229; Vol. IX, pp. 285, 638, 102 and 341-2; Vol. V., pp. 371-72; Vol. VI, pp. 70-
71; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 46, pp. 241-2; Cap. 42, p. 220; Jacinto de Deos, Op. Cit., pp. 89-91 and
324-42; OR!. Vol. VII, Liv. 15, p. 214; Fernando de Soledade, Op. Cit., p. 441-51.
49
Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, pp. 95 and 100-01; Jacinto de Deus, Op. Cit., p. 86; Instrucoes
do Marquez Aloma, Part I, p. 64; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., 1922, pp. 65 and 52; For a biography
of Frei Luis da Conceicao, refer to Jacinto de Deus, Op. Cit, pp. 97-107 and 87; CEO Vol. I, Cap.
45, pp. 235-38; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit, Vol. II, pp. 102-03; Fortunato de Almeida, Op. Cit.,
Tomo III, Part II, p. 1016; 0 Cronista de 7lssuari. Vol. IV, p. 88; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., 1922, p.
59; MR Vol. 117, fl. 53; Vol. 176, fl. 199, Vol.170A, fl. 109.
50
Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., 1906, p. 11; Bull. Patr. Vol. I, p. 258; Analees., Vol. XXV, p. 659; The New
Catholic Encyclopaedia, Vol. V, p. 42; Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., 1957, p. 23; After 1600
Portugal was under Spain till 1640.
51
C. R. Boxer, Op. Cit., 1969, pp. 230-35.
 THE PROGRESS OF THE MISSION (1622-1657)

I n the seventeenth century, Portugal was the efurjand of

the Dutch. Between 1640 and 1665, the Dutch seized Malacca.

Burma, Macao, Malay, Indonesia, Nagapatnam, Tuticorin,

Quilon, Ganganore, Cochin, Malabar, Cananore, Ceylon, Malabar

and the Coromandel Coasts. The Nayak of Ikheri had seized the

forts of Mangalore and Ganguly. The frairs surrendered

Mazgaon, Mahim and Dadar to the secular clergy. Bombay was

given as a dowry to the King of England. Pope Gregory XV

decided to revive the missionary and the evangelical work and

established the Sacrae Congregation de Propoganda

Thereafter, the Vicars Apostolic were appointed by the Holy See

and deputed to carry out the mission work in the areas that were

outside the Padroado stronghold.'

THE ERECTION OF THE MADRE DE DEUS PROVINCE: In

1622, the Recollects or the Capuchos in Goa were structurally

and financially secure to be organized into a Province. The

Procurador, Frei Manoel Baptista requested the authorities in

Rome and Portugal to permit them to raise a Province. Frei Luiz

da Conceicao, the Provincial of the Sao Thome Province sent Frei

Manoel to solicit the support of the Pope in this regard. Pope

 288

Gregory XV issued an Apostolic Commission entitled Sacri

Apostolatus on 1 1 th January 1622. According to this, he

permitted the Recollects to erect the Madre de Deus Province so

that the frairs who had committed themselves "to serve the most

High in a life of stricter discipline... in peace and tranquility

would fulfill their pastoral duties in a way that was salutary and

convenient." Till then, the Recollects were placed under the

Congregacao dos Discalcos Ordem Franciscanof Spain. The King,

Felipe II of Portugal approved the Apostolic Letter that was issued

by the Pontificial Court. But, as he was unable to send his report

to Rome, he requested the Collector of Portugal to suspend the

Apostolic Constitution. He knew that if he had not done this, the

Observants would have been accused him of misusing his

Apostolic authority. 2

In the meanwhile, the Commissary General, Frei Luis da

Cruz came to India and executed the Apostolic Constitution. On

22nd September 1622, he implemented the Religio Sarum Virorum

Familias at the request of Felipe II. According to the Statutes, the

Commissary could not formally execute a Papal Decree without

the permission of the Minister General of the Province. Frei Luis

was accused of disobeying his Superiors. After some delay, the

Brief was officially promulgated in Goa on 6th February 1623 and

on the next day, the first Provincial Chapter of the Madre de

 239

Deus frairs was held at Daugim, Goa. But, as the Provincial Frei

Luiz expired, the Brief was executed by Frei Boaventura das

Chagas who was nominated as the Apostolic Commissary. Frei

Antonio dos Anjos was elected as the first Provincial Minister of

the Recollects. These frairs wore a long, black, cotton robe, with

a long cowl and a white girdle. They did not wear a scapular. 3

In the same year, a Congregation of the Reformados was

held in Spain. The Collector of Portugal passed a Provisao by

which, he instructed the Provincial Minister of the Recollects in

Portugal, Frei Antonio de Sao Luis to go to India. On 10th March

1623, the latter came to Goa and revoked the Auctoritate

Apostolica because it was implemented without the permission of

the Provincial Minister. The Pope had made it clear that the

latter was supreme and that all the frairs of the Order had to

obey him. During this time, the Provincial, Frei Antonio dos

Anjos was in visitation to the North. In his absence, the

Commissary General convened a Chapter on 4th June 1624 at

which he instructed the Recollects to reduce the Province to a

Custody. Accordingly, the Brief of Gregory XV was suspended

and the Recollects were placed under the Sao Thome Province.

The Frairy in Daugim and the Houses at Cabo and Pilar were

placed under a Guardian and Frei Anjos was dismissed.

However, after some time the frairs of the Custody suspected the
 243

validity of the Suspension Decree and Frei Antonio dos Anjos

sent his representative, Frei Antonio de Santiago to Rome. The

latter met the Holy Congregation of Religious and complained

against the Commissary General. On 23rd September 1627, the

Pope issued the Letras Apostolica entitled Militantis Ecclesiae

Regimini by which the Superiors in Goa were instructed to re-

erect the Recollect Custody into a Province. The frairs who had

been elected to head the Province were re appointed. In 1628,

the King instructed the Custos of the Recollects, Frei Antonio de

Sao Jorge to resign. In April 1628, Pope Urban VIII issued a

Monitoria that was signed by the Apostolic Notary, Janii Antonio

Anticas. It was sent to Goa with the Procurador, Frei Antonio de

Santiago. According to this, the Madre de Deus Province was

raised and the retiros in India, Malacca and Macao were placed

under it. Frei Antonio dos Anjos was re appointed as the

Provincial Minister. When the authorities in Goa heard about the

Monitoria, they refused to accept it. Frei Joao de Abrantes went

to Daugim and tried to convince the frairs that the Monitoria was

not valid. At night, he proceeded to the Madre de Deus Frairy

and tried to remove Frei Antonio dos Anjos from his post. He

also complained to the Archbishop. On 28th May 1628, the

Archbishop clarified his doubts about the Monitoria and made

him accept it. It was difficult to convince Frei Antonio dos Anjos

and his co-frairs about the invalidity of the Decree. Hence, the
 241

authorities decided to execute the Reerection Decree on 19th

December 1628. Frei Antonio dos Anjos and the other frairs who

were appointed in 1623 were reappointed. 4

Some frairs were dissatisfied and appealed to the

authorities in Rome to cancel the Re erection Decree. They

argued that the appointment of the Provincial was approved by

the Commissary General and by the local authorities but it was

neither confirmed by the Apostolic Nuncio of Portugal nor by the

authorities in Portugal and Rome. The former was the

representative of all the religious who worked in Portuguese

dominions. In October 1629, Pope Urban VIII, the Procurador,

Frei Antonio de Santhiago and the Bishop Dom Luis de Britto

confirmed the Re erection Decree. On 23rd September 1629, the

Holy Congregation issued the Bullarium Discalceatorum by which

the Recollects were given the right to build new Houses and

monasteries. The authorities in Goa could not ignore the Decree.

They were forced to promulgate the Decree and this put an end to

all the controversies regarding the erection of the Province. Frei

Antonio dos Anjos was reinstalled as the Provincial. Within six

months, he fell sick and was removed per the General

Constitution of 1630. In 1629, a Pastoral was issued in order to

review the lapses that had caused contentions in the Madre de

Deus Frairy, Daugim. This was announced in all the Churches of

 242

the Arbishopric. The religious who plotted against the Decree

were to be punished. To avoid this, some eminent frairs like Frei

Joao de Sao Mathias requested the King to reduce the Province

and save the frairs. 5

Frei Antonio dos Anjos was succeeded by Frei Pedro da

Madre de Deus who was elected at the Provincial Chapter of

1629. But, he and the Commissary General were inefficient. At

the Chapter of 15th January 1631, he was succeeded by Frei

Antonio de Sb."o George as the Provincial. From then onwards, the

Provincials were elected at the Chapters that were held in Goa

every three years. 6

The authorities in Rome favoured the Recollects. This was

clear from the reports that were sent by the Pope. On 1st July

1630, the Propoganda Fidei informed the Inquisitor, Frei Sao

Francisco de Borges that they had received two letters dated 13th

October 1627 and February 1629 that stated the number of

heretics who were converted in Goa and the names of the

Recollects who worked there. The Pope supported them because

they were more in favour of the decrees that were implemented by

him. Hence, they were granted several privileges. In a letter of

28th December 1629, Pope Urban VIII permitted the frairs of the

Madre de Deus Province in India to build Houses and Churches

because there were involved with converting the pagans.

 243

Although the Madre de Deus Province was a separate Province,

the division was not territorial and many a times, the Recollects

worked within an area that was given to the other Orders as can

be seen in the case of Rachol, Pilar and Cabo. But, this did not

happen in the case of Observants. The Recollects had their

retiros in remote areas to enable them to observe the Rule and

devote themselves to prayer and penance. However, their

opponents stated that they deliberately kept away from the active

mission and concentrated on a contemplative life. The

Portuguese believed that this was contradictory to the apostolic

mission that was entrusted to them by the Padroado. In a letter

of 18th February 1630, the Archbishop complained to the Viceroy

about Frei Pedro da Madre de Deus, Provincial of the Capuchos

and requested the King to arbitrate in this matter. However, the

Viceroy favoured the Recollects because they looked after

strategic points and helped him to defend the .Estado. Antonio do

Boccarro provided a description of Cabo and indicated that the

fort was a strategically located as it could control the entry of the

ships into the two Rivers, namely Zuari and Mandovi as well as

the forts of Aguada and Mormugao. The House of Recollection

there served as a shelter for the garrisons, a storehouse of the

ammunition as well as a non-military checkpost from where the

activities of the enemies by the frairs were gauged.'

 244

The Viceroy and the King were against the Recollects

because they got involved in petty squabbles. This was clear from

a letter of 27th November 1632, in which the Viceroy referred to

the bad behaviour of the religious. He requested the King not to

raise any Provinces in India, to instruct the General Chapter to

reduce them to a Custody, to rename the Casa dos Capuchos as

the House of the Observants and to place it under Portuguese

frairs. The King tried his best to control the frairs. In one such

attempt, the King instructed the Viceroy to inquire into the

behaviour of the Commissary General, Frei Joao de Abrantes and

to send the reports to him. But, the Capuchos tried their best to

get the support of the authorities in Rome especially that of the

Tribunal of the Holy Congregation, the Pope and the General

Inquisitor of Rome. In 1633, they made a fresh petition to Rome.

Sometimes their appeals were considered and they were allowed

to enjoy certain priviledges. Their House at Pilar was converted

into a House of Studies where the boys were taught prayers and

hymns. Here, the frairs were trained so that they could be sent

to the different mission stations in the Indies. This was not

possible without the help of the authorities. In a letter of 4th

March 1632, Cardinal Dom Alpornato complied with the request

of the Provincial and the Definitors of the Discalced frairs of the

Madre de Deus Province in Goa. He wrote to the Pope to renew

the privileges that were granted to them because they had expired
 245

at the end of ten years. A clear indication of the steady growth of

the Recollects, was the increase in the number of frairs. In 1634,

there were fifteen frairs in Cabo. By the next year, there were

thirty five to forty frairs at Daugim. The Madre de Deus Province

had one hundred and seventy five frairs the majority of which

worked at Daugim, Cabo and Pilar.

In the first half of the seventeenth century, the Poor Clares

of Macao made a petition to the authorities to permit them to

establish of monastery in Goa that would cater to the brahmin

vocations. They wanted to remain under the jurisdiction of the

Madre de Deus Province, Daugim. Since, these frairs handled

many mission stations; the Poor Clares were closely associated

with the Recollects who helped them to forward a petition to the

authorities. In a meeting held on 8th January 1641, the Council

of States considered the petition and referred it to the King. The

Reformed frairs had been favoured by Pope Urban VIII. He had

issued a Brief that permitted them to build Convents in India.

The King considered the request and in his letter to the Viceroy,

he wrote about the Abbess and the religious of the Convent of St.

Clara, Macao who had approached him for a permission to work

among the brahmins in the City of Goa. He requested the

Council of States to deliberate upon this. In the report of 23 rd

Decmbr165,thCounilefsdprmthobuila
 246

Convent there because it would be a difficult for the Sisters to

find a place in Goa. Their desire to collaborate with the brahmins

did not impress the Council. The latter argued that the brahmins

only wanted two or three religious to found a small Convent for

their daughters. This forced the Poor Clares to stop their efforts

in this regard. 8

The Madre de Deus frairs were placed under the immediate

control of the Commissary General of the Sao Thome Province,

but were closely associated with the Pope. Hence, the authorities

in Rome approved their activities in the mission field and

endowed several priviledges on them. A number of frairs had left

the Observants and joined the Madre de Deus Province. The

authorities in Goa and in Portugal had a favourable opinion

about them. In a letter of 13th December 1664, the Viceroy stated

that these frairs "... lead exemplary lives. They attend to the sick

... with great humiliation and danger to their lives. They go into

the interior to care for the wayward, having converted many to

our holy faith...". This was not liked by the Observants who

criticized them because they were oriented towards a life of

contemplation. But, it was clear that the frairs were active in

the mission. They were invited to deliver sermons on special

occasions, served as Chaplains to the garrisons, accompanied the

fleet on expeditions and catered to the sick and to the poor.

 24?

Since, the Houses were located far away from the main towns

and villages, several refugees and prisoners were given shelter

there. In 1653, the Viceroy, Dom Vasco de Mascarenhas, Conde

de Obitos was kept in the House at Cabo when there were

political disturbances in Goa. He was later taken to Portugal. 9

AsuchteRol nribudtheacvmsonwiut

infiltrating into the Parishes that were under the Observants.

CHURCH BUILDING: The Parish Churches were a symbol of the

Christian faith. A characteristic feature of this period was the

gradual dispersion of the mission from the outlying areas into the

hinterland. This was obvious from the Church building activities

that indicated the intensive nature of conversions and the

progress of the mission. Many old Parishes were subdivided and

new Parish Churches were built. The old structures were rebuilt

or repaired at the cost of the gaoncars.

In 1624, a Church dedicated to Santa Isabel; Rainha de

Portugal was completed at Ucassaim after three years. It was

intended to cater to spiritual needs of the inhabitants of

Ucassaim, Poliem, Bastora and Punela. It was built at the cost of

the gaoncars. In 1628, the Church of Virlasca (Serula) was built

by a rich and pious Tertiary, Dona Anna de Azavedo, a widow of

Christovao de Sousa. She built a Chapel that was dedicated to

Madre de Deus in the Camara where she lived and donated her
-
 248

houses, garden, palm groves and .treasury to the frairs. On 14th

December 1629, she gave an oral testimony to Frei Alphonsus do

Nascimento, the Rector by which she handed all that to the

Order. Her donation was to be acknowledged after her death.

She wanted to be dressed in a habit of the Third Order. The

Guardian, frairs of the Frairy in Goa, Rector of Serula and other

parishioners, attended her funeral. She was buried in the main

altar of the Chapel and five- masses were said for her intension.

The frairs exercised the duty of the parish priest there. In 1625,

the Church of Sao Christova'o, Tivim, was built at the expense of

the gaoncars. It was meant to cater to the spiritual needs of the

villagers of Tivim, Sircaim and Assnora. The Patron was the

protector of the travelers. This Church was located at the

extreme end of the Portuguese dominions in Bardez. The Parish

Churches enabled the authorities to entrust the defense of the

villages to the frairs and to the converts. Hence, they not only

encouraged this but also sponsored such activities. In 1630, the

Ermida of Sao Lourenco was separated from the Parish of

Candolim and raised to an independent Church. It hitherto

catered to a few fishermen and soldiers who were stationed in the

fort of Aguada. The construction work was completed with the

help of the Viceroy. On 22nd February 1636, it was donated to

the Order by the founder, Viceroy Miguel Noronha, Conde de

Linhares. Hence, it was called Sao Lourenco de Linhares. In the

 248

sacristy, there is a delicate vestaria with his court of arms. The

feast was celebrated with great pomp as it marked the opening of

the barra for the ships at the end of the monsoons. In 1635, there

were forty eight villages in Bardez, some of which had been

incorporated into the others. Nearly eighteen Parishes had their

own Churches. Aldona, was one of the largest villages in Bardez.

It was located at the extreme end of the Portuguese possessions

in the North East of Goa. Frei Manoel de Sao Mathias had

crossed the River, entered the mainland and converted the people

of Moira. The Church that was dedicated to the Immaculate

Conception was completed by Frei Francisco de Barcelos in 1636.

In the Church, there is a laterite pillar that belonged to an old

temple. This indicates that it was built on the ruins of the

temple. The Churches were built of leaves, mud and lime. Hence,

most of them were damaged or destroyed because of the vagaries

of time. By the mid seventeenth century, many gaoncars got

converted either to preserve their old priviledges or for fear of

deprivations and contributed towards such activities. The

Church of Tivim that was burnt down during the Maratha

invasions was rebuilt on its foundations by Frei Francisco de

Barcellos in 1634. In 1638, the Church of Colvale was rebuilt by

Frei Pierre de la Purificacao. 10 These were located over a large

area and were concentrated along the extreme North and North

East of Bardez. This indicated that they also served as centres of

 256

defence from where the frairs exercised their control over the

Christian inhabitants and sheltered the Portuguese who were

sent there to protect the lands."

Between 1638 to 1648, there was a lull in Church building

activities. The Churches that were built so far were financed by

the gaoncars. In the remaining Parishes, individual frairs made

an effort to raise new Churches. In 1649, Frei Hyeronimo Ferras

founded the Church of Santa Anna, Parra. He brought the wood

for the Church from the North and from the Convent of Chaul. It

must be noted that money could not be easily procured from the

State and the gaoncars because they had spent heavily to

counter the internal and external threats. The frairs tried to cut

down the expenses by using the material of one House to

complete another. The Church of Moira, for instance, had the

altar screens that were brought from the Frairy of St. Francis,

Goa. In 1653, the frairs constructed a Church in Revora. It was

dedicated to Our Lady of Victory and was intended to cater to the

Christians of Revora, Pirna, Bassora and Nadora. Revora was a

strategic area that was bordered by the aldeias extra mouros.

Before this, it had been handed over to Mukund Rane alongwith

Pirna and Nanora in 1609. It was now raised as a Parish and

provided with a Church. The Church of Penha da Franca was

about to collapse after twenty six years because of seepage from

 251

the nearby river. In 1655, it was rebuilt by Frei Manuel do Lado.

His service to the State was acknowledged and he was nominated

as the parish priest of the Church for fifteen years by a Decree

that was passed by the Sacrae Congregactio of Regular Bishops

dated 26th August 1666. This was also confirmed by Pope

Clemente IX through the Bula Religiosus Zelus of 20th August

1667. In 1661, the Frairy of St. Francis was repaired using the

alms that were collected from the. Parishes in Bardez and the

North. Most of the Rectories were under the frairs who

administered the sacraments and instructed the locals in the

faith . 12

The Church building activities were a veritable index of

extensive conversions. It is interesting to note that by the end of

this period, the frairs had raised Parish Churches in all the eight

chief villages of Bardez namely, Serula, Assaganv, Pomburpa,

Calangute, Aldona, Kandoli, Nachinola and Parra. Only Saliganv

did not have a separate Parish Church till the nineteenth

century. Most of these villages were inhabited by the Brahmins.

Besides, they raised another ten Churches in the strategic areas

within the Province.

NATIVE REACTIONS: The authorities and frairs cooperated to

extend the mission in Goa. The frairs structurally organised

themselves and helped the Portuguese to implement decisions of

 252

the Provincial Councils. Since, many of these policies were

against the local customs and usages; they resulted in

confrontations between the locals and the frairs. One such

encounter took place in Dazannacho Vaddo that was inhabited

by the Prabhus.

In the Parish Sao Miguel, Anjuna, the Rector tried to

convert a local Hindu gaoncar. He informed the widow about the

Royal law according to which, she had to bring the orphan child

to the Church for baptism. The aggrieved woman disclosed this

to the inhabitants of Chivnar Grande, Anjuna. The locals

became furious and thrashed the frair so severely that he had to

be carried into the Church and then shifted to the Frairy at Old

Goa for treatment. The Portuguese authorities were equally

harsh towards the locals. They referred the matter to Portugal.

In 1628, the Court decided that the guilty had to be punished.

Their houses had to be ransacked, destroyed and mixed with salt

and the convicts had to be sent to the galleys on a life sentence

because they had assaulted the Vicar. In memory of this, a

pedra de maldicao was erected on the spot on the condition that

no one should remove it. In spite of this, the situation did not

improve and the people were determined to take revenge on the

frairs. The frairs realized that the volatile situation could not be

countered by force. On 25th November 1632, Frei Francisco de

Lisboa moved a resolution in which he appealed that the guilty

should be pardoned and fined. The matter was discussed by the

Council of States but the Viceroy refused to take any action. He

opined that the appeals should be referred to the King. The King

studied the matter and issued his Instructions on 21st January

1634. Augustinho, The Bishop of Cochin, Dom Frei Luiz

Augustinho de Brito was authorized to punish Parbil Babuzo

Adelza (?) Prabil and (?) Parbil who assaulted the priest and to

pardon the others. 13 From this, it is clear that the Portuguese

frairs were very careful while dealing with the local people. In

such cases, the King generally took the final decision and

implemented it through an agent who lived outside the area.

This was done to avoid any such recurrences.

The local dominant classes generally resisted the

Portuguese conversion policies. In a letter dated 12th February

1652, the King instructed the Viceroy, Conde de Obitos to attend

to the complaints of Frei Luiz de Sao Joao, Pai dos Christaos. He

had referred to the locals in Bardez who hindered the progress of

the mission. The Viceroy was determined to protect the interests

of the Christians in Bardez. Within a short time, the problem

was settled. In a letter of 8th January 1653, Conde de Obitos

reported to the King that the Christians and Pai dos Christaos did

not have anything to complain. The local resistance movements

 254

in Bardez took place mainly because the frairs had converted

several people and raised several Churches, both of which were

threats to the local gentios.

In 1656, Pedro Borges was sent to Goa by the Bishop, Fr.

Francisco do Castro. He sent a report to Rome in which he

stated that there were eighty five Parishes in Goa of which twenty

three were under the Franciscans. The frairs had not restricted

their activities to the mainland. They tried to convert those who

lived at the frontiers of their dominions in Bardez. Frei Manoel de

Sao Mathias, the caretaker of the Parish of Sao Thome, Aldona

converted nearly four hundred people. Since he was familiar with

the gentios and their books, he was able to confuse and convince

many locals about the errors in which they lived the falsity of

their deities and the irrationality of their religion. On one

instance, he had a discussion with the main jocim who was

forced to agree with the religious ideas of the frair. The

disappointed jocim was determined to prove that the frair was

wrong. He took the brahmins who were present there to the

pandit who was in charge of the village. The jocim told the pandit

about the Rector of Aldona who was an enemy ,of the gentios. The

pandit willingly confronted the Rector but the latter convinced the

villagers about his mission and brought them to his side. Some

brahmins of Aldona challenged him to cross over to the mainland

 255

and to discuss his ideas with the inhabitants there. The frair

accepted the challenge and held discussions with some

brahmins. Since, he was beyond the Padroado land; they

arrested him and took him as a prisoner. When the gaoncars of

Aldona heard this, they went to the terra firme and begged of the

pandit to release him. However, the pandit refused to do so. For

three days, the Rector was kept in prison along with his allies.

The gaoncars approached the Viceroy. The Viceroy threatened to

take action and burn the village. However, the pundit was

adamant. Finally, after a lot of compulsion, the pundit decided to

release the Rector. Before doing so, he invited the gaoncars and

the Rector to eat with him. After food, they entered the terra

firme. On reaching Aldona, many were converted and the village

became the best Christian Parish in Bardez. 14

The frairs had to take a personal risk to convert the people

as the locals did not receive the faith in a docile manner.

However, their success largely depended on the support of the

gaoncars and the backing from the secular authorities. The

pandit had tried his best to protect his co-religionists and the

temples from the enemy of the gentios while the converts tried to

help the Rector. Since such incidents are taken from the

contemporary missionary accounts, there is a tendency to

eulogise the efforts of the frairs and to discredit the attempts

 256

made by the locals to counter the frairs. A narration spoke

about the eldest son of a particular King who was killed by his

father's men because he had decided to become a Christian. The

Portuguese frairs called him a true martyr and decided to give

him a Christian burial. When he was about to be buried, the

earth opened in the form of a Cross and everytime it was filled

with heathens it opened again and again. Such was the fictitious

manner in which the missionaries described the locals who died

in the faith. 15

The natives generally resisted the anti Hindu legislations

that went against the rights of the local people. Frei Jose de

Christ°, Rector of Revora had insisted that the children of non

Catholic widows should be baptized. He was vehemently opposed

by the locals because the latter were afraid of losing their

properties and wealth to the State. In some cases, the Rectors

personally dealt with these reactions. In Pima, a group of people

came to the Church and made a noise. The Rector thought that

they were Maratha soldiers and tried to escape into the fort of

Sao Thome. But the moment he slipped off the Rectory, he was

attacked him with stones. When he fell to the ground, he was

killed by the locals. 16 It was common for the frairs to encounter

such difficulties in the Parish Churches as most of them were

 251

close to the frontiers of the Portuguese dominions and many

Rectors defended these areas.

The sporadic instances of violence indicated the hostility

with which the local people resented the attempts that were made

by the frairs to convert them.

INCOME AND EXPENDITURE: The frairs received their income in

the form of donations, grants and other non-monetary benefits.

This was used to pay for the sustenance and maintenance of the

faith and the faithful.

The heads of income can be broadly categorized into:

(a) Royal Grants: These took the form of grants that were

sanctioned by the King to the religious. Most of these were

directed to the Viceroy or other secular authorities.

In 1623, the frairs received an allowance of five thousand

and five hundred xs. The King instructed the Viceroy to provide

for the sustenance of the frairs and Dominicans. The frairs were

also given alms and ordinarias to look after the converts and for

maintenance of the Houses like Reis Magos. By a Royal Decree of

23rd November 1627, the latter was provided with one cow per

week and fifty xs per annum for oil and wax to light the lamp of
 258

the Holy Sacrament. This grant was made for three years and it

had to be reconfirmed. In addition to this, it was allotted one

thousand xs per year for the support of the orphans. Grants

were made in the form of consignments that were temporarily

kept at the Frairy in Old Goa before they were distributed among

the religious. One such consignment that was worth six hundred

and fifty xs and six rein was sent to the Treasurer of the Estado,

Antonio Sidra."o who kept it in the deposit of the Frairy. This was

to be used for the mission in Omruz and for the Misericordia in

Goa.''

The King did not sanction grants without keeping a check

on the income and expenditure of the religious. In a letter of 3rd

January 1630, the King ordered an inquiry into the income of the

Royal College of Reis Magos. The inquiry indicated that there

were religious, orphans, collegians and servants there . All of

them hardly received a share of the proceeds because they were

inadequate. The College received one thousand xs from the lands

ever year and grants that included twelve candis of wheat and

four corjas of cloth for the vestments for the frairs and the

orphans. Besides this, they procured twenty xs per anum from

the rice fields that were formerly a part of the temple lands.

Though they received several grants, these were inadequate

because most of the money was spent for what the boys ate and
 25,9

drank. The King had to look after several religious Houses. In a

letter of 24th December 1643, the Viceroy, Dom Jeronimo de

Azavedo clearly stated that the King had to maintain the Frairy of

St. Francis and the Houses at Reis Magos, Daugim, Cabo, Sao

Boaventura and Pilar.' 8

Unlike the Houses, the Parish Churches did not receive

maintenance grants as most of them were built and maintained

by the locals. After the Churches were constructed, the frairs

had to apply to the King for grants. The King approved of such

grants only if he felt that their income from the local sources was

inadequate to maintain the Churches. In a letter dated 8th March

1655, the King instructed the Viceroy to sanction a grant to five

Churches in Bardez namely, those in Oxel, Moira, Revora,

Aguada and Parra. The grants further depended on the capacity

of the Viceroy to meet such expenses as the latter he had to

depend on the local sources. This was evident from a letter of

20th December 1655, in which the Viceroy regretted that he was

unable to pay the five Churches as the yields in Bardez were poor

and he was facing shortages on account of the invasions.

Though the frairs depended on the gaoncars for the construction

of the Churches, the King paid the stipends to the because they

were the personnel of the King. As the mission progressed, the

number of frairs who claimed these stipends also increased. In

 260

such a situation, the King attempted to control the expenditure

on the frairs. In a letter of 12th March 1656, the King instructed

the authorities in Goa not to pay any parish priest unless he

obtained a certificate from the Secretary of the Holy Office of the

Estado that he had been examined and approved by the

Inquisitors. 19 This method was used to pressurize the frairs to

obey the Orders of the King.

This indicated that the frairs were dependent on him. But,

this was not the case with the Church building activities for

which the frairs depended on the local people.

(b) Local Grants: The frairs succeeded in getting the support of

the new-converts and other inhabitants of the villages who

contributed independently or as organized groups called

Communidades. These grants generally took the form of dizimos

wherein the people had to contribute one tenth of their income

for the mission. However, since the political control over religion

had considerably relaxed, the inhabitants did not take such

impositions seriously. In a letter of 23rd February 1622, the

Viceroy informed the King that the inhabitants of Bardez, Salcete

and the adjoining Islands did not pay the dizimos since the last

fifteen years. Hence, although the Parish Churches were entitled

to such stipends de jure, they hardly received such grants in time

and as such they had to depend either on the alms of the faithful
 261

or on the Royal stipends. They made periodic attempts to collect

money from the people. This was clear from a letter of the

Archbishop dated 24th March 1629, in which there was a

reference to a negotiation that was made by the Camara by which

the rich people and the other volunteers had to pay a tribute for

the last six years. The Camara tired to meet the expenses of the

Parish Churches and contributed towards the maintenance of the

Houses. The Camara Geral of Bardez contributed eight hundred

xs annually towards the maintenance of the College of Reis

Magos. Besides this, the College was entitled to the proceeds of

the rice field that was given to it by the Cardinal King as a royal

endowment for the maintenance of the Chapel of the Blessed

Sacrament. The Father of Christians played an important role in

this regard. On one occasion, there was a complaint against the

lavish expenditure of the Pai dos Christaos, who was a friar. The

people argued that his money came from them and that he had

no right to waste it. There were also complaints against the

parish priests who oppressed the people to contribute towards

the Church projects and other works.- The frairs approached the

Village Council and got the help of the friendly and influential

gaoncars in order to coax the others to make such contributions.

In a letter of 12th February 1619, the gaoncars complained to the

King that the people of Bardez were oppressed by the collectors,

Pai dos Christaos and the parish priests and this happened
 262

mainly because the King had allowed the Archbishop to appoint

revenue collectors and to give jobs to his favorites. The parish

priest also had say in this matter because he was under the

Archbishop. Hence, the complainants argued that it was better if

the Archbishop had set aside the revenue of certain villages for

the purpose. The Father of Christians received a salary of one

thousand xs. Of this, he paid half a xerafin per day to the

palaquin bearer and spent a lot of money on the presents to the

Archbishop, Inquisitors, and Judges and on sumptuous meals for

the Viceroy whenever he visited Bardez. The frairs were generally

in good terms with the Camara and were entrusted with several

official secrets. This was done because the frairs wanted to use

the gaoncars as intermediaries to exploit the other inhabitants. .

There was a reference to the records of the Camara that were kept

in a Parish Church in Bardez. These were locked in the box that

had two keys. One was kept by the Vicar of the Church who also

maintained the books of the gaoncars and the other was kept

with the Camara. In a letter of 28th December 1629, the Viceroy

instructed the Factor to keep the minutes of the Conselho in a

coffer at a Franciscan House. This coffer had three keys that

were to be handed over to the factor, friar and scribe respectively.

It must be noted that, the Churches in most of the villages were

endowed with varzeas, which were former temple lands. The King

tried to exercise his control over these lands and in one of his
 268

letters, he instructed the local authorities to measure and record

all these lands. Unlike the Observants, the Madre de Deus frairs

were dependent on their own resources. In Nossa Senhora do

Pilar, the expense of the twenty six religious who lived there were

met by the inhabitants of the City of Goa. In fact, they

maintained three such Houses in the Island that belonged to the

same Province. 20

The early missionaries had used different resources to

construct their Houses. It was reported that Frairy of St. Francis

was built within the fortified City using the spoils of war that the

Portuguese had looted, Royal grants and alms of the faithful. The

brahmins of the City of Goa offered to build a Convent for the

Poor Clares of Macao and to maintain them. The frairs had

properties in the areas that were located outside their immediate

territorial jurisdiction. The College of Reis Magos received an

ordinario of a thousand xs from the namoxins of the temples that

were located at Nachinola. The frairs had to systematically plan

their expenditure because they had to sustain on the alms that

they received over a period of time and had to submit the records

of the King. Reis Magos received four hundred and sixty eight xs

and two tangas for the sustenance of the local boys and eight

tangas per week for cereals, oil, corn, vegetables and meat. In his

letter of 2nd January 1631, Frei Simao de Nazareth rightly stated

 264

that the College had no fixed income although it belonged to the

Order. Similarly, the City authorities allotted additional grants to

the frairs so that they would work with greater diligence. In a

letter of 18th February 1630, the Archbishop wrote to the King

that Frei Diogo de Santa Anna who had served as the Deputy of

the Holy Office, Administrator of the Monasteries and as a Judge

of the Second Instance was given one thousand xs by the City

authorities to enable him to work better. This indicated that the

Parishes in Goa were quite well off. Bardez itself paid thirty one

thousand, eight hundred and forty two tangas brancasper anum

to the State Treasury. The role of the Communidade in building

and renewing the Churches of Bardez was clear from a document

of 17th August 1630. Several Churches were built by the alms

provided by the gaoncars. The Frairies of the Madre de Deus

Province were maintained almost entirely by the converts. In

1635, Boccarro observed that the Frairy at Daugim that had

thirty five to forty inmates was maintained with alms, as it did

not receive any help from the Royal Treasury. Hence, it was not

worse off as compared to the other Houses. Some Churches were

built by benefactors. The Chapel or Ermida of Sao Lourenco was

built by Dom Miguel de Noronha, the Viceroy . He spent five

thousand xs on the structure as is evident from an inscription on

the wall of this Church. It was handed over to the frairs on 22nd

November 1636. This Chapel was placed under a Chaplain who

also served the fort of Agoada but did not receive any grant till

1688. The Parishes that were approved by the King received

annual grants though they were founded by the gaoncars. In

1635, all the sixteen Parishes in Bardez received grants except for

Moira and Penha da Franca that were bequeathed to the Order by

certain donors. The Parish of Moira received a grant from the

villagers. Many Parish Churches in Bardez and Frairies also

inherited lands outside Bardez. This was clear from a letter of

23rd February 1654, in which the King wrote to Dom Bras de

Castro to instruct the frairs to meet their necessities with the

proceeds of the Passo de Murgury. In the second half of the

seventeenth century, the financial position of the Estado was so

precarious that the Viceroy refrained from requesting to the King

for grants. In a letter of 1st February 1655, the Viceroy Dom

Castro made it clear that he had desisted from making such

petitions because he knew the financial difficulties of the Estado.

In fact, he tried to help the authorities by making several

suggestions to improve their finances. In a letter of 4th January

1654, he proposed to the King that he should pass an Alvara by

which all the estates that were confiscated had to be remitted to

the State.21
 266

From the above, it was clear that the local people

supported the frairs and Houses when the Royal grants were not

easily forthcoming.

(c) Private Donations: The frairs largely depended on the

benefactors, local people and the secular priests to carry forth

their missions. One such major donation was made by Donna

Luisa de Madre de Deus by her testimony dated 21st December

1628. After the death of her mother, she disposed off her

property and divided the income into four parts. One part was

given as a payment for the masses to be said for the repose of the

soul of her mother Dona Anna de Santa Maria, the second part

was given to the fabrica of the Chapel of the Church that she and

her mother had constructed at Serula, the third part was to be

used to support the College and for the upkeep of the Church

and the fourth part was to be used for the maintenance of the

frairs who served the Parish. Although it was financed by the

Tertiaries, the Church was used by the parishioners and was

placed under the jurisdiction of the Order and the Padroado

head. Another Church that was dedicated to Nossa Senhora da

Penha da Franca was located at Virlassa It was donated by a

Tertiary, Dona Anna de Azavedo e Souza. On 16th December

1629, she signed a testimony in the presence of the Rector, Frei

Afonso do Nascimento. She paid twenty pardaos to the priest of

 28?

the Frairy of St. Francis, Goa to bury her in the main alter of her

Church, six xs to the Rector and five xs to the Confraria and

Irmandade of Penha de Franca to accompany her body with a

Cross, alms to the parishioners to attend her funeral, four xs to

the Rector of Serula to attend her funeral and to say nine masses

for her soul and ten xs to the frairs to say the funeral mass and

for the other masses. The rice that was procured from her fields

was to be used by the frairs and the cows, buffaloes and three

hundred thousand refs were given to the Confraria. She

bequeathed her house and properties in Virlasca, Aldona and

Arpora and the money that she had lent, to the Order. The frairs

were granted twenty xs a month as mass stipends, a quarter

bottle of oil everyday to light the lamp in the Church and the

expenses for the feasts. Hence, this Church was called a Private

Church. The authorities took the responsibility of maintaining

the cult at their personal cost. The Viceroy allotted two thousand

xs to dress and baptize the catechumens of Bardez. Similarly,

the Viceroy, Dom Joao da Silva Telo de Menezes, improved the

Ermida at Cabo. Private donations were also made in the form of

small grants by individuals for their Houses and Parish

Churches. In the Church of Madre de Deus, a gold crown was

offered by Dom Matildas, the widow of Miguel de Lima e Sousa

whose mortal remains are kept there with an inscription. In the

Frairy of St. Francis, Goa many benefactors and others were

 268

buried in the main body of the Church. Their graves are still

marked by their respective Court of Arms. 22

Apart from the Churches, other religious Houses were built and

handed over to the frairs. In Valverde, a Hospice dedicate to

Nossa Senhora de Saude was founded by Baltasar de Sa. The

frairs managed to get some benefactors who helped them to

stabilize the mission by overcoming difficulties and

inconveniences. Oxel was attached to the Parish of Siolim.

However, as the number of converts increased, the locals found it

difficult to go to the Parish Church that was far away from their

habitation. In order to solve their problem, a secular priest, Fr.

Pedro Franco Godinho donated some lands including an area

called Bauem Casana to the frairs by an instruction of 14th

October 1648. Accordingly, the frairs sold the varzeas and raised

an Ermida for the converts of Oxel, Chapora and the borders of

Siolim so that they could attend mass on Sundays and Holy

days. It was dedicated to Nossa Senhora do Mar. One hundred

and thirty xs were kept aside for the masses to be recited for his

soul and for the sustenance of the priest who was nominated

there. The brother of Fr. Godinho, Frei Antonio de Sao

Bernardino became the first Rector of this Church. One frair

conducted the masses and services there. After some time, it was

raised into a Parish and was entitled to a Royal grant. The frairs
 268

in Bardez depended on the gaoncars. The latter rendered

assistance to the frairs because most of them had been converted

and even those who were not were keen on preserving their

traditional rights. When the frairs could not procure their help,

they directed their appeals to the King. This was clear from a

letter of 5th December 1652, in which the King wrote to the

Viceroy that Frei Hieronimo Ferraz had requested the King to

render a little help to rebuild the five old Churches namely, those

at Moira, Revora, Oxel, Parra and Sao Lourenco. When the King

was not in a position to meet such expenses, the frairs tried to

minimize the expenses on the same. One frair who had been to

the North on visitation brought timber from Chaul and used it to

build the Church and Rectory of Parra. He also brought the

other articles that were needed for divine services from the Frairy.

The Frairies were large, strong and well provided with religious

men of Portuguese origin who could be relied upon. Hence, the

Royal consignments were entrusted to them. In a letter of 6th

February 1652, the King requested the Conde de Obidos to

acquire all his payments and dues from the coffers that were kept

in the Fairy at Old Goa. The frairs also got their resources from

the mission stations abroad. This was quite feasible, mainly

because Goa provided the personnel for the mission stations

throughout the Estado. The funds that were harnessed in Goa

were used for the mission in the areas that were recently
 Ke)

incorporated into the Estado. The Rectory of Our Lady of Victory,

Bessora, for instance, was built with the help of the Rector, Frei

Manoel Baptista who had collected funds from the City and

Islands of Goa and from Bardez. This was done without even

consulting the parishioners. 23

This indicated that the progress of the mission largely

depended on the help of the local inhabitants especially some

individuals who were called faithful and were given a place of

honour below the main altar after their death.

THE MISSION THROUGH THE WRITTEN WORD-THE GROWTH

OF THE KONKANI LANGUAGE: The frairs composed several

books in literature, grammar and theology that were intended to

help the frairs to learn the language and to enable the poor

Christians and gentios to understand the Christian doctrine.

Though the frairs converted several people in the Island of

Bardez, they latter continued to communicate with the gentios

and had relations with those who lived in the terra firme. Their

Hindu relatives reminded them of their old religion, caste,

obligations and status. Many of them turned back to idol

worship, superstitions and some even raised temples and began

to celebrate their festivals as they were not firm in their faith. In

Bardez itself, many of their non-Christian relatives came to live

with them and never ceased to remind them of their past. The
4.
 271

preachers in Bardez tried their best to learn the local language so

that they could teach, preach and confess them. Boys and girls

who were fifteen and ten years respectively were brought to the

Parish Churches with their crosses where they were taught the

Christian doctrine, hymns and prayers in the local language.

Before the Sunday mass, a Chapter from a book was read and a

sermon was delivered in the local language. During Lent, the

Passions of Christ were preached in this language in some of the

Parishes in Bardez. This would be followed by a Passo de Passion

that was devoutly attended by the converts, gentios and the locals

of the terra firme whose wives and children wept and beat their

chests during the ceremony. This dramatic reaction may have

served as a psychological boost for the religious in Goa who

requested the Pope and the King to promote the local language.

After 1627, the Canons of the Council of Trent and a Papal Brief

stated that the local language was compulsory to carry on the

pastoral work in the Parishes. At this time, the frairs had three

masters, three preachers and some confessors who served the

converts. The General Baptisms proved that the frairs were quite

successful in the mission. The frairs were strongly against the

secular clergy and criticized them because they pierced their ears

and hoarded money for themselves and for their relatives.

 212

In 1627, several accusations were leveled against the frairs.

The Archbishop, Dom Sebastiao de Sao Pedro stated that the

frairs had neglected the local language. There was a strong

appeal to expel the frairs and to dismiss the Regulars from the

Parishes in Bardez. In his letter of 1628, he informed the Viceroy

that the Parishes in Bardez were badly cultivated because the

parish priests were not familiar with the local language. The

Canonical Provisions were in favour of their removal. In a letter

of 12th April 1628, the Archbishop repeated his complain and

accused the frairs of being unable to carry out their

responsibilities in the Parish Churches. However, the Viceroy did

not interfere because he depended on the reports that were sent

by the frairs. The Provincial had informed him that they had

teachers and preachers in the language. In a letter of lath

December 1629, Frei Simao de Nazareth, Minister Provincial

reported that they had three religious who were masters in the

language. He sent a certificate to the King to testify the same.

This frair complained about the bad treatment that the

Franciscans had received from the Archbishop. The latter

belonged to another Order and was overtly hostile towards the

frairs. In 1628, he openly supported the appointment of secular

clergy to carry out the parish activities because they knew the

local language and could use it regularly in the ministry. The

King was by and large influenced by such negative remarks. In a

 2118

letter of 12th April 1628, he warned the frairs about their

ignorance in the language. He warned them that if they ignored

it, their ordinarios would be withdrawn. The King insisted that

the frairs should follow the decrees of the Council, Papal Briefs

and the Royal Instructions. The Archbishop was supported by the

Camara Geral de Bardez, which complained that the frairs did

not take interest in the vernaculars and were not fit to administer

the Parish Churches. However, the frairs argued that they had

studied the language and. that the Order had nearly twenty

religious who instructed the Christians in Bardez in Konkani.

The authorities proposed that the frairs should be examined by

the Archbishop and the Inquisitor. But this did not materialize

as the frairs disagreed to this. The accusations continued till the

death of the Archbishop. The Viceroy always supported the frairs

and stated that the frairs used Konkani to preach and confess in

the Churches of Bardez and that they prepared booklets on the

Christian doctrine in the same language. He accused the

Archbishop of distorting his mind by complaining against the

frairs till his last hour. In fact, he now blamed him for the

disturbances in the City. 24

The authorities requested the frairs to acquaint themselves

with the local language. In a letter of 9th December 1631, the

Viceroy was instructed to examine and approve that the religious

 2 l4

knew the local language before they entered the Parishes. A copy

of this Instruction was sent to the major priests of all the

Parishes so that it could be implemented. The Decrees of the

Third and Fourth Provincial Councils made it obligatory for the

religious to translate the compendium of the Christian doctrine

into a language that could be understood by the converts. By his

Brief Ex Debito Pastoralis, Pope Urban VIII made it compulsory for

the frairs to instruct the converts in the doctrine of Robert

Bellarmine. The decisions of the authorities in Rome and

Portugal largely depended upon the reports that were sent from

Goa. The new Viceroy, Conde de Linhares was favourable

towards the frairs and supported them. Moreover, the allegations

that were leveled against the frairs prompted them to preach and

write the Christian doctrine in the local language. As such, they

made use of the written word to instruct the converts. The frairs

had their own training centers. In Pomburpa, for instance, Luiza

da Madre de Deus had founded a College where fifteen to twenty

collegians were taught the Christian doctrine, reading, writing,

singing, local languages and Latin. They were trained so that

they could help in the conversion of the local people. Many

gentios who heard such preaching opened their eyes and

embraced the faith. The frairs also translated the Christian

doctrine into Konkani. The frairs had three aims in completing

such works. They wanted to teach catechism to the young men

 2'15

and to the neo-converts, to follow the instructions of the

Provincial Councils and to furnish a grammatical base for the

European missionaries whose basic instruction was in Latin.

The frairs were very meticulous and emphasized on phonetics,

morphology, syntax and structure. Frei Christovados work, for

instance, was based on a synchronic model of scholastics that

was current in Portugal. It was intended to enable the frairs to

preach with greater dexterity. Frei Banha's vocabulary was also

very copious. 25

One frair who contributed towards linguistics was Frei

Gaspar de Sao Miguel. Around this time, there were several

criticisms that the frairs in Asia had no time left after singing in

the choir and burying the dead. This accusation was made at a

time when the Crusade Spirituality fermented the Post

Reformation period. Frei Trindade had attempted to counter this

by recording the achievements of the frairs in the missions in the

East. The works of Frei Gaspar, Frei Antonio de Saldanha and

Frei Miguel de Almeida enabled the frairs to learn the basic

grammar. This period was often called the Golden Age of

Konkani literature. Frei Gaspar was a Portuguese who joined the

Order in India. During his studies at the College of Sao

Boaventura, Goa, he learnt the basis of the language. He worked

in Bardez for thirteen years as the Rector of Mapusa and later as

 276

the Pai dos Christaos of Bardez and devoted his time to study the

language. He was the prime contributor of the Franciscan School

because he had learnt how to make the new religion more

attractive to the Indians by experience. He had several works to

his credit. These included Pastoral works, apologetic or doctrinal

works, polemic works and linguistic works. 26

Though the frairs wrote several books in the local

languages and in Portuguese, very few of these works were

published because they did not have a printing press in Goa and

the books had to be sent to Portugal for publication. This could

be done with the permission of the King. Frei Gaspar knew about

this legislation and submitted a petition to the King in which, he

requested him to give him this permission. On 5th February

1635, the Pope had instructed the authorities not to appoint a

parish priest unless he knew the local language. The frairs

supported this and frairs like Frei Miguel de Purificaca..o made a

personal representation to the King in this regard. When he was

on his visit to Madrid, he carried two books, the Vivelcamalaand

and De Vitis Apostolorum erumque Symbolo and approached the

Minister General of the Order, Frei Joao Baptista at Madrid. He

succeeded in getting the permission of the King to publish them

and it was stated that the King kept them on a table and admired

the works in the presence of an audience. He then sent them to

 2T/

the Conselho Supremo de Portugal. In a letter of 5th April 1645,

the King instructed the Conselho to print at least one book at the

expense of the Treasury. The Viceroy, Conde de Aveiras was

instructed to inform him about the number of copies that were

needed. The books were subsequently printed as the Imprimatur

was dated 20th February 1645. 27

The frairs concentrated on language studies to counter the

accusations that were leveled by the Jesuits were believed that

they were the apostles and who sought an admiration for the

work that they did. The frairs followed suit and tried to impress

the authorities by taking the local language seriously. Frei

Gaspar de Sao Miguel knew the language so well that he was

appointed as a Censor by the Inquisitors to check the new edition

of Fr. Stephens Christa Purana and to check whether it

confirmed with the original. Frei Manoel Baptista worked in a

similar capacity and his Imprimatur appeared thrice in the work

of Fr. Stephens. Frei Christovao de Jesus was referred to as

Magister Theologus e Pracdicator in the language. 28

The Viceroy, Dom Bras de Castro was not satisfied with

the efforts of the frairs. In a letter of 1653, he wrote to the King

that the frairs did not believe that it was their duty to spread

Christianity. He wanted the King to send an Inquisitor to Bardez

because the local situation demanded the knowledge of Konkani

 278

catechism. In his letter of 4th January 1654, the Viceroy

complained that the main cause of idolatry was the inability of

the frairs to learn the local language. He wanted the King to allow

the negros or the locals to teach catechism. He requested the

King to issue an Order by which he could appoint a Master in the

Languages and place him permanently either in the College of

Reis Magos, which had twenty students, or in the Frairy of Goa.

It was decided not to pay an allowance to the frairs unless they

had a certificate that they were examined in the local language in

the presence of the Viceroy and other dignitaries. The former had

to be issued by the Secretary of the State. All these resolutions

were approved by the King and were confirmed during the

Viceroyalty of Manoel Mascarhenas Homen. They were

implemented in Goa in the second half of the seventeenth

century. The Viceroy, Conde de Sarsedas wrote to the Franciscan

Provincial, Frei Lourenco de Conceicao about an examination

that was scheduled for 2nd March 1656 and requested him to

inform the parish priests who were working in the local Parishes

about it. This caused dissatisfaction among the frairs. The

Franciscan Superiors assured the authorities that the language

was already taught at the College of Sao Boaventura where there

were nearly twenty frairs and a teacher who was very skilled and

learned. The frairs who worked as parish priests were also

informed about the letter. Except for the Jesuit Provincial, Fr.
Antonio de Almeida, the other religious obliged to it. The frairs

complained that they should not be reexamined in the presence

of the Apostolic Inquisitors. The King directed this appeal to the

Inquisitor, Paulo Castellino de Freitas. In his report, the latter

stated that this was compulsory. Within a short time, Frei

Antonio de Santiago compromised with this and the problem was

temporarily solved. The contemporary chroniclers stated that the

zealous apostates of the divine word provided Bardez with the

first Masters of the Spirit who knew the local language and who

educated the others. The Sao Thome Province had thirty two

Masters in the Language who were also excellent preachers.

Though, thirteen of them had died, eleven were good enough to

preach in the local language from the pulpit and others were

familiar with it. Hence, many gentios were familiarized with the

teachings of Christ. 29
.

INVASIONS: Bardez and Salcete had been made over to the

Portuguese Crown, but they were occasionally threatened by the

local invaders. The frairs who worked outside the territorial

borders of Goa faced severe difficulties and the frairs in Goa

anticipated a probable attack. Moreover, since Bardez was

bordered by the enemy territories, they posed a danger to the

frairs who exercised their spiritual care over these areas. The

frairs took great care to avoid such problems. In a meeting of the

 286

Conselho do Estado on 28th January 1623, the frairs requested to

the Viceroy, Conde de Almerante to help them to maintain the

security of the fort of Bardez as it circumvented all the lands that

were susceptible to the attacks from the Dutch. A similar appeal

was voiced in a letter of 2 8th May 1622, in which the frairs asked

for help against the Turks. The Viceroy, Conde de Linhares

heeded to their appeal and started fortifying the lands in Bardez

so that the enemy attacks could be resisted. The expenses for

this were met by the Camara, Royal Treasury and proceeds from

the temple lands. The authorities took up the task and the

fortification was completed by 12th November 1633. The frairs

adviced the authorities on the steps that had to be taken to

guarantee the security of Bardez. In a letter of 13th December

1629, the Custos of the Observant Province adviced the Viceroy

not to entrust with the vizinhos dos mouros to the seculars. He

opined that the religious could be used to defend the borders of

the Portuguese territories as they were reliable and were

dependent on their Patron for their sustenance. 30

In the last half of the seventeenth century, Goa was

threatened by several enemies. The frairs tried their best to

ensure their security. In a letter of 6th December 1653, they

adviced the Governor and the Conselho do Estado that the

leaders who lived on the other side of River of Bardez could help
 281

in the defense of the lands. Five to six thousands xs were

allotted to complete the defenses so that the mourn could not

enter the Islands. The authorities were afraid of a probable

alliance between the locals and the enemies. In a letter of 9th

December 1653, the Conseiho do Estado referred to the Bishop of

Chrysopolis and instructed the Governor to meet the Councillors

and to decide the ways and means of dealing with the Bishop

who was helped by a local brahmin from Serula. Baltesar de

Mascarhenas was sent to compromise with the locals who lived in

the Bijapuri lands. However, they had little respect for the frairs,

Jesuits and for the Holy Office. The Bishop Dom Matheus de

Castro was responsible for influencing them as he himself hoped

that an invasion would hasten the collapse of the Regime. In

1654, the Marathas attacked Goa and an army of nearly four

hundred men entered Bardez. Another group of two thousand

soldiers invaded this Province through Tivim. Since the frairs had

a Parish there, many Churches were damaged and many frairs

were hurt in the course of the invasions. Frei Antonio de Santa

Clara was killed and three thousand inhabitants from Bardez

and Salcete took refuge in Kutur, that was twelve miles East of

Khanapur, inorder to escape the ravages of the Maratha

invasions. The religious who lived in the Frairies helped the

garrison and five frairs fought aside the Captain of Bardez,

Antonio de Sousa Coutinho with the Cross in one hand and the
 282

Sword in the other. Frei Antonio was a Captain on one of the

ships that brought reinforcements from across the River

Chapora. Frei Antonio da Conceicao, Vice Commissary entered

the fort of Reis Magos with a garrison of fifty frairs. He was busy

guarding the fortress and the frairs helped the Captain, Francisco

Henriques Pinto. Another group of frairs served as a reserve force

in the College. Five frairs accompanied the Captain. It was in

this situation, that the frairs were compelled to learn the lingua

Maratha so that they could communicate with the enemies and

unearth their plots. The Marathas tried their best to pressurize

the Bijapuri General, Abdul Aquimo to conquer Bardez. The

Portuguese had no other alternative but to seek the help of the

local inhabitants. In the meeting on 25th May 1654, the Governor

and the Councillors including Frei Antonio de Trindade,

Provincial decided to take the help of the locals to repair the

defenses and to resist the mouro at Tivim. In 1654, the Idalcao

attacked these lands and conquered them. In a letter of 8th

August 1654, it was clear that the Portuguese were preparing to

fight a war against the mouro, Abdul Aquimo who operated from

Bicholim. The Viceroy was very sure that he could not except

much help from the Christian inhabitants as they were not firm

in their faith and though they pretended to be faithful to the

Portuguese, many influential members of the General Assembly

had decided to help the mouro and to give their territories to him.
 288

The Portuguese sent their armies to Tivim and Salcete

respectively and the authorities were happy with the progress. In

a letter of 5th September 1652, the Governor, Dom Bras de

Castro praised the valiant soldiers who arrived that at the right

time along the River Chapora. During this expedition, Frei

Antonio lost his life. By the next year, the threat became more

serious as the Idaketo tried to reassert his control over the

Provinces that he had ceded to the Portuguese. In a letter of 3rd

January 1655, it was clear that he was given an entry into

Bardez and the offensive points like the Passo de Tivim and the

machuas on the river. The Portuguese had failed to fortify the

land and the sea. The invaders did not destroy any Church or

kill any frair. The only case of violence was reported in the Parish

of Santa Isabel, Ucassaim. The local Hindus and the main

Christians of the village decided to go out at night and call the

Rector from the Church on the pretext that one of the

parishioners was seriously ill. They decided to pounce on him

and beat him. However, a poor, old Christian woman who was

given alms by the Rector, Frei Sacramento on several occasions

overheard the plan. One afternoon, on the pretext of collecting

alms, she met the Rector and warned him that certain important

people were planning to kill him. When the Rector heard this, he

was shocked. However, this can hardly be called a plot by an

invader because the inhabitants irrespective of their religion went

 284

against the Rector for other reasons as well. Another incident

took place at Verem. The Commander, Manoel Soares Velho

went to Verem alongwith five frairs, pillaged some houses and

sold the goods. The culprits were caught. During this incident,

seven people including the daughter of Dom Christovao Severim

and two frairs were seriously wounded. Such stray incidents

occurred till 1755 when the Portuguese concluded a treaty with

the Idalgei O. The latter was driven beyond Bardez. 31 After this, the

situation was peaceful because it was brought under the control

of the Portuguese.

CONVERSIONS: The frairs entered the new mission stations and

founded several Parishes in Bardez and other parts of Goa that

lay on the fringes of the Portuguese territories. The Provincial

Minister, Frei Gaspar de Conceicao baptized nearly seven

thousand souls at three General Baptisms that were held within

two years. In the same year, Frei Antonio de Sao Bernardino,

Rector of the Nossa Senhora dos Milagres, Mapusa and Frei

Francisco de San Antonio, Rector of Nerul conducted three

General Baptisms in which they baptized the Queen, Prince and

the relatives of the royal family of Kidyal. In another baptism, six

hundred boys and girls were baptized. In a letter of 9th January

1623, the Inquisitor of Goa, Francisco Borges de Sousa and Joao

Fernandes de Almeida referred to the scandalous incidents that

were faced by Frei Luis da Conceiga"o when he celebrated of the

divine services. The King took a lot of interest in conversions and

in his Carta Regia of 1625, he personally instructed the frairs to

help the Viceroy and to work for conversions. Those who were

converted were appointed as merinhos and became strong

protectors of the frairs who lived in the Parish Churches in

Bardez. 32

A major achievement during this period, was the mass

baptism of the brahmins from Moira by the Provincial Minister,

Frei Luis de Conceicao. He baptized Three hundred gentios. In

another General Baptism that was held on 9th January 1624, six

hundred people were converted and the Catholic population was

twenty seven thousand. This was evident from the Rois da

Christandade de Bardez. In his letter, Frei Francisco de Negrao

stated that he baptized seven thousand, five hundred and thirty

four people. During his tenure, there were thirty two thousand

Christians. However, this figure seems to be exaggerated because

the Official Roll of 1630 referred to twenty seven thousand

Christians in Bardez. Between 1633 and 1692, seven hundred

were received into the Church. Trindade stated that three fourth

of the people in Bardez was converted. This was possible because

of collaborative effort. In a letter of 13th December 1629, the

Provincial acknowledged the help of the Archbishop and the

 286

Viceroy in their efforts. The baptism figures impressed the

authorities in Portugal. In a letter of 24th December 1633, the

King expressed his gratitude to the Viceroy for helping the

Franciscan Provincial to celebrate a General Baptism in the

Frairy at Goa in which seven hundred people were baptized. In

another letter of 13th December 1634, the King congratulated the

frairs and promised to help them with money and offices that

were to be given to the neo-converts. Such promises were made

in the response to the high sounding letters that were directed by

the frairs. In 1634, Frei Trindade celebrated several General

Baptisms in Goa. At one of these, he baptized five hundred

people. The Bishop of Sao Thome, Dom Paulo de Estrela

attended the ceremony. The frairs adopted a policy of extensive

and intensive conversions. Baptism ceremonies were held in the

Frairy at Goa and in the Parishes in Bardez. Within three years,

two General Baptisms were held at which nine hundred people

were baptized. The following table indicates the Parish wise

distribution of he number of converts, communicants, children

and those who were confessed. The first group was already

baptized while the second and the third were eligible for the

same. The children included those who were below the age of

fourteen.
 28Y

Parish Converts Communicants Confession Children

Reis Magos nil 200 3400 584
Nagoa nil 3337 100 857
Aldona nil 700 561 576
Penha de Franca nil 66 900 nil
Siolim nil 80 1700 700
Nerul nil 215 1413 223
Salvador nil 107 1125 200
Serula nil 81 2170 530
Colvale nil nil 1077 322
Mapusa nil 12 200 236
Calangute nil 80 1540 434
Candolim nil 100 1705 640
Anjuna nil 20 1316 415
Guirim 1100 4 nil 420
Virulsa nil 606 900 277
Moira . 472 12 402 3280
Tivim 943 nil nil 400

In 1635, the total Christian population of Bardez was twenty

seven thousand. Though the above table gives a Parish-wise

distribution of the converts as well as those to be baptized, we

should note that the statistics pertained to the number of

Christians in a Parish and not in the village. A single Parish

often catered to several villages. Pomburpa, for instance, included

Olaulim, Vellatim and Hecassim. Nagoa included Parra, Arpora

and Saligao. The number of converts depended on the size of the

village. Some Parishes like Sao Diego, Guirim had few converts as

compared to big Parishes like Aldona or Calangute. Moreover, the

Parishes that were recently founded, like Moira, had a

comparatively large number of people who were yet to be

converted. Some villages were almost entirely inhabited by the

brahmins. For instance, Moira had five vangors of Brahmins and

 288

seven temples whose mahajans were all Gaud Saraswats. The far

away parishes like Colvalle and Anjuna had more people who

were yet to be converted because many inhabitants from the

villages which were converted earlier had migrated to the

mufussil areas to evade conversion. The converts were lured by

several benefits. This was clear from the Royal letters that

allotted grants to enable the frairs to conduct the baptisms. The

mission was handled by several frairs. The Junta dos Missoes

reported that there were one hundred and seventy seven frairs in

the Sao Thome Province while forty three frairs were attached to

the Madre de Deus Frairy. In 1636, there were four hundred

Observant frairs and one hundred and sixty Recollects. Besides

the dominant classes, the frairs also baptized those who were

poor. The latter actually sustained on the crumbs that were

thrown by the religious. 33

The dominant classes offered themselves for conversion to

preserve their old customs and privileges, as in the case of Moira.

The converts who helped the religious in their enterprise were

given a preferential treatment even after death. Dona Anna de

Azavedo, the foundress of the Church of Penha da Franca, for

instance, was buried in the sanctuary of the Church. Some of the

benefactors of the Church of Candolim were also buried inside

the Church. This was done at the instance of the religious

 280

authorities. The Visitor, Andre Palmeiro stated that the brahmins

who had died in the Casa dos Cathecumenos should be buried in

the place behind the altar. The frairs played an important role in

conversions. Apart from preaching, converting and baptizing the

local inhabitants, the frairs also focused on the social apostate.

They maintained Infirmaries and Schools in their Parishes.

Pomburpa, for instance, had a Parish school where fifteen to

twenty children learnt the Christian doctrine, reading, writing,

arithmetic, music and Latin. Many of these children later helped

the religious. The Superiors send some talented frairs to improve

the missions in certain areas. Frei Manoel de Sao Mathias was

sent to the Rectory of Aldona by the Commissary General. He

took care of the Parish for four months but converted four

hundred people to the faith. Fifteen days after the feast of the

temple that was located opposite the terra forme, he said a mass

for Christians on Sunday. One hour later, the people who lived

there offered themselves for conversion. The frairs also helped the

other institutions to carry out the mission. The baptism records

stated that three thousand, six hundred and seventy one people

were brought to the Islands where they were baptized. The

Misericordia had a hospital of Nossa Senhora da Piedade that was

endowed by Conde de Linhares and administered by the frairs.

Many local Princes lived in the College of Reis Magos.

The frairs sent periodic records to Portugal but the Kings soon
 206

realized that many of the contents especially those related to the

number of converts were exaggerated. On 17th November 1630,

he instructed Sima." o Falcao de Mendonca to make it compulsory

for the frairs to submit some certification to prove that they

converted the gentios in Bardez and Bacaim. Nevertheless, the

King appreciated their efforts. In a letter he stated, "... one

cannot tell how much they helped the inhabitants of this

fatherland ... the help given by the frairs and how many gentios

came to Christ by their preaching and wonderful example".

From the beginning, the Crown was supportive towards the

frairs. However, the Portuguese kept a check on them. In

January 1624, Conde de Almirante informed the Chancellor that

the King wanted him to look into the behaviour of the Franciscan

Provincial and to settle the problems between the latter and the

Commissary General. It is primary because of such efforts that

the mission progressed. In 1635, the Observants had nineteen

Frairies, three Vicarates, six Colleges and one hundred and

seventy eight Parishes under them. In Bardez, they had eighteen

Parishes at a time when the Padroado was at is apogee. 34

The frairs generally depended on the support and

cooperation of the dominant classes especially when they wanted

to found a new House. In 1641, the Poor Clares of Macao

forwarded a petition to the authorities by which they wanted

 281

permission to found a monastery for brahmin vocations. Since

the nuns of the Second Order were close to the frairs in Goa, they

knew the importance of the monastery. But, in the meeting held

on 8th January 1641, the . Conselho do Estado refused to grant

them permission because the King had instructed the authorities

not to allow them to build a Convent without his permission. In

1651, they tried again. In a letter of 30th January 1651, the King

wrote to the Viceroy that the Abess and the religious of St. Clare

wanted the permission to found a House in the City of Goa for

the brahmin girls. However, both the King and the Conselho

flatly refused on grounds that it was difficult to find a place in the

City of Goa. This indicated that the efforts of the missionaries

largely depended on the secular authorities. During this time,

the authorities were largely supportive of the Diocesan prelates.

In a letter of 5th December 1652, the King instructed the Viceroy

to send a report on the secular clergy. In a letter of 4th January

1654, Dom Bras de Castro clearly supported the secular clergy

because there were great scandals in the Parishes and among the

Christians of Bardez where idolatry was still practiced by the

inhabitants. The main cause of this was that the Vicars were

given ordinarios for their work. But, they rarely bothered to learn

the local language and forced a negro to teach the Christian

doctrine to the converts. The King instructed the Viceroy to

ensure that the College of Reis Magos and the Frairy of St.
 292

Francis had a Master in the Language. Moreover, he had made it

clear that no religious would be paid the ordinario unless he had

obtained a certificate from the Secretary of the State that he was

examined in the presence of the Viceroy. This had been done to

ensure the wellbeing of the converts. The frairs were given the

help of the confrades who formed associations called the

Confrarias. The Confrarias were important associations that were

formed in almost all the Parishes in Bardez. The frairs succeeded

in the mission and had nearly one hundred and twenty

Rectories. In Bardez, nearly one thousand, six hundred and

seven people were converted and were placed under the spiritual

care of the Portuguese frairs. This was clear from a letter of Dom

Braz de Castro who wrote to the King to instruct the Provincial of

the Order to hasten the mission and to propagate the Christian

faith by sending Pastors who would instruct them. The frairs

tried to remove the vestiges of idolatry by conducting Autos da

The Commissary General, Vicars, Definitors, Provincials and

others tried their best to carry out the services and to teach the

doctrine. This ruled out the fact that Bardez was entirely

converted. Many of those who were baptized were already

influenced by their non Christian relatives. But, both the

Conseiho de Bardez and the Provincial admitted that the frairs

yielded good results.35

 208

THE RELATIONS WITH THE SECULAR CLERGY: Between 1622

and 1657, the Estado was plagued by several reverses including a

chronic shortage of manpower . The Portuguese were involved in

a global struggle with the Dutch, British and the rulers of Bijapur

who their territories in Goa. The Portuguese ships rarely

frequented the Indian seas and the frairs had to provide

theological training and formation to their missionaries in Goa.

In 1633, the Capuchos of the Madre de Deus Province had their

own College in Pilar thatiwas called Universidade das Sciencias,

Artes e Theologia. They also had Schools where they trained boys

in reading, writing, arithmetic and Latin. The Observants had a

school in Pomburpa. Many local Princes studied at the College of

Reis Magos. Priesthood was by and large restricted to the local

nobility and many native brahmin students became secular

priests and worked in the Parishes with greater success as they

were eloquent in the local languages and were well acquainted

with the local people. The authorities also favoured them. In a

letter of 1627, the Archbishop appealed in favour of the

appointment of Indians as Vicars. The Viceroy forwarded a

similar appeal. As a result, many lay people left or neglected their

military duties and entered the Religious Orders and the

Provincial had to face problems related • to the choice of

missionaries. The authorities tried to control this by forbidding

the soldiers from entering the Religious Orders. In a letter of 8th

 284

November 1630, the King sent strict Orders to the Provincial not

to accept soldiers into the Novitiate. He complained that nearly

one hundred and twenty soldiers had already joined the Order

and three hundred were planning to do so. As a precautionary

measure, the secular authorities tried to control the elections so

that the suitable candidate was elected into the higher offices in

the Order. The Provincial proposed that the election processes

should be carried over a period. It was suggested that the

General of the Order and the Congregation should elect the

Provincial, Definitors and the Custos. Several Novitiates and

Study Houses were founded in Goa where both the Portuguese

and Indians were trained for priesthood. In the College of Reis

Magos, there were nearly eighty religious of which only one fifth

were Portuguese. The formation of the priests was very strict.

Every Friday of the year and three times a week during Lent, they

had to recite the matins at midnight. They had to observe

silence and dedicate fifteen minutes to mental prayer. Only

sixteen were allowed to become frairs and the other collegians

were qualified to teach. One of the students of this College was

Dom Matheus de Castro. He had appealed to the Pope and the

King to get a high ecclesiastical post. Because of this, the

Provincial of the Franciscan Order requested the King to execute

a Royal Order by which the religious in India were prohibited ,

 225

from going to Rome or Portugal without the permission of the

Viceroy. 36

The frairs never supported the clerigos pretos. The reason

is clear from the letter of the Provincial Minister dated 13th

December 1629, in which he complained that the native clergy

did not command much respect because most of them had

pierced their ears and were busy acquiring fortunes for

themselves and for their relatives. Even when they were

appointed as soldiers and Chaplains, they were loyal to the locals

and not to the Portuguese. The relations between the frairs and

the secular authorities largely depended on their personal

contacts. The Viceroy, for instance, had good relations with the

Provincial, Frei Siniao de Nazareth because he believed that the

frair was well equipped to handle his post. He wanted him to be

appointed as the Bispo Letrado. On the other hand, frairs like

Frei Jeronimo de Abrantes was discredited for being imprudent

and rough. His behaviour was clearly seen during the elections

of the Provincial in 1630, when Frei Jeronimo joined the mesticos

and instigated them against the Portuguese frairs. Conde de

Linhares wrote to the Crown that many frairs were intemperate

even on the pulpit unlike the Jesuits who were moderate and well

behaved. Though the authorities favoured the local priests, the

frairs were against the admission of casticos into the Religious

 206

Orders. The frairs who were born in Portugal tried their best to

prevent a Creole from holding high offices in any branch of the

Franciscan Order in Asia. They believed that although their

parents were Portuguese in blood, Indians ayahs had suckled

them in their infancy and their blood was contaminated. Frei

Miguel da PUrificacao wanted the Indians to be admitted into the

Order. He took an Indian syndic with him to show the

authorities the difference between the pure white races in Asia

and the Indians. Subsequently, he was able to secure a Brief

from the Pope by which the former was allowed to hold some

offices in the Order. The internal political threats forced the

authorities to be careful while admitting the novices into the

Order. The King was against admitting the mesticos. In a letter

of 7th January 1634, he clearly stated that any person who was

born in India should not be received into the Order without the

permission of the Custos because of security reasons. This does

not mean that the frairs were the best. The Governor General

clearly stated that the Dominicans and the Jesuits were relatively

good as compared to the others who were incorrigible. When the

Augustinians cooled off after their quarrels, the Capuchins would

begin theirs. The Franciscans and the Carmelites behaved

likewise. This largely affected the state of the mission. In his

letter of 10th December 1633, the Viceroy stated that while the

Jesuits cultivated any souls in Salcete, the Franciscans,

 281

Carmelites and Augustinians se cangeto pouco. The Viceroy was

apprehensive about the manner in which the frairs were

recruited. In a letter of 15th February 1635, he wrote to the King

to instruct the Commissary General about the methods that were

used to recruit the sons of India as his instructions had not been

obeyed so far. 37

The policy against the admission of the locals hastened the

decline of the mission. This state of affairs continued till 1640,

when the Restoration took place in Portugal and the Portuguese

freed themselves from the Spanish Captivity. Portugal had its

own Commissarius Generates Lusitaniae. Till this time, the

Minister of the Provincia Portugaliae was delegated as a

representative of the Portuguese frairs in the Spanish Court.

After the appointment of the Commisarius, he was given full

powers over the Portuguese Provinces. However, the Provinces in

the Estado did not accept his authority and severe differences

took place. In such cases, the Roman Curia was forced to

intervene. The King also took a decision against the admission of

the locals into the Order. In his letter of 5th March 1643, the

Viceroy communicated the Instructions of the King to the

Commissary General by which he stated that all the future

Provincials and Guardians in Goa and Colombo had to be

Portuguese who were born in Portugal. The Chapter in Goa went

 208

ahead and elected Frei Antonio de Sao Alexio, a Portuguese born

in Portugal as the Provincial. To avoid any further confusion, the

Pope Innocent X issued the Instauranda Regularis Disciplinae that

banned the recruitment of novices for the next ten years. As a

result, the number of frairs working in the Sao Thome Province

declined from five hundred to two hundred and forty. The

earliest documented evidence of an Indian to be admitted in the

Order was found in 1653. The frairs continued to be trained in

Goa as per the Acta of 1643. There was a reference to a letter of

Fr. Tescopagam who wrote to the Commissary in India that the

frairs had two Houses in Goa where the novices were trained.

The Frairy of St. Francis had a Chair for Theology, Morals and a

class for Latin and Konkani. The Madre de Deus Province also

had their own House of Studies where the Capuchos were

trained. The Madre de Deus Frairy at Daugim served as a

Novitis te. 38

The disturbances in the Order were described by the

Venetian traveler Manucci: "... I will say something about this

City of Goa which as it seems to me is dominated by some

disquieting planet or by demons who throw it into confusions

filling it with murder, disunion and oppression, I have tested with

experience ... I must add that it is the same thing in the

Convents of men dedicated to religious life". The frairs had rarely

 288

maintained friendly relations with the Jesuits. Formal occasions

were the best events to study their relations. Between 10th and •

19th February 1624, the canonization ceremony of Francis Xavier

was held. On the last day, a procession was taken from the

College of St. Paul to Born Jesus. At the back, several Jesuits

dressed in their Capes carried the body of the Saint that was

enclosed in a silver canopy and the effigies of the Saint. The

priests from Salcete carried the Crosses. The frairs did not join

the celebrations because they were jealous of the Jesuits who

had an upper hand in Church affairs and held important

positions. The frairs believed that their efforts were hardly

appreciated because they concentrated neither on writing their

history nor on getting their books printed. The frairs clashed with

the Jesuits over alms. Being a Mendicant Order, it was

customary for the frairs to go about begging for alms. In the

heydays of the Portuguese seaborne Empire, rich Rims were

forthcoming from the merchants and benefactors. However, by

the seventeen century, trade was in its twilight phase. The

conflicts between the frairs and the other religious had created

disturbances and the King was forced to interfere. In a letter of

6th February 1652, the King wrote to the Conde de Obidos to

decide the means of resolving the conflicts. There was a conflict

on the use of the inheritances of the dead benefactors. In a letter

of 23rd January 1653, the King ordered the Viceroy to inquire into
 866

the doubts raised by the Jesuits, frairs and Misericordia regarding

the deposits of the deceased. The resolutions were taken. In a

letter of 26th January 1654, the King wrote to the Governor, Dom

Bras de Castro that a new Alvara should be passed regarding the

inheritances because they had caused severe problems between

the religious. Around this time, the Jesuits amassed properties

and wealth. This prompted the Viceroy, Dom Felipe Mascarenhas

to inquire into their immovable assets. Subsequently, they were

found guilty of misappropriations. The frairs and Councillors

were quick to level accusations against the secular clergy. They

warned the authorities that the casticos should never be admitted

into the Order. The frairs who worked in the Parishes of Bardez

did not allow the locals to call a native priest for sermons and

confessions even during Lent. 39

Hence, we can conclude that the relations between the

different Orders were not very cordial. The‘main clashes occurred

over the appointments and resources.

RELATIONS WITH THE STATE: The frairs faced three major

problems namely, the threat from the Idalcdo, the global struggle

with the Dutch and the conflict between the Padroado Real and

the Propoganda Fidei after the Restoration of 1640. The State

had financed the missionaries in the East and the frairs were the

agents of the King. In a letter of 18th February 1622, an account

 861

about the religious and religious matters was sent to the King.

The Archbishop was happy with the frairs because the Provincial

Frei Christovao de Lisboa had helped the Church. The authorities

had to keep aside a considerable amount of money for defense

and sent it to the frairs. The Commissary General, Frei Francisco

de Sao Miguel wrote to the King that they received the grants that

were sent in the ships that came from Lisbon. The frairs in the

Frairy of St. Francis kept the money that was allotted for the

mission. The King took a lot of interest in the missions. In a

letter of 7th March 1623, the King instructed the Viceroy to inform

the Superiors of the Religious Orders to brief him about the

progress of the religious every year. In a letter of 1st January

1624, he made it compulsory for the Superiors to send the

information about the mission as well as the names of the

Provinces and the Superiors in the mission field. 40

The frairs rendered their service to the State especially in

matters related to defence. Frei Antonio da Natividade who

studied at the College of Reis Magos died for the faith at

Mombaca. It must be noted that young boys from Lisbon came to

Goa at a young age and studied at this College. The King

instructed the Viceroys, Conde de Vidgueira and Dom Francisco

da Gama to send the religious from Goa on such expeditions

because they underwent faith formation there. The Archbishop,

 862

Alexio de Menezes agreed to send the frairs to Zanzibar and

Ampaza to serve as parish priests there. There was a reference to

a Rector of Reis Magos who was formerly the heir Prince and who

surrendered the Crown in favour of the Portuguese. There was

also a reference to Frei Constantino de Christo who died for the

faith. The Viceroy, Dom Miguel de Noronha gave the frairs a

House at Carambolirn at the request of some chatins and an

Ermida that was built at Aguada. In 1630, the Viceroy left the

City of Goa to Chaul with a fleet that had many Christians and

frairs. In Danda, the Malabar pirates killed several frairs. It is

interesting to note that the frairs were against the recruitment of

soldiers into the Religious Orders because of which the number

of frairs had increased. In a letter of 22nd February 1633, the

King commented about the rapid increase in the number of

soldiers who frequented the Religious Orders since the last forty

years. After they arrived in Goa, the soldiers were exhausted at

the end of a long and weary journey and sought relief in the

Frairies. The King was upset about this because the soldiers

were needed to defend the Estado. Accordingly, he requested the

authorities to solve this problem. The Archbishop instructed the

Religious Orders not to accept the novices from the military. Any

changes in the Estado could not be undertaken without a

consultation with the Viceroy. In this case, the Viceroy strongly

supported the decision. In a letter of 18th February, the

Archbishop wrote to the King that nearly one fourth of the

soldiers had received the habit and that there were nearly seventy

soldiers in the Order. However, he could not do much in this

regard and requested the King to instruct the Provincials of all

the Orders not to receive the soldiers because there was a

shortage of men for war. But, his Order was not followed

because the frairs were trying their best to compensate for the

shortages of manpower to look after their missions in different

parts of the Estado. The King now decided to reduce the number

of frairs and Houses because he felt that there were more Houses

than those that were needed. The authorities in Rome realized

that Portugal was not in a position to handle the missions but

Portugal clung to its Padroado privileges. The Archbishop made

his stand very clear. In a letter of 12th April 1628, he wrote to the

Viceroy that he had doubts about the Orders issued by the Kings

for the colonies because there were religious who worked as

parish priests there without the approval of the Ordinary. The

Mesa da Consciencia had also received instructions that were not

clear. Many frairs had helped the Portuguese to defend the border

areas especially Bardez. This was one of the reasons as to why

seculars were kept out of the Orders. Since the aspiring secular

clergy belonged to the local dominant classes, there was a

possibility that they would ally with the local rulers. It must be

noted that many villages in Bardez formed a border with the

 364

territories that were ruled by the local rulers. Siolim, for

instance, was a gunshot away from the mainland that was ruled

by the /dakeio. This was clear in a letter of 13th December 1629,

in which the Custos, Frei Sima."o de Nazareth, specified the

reasons why the Parishes in the vizinhos dos mourns should not

be entrusted to the seculars. Unlike the Jesuits who were always

paid from the Treasury, the frairs had to depend on the alms of

the Christians for the maintenance of their Parishes. Hence, they

were compelled to maintain cordial relations with their

parishioners. 41

The close alliance between the Cross and the Crown was

obvious enough to be noticed by the chroniclers. Paulo da

Trindade stated "the two Swords of the civil and ecclesiastical

power were always so close together in the Conquest of the East

that were seldom find one being used without the other, for the

weapons only conquered through the right that the preaching of

the Gospel gave them and the preaching was only of some use

when it was accompanied and protected by the weapons". This

was evident from the fact that the frairs along with the other

religious were legal members of the Conselho do Estado. Frei

Antonio Fagundes, Frei Antonio de Conceicao and Frei Goncalo

de Conceicao were some representatives of the Conseil°. Some

feasts also reflected this alliance.

 365

The frairs had to face several problems to balance the

relatiOns between the State and religion. Frei Francesco Antonio

Frascella was secretly consecrated as the Bishop at a

Carthucian monastery of St. Mary of the Angels, Rome, on 30th

November 1637. The Holy See wanted to place the mission under

the Propoganda by sending men into the areas where the

Padroado claimed exclusive responsibility. They wanted him to

function as a Vicar Apostolic. However, he was not allowed to

work in Goa because he did not have the permission of the King.

He was kept in the Frairy of St. Francis and his case was referred

to Portugal. He was forced to appear before the authorities in

Portugal but he refused to do so. In 1653, he fell ill and Rome

allowed him to return to Europe. He went to Paris and lived in

the Convent of the Order there. In general, the frairs maintained

close relations with the Crown. They also helped the Viceroys on

their arrival to the Estado and saw them off at the quay on their

departure. On the death of the Conde de Redondo, Dom Joao

Couto, the frairs who were in the College of Reis Magos gave the

letters of succession to the Secretary of the Estado. In a letter of

5th May 1643, the Conselho announced that the Prince of Matale

(Vijayabala) had arrived in Goa. But, he was unable to live in the

Frairy because of the disturbances there. Hence, he was given a

room in the College of Reis Magos. The frairs helped the secular

authorities in times of such disturbances. The Viceroy, Conde

de Obidos who faced a political crisis in Goa was kept in the

College of Reis Magos. On 23 rd October 1653, he were transferred

to Cabo. In return for such services, the frairs were entrusted

with obligations by the authorities. By an Instrument of 22nd

February 1636, they were made the trustees of the Church of Sao

Lourenco. The frairs helped the authorities to resist the worst

enemies. One such incident took place during the incumbency of

Frei Francisco dos Martyres, Archbishop of Goa. During this

time, the Dutch blockaded Goa. This frair instructed the people

to offer special prayers and penances and to organize penitential

processions. He even tried to coordinate with the officials to sign

a Truce with the Dutch. 42

In the second half of the seventeenth century, there was a

strong move to remove the frairs from Bardez because there were

several reports on idolatry in Bardez. It was alleged that the

frairs who formerly served as Provincials and Commissary

Generals had selected commodious, well ventilated Churches for

themselves where they spent heir lives after their retirement In

his letter, the Governor informed the King that the frairs yielded

little fruit in Bardez. Moreover, the Inquisitors at the request of

the Governor informed the Court about their carelessness and

scandalous disregard for the mission work. The King tried his

best to exercise his control over the mission. On 8th February

 33?

1650, the King asked them to send a list of Provincials and

Superiors. Although they did so, there were allegations that these

reports were manipulated to cheat the King. The King was

determined to effect their removal. But the frairs raised their

- voices against the seculars especially against the Captains who

clashed with them in their missionary zones. One such complaint

was leveled by the Pai dos Christaos of Bardez, Frei Luis de Sao

Joao. In his letter of 17th January 1648, he complained against

Dom Antonio Lobo, Captain of the Province of Bardez who did not

permit him to attend the sessions of his Court and to keep a

naique. This was prejudicial because it had hampered his

intention of benefiting the orphans, widows, children and

Christianity as a whole. Frei Luiz requested Frei Gaspar de Sao

Miguel to comment on the complaint. Frei Gaspar did as directed

and stated that he had been the Pai dos Christaos since the last

thirteen years. In that capacity, he was always present at his

Court where the distribution of Comrnunidades took place.

According to him, if the Pai dos Christaos were not allowed to be

present at such meetings, their Office was useless. On the other

hand, the Captain agreed that frairs had the power over the

converts in Bardez but he argued that they had no authority to

interfere in the meetings of the Estado. The frairs claimed they

worked to promote the interests of the converts. But this was not

always true. In a letter of 28th August 1658, the Viceroy wrote to

 368

the Provincial of the Observants that the frairs did not work hard

in the Parishes of Bardez. As such, it was necessary to

encourage them to cultivate the pasture. It is interesting to note

that while the Observants were targeted, the Capuchos were

encouraged. This may be because the latter did not transgress

the mission field as often as the Observants. They had few

contacts with the locals and lived a secluded life. 43

The authorities generally appreciated the efforts of the

frairs in the mission. In a letter of January 1624, Conde

Almirante praised Frei Sima."o de Nazareth who promoted the

mission and served the King. On one occasion, the latter sailed to

the barra de Goa to help the people of Bardez. Frei Rafael de Sao

Francisco worked in Burma and later proceeded to Malacca. Frei

Francisco do Chagas also worked in Burma but he was expelled

from there and forced to return to Goa. The frairs helped the

Viceroys when they disembarked from the ships. They were

taken to Reis Magos with great pomp. Some, like Antonio Telles

were buried there. Frei Luiz da Cruz was praised for being

virtuous ad zealous. The same was said about Frei Gaspar de

Conceicao. 44 Frei Manuel de Desterro and Br. Francis da

Conceicao accompanied the ambassador of Portugal and the

Viceroy Francisco de Souza de Castro was sent to Atjeh (Achem)

in Sumatra. The two were taken as prisoners along with Blesed

 359

Dionysius de Natividade, Blessed Redemptus, a Cruce and a

small group of frairs where a Muhammadan put them to death.

The frairs did not always have the capacity to handle the

mission with their personnel. After the death of the Archbishop,

Dom Francisco dos Martires, the See was vacant for nearly

twenty three years and the Capital of Goa became a theatre of

scandals. In a representation to the King in 1672, it was stated

that the missions in the East were without priests and without

body, soul and the mind. The priests lived a self abased life,

without the fear of God or of the world. Some even had wives and

children. Moreover, the Churches in Bardez had become houses

of recreation. This was the state of the mission before its actual

decline.

IN THE NEIGHBOURING MISSIONS WITHIN GOA: Since this

work deals with the Franciscans in Goa, it is important to study

their activities within the modern geographic-political limits of

Goa. Goa was then limited to the Velhas Conquistas. But, the

frairs were able to infiltrate into the surrounding areas like

Ponda, Bicholim, Chapora, Tiswadi, Salcete and other areas.

In the Frairy of St. Francis, Goa there is a painting of the

martyrs who were killed in the neighbouring areas. The

contemporary documents stated that there were several

 816

Christians in the vicinity of Goa who lived in cooperation with the

Hindus. In 1653, the frairs were given certain mission areas

within their neighbourhood where they had to carry on the

Apostolic mission. The Propoganda Fidei made efforts to send the

Vicars Apostolic like the Archbishop Franscella to such areas. In

a letter of 14th December 1641, the Viceroy wrote to the King that

the Archbishop of Mira came to Goa from Rome by land and lived

quietly in the Frairy of St. Francis, Goa for nearly one year where

the frairs treated him with. respect. The King instructed him to go

to Portugal but he refused and the Portuguese had to force him to

comply with the Orders. Since he was not in charge of any

Church, the Viceroy did not know what to do because the

Archbishop asked the Viceroy whether he had an Order of the

King. In another letter of 20th December 1651, the Viceroy stated

that the Archbishop who had proceeded to Japan came back to

Goa and lived in Bardez. The authorities would not tolerate his

presence in the Padroado lands. In a letter of 5th March 1653,

the Archbishop was asked to vacate the Padroado lands and

proceed to Portugal. Though the frairs resisted the Propoganda,

they were forced to shelter the Archbishop as he was a frair. In a

meeting of 8th August 1654, the Governor Dom Braz de Castro

declared that the frairs should be active in Bardez and Salcete.

The. Portuguese did not trust the inhabitants of these places as

many had gone to the mainland to help the Idalgao especially in

 311

Tivim, Aldona and Revora. Now, they did not trust the frairs

either. They were afraid that the Catholics would welcome any

intruder as they were not firm in the faith and as they did not

trust the frairs. In such a situation, the frairs defended the

Padroado from religious and political infiltration. 45

THE THIRD ORDER: The Third Order or the Tertiary was an

Order of lay men and women who lived a secular life but abided

by the Rules of the Order. The earliest source for the study of the

Tertiaries in Goa is the Titulo of 1619. The Franciscans had

formed two Provinces in Goa and it was not possible that the

members of the Third Order existed in the Metropolo da India

before this. According to the Titulo, Frei Sebastiao dos Santos,

Custos and Commissary General in Goa visited the brothers and

sisters of the Third Order in Goa. Frei Hieronimo da Esperanca

tried to strengthen the spirituality of the members by instructing

them on every Friday of the month. Between 1626 to 1629, Frei

Mathias de Albuquerque continued the practice of receiving

Tertiaries into the Order. Frei Simao de Santa Maria was the first

to create the office of the Commissary of the Third Order in 1630.

Between 1631 and 1640, Frei Bartholomeu de Sao Miguel, Frei

Joao da Portuincula, Frei Antonio dos Martyres and Frei

Bartholomeu occupied this Office. They were under the

jurisdiction of the Guardian of the Frairy. Frei Bartholomeu

.
created the Office of the Mesa dos Terceiros. In 1641, it was

decided to hold a procession of Tertiaries on Ash Wednesday and

on Tuesday of the Holy week. From 25th January 1641, the

Province of the Order began to organize this. 46

The Third Order was founded in many Churches and

Houses of the Observants and Recollects. In Pilar, a procession

of the Tertiaries was held on Tuesday before the Holy week in

which sixty five images of the Franciscan saints were taken in a

procession. This was later shifted to Goa Velha where twenty

eight statues of the saints, martyrs, Popes, Bishops, Cardinals

and Kings are still taken in a procession. In Filar, an inscription

of the Third Order was found in the garden in 1909. The

Archbishop, Francisco dos Martyres encouraged many women to

join this Order. During the tenure of the Governor, Dom Ayres de

Saldanha there was a reference to the brothers of the Third Order

who persuaded the authorities to establish a Convent for the

Tertiaries in Goa. 47

The life of the Tertiaries is evident from that of Donna Anna

de Azavedo e Souza, founderess of the Church of Nossa Senhora

da Penha da Franca. She spent the whole day in prayer. She was

so devout and humble that she even swept the Church. She ate

some bread that - she received as alms from the Rectors table. For

years, she never ate meat unless her confessor obliged her to do
 813

so. She ate in an ordinary plate that was made of baked clay and

slept on a board that was covered with a habit. She used a stone

as a pillow. By her testament, she donated all her wealth to the

frairs. In this Church, there is a Court of Arms of the Third

Order.

After the removal of the frairs from Bardez, the Office of the

Commissary of the Third Order was shifted to the Hospice at

Monte de Guirim. Between 1780 to 1812, a number of Tertiaries

lived there. After 1812, the office was abolished and Guardians

were placed in charge of them. 48

In this manner, the frairs were able to work for the progress

of the mission. But this progress evoked the hostility of the

religious and seculars who tried their best to hinder their efforts

in the mission. As a result of this, the frairs found themselves

bound by several legislations which made them stagnate within

their mission in Goa.

Notes and References :

Earnest Hull, The Bombay mission with a special study of the Padroado question (1534-1858), Vol. I,
pp. 37-28;Domnic Alwaye, The Latin mission under the jurisdiction of the Propoganda (1637-1838), in E.
R. Hambye and Perumail (ed.), Op. Cit., 1972, pp. 102-03; The Catholic Encyclopaedia, Vol. XIV, pp.
456-60; Jno Godinho, The Padroado of the Portuguese in the Orient (1454-1860), pp. 1-3.
The details relating to the Custody are included in Bull. Patr., Vol. I, p. 258, Analees, Vol. XXV, pp. 470-
71 and 623-24
Analees, Op. Cit., Vol. XXVII, p. 631; CEO, Vol. I, Cap, 48, p. 250; Jacinto de Deus, Op. Cit., p. 459;
Cotlineau, Op. Cit., p. 74.
CEO, Vol. I, Cap. 48, pp. 249-51 and 262-63, ff. 6; Analees Op. Cit., Vol. XXV, p. 631; CL, pp. 203 and
207; Jacinto de Deus, Op. Cit., pp. 459-60; Meersman Achilles, Op. Cit., AFH Vol. 60(1967), pp. 108-14;
For details on the erection of the Madre de Deus Province refer to Analees, Vol. XXVI, pp. 446-47,
413,512, 16-18, 222 and 509-10; Vol. XXV, pp. 10-11; Vol. XXVII, pp. 59 and 229; Vol. XXV, p. 470; Vol.
XX WI, pp. 87, 208 and 597; Vol. XXX, p. 42.
 814

5
Cottineau, Op. Cit., p. 74; Jacinto de Deus, Op. Cit., pp. 382 and 394;ML Vol. I, p.132; Analees, Vol.
XXVI, p. 512; ML. Vol. I, p. 138; BFUP. Vol. III, pp. 496 and 528; Miguel da Purificacao, Op. Cit., p. 28.
MR Vol. 13A, fl. 208; BFUP Vol. III, No.7, p. 5; Jacinto de Deos, Op. Cit., p. 459; CEO, Vol. I Cap.48,
pp. 252-53, ff.6; The list of Provincials for the Madre de Deus Province are available in Jacinto de Deus,
Op. Cit., pp. 320-21.
7
Analees Vol. XXV, p.534 ; The Catholic Encyclopaedia, Vol. III, p.42; EHGLC doc. 5, p. 216; a... at the
top of the hill is the Church of Our Lady of Cabo which belongs to the Reformed Franciscans. The
Church is at a height of seventy braces from the sea level and occupies a circular plot of fifty bracas
where there are cisterns of water ... at a distance of two hundred bracas from the foot of the hill, towards
the hill side, there is a fortress where one can go by road which is at the back of the said hill, on the inner
side its length being a thousand paces which leads to the door of the said fortress.... At the side of the hill
which is very high and lofty there are seven houses with stories sufficient for being inhabited by any person
serving as a Captain and below in the square near the Northern side there are twelve small houses for
soldiers and the bombardiers.. The frairs are frequently visiting the spot and there is sufficient
ammunition in the Convent for the said four guns. Warning is received from these frairs in case they see
anything suspect in the sea. And always where it is required steps are taken to send to the fort Captains
and bombardiers"; Antonio de Boccarro, 'Livro das plantas de todas os fortalezas cidades e poveacoes da
India Oriental', APO, Tomo. IV,Vol.II, Part II, p. 262.
8
BFUP Vol I, No. 8, pp. 31; No. 9, p. 269; No. 26, p. 314; Analees Vol. )(XVI, p.368; APO, Tomo IV, Vol.
II, Part II, p. 58; Assentos Vol. II, p. 30, ML Vol. II, p. 74;CL, pp. 164 and 210; Assentos Vol. II, p. 307;
Aspuruz Op. Cit., p. 181; ML Vol. II, pp. 389-90; Meersman Achilles, Op. Cit., IES Vol. II, No.1(1963).
9
BFUP Vol. 4, pp. 687- 88; EHGLC doc 9, p. 222; CL p.210; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 160;
Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit.,1933, p.8;Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., BIVG Vol. 59(1944), p.123.
10
CEO Vol. I, Cap.57 ; pp. 292-93;Anais, p.p. 25-26; The donation grant is evident from the letter of the
Viceroy to the King dated 18-1-1759; Viriato de Albuquerque, 'Urn tempo Arquelogico na Velha Cidade
de Goa', OP Vol. V( 1906), p. 23, Herald (9-3-1921); DHMP Vol. V, p. 465; Ricardo Telles, 'Igreja de
Tivim', Voz No. 34 (1941), p. 270; CEO Vol. I, Cap . 57 , pp.295; The Church was donated to the frairs by
a Tabelliao of Francisco Barbosa, MR Vol. 165A, fl. 4; DHMP Vol. V, pp. 471-73; MR. Vol. 14,fl.
112;Ricardo Teltes, 'Igreja de Sao Lourenco',Voz Vol. 25(1937), p. 264; Bosq., Vol. II, p. 140; CEO Vol.
I, p. 275;Anais., p. 28; EHGLC , p. 411. This Court of Arms was a field that had five stars of five beams
that supported a pair of anchors and a flag that bore a cross of fret work; .Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., OP
Vol. XVI, p. 367.
11
Civezza, Op. Cit., 1859, pp. 129-130; DHMP, Vol. V, pp. 468 and 471-72; Bosq. Voll,p.3; For the all the
Parishes in the year 1622, refer to Analees, Vol. XXV, p. 10.
12
DHMP. Vol.V, p. 472; Anais., pp. 29-30; ML. Vol. I, p. 164; Civezza, Op. Cit.,1859, p. 130; A list of
Rectors in Revora (1654-1767) is available in F. X. Gomes Catao, 'Igreja de Revora', BEAG(1952) p.
395; Herald (30-3-1917); EHGLC. p. 412; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit.,Voz, No. 35(1937), p. 378; ML. Vol. I,
p. 164; 0 Catholico, No. 2; DRI, Vol. XVIII, p. 101; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit, OP. Vol V (1908), p. 31;
Arsenio Dias, 0 Serafim de Assisi, 1926, p.188; CEO. Vol. I, pp. 296; Bosq., Vol. II, p.24.
13
CEO. Vol. I, Cap. 57, p. 370; Bull Patr. Vol.l, Appdx. I, p. 114; Anais., p.23; Bosq. Vo1.11, p. 422; DHMP,
Vol. V, pp. 439-40A. de Noronha, 'Os Indus de Goa e a Republica Portugesa', A India Portuguesa, Vol.
II, p. 70; The pillar subsequently collapsed and broke but the Hindus and passerbys right candles there;
BFUP, Vol. III, No.8, pp. 28 and 457.
14
EHGLC, dos. 9 and 10, p. 223; BFUP, Vol. IV, No. 21, doc. 29, p. 383; Carlos Melo, Op. Cit., p. 186;
BFUP, No. 30, fl. 57; Dec. XI; Diogo do Couto, Vol. 3, p. 169; CEO. Vol. I, Cap. 28, pp. 158-59;
15
Analees., Vol. 25, p. 625; Anais. ,pp. 23-25.
18
CEO Vol. I, Cap. 27, pp. 292-27; DHMP. Vol. V, p.467.
17
Report of Antonio Simoes dated 1623 stated by Charles Borges Economics of the Goa Jesuits (1547-
1759), 1994, p. 25; APO. Fasc. III, Tomo. VIII, Liv. 15, doc. 174, p. 251; EHGLC. p. 24; Carta Regia No.
30, includes the donation grant made to the Rector of Reis Magos in 1625 for three years.
18
Jean Aubin, Op. Cit., p. 239; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 227; BFUP. Vol. II, No. 7, p. 527; DR!.
Liv. 19, pp. 128-29; BFUP. Vol. I, No. 5, doc. 114, p. 87; Vol. II, No. 7, pp. 526-27; C. C. Nazareth, Op.
Cit,1927, p. 175; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit. ,1922, p. 6.
19
AHU Codice 208, fl. 249v; BFUP, no. 25,pp. 262 and 263; EHGLC. doc. 12, pp. 226-27.
20
DRI Vol. VII, Liv. 15, p. 251; EHGLC doc. 5, p. 216; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. 1, p. 227; AHU Ms,
India, Caixa 6, fl. 29 in T. R. de Souza, Op. Cit., 1979, p. 225 and 146; Joseph Wicki, Op. Cit., 1969, p.
244; APO Vol. V, Part 3, p. 1008; The fact that the temples possessed land is evident from the Forel
Antigo de Brdez (1647-1783), HAG No. 7587, Part II that stated the properties of the temples that were
given to the missionaries. Some of these include Narannachem Batta, Otaulim, Tnrim, Deulachem Gatta,
Aldona, Ravallanathechem Batta, Revora, Ramanathache Bette, Nachinola, Joguiachem Batta, Revora,
Bramana Purussachy Namoxi, Siolim, Vetallachem Batta, Anjuna, Naranache Batta, Ucassaim,
Guruanch Batta, Mapusa, Santareche Batt, Pileme, etc. These are Bound in flos. Nos. 19-21, 26-26v,
31v, 34, 51v-52, 56, 60v-61, 75v, 83v-84, 102-104v, 109-112v, 127, 132v-133, 148v, 159v-160 and 169v;
Assentos Vol. II, doc. 83, p. 254; DR Liv. 19, doc. 112, p. 83;C. C. Nazareth, Op. Cit., in 0 Ultramarino,
No. 60 (1901-02), p. 76.
 815

21
ML Vol. II, pp. 389-90;Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., 1906, p. 2; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 54, p. 275 Anais., p. 22;
Antonio Boccarro, Op. Cit., p. 212; Anthony Disney, Op. Cit., p. 1; DHMP Vol. V, p. 471;BFUP No. 24, p.
313; No. 25, p. 269; EHGLC doc. 11, pp. 223-24; Analees., Vol. 25, p. 82; MR Vol. 14, fl. 112.
22
Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. Ill, pp. 80 and 511; Dona Anna made a will by which the asked the Rector to give
one candil of rice and three padaos per year to Gracia and Maria her servants. Gracia was given all her
clothes and boxes; Manoel who had helped in the Church for eight years and his wife were given thirty xs.
The orphan boys were given ten xs. and a varzea; Viriato de Albuquerque, Op. Cit., OP Vol. V(1908), pp.
26-33; This is published in Ricardo Telles, Voz, Vol. 13 (1935); Nazare, Op. Cit., p. 134;Anais:, pp. 26-
27; CEO Vol. I,Cap.71,p.278 ; DHMP Vol. V, p. 473; EHGLC doc. 5, p. 215; Bosq., p. 149; The
testament is available in Tribune (20-8-1920); MR Vol. 165A, fl. 4; Anais., p. 29; Anthony Disney, The
founder of St Lawrence Linhares, p.1; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 71, p. 368; Carmo Azavedo 'The Church of St.
Lourenco, Unhares', Purabhuleka Puratatva, Vol. V, p. 61; Ricardo Telles,' Brasoes e epllafros do Museu
do Sao Francisco de Assisi', OP Nos. 12-13(1936), pp. 27-47; Ricardo Telles, 'Galeria Lapidar no
Museu Real da India Portugal;' OP Vol. IV, (1907), pp. 86-87; 114, 153, 212, 256, 327, 376, 424, 495,
584 and 636 are relevant for our study.
23
DHMP Vol. V, p. 472; Anais., Op. Cit., pi. 28 and 31;Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., OP Vol. XV, p. 199;
Ricardo Telles, Igreja de Mapusa.; Voz No. 23 ( 1936), pp. 357-58; EHGLC doc.11, pp. 223-24; ML Vol.
II, p. 5; BFUP No. 21, p. 392; Anais, Op. Cit., pp. 29-30; DHMP Vol. V, p. 472; BFUP Vol. 26, doc. 92;
CEO Vol. I, Cap. 69, pp. 349-50 and 353; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 30.
24
A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958, p. 207; EHGLC doc. 3, p. 207, doc. 4, pp. 208-09; DR! Vol. XV, p. 55;
AHU India Maio, fl. 134 in Maria de Jesus dos Martires Lopes(ed.), Goa sessenta:: Tradicao e
modemidade. Collecao estudos a documentos, 1996; MR Vol. 143, fl. 832; Vol. 13 A, I. 18; EHGLC
doc. 4, p. 209;Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 230; EHGLC doc. 5, CEO Col. I, Cap. 3, pp.22-26;
25
EHGLC doc. 4, pp. 208-09; CEO Vol. I, Cap.57, p. 294; DHMP Vol. V, p. 406; The major works
completed during this time included a book on christian morals that was written in a manuscript form and
used by several religious in the different parts of the Province. DHMP Vol. V, p. 495; A book on the
religion and doctrines of the gentios in Portuguese. This was written in a dialogue form by Frei Manuel de
Sao Mathias. CEO Vol. I, Cap. 27, p. 156; Grammatical works by Frei Manoel de Sao Mathias and Frei
Joao de Sao Mathias. The latter translated the Simbolo da F6 of Cardinal Belarmine into the local
language. He also wrote the doctrine Christa and the mysteries of the christian faith in prose in two
thousand verses. DHMP Vol. V, p. 406; Frei Amador de Sant Anna wrote on the Christian doctrine and
translated the F/os Sanctorum into the local language. DHMP Vol. V, p. 495; Frei Paulo da Trindade,
Jubiliado Mestre composed a detailed volume on moral theology. Frei Manoel de Banha was a
texicologist who compiled a vocabulary in the local language. EHGLC Cap. XVII; Civezza, Op.
Cit.,1859, pp. 249 and 32; DHMP Vol. V, p. 495; CEO Vol. III, p. 26; Frei Christovao de Jesus was a
Portuguese born in India. He was a Master of Theology who preached in the local language, converted
and baptized many. Miguel da Purificacao, Op. Cit., p. 59; He composed the Ante Aria Gramatica da
Lingoa Bramana. Frei Manoel Baptista wrote a catechism in the local. Frei Domingos de Sao Bemardino
wrote an explanation of the Creed in the local language. There is a reference to his Imprimater and
Revalda EHGLC Cap. CXXII, CLXVII; DHMP Vol. V, pp. 496 and 407; Frei Manoel do Lado wrote a
booklet of the treatises on the faith. Jacinto de Deos, Op. Cit., pp. 10-11; Frei Francisco de Negri°
wrote a chronicle that contained a list of antiquities of the Province and Frei Miguel da Purificacao wrote
the Vida Evangelica dos, Frades Menores that was printed in Barcelona and dedicated to Dom Joao IV;
DHMP Vol. V, p. 495; Gerson da Cunha, Konkani language and literature, 1981, pp. 38 and 141.
CEO Vol. I, p. x; Jose Pereira, 'Gaspar de Sao Miguel, OFM arte na lingua Canarim Part 2, sintaxis
copiossima na lingua Brahmana', JUB Vol. XXXII(1967); EHGLC Cap. CXXV; Civezza Op. Cit.,1859,
pp. 565-66; Gerson da Cunha, Op. Cit., p. 38. The major works of Frei Gaspar de Silo Miguel included
Manual pare os parochos e reitores that was a manual of twenty two pages in prose. It was intended to
enable the Parish Priests to teach the faith and the seven sacraments to the parishioners. Das Estacoes
que os parochos devem fazer as seus ovelhas in which the mysteries of the faith were explained, Baculo
Pastoralis that was a Crozier in prose that was meant for the Rectors so that they could counter idolatry
and instruct the people on the chirstian life, Sympolum Fratris Ludovici Granatesis in which was a
translation of the work of a Spanish author, Doctrine Cristao an anthology of devotional writing published
in Lisbon in 1599, Introduzion del Simbolo de F6 (1582) a Spanish work on the mysteries of the faith
Brahmana e Pollida respectively, Condones de Tempore at de Sanctus in four volumes. These included
sermons that could be delivered on Sundays and two or three short sermons, De vitas apostolonim
corumque symbolo a poem of eight thousand verses and a poem by missionary in Marathi, Sennoes do
tempo dos Santos Semmes in four volumes. This included sermons for all the days of the year. The
details of this author and his works are taken from Miguel da Purificacao Op. Cit., pp. 9-10; Jacinto de
Deus, Op. Cit., p. 10 ;Civezza, Op. Cit., 1859,pp. 565-66; CEO Vol. I, Caps. 6-9, pp. 35-54; DHMP
Vol. 4 and are stated by Jose Pereira, Op. Cit., pp. 6-21; The Syntax Coprossima is published by Jose
Pereira, Op.Cit, JUB(1967), pp. 1-155 from the original in the Marsden Mss in the school of School of
Oriental and African Studies, London; Mariano Saldanha, Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, Vol.
8 (1935-37), p. 721; EHGLC Capi, CXVI1 and CXXV; BL Vol.II, p. 363 contains a list of books; Olivinho
Comes, 'Grammatical studies in Konkani: a critical overview', BIVG No. 170 (1994), p. 87 also comments
on these works; DHMP Vol. V, pp. 195-96. Symbolum Cardinales Bellarmini that was a translation of his
Dichuarazione piui coprosa della Dottrina christiana (1599), that was meant for the small idiotas. ft dealt
with the creed and the doctrine and included an account of the lives of the apostles, dialogues,
comparisons and other things. It included eight thousand verses De Septem Sacramento, a work on the
seven sacraments, De Vitebus Gentiluim consisting of twelve cademos and more than three thousand
verses. They included the considerations to be observed during the passios. They were divided into
seven parts and were meant to be sung during lent before the Passions by the people in the Parishes
 816

where they preached, Condones de Tempora et de Santis a poem of eight thousand verses presented in
the form of a dialogue, 0 Credo that was based on the teachings of the christian writers. It had eight
thousand verses and an important chapter on devotion and adoration. It included seven parts that were
divided into Chapters. The first four dealt with the four novissimos namely the gravity of sin, misery and
divine favours Super passionem domini, a poem of three thousand verses. It included twelve booklets
that included scenes that could be enacted by the faithful on the days of Passion, a Konkani to Portuguese
that included nearly seventeen thousand eight hundred entries with Latin directions, Ante de Lingua
canarin, a grammar in the Konkani language. It had two parts. The first part was a work on grammar,
phonetics and morphology and the second part dealt with syntax. These were called Grammalice da
Lingua Brahmane que Cone na Ilha de Goa e sua comarca and the Sintaxes Copiossima na
27 Miguel de PurificagSo, Op. Cit., pp. 9, 28-29 and 31; DHMP Vol. V, p. 495; Bull Patr Vol. I, p. 123; DRI
Vol. 55, p. 327; EHGLC Cap. CXXXI; CEO. Vol. I, pp. I-x.
Maffei, Op.Cit, 1605, p. 306; CEO Vol. I, Prologue; CEO Vol. I, p. 395; DHMP Vol.V, pp. 195-96;
Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit; lndica Vol. 6(1969) ; EHGLC Caps. CXXI-CXXII; Dario de Terceira
Vicerei da India Conde de Linhares, 1937, pp.98-8; Miguel de Purificacgo, Op. Cit., p. 59;
29 BFUP Vol. I, No. 8, pp. 38-39; A. K. Priolkar Op. Cit., 1958 pp. 175-76' EHGLC doc. 11, pp. 223-240,
doc. 12, pp. 226-29; BFUP No.35, p. 500; DHMP Vol. V, pp. 407-08.
3° Assentos Vol. I, pp. 507, 145 and 213; MR Vol. 13 A, fl. 63v;MR. Vol.54, 1.55-57; An inscription in the
fort of Tivim dated 1638 refers to the Catholic King Felipe III, Governor of the Estado and Dom Miguel de
Noronha, Conde de Unharee. These two must have been involved in the building of this fort. Ricardo
Telles, Op. Cit.; OP Vol. IV (1907), p. 326.
Assentos Vol. III, pp. 295, 396-97,371-73, 357 and 374; MR Vol. 130 B, ft 425; Vol.. 54, ff. 55-57;
DHMP Vol. V, pp. 436-38; Nazareth, Op. Cit., 1927,p. 239; FemSo de Soledade, Op. Cit, Vol. III, p.
515; Assentos Vol. III, pp. 340-41,347-48, 1358 and 373-74; DHMP Vol. V, pp. 437-38
32 BaiSo, Op. Cit., Vol. II, pp. 596-97 and 618-19; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 45, pp. 36-38, 349; EHGLC doc. 13, p.
24; DRI Liv. 19, p. 62.
33 CEO Vol. I, pp. 235-38; DRI Liv. 19, p. 80; Analees Vol. XXVI, p. 223; CEO Vol. I, pp. 223, 57-58,
334 and 291-96; Viriato de Albuquerque, Op. Cit., OP Vol. IV(1907) p. 448; EHGLC doc. 4, p. 209, doc.
8, p. 221; BFUP Vol. III, No. 9, p. 487; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 65, pp. 333-34; The statistics for 1635 are
compiled from CEO Vol. I, pp. 285-86; Cap. 57, pp. 292-95; DHMP Vol. V, p. 470;Anuario., p. 172;
The seven temples in Moira included those of Santeri, Rampurusha, Mahadeva, Rampurusha,
Vantepurusha and Dadd. This is stated in T. R. de Souza, Op. Cit.,1986, p. 1 and Rui Gomes Pereira,
Op. Cit.,1978, p. 71; Cartes Regias Nos. 37 and 54 (1618); Nos. 30 and 123 (1622); Nos. 13 and
53(1638); These are stated in a. K. Priolkar , Op. Cit., 1958 ; APO Vol. 2, Part II, p. 58; Assentos
Vol. II,p.30; DHMP Vol. V, pp. 438-39
Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit.; Voz No. 35 , p. 288; Joseph Wicki, Op. Cit , 1969, p. 25; This is also found in
APO Vol. V, Part 3, doc. 1022; DHMP Vol. V, pp. 789-96; EHGLC doc. 11, pp. 224-25; BFUP
Vol.', p. 687; Vol. II, p. 142; Vol. I, p. 49; FemSo de Soledade, Op. Cit. Vol. III, p. 511.
35 Analees, Vol. XXV,pp. 372-73; DRI Liv. 19, pp. 62-62; Nazareth, Op. Cit., p. xxii. These included Jogo
de Noronha, of Serula, Nama Prabhu, Mangoji Sinay, Manoel de Siqueira, Jorge Pereira, Antonio Vas,
Lourenco Pinto, Pascoe! de Mendonca.ML Vol. II, p.. 74; Assentos Vol. II, p. 307; ML Vol. II, pp. 389-
90; BFUP Vol. IV, No. 17, p. 57; EHGLC doc. 8, 11 and 27; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit.; OP Vol. VII
(1910), pp. 161-64; CEO Vol. I, pp. 288-303, 354-9 and 292-97; EHGLC doc. 13, p. 231, doe. 11, pp.
224-25; MR Vol. 138, fl 204; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., p. 175; CEO Vol. I, pp. 350-54; BFUP No. 26, p.
360 and doc. 159.
Jacinto de Deos, Op. Cit., p. 87; BFUP Vol. I, p. 49; DRI Vol. XXII, p. 32; BFUP Vol. I, No. 5, p. 99;
Vo1.11, p. 480; CEO Vol.!, Cap. 4, pp. 13-14; BFUP Vol. IV, No. 11, p. 49; No. 5 , p. 99.
37 A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958, p. 174; MR Vol. 13 A, ff. 50; Vol. 14, fl.114; ML Vol. II, pp. 99-100; MR
Vol. 13, fl. 206; BFUP Vol. II , p. 515; No. 7 , p. 481; C. R. Boxer, Op. Cit.,1969, p. 253; Miguel da
Purificacgo, Op. Cit., p. 3; BFUP Vol. II, No. 9, p. 496; Charles Borges, Op. Cit.,1994,p. 25; BFUP Vol.
III, No. 10 ,p. 375; No. 9, p. 528.
Gubolovich, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 322; Holzavel, Op. Cit, Vol. III, p. 358; Miguel de Purificacgo, Op. Cit.,p.
30; DRI Vol. 48„p. 258; Vol. 52, p. 276;; BFUP Vol. IV, No. 18, p. 61; DUP Vol. I, p. 517; Assentos
Vol. III, p. 250; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958, p. 175; C.R Boxer Op. Cit,1977,pp.253-4; In the corridor of
the Madre de Deus Church, Saligao there is a painting on a piece of wood that was brought from the
Madre de Deus Frairy, Daugim. This included the documents pertaining to the rules that had to be
followed by the Confrades of Madre de Deus. When they entered as brothers they had to confess,
receive communion and gain a plenary indulgence as prescribed by Clemente X. Each brother had to
give one xerafin as alms on entering, thereafter, he had to pay one quarter of this amount every year. If
he did not pay in the first three years he was removed from the brotherhood. He had to celebrate four
feasts namely those of the Assumption, Birth, Conception and Annunciation of Our Lady. Every month a
confrade had to confess and receive communion at least on Sunday or any other holy day. He had to
hear mass everyday if he could. Every hour, he had to pray to the sacred heart of Our Lady and say the
Hail Mary's. At home, he had to have a recollection during prayer time and examine his conscience. He
had to observe discipline, give alms or perform some service to Our Lady on Sundays. On salves and
feast days he had to wear the opas and help the frairs during the masses. They had to wear the opas on
two occasions namely when they went in a procession on Easter and on the day of Assumption. The
brothers who wore the Opas had to pay for the souls of the dead members or have three ladinhas or
salve rainhas or had to recite fifteen Ave Marias or fifteen mysteries on the life and passions of Christ.
 The second document dealt with the obligations that the members had to undertake if they entered the
Confraria. Those who wanted to enter it had to meet the authorities personally. These included the
President, the Secretary, Procurador and the Treasurer. The Treasurer looked after the income and
expenditure. After the feast of Assumption, he gave them to the officers and brothers of the Meza. The
Meza was responsible for electing the new members as well as the office bearers. The members had to
work selflessly and zealously; Ricardo Telles, 'Memorias do Convento da Madre de Deus de Daugim', OP
Vol. VI1(1910).
39
William Crooke,Op. Cit.,Vol.111,1966,pp.156-7;M.S CommisariatOp.Cit.,1931„ p. 105; This is stated by
Jose Pereira, Op.Cit.p. 12; BFUP No. 21, p. 393; No. 22, p. 123; No. 24, p. 74; Charles Borges, Op.
Cit.,1994, p. 74; Carlos de Melo, Op. Cit., pp. 156-57; ARF Report II, p. 66; MR Vol. 79, fl.341.
ao
BFUP Vol. I, No. 7, p. 486; APO Fasc. 2, DR Vol. 18, p. 101; ARF p. 2.
41
Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., 1906, p. 1; CEO Vol. I, Cap. 71, p. 368; Cap. 37, pp. ,199-200; BFUP Vol. ll,p.
268; EHGLC doc. 5, p. 216 and doc. 3; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., 1958, p. 175; DRI Vol. 7, pp. 330-32;
Vol. 22, p. 32; MR Vol. 13 A, fl. 63;Vol. 55,11.55; BFUP Vol. I, No. 7, p. 48.
42
Assentos Vol. 111, pp. 52, 59, 71 and 127; Carmo Azavedo, 'St. Lawrence Church at Linhares', in
Purabhilekha, p. 23 and 271 Archbishop Frascella was appointed as the Apostolic Adminibbatur of Japan
under the Padroado. He had to go incognito to avoid problems. He was then forced to go to Goa. He
came to Goa on 15th November 1639. But he did not have the permission of the King and was not
allowed to go further; Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., pp. 142-43; Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit.; AFH Vol.
46 (1953), p. 371; Meersman Achilles Op.Cit.,in NZM Vol. 13(1957), p. 28;Achilles Meersman, 'Additional
notes on Archbishop F. A. Francella, OFM, Com in Goa, (1640-53), Miscellena Franciscana, Vol.
59(1959) pp. 1-6; Achilles Meersman 'A few notes on Archbishop Francella' NZM,Vol.53(1969), pp.427-
29; Assentos Vol. I, p. 87; Vol. II, pp. 410-11, Vol. I, p. 155;EHGLC doc. 13, p. 231.
43
Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 264; Femlo de Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. III, p. XL; Assentos Vol. II,
p. 119; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,p. 175; BFUP no.2, p. 246; No. 35, p. 504; EHGLC doc. 5, p210; AHU,
Cod. 208, fl. 148v; BFUP Vol. I, No. 7, doc. 113, p. 486; DRI Vol. 60, pp. 199-202; Vol. 61,pp. 205-206,
456. This is referred to by Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit.; ICHR Vol. V, No. 2, p. 100; Assentos Vol. II,
p. 119; EHGLC doc. 13, p. 231; DRI Vol.61, pp. 30-32.
44
CEO Vol. 1, pp. 124 and 145-46; FemSo de Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. III, pp. 1009-12;F.X Vaz, Op. Cit.,
OP Vol.. IV(1907), p. 229; Jacinto de Deus, Op. Cit., p.316.
45
An inscription in the Frairy of St Francis, Goa reads "God revealed the food of the souls of venerable Fr.
Manoel de Desterro and Fr. Francisco da Conceicao Leygo, who through the integrity of their bodies as a
reward for the fervour in which they preached their faith. The resignation with which they suffered that their
bodies were cast into pieces. Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit.; Franciscan Studies(1 944), p. 263; DR Vol.
49, pp. 91; Vol. 51, pp. 61, 581 and 80-81; Assentos Vol. III, p. 348; DHMP Vol. V, p.465; The feast of
Linhares was celebrated on 10th August at the opening of the monsoons. At the time of the procession of
the Blessed Sacrament a gun salute was given and the land bar was broken. The Commandant of
Aguada and the General of the River went along with the Parish Priest wearing a pluvial and cut the rope
from Cabo and Aguada, a symbol of the opening up of Aguada for navigation. Thereafter the priest
blessed the water.
46
F. X. Vaz, Op. Cit., OP Vol. IV (1907), pp. 227-77; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., 1922, p. 11; In a manuscript
F. X. Vaz refers to the Commissary Visitors of the Third Order; Herald() (9/7/1940); Adulles Meersman,
Op. Cit., 1943, p. 34; Tribuna (22-7-1922); Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 103; Bosq. Vol. II, p. 26.
47
Her testament is published by Viriato de Albuquerque, Op. Cit., OP Vol. V (1906 ), p. 25 and Ricardo
Telles, Op. Cit., Voz No. 41(1935), p. 397.
48 Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit.,1943, p. 35; F. X. Vaz, Op. Cit.; OP Vol. IV(1907), p. 203.
 (41DIU VI

THE STAGNATION OF THE MISSION (1657-1700)

The Franciscan mission flourished in different parts of

Goa till the mid seventeenth century. However, by then the
frairs began to face several set backs because of the political
condition in Portugal. In 1689, Dorn Pedro II died and Portugal
faced a political crisis till 1706. This affected the mission
because there was no competent authority to handle the
Padroado obligations. The internal invasions further worsened
the situation.

FINANCIAL POSITION: The financial position of the Portuguese

improved because the Dutch threat subsided. Between 1668
and 1669, the Portuguese was able to concentrate on the
mission in Goa. The Portuguese men who had married the local
women inhabited the City of Goa and Bardez. They had their .
ownpalmgrves,icfdnhoutawermdfli
and stone. Their servants and the canarins were also converted.

The King paid the Vicars who administered the sacraments to

them. There were sixteen Parish Churches in Bardez. The parish
priests who worked there were paid six thousand rein per year
to meet their personal expenses and those of the merinho, lingoa
and the others who helped him to spread the Holy Faith. All
 31 8

the Churches were entitled the proceeds from the temple land

and except for the Churches in Penha da Franca and Moira, all

the others received an ordinario. The Frairies accommodated the

frairs, brothers and collegians. They received an additional

Royal grant in cash and kind. The Frairy of St. Francis, Goa, for

instance, had seventy to eighty frairs who were sustained by the

King. The Frairy was entitled to provisions that were worth four

thousand, nine hundred and ninety six xs from the Royal --

Treasury per year. The Churches were not entitled to an

annual grant until they applied for it and till the amount was

sanctioned. This was clear from a letter of 10th February 1657,

in which the Viceroy stated that the Franciscans had requested

him to incorporate five Churches including those of Parra, Oxel,

Neura, Moira and Penha da Franca in his list. This was done

because the State was not in a position to meet such expenses

on the spot. In a letter of 28th August 1658, it was stated that

the grants were delayed because the State did not have the

capacity to pay. The frairs were assured they would be paid the

dues once the difficulties were overcome. Till such a time, they

were reqUested to meet their expenses using alms and the yields

of former temples lands. The King tried to withhold the grants

that were sanctioned to the College of Reis Magos on the

grounds that they needed a reconfirmation. In a letter of 28th

August 1658, the frairs stated that the varzeas were handed

over to them since a long time. But, the authorities argued that
 826

the King had not reconfirmed the Alvaro.' Such stringent

policies continued till 1662, when the Crown was able to provide

for the mission.

This does not mean that King supported the mission as it

had done in the Age of Glory. The allocation of grants was

subject to certain conditions. In a letter of 27th September 1672,

the King made it clear that the Houses that had less than seven

religious would not be entitled to any payment. However, the

parish priests were entitled to a salary from the Royal Treasury

because they administered the sacraments on behalf of the

King. On 10th March 1672, the Viceroy instructed the religious

to send the details related to the number of missionaries in the

Houses and their proceeds. Though the King imposed certain

conditions, he admitted the fact that the missionaries ensured

the success of His mission in Goa. The frairs and the

authorities in Goa were unhappy. In his letter of 31st January

1679, Dom Jacinto de Saldanha requested the King to imitate

Dom Manuel and to be liberal in making payments for the

mission. The King had not shunned his responsibility as the

Patron of the Mission because he still paid the religious of the

Franciscan Province from the Royal Treasury. 2

The donations that were given to the Order had to be

sanctioned by the Apostolic See. Moreover, they were not

granted in perpetua and had to be reviewed every fourteen to

fifteen years through the Briefs. The King had to record all the
 321

payments in a certified list. One such list of payments was sent

on 10th December 1686 in which the King sanctioned some

money to the Frairy to meet their personal expenses. The frairs

made periodic appeals for help. In an appeal of 27th October

1685, the Provincial and the Observant frairs requested the

King to provide them with ecclesiastical revenue. The King did

not delay the payments to the Colleges because he was aware

that the Province was big and that the boys who were trained in

these Colleges could be sent to different parts of Asia to work for

Him. In a letter of 24th January 1688, it was stated that Reis

Magos received four hundred' and sixty eight xs and two tangas

and thirty reis to meet the costs of wine, oil, vegetables, fruit

and cloth while the College of Sao Boaventura was entitled to

two thousand xs to buy beef, oil, corn and vegetables and to

look after the orphans. The King also sanctioned three

thousand, three hundred and seventy seven xs and two tangas

for the Vicars of the Parishes of Bardez and six hundred and

sixty six xs, three tangos and twenty reis to the catechumens

there. These payments were made to the secular authorities and

the receipts were acknowledged by the Governor and by the

Religious Superiors. The priest the Church of Linhares was

paid one hundred and eighty xs per year because he worked as

the Vicar of the Church and as the Chaplain of the fortress of

Aguada. The Padre was recognized as an official of the Estado as

 322

he catered to the soldiers who were stationed there and was

paid by the Junta da Fazenda.3

The Statutes of 1680 instructed the frairs not to receive

any donation in cash or kind without the permission of the

Definitor or the Provincial Minister. The frairs were forced to

maintain the accounts and to submit the registers to the Synod.

The Churches that had been founded by private individuals

were placed under the frairs who administered them on behalf

of the donors. The problem arose when it was to be decided

whether they were entitled to the Padroado grants or not. One

such complaint was raised by the Viceroy regarding the Church

of Madre de Deus, Pomburpa. The King had allotted one

hundred and fifty three ashrafis to pay for the repair work of the

tabernacle in the Church. The Viceroy argued that the

benefactor had already provided for this. Moreover, the amount

that was sanctioned for the catechumens could be used for the

maintenance of the Church building. It must be noted that by

the early seventeenth century, twenty two Parish Churches

whose Vicars were given a Royal allowance of thirty eight xs that

were paid to them every three months. The frairs, who worked

in the private Parish Churches namely, those of Soccoro and

Pilerne were paid one quarter of this amount. Did these

Churches belong to the Order, the King or were they

permanently financed by the lay donors. As per the Statutes,

the frairs could not receive legacies and properties because they
 823

professed to abide by the vows of poverty. To solve this problem,

the frairs in Goa handed over such donations to the Fabricas

and Confrarias. They stated that such donations belonged to the

Parishes and not to the frairs. These Churches were financially

stable because the benefactors provided the frairs with

everything that was needed to perform the divine services. Many

other Parish Churches were maintained by the Communidades

that allotted a share of the annual produce to the Patron or

Patroness of the Church. For instance, the Village Community

of Revora provided two jonos to the Church. Similarly, the

Parish Churches of Sao Joao de Baptista and Born Jesus were

entitled to jonos. Besides this, the Village Communities bore the

expenses of constructing or repairing the Churches. The

Parochial House of the Church of Sao Baptista, Pilerne and the

Church of Candolim were repaired at their cost. They

maintained the new Churches till they received an annual grant

from the State. The frairs collected the alms from the people to

undertake such works. The Ermida of Sao Joao de Baptista was_

constructed with the alms that were collected by Frei Joao de

Santa Clara, the Collegio de Madre de Deus was built using the

masses stipends, alms and the personal money of the Rector.

Frei Carlos dos Remedios struggled to rebuild the Church of Sao

Jeronimo, Mapusa. As a result of this, many doubted as to

whether the Parish Churches belonged to the King. The

authorities were not sure whether they could be entitled to the

 324

Padroado grants. This was not the case with the Frairies. The

Frairies did not cater to the local community and fully depended

on the King. In the second half of the seventeenth century, the

frairs decided to rebuild the Frairy of St. Francis, Goa. The

Commissary General requested the King to contribute towards

this work. The King was not in a position to do so. Hence, he

instructed the frairs to dispose off the Captaincies of Sofala and

Diu to the highest bidder and to use the proceeds for the work.

But, the frairs did not use this Royal grant because the money

that was collected from the benefactors was adequate to

complete the task. Hence, they returned the Captaincies to

him. The frairs who worked in the Estado contributed towards

the Goa mission. In 1667, the Custos, Frei Miguel de Sao

Boaventura, collected two thousand xs from the matrons who

lived in Bassein and used it to establish a House of Studies at

Old Goa. The Chaplains of Monte de Guirim and Valverde used

mass stipends for their sustenance. 4

In the last decades of the seventeenth century, the

Religious Orders amassed immovable properties that were

donated to them by the faithful. The College of Pomburpa, for

instance, had a pa/mar in Ecoxim that was bought for ten xs

and eight hundred tangos by Gaspar de Amorin on Pt July

1695. Sometimes, the donations to one Order were made within

the territorial jurisdiction of another Order. The Augustinians,

for instance, had a paddy field called Mullaque in Serula that

 325

was donated by Francisco Figueira de Almeida. In a letter of

11 th April 1668, the Viceroy confirmed that the Procuradorof the

Jesuits had purchased a palmar in Bety, Bardez. It must be

noted that the frairs were against this and appealed to the King.

The Viceroy was authorised to report on this. 5

The Camara Geral de Bardez helped the missionaries and

the State in times of emergencies. It had helped the Oratorians

of St. Filipe Nery to found the Church of Santa Cruz dos

Milagres. The money from the Churches in Bardez was used for

security of the land. This was clear from a letter of 22nd March

1687. The parishioners in Bardez pawned the silver of the

Churches to help the Portuguese to fight against Sambhaji. The

Governor allotted three hundred thousand xs for the defense of

Bardez. This money was collected by imposing taxes on the

people of Goa and by appropriating the silver ornaments of the

Churches and Convents there. The King took the responsibility

of repaying the money. He sent a grant of more than one

thousand xs for each House in Bardez. The gaoncars and the

Camara de Bardez contributed towards the construction and

maintenance of the Parish Churches. In return for this, they

had claimed several rights like the right to occupy the

Confrarias, to celebrate the feasts, etc. However, the frairs

denied them such priviledges. One misunderstanding took

place in 1694. The Viceroy wrote to the King that there was a

misunderstanding between the Camara and the frairs regarding

 326

the celebration of the feast of St. Francis. The Hindu gaoncars

from the adjoining areas requested the King to allow them to

bring their relics back to their land. The King considered such

requests, because he needed their support to fight against the

local invaders. In a letter of 24th October 1698, the King

solicited the advice of the Viceroy about Vitola Prabu and the

other local inhabitants in Bardez who had requested him to

allow them to bring the statues from the neighbouring areas

after they had paid all their dues. In many cases, the Officers in

Goa appropriated their dues and privileges. In a letter, Vitola

Prabhu, Babrigi Prabu, Rama Chrisna Prabu, Chindelica Prabu

and others complained to the King that their estates in Bardez

had been lost to those gaoncars who were in the service of the

King. Though they had paid the quit rents to the State, they

were not allowed to enjoy their privileges. The State tried its

best to satisfy them so that they did not join hands with the

local invaders. They contributed towards the State but such

dues were quite high and they were unable to pay them. Hence,

they requested the authorities to keep them out of such

impositions. 6

The local Hindus were given certain benefits and even

permitted to come back and settle down in the Portuguese

dominions. This enabled the local converts to get empowered

and to resist the foreign clergy.

 827

CONVERSIONS: Conversions assumed a different connotation

because the frairs along with the King and the other converts

cooperated to preach, administer the sacraments and convert

the Hindus. The steady increase in conversions and Church

building activities in the early seventeenth century emanated

from the desire of the frairs to disprove some of the accusations

that were leveled against them by the other Religious Orders.

The Observants who looked after the Parish Churches faced

several difficulties because of a large number of immigrants.

Conversions did not imply a change in religion but also in the

name of the person who was converted. Mangarna Sinai, a

clerk in the Municipality of Bardez was converted and named

Pero Ribeiro. The frairs who handled this ministry had to be

efficient, mature and united. In a letter of 5th February 1665,

the King criticized the frairs for being unqualified and inefficient

as compared to the JesuitS. In another letter, the Provincial

requested the frairs to observe their Rules and to avoid

scandals. These complaints were not genuine because the frairs

succeeded in extending the faith to Bardez that was full of

Christians. In the Parishes in Bardez, there were only one or

two houses where the Hindus lived. Between 1662 and 1667,

the frairs were very active and the King constructed several

Churches at the request of the frairs. Hence, these complaints

have to 'be seen within a context that was not favourable

towards the religious.?

 ns

The converts and the noveaux elite tried to occupy the

religious offices and associations. The mariners, white men and

the converts of the City of Goa requested the Head of the

Cathedral to permit them to form a Confraria of Nossa Senhora

de Milagres in the name of the navigators of the Carreira do

Estado. On 20th November 1661, the Commissary General,

Guardian and the Provincial met the candidates and nominated

the office bearers of the Confraria. This was confirmed by the

Ordinario de Goa, dated 4th January 1662. The Cathedral of

Goa had a pensionary that belonged to the Confraria da

Conceicao that was raised in the Frairy in Old Goa. Anna

Mendes had donated two hundred xs to it. This money was to be

used to celebrate twelve masses for the repose of her sou1. 8

Bardez faced political disturbances because of the

incursions of the Konkan Desais. Many gentios who lived on the

borders of the Portuguese dominions in the North took refuge in

Bardez. The authorities agreed to shelter them provided they

accepted the Christian religion. One gentio agreed to get

converted because the King permitted his wife and family as

well as the children of a Rane of Revora to live in Bardez. The

frairs tried their best to shield the local converts from the non-

Christians who came from outside. They did not allow the latter

to enter the Parishes that were under their spiritual care. The

local Christians were not allowed to go to the mainland to

cultivate their fields and to speak to the non-converts. Bardez

 329

had twenty three Rectories that protected the converts. The

frairs from the Frairy of St. Francis and College of Sao

Boaventura were also sent to Bardez to look after the converts

there. This was observed by Pyrard de Laval who stated that

there were eighty thousand Catholics in the Parish of Goa but

there were only two priests in the Cathedral. The frairs who

worked in the Goa mission were busy because many gentios

who had come from the mainland had offered themselves for

baptism. The statistics of 1667, stated that the Observant frairs

had converted nearly forty six thousand, four hundred and fifty

people in Bardez, of these four thousand were baptized and

three thousand were already instructed. There were only seven

thousand gentios there. This indicated that the converts

constituted nearly eighty five percent of the population of

Bardez. 9

The General Baptisms were celebrated with great pomp

and splendour. The catechumens were dressed in new clothes

and taken in a procession till a place where they would receive

the sacrament. This was done to attract the others to a religion

that was glamorous and secure. In 1665, Frei Bernardino de

Sao Joao held a baptism at the Frairy. There was a reference to

a forty year old Brahmin man, Ramanzi Camoty, the son of

Randu and Lucuminy Camoty of Torda, Salvador do Mundo. He

was converted and given the name of Pascoal. On 7th April 1668,

thirty four people from Serula were received into the Church. In
 333

Paitona, there were thirty four catechumens that included

seventeen men and women respectively. The Parish Church

was seen as a symbol that ensured the security of those who

were baptized. While the Observants worked in the Bardez

mission, the Recollects worked in Daugim. In 1640, the latter

tried to found the Confraria de Madre de Deus. But, their efforts

were resisted by the Observants who had the support of the

Primate of Goa. In such a condition, the Recollects appealed to

Rome and requested the authorities to help them to solve the

problem. But the Propaganda Fidelwas not very powerful in the

Padroado lands. Hence, the decision was passed in favour of

the Observants who were praised for their zeal and capability.

The frairs tried to keep themselves acquainted with the methods

that could be used to convert the local people. Frei Pedro da

Magdalena was well versed in ascetics and mystical theology._

He encouraged conversions and organized Conferences for the

laity of Damao. The King favoured the frairs because they

helped him to protect the Padroado lands. The missionaries

reflected on the Estado because the formers were the agents of

the King. Hence, the King instructed the authorities in Goa to

select efficient frairs for the mission. In one letter, he instructed

the Viceroy, Conde de Sarzedas to examine the frairs before they

were nominated as parish priests in the Churches of the Bardez

The Franciscan Provincial wanted to protect the interest of the

King. Therefore, he requested him to entrust the Parishes to the

 881

Inquisitors. The Viceroy was against the frairs. On 28th

January 1666, he had complained to the King that the older

priests should be kept out of the Parishes because they went

there to take rest. Having taken the title of Vicars, they kept

one or two boys to serve them and they did little work there,

"...what they do, God alone knows". Many frairs had been

approved by the Chapter and appointed directly without passing

any exams. This method had been used when a few frairs

volunteered to help the King to handle a new mission in an

unknown land. However, by this time, Bardez was

Christianized and several frairs were trained in the House of

Studies in Goa. The Prince Regent did not have confidence in

the frairs who were trained in Goa. Hence, he instructed the

Viceroy to send the Inquisitors to Bardez because the Christian

community was neglected by the frairs. The situation bad and

there was a village in Bardez where the divine services were

rarely carried out because the priests did not take any trouble

to instruct the faithful. The Province was under a Commissary

General but the Parishes were under a Provincial. The old

Rectors used the Churches as rest houses. Many of them even

appropriated the funds that were sanctioned for the converts.

The King was aware of this. In a letter of 3rd March 1672, the

Prince Regent instructed the Viceroy not to sanction any favours

to Christians in Bardez unless the Pai dos ChristaOs had issued

a certificate. The Viceroy refused to implement such

 832

instructions because it would be an insult to the Portuguese. In

a letter of 12th September 1672, the Viceroy apologised and

stated that he was unable to do much because many officials of

the Estado who were in charge of War, Justice and the

Treasury supported the frairs. The authorities admitted that

the frairs lived a scandalous public life. Many of them had illicit

relations and lived with their wives and sons. Others forced the

converts to give them gifts and harassed the parishioners. As a

result of this, the inhabitants of Bardez were dissatisfied with

the frairs and this in turn ruined their relation with the State.

As the head of the affairs in Goa, the Viceroy advised the

authorities that the only solution was to replace the frairs with

the clerics of the land. 10

Such criticisms forced the frairs to cultivate the mission

field. In 1613, two General Baptisms were held at which two

balagatins from Salvador do Mundo were converted. But the

authorities were still not happy with the frairs. In a letter of

11th October 1673, there was a reference to the excesses and

exorbitances that they committed. Since, many of the

conversions were superficial and forcible, the converts reverted

back to their old religion. There was a reference to the local

widows who had married the local brahmins, vanis, sudras and

others in the Islands, Bardez, Salcete and in the fortresses of

the North without being catechized in the faith. Catechism was

important as it was believed that it would enable the converts to

 333

understand the real the Christian religion. The authorities felt

that many local converts followed the new cult in a superficial

manner and that the converts continued to observe and practice

the Hindu rites, idolatry, superstitions and other local customs.

The Portuguese tried their best to increase the number of

converts. The Christian women who had lost their first

husbands, women who were separated by law and those who

had no sons had to be identified and instructed in the Christian

faith. As a result of this, several General Baptisms were held.

One was presided over by the Auxiliary Bishop, Dom Jacinto de

Saldanha. Another was held in 1680. Around this time, the

Propoganda Fidei tried to infiltrate into the jurisdiction of the

Padroado. On 22nd December 1672, Abbe Cane arrived at

Banda and went to the Church of Bicholim. He was courteously

received by three canarin priests and met Dom Matheus de

Castro who worked in the land of the Idakm. He was a local

convert who took the help of the Propoganda to be appointed as

the Titular Bishop. Hence, the Portuguese disliked him. Abbe

Cane noticed this and commented; "they disliked him so much

that there was no indignity that was not inflicted on him

without regard to his position". 11 If the frairs were interested in

Christianization per se they would not have seen him as a

threat to their position.

Between 1681 and 1686, there was an official move to

shift the capital of the Estado. Several edifices in Old Goa were
 884

destroyed. This directly affected the frairs, who had just

received the Statutes that authorized them to hold General

Baptisms and to concentrate on conversion. This prompted

them to concentrate on Bardez. The Provincial Statutes were

approved by the Chapter that was held on 8th January 1680, in

the College of Sao Boaventura, Goa. They included several

provisions that enabled the frairs to deal with the problems that

they faced in the new areas. The Master of the Novices was

instructed to train the novices with care so that they got

acquainted with salvation, evangelization, truth, Christian

doctrine, Rules of the Frairs Minor and those of religious life

and the Pontifical Orders including the Exiit qui Seminat of

Nicholas III and Exivi de Paradiso of Clemente V. They had to

be trained for one year and they could not become Guardians

or Rectors unless they completed six years. In those days,

many novices were professed soon after completing their

training in the Novitiate. The Statutes clearly stated that they

could be ordained only after the age of twenty two or twenty

three or five years after their training. No new priest could say

mass unless he was examined and approved in performance of

the duties of the altar. The Rectors were instructed to guide the

converts and to administer the sacraments as per the Provincial

Chapter. Every Sunday, the parish priest had to explain the

Gospel and the mysteries of the faith to his parishioners. On

the fourth Sunday of the month, they had to explain the

 335

sacraments of communion, confession and the mysteries of the

Eucharist to the converts. The Rector could not forcibly baptise

any gentio or infidel. He could convert them only by preaching

the truth of the Holy Faith to them. The Rectors had to

maintain books on baptisms and marriages. They had to write

down the names of all the Christians in their Parishes. Apart

from baptising those who wanted to be converted, they had to

instruct those who were already baptised so that they were well

versed in their faith. Every year, they had to hold General

Baptisms in Goa, in the North and in the City of Bassein. Three

days before the baptism ceremony, the Rectors of Bardez had to

send the catechumens to the Rectory of Nossa Senhora da

Penha de Franca where they were instructed by the frairs.

Three months before baptism, they had to be called to the

Church everyday so that the Rectors could catechize them. No

Rector in Bardez could baptise anybody before this. All the

sacraments had to be testified by certificates. All this was

intended to avoid the problems that had cropped up in the

mission field. Between 1689 and 1690, two thousand, one

hundred and sixteen children and two hundred and ninety

seven adults were baptized in Bardez and by 1700 nearly three

hundred General Baptisms were held. 12 However, the number

of converts was comparatively low either because most of the

inhabitants were converted or because the non-converts had

migrated into the neighbouring lands.

 836

The authorities were interested in the Bardez Province

because it was a border Province that was susceptible to

invasions. The Portuguese believed that if the new converts

were strong in their faith, they would be a formidable bulwark

against the enemies. Hence, they fortified the Province and

provided it with Chapels and Hermitages where the frairs did

much more than merely being Chaplains and parish priests,

"...besides what nature made it, the Portuguese have taken

much pain to complete and fortify it. Bardez is five miles long

and forty five in compass with twenty eight villages governed in

spirituals by the clergy...". The frairs catered to the converts

and protected the Province. However, although they were the

agents of the King, they did not live an exemplary life and

disturbed the peace of the Province. The local authorities

realised this and requested the King to send them to. Portugal.

But, the Archbishop, Frei Agostinho da Assuncacao was in

favour of them. He further empowered them and nominated

them to visit the Fabricas in the Parish Churches where their

co-frairs were parish priests. This was done to check the cases

of corruption and misappropriations there. The Archbishop

himself visited all the Parish. Churches in Bardez and in the

Visita Pastoral dated 2nd December 1698, he commented that

the Churches were well maintained and that the divine services

were performed in a proper way. The Churches were beautiful

structures whose size depended on the villages in which they

 3311

were located. There were several Catholics who were well

instructed and Confrarias and Fabricas that catered to the poor

converts. The religious took an oath of poverty by which they

could not possess any legacies. The donations to the Parishes

were treated as alms to the Order and the donors were called

beneficiaries. The Visita was contrary to the accusations that

were leveled against the frairs and indicated that the local

officials had an ulterior motive in removing the frairs from

Bardez. Hence, there were problems in the Bardez mission.

Every General Baptism, for instance, was an occasion of show

rather than a manifestation of a true love for conversions. In

his letter of 5th February 1692, the Viceroy, Conde de Villa

Verde stated that the missionaries and Vicars in Bardez did not

behave properly. Most of the frairs were adept in maintaining

structures and Churches and in receiving alms from the

community rather than in their apostolic duties. This does not

mean that all the frairs ignored their responsibilities. In a letter

of 23rd January 1691, the Provincial, Frei Antonio da

Esperanca, wrote to the Junta Gubernacional that certain

certificates that were taken from the Livro dos Catechumens--

made it clear that nine hundred and seventy seven adults were

baptised with the help of the parish priests of Bardez. Many

frairs brought the gentios from the terra firme, cured them from

their sickness gave them alms and baptized them. From the

above, it was clear that different frairs in different Parishes gave

priority to different aspects of the mission. Hence, it is not
proper to conclude that all the frairs were lax and inefficient as
they converted many people by guaranteeing them spiritual and
material benefits. 13
From 1700 onwards, the frairs undertook several
missionary activities but, the accusations that were leveled
against them created an unfavourable effect because the
converts and the authorities were not well disposed towards the
frairs.

THE MARATHA INVASIONS: Several Konkan Desais recognized

the suzerainty of the Marathas. In 1660, the Marathas intruded

into Bardez lands in search of the Desais who had taken refuge
in the Portuguese lands.
The Desais of the Konkan like Lakhan Sawant and raided
the Portuguese enclaves. In 1667, Naroba attacked the Dutch_
factory at Vengurla. On 20th November 1667, Shivaji entered
Bardez in search of Locamu Saunto and Quessoa Naique, the
Desais of Cudal and Pernem respectively. These Desais were
defeated by the Marathas. They escaped from Pernem, entered
Colvale and lived in a village near Aguada. These areas were
inhabited by the Christians who were identified with the
Portuguese. The Marathas were against the Portuguese because
they had sheltered their enemies. The former pillaged the
villages in Bardez for three consecutive days and the
inhabitants were forced to take refuge in the forts of Reis Magos

or Aguada. The houses of the locals were ruined, many were

deprived of their property rights, some were imprisoned and

others were killed. The frairs buried several dead bodies at

Colvale. Two frairs, Frei Manoel de Sao Benardino and Frei Joao

das Neves heard the cries of the marauding soldiers and

parishioners . But, as soon as they went out, they were slain

near the Church of Colvale. The latter had nineteen wounds and

his body was found only on the fifth day. It is opined, that

many local people offered themselves for conversions because

they wanted to avail of security from the Portuguese. In a letter

of 15th November, Conde de Sao Vincente instructed the

Secretary to appeal for help from the King. The Portuguese also

tried to get the help of the Ranes of Revora. Certain villages in

Naroa and Revora were given to them. Revora was a strategic

Parish that was bound by aldeias extra muros. However, before

-

the reinforcements came, the Marathas concluded a Peace

Treaty with the Viceroy, Joao Nunes da Cunha. In 1667,_ an__

Englishman stated that the Marathas attacked Bardez and

killed four priests because Shivaji was against the policy of

religious persecution that was adopted by the Portuguese in

Goa. However, it is doubtful that the Marathas deliberately

attacked the frairs only because they were Christians. The

reason for killing the frairs was clear from the developments

that took place in 1667. The Rector of Colvale tried to enforce a

 84®

law by which he made it compulsory for the inhabitants of

Bardez to attend the preachings that were conducted on the

recommendation of the Viceroy. Many inhabitants, especially

the non-Catholics, traders, artisans and workers who came

from Pernem and from the other side of the River refused to do

so. Quessoa Naique argued that these instructions were meant

for the naturais da terra and not for those people who came

from outside. He wrote against this to the Viceroy, Dom Joao

Nunes da Cunha who was forced to cancel it. The latter made

it applicable only to the inhabitants of Bardez. When the

Marathas entered Goa, they killed the Christians who tried to

block their entry and who stopped them from searching for the

Desais. 14

The Marathas re-attacked Bardez. The inhabitants of the

villages there tried to protect themselves. On 12th December

1671, the gaoncars of Siuly met at the Fort of Reis Magos. In

the course of these invasion, Frei Joao das Neves, the

Commissary General lost his life while defending the fort of

Tivim. The frairs helped the authorities to defend these lands

because they had their Parishes and Churches there. However,

many of the inhabitants of Bardez helped the local invaders

because they were against the frairs. In a letter of 15th January

1678, the Viceroy referred to Guimarji Pandito, the Subedar of

Dicholi who took the help of the inhabitants of Bardez and

attacked Pernem. In this letter, the Viceroy instructed the

 341

Captain of the City to take action against the Subedar and the

people of Bardez. These measures were adopted to avoid such

recurrences. In 1683, Sambhaji allied with Aurangzeb and

entered the Portuguese dominions to weaken the hold of the

Deccani Sultan of Bijapur. The Marathas entered Siolim and —

arrested three men who had taken shelter in a village that was

under the Portuguese. The Viceroy immediately broke off all the

trade relations with the Marathas, demolished a fort in Ponda

and stationed a garrison there. But, the Marathas defeated

them and it seemed as if they would invade the whole of Goa. As

a last resort, the Portuguese decided to pawn the silver of the

Churches in Bardez to collect the reinforcements to fight against

the Marathas. The records stated that Sambhaji was against

Christianity. In his letter to the Viceroy dated 13th December

1683, he warned his people that there should be no Christians

in Goa. During this invasion, several religious structures were

damaged. In 1682, the Rectory and presbytery of the Church of

Colvale was set on fire. In Tivim, the Church was damaged and

the Rectory was burnt. In Parra, the Church was demolished

and in Oxel, the Church bells were carried away. In the course

of these attacks, the Christians and frairs were hurt. In 1683,

three frairs and a group of Christians were taken away and

imprisoned at Tivim for two months where they were deprived of

food. Some frairs succumbed to the invasions but others

resisted them. When the Rector of Nerul heard about the arrival
 342

of the enemies, he refused to abandon the Church and ordered

the parishioners to cut down some coconut trees. He sawed

them in the shape of canon barrels and placed them around the

Church and presbytery with the ends pointing towards the

invaders. He then posted some men around each contraption.

The invaders were deceived and ran away. This indicated that

the Marathas were more interested in looting the wealth in the

Churches than in destroying the centers of Christian worship.

The frairs were keen on defending the Churches because they

were also the defence centers of the Portuguese lands in Bardez.

The Viceroy requested the King to send the reinforcements to

enable him to repel such attacks. In a letter of 25th January

1684, the Viceroy wrote to the Regent that Sambhaji was in Goa

since the last twenty six days, during which he had occupied

three forts. The frairs served as couriers and carried letters and

messages during the invasions. Frei Salvador de Made de Deus

delivered the Royal letters to the Viceroy. The Marathas did not

know about this and did not suspect the padres. In one letter, it

was clear that a frair encountered several problems in the

course of the journey and lost the letters that he carried to the

Viceroy. The Viceroy did not know about the decisions of the

King and he was not even sure whether he could make use of

the money of the Estado. Since he could not wait for the ships

to come, he requested the frairs to help him. In a letter of 22nd

March 1687, there was a reference to a payment that was made

 348

by the parishioners of the Churches of Bardez to counter the

attacks of Sambhaji. In his letter of 10th December 1686, the

Viceroy summarized the effort that was made by the Provincial

of Sao Thome Province. The latter gave away all his riches to

finance the war. The Franciscans who were in charge of Bardez

helped the authorities to protect the walls, defend the villages,

operate the patrols and to look after the sentry without any

concern for themselves. Frei Luis de Sao Francisco and Frei

Manoel de Santo Antonio was sent to Chapora that was beyond

the Portuguese jurisdiction. One of them was killed by a bullet

that hit his head when he was trying to warn the soldiers who

were on line. The other also lost his life. In the fortress of Reis

Magos, the Captain was assisted by a frair who fell from the wall

and broke his leg when he was patrolling in the night. The frairs

helped the garrisons in the Islands of Goa and in the fort of Sao

Estevao. Another frair was hurt when he was trying to defend a

fort that was captured by the enemy. The frairs were killed while

entering the Passo de Sao Jodo alongwith the garrison. Twenty

four frairs defended the bulwarks of Carambolim alongwith the

infantry. Many frairs were tormented and others were

imprisoned. In this manner, the frairs defended the lands of His

Majesty. The local converts were disappointed with the Captain

of Bardez and the frairs as they extracted money from them.

The Camara Geral de Bardez complained against this. The

Viceroy was aware that the converts in Bardez were against the
 344

Estado. As soon as Sambhaji attacked Goa, some of them left

the fortress of Tivim and others emigrated to Kanara along with

their families. They forgot about their faith and upbringing.

During the invasions of Abdul Hakim, some influential members

of the Camara Geral de Bardez tried to revolt against the

Portuguese and hand over the land to him. Four thousand

armed men from Bardez were sent to the fort of Tivim. But, the

Portuguese were sure that they could not depend on them

because they would desert the battlefield at the first instance.

The Communidades were tired of financing the wars as they did

not benefit from them. They spend sixty thousand xs in the

past and thirty six thousand xs to build the trenches in Tivy.

The Camara Geral itself had paid forty reis a day to two hundred

and fifteen men who were appointed to keep a watch over

Calangute, Candolim, Nagoa and Arpora that lay between the

forts of Aguada and Chapora respectively. The King sent thirty

one thousand, one hundred and four xs, two tangas and forty

reis of which eleven thousand, one hundred and seventy nine xs

were spent and the rest of the money was kept at the College of

Reis Magos to meet the emergency situations.' 5

The frairs helped the poor and the dying without any

reservations. But, soon they were exhausted and the Viceroy

realized that they could not subsist only on alms because they

needed grants to buy their necessities and to repair the Houses

that were broken or destroyed. The economic conditions in the

 345

land were such that it was impossible for them to overcome

poverty. The Viceroy requested the King to help the frairs and

to send alms in the form of ecclesiastical revenue. The

Provincial of the Observants who had spend a lot on the war

forwarded a similar appeal. He needed money because the

parishioners of Bardez had borne great losses. Their houses

were destroyed and they were unable to meet their necessities

because of their poverty. The Provincial wanted to help them

and requested the Viceroy to grant one thousand xs to each of

the seven Houses in Bardez so that they could maintained the

Churches and converts. As the Viceroy could not meet this

demand, he sent an appeal to the King on 27th October 1685. 16

The war continued because Conde de Alvor was

interested in expanding the Portuguese rule towards North

Konkan. Moreover, he was interested in capturing Sambhaji

alive in Naroa. Many forts in Bardez remained with the

Marathas. After the death of Sambhaji in 1689, the Portuguese

allied with the Sawants and other Konkan. Desais and

succeeded in bringing peace in Bardez.

THE KONKANI LANGUAGE: The Portuguese attempted to

revive the Konkani language so that the frairs could preach in a

language that was understood by the people. Moreover, the _

authorities wanted the frairs to be familiar with the local

language, as it was also the language of the local invaders.

 In a letter of 2nd March 1656, all the Religious Orders were

instructed to conduct examinations for the parish priests who

were to be appointed in the Parishes in Bardez. The Viceroy was

given the power to nominate the Vicars who knew the local

language in the presence of an Apostolic Inquisitor. Those who

did not know the language and those who wanted to learn it

were to be sent to the College of Reis Magos where there was a

Master. The Instructions were intended to benefit the souls and

Christianity as a whole. In a letter of 28th January 1666, the

Viceroy, Antonio Melo e Castro wrote to the King that the frairs

knew the language and used it to preach in the villages. In

1667, Conde de Sarzedas expressed his happiness that the

Kings Order was executed. 17

The frairs obliged by the Order because they were warned

that they would not be paid their allowances and that those who

knew it would substitute them. The Portuguese made it clear

that the frairs who were ignorant of the local language or

unworthy of occupying the Churches had to be removed

because John Chapter X stated that; "the herds follow the

pastor who knows the language". The Viceroy did not favour the

substitutes for fear of a possible alliance with the Marathas.

Instead, he requested the frairs to learn the language and to

appear for an exam. A Master was appointed in the Frairy to

help the frairs in this regard. The authorities were convinced

 847

that this was needed to promote the mission and instructed the

frairs to obey God and the King. 18

The frairs ignored the warnings. This was clear from a

letter of 28th January 1666, in which the Viceroy stated that

many Vicariates and Rectories had religious who did not do

anything to convert the gentios and some Parishes were still

occupied by old frairs who had retired from the highest posts

and had one or two boys to help them. A frair complained to the

King that his co-frairs did not do much to spread the faith. The

Viceroy made it very clear that the King and instructed him not

to appoint any frair as a Vicar in the Parish unless he was

conversant with the vernacular language and was able to teach,

catechize and persuade the heathens to follow the route to

salvation. The King instructed the Superiors to send him a Roll

of the frairs who were conversant with the language. They were

not allowed to appoint or pay the frairs who were not examined.

The Chapter was requested to help the State to remove those

frairs who were incompetent. 19 This was often seen as an

attempt to remove the old frairs and replace them with those

who would defend the Estado. The authorities knew that the

new frairs would be directly responsible to the State because

they would be appointed and paid by it.

The reason to implement such legislations was very clear.

The earlier attempts in this regard had gone unnoticed and the

spiritual pasture continued to remain uncultivated. This was

 848

dangerous to the peace and security of the land especially

during the Maratha invasions. In a letter of 1672, the King was

informed that the people went to Church without any knowledge

of the Christian doctrine. Since the priests were ignorant of the

local language, they could not instruct the parishioners as the

latter could not understand Portuguese. It was argued that

such ignorance made it difficult for the frairs to enter into the

spirit of the parishioners, to dissuade them from idolatry and to

lead them to a better Christian life. The insolence of the frairs

and their bad had set a bad example to the local people. Luis

de Furtado complained that the frairs lived a lax life. To

improve the situation, the Principe instructed the Viceroy to

appoint Apostolic Inquisitors who could examine the Vicars and

Rectors in Bardez and who could ensure that all of them knew

Konkani. As a result of this, the frairs made some effort to

develop and promote the local language. The Provincial, Frei-

Manoel do Lado wrote a Cathechismo in four manuscripts and

insisted that his co-frairs in Penha da Franca should study

Konkani. However, largely the frairs resisted the methods by

which they had to compulsorily learn Konkani and many were

determined not to learn it. The authorities had no other

alternative. In a letter of 1672, they clearly stated that they

wanted to hand over the Parish Churches to the clerics because

they were familiar with the language and were capable enough

to handle the mission.20

 840

In the last two decades of the seventeenth century, the

official policy was suddenly reversed. Instead of forcing the

frairs to learn Konkani, the authorities began to force the people

to learn the Portuguese language. The Alvara of 1684 that is

often seen as a unique specimen or an unenforceable piece of

legislation was passed. One of the main reason for this alleged

reversal is that the Viceroy, who was experienced _ in_

administrative matters realized that it was impossible to force

the frairs to learn Konkani. Hence, he tried to force the converts

to learn Portuguese so that they would not be in a position to

communicate with and to be influenced by the local invaders

and gentios. Moreover, the locals clerics could be temporarily

kept out of the Order, as they could not understand Portuguese.

Conde de Alvor insisted that the people should learn Portuguese

because it could profit the souls of the natives and ensure the

security of the Portuguese Empire. In the course of the Maratha

and other invasions, the Portuguese had already lost several

strongholds in different parts of the Estado. The officials

believed that if the people understood only Portuguese, they

would neither be influenced by their enemies nor by their non

Catholic neighbours. The decree was implemented in Bardez

because it was most susceptible to the invasions. The Provincial

and the frairs supported this Alvara for their own benefit. The

Decree that legally and officially suppressed the Konkani

language was passed during the Viceroyalty of Dom Francisco

 350

de Tavora, Conde de Alvor. According to this, the people were

not allowed to use Konkani. Within three years, all the people

had to learn Portuguese and use it in all the contracts that they

made within the territories of the Padroado. The parish priests

had to explain the mysteries of the faith and instruct his

parishioners in Portuguese. All the meetings and sermons had

to be conducted in Portuguese. The King, Dom Pedro II

supported this Alvara. In addition to the Alvara, other pro-

Portuguese policies were adopted. By a letter of 7th March 1687,

the King encouraged marriages between the local women and

white men but the former were given three years to learn

Portuguese. In 1685, it was made compulsory to use Portuguese

in all treaties and contracts . 21

This Alvara did not produce a great effect because it was

not accepted by the people. It was reintroduced by a letter of 1st

March 1687, wherein the parish priests were forced to instruct

the people in Portuguese. The authorities in Goa and the

Archbishop were against this as they felt that the parish priests

had to be well versed in Konkani because the people of Bardez

despised the Portuguese language. Many frairs worked had

hard to develop the language. In 1695, Frei Simao Alvarez wrote

a Konkani grammar for the poets and composers. He alongwith

Frei Laurenco Alvarez compiled a vocabulary for the priests. Frei

Domingos de Sao Bernardino wrote an explanation of the Credo

in Konkani. It now seemed as if all their efforts were in vain. On

 35i

8th January 1680, a Chapter was held at the College of Sao

Boaventura where the Statutes of the Province of Sao Thome
were drawn up. According to the Statutes, the Rectors were
instructed to be careful while dealing with the gentios. Every
Sunday, they had to speak to their parishioners and explain the
Gospel and the mysteries of the faith to them. Three months
before baptism, they had to send them to the Casa de

Cathecumenos. The Statutes did not refer to the use of the local
language but the documents and testimonies of 1698 referred to
the widespread use of Konkani. There was a reference to eleven
frairs who preached the sermons in the mission and to four
others heard the confessions in Konkani. The Archbishop
stated that although the frairs did not enforce the Alvara

vigorously, there was no complaint against any religious in any

village hereafter. The frairs in the Churches, Chapels and
Confrarias of Bardez knew what was necessary to administer
the sacraments. The Archbishop saw and heard most of frairs
preaching and instructing in the mother tongue of the people.
This report was an eyewitness account that was prepared from
the experiences of the Archbishop when he visited the Parishes.
The King was eager to improve the mission. He instructed the
Provincial to ensure that the Superiors and frairs were well
examined and that they had the capacity to handle spiritual
services. According to him, this would infuse fresh blood into
the decaying Province of Sao Thome. He stated that the frairs
 352

who sent to Goa were to be sent only from the Province of

Algarve because this would avoid a recurrence of the

animosities that existed between the Province in India and the

Mother Province.22

Hence, we observe two paradoxical tendencies. The fif6t --- -

aimed at promoting Konkani for the proper instruction of the

people and the second aimed at making the locals learn

Portuguese. The effect of these two policies was that the people

realized that the frairs were not in a position to master Konkani

and that they were more interested in the security of the Estado.

Hence, the former began to support the secular clergy. Some

frairs who worked in Bardez realized this and began to preach

in Konkani because they needed the support of the local people.

As the frairs were unhappy with the Alvara of 1684, the

Portuguese reversed it. This indicated that the authorities were

keen to protect the interest of the frairs because they needed

their help to defend Bardez.

CHURCH BUILDING: The period between 1596 and1663 was

called the eclipse of the Seaborne Empire. The Dutch had seized

several fortresses and mission stations in the Estado. The Luso-

Dutch conflicts had impoverished the Portuguese coffers and

made it difficult for the authorities to support the mission.

Moreover, Portugal was hardly in a position to keep up to the

Padroado obligations. This had prompted the Pope to support

 3,58

the Sacrae Congregatio de Propoganda Fidei that aimed at a

Rome Rule.

Inspite of the perilous situation, the frairs constructed

and repaired several Churches with the active assistance of the

institutionalized, local setups called Communidades and with

the alms from the individual donors. Pope Alexander VII, stated

that the Madre de Deus and Sao Thome Provinces had several

frairs. In 1658, the Parish Church of Sao Baptista was

constructed at Pilerne on the site of the simple Ermidizinha that

existed there. Frei Antonio dos Anjos built a cell for the parish

priests while the Rector Frei Carlos dos Remedios completed the

sacristy with the alms that he had collected from the villagers.

The verandah was built by the Provincial, Frei Bernardino de

Sao Joao. In this manner, several frairs took an initiative to

complete one Church. In 1661, the frairs tried to supplement

the alms of the local communities with Royal favours to

complete the big projects. They broke the old Frairy and laid

the foundation stone for a new Frairy that was dedicated to the

Holy Ghost. It was intended to be the main center from where

the frairs would control the mission in Ceylon, Burma and

India. The Provincial, Guardian Masters, Confessors, Lectors

,

and other frairs lived there. The steady increase in the number

of inmates prompted the frairs to build a new Frairy. The

Church of Penha da Franca was built by Frei Manuel do Lado.

In return for his service to the Holy See, he was nominated to

 354

occupy the office of the parish priest for fifteen years by the

Sacrae Congregavelo of the Regulars and Bishops that was held

on 20th August 1666. This was confirmed by the Bulla

Religionis Zelus of 20th August 1667. In 1661, the Church of

Candolim was rebuilt by Frei Antonio de Assumpcfio as the old

one was ruined. This work was competed with the help of the

gaoncars. The Rectory was rebuilt with by Frei Jeronymo de

Natividade who was interested in architecture. He changed the

original plan and enabled the frairs to save a lot of money. 23

Frei Pedro Franco, a cleric of the Order of Sao Pedro to

contributed a certain amount of money for the Church of Oxel.

The altar screens and other ornaments were brought from the

Convent of Goa. This Church was completed with private

donations and the frairs claimed that it belonged to the Order.

But, as the Order believed in poverty, such donations had to be

treated as a possession of the Parish. In 1685, Frei Ignacio do

Rosario repaired the Church using the mass stipends and the

money that he got from other divine services. The Church, a

frontispiece and some cells were also completed. In some cases,

the money from the Mother House was used to complete the

construction works in the poor and distant Parishes that had a

small number of parishioners. 24

In 1679, the frairs began to extend the Parish Churches

to accommodate the parishioners. The Parish of Nagoa was

divided. Serula, was big village where the frairs raised a new
 355

Church dedicated to Our Lady of Succoro to accommodate a

large number of converts who lived there. Around this time,

many of the Churches that were built in the earlier were in

ruins. In a letter of 3rd January 1669, the Commissary General

wrote to the King that it was urgent to restore the structures

because they would collapse and cause danger to the people

who lived in the vicinity. The travel accounts testified to the bad

state in which the Churches and Houses were found. In 1672,

Abbe Carre, visited the large and once flourishing City of Goa

and stated thus; "I could hardly find any shadow or vestige of its

former splendour. Two magnificent monasteries, the finest

ornament, the Carmelites to the East, Augustinians to the West

also the monasteries of the Franciscans, Dominicans,

Theatines, and Paulists. The other Churches are ill served arid — -

in most mass and divine services are no longer sung for want of

priests and monks. These diminish in numbers as their

revenue is confiscated and they have been obliged to abandon

many fine Churches in and outside the town where one sees

only the vestiges of the former splendour of the Portuguese".

This observation was made when there were rumours about

shifting the capital city to Cabo and when the Pope was trying to

destroy the de facto control of the Portuguese over the missions.

There was a shortage of manpower mainly due to the Dutch

threat and the many missions were neither staffed nor

maintained. By and large, the mission in Barden was

 856

considerably well developed. In a letter of 4th October 1671, the

Viceroy wrote to the Principe Dom Joao that Christianity had

progressed and it was essential to construct additional

Churches. Accordingly, the old Churches were repaired and

new ones were built. In 1674, the Church of Mapusa was

rebuilt under the direction of the Rector, Frei Carlos dos

Remedios who was a devotee of the Mother of God and gave her

a place of honour in the sanctuary. The Church was named

after Our Lady of Miracles. Frei Francisco de Madre de Deus

built a shelter where the offerings and articles of the Confraria

could be kept. In 1676, the Church of Nachinola was built

during the tenure of Frei Pedro da Purificacao. It was the

twenty second Rectory in Bardez and was built on the ruins of

the Shri Betal Temple. The Rector, Frei Pascoal De Santa Maria

rebuilt the Church of Colvale that was dedicated to the Stigmata

of St. Francis of Assisi. The Provincial, Frei Pedro de PurificactIo

laid the foundation stone. However, in 1682, it was attacked by

Sambhaji and his soldiers who took away the frames and the

timber. The material was brought back and used to rebuild it.

The Church of Pan-a that was burnt in the course of the

Maratha invasions, was rebuilt in 1688 by Frei Antonio de

Esperanca. The Parishes like Colvale were small and sparsely

populated. Therefore, they received limited alms and the frairs

like Frei Diogo da Cruz had to work hard to complete the

Church. He brought wood from the other side of the enemy

 857

territory to complete the work. The frairs who served in the

mission stations within the Estado also brought several things

for the Parish Churches when they came after their retirement.

Frei Diogo brought planks and doors for the Church and saved

a lot of money. Frei Diogo da Madre de Deus bought the main

alter screen at a cheap price from the College of Reis Magos and

Frei Miguel de San Jose brought the side altars and the image of

Nossa Senhora do Rosario. In 1663, the Rectory of Tivim that

was set on fire by the Marathas was rebuilt at the cost of the

gaoncars.25

The steady increase in the number of converts and the

desire to keep the new converts under the close control of the

Pastors prompted the frairs to raise new Parishes and to

separate the small areas from the larger Parishes. In 1688, the

Church of Linhares that was hitherto an Ermida under the

Parish of Candolim was separated from the latter raised to a

Parish and dedicated to Sao Lourenco de Linhares. Similarly,

the other Churches were remodeled and extended. The original

Hospice of Madre de Deus, Pomburpa was remodeled during the

tenure of the ex-Provincial, Frei Antonio da Assumpciio. Frei

Francisco da Virgem Maria added a sanctuary to the Church of

Aldona. The frairs did not follow a uniform architectural

pattern while building the Churches. In March 1694, Careri_ _ _

visited a Franciscan House at Pilar and stated that it was one of

the best Churches in Goa for although it was small, it looked

 358

like one entire mass of gold. The roof was adorned with

fretwork. The Provincial Statutes of 1697 tried to put a check on

the construction and design of the Churches. The Statutes were

against the Observants because they raised expensive and

superfluous edifices that were badly designed. The frairs were

instructed not to undertake any new mason or wood works in

the Rectories and Frairies. They could not demolish the old

structures without the permission of the Superiors in scriptis

and the signatures of the Definitors. If the Rector did not do

this, he was not allowed to occupy his office for the next three

years. The ornaments and other things in the Sacristy could

not be lent out without the permission of the Vicar or the

Assistant Commissary. Since the frairs spent a lot on the

maintenance of the Franciscan Frairy, Old Goa, it was difficult

to meet them with the alms and proceeds that were sanctioned

to it. Hence, the Chapter decided that the Sunday mass

stipends and burial allowances of the whole Province could be

used for this purpose with the permission of the Provincial

Minister. The Frairy in Goa was allotted only five hundred xs

from the amount that was provided to the College of

Monapasser in the North. According to the Statutes, no Rector

of any Parish in Bardez could extract money, agreements or a

nemo from the parishioners for any new work in stone, or wood.

No frair could repair the Church or enlarge it without the

permission of the Provincial Minister.26

 359

From this, it was clear that the Church building activities

were undertaken at the cost of the local converts. However, the

latter were not in a positiOn to bear such expenses. The

Franciscan Superiors realized this and put a strict control on

the Church building activities.

THE RELATIONS WITH THE STATE: The frairs maintained

friendly relations with the authorities. The Portuguese were bent

upon despising the efforts that were made by the Pope to control

- the missions of the Portuguese lands. The authorities had to get

the support of the frairs and they tired to do this by getting their

own candidates elected at the Chapters. This resulted in

factions and conflicts.

Frei Antonio dos Anjos was sent from Portugal to put an

end to this. But, he was unable to control the situation. On

23 rd August 1658, it was reported that he favoured one faction.

This was brought to the notice of Pope Alexander VII. He was

requested to approve the Statutes that were drawn up at the

General Chapter held at Toledo, in 1658. Here, the frairs were —

allowed to elect their own Superiors without any interference

from the State. The Pope confirmed this and the Definitors

were given the right to choose the Vice Commissary and the

Provincial was allowed to nominate the members to preside over

the Chapter through an Autoritate Apostolica. When the Decree

was implemented, one faction accepted it but the other did not
because it lacked the Placet Regium. One faction that supported

the State went ahead and elected Frei Antonio de Conceicao as

the Commissary General. The Madre de Deus frairs and some

Observants refused to accept his appointment because they

abided by the Orders from Rome. At the Chapter of 1661, they

asserted their right to chose their own Commissary General.

This case indicated that all the frairs of one Province did not

necessarily own allegiance to the King of Portugal or to his

representatives. They were largely influenced by their co-frairs

in Europe who were interested in admitting men of caliber and

ability even at the cost of going against the Padroado as was

stated in a letter of 23rd March 1676. To settle the problem, the

frairs in Portugal sent Frei Jacinto de Deus. He was appointed

by the General, Ildephonsus Salizanes. On his arrival, Frei

Antonio dos Anjos went to Rome and approached the

Propoganda Fidei. The General of the Order and the Pope

supported him and reintroduced the Brief. The Padroado

refused to accept Frei Antonio as Commissary General because

the Brief lacked the Placet Regium. On his arrival, Frei Antonio

had to appear before the new Commissary General Frei Joao de

Sao Bernardino in 1672. Frei Bernardino was appointed

according to the Papal Brief. In his letter of 8th March 1672, the

King instructed the Viceroy to acknowledge the Brief and to

accept the appointment of Frei Bernardino. The latter came to

India in 1672 and in 1673 he took over as the Commissary

General and presided over a Chapter. 27

The Provincial Houses were dependent on the State for

their financial needs. This was clear from a letter of 29th

January 1666, in which the Governor, Dom Antonio de Melo e

Castro wrote to the King that he had instructed the Superiors of

the Order regarding the receipt of the one eighth part of the

proceeds of the lands in the Islands of Goa, Bardez and Salcete.

The Kings financed the Frairies other Houses. In 1672, the King

sanctioned money for the College of Reis Magos. This had been

founded to train the orphans so that they could help the priests

in different parts of the Estado. The frairs did not always follow

the instructions of the King. In a letter, it was stated that

though the frairs received payments to maintain the

orphanages, they did not look after the orphans. The latter were

so impoverished that some of them left and went to the houses

of their relatives and others begged the Rector to provide for

their daily sustenance. The frairs rarely spent the Royal grants

on the locals. There was a case wherein the parish priest spent

only one third of the money that was allotted for the baptisms.

The Governor was aware of such appropriations for, in a letter

of 29th December 1662, he stated that he had taken care to

identify the frairs who did not fulfil their obligations. 28

The frairs of worked for the State. Some of them were

sent to restore the diplomatic relations between the Crown and

 862

the local rulers. In 1668, the Viceroy sent Frei Gaspar Baptista

and Frei Sebastido da Annunciacao to Sumatra to settle a

Treaty between the Portuguese and the Queen of Achin and to

find a possibility to establish a mission there. Frei Gaspar

returned to Goa to obtain the confirmation for the House and to

inform the Portuguese about the arrangements that he had

made in Achin. He was also sent as a State representative to

Surat to clarify some matters with the Great Mogul on behalf of

the Portuguese. He completed this and returned to Goa. The

frairs helped in the garrisons of the State. In an expedition that

was led by the Viceroy against the Bhonsles, three frairs, Frei

Manoel Graca, Frei Belchoir dos Reis and Frei Francisco de

Santa Rosa assisted the military because they felt that it was

their duty to punish the Bhonsles who had attacked their

Rectories. Brother Gregorio who was attached to the College of

Reis Magos traveled to Chaul on behalf of the Viceroy, Mathias

de Albuquerque. The frairs had links with the Padroado and

many seculars like Dom Luiz de Mendonca Furtado, the Viceroy

pressurized the members of the Chapter to elect his candidate. 29

Therlationsbw fradeculswnot

always cordial. The Viceroys leveled several accusations against

the frairs. In a letter of 1672, the Viceroy complained to the

King that the Churches in Bardez had become houses of

recreation for the 'Governors, Commissaries, Provincials and

others who were unable to teach as they did not know the local
 363

language. They ignored the Orders of the King by which the

parish priests had to be examined by the Inquisitors in the local

language. There were complaints that the frairs behaved badly

towards the Christians and that they were unpopular among the

locals. The Viceroy was against the practice by which the frairs

made it compulsory for the relatives of the deceased to pay the

funeral expenses before interring any dead body. This had

weakened the faith of the locals and the secular authorities felt

that the locals were only tolerating the religious. However, the

complaints pertained to their deeds rather than to the religious

themselves. The latter formed an unofficial link between the

Estado and Portugal. In a letter of 11th December 1677, the

Viceroy, Dom Pedro de Almeida stated that the King had

entrusted certain letters to the Guardian of the Frairy, Frei Joao

Baptista. The authorities in Goa entrusted the spiritual and

political responsibilities of the Estado to the foreign clergy. But,

they also reprimanded them whenever it was necessary. In a

petition to the King, the authorities stated that many frairs

indulged in vices and corruption. They lived with their wives

and children and openly disregarded the vows of celibacy. Such

accusations have to be considered within the context of the

triangular struggle for power between Rome, Portugal and

Superiors of the Order. The Roman Curia and the King

nominated the Superiors and the frairs who were appointed in

Goa depended on the local Superiors who represented both.

 34

Sometimes, the Sovereign was overlooked and at other times,

the Papal Briefs were ignored. The Court had taken precautions

to avoid such problems and had issued an Order to the Viceroy.

Within a few years, the frairs managed to get this revoked and

accepted only those provisions that benefited them. In such

cases, the Archbishop and the Viceroy accused the frairs of

disobedience. In a letter of 27th September 1672, the Principe

requested the Archbishop to send him a copy about the

commissions and excesses that the frairs committed in Bardez

and to recommend the steps by which they could be avoided.

The Viceroy was not favourable towards the frairs and clearly

stated that they yielded little fruit as parish priests in Bardez

because they neither instructed nor worked for their

parishioners. They lived in the Parishes without any real

interest in spreading the faith. Many did not know the local

language and the parishioners could not understand what they

said in Portuguese. The frairs were accused of living a lax life

while the Jesuits were noted for their avarice. "A Franciscano

guardo minha mulher, a Paulisto guardo minha denyer", was a

common epithet that was used to describe their lifestyle. 3°

The Roman Chancellor had sent a set of Instructions by

which the Pope made it clear that the Padroado Parishes had to

execute the directions that were implemented by the Apostolic

See failing which they would be declared as null. In this

paradoxical situation, the Portuguese King tried to protect his

 365

Padroado rights. In 1672, he instructed the Viceroy to control

the frairs. In a letter of 6th February 1674, he requested the

latter to send a list of frairs who belonged to the Order. The

Viceroy never complained about the Order as a whole. Most of

his complaints were directed against one frair or a small group

of frairs. The Superiors generally defended the frairs against the

seculars and the Viceroy was against this. The Procuradorof the

Madre de Deus Province, Lisbon, complained against the

Viceroy because he tried to introduce a law by which he could

claim absolute authority over the Superiors of the Order. As

such, he tried to make the frairs subservient to the State. 31

The close alliance between the Church and the State was

proved by the fact that the representatives of the Religious

Orders played an important role in the Consent°. Frei Pedro da

Purificacao and Frei Manuel de Sao Nicolao attended the

meetings of the Conselho do Estado on 7th July 1678 and 29th

December 1681 respectively. The frairs served as Chaplains

aboard the ships and defended the Estado. Frei Antonio de

Belem and Frei Joao de Deus helped the Viceroy when he

escaped the ambush in Ponda. Frei Antonio encouraged the

troops to fight while the latter was killed in the battle. In the

late seventeenth century, the Portuguese faced a shortage of

manpower from Portugal and the non-Portuguese soldiers

revolted against the Portuguese. In such a situation, the frairs

served as safe spies and friendly soldiers. A contingent of frairs

 866

was stationed at the fort of Sao Joao, Carambolim. Eighty frairs

joined the garrison at the request of the Viceroy. Six were

appointed to command the soldiers who were in charge of the

bulwarks. The frairs lived in the Houses that were located at

strategic points and helped the Portuguese to spot the enemy,

destroy their ships and to thwart their efforts to wade across the

River. Frei Marcal da Magdalena fell from a wall and hurt his leg

when he was checking on the soldiers from the fort. The Viceroy

summoned many frairs on board to provide physical and

psychological support to the soldiers and to lead them to

victory. When the fort of Revora was seized, the Captain wanted

to surrender. At this point, Frei Manoel de Sao Antonio

intervened and encouraged the Captain to fight. Frei Manoel

defended the post bravely but he was shot. After his death, the

Captain immediately surrendered. Frei Thome da Madre de

Deus, Frei Francisco de Santa Teresa and Frei Luiz de Sao

Francisco were imprisoned in the fort of Tivim for two months

along with a group of Christians. They were starved and ill

treated by their captors. Only the missionary desire to help

their fellow captives gave them consolation. 32

In the mid seventeenth century, the Portuguese lost

Ceylon and the other territories in South India. The mission

was limited to Diu, Bassein, Chaul, Bardez and the Islands of

Goa. The King tried his best to settle the problems there. In a

letter of 24th March 1682, the Regent wrote to the Viceroy to

 867

take the help of the Archbishop and the Inquisitor to punish

Frei Joao da Trindade who had misbehaved with the

Commissary General. However, the case had to be withdrawn
because Frei Trindade expired. The King was adamant not to
remove the frairs from Goa. In a Provisdo of 22nd March 1684,
he decreed that the frairs and Jesuits should remain in Bardez
and Salcete. The relations of the frairs with the Crown were
strained because of the lack of communications between the
Superiors of the Order and the Padroado. The King tried his
best to exert an influence over the frairs in the mission. In a
letter of 10th March 1687, he requested the Viceroy to brief him
about the mission and insisted that all the Orders from Rome
should receive the Placet Reguim. In a letter of 27th November

1686, the Procurador of the Sao Thome Province, Frei Lourenco

de Sao Antonio agreed to this and requested the King not to
reject the Briefs that were related to the religious life of the
frairs. The frairs followed the dictates of their Superiors in Rome
in their monastic life but they also fulfilled the responsibilities

that were allotted to them by the Padroado. The Vice Provincial

of the Madre de Deus Province, Frei Jeronymo dos Reis wrote to

Dom Pedro II that even the Recollects served as the Chaplains

on the Portuguese navy. He sent a list of Navy Chaplains who
accompanied the fleet between 1652 to 1680. The frairs helped
the benefactors of the Order against the Estado. In a letter of
24th January 1688, there was a reference to Duarte Martins de
 268

Melo of Bacaim who was accused of treachery and murder. He

was tried in the Court and imprisoned in the Franciscan

Church at Thana. He was brought into the Franciscan Frairy

in Goa along with three other frairs. The Ouvidor Geral of the

Archbishopric was authorised to deal with the case. The frairs

in Goa tried to protect him. But, the Ouvidor insisted that he

should be imprisoned in the Frairy of St. Francis, Goa. Here, the

frairs were warned not to move him out without the permission

of the King. The matter was suspended till 10th January 1689.

In the meanwhile, three frairs helped him to escape from the

Frairy. The matter was referred back to the King In a letter of

24th January 1690, the King wrote to the Viceroy to instruct the

Franciscan Provincial to exile the two religious and to send the

third one to the kingdom. The frairs in Goa argued that they

should not have kept the prisoner in the Frairy as it was a

public case. 33 This was an instance wherein the interest of the

religious clashed with that of the Estado in non-religious

matters.

The authorities in Goa were keen to substitute the frairs

and sent several complaints against them. The frairs refused to

pay heed to such allegations. Frei Manoel do Espirito Sancto,

,

the Commissary General refuted many of the allegations and

insisted that the frairs should remain in Bardez. The

authorities stated that the frairs wasted their time in private

avocations thereby creating an impression that the cloister was

a barrack of soldiers rather than a habitation of the monks. The

Archbishop was unable to deal with the monastic disturbances.

Moreover, the frairs were not longer under the jurisdiction of

the Archbishop. The Viceroy stated that they were a burden to

him and that he could not concentrate on the administrative

matters. The complaints were not one sided. The frairs also

raised objections about the life of the secular authorities. In a

letter of 20th November 1689, the Rector of Reis Magos

complained to the King against Digo Lobo de Sousa, the Captain

of Bardez who scandalized the Christians. The Governor was

accused of being involved in the illegal trade of women. Such

accusations and counteraccusations by the religious and

secular authorities forced the Portuguese to intervene in the

Goa mission. The Madre de Deus frairs did not come under

much criticism because many like Frei Gaspar Baptista and Frei

Sebastitto da. Annunciacao carried on the Apostolic mission and

went to Achem in 1668. Two canarins, Lourenco de Noronha

and Salvador de Tavora from Serula, Bardez were sent to

Tanque. 34

The frairs helped the authorities to implement the

provisions of the Counter Reformation. There was a reference to

an Inquisitorial trial that was held at the Franciscan Frairy in

Goa. But, by then, the factional conflicts hindered the relations

between the Church and the State. While the State occasionally

intervened in religious matters, the frairs tried to sort out the

 3'16

differences at the extraordinary meetings called Congregations.

The frairs believed that it was their mission to carry out the

responsibilities that were entrusted to them by the State. When

Frei Anjos was deposed, he refused to go to Portugal because he

owed allegiance to God and to the King. His intransigence was

reported and he was even sentenced to an exile. This matter

involved the frairs yet it affected the Estado. On 14th September

1693, it was discussed in the Conselho do Estado and as Frei

Anjos had not completed his term, a Vicar Provincial was

appointed to handle his office. The Vicar Provincial handled his

• responsibility so well that he was called the most capable and

virtuous religious. Generally, the Provincial handled the

religious matters whereas those associated with the State were

discussed in Council of States. When the Viceroy could not

handle the matters, he directed them to the King. In 1694, Frei

Joao de Santhiago was sent as the Provincial to Goa. But, the

frairs were not happy with him. On 14th November 1694, a

group of seventeen frairs armed with guns, pistols and large

swords staged a scandalous uproar. At four in the afternoon,

they came out and entered the College of Sao Boaventura where

the Capitulares had assembled for the Chapter that was

scheduled for 17th November. They wanted the Visitor to expel

Frei Joao de Santhiago the President of the Chapter and to

reinstate Frei Antonio do Anjos who was suspended. Another

group of frairs got together and supported Frei Santhiago.

 371

There was so much of confusion that the Superiors were forced

to report the matter to the Viceroy. On 17th November 1694, the

Viceroy complained about this to the King and the Archbishop

while Frei Anjos sent an appeal to Rome. Frei Anjos failed in his

venture and was confined to St. Cajetan, Goa. In the following

monsoon, the King directed the Viceroy to reconduct the

elections and empowered the Viceroy to arrest the rebel.

Accordingly, the Viceroy sent the Procurador Geral do Crime to

the College. The rebel frairs closed the doors and locked the

Visitor, Provincial and other members inside. Having no other

alternative, the Procurador had to resort to force. At night, he

ordered his troops to surround the College. By morning, the

resistance became very tenacious and the Viceroy ordered a

galeola to be brought close to the walls of the College. But, it

was ineffective and the frairs continued the revolt. They

shamelessly exposed the Blessed Sacrament at one of the

windows of the dormitory that faced the River. The Viceroy was

aghast and ordered the troops to move the guns into the main

gate. The frairs knew that the troops would force open the

doors. They immediately opened the door and surrendered. The

Procurador arrested the rebellious frairs and sent them to

Aguada. The leaders were sent to the lighthouse and the others

were sent to Marmugao where they were imprisoned and

punished by the Superiors. The King was informed about this.

In a letter of 11th January 1697, the King instructed the Viceroy

 012

to imprison and banish the seventeen Observants who had

caused disturbances in the College of Sao Boaventura. The case

was handed over to the Guardian who decided to suspend them.

The Viceroy wanted to hand over the matter to the Nuncio but

the King instructed him to leave it with the local Superiors

because he did not want the reports to reach Rome. The main

causes for the rebellion were the shortcomings in the

administration and the indiscipline among the frairs. The

Viceroy now suggested that the Provincials and frairs should be

appointed in Portugal and sent to Goa, as this would avoid such

problems in the future. After Frei Anjos was deposed, a number

of incidents took place in Goa and the authorities were unable

to meet such emergencies. The King permitted Frei Santhiago

to continue as the Provincial. He was succeeded by Frei Lucas--

dos Remedios who attended the meeting of the Council of

States on 30th July 1699. 35

At the end of the eighteenth century, the Kings of Europe

began to interfere in the different aspects of the monastic life

and suppressed several Religious Orders. The Court generally

acted on the complaints and instructed the authorities to take

action. The Propoganda Fidei that functioned since a century

ago came into a conflict with the Padroado. The Placet Regium

was resisted by many frairs who still maintained links with

Rome. During the tenure of the Provincial, Frei Antonio

Brandao, the Viceroy passed a Portaria by which he intended to

 878

control the ecclesiastical matters. But, the Juiz de Cavaleiros

and the frairs protested against the Proviseto because it

restricted their freedom. In 1665, the Commissary General

wrote to the Viceroy that the frairs hated the Prelate who had
exercised control over the religious. Since the frairs were directly
under the jurisdiction of the State, some of them ignored the
Papal Briefs and implemented the Orders that were issued by
the King. In a letter of 26th March 1688, the King complained to
the Viceroy, Dom Rodrigo da Costa that the frairs did not

execute the Briefs that were passed in Rome. The King was
happy, as he had insisted that such Orders should not be
implemented unless they received the Royal sanction. In a

letter of 3rd March 1687, Frei Lourengo de Santo Antonio and

his Procurador in Lisbon stated that any Order that came from
the Pope could not be executed unless it was registered and
passed by the Royal Chancellery. The King tried his best to
maintain his hold over the frairs through his representatives. In
his letter, Luis Goncalves Cotta, the Secretary of the Estado and
Junta das Missoes, requested the Provincial to account for the
things that had been given to them. The Governor and Capiteio
Geral were instructed to give an account of the mission that was
under the frairs. The close alliance between the State and the
religious was evident during the crises. The Franciscan Frairy in
Goa served as a shelter for several criminals and there were
cases when the frairs helped these criminals to escape. The
 3'I4

Procurador Geral of the Sao Thome Province complained about

the frairs who helped a criminal to escape from the Frairy of the

City. The former was afraid of losing the immunity of the House

and the quartais because the Frairy was poor and money was

needed to procure the necessities of life. His argument was that

the inmates of whole Frairy should not be punished because of

few. From then onwards, the frairs hesitated to keep the

criminals in the Frairy with out the permission of the King. The

frairs did not always support the State. Hence, they were

believed to be worse than many other Orders who worked here

in Goa. In a letter of 22nd December 1691, the frairs were held

responsible for several disturbances and the authorities stated

that except for the Dominicans and Jesuits, the others like the

Augustinians, Carmelites, Capuchins and Franciscans spent

their time in converting the infidels and lived like soldiers in the

barracks. In many cases, the frairs went beyond their limits. In

a letter of 7th January 1694, the Viceroy complained to the King

about Frei Anjos who ignored his sentence and lived in the

Frairy. Even after his departure, his papers were fixed on the

doors of the Church as an indication of his determination to

disobey the authorities. This was tolerated neither by the King

nor by his representatives in Goa. The latter were afraid of any

further upheavals. In a letter of 28th February 1694, the

Viceroy requested the King to inquire into the Bulls that were

sent to the Capucho frairs and Carmelites so that there would

 015

be no disputes. The King realized that he could not solve the

problem without the help of the local authorities. Hence, the

Viceroy was authorized to brief him about the solution to such

problems. The Franciscan Superiors were aware of the

deterioration within the Order. In a letter of 5th October 1694,

there was a reference to the Observants who lived without the

fear of the King and who got involved in non religious disputes.

The Junta das Missoes was also requested to go through the

accusations and do the needful. The Viceroy knew that he

could not handle the situation. In a letter of 8th December

1695, he blankly informed the King that he could not deal with

the vice of ambition because the frairs were independent and

did not pay any attention to the Orders of the Commissary

General.

The authorities had to tolerate them because of the

problem of the scarcity of the frairs in the local missions.

However, they tried to recruit a new group of frairs into the

Bardez Province. They imposed a norm by which the frairs had

to be examined and their capacities had to be observed before

they were appointed as parish priests. The Provincial suggested

that the prelado maior had to be chosen from the Province of

Algarve for a term of three years. In addition to this, two

capable religious had to be appointed to the Province every year.

The Provincial Statutes of 1697 laid down the basic rules by

which the frairs had to live. They incorporated the Provincial

Statutes of 1685 and 1686. The Provincial Chapters were held

to enable the frairs to adapt to the new situation in the mission.

The Vicars of the Parishes of Reis Magos, Candolim, Aldona and

Mapusa were allowed to vote at the Chapter as they were

familiar with the mission. 36

The above indicated that the King tried his best to solve

the problems of the frairs. The Viceroy needed their support

because they were in charge of the converts and Parishes in

Bardez that was a dangerous mission field and the Portuguese

knew that they could not handle it by themselves. Hence, they

tried to force the frairs to learn Konkani and tried their best to

bring the missionaries under their control.

NATIVE PRIESTS: The seventeenth century witnessed several

discords and disturbances within the Order. This was a

challenge to the secular and religious authorities. From the

beginning, the native clergy who were recruited in the Estado

were believed to be substandard. Nevertheless, they had helped

the frairs to administer the sacraments and to preach the

Gospel. In many Parishes, several local priests were exploited by

the frairs. The Governor was aware of this. In a letter of 25th

January 1666, Dom Antonio de Melo e Castro complained that

although the frairs made use of the secular clergy to administer

their sacraments, they preferred to have their own Masters who

preached in the local language. The old frairs who retired from
their offices relaxed in the Parish Churches in Bardez. Their

work was entrusted to one or two young men who served him. _

They were called Vicars of the Community and what they did

"God knows". 37 This made it clear that native clergy did help in

the mission. Several clerics were trained in the Colleges in Goa

and recruited in the Rectories. But, they were never allowed to

occupy the high posts.

The native clergy were well trained as they had undergone

formation programmes in the Seminaries. They were also

familiar with the local language. The Viceroy stated that the

frairs had been appointed as the Rectors in Bardez because

there were no secular clergy. But now, there were several

seculars who lived a good life and were ready to take charge of

the mission and of the Churches. They administered the

sacraments, heard confessions and preached on behalf of the

frairs. They were conversant with the local language and the

local customs. As such, they could enter the spirit of the

parishioners and persuade them to leave idolatry. But, the

foreign religious exploited them in their Parishes and the elderly

frairs enjoyed otium cum dignitate. The Pope favoured the

secular clergy but the frairs refused to admit them into the

Order. 38

The frairs were not prepared to accommodate the local

clergy because they believed that they would circumvent their

powers. The frairs argued that the Order needed decent,

 81/8

honourable and virtuous men. They also stated that the

seculars did not have prior permission from the King of Portugal

who was the spiritual head of the frairs in the Estado. The

foreign accounts stated that the frairs rarely possessed these

qualities. Abbe Carre for instance, referred to Frei Emmanuel

de Cab(ral), the Superior of Madre de Deus, Goa Frei Cabral

had left Persia with Abbe Cane. The Abbe spoke to him on

religion and the frair flew into a terrible rage, abused him and

treated him as a heretic only because he had used a Latin

phrase that Frei Cab(ral) could not understand. The A

- bbe was

not sure whether he was a monk because his action did not

reflect his habit. When the Abbe asked him for the breviary, he

called a Kafir servant, gave him the keys and asked him to get

the breviary. He stated that he did not wear it for fear of

wearing it out. When the Abbe asked him the cause of this, he

swore by St. Anthony, called the Frenchman a Jew and

promised to put him in a cell in the Inquisition on his arrival to

Goa. His discussion with the Abbe indicated the suspicion and

hatred with which the frairs had treated the non-Portuguese.

The resentment has to be understood within the context of the

threats that were posed by the English and the Dutch who came

to India with their Bishops, monks and missionary priests and

tried to capture their monasteries and ecclesiastical services.

The mission was deteriorating and the King was aware of this.

In his letter of 26th August 1672, the latter raised several points
to improve the condition of decline. The frairs worked in Goa,

Chaul, Bacaim, Daman and Diu. A few frairs who worked there

did not observe regular discipline and did nothing to develop the

spiritual life of the inhabitants or to convert the locals. Both

these were the criteria for founding new Churches. In such a

situation, the seculars were seen as a better alternative. The

foreign clergy were always afraid of losing their rich Parishes. It

was primarily this threat that prompted them to persuade the

Viceroy, Dom Francisco de Tavora to issue the Decree of 27th

June 1684. The frairs argued and it was difficult for the parish

priests to instruct and catechize the locals because they were

not acquainted with the local idiom. They believed that the local

language should not be promoted because it was dangerous

from the political point of view. Hence, they requested the

authorities to force the natives to learn Portuguese within three

years. Accordingly, the Viceroy issued a Decree that forced the

local converts to learn Portuguese. 39

The King and the Pope realized the importance of the

secular clergy to meet the shortage of manpower and to spread

the mission among those who had hitherto evaded the new

religion. They took steps to train the missionaries. The College

of Sao Boaventura that was a Novitiate for the Province had

local students who were trained for priesthood. Their admission

was clear from a document of 1694. They studied there for six

years. After studying Arts ad Philosophy for three years, they

 38®

had to answer a final examination. The students were given six

questions: two on logic, physics and metaphysics respectively.

After passing this, they were admitted to Theology. If they

wanted to be promoted as Confessors or Preachers they had to

complete an additional course of three years and had to answer

another examination. There was a reference to Frei Cosimo de

Goa who died while he was still a cleric at the College on 7th

September 1695.

The admission of the locals into the Religious Orders

createdproblems and gave rise to indiscipline and disturbances

in the Order. This was because the former claimed an

appointment in the higher posts. The Provincial Statutes of

1697 insisted on the appointment of the Portuguese religious

and specified that the seculars should not be encouraged to join

the Order. The religious were allowed to take some collegians

from the College of Reis Magos to their Rectories to help them

but this could not be done without an Order of the Superiors in

scriptis. The Discritory suggested that the Colleges in Reis

Magos, Manapasser, Agassaim, Palle and Caranja should be

placed under the Guardians who were appointed as per the

Statutes that were drawn up at Rome in 1639. The training in

the College of Sao Boaventura was made systematic. The

students had to pray in the morning and at midnight. Besides

this, they had to participate in the Te Deum Laudamus, in the

mass and in the Vespers. The Guardian was instructed to give

 381

five hundred xs as alms to the Infirmary of Goa for the

treatment of the students of the College every year. Besides

Canonical Studies, the collegians were trained in moral life and

were taught to play the musical instruments and to perform the

services. They had to observe silence and discipline. At the

strike of the bell, all the doors of the cloister and refectory had

to be closed. No one could serve in the sacristy without the

permission of the Guardians. The students had to study till two

in the afternoon under the supervision of the Lectors and

Guardians. They had to attend classes everyday except on

Saturdays when they were taken out. The students had a

holiday three times a year. The examinations were tough and

those who did not pass the Three Year Course in Theology could

not become Preachers. Those who passed it were examined and

were admitted for Theology. The students of Theology had to

defend three theses, one in each year at the Provincial Chapter

that was held on the day of Sao Boaventura. A student could

neither leave the College without the permission of the Guardian

nor could he be summoned from the study to meet a guest. If

the novice was sick in the Infirmary for four months, he was

sent home. Those who died there were buried in the Chapter. 4 °

From the above it is clear that the authorities favoured

the native clergy. But, the frairs were against them. Therefore

the syllabi at the Colleges were framed in such a manner that

the native clergy could hardly be in a position to avail of these

 382

facilities. However, the secular clergy were able to gain a hold

over the Parishes and many local Brahmins got themselves

trained there. Even after this, they were not allowed to enter

the higher posts within the Order. But, they became powerful

enough to oppose the discrimination and exploitation.

The mission in Goa began to show the signs of

deterioration and decline. Several conflicts and tensions broke

out between the State and the Religious Orders and between the

religious and the seculars. These encounters became more

obvious in the next period when the seculars were powerful

enough to fight against the domination of the white religious.

Notes and References :

1 The King sent thirty three pipas of wine, five hundred and nine cantaras of oil, fifty-five candis of corn,
nineteen candis of rice, five hundred and two fardos of good quality rice, two candis of coconut oil, one
candil of butter, two candis of sera, twenty two codas of cutunias, three fardos of asucar, fifteen maso of
amexas pacadas, fifteen maos of resins and almonds respectively, twelve cases of marmalade and
one ream of paper to the Frairy of St. Francis; APO Tomo. IV, Vol. II, pp. 211-12 and 250-51; XCHR
Ms. 656, 370-71, 23, 16, 23 and 20; MR. Vol. 264, 17.244; BFUP no. 26 A, pp. 361-62.
2 BFUP, No. 28, p. 524; EHGLC, doc. 20, pp. 246-48; AHU, Doc. Avulsos, Caixa 30.
3
EHGLC, doc. 19, p. 245; BFUP, No. 52, p. 46; No. 29, p. 34; No. 51-B, p. 53 and 62; No. 60, p.89 ;
EHGLC, doc. 25, pp. 261-63;Anthony Disney, 'A seventeenth century Consul, Dom Miguel de Noronha,
Conde de Linhares in Purabhilekh Puratatva, Vol. II, No. 2(1984)p. 63; Bosq. Vol. I, p. 149.
4
EHGLC, p. 412; These Churches included Reis Magos, Nagoa, Serula, Siuty, Aldona, Velluy, Callvale,
Mapusa, Calangute, Anjuna, Sangolda, Ocassay, Pilerne, Virlueca, Pomburpa, Tivim, Moira, Pan-a,
Bessora, Oxel, and Soccoro; Bosq. Vol. I, pp.303-11; DHMP, Vol. V, pp. 469 and 474-75; A document
that is found in the archives of the Order is cited by Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., NZM, Vol. 16,(1960),
p. 62 and translated by Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., 1943, p.453 ; Anais, p. 30; Lopes Mendes, Op.
Cit., Vol. I, p. 75; S. N. Sen (ed.), Indian travels of the Thevenot and Cared, 1949, Book I, Chapts. V-Vll,
p. 194.
5
F. X. Gomes Catilo t XCHR Ms, p. 47; BFUP, Nos. 33 and 34, p. 480; No. 38, p. 66; Nos. 42-43, p.
170.
ML, Vol. I, p.192; S. N. Sen (ed.), Op. Cit.,1949, p. 194; Assentos, Vol. IV, pp. 419-20 and 428-32; P. S.
PissurIencar, Portuguese-Maratha Sambandh, in T.V Parvate(trans), Portuguese Maratha Relations,
1985, pp. 89-90; BFUP, No. 51-B, p. 46; No. 46, p. 102; No. 50, p. 66; EHGLC, doc. 24, pp. 260-1. - -
7
BFUP, No. 27, p. 177; No. 35, p. 501; MR, Vol. 26B, 17. 388; DHMP, Vol. V, p. 405-06; MR, Vol. 36,
17.41
a
E. N. Xavier, Collecao dos Leis Peculiares dos Communidades ; Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit.,OP Vol. (1907),
pp. 77-78; On the feast of Our Lady of Milagres, a bourginho driven by the boys dressed as sailors is
taken in front of the processions. The brothers of the Con fraria were buried in graves in the cloister;
Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit., OP, Vol.IV (1906), p. 477; Leopold Rocha, Op. Cit., p. 234.
a
Assentos, Vol. IV, pp. 49-50; Jacinto de Deus, Op. Cit., p. 11; BFUP, No. 51-B, p. 34; ML, Vol. I, p. 171
and 769; Jagunath Sarkar(trans.), Life of Shivaji, It contains a translation of the travels of Abbe Carre,
1928,p. 355;AHU India, Caixa 41, ft. 32, in T. R. de Souza, Op.Cit., 1979, pp. 259-60; Soledade, Op.
 883

Cit., Vol. III, p. 511; E.R. Hambye and A. C. Perumail (ed.), Christianity in India: A history in ecumenical
perspective, 1972, p. 65.
10
Soledade, Op. Cit., Vol. III, p. 511; DHMP, Vol. V, p. 473; Anais, p. 20; Leopold Rocha, Op. Cit., p. 232;
Actas de Sacrae Congregations da Propoganda Fidel (1642-47), Vol. 17, no.23, fi. 80; BFUP, No. 25,
p. 342; No. 36, p. 532, letter of 21 ° March 1671; No. 35, pp. 12-13; There was a reference to a son of
the Province of Sao Thome who had gone to the Mongol kingdom and forgotten about his profession.
He had married a woman and had five sons. These and other scandals forced the authorities to think in
terms of alternatives., A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., 1958, pp. 175 and 181; EHGLC, doc. 21, pp. 251-53.
11
Anais, pp. 34-35; EHGLC, docs. 22-23, pp. 255-56; Gabriel de Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 366; Jacinto
de Deus, Op. Cit., pp. 13-14;Charies Fawcett, The Travels of Abbe Came in India and the Near East
(1672-4), 1990, Vol. I, p. 202; Nicolao Manucci, Storia do Mogor en Mogul India, 1966, Vol. I, p.
211;Vol. IV, p. 423.
12
The Statutes stated that the Rector could not accept any rent of the Church properties nor lease the
plots, orchards and palmgroves of the Houses without the permission of the Definitor nor could he
obtain a donation of the palmgroves without the permission of the Provincial Minister. The proceeds of
the Parish properties had to be portioned out as per the agreement. All the Rectors had to maintain
accounts of income and expenditure every month. These expenses of each Rectory were checked in
the presence of the Synod and signed by the Rector, the members of the Synod and a witness who
helped him to maintain the records. This was followed up in the college of Reis Magos. The Houses
that were donated had to make sure that the donation deeds were rewritten and authenticated. To avoid
problems that were already faced in some Rectories, the Rectors were warned to maintain Rolls of
Christianity every year and deliver them alongwith an Inventory and other books on marriages,
baptisms, those on the House, masses etc. to their Superiors. Theie books were to be maintained
neatly. To ensure uniformity in the Rectories in Bardez, the Rectors were instructed to follow the
Constitutions of the Archbishopric related to the faith. The properties orchards and material belongings
of the Rectories had to be specified in a book. This had to be signed by the President and sent to the
Synod. No Rector could impose a penalty in cash on the gentios or on the christians who did not hear
masses as it was against their Rule. The Rectors had to be gentle and careful in dealing with the
converts and could not force the Christians to give them anything after the baptism, marriage or the
blessing of the house. In fact, he could not bring anything even from his home. He could not stay out of
the House without the permission of the Superiors except when he went to another Rectory to celebrate
a feast. Even then, he could stay only for the night of the Vespers. He could not expose the
Sacrament at odd times even to the sick. Achilles Meersman, . 'Statutes of Franciscan Province of Sao
Thome the Apostle in India 1678-97'; STVDIA, Nos. 13 and 14 (January-June 1964), Introduction and
Chapts. 1, 2 and 7; Dl, Vol. II, p. 247; Amaro Lobo, Op.Cit., 1933,pp. 116-17; In Goa, the Rois da
Christandade date from the seventeenth century
13
Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., in Voz, Vol. 15 (1941), p. 24; S. N. Sen(ed.), Op. Cit., Vol. I, Part I, p. 30; Book
II, p. 191; ML Vol. I, pp. 195-96; Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit.; NZM, Vol. 16(1960), p. 52;Simao J.
Freitas, Souvenir da fundapflo da Igreja de Parra, 1949, p. xi; MR, Vol. 55B, ff. 499 in ARF, Appdx. II,
p. 403.
14
Assentos, Vol. IV, p. 50; W. Foster, English factories in India (1583-1619),1921,p.86; Assentos, Vol. XII,
p. 286; DHMP, Vol. V, pp. 442-43; Livro dos Reis Vizinhos No.3,fl. 64;Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit.;AFH,
Vol. 59(1966); p. 118, nt. 3; L° M.. Vol. 42, fl. 177; Jacinto de Deos, Op. Cit., p. 20; Ricardo Telles, LA -
incursao de Shivaji em Bardez'; OP Nos. 19-21(1938),pp. 370-80; Eduardo Balesmao, Os Portugueses
no Oriente feitos glorioses praticados no Oriente(1600-1700), 1881,Part II, p. 184; L° M., Vol. 63, fi.
283; CL, pp. 230-33; Livro dos Pazes, fl. 49; Assentos, 37Vol. IV, p. 562;Ricardo Telles 'Shivaji no
Conctio', BIVG, Vol. 32(1939), pp. 133-37;T.V Parvate(trans), Op.Cit., 1985, pp. 61-62; One frair
Manoel da Graca was hurt,Livro dos Reis Vizinhos, No. 2, fl. 69; BFUP, Vol. 4, p. 262; Gabriel
Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol.!, p. 173.
15
BFUP, Vol. 4, p.520; Livro dos Reis Vizinhos, No. 3, ti. 3; Ismael Gracias, 'A invasion de Goa',OP, Vol.
8, (1911), pp. 62-63; T.V Parvate(trans.) Op. Cit., 1985, pp.90 ; P. S. S. Pissurlencar, 'Portuguese e
Marathas', BIVG, Vol. 2(1927); DHMP Vol. V, pp. 468-9; BFUP, No. 48, p. 287; No. 51-A, p. 14; no. 51,
p. 14; No. 51-B, p. 46; EHGLC, doc. 24, pp. 260-61; T. R. de Souza, Op. Cit., 1979, Appdx A-9, pp. 49-
50.
18
EHGLC, doc. 24, pp. 259-61; BFUP, No. 51-B, p.34; MR Vol. 54, fls. 50-57, translated by T. R. de
Souza, Op. Cit., 1979, pp. 255-57; Bosq. Vol. II, pp. 65-66.
17
BFUP, No. 35, p. 501; EHGLC, doc. 15, pp. 235-36; doc. 17, p.343; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958, p.
177.
18
EHGLC, doc. 16, pp. 238-41; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958, pp. 178-79.
19
EHGLC, doc. 16, pp. 237-42; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958, pp. 179-81.
20
A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958, pp. 179-84; EHGLC, doc. 18, p. 244.
21
EHGLC, Cap. CLXVII, p. 232, Civezza, Op. Cit.,1859, p. 265; EHGLC, doc. 20, p. 247 and Cap. LXXI,
this Is translated in A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958, p. 183; Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., NZM, Vol. 16
(1960), pp. 49-50; Mariano Dias, 'Was Konkani ever suppressed', Seperata do BIVG No. 177(1997),
pp. 50-51; EHGLC, p. 739, EHGLC, doc. 23, p. 258,doc. 20, p. 247.
A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., 1958, pp. 184 and 187; Antonio Pereira, The makers of Konkani literature, Goa
1982, p. 20; DHMP, Vol. V, p. 407; EHGLC, Cap. CLXV, Vol. VII, Part III, Cap. III (1500-1700);
Civezza, Op. cit., 1859,p. 431'; Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit.,STVDIA Vols. 13 and 14(1964),Cap. 7; A
 384

document of the Archives of the Order dated Panely, 2" December 1698, stated by Achilles Meersman,
Op. Cit.; NZM, Vol. 16, (1960), pp. 52-53 and translated in Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., 1943, p. 423;
Simfio J. Freitas, Op. Cit., pp. xi-ii.
23 Annales. Vol. XXV,p.561 ; Anais, p. 30; Civezza, Op. Cit., 1859,Vol. VIII, Part III, p. 130; EHGLC, p.
412; DHM, Vol. V, pp. 473 and 466.
24 DHMP Vol. V, pp. 473-75; EHGLC p. 412; Civezza, Op. Cit,Vol. VII, Part III, Cap. III p. 131.
25 BFUP, No. 35, p. 501;Arthur Coke Bumell (ed.), Op.Cit., 1988,Vol. I, pp. 112 and 75;Manucci, Op. Cit.,
p. 112 and 75; Ricardo Telles, 'Epitafios e Brasoes da Museu Francis de Assis de Goa'. OP Nos. 12-
13(1986);Chades Fawcett, Op. Cit., pp. 214-16; BFUP, No. 36,p. 509; EHGLC p. 412; Civezza, Op.Cit.,
1879,Vo1. VII, Part III, pp. 129-30;Saldanha, Op.Cit., Voz, (1936), 0 Heraldo (24-7-1912);Mais pp.29
and 31; Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit, Voz, No. 36 (1941), p. 285; J. B. Amancio Gracias, 'Os bens
pensionadas em Goa',OP, Vol. 16, p. 364; This article contains a few details about the Churches in
Bardez, pp. 364-68 Livro dos Assentos,(1677-78), ft 124; DHMP, Vol. V, pp. 468-69.
28 DHMP, Vol. V, p. 468; AHU, India, Caixa 36; Linschoten described the Church of Reis Magos thus: "By
the barra de Goa is Reys Magos. The place appointed for the Viceroys burial is a cloister called Reys
Magos or three Kings of Cullen being the Order of St. Francis which standeth in ye land of Bardez at the
Mouth of the River of Goa (Mandovi)'.S. N. Sen(ed.), Op. Cit., 1949,p.193; Achilles Meersman, Op.Cit.;
STVDIA, Vols.13 and 14(1964), Caps. 3 and 7.
27 CL, pp. 243; MR, Vol. 37, fls. 82,80 and 78,and Vol. 36, ff. 399, Vol. 38-A, fl. 187.
28 CL, p. 237; BFUP,No. 35, p. 499; No. 28, p. 524
29 Julio Biker, Collegao de tratados e conceitos de pazes que o Estado da India fez corn Reis da Asia e
Africa e Occidental; 1995, Vol. IV, pp. 176-181; S. K. Mhamai Kamat, Op. Cit., p. 18; CL, p. 240. _
3° EHGLC, doc. 21, p. 251; BFUP, No, 41, p. 157; No. 61, p. 61; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., 1958, p. 24;
EHGLC Cap. XV, p. 182; doc. 21, pp. 249-51; William Crooke, Op. Cit., 1912, Vol. I, p. 13.
31 BFUP, Nos. 35-37, Vol. XII (1968), pp. 12-13; No. 40, p. 105; EHGLC, doc. 19, p. 245; AHU, Codice
208, fl. 291v.
32 Assentos, Vol. IV, pp. 326, 410 and 571. These included Frei Domingos de Sao Benardino, Frei Manoel
de Sao Francisco, Frei Francisco de Sao Ignez, Frei Antonio de Sao Joao, Frei Joao de Sao Jose and
Frei Diego de San Antonio. Apart from these Frei Jose de Jesus Maria, Frei Manoel do Nascimento and
Frei Francisco de Virgem Maria, helped in the defence of the fort; DHMP, Vol. V, pp. 436-38, 442-51
and 455-56.
33 BFUP Nos. 44-45, pp. 210, 250 and 152; Archives of the Order cited in Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit.,
Bangalore, 1971, p. 163; AHU, Caixa 34, India 168; AHU Dec. Avulsos, India, Caixa 351 in MR Vol. 53,
ff. 190 transcribed in ARF Appdx. I, p. 399; W. G. L, Randles, Op. Cit., STVDIA Vol. VI (1960), pp.
342-43; EHGLC doc. 29, p. 269; BFUP No. 44, p. 146 and 151.
34 DRI Vol. 60, pp. 199-202; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit,1958, pp. 187-88; BFUP No. 15, pp. 6-11; MR Vol.
37, fl. 349; Jacinto de Deus, Op. Cit., Vol. V, p. 640
35 .0ne case was state thus: 'Pity on you, Oh Convicts! Poor victims in sheepskin, tunics and sackcloth on
were asking to undergo the final punishment! One by one they were not allowed even to utter the last
goodbye to those who were their dear ones in this world. There were no weeping, no crying, no tears
that might have weakened the rage of terrible inquisitors who were at the black covered altar of the St.
Francis of Assisi Church, sitting on a throne, having at their side the Viceroy, a witness to the nefarious
act! Yes, witness but irrespective on account of the terrible sentences and other proceedings of savage
panditry resorted to under the garb of a false religiosity. Jose Ferreira Martins, Historia da Misericordia
de Goa(1691-1910), 1912, Vol. II, p. 43.
se
EHGLC doc. 36, •p. 276, doc. 37, p. 277, doc. 40, p. 280; Assentos Vol. IV, p. 448. quoted in Achilles
Meersman, Op. Cit, AFH Vol. 60 (1967) pp. 15-16; AHU Doc Avulsos, India, P.36; A. K. Priolkar, Op.
Cit., 1958, p. 186; BFUP No. 61, p. 81; Assentos Vol. V, p. 64.
37
Aspurz, Op. Cit., 569; ML Vol. I, pp. 177-78; BFUP No. 35, p. 501; No. 53, p. 79; No. 57-B, p.54; No. 53,
p. 89; EHGLC docs. 30-35, pp. 270-75; docs 38-39, pp. 279-80.
38
EHGLC docs. 38-39, pp. 279-80; According to the Statutes of 1685 and 1686, a novice had to be
admitted after being examined and approved in the divine services and those of the altar. He had to be
placed under a Master for Novices and trained in carrying out the divine activities . He had to be trained
in theology, philosophy, languages and in the other subjects. After completing their studies the novices
were called clerics. These clerics had to observe strict rules.They could neither have a wallet nor
accompany the priests without taking permission from the Provincial Minister. They neither go home or
sleep in the houses of the seculars without permission. The General Statutes stated that they had to
stay there till the age of twenty two or till they completed two to five years in the habit. They had to
wear the habit with fauas brancas. The clerics could not say mass without being examined and
approved. If they broke this rule, they were suspended for two months. They could become a Confessor
two years after saying the first mass.
In the choir, the frairs had to perform the holy services like singing. They had to observe silence.
They had to pray and read according to the rules. Each frair could recite two masses and the clerics
and the lay brothers had to pray as per the rules that were laid down in the General Statutes of
Segouea. The frairs could not say mass on the days that were prescribed by the Pope in Rome. The
Guardian, cleric and Vicar of the House had to follow the rules prescribed by the Statutes of Toledo.
The clerics were not allowed to enter the cells and disturb the Masters of Philosophy or Theology. They
 385

had to remain awake till eleven in the night to sing the matinas and the salvo. On the days of silence,
the cloisters and refectories could not be used before the Ave Merles.
The frairs had to abide by the Rules of poverty. They could not repair their Houses without the
permission of the Provincial Minister. They could not lend anything from the sacristy without the
permission of the Commissary. The Guardians had to submit their accounts to the Synod every month.
They gave the Rectors a book in which the annual expenses were written.
Inside the Frairy, the religious had to take care not to disturb the others. During Lent and Advent
they had to read religious literature. The clerics could distribute communion but could not preach.They
had to clean their tunics and hoods and avoid shirts. They could neither confess in the sacristy nor in
the cells. The servants, helpers and door keepers had to be taught the christian doctrine and had to
receive communion on the main feast days in the year. Every night, the keys of the Frairy were kept —
with the Guardian. Nobody could enter the Frairy. It anybody wanted to meet a frair, the Porteiro had to
keep him at the door or in some class and he himself could go to call him.No student or canarin could
bring anything for the Guardian or for the Definitor without his permission. No benefactor could stay at
the Frairy for more than three days. Only certain religious could perform the duties on the altar like the
lighting lamps or decorating them, the negros were not allowed. After the Ave Merles, the Churches
had to be shut except on days of obligations and on feast days . During the novenas, they could be kept
open till eight in the night but the keys were entrusted to the brothers of the Confrarias de Milagres de
Conceicao. The brothers were not allowed to sleep in the Churches. The bells of the Frairy could not
be rung except during Novenas, General Baptisms and other solemn occasions.The Definitors and
Custos could not refuse the duty of preaching because there were a few preachers and at every
Chapter only four to five preachers were selected. Nobody, not even the Viceroy and the Ordinary
could interact with the priests without the permission of the Provincial Minister. This was done to rule
out the interference of the officials in the religious matters and in the elections.
The Statutes were particular about the reception of the new christians. A Chapter of all the frairs
who dealt with them was held. The Orders were forbidden to accept the converts within the Order. With
reference to the frairs who had already been taken into the Order, it was decreed that they had to be in
the Order for ten years before they could become preachers. To avoid confusion in the choir, the Vicar
of the Choir was authorised to lead the choir. The Provincial Minister had to submit reports of his trienio
to the Royal Commissary every year. It had to be signed by two Definitors of the Province. The
Commissary had a vote in the Chapter. The Guardian of the Frairy of Goa was in charge of the other
Houses. He could occupy his office on seniority. To avoid the problems between the Guardian and the
Masters of Theology, the posts were allocated on seniority. Strict measures were adopted to control
the behaviour of the frairs outside the Frairies. They could neither keep wallets nor spend from them in
the City. They had to enjoy their recreation religiously. They could not enjoy in the company of the
religious of the other Orders. They had to spend their free time at the College of Reis Magos. The
Conventuals of the House could stay with the Guardian or the Vicar of the House but they could go out
for more than ten days, eight days of stay and two days for travelling. The College of Sao Boaventura
was equipped for this purpose. No frair could go alone without a companion unless he was sent by the
Major Prelate. No frair could leave the House before the daily mass, the Vespers or on Sundays unless
he was sent by the Guardian on a specific task. The frairs who undertook a voyage had to leave on the
previous day from the harbour. They stayed in the College of Reis Magos, Nerul or Sao Lourenco till
their departure. On the day of their departure, amass was said in their intention. The Confessors were
directed by both the Tridentine Councils and the Apostolic Orders. Those who were not well read or
educated in divine services could not confess the Viceroys, Captains of the forts, officers, Judges,
Treasurers and Factors Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., STVDIA, Vols. 13 and 14 (1964) Caps. 1 to 6;
The Statutes of the Chapter of Segouea are published by Civezza, Op. CIL 1859, 473 onwards.
39
Charles Fawcett, Op. Cit, pp. 211-13; Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit.; NZM Vol. 16 (1960), p. 49.
A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958, p. 182; Streit, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 516; Bull, In Ecclesae(1669). Decrees of
the Collectanea de Propaganda Fidei; F.X Gomes Catao, Op.Cit.,BEAG Vol. IV (1946), p.1; Niccolao
Manucci, Op. Cit.,1966, Vol. III, p. 199; EHGLC doc. 20, p. 248; Carlos Merces de Melo, Op. Cit;
Lisbon, 1955,p. 173;ARF p. 19; Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., STVDIA, Vols. 13-14 (1964), Cap. 1, 7
and 8. A similar set of Statutes are found in the IVG Ms 29 entitled Tratado dos privilegios que gozam
os religiosos mendicantes composed by Frey Boaventura das Chagas of the Madre de Deus Province
(1614). The included the privileges of the frairs, protection, extension and revocation of their
privileges,fls. 12-28; interpretation, fls. 33-38; the privileges that were granted to the confessors, fls. 38-
61; feasts, masses, sacraments, blessings, lrmandades, celebrations etc. fls.89-123, regarding
indulgences, confessions, consecration, habit, diet etc, Ifs. 126-34, the profession of the novices etc. fls.
334-54, Breve recopilacgo do poder authoridade que tern os confesson3s mendicantes assi subditos
como prelados por virtude de seus previlegios pare absolver e dispenser particularmente em as partes
da India Oriental e Occidental by Paulo da Trindade (20th February 1618), Ms.29. These included
twenty seven folios on the life of the frairs, their rules, their dealings with the local christians, an
explanation of the Papal Briefs etc. Ms. fls. 423 onwards. Explicagio os casos reservados da nossa
ordem, composed by Paulo da Trindade (21 e January 1619), IVG.,Ms.20, ifs. 482-536. These
regarding the regulations of the life style of the frairs, 1VG Ms.29, fls.540-630.
eIMPTER1111
THE
DECLINE
OF THE
MISSION
(1700-1766)
 0111PTI-11 VII

THE DECLINE OF THE MISSION (1700-1766)

The Franciscans founded a mission in Goa with the help

of the converts, gaoncars and the State. The legislations that

were enacted by the Portuguese forced the native gentios to

emigrate from the terra formes. The converts themselves reacted
against the zealous frairs but such reactions were pacified by the
secular arm. However, this policy of repression did not continue
for long because the former soon allied with the secular clergy to
expel the frairs from the Parishes in Bardez.

INCOME AND EXPENDITURE: The frairs constructed several

Parish Churches in Bardez and erected two Provinces in Goa. In

1702, Dom Caetano de Melo took over the administration of the
Estado. At that time, the Portuguese , forced a deficit of five
hundred and seventy five xs and nine hundred and fourteen re-is.
He called a meeting of the Conselho do Estado and decided to
impose dizimos that amounted to five percent in Goa, Bardez and
Salcete. However, the religious were against this and several
religious including the Chief Commissioner of the Franciscans,
Frei Lucas dos Remedios and the Capuchin Provincial, Frei Jose
Santa Maria made a representation to the King. The King
immediately cancelled the dizimos. The Council now decided to
procure income from the taxes on copra, sale of properties and a
 887

capitation tax that was imposed on the Hindus. In this manner,

the State tried to reduce the burden on the local people.'

It must be noted that Bardez was under the spiritual care

of the Franciscans but the Estado had to meet the expenses of

some Churches like that of Reis Magos. The Royal Declarations

of 1704 and 1707, instructed the Public Exchequer to contribute —

towards the upkeep of this Church and to give the frairs five

hundred xs that were to be spent on the hospitality of the

Viceroys who lived there after they came from the Metropolis.

However, this was not the case with the other Churches, which

were maintained by the parishioners. The surplus was used to

maintain the Frairies. When the cloister of the Frairy in Goa was

ruined, it was rebuilt with the alms that were collected from the

parishioners of Bardez and the North. The Parish Church of St.

Alex, Calangute was reconstructed at the cost of the gaoncars.

The Parish Church of Revora that was burnt down during the

invasion of Ghema Saunto was rebuilt by the gaoncars. The frairs

fulfilled their responsibility of being the caretakers of the

Churches in Bardez. The Rector of Uccassaim tried to economise

the expenditure on the Church by carrying the timber to the

construction site personally. When the parishioners noticed this,

they helped him and this saved a lot of money. Similarly, the

Rector of the Church of Colvale, Frei Damiao de Sao Jose

supervised the construction of the vaulted Church.2

 388

The local converts, especially the gaoncars held regular

meetings and passed resolutions on such matters. The Church

and the State depended on the Communidade and forced it to

pass resolutions regarding the expenses that were to be incurred

on the Church repairs. The King was against such unanimous

decisions because they were unfair to the people. In a letter of

31st March 1707, the King stated that no nemo should be passed

regarding the village Churches without the permission of the

Viceroys. Some of the Communidades were against this because

they felt that it was their duty to finance the local Churches. In

1713, the Rector of St. Michael, Anjuna decided to construct a

larger Church and its expenses were borne by the gaoncars.

Similarly, the villagers met the expenses of the Church of

Colvale. 3

The benefactors had made several donations to the frairs

but these needed a Royal confirmation. In Alvara of 18th March

1709, the King confirmed that the Hospice of Madre de Deus,

Pomburpa had an annual income of two hundred and fifty xs and

another thirty xs that were procured from the assets that were

donated by Louisa da Madre de Deus and Antonio Roiz

Burralhao respectively. The Madre de Deus frairs failed to

harness such resources. Hence, they had to depend on the alms

from the faithful. In a report of 16th November 1713, it was clear

that fifteen frairs who lived in the Convent of Cabo and thirty two

frairs who lived in the Frairy at Daugim sustained on the alms of

 389

the faithful. The latter depended on the yields of their properties

that amounted to three hundred and sixteen xs quit rents that

were worth one hundred xs and Royal grants that amounted to

thirty xs. This indicated that the King did not altogether shun off

the Padroado obligation. In fact, the King found it difficult to send

the missionaries to Goa. Hence, he spent liberally on the

Novitiates and Orphanages that were the training centers for the

missionaries who were recruited in Goa. This was clear from a

report of 1713, in which Frei Sao Ignes stated that the King

sanctioned seventy and a half tangas per annum for the

maintenance of the frairs, eighty eight xs for the parish priests

per quartel, two hundred and fifty xs for the maintenance of the

orphans and collegians and two hundred and thirteen xs per

annum for the oil that was needed for lighting the lamp near the

Blessed Sacrament. This was not the case with the other

Parishes. In Bardez, for instance, two Parishes were sustained

with mass stipends while the Church of Penha da Franca was

sustained by a benefactress who lefts assets that yielded thirty

eight xs per quartel.4

The Parish Churches that were located in the periphery of

the Bardez Province were often attacked by the invaders. In such

cases, the frairs attempted to reimburse the damages from the

enemy. Babu Desai (Fondu Saunto Bounsulo), Sardesai of

Cuddale promised to pay ten thousand xs to rebuilt the Church

of Revora.5
 Not all the Parishes in Bardez were similar in area or in the

number of converts. But, the frairs ensured that the services

were conducted in all the Churches. In a letter of 18th December

1718, the Provincial stated that the sacraments were

administered in all the Parishes in Bardez. However, only eleven

Churches received a quartel from the Royal Treasury. The

remaining either maintained themselves or were filial to the other

Churches. Many Parish Churches were built and maintained by

the local communities but the King bore the responsibility of the

priests. A Camara Ecclesiastica was appointed to deal with the

problems that were faced by the missionaries in this Province.

The Portuguese were not in a position to pay the frairs regularly.

In 1713, the Frairy of St. Francis did not receive any Royal grants

and the frairs who lived there depended on alms, mass

allowances and donations. The College of Sao Boaventura was

entitled to a Royal grant of one thousand xs per annum. This

was to be used for the food, dress and other necessities of the

inmates. The Observants received Royal assistance mainly

because they helped the King to defend Bardez. The King did not

always support the retiros because they were not actively

involved in the mission. Hence, they had to depend on the othe'r

sources of income. The twenty inmates in the Guardianate in

Cabo depended on the alms that were given by the seafarers who

disembarked on the port or by the locals who lived in the vicinity.

The Recollect Houses in Goa sent a part of their proceeds to their

 391

mission stations in the neighbouring areas. The mission in

Sumatra, for instance, was entitled to six hundred and ninety

nine xs from the amount that was allotted to the Madre de Deus

Frairy, Daugim. The grants never remained the same. In 1720,

. the College of Reis Magos received one thousand, four hundred

and sixty three xs but for the next few years, it did not receive

any grants and the Guardian had to depend on the alms for its

upkeep. The Parish Churches were maintained by the gaoncars.

They also helped the frairs to enlarge and reconstruct several

Churches like Sao Jeronimo, Mapusa and Sao Baptista, Pilerne.

The gaoncars generally acceded to the appeals of the fairs

because their position depended on the latter. Frei Carlos dos

Remedios succeeded getting the money to remodel the Church in

Pilerne. 6

The gaoncars were not allowed to sanction the money at

their own discretion. In a letter of 2nd September 1719, there was

a reference to the procedure that had to be followed by the

gaoncars to sanction money to the frairs. It was observed that the

parish priests used to request the influential gaoncars of the

Communidade to sanction money for their religious projects. The

appeal was discussed by the gaoncars at a meeting and they

sanctioned the grant. The other gaoncars were against this. They

insisted that the appeal had to be discussed and forwarded to the

Chief Tanador who was authorised to check the appeal and to

examine the capacity of the Comrnunidade to meet such

 802

expenses. If the appeal was genuine, he passed it and sent it to

the Communidade. The latter then passed a nemo in favour of_

the grant and the grant was handed over to the frairs. As the

Parishes in Bardez were generally poor, it was difficult for the

frairs to maintain the former glory of the Churches with the alms

that were collected from the inhabitants of Bardez. The

Archbishop, Dom Vincente da Fonseca noticed this and

complained to the King that the Churches in Bardez were very

poor. He requested him to provide alms to the fabrica. To avoid

any misappropriations, the King sent the money through the

Factors. However, this was not the case with all the Parishes.

The frairs made a distinction between the Small and Big

Parishes. The Parishes that were located in the main villages

were inhabited by a large number of converts. These were richer

as compared to those that were located in the remote areas or

those, which were inhabited by the enemies of the Cross. It must

be noted that the Communidades generally consisted of the

converts who played an important role in the maintenance of the

cult. The frairs tried to get the cooperation of the gaoncars by

allowing them to become the members of the Confrarias. The

members of the first and fourth vangor of the Communidade of

Mapusa constituted the Confraria of the Holy Souls. However,

some Confrarias like that of Santissimo Sacramento had

Portuguese members. The frairs tried the best to appease the

local inhabitants. In 1719, Frei Francisco de Madre de Deus

 393

tried to please the gaoncars of Mapusa by placing an image of

Our Lady of Miracles on the collateral alters of the right side of

the Church. The people of the aldeias of Cunchelim, Corlim and

Mapusa were allowed to join the Confraria. The Confrarias had to

look after the assets of the Church. In the Tombo de Legados e

Pensoes, it was clearly stated that the Churches in Serula, Reis

Magos, Penha da Franca, Calangute, Pomburpa, Parra, Moira

and Nerul had legacies that were administered by the

Confrarias. 7 The frairs entrusted their assets to the latter because

their Rules did not permit them to own wealth.

The frairs and the gaoncars generally collaborated with

each other. The Fifth Clause of the Vice Commissary stated that

the chest of the Communidades that consisted of cash receipts,

account books, registers of the nemos, registers of the payments

etc. had to be kept in the custody of the Vicar of the respective

Parish Churches. The chest had four keys that were kept with

the Vicar, gaoncar, tax collector and scribe respectively. All the

four had to be present to open the box. Similarly, the Twenty

Ninth Clause stated that the cash box of the General Assembly of

the Communidades of the Islands of Goa had three keys that were

kept in the custody of the Superior of Our Lady of Pilar. This

indicated the confidence that the local people had in the frairs.

The Confrarias of the Frairies and retiros had resources that were

lent out to the Estado in times of emergencies. The Confraria of

Nossa Senhora da Conceicao, Pilar had a rich patrimony that was

 304

given to the Estado in times of need. In a letter of 7th November

1740, the Viceroy stated that the Mesa da Confraria lent a huge

amount of money to the Estado at a high rate of interest. The

converts and gaoncars helped the Portuguese to collect the

revenue from the estates, varzeas and palmars that they had

been donated to them. They entrusted this task to them because

the former was familiar with the land and people. On 10th

December 1741, the Municipal Corporation of Bardez complained

to the King that the Hindus harassed the locals while collecting

the land revenue and requested him to entrust this work to the

Christians. This happened because most of lands were owned by

the converts who were despised by the gentios. However, the

Viceroy, Marquez do Louro did not want to alienate or instigate

the local power groups at a time when Goa was threatened by a

number of invaders. He did not dismiss the Hindu officers

because he needed their help to defend the areas that lay beyond

Bardez. The Municipal Corporation and the Christians were

disappointed and did not attend the auction. 8

The maintenance of the Church and Church building

activities required a lot of money. Between 1744 and 1750,

twenty seven thousand, eight hundred and fifty xs were spent on

the Churches in Bardez. Of this, four thousand xs were given

from the Royal Treasury and the rest was provided by the

Communidades of Bardez, Salcete and the Islands of Goa. Apart

from this, individual donors provided alms for the mission. On Pt

 885

February 1737, Manuel de Brito and Joseph de Brito of

Nachinola donated a palmar called Malbachabhatta to the

Church in memory of their grandfather Manuel de Brito. The

Fraries and Churches in Bardez inherited several assets and

properties. The Frairy of St. Francis had five shops in Pelovinho

that yielded fifty xs. It also had a plot where a baker lived, a

palmar named Modaxachem Baga in Arpora, a palmar that was

contiguous to the College of Sao Boaventura, a palmar and

cashew plantations in Valverde, two marinhas in Nerul and one

cajual in Guirim. The Catechumenate of Betim had properties in

Oxel. 9

The Communidades and Confrarias had entrusted their

wealth to the frairs but their relations with them were not always

cordial. In the Pastoral of 18 November 1728, the Archbishop

stated that the frairs made the House of God seem like a

dungeon because of the lacerny, vengeance and sacrilege that

took place there. The frairs insisted on administering the assets

of the Confrarias. There was a case wherein the Archbishop

permitted the confrades of Nagoa to transfer their money and__

silver to the Irmandade. The frairs retalliated against this and

complained that the confrades broke into the Parochial House

where the silver was kept. They also requested the Ouvidor Geral

do Crime to investigate into this fraud. In his letter of 15th

January 1724, Frei Clemente de Santa Eyria provided some

 3E6

details regarding the assets and receipts of Churches in Bardez.

From this, it was clear that most of the Parish Churches in

Bardez were sustained by the quartets from the King and on the

donations that were entrusted to the confrarias and fabricas. The

latter is evident from the following table:

Parishes Quartets for the Private Purpose of Proceeds of

Parish priests donations expenditure the Fabrica

Nossa Senhora da 38 xs per A palmar from a To the confrades of 450 xs

Penha da Franca quartel = 152 xs devotee of Our Nossa Senhora for the
per annum. Lady. sustenance and dress of
the orphans for masses
and for the fabrica.

Madre de Deus, 152 xs per The proceeds of a To be divided into three 150 xs
Pomburpa. annum plus 2 xs. palmar donated parts namely the masses
by a Tertiary. for her soul, for the
widows and orphans
and for the fabrica.

Senhor Salvador do 152 xs to be paid The family of the To be paid to those

Mundo, Serula. in four quartels. deceased adults officiating the Church.
Sao Thome, Aldona. who were interred These included the
in the body of the parish priest, sacristan,
0 Senhor Jesus, Church paid six
Nachinola, Nossa merinho lingoa who
tangas, while taught the doctrine and
Senhora da those buried near
Conceicao, Moira. cathechism to the
the cross paid minors every day in the
Sao Heronimo, twelve tangas and week and to all the
Mapusa. the children Christians in the Parish
buried in those in the local language on
Sao Christovao, places paid half
Tivim. Sundays and holy days
the amount to the before mass.
Nossa Senhora da fabrica. The
Vitoria, Houses received _ _ _ ___
batte as alms
from the
as chagas de Silo parishioners.
Francisco,
Callovale,
Nossa Senhora do
Mar, Ossel.
Santo Antonio,
Sinclim. The batte that was
given by the
Sao Miguel,
parishioners was used
Anjuna.
to sustain the priests for
Santa Izabel, Rainha six months
de Portugal,
Ucassaim.
Sao Diog, Querjim.
A Santissima
Trindade, Nagoa.
Santo Alexio,
Calangute.
Nossa Senhora da
 897

Esperanca,
Candolim.
Nossa Senhora dos
Remedios, Nellur.
Sao Joao Bautista, These parishes
Pilleme. did not receive
Nossa Senhora do the royal quartet
Soccoro, second pprovided by the
Parish in Serula King

Parishes Quartets for the Private Purpose of Proceeds of

Parish priests donations expenditure the Fabrica
.

Sao Lourenco de Since the Rector The Conde

Linhares was also the Linhares
chaplain of the provided for him.
fortress of
Agoada, he
received the
quartet of the
parish priest and
of the Chaplain
that was equal to
9 xs.
Ermida of Monte the Pai dos For the upkeep and
Guirim. Christaos was maintenance of the
paid hundred xs priest and the Ermida.
per annum for
his maintenance
Ermida of Nossa A palmgrove was given
Senhora da to him. This yielded
Valverde. 200 xs per annum.

Till 1724, the Observants had three convents, five Colleges,

two Seminaries and forty eight Parishes in Goa and in the North

and four Ermidas and fifteen missions in the South. The Order

consisted of one hundred and sixty religious and the King spent

nearly sixteen thousand, three hundred pardaos on them. This

money spent on the sustenance of those who were in charge of

the Parish Churches, for the maintenance of the Churches and

for social work. The confrarias had their own source of income.

On 23rd October 1753, the Confrades of Nerul received half a

varzea in Talpotem from Antonio Coutinho de Souza.m

 388

In the second half of the eighteenth century, the

Archbishop, Frei Ignacio de Santa Thereza became the Governor

of Goa. He inquired the assets and records of the Parishes. He

took away all the registers and records from the Churches in

Bardez in order to verify their income and expenditure. He also

took away the records of the Confraria de Penha da Franca

because he wanted to ascertain if it was a Parish Church. The

King continued to provide for the religious Houses. In February

1762, the St, Francis Frairy received grants that were worth three

hundred and seventy two xs. In February 1763, it was allotted

one hundred and thirty five xs. The King allotted five hundred xs

to the frairs to enable them to baptize, dress and to sustain the

converts. In 1765, the College of Sao Boaventura received one

thousand xs per annum from the Public Treasury. The Hospices

of Valverde, Reis Magos and Monte Guirim also received

provisions from the King. The Archbishop and Viceroy confirmed

the private donations that were bequeathed to the Order. In his

letter of 18th January 1750, the Viceroy confirmed the donation

that was made to the Parish and College of Pomburpa by Louisa

da Madre de Deus. This property yielded one thousand, four

hundred pardaos per annum. Since, the College did not

function, the proceeds were used for the catechumenate, fabrica

of Chapel, Church, Rector and for the maintenance of the groves.

In 1763, the Frairy of St. Francis, Goa had several proceeds that

are summarized in the following table:

 380

Source Tenants Span of Payments Amount

Palmer of Merces Francisco Estrada One quartel of three months 425:0:00
and Francisco
Martins
Pa!mar of Trende Chondru Xette One quartel of three months 200:0:00
Pa!mar Gusmao de Sousa One quartel of three months 234:0:00
Palmar of Santa Cruz Francisco Martins One quartel of three months 156:0:00
and Cujira
Palmer of Panelim Administrato One quartel of three months 112:2:00
Palmer of Goa Velha Tenants One quartel of three months 062:2:00
4 portions of Arracks Lourenco Femandes Four quartais of three months 045:0:00
Palmar of Phalesgas Phelipe Dias da Cruz One quartel of three months 030:1:00
Palmar of Uttorda Diogo da Costa One quartets 026:2:00
Palmer of Orlim Tenant One quartel of grains 024:0:00
Convent of Santa 5000 xs
Monica
Convent of St. Agustine produce 050:0:00 xs
Total 13612:4:61

Similar details are available for the College of Reis Magos.

The authorities were not sure whether the Houses that were

founded by the private donors were legally entitled to a Royal

grant. The frairs argued that the King was responsible for their

maintenance because they were responsible to the State. In the

second half of the eighteenth century, the State asserted its

responsibility over the mission. In the Decree of 1756, the King

instructed the frairs not to lend the tapestries, silver and

ornaments of the College, Rectory and Hospice of Valverde. All

the frairs were entitled to a fixed amount depending upon the

nature of their duties. In 1756, the deacons and subdeacons

were paid two tangas. They were paid half a xerafin far —

performing the services, one xerafin to sing the vespers and two

tangas to read the scriptures. He had two assistants who were

 460

paid half a xerafin each. In addition to this, the frairs received

gifts and stipends from the parishioners. There was a reference

to Jozepha de Braganza, a widow of Lourenco de Sa e Souza of

Chorao who paid Frei Valentim de Souza twenty two xs to say

thirty seven masses in memory of her husband at the College of

Sao Boaventura. On 21st March 1749, Frei Pascoal Gomes de

Lima of Siolim was given a palmar and varzea called

Barazanachem Batto to say one hundred and twenty five masses.

Caitano Lobrato Gameiro de Faria paid one hundred and eighty

xs for two years as an interest for the money that was paid to

recite three hundred masses."

In 1766, the frairs had to surrender nineteen Parishes to

the secular clergy. The fabricas and confrarias of these Parishes

possessed the inheritances that were entrusted to them by the

faithful. In 1766, Manoel de Assumpcao prepared five books on

the possessions of the frairs in Bardez and Ilhas. For the sake of __

convenience these are presented in a Table:

Parish Contra,'la Donor Nature of Purpose of Date

donation the yields
Sra do Nossa Senhora D. Duarte de An estate in For masses rh
Soccoro, do Soccoro Souza Calangute that for his September
Serula yielded 27 xs intension 1730. It was
renewed in
1755
Reis Magos Santos Reis The An allowance For fifteen 21 st May
Magos deceased masses to be 1729
whose said in their
names were intension for
not known one year
Penha da Sra Penha da Antonio da By verbal Not specified 13" October
Franca Franga Silva Tavora testament he left 1728
3000 xs
 461

Calangute Sao Sebastido Esperanca By a verbal The interest 11 th

de Souza testament she left was to be December
500 xs used to say a 1745
mass and
give alms
worth 2
tangas in her
parents
intension

Pomburpa Madre de Deus Luiza de By an oral The produce 5th July 1730
Madre de testament, she was
Deus donated an apportioned
arecanut grove. into four
parts, one the
masses for
her soul and
her mothers
soul, for the
fabrica and
for the poor.

Pilerne Senhora da Padre By an oral It was to be 16th May

Piedade and Lourenco testimony he used to say 1763
Almas Santas Souza donated one-sixth masses for
part of the big his intension
area called
Somoleacho agor.
Parra Confraria de Some a certain donation It was to be 19th May
Boa Morte parishioners used to say 1729
of the of eighteen
Santa Anna masses a
year for their
soul
Moira Confraria of Sra Pe. Miguel de The gains worth a To be used to 31 st March
da Conceicao Noronha of hundred xs. say twelve 1729
the Parish of masses a
Moira Sao year
Lourenco
by an oral
testimony he gave To say twelve
Confraria of Sra Francisco de masses a
proceeds worth
da Conceicao Souza year 18th March
2 0 0 xs. proceeds
worth 100 xs. 1736

For six
Some Confraria masses for
his soul to be
Joao de said every
Souza year 18th April
1736
Nerul Confraria of Isabel By an oral for masses 14th October
Nossa Sra dos Espinosa testimony a plot of for her soul 1739
Remedios land was donated

All these were certified and signed by the Royal Judge, Court of

Goa, Ouvidor Geral and the Ouvidor of the City. From the above,

it was clear that individual donors donated plots of land or cash

 442

to the Confrarias. These donations were managed by the

Confracles who kept an account of the donations and the use to

which they were put. These accounts were maintained till 1766,

when they had to be handed over to the State. 12

The financial matters of the Parishes were handled by the

parish priests. However, the latter were directly dependent on

the local Portuguese authorities for their sustenance. This was

not the case with maintenance grants, which were provided by

the gaoncars. The other Religious Houses were dependent on the -

State.

THE SPREAD OF THE MISSION IN THE VELHAS

CONQUISTAS: The frairs tried spread the mission outside Bardez

because they were interested in creating a protective ring of

supporters there. This mission was not safe. Frei Domingos de

Sao Bernardino who went to preach in the mainland met with

rebuffs because they had ventured beyond the Padroado land.

But the frairs ventured there, as they were keen to ensure the

security of Bardez. The Portuguese were afraid that the

inhabitants of the villages that were located around Bardez would

ally with the local invaders. It must be noted that many of these

villages were recently incorporated into the Estado and most of

the local rulers were against the Portuguese. The Portuguese had

issued several Orders that prohibited the people of Bardez from

going outside the Portuguese enclaves. On 25th October 1726,

 463

the Viceroy stopped the Hindus from going beyond the borders

of Bardez to celebrate the thread ceremony. Instead, the gentios

who lived there were allowed to invite the bottos to Bardez for five

days with prior permission of the authorities. The ceremony had

to be performed behind closed doors at Cuncolim, Corjuem and

Cumbarjua respectively. This was done to appease the Hindus

so that they did not ally with the enemies. The above mentioned

areas were located at strategic points and formed borders with

the enemy territories. In 1746, the Portuguese captured Tiracol

and Bicholim. The frairs worked in Bardez moved towards the

extreme North of Goa and helped the Portuguese to consolidate

their position there. This was evident from the letter in which

Frei Baltasar de Sao Antonio informed the Viceroy, Conde de

Alvar that five frairs worked in Reddi (Rary), Tiracol and Neulli

and Champim and Piro in North and South Goa respectively. The

North Eastern part of Bardez was a dangerous mission because it

was threatened by the Bhonsles who had ceded Sakheli and

Bicholi to the Portuguese. The former soon broke the Treaty of

Cessation and raided the villages like Siolim and Tivim. They

decided to invade Mapusa and overrun Bardez. However, the

Portuguese unearthed the plan and Bardez was saved. The frairs

served as Chaplains to the garrisons that were stationed there.

In 1759, three frairs lived in the pracas of Pary, Tiracol and

Neulty and two served as Vicars in Piro and Champi. In 1755,

one frair administered the sacraments to the garrisons that were

stationed in Tiracol and converted some people who lived in the

land that was contiguous to the fort. The State supported them

because the newly acquired pragas had been temporarily ceded

to the Portuguese and the frairs were very loyal to the Crown. In

1757, only one frair was stationed there because by then, the

State was no longer dependent on the missionaries. In the

meanwhile, the frairs consolidated the Portuguese possessions

there and built an Ermida and a Hospice in the Fort of Chapora.

This was intended to provide shelter to the Portuguese who were

sent there. In a report of 23r d January 1760, the Provincial, Frei

Manoel Eusebio dos Martyres stated that Tiracol, Piro and

Champi were new Franciscan missions in the Novas Conquistas.

However, the frairs who worked there were not given many

facilities because these areas were beyond the jurisdiction of the

Padroado.

Apart from serving the garrisons, the frairs converted the

people and founded Parishes there. In a letter of 4th December

1760, Frei Joao de Madre de Deus wrote to the Viceroy that

three frairs worked as parish priests in the Chapels that was

built around the forts of Piro, Champi and Tiracol where they

had converted some people. They baptised twelve infidels and

converted a few others in the garrison towns. In another letter,

the Provincial referred to three frairs who worked as parish

priests in the Novas Conquistas and converted twenty to twenty

four people every year. They continued to work there till 1763.
By then, the frairs had lost the confidence of the State authorities

because the former was more interested in solving their problems

with the seculars. 13

By 1763, the Portuguese acquired Ponda, Cabo da Rama

and Zambaulim. The frairs diverted their attention to those ____

areas. They made the area safe for the Portuguese and built a
Parish Church for the parishioners of Ponda and Zambaulim. It

was dedicated to St. Anns and it was the only one there. The

frairs said masses and administered the sacraments to the

Christians that lived there. St. Anthony was declared as the

Patron Saint of the Parish of Chapora because this area was

brought under the Portuguese on the first Sunday of his trezena.

In Ponda, the frairs raised a Parish and built a Chapel that was

dedicated to St. Joseph on 15th April 1764. The Provincial of Sao

Thome and the Viceroy attended the first mass there. This

Parish had one thousand, one hundred and twenty souls. Two

thousand, seven hundred and six converts lived in Zambaulim.

This indicated that the frairs converted the inhabitants of these

areas and stabilized the State control over the newly acquired

areas. They worked in the dominions that were hitherto under

the Bonsulo and rulers of Sunda and served as Chaplains to the

garrisons that were stationed in Cabo da Rama, Bicholim,

Sanquelim, Piro and Champim. In January 1764, Frei Antonio

de Nossa Senhora worked in Assnora.14

 466

From the above, it is clear that the frairs played an

important role in spreading the mission into Novas Conqustas

that were geographically contiguous to their mission zone. The

King supported this mission because he relied on the Portuguese

frairs to consolidate his control over the newly acquired

Provinces.

THE RELATIONS WITH THE STATE: The missionaries

maintained cordial relations with the secular authorities. The

King was the Supreme Prelate who used to communicate to the

religious through the Viceroy.

The College of Reis Magos served as a residence for the

Viceroys who arrived from Portugal to take charge of their office.

The latter was authorised to appoint the Religious Superiors in

times of emergencies. In a letter of 10th December 1701, the

Viceroy requested the King to permit Frei Estevao de Jesus to

occupy the post of the Commissary General who had expired. The

religious helped the State authorities to take certain decisions.

The Provincials attended the meetings of the Conselho do Estado.

The frairs were deputed to serve the people in the Portuguese

colonies outside Goa. Frei Joao de Assuncao was sent to Bahia to

teach the people the art of cultivating pepper and cinnamon for

which he was paid four hundred reis. Two frairs administered the

sacraments to the poor Christians in Malacca and Sia.o. In his

letter of 30th December 1720, the Provincial requested the Viceroy

to send the religious from the Frairy of St. Francis, Goa to

substitute them. However, the Viceroy refused to do so. Instead,

he consulted the Junta das Missoes, sent four frairs from the

other Houses, and placed them under the Junta. As such, the

State tried to control the Religious Orders by placing the frairs

under its direct control. The Mendicants could not even elect

their Superiors because the Viceroy had usurped this right.

Similarly, the religious had to be present when a new Viceroy was

appointed. In a letter of 13th July 1723, the Provincials of the

Agustinians, Jesuits, Franciscans and Capuchos, the

Commissary General of Sao Joao de Deos, the representatives of

the Congregation and the Chancellor of the Estado were

instructed to be present in the Professed House at midnight to

open the Letters of Succession. 15

In the first quarter of the eighteenth century, clashes took

place between the secular authorities and the religious in Bardez.

The inhabitants complained against two Franciscan Rectors, Frei —

Pedro de Santa Maria and Frei Mathias de San Antonio. Both

were accused of living a scandalous life. In a letter of 9 March

1717, the Counsellor of the Overseas Council requested the King

to instruct the Provincial to cooperate with the authorities and to

improve the state of affairs in the Frairies. The King did the

needful, for in a letter of 16th January 1718, the Viceroy stated

that the latter had helped him to serve God. The authorities

often requested the frairs to live an exemplary life and to convert

 408

the infidels. The Archbishop, Dom Ignacio de Santa Teresa also

helped the local people to send their appeals to the Overseas

Council because he was against the frairs. 16

The frairs who worked as Chaplains in the newly acquired

territories got involved in non religious matters and helped the

political and military personnel when they were in trouble. In a

letter of 9th May 1741, there was a reference to the Capitao who

had been implicated in a military revolt and imprisoned in

Aguada. The frairs who were in charge of the garrisons in the

fort heard that he was behind bars and decided to help him to _

escape. At midnight, they released him and helped him to cross

the River with a girdle of empty coconuts (vanzanms). They sent

him to their Hospice at Valverde from where, he embarked on a

British ship and left for Bombay. When the Viceroy heard this,

he complained to the King and requested him to act against the

frairs because it was a non religious matter. The King supported

the frairs primarily because he needed their help. Frei

Bernardino de Santa Maria, for instance, reported on the

.

Sumatra mission. The frairs also served the King in different

mission stations. Two missionaries from the Madre de Deus

Province, Goa, worked in Siam and Achem. However, in Goa, the

relations between the State and the frairs were not cordial and

there was cases wherein the authorities had to take the help of

the secular authorities to solve these problems. On 15th April

1736, the Viceroy stated that the Ouvidor Geral do Crime had
complained about Frei Jeronimo de Belem, who nominated Frei

Lourenco de Santa Anna as the Vicar Provincial. His

predecessor, Frei Domingos de Sao Bernardino had been

imprisoned for disobeying his Superiors. The frairs were not --

happy with Frei Lourenco and the situation became so bad that

Frei Jeronimo had to approach the General Prosecutor. The

latter went to the Friary with the musketeers but he found all the

doors shut. The frairs, who were inside stood on the window of

the dormitory with some firearms, shouted out in an indecent

language and rang the alarm as if they were attacked. The

Prosecutor took the permission of the Judge and broke open the

doors. But, by that time, those who were in the Frairy fled to the

Patriarchal Palace. When the complaint reached the King, he

issued a Royal Order and instructed the authorities to expel the

leaders of the revolt from Goa. The Overseas Council also

insisted on the arrest of those who were accused. On 12th

January 1737, the Viceroy reported that Frei Antonio da

Encarnacao and Frei Francisco do Espirito Santo were

exterminated but the others were not exiled. The Councillor,

Bernardo Felix da Silva and the Procurador Geral of the

Observants wanted all of them to be exiled. The King immediately

sent a Royal Order but the Viceroy suspended it because he had

to deal with the Maratha invasions. It must be noted that Bardez

was susceptible to these invasions and the frairs helped the State

to defend this Province. The other authorities did not understand

 413

this and forced the King to hold a meeting with the Tribunal da

Mesa de Consciencia. On 13th April 1739, the Mesa passed a

resolution that the parish priests of Bardez should be given the

right decide about the Order. In course of time, the Mesa also

realized that the frairs were the bulwarks to the State. Therefore,

they decided to cancel the Order and instead of this, they decided

to impose a control on the parish priests. The Portuguese decreed

that no frair should be recruited as a parish priest till he had

completed forty years of age. This was because, the authorities

knew that they could rely on the older frairs. Moreover, the frairs

who were recently admitted into the Order were not happy with

the State. There was a reference to thirty three religious who

were incharge of twenty four Parishes in Bardez. The State tried

its best to control the parish priests of Bardez. When they

realized that they could not control the older frairs either, they

decided to recruit new parish priests. Hence, the King instructed

the authorities to remove the frairs who were ignorant of the local

language so that he could appoint new frairs and keep them

under his direct control. The older frairs resisted this attempt. In__

the meanwhile, the Court in Lisbon passed an Order that

authorised the Archbishop to expel the frairs who had been

implicated in the revolt of 1736. This had an effect of a spark

that burst and burnt the frairs. The frairs begged the Archbishop

to revoke the Order but the Viceroy could not do this on his own.

He referred the matter to Junta da Relacao that was headed by

 411.

his friend. But, the King warned him to be just and cautious and

the Archbishop realized that he had to expel the frairs. Finally,

the Commissary General of the Sao Thome Province agreed to

accept the new Order. The latter was instructed to read and

examine it at the Chapter. The frairs were divided into two

factions and the Superiors were aware that protests were bound

to occur. To avoid this, the Archbishop issued a monitoria

entitled Sanctum Sedem that empowered the Provincial and the

Definitor of the Order to excommunicate the frairs who

disobeyed him. The Archbishop also issued another Monitoria by

which he instructed the parish priests in Bardez to obey the

Archbishop. The frairs were perplexed because they knew that

the Pontificial Bulls had empowered the Commissary General to—

take all the decisions that were related to the Order. The

Archbishop anticipated trouble and requested the Viceroy to

instruct the Provincial and the King to control the situation. The

Viceroy did this but, the Provincial was unable to control the

frairs . In a letter of 31st January 1754, the Provincial invited

the secular authorities to deal with the problems that took place

during his tenure.'?

While the relations between the frairs and the Archbishop

were not cordial, it was paradoxical that they maintained good

relations with the Home Government. The latter entrusted

confidential matters to them. In a letter of 30th June 1756, the

Guardian of St. Francis, Goa, stated that he was authorised to

 412

open the Letters of Succession that were kept in the Treasury.

The frairs were deputed to different parts of the Seaborne

Empire to settle political disputes on behalf of the Portuguese

Crown. Frei Gaspar Baptista went to Achin and Surat to settle

the problems between the Portuguese and the Mogul officers. The

State supported the frairs provided they were efficient. On 21st—

November 1745, the Archbishop, Lourenco de Santa Maria issued

a Pastoral by which he instructed the Superiors to appoint

efficient parish priests. It was assumed that the frairs were

disobedient because the former had been lenient while

appointing the frairs.. A number of soldiers had left the military

and joined the Frairies. The Superiors had admitted them to

make up for the shortage of priests for the mission. This was

evident from a letter of 24th November 1754, in which the

Provincial wrote to the Viceroy that the mission in Goa was

deserted. The Frairy of Espirito Santo (St. Francis) had a House

where eighty frairs, trainees and novices were trained for the

mission in Goa and abroad. By 22 nd January 1760, the number

declined further and the Superiors were unable to send frairs to

Manipur and Mandore. The Viceroy was also helpless in this

regard. 18

The frairs were the official hosts to the Viceroys who were

sent to Goa. The Chief Inspector, Catalani stated that Francisco

de Tavora stayed at the College of Reis Magos when came to Goa

in 1750. The Councillors of the City of Goa were summoned and

 413

he was sworn in as the Viceroy there. The Portuguese instructed

the frairs to make the necessary preparations to accommodate

them. On 7th August 1761, Conde de Ega requested the

Provincial to clean and white wash the room of the Viceroy in the

College as the latter was expected shortly. They frairs helped

the Portuguese and served as Magistrates, Professors in Theology

and Philosophy, teachers in the Colleges, Rectors of the Parishes

and Definitors. The frairs defended the privileges that were

bestowed on them even at the cost of insulting the other

religious. But, by then the seculars were empowered and many

of them even went to Court against the frairs. 19

INTRA GROUP PROBLEMS: The frairs did not constitute a

homogenous group because the secular authorities had admitted

casticos, novices and clerics to solve the problem of the shortage

of manpower. These frairs did neither had experience nor

maturity . The old frairs who had formerly held important offices

could not adjust them. The local converts who studied at the

Colleges of Reis Magos and Sao Boaventura aspired to enter the

Order. But, the Portuguese frairs were strongly against this.

This resulted in serious conflicts between the Portuguese frairs

and Indian clerics.

The King wanted to assert his control over the Religious

Orders and insisted upon the Placet Regium. The Viceroys were

authorised to attend the Chapters. The latter intervened in the

 414

elections and supported the frairs whom they preferred. The

Papal Briefs and Royal Instructions were disregarded. The

Chapters often failed and the Superiors were forced to appoint

two Provincials and two Definitors to control the anarchy. After

this, the frairs made groups and opposed each other. There was a

reference to an ambitious Capucho of the Madre de Deus

Province who claimed to be an Observant. He decided to pacify

the disturbances in the Province and obtained two Decrees from

the General of the Order and the Apostolic See respectively.

According to these, he was authorized to send a delegate to

Rome and to request the Superiors to take charge of the

disturbances in the Province. The latter gave him the absolute

power to control the disturbances. He was even empowered to

nominate the parish priests as per the norms of the Order. This

restricted the power of the Provincials who tried to promote their

own interests by appointing unworthy frairs as parish priests.

The frairs were generally divided into two factions. The dominant

faction that supported the Superior who was in power and the—

other that opposed him. Both the groups were equally ambitious

and lacked the Seraphic spirit of the Patriarch. The Cardinal

Nuncio of Lisbon issued several Briefs to control the factional

conflicts. But, as soon as they were implemented the opposition

party questioned the validity of the Briefs and most of them had

to be withdrawn as they were not approved by the Portuguese. In

 415

such cases, the Provincial and the Superiors in Rome accused

the frairs of living scandalous life and of disobeying God. 20

THE INTERNAL INVASIONS: The Province of Bardez was under

the exclusive control of the Observants since the second half of

the sixteenth century. Bardez, was bound by the aldeias dos

inimigos to the North, North East and South East respectively.

As such, it was most susceptible to invasions.

In 1627, the Bonsles declared their independence from the

Sultan of Bijapur and established their capital at Sawantwadi.

They ruled over a strategic area in the Konkan and often clashed

with the Portuguese who were then expanding towards the North.

In 1705, Quema Saunto Bonsulo II entered Goa and occupied the

fort of Amona. The Portuguese defeated him and seized two forts

from him. Three frairs accompanied the garrison that was sent

against him. The Bonsulo retaliated and attacked the Province of

Bardez from the North. In the course of this invasion, the Rectory

of Revora was set on fire. But, it was soon rebuilt by Frei

Francisco de Madre de Deus and Frei Domingos de Sao

Bernardino. 21

The Portuguese were against the Marathas because they

tried to enter their dominions in North Goa. Frei Domingos da

Piedade of the Madre de Deus Province was killed when he was

returning from the North where he had gone on a visitation. The

Parish of Revora was located along the main route to the Novas
Conquistas and could be reached through Tivim and Colvale

respectively. The Ranes claimed that Revora had been officially

handed over to them by the Portuguese for protection. But, the

Portuguese refused to entertain them. The Ranes were

disappointed and they began to attack the Portuguese who lived —

there. On 27th November 1732, the Rector of Revora, Frei

Domingos da Annunciacao complained to the Viceroy, Conde de

Sandomil that one of his parishioners had died without receiving

extramancao because the merinho who was guiding him to his

house was attacked and beaten up by the Ranes who had

occupied the New Conquests and migrated into Bardez. Four

fairs and two soldiers were stationed in Revora to ensure the

security of the parishioners who lived there. The parish priest

complained about this to the King. The Viceroy also requested

the Court to take action. Manoel de Cerqueira da Silva, Geral do

Crime, was sent against Ranes. The King passed a Decree by

which the Ranes were instructed to obey the Treaties that were

signed with the Portuguese.

Between 1739 to 1740, the Marathas attacked several

Portuguese strongholds except Daman, Diu and Chaul. They

invaded Goa at a time when the Portuguese were fighting against

their enemies in Europe. The latter were forced to take the help

of the local people to fight the wars. In a letter of 23" January

1739, the authorities requested the Provincial to send fifty men

from Bardez to join the Portuguese garrisons. On 5th March

 41?

1739, the Marathas re-attacked Bardez and captured all the forts

except Rachol, Aguada and Reis Magos. They passed through

Bardez and attacked the Churches and converts who lived there.

However, the religious motive behind this has to be ruled out. 22

The also frairs faced the wrath of the rulers of

Sawantwadi. On 5th March 1739, Ramachandra and Jairam

Sawant Bhonsle attacked Bardez. The Portuguese battalion

could not defeat them and the threat persisted till 1740. In the

course of these invasions, the houses of the inhabitants were

robbed or burnt down, temples were demolished, fortresses and

other defence centers that were located in the frontier areas were

captured and the artillery of the Portuguese garrisons was looted.

The Portuguese brought a battalion from Portugal and

stationed it in Mapusa . In the battle that was fought between

the Portuguese and the Bonsulo, the latter gained the upper

hand. In 1741, the Viceroy came to Goa with reinforcements

and ammunition from Portugal. He recovered the forts of Colvale

and Corjuem that the Bonsulo had captured from the General of

Bardez. From here, the Portuguese went against the Marathas.

They proceeded to Chapora and seized it on 13th June 1741.

The Marathas lost nearly five hundred men. On 11th October

1741, the Bonsulo was forced to sign a Treaty with the

Portuguese. It was believed that Christians who lived in Parishes

of Bardez had invited the Bonsulo to Bardez. They even handed

over the silver of the Churches to him for security when he seized
 .418

, the Province. They refused to listen to the frairs who requested

them to send it to the Islands of Goa for safekeeping and

preferred to hand it to the Bonsulo as they did not trust the

Portuguese. When the Provincial, Frei Francisco de San Diego

heard this, he warned the King that the parishioners of Bardez

supported the Bonsulo and that they had gone to the extent of

signing a Truce with the Marathas in the North to help the latter.

The frairs defended Bardez and many of them died in the

process. They also helped the fidels and rebuilt the structures

that were destroyed by the Marathas. In fact, they did not even

allow the enemy to enter the Churches that were under the

Portuguese frairs. Soon, the invaders realized that could not

interfere with the religion in these lands. The frairs handled the

precarious situation till the Viceroy came with the arms. They

united the Christians and motivated them to resist the enemy.

The authorities realized that the religious defended Bardez from

the enemy. Therefore, they were against the secular priests and

tried to appoint young and efficient frairs who knew the local--

language and who could defend the Province of Bardez. They

also tried their best to guarantee the security of the Christians

who lived there. Many converts who lived on the borders of

Bardez had migrated to the adjoining areas. Nearly two

thousand, five hundred Christians migrated to Kittur while three

thousand people from Bardez and Salcete took refuge there to

escape the ravages of the invaders. In a letter of 2nd November

 418

1746, Marquez de Castelo Novo stated that the Bonsulo

succeeded in attacking the Province of Bardez because there

were only four companies of Portuguese granadiers in Aldona.

He clearly stated that the Marathas were helped by the local

people who lived around Bardez. The latter even promised to

help Bapogy Naique, the Maratha General to conquer Bardez. 23

The Portuguese were careful not to entrust the Province to

the allies of the enemies. The situation became more dangerous

because the people of Bardez had begun to support the Indian

invaders against the Portuguese. The authorities were shocked

because the converts forgot the instructions and faith formation

that was provided by the frairs and sided with the enemies of the

Portuguese. Hence, they Portuguese decided to substitute the

frairs with the secular clergy who were loyal to the Portuguese

and were able to control the local converts in Bardez.

CHURCH REBUILDING: In the eighteenth century, the

Portuguese Seaborne Empire was threatened by the Marathas,

Sawants and the Bhonsles. Hence, the Portuguese began to

concentrate on the Churches because they served as defense

outposts. They enlarged, modified, repaired and rebuilt the old

Churches with the help of the gaoncars. The frairs took a lot of

interest in the wellbeing of the Christians because they believed

that they would help them to defend Bardez.

 420

In 1705, the Church of Ucassaim that was burnt and

destroyed by Quemo Saunto was rebuilt. In 1710, the Church of

St. Alex, Calangute was enlarged at the cost of the gaoncars. In

1704, the Provincial gathered alms from the King and the

converts from the North and Bardez to complete the Frairy. On

25th November 1713, Frei Francisco de Sao Ignez stated that

the frairs had twenty six residences including two Hospices

where only one frair lived. Most of the Churches were in need of

repairs. In 1713, the Church of Colvale was rebuilt by the

Rector at the cost of the village. It must be noted that the frairs

reconstructed and repaired the Churches at a time when the

Portuguese Empire faced its twilight because they were keen on

pacifying the accusations that were against them. The

Churches in Bardez were small, temporary structures and the

frairs needed large and strong Churches that would enable them

to accommodate the garrisons that were sent to Bardez to fight

against the local invaders. The Big Parishes were subdivided to

enable the frairs to exercise a direct control the converts and to

prevent any alliance with the locals and the invaders. In 1720,

Parra was made a separate Parish. Pilerne had its own Parish

Church. The Parish of Mapusa was extended to cover new areas.

The frairs also repaired the Rectories so that they were suitable

for the soldiers. In 1741, the Church of Calangute was rebuilt at

the cost of the villagers. In 1765, the altar and sacristy of the

College of Sao Boaventura was repaired and rebuilt. In 1762,

 421

, the dormitory in the main Frairy was extended. The Provincial,

Frei Antonio de Padua bought a piece of land from the

Archbishop, Dom Antonio Taveira de Neiva Brum and

constructed a doorway, dormitory and cells. The work was

completed with the help of the local parishioners. In Pilerne,

some cells were built for the parish priests. Hereafter, many

Parish Churches resembled small prisons where the soldiers and

reinforcements were hidden. The Rectories and cells were

generally closed, private quarters of the frairs that were safe from

the intruders. Some Churches were also intended to provide

directions to the Portuguese soldiers who were new to the land.

In Soccoro, a new steeple was raised on the Church. At Nerul, a

Chapel was constructed on the land that was donated by Manuel

Rodrigo Chaves. 24

KONKANI LANGUAGE : The frairs were subservient to the

Padroado and were obliged to follow the instructions that were

issued by the King. Hence, several frairs like Frei Domingos de

Sao Bernardino studied Konkani and composed books in the

lingua naturais. The parish priests and their assistants in Bardez

preached in Konkani. In his report of 25th November 1713, the

Provincial informed the Viceroy that catechism was taught in

Konkani by the linguas. They later translated the homilies into

Konkani to enable the parish priests to preach in a language that

could be understood by the majority of the converts. The Masters

 422

and Preachers were invited from the other missions to preach

and teach in the local language. This was clear from a letter of

4th March 1713, in which the Provincial, Frei Francisco de Sao

Ines informed the Viceroy that the Oratorians Praepositus ,Frei

Miranda was requested to send priests to the Parishes in Bardez

during Lent so that they could preach in Konkani that was

understood by the faithful. At the College of Sao Boaventura, the

novices were taught Latin, moral theology, dogmatic theology

and the local language. In 1714, the Secretary commented that

the frairs had cultivated new plants in Bardez that outgrew and

enabled the frairs to control their Parishes. 25

On 11th November 1728, the Inquisitor implemented a

Portaria that reintroduced the Alvara of 1684 by which the frairs

were instructed to teach and preach in Konkani. As soon as the

Archbishop, Frei Inacio de Santa Teresa received the Provisa o, he

implemented it in all the Parishes of Bardez. The Viceroy, Civil

Tribunals and the frairs were against this and sent their dissent

to the Court. The King agreed to reconsider the Proviselo and

after a lot of deliberation, the Overseas Council instructed the

Viceroy to appoint the secular clergy in the Parishes of Bardez

because they were competent and worthy of doing parochial

work. The authorities in Goa and the Royal Court were against

this because they were in need of zealous missionaries who

would defend the Padroado lands. Moreover, it was clear that

the frairs did not neglect the language. The Provincial, Santa
 42

Eyria stated that the Parishes in Bardez had thirty two Masters

and Preachers who knew Konkani . Eleven frairs preached in the

language on Sundays and feastdays when the Church was full of

people and forty others heard and understood the confessions.

On 12th April 1731, the Provincial Decrees that were issued by

the Court empowered the Archbishop to control the frairs. He

was authorised to examine the frairs in the vernacular language

before they were appointed into a Parish. He was also instructed

to give them a certificate if they knew it. If a parish priest in

any of the Parishes of Bardez was found ignorant in the local

language, he was sent to the Superior to be punished and the

latter was authorised to nominate another frair who was more

competent. On 23rd April 1732, the Archbishop was authorised

to dismiss the parish priests who were ignorant of the language.

Many religious were against this and tried to force the Portuguese

to force the inhabitants to learn Portuguese. The Inquisitor

complained that the bottos and grous influenced the natives

because they could communicate with them. But, the King and

the Archbishop argued that it was impossible to exterminate the

mother tongue of the locals as they spoke this language since

their birth. The Viceroy, Conde de Sandomil opined that even if

the parishioners were forced to learn Portuguese, it would not

allude the danger as the Hindus and bottos from the mainland

who interacted with the Christians would learn Portuguese

sooner or later. The frairs were determined to oppose the Decree

 424

of 1732. They even made a representation to the Overseas

Council and requested it to force the Goan native converts to

learn Portuguese. But this decision was nullified by the

Archbishop, Viceroy and other secular authorities in Goa. The

Provincial of the Sao Thome Province also supported them. In

the letter of 19th January 1735, the Viceroy stated that the

Pastoral Letter of the Archbishop did not stop the parishioners

from studying Portuguese in the public schools that were

founded in all the Parishes in Bardez. He stated that the people

of Bardez could not afford to go to school to learn a language that

would enable them confess or to listen to the teachings of the

parish priests because they were poor and were forced to do

manual work to survive. The Archbishop was aware of this and

insisted that the frair should learn Konkani because the latter

had a lot of spare time that they could devote to learn a new

language that would enable them to carry on their mission.

However, it is doubtful whether this Decree was executed.

In a letter of 16th April 1739, the Secretary, Manoel Caetano

Lopes de Lavre wrote to the King that the Viceroy had complained

that the Observants did not obey the Portaria . On the contrary,

the latter forced the locals to speak Portuguese. The King

immediately issued an Alvaro and instructed the parish priests to

learn the local language. The Superiors were warned to be strict

while. appointing the parish priests. In 1744, the Archbishop

instructed them to nominate only those who had the ability to

 425

understand the confessions of all the people. The Pope issued

several Bulls that stated that the frairs had to know the local

language so that they could - administer the sacraments and

handle the Parishes. The frairs were not convinced. They argued

that Bardez was close to the terras dos inimigos and the

inhabitants could go there and return within a day. But, the

Archbishop was adamant and repeated his stand. 26

In 1745, the new Archbishop, Lourenco de Santa Maria

changed this policy. On 21st September 1745, he made it

compulsory for all the Christians to speak Portuguese failing

which they would not be administered the sacraments. The

brahmins and chardos in Bardez and Salcete were given six

months while the others had to learn it within one year. He

insisted that the parishioners of Reis Magos, Linhares, Pomburpa

and Aldona had to learn the local language. The parish priests

were authorised to examine the couples who wanted to get

married in Portuguese and issue a certificate to them. The

wedding bands were read only after the Rectors were sure that

they knew Portuguese. The aspiring parish priests were also

instructed to learn Portuguese before they said their first mass.

The parish priests were very happy. They immediately

volunteered to implement this Order in their Parishes. This was

done to protect the converts from the local invaders and to enable

the frairs to convince the converts to work for the Padroado.

However, this policy did not continue for long. In Portugal,

 426

Marquis de Pombal supported the local converts. The latter took

advantage of this and appealed in favour of the local language.

The King issued an Order in which he instructed the

Archbishop, Neiva Brum to ensure that the priests knew the local

language before they were ordained. The frairs were forced to

take his instructions seriously. In his report, the Franciscan

Examiner informed the Archbishop that forty one religious knew

the language. The Portuguese speaking frairs were permitted to

work only in six Parishes that were inhabited by the Portuguese

speaking people. The remote Parishes that were susceptible to

revolts and invasions were to be placed under those who knew

the vernacular language. As a result of these legislations, the

frairs concentrated on Konkani. Within a short period, fifteen

frairs and three assistants learnt the language. The Observant

Province in Goa had forty one frairs who knew Konkani. A few

priests also preached in Marathi, an idiom that understood only

by the intelligent natives. This seemed to be a plot against the

local clerics. Since the native priests were trained in Portuguese,

most of them were unable to even preach the Sunday homily in

the local language. The infedils were completely ignorant of the

Christian doctrine that was written in Portuguese and many of

the converts were not even in a position to speak Portuguese. The

Portuguese frairs studied Konkani as it was taught at the Frairy

of St. Francis and at the Colleges of Sao Boaventura, Reis Magos

and Pomburpa respectively. The frairs had also composed

 42'1

several books in Konkani. When the authorities had instructed

the converts to learn Portuguese, the frairs had ignored the local

language. The Chairs of the local language had feel vacant and

the Konkani books were destroyed and forgotten. However, this

does not mean that the frairs completely ignored the same

because they were not certain of the colonial policies. In his — -

report of 28th November 1766, Frei Manoel da Penha da Franga

stated that there were twenty eight frairs in the Parishes of

Bardez who already knew Konkani. These included Frei Joseph

do Egypto and Frei Joseph do Conceicao were only thirty two

years old. 27

From this, it was clear that the decisions

regarding the Konkani language varied from time to time. .

Although the authorities threatened the frairs to dispossess them

of their Parishes, the frairs did not bother to learn the language

and succeeded in requesting the authorities to reverse the Order.

Yet, they were cautious enough not to ignore it completely.

CONVERSIONS: The concept of conversions underwent a

significant change because the frairs no longer concentrated on

converting the people of Bardez. Instead, they paid attention to

the gentios from the aldeias vizinhos who were allowed to settle

down in the Portuguese dominions. The latter were given

security provided they got converted. This was clear from the

reports that were sent by the Superiors and the Viceroys. As

 428

such, the frairs had their hands full because they had to look

after the converts and convert those who had immigrated to

Bardez. The Archbishop issued several Decrees by which he tried

' to bring the people of Bardez under the control of the frairs. In

the Pastoral of 13th August 1721, the Vicars and parish priests

were instructed to celebrate the weddings of the inhabitants of

Bardez and Salcete in their presence. The frairs were members of

the Junta das Missoes and the Conselho do Estado. They worked

as army Chaplains, Inquisitors, Rectors etc. Frei Bernardino de

Sao Domingos converted several people and spent his life in the

terra firme. The frairs studied Konkani and used it to explain the

faith to these immigrants. Frei Belchoir dos Reis composed the

Resolucoens Moraes Misselanias in which he discussed the

Christian faith. The frairs entrusted several responsibilities to

the old converts because they had been Christians for

generations. The frairs founded an association of laymen and

women called the Third Order that was attached to the Frairy of

Old Goa. The Confrarias and Fabricas also consisted of lay

people. These converts enabled the frairs to concentrate on the

immigrants. 28

The methods that were adopted to convert the gentios

remained the same. The authorities emphasised on the

conversion of the non Christian orphans. In 1718, the Viceroy

issued a Portaria by which he instructed the Pai dos Christaos of

Goa to take the Hindu orphans to the House of Catechumens,

 428

instruct them in the doctrine, baptize them and to look after

them even after they were converted. The Pai dos Christeios was

placed in charge of the Casa dos Cathecumens and had to look

after the well being of the Christians in Bardez. Between 1719

and 1721, there were one lakh converts in Goa of which six

thousand, two hundred and fifty nine lived in Bardez. The

Portuguese and local, brahmin, orphan boys were taught to read

and write in their College of Reis Magos. The Franciscan

Colleges and Seminaries maintained a high standard. One such

orphan was Antonio Jose de Noronha, Bispo de Halicarnoso. He

was born in Goa Velha and lost his parents at an early age. His

paternal grandmother kept him at the Franciscan Frairy in Old

Goa from where he was sent to Reis Magos. In 1722, the House of

Catechumens was shifted to Betim in Bardez. The Decree of

1754 had instructed the frairs to baptize the non Christian,

illegitimate children. The Archbishop, Dom Antonio de Neiva

Brum made provisions for this House, which was acknowledged,

on an inscription that was found in the courtyard of the Church

of Betim The House was handed later over to the Jesuits but the

frairs resisted this because it was located in their Province. The

authorities never allowed the native orphans who lived in the

Casa to interact with the inhabitants of Bardez. Frei Manoel de

Sao Thomas, Pai dos Christaos was not permitted to bury the

corpses of the neophytes who died there in the Church of Reis

Magos although the House lay within the Parish because it was
 486

improper to bury them in a Parish cemetery that was reserved

for the inhabitants of that village. The problem was temporarily

solved and the Casa was provided with a burial ground in a

public Chapel of Our Lady of Victoria, Betim. No one else was

allowed to be buried there and the frairs administered all the

sacraments to the catechumens in the same place. The frairs

had demolished nearly three hundred temples in Bardez but they

could not convert the minds and hearts of the people. Alexander

Hamilton stated that the frairs could not force the gentios to give

up their idolatry and superstitions. The Franciscan chronicler,

Antonio de Noronha stated that the local people did not get

forced into Christianity. In 1731, the Inquisitor complained to

the King that the laws that were passed by Dom Sebastido and

those that were implemented by the Provincial Councils in Goa

had caused an irreparable harm to the converts who lived in

Nadora, Revora, Pirna, Assnora, Aldona, Salcete, Islands of Goa

and in Bastora. The gaoncars, women and children there were

arrested because they were unable to speak Portuguese. The

authorities argued that the converts were influenced by the

bottos and high priests of the pagodas who visited them,

reminded them of their old religion and persuaded them to

contribute for their pagodas. The Inquisitor believed that this

would not have happened if the converts knew only Portuguese.

The frairs favoured this because they did not want to learn

Konkani and because they did not want their parishioners to

 43i

communicate with the local invaders. However, this was harmful

to the mission. In a letter of 27th November 1737, the Provincial

stated the fairs were unable to convert many gentios because

they were not familiar with their customs. In such a situation,

many frairs preferred to remain silent and isolated themselves

from the mission. The Archbishop, Frei Lourenco de Santa Maria

e Melo tried to improve the spiritual life of the people by

organizing retreats. One such retreat was preached by a Jesuit,

Fr. Achangelo. It was so successful that only the final day Holy

Communion was distributed till three in the afternoon. He

favoured the unity of the Christians and tried to avoid social

interaction among the Hindus. In the Pastoral of 1745, he

instructed the authorities to allow only eight non converts at a

time to attend the wedding ceremony of their relatives and to

limit the expenses to a thousand xs. The gentios who had

immigrated into Goa were converted at festas reaes. But, many

Communidades could not maintain the grandiosity of these

celebrations. In a letter of 20th November 1755, Frei Baltasar de

San Antonio informed the Viceroy some of the Parishes were poor

that the inhabitants were unable to celebrate the divine serviceS. —

In1760,twelvporcntedihwlvParsn

Bardez and the number of converts in Goa exceeded seventy two

thousand people. The authorities tried their best to maintain a

hold over the converts and nominated the frairs to look after the

Jesuits institutions including the Catechumenate of Betim. In

 482

1762, several Europeans were baptized at the Casa de

Catechumenos. Conversions were broad based but the

admissions to the Catholic organizations were limited to the

higher castes. There was a reference to two Confraternities that

were dedicated to Jesus and Our Lady of Rosary respectively in

the Church of San Diego, Guirim. The Rector asked a dying

local lady to repeat "Jezu Pau". But, she pulled out of her

delirium and stated "Jezu, Jezu nam, Jezu tencho, nhoim amcho".

This indicated the caste exclusiveness that was maintained by

the missionaries. 29

Though the frairs adopted a moderate policy to convert the

gentios, the converts expressed a lot of resentment against the

frairs. The frairs tried their best to quell down such expressions —

but the secular priests and the parishioners of some of the

Parishes in Bardez collaborated to remove them from their

Churches.

THE NATIVE PRIESTS: In the eighteenth century, the Portuguese

authorities were against the religious. The Viceroy, Conde de

Eveira was disillusioned with the frairs and informed the King

about the scandalous life of the parish priests in Bardez. The

Franciscan mission in Goa faced a crisis because the Superiors

were unable to send novices from Portugal and the frairs were

forced to recruit Indians into the Order. The Archbishop, Ignacio

de Santa Thereza reported there were one hundred and twenty

 483

two secular priests in Bardez. They helped the frairs in the

Parishes and in course of time, they claimed equal rights with the

religious. The Regulars addressed the canarin priests as black

priests and believed that they were badly behaved drunkards

who were not fit to be in the Parishes. The Archbishop was

against these racist policies. By Provisao of 7th April 1728, he

decided to nominate secular priests in the Parishes in Bardez as

they were worthy of handling the parochial work. He also decided

to appoint secular priests in Cabo and Parra because he felt that

they were familiar with their duties. On 3rd October 1728, he

went a step ahead and issued a Pastoral by which he favoured

the appointment of capable, secular clergy in the Parishes in

Bardez. In fact, the Parishes of Nerul, Anjuna, Linhares, Aldona,

Revora etc. had regular Coadjutors who were nominated by their

Superiors or Definitors. 30

The frairs were against the secular clergy and the latter

were against the religious parish priests of Bardez. The

Archbishop, Frei Lourenco de Santa Maria de Melo faced the

major problem mainly because the local converts supported and

confided in the secular clergy. On 21st January 1735, for

instance, an institution called Agonisantes was founded at MaIna

(Pilerne) and handed over to the seculars. The frairs defended

their position and in his letter of 9th February 1742, the

Provincial, Frei Francisco de Sao Diego made it clear that the

King had authorised them to work as parish priests. They

 434

warned the Portuguese that it was dangerous to appoint the

seculars because they knew the local invaders and were capable

of allying with them and instigating the local Christians against

the Portuguese. This is evident from a letter of 9th February 1746,

in which the frairs complained that a local priest had helped the

Marathas to invade the Portuguese territory. Moreover, the

secular - clergy respected the Sovereignty of the petty local Kings

and went against His Majesty. Some frairs overtly expressed

their hostility against the secular clergy. Frei Antonio de

Encarnacao, a parish priest in Bardez reacted violently towards

his Curate who was a native priest when the Church was full of

people. The Archbishop took immediate action against the frair

because he was afraid that the parishioners would revolt against

him. He appealed to the Court of the Overseas Council. The

latter issued a decree that censured the conduct of the frair and

instructed the Archbishop and the Provincial to punish him. The

Rectors were accused of being virulent against the native clergy.

The latter believed they were not respected by the parishioners

because they were black and insolent. The authorities knew that

the frairs were ignorant of the language and that they left the

sacraments to the native clergy. The Provincial personally felt

that the secular clergy were more learned and experienced than

the frairs who lived a luxurious life and clung to their Padroado

rights. Their approach had forced the locals of Bardez to go

against them. The Provincials was aware of this and warned the
 435

King that the native priests instigated the parishioners of Bardez

against the Portuguese frairs. In 1752, the Archbishop personally

visited the Parishes in Bardez - and reported that several secular

clergy who were trained by the religious and occupied the

ecclesiastical posts abroad. The seculars were absorbed into the

religious hierarchy after the suppression of the Jesuits. Frei

Antonio de Padua, the Provincial was appointed to examine

those frairs who were entrusted with the Parishes that formerly

belonged to the Jesuits. The authorities realized that the secular

Curates preached, heard confessions and instructed the converts

but they were never considered to be capable enough to occupy

the higher posts. This was clearly stated in the representation of

the Camara de Bardez of 1765. The local preferred to have the

local clergy because the religious were neither able to lead the

flock nor hear their bleats. On the other hand, the native priests

instructed and nourished the flock because they knew the local

language. On 23rd April 1766, a Decree was passed in Lisbon by

which the frairs in the Parishes in Bardez were to be removed.

The Archbishop, Dom Antonio Taveira de Neiva Brum

implemented the new Order and entrusted the Parishes to the

seculars. From then onwards, the seculars were assigned most

of the Parishes that were vacated by the frairs. Within one year,

they were handed over to the secular priests.31

 436

THE MADRE DE DEUS PROVINCE: The frairs of the Sao Thome

Province faced several problems but the Recollects of the Madre

de Deus frairs did not have any problem mainly because they did

not work in the Parishes and did not come into contact with the

converts. In 1713, fifteen frairs lived in Cabo and the Province

had thirty two frairs. Most of these frairs handled the mission

outside Goa. This was clear from a letter of 30th December 1720,

wherein it was stated that Frei Joao da Trindade and Frei Joao

da Natividade founded Churches at Malacca and Tuticorin where

they administered the sacraments to the Christians. The King

kept a close watch on their activities and sent them periodic

instructions. In a letter of 26th January 1745, the Provincial, Frei

Bernardino de Jesus Maria briefed Joao V about their progress e

in the mission. In another letter of 29th August 1747, the

Provincial sent a report in scriptis about the mission of the Madre

de Deus frairs. The frairs served the community and generally

maintained their own dispensaries. One frair, Frei Martinho de

Nossa Senhora do Monte do Carmo treated the sick and worked

as a nurse in the Infirmary for many years. The frairs had a

Hospice at Rachol that was dedicated to Nossa Senhora do

Angels. This residence was founded in 1751 in the Jesuit

Province in Salcete. It was opined that it served a Chapel for the

Portuguese garrisons and was a part of the fortress that was

located in the vicinity. A brother and a frair were placed in

charge of it . Others believed that it was a residence for the frairs

 401

who administered the sacraments to the garrisons who were

stationed there to stop the Marathas who tried to enter Goa. On

8th January 1760, it was converted into a Regular Guardianate

and Guardians were appointed in charge of it. It received the

Royal approval at a Chapter and figured as a Hospice. The frairs

were not legally entitled to work in it because Salcete was a

Portuguese stronghold. But, the Madre de Deus frairs argued ____

that they were not entrusted with the Parishes in Bardez. The

Recollects maintained cordial relations with the Jesuits who

confided in them. These frairs gave them shelter in Goa after the

Suppression Decree was implemented. The Jesuits stayed with

them frairs till they left for Portugal and revealed the secret of

the pedras cordeas to the Provincial, Frei Manoel do Carmo

Pacheco who prepared it in the pharmacy. 32

After 1759, the Portuguese and the local converts were

against the Observants. Hence, most of the frairs who came to

India made a profession at Madre de Deus, Daugim. Nearly

seventy five frairs worked at Daugim, Pilar, Rachol and Cabo.

Frei Francisco das Chagas, Frei Francisco da Piedade and Frei

Joao da Piedade rose to high positions within the ecclesiastical

hierarchy. 33

The Recollects handled many mission stations but they

never worked as parish priest because they believed that they

were the missionaries of the State.

 438

THE FRAIRS AFTER THE SUPPRESSION OF THE JESUITS: The __

Jesuits came to Goa in 1542 as a strong arm of the Padroado.

Thereafter, they took up the Province of Salcete and defended the

Estado and the Church. The two were relatively autonomous but

the King exercised his power over all the religious because he had

entrusted His Provinces to them. The religious tried their best to

preserve the authority, privileges and exceptions that had been

entitled to them by the Padroado. The Placet Regium symbolized

the authority of the Portuguese over the missions. The two

cooperated with each other till 1759 when the liberal Prime

Minister of Portugal, Marquis of Pombal was determined to

reduce the power of the Cross.

In March 1759, he issued a Royal Decree that instructed

the Jesuits to leave the Portuguese dominions. On 3rd September

1759, the Decree reached Goa and the Viceroy, Conde de Ega

implemented it with a lightning speed and accuracy. He

consulted the Junta das Missoes and set up a Junta das

administracdo dos bens que fordo as Jesuitas to deal with their

properties and assets after their expulsion. The Junta decided to

substitute them with the Franciscans who were the models of

religious life. The Jesuits refused to leave their mission in Goa

and the authorities were forced to resort to military force. All the

Jesuit institutions and Houses were surrounded by the troops

and the Jesuits were arrested and sent to the Houses of the

Dominicans, Franciscans and Capuchins. They stayed with

 489

these Religious Orders till they were shipped off to the goals in

Lisbon. In his letter of 5th October 1759, the Viceroy instructed

the religious to send them on the ship that was scheduled to

leave on 17th December. The Jesuits who were taken to the

Collegio Novo were placed under the Capuchins. The latter were

sympathetic towards them and tried their best to minimize their

sufferings. There was a reference to the Jesuit prisoners who

used to throw a rope from the third floor to the Capuchins who

used to send letters and other things to them. The Jesuits

confided in the frairs and requested them to say the masses on

their behalf.34

After the suppression of the Jesuits in Goa, their

properties, estates, rents and grants were confiscated and

handed over to the Crown. The Archbishop appointed the other

religious to handle their missions in Goa, Malabar, China and

Japan. The frairs were entrusted with many of these missions. In

December 1759, the frairs of the Sao Thome Province volunteered

to substitute them. Some frairs went to the South and worked in

Mysore. On 29th December 1759, a group of religious including

eight Observants, six Recollects, two Augustinians, two Carmelite

Tertiaries and an Oratorian traveled from Goa to Malabar. The

frairs of the Madre de Deus worked in Malabar. In a report of 11th

December 1760, five frairs were instructed to take over the

College of St. Paul. By 27th January 1761, ten frairs lived there.

In 1762, the Jesuits were expelled from Salcete and their

Parishes were handed over the seculars. The Jesuits were forced

to give up their positions and the frairs were appointed as the

Episcopal Examiners to examine the religious who volunteered to

take over their Parishes. The frairs handled the mission well and

the Portuguese felt that their behaviour was abhorrent to the

percepts in the Gospel. The Archbishop, Dom Francisco de

Assumpcdo e Britto was strict in making the new appointments

and refused to hand over the Parishes to the religious who were

not familiar with the language and customs of the land. The

converts preferred the seculars and requested the King to expel

the religious. Within a short period, similar accusations were

levelled against the frairs in Bardez and petitions were sent to the

King to replace them. In a letter of 23rd April 1766, the

Portuguese took action and used effacious and opportune

methods to "save the sheep of the Lord from that hands of wolves

and mercenaries" . They decided to hand them to the secular

parish priests who could nourish them with " the fruits of the

doctrine and with edifying examples".35

THE COMPLAINTS AGAINST THE OBSERVANT'S IN THE BARDEZ

PROVINCE: From 1555 onwards, the frairs worked in the Province

of Bardez where they converted souls and raised Churches

without using the sword. The converts supported the frairs who

in turn permitted them to enjoy their privileges. But, the former

could not remain in a subordinate position for long. In the early

 441

eighteenth century, the people of Bardez approached the Junta

das Missoes and complained against the Franciscan parish

priests who worked in the Parishes of Bardez. The matter was

forwarded to the Viceroy who adviced the King to take immediate

action. The Overseas Council made two suggestions. It

instructed the Superiors to appoint the experienced and well

behaved frairs as parish priests because he felt that the frairs

had neglected the ministry and damaged the souls of the

converts. The Archbishop was instructed to visit the Churches

periodically. These suggestions did not satisfy the frairs. In 1719,

the authorities planned to hand over the Province to the Jesuits

"who were modest and occupied with the propagation of the

Gospel". The Provincials were responsible for the frairs in the

Goa mission and most of them knew that the situation there was

not very good. In a letter of 10th December 1720, Frei Clemente

de Santa Irya informed the Viceroy about the disturbances that

took place among the religious in the Sao Thome Province. The

frairs were generally divided into two factions. As the Ad

invincem Censuras could not be legally implemented at a Chapter

where the frairs were nominated as parish priests, the General

requested the Apostolic See to nominate legitimate priests who

would be respected in the Province. Accordingly, the Archbishop

visited the Province and inquired into the shortcomings of the

missionaries. As a vassal of the King, the latter was responsible

to the secular authorities. The religious resisted his attempt to

 44

intrude over their Superior. The Secretary of State was aware of

the hostility and asked for Royal protection. He also requested

the Apostolic See to help him to suppress any possible revolt. At

the Provincial Chapter of 12th March 1716, the frairs got involved

in a problem in which those who were elected into the office

wanted to nullify the Chapter and to hold fresh elections for the

Provincial Definitors. The Archbishop, Captain and Junta da

Fazenda agreed to this but the frairs got split into factions. Pope

Clement XI issued the Exponi Nobis the contents of which was

summarized in an Apostolic Letter . It suggested that the

Provincial Minister of Sao Thome Province should be nominated

in Lisbon while the Predicator and Commissary of the Mission

had to be appointed from among those frairs who had worked in

India through an Apostolic Decree. This was done to avoid the

problems that took between Rome and Portugal and to put an

end to factional politics. The people of Bardez forwarded several

complaints about the frairs who worked there. In a letter of 29th

March 1726, the Secretary, Andre Lopes de Lavre referred to five

letters that contained complaints that were directed against the

frairs of the Sao Thome Province. The Viceroy, Joao de Saldanha

de Gama warned the Provincial, Frei Clemente de Santa Eyria

that many frairs were incapable of handling the mission and ---

many Houses like the College of Sao Boaventura were unable to

carry forth their responsibilities although they were given grants

from the Royal Treasury. Frei Amadio Manoel de Jesuralem

 .443

complained to the King about the Province of Sao Thome "with

tears cried out with the last emotions". The Provincial was

inexperienced as he had spent twenty years in Portugal. There

was no link between the Superiors of the Order and the King.

For instance, the General of the Order did not know that the

Pontificial Briefs could not be implemented without the Royal

sanction. The frairs were accused of being unworthy and ignorant

because they were not examined. Many of the frairs brought

and sold the offices in the mission. After the death of the

occupants, their offices were auctioned to the highest bidder.

Frei Manoel de Graca complained that the General Baptisms

that were hitherto occasions of pomp were stopped because the

parish priests were unable to covert many gentios. On 22nd

January 1724, Frei Ubaldo de Visitagdo stated that such

scandals took place because the frairs had ignored the

instructions of the King and the Viceroy. They even sold the

patrimonies of their Churches at the auctions. In 1723, eleven

thousand xs were sent for the sustenance of eleven missionaries

in the South but the quarteis were not spent on the mission. In

1723, five hundred xs that were sent to conduct the General

Baptisms were hoarded. In his letter of 23rd December 1723,

Frei Manoel de Graca complained against the Franciscan

Preachers and Confessors who were ignorant and knew less than

what was learnt in the schools. Latin was ignored and among

sixty frairs who lived in the Frairy, only two knew to speak the
 444

language. Some observers complained about this to Rome. In a

letter of 17th December 1726, the Viceroy complained that the

frairs conducted elections that were useless because the final

nominations were made by the Provincials who had their own

preferences and often appointed unworthy frairs into the higher

posts. In a letter of 20th January 1727, the King accepted the

fact that the mission had suffered due to maladministration and

temporal interests of the servants of God who were unworthy of

a holy ministry. The frairs were interested in acquiring riches

and committed excesses while performing the divine services.

The Viceroy left the matter to the King and requested the Junta

das Missoes to suggest improvements. He also requested the

authorities to call the parish priests individually and warn

them.36

The authorities realized that most of the scandals took

place because of the improper implementation of the Provisoes

and Alvaras. In his letter of 6th January 1724, the Viceroy

complained that the gentios in Bardez were permitted to conduct

their marriage ceremonies in the temples in the Islands of

Corjuem and Panelim with the help of the bottos. The King

decided to take action and instructed the Viceroy to warn the

parish priests against this. Some Jesuits, Franciscans and

Dominicans were appointed to advice the parish priests. The

Viceroy was against this because it went against the Goa Council

(1585), the Council Decrees (1587), the Instructions of the King

 445

to the Viceroy (1594) and to the Pai dos Christaos(1559) and the

Provisao of the Viceroy (1613). But, some of the authorities

supported this. The locals made clear it was impossible to them

conduct their ceremonies in Panelim and Corjuem as this

involved a lot of money. But, that was the only alternative as

both these areas were contiguous to the terra forme and were

sparsely populated. The Portuguese considered this to be a

challenge to the Christian faith. In a letter of 11th November

1728, Custodio de Melo wrote against such weddings because

the botos also conducted detestable sacrifices to appease the

devil with rice, betelnuts and flowers that was thrown on the

head of the groom. In a letter of 7th October 1711, Frei Manoel

da Graca wrote against the worship of the demonios huomo and

fire sacrifices mainly because the Estado would loose the

donativos and other taxes. The gentios were few but constituted

the dominant class. The matter was entrusted to the frairs

because of the fear of an opposition by the unconverted

brahmins. The gentios were separated from the Christians and

certain areas were allotted to them for their ceremonies. In a

letter of 10th November 1727, Frei Heironymo de Belem requested

the King to give the gentios the Royal permission to celebrate the

weddings in the terra firma as it would keep the converts away

from the ritos gentilico. The King was also adviced to appease the

naiques and bottos who were needed to defend the frairs and

converts there.37
 446

The Portuguese in Goa directed the .complaints of the local

converts and gentios to the King. On 27th January 1729, the

King was acquainted with the local sentiments and instructed

the Archbishop to remove the frairs from the Parishes in Bardez

and to replace them with the secular clergy. However, the

Archbishop was afraid to do this . He wrote to the Provincial of

the Order and to the parish priests. Both opposed this on legal

grounds. Hence, the Archbishop instructed the Ouvidor Geral do

Crime to inquire into certain serious appeals that were made by

the parishioners of Bardez. The frairs were accused of breaking

into the Treasuries and Tabernacles of the Churches. There was

a reference to a Curate in the Parish Church of Nagoa who

harassed the converts. The Ouvidor Geral inquired into this and

found that it was true. The Archbishop published the report in

his Pastoral and sent it to the King. There were also complaints

that the frairs had usurped the wealth in the Churches. The

Archbishop directed this complaint to the Provincial. On 26th

January 1728, the Provincial sent him the names and ages of the

Rectors in the Churches of Bardez.38

The King favoured the secular clergy in the Churches of

Bardez provided they lived a good life and had good habits. Based

on this, the Archbishop, Ignacio de Santa Thereza issued a

Pastoral by which he decided to appoint the secular clergy who

were trained in the parochial ministry as the parish priests there.

The Royal Order confirmed this ecclesiastical declaration. The

 44?

frairs who worked as Rectors in the Churches of Nellur, Sao

Lourenco, Anjuna, Aldona, Revora etc. were dissatisfied as they

would have to surrender the prosperous areas. But, the

authorities were adamant and decided to implement the Royal

Orders to solve the disturbances. The parish priests were

instructed to fix the Orders on the Church doors in Bardez. But

this was not done and the Archbishop complained about this to

the King in his letter of 16th November 1728. The King and the

Overseas Council insisted on the dismissal of the Regulars

mainly because they wanted to recover the wealth of the

Churches there. On 7th April 1728, the Overseas Council issued a

Proviselo that instructed the Viceroy to recover the wealth from

the Churches in Bardez. The parish priests were instructed to

follow the Orders of the King and the Archbishop. However, the

Viceroy refused to cooperate with the King. On 4th January

1729, he stated that he did not have a record of the wealth of the

Churches in Bardez. Moreover, he was unsure if the frairs could

be expelled from the Parishes on the basis of a simple complaint

that was made by the people of Bardez against two parish

priests who worked there. The Archbishop was also against the

interference of the State in religious matters. This was clear from

his letter of 17th November 1728 in which he opined that

Pontificial Bulls should be given to the Archbishop who were the

co-sharer in the Padroado. The King argued that the Churches

in solidum neither belonged to him nor to the frairs as they were

 448

governed by an Ordinary that was instituted according to the

Bull Ordinarium licentia minime requista of Pius V. The King

clarified that he had not denounced the frairs in general.

Instead, he only instructed the authorities in Goa to remove five

frairs who had caused disturbances in the Province. The

Archbishop was happy and requested the Viceroy to remind the

King about the properties and palmgroves of the Parishes. The

people continued to complain against the frairs. There was —a--

caseofnriwhdtevknosaym.Other

were accused of living an indecent life and yet others were

accused of keeping the soldiers in the cloisters. 39

The Viceroy refused to take action and to implement the

Orders of the King because he was more interested in ensuring

peace in the Province. In a letter of 18th November 1728, he

stated that he could not implement any decision unless it was

deliberated upon. The Archbishop had misused his power to

discredit the frairs and the Viceroy was not in a position to

handle the problem . Hence, he requested the King to suspend

the Royal Order. The King instructed the Franciscan Provincial

to defend his frairs and to comment the Provisdo of 1728. He

decided to suspend the Order so that the authorities could delve

into each case separately. On 1st April 1731, the authorities

submitted their report on Frei Antonio do Espirito Sancto, Rector

of Parra who had slapped his Curate in the Church. The

Overseas Council decided to exile him from Goa. On 11th

 448

December 1731, the Inquisitor complained that the Decrees of

King Dom Sebastiao and those of the Councils that were held in

Goa were not observed. The local people continued to use the

local language. The gaoncars of Pirna, Nadora, Revora, Assnora

and Bastora were close to each other and spoke in the local

language, went to the bottos and gurus of the temples, gave them

alms, followed the local cult, decorated the temples, performed

sacrifices and refused to pay their quit rents. But, the

Inquisitor himself decided to wait for the decision of the Juiz da

Coroa who also was also the Royal .Procurador. On 19th December

1729, the King was informed about the gentio or Muslim

merchants who performed the pagan rites in Goa. Many were

imprisoned for interacting with the Christians and for settling

down with their families in the Royal dominions. Dom Joao V

instructed the Viceroy to forward all the decisions of the

Archbishop and the frairs to the Juiz da Coraa. In his Resolution

of 28th March 1730, the King informed the Mesa da Consciencia

that he had decided to remove the frairs from the Churches in

Bardez. The Inquisitor warned the King against the appointment

of the gaoncars as scribes and against their voting rights. The

latter acquired the paddy from the varzeas and paid their bottos.

The King was adviced to keep separate villages for the Christians

so that they did not interact with the gentios. The Viceroy was

against these recommendations because it was impossible to

remove them as they had been bred and brought up in Goa.

 456

Moreover, many bottos and gurus knew Portuguese and

interacted with the Christians of the terra firme. The gaoncars

were deprived of their ancestral privileges and the poor people

were harassed. This was a great risk to the security of the

Estado. Hence, the Viceroy requested the King to instruct the

Procurdor of the Crown to check the resolutions. By then, there

was a list of complaints against the frairs in Bardez. For

instance, the Rector of Nossa Senhora da Penha da Franca was

accused of being regularly absent from his Church, Frei Estevao

de Nascimento of Guirim was accused of living with concubines,

Frei Nicolao da Natividade of Tivim was blamed of committing

excesses and another frair was accused of robbing the

furnishings of the Church. The Provincial was accused of

appointing and promoting the frairs and of permitting them to

occupy their office beyond their tenure. The authorities decided

that those who were nominated as regular parish priests without

the knowledge of the higher authorities were to be removed and

those who did not know the local language were sent to learn it.

No frair was permitted to raise Churches or Chapels without the

permission of the Archbishop. The parish priests who were

elected or nominated had to be confirmed by the Juiz da Coroa

and had to obtain a license from the Mesa da Consciencia. In

1732, the King wrote to the Council, Mesa da Conciencia

Tribunal, Archbishop and the Franciscan Provincial about the

frairs who worked in the Parishes of Bardez. Nearly fourteen

 451

cases were listed wherein the frairs were accused of bad habits,

partialities and non-religious motives. In letter of 27th November

1732, the Provincial, Frei Domingos de Sao Bernardino countered

these accusations and argued that in a religious organization

some frairs were bound to be bad because they received only two

tangos and five rein from the King with which they had to sustain

themselves and their merinhos. The frairs who worked in Bardez

faced several difficulties. The Rector of Sao Lourenco complained

that he was not paid since two years and some others stated

that they were not paid at all. Moreover, the frairs were placed

under the Apostolic Judge. Hence, they had to maintain contacts-- -

with the political authorities. The Provincial was against the local

converts and alleged that the canarins were slanderous,

deceitful, ambitious and keen on removing the frairs from of the

Parishes and substituting them with the local clergy who were

their sons and relatives. In 1756, the Camara de Bardez

forwarded a list of complaints to Conde de Ega. The Senado de

Goa supported the Camara because the frairs had now become a

public nuisance. One frair behaved badly towards four citizens

and their sons on the street in the City of Goa during the

procession of the Holy Sacrament in the Frairy of St. Francis,

Goa. The Camara requested the Senado not to allow the frairs to

attend the feasts, functions and processions. The Senado also

accused the frairs of being lax, ignorant, and corrupt. The

General of the Order and the other Superiors were informed that
 452

the religious spirit of the saint had disappeared and everyone

admitted that it was too late to reform or improve the frairs.40

The secular clergy took advantage of this, got the support

of the Camara de Bardez and dispossessed the frairs of most of

their Parishes.

THE REMOVAL OF THE FRAIRS FROM BARDEZ: The first

attempt to remove the frairs from the Parishes of Bardez was

made by the Conde de Alvor.. In his letter, he forced the

Inquisitors of the Holy Office to take appropriate measures

against the Churches and priests in the Parishes of Bardez. The

complaints were listed methodically and presented to the Mesa

da Consciencia, Viceroy, Tribunal and to the King. In a letter of

10th December 1765, the King referred to such letters that were

sent to him by the Governor, Conde de Oneyras. In his letter of

23rd April 1766, the King made a reference to the Representation

of the Camara de Bardez about the outrages, insults and injuries

that the people of Bardez had endured because of the frairs who

claimed the exclusive authority to serve as parish priests but

ignored the Expone nobis of Pope Pius V and the Instructions of

the King. The Holy Congregation of Regulars and the Bulls

Quamis ad Confrimadum do Sam Pontif Benedict XIV of 24th

February 1746 had supported the secular clergy. This was

implemented in Goa but the frairs ignored it and continued to

live with little fear for God or for the King. The frairs were not fit
 458

to administer the Parishes and there were cases wherein they

extorted money so that they could live a licentious life in the

Houses of their mistresses. Most of the frairs were rich because

they looted the Parishes. There were cases wherein the corpses

were not buried because the family members could not meet

the funeral expenses. The authorities believed that if the frairs

were substituted with the secular clergy, the latter would at least

be in a position to handle the mission because they were well

educated, well behaved and of good moral character. Moreover,

their appointment was essential to solve the grievances of the

local people. The King concluded that the frairs worked on the

land that was hired to them but they were unable to yield much

fruit in the Parishes because they were incapable tenant farmers.

Hence, the King decided to hire Pastors who could lead the herds

to the pasture with good instructions and edifying examples. 41

The King sent two Orders in 1759 and 1761 respectively.

The Archbishop was instructed to execute the Orders of the King

and the Governor was authorized to appoint the local clergy as

the parish priests in Bardez so that they heard the bleats of the

herds and grazed them. The King realized that the Superiors of

the Order had lost their zeal and that the Rectors had become

interested in material benefits . Hence, he decided that the best

solution was to substitute them. The Camara argued that the

secular clergy were experienced in the pastoral work because

they had hitherto helped the frairs in their Parish work. The
 454

Governor refused to blame the frairs and requested the King to

cancel the Substitution Decree because he felt that the native

priests were incompetent of handling the ministry. But, the King

and the Court decided to implement the Decree. The frairs

violently reacted to this and the authorities were forced to send

the Sargent mor, Miguel de Arrois and the grenadiers to the

Frairy. They were stationed in the fortress of Aguada that was

half a league away and awaited for the right admonitions to go to

the cloisters. The frairs raised various questions before the

Judge . The Provincial wanted their case to be represented before

a Sindico. Dom Francisco de Corte Real was entrusted with this

task. He blamed the Provincial and four other frairs for the

problems in the Parishes of Bardez. The Guardian of the Frairy

was sent to the College of Sao Boaventura. In a letter dated 27th

March 1767, the Governor, the Chief Judge and the Ouvidor

Geral do Crime decided to remove the Frairs from the Parishes in

Bardez. In a letter of 14th July 1767, the decision was sent to the

Minister General and the frairs had to leave the Province of

Bardez for good. The Governor, Dom Joao de Mello lamented that

the happy days when the frairs sowed the seeds of the Gospel,

lightened up the darkness of paganism and erected altars were

gone. The Province was now in a deplorable state because of the

dissolute life and laxity of the frairs who were mercenaries rather

than shepherds. The native priests were preferred because they

understood the needs of the flock that they tended. They were
 455

doctors of their own people as they understood their ailments

and provided effacious remedies. 42

The Decree of 23 rd April 1766, that was issued in Lisbon

instructed the frairs to relinquish their Parishes in Bardez and to

surrender them to the local clergy. The latter were placed under

the Nuntius in Lisbon and the Archbishop in Goa. The frairs left

sixty thousand Catholics for the secular clergy to tend. 43

Notes and References :

Jose Felner(ed.) Op.Cit., 1868, pp.127-8; Asentos Vol. 7, pp. 49-57; T. R. de Souza, Op. Cit.,1979, p.
27.
2
Bo/. do Gov. No. 68(1862); Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit.,1906, p.3; Lopes Mendes, Op.Cit.,Vol. I, p.75;
EHGLC p. 412; DHMP Vol. V, pp. 473, 468-9; ARF, doc. 44, p. 61; C. C. Nazareth, Op.
Cit.,1927,pp.13-14.
3
Bosq. Op. Cit, Vol. I, p. 256; EHGLC p. 412, Civezza, Op. Cit.,1859, p. 129, DHMP. Vol.V, p. 469; ARF. -
doc. 1, p. 61 of MR. Vol. 79,11. 339.
4
AHU Doc. Avulsos, India Maco 5 cited in AFP p. 117; ARF doc. I, p. 61 from MR Vol. 79, II. 339;
Report 2, p. 69 of MR. Vol. 79, fl. 341; F. X. Gomes Catao, Op.Cit.,BEAG(1952),pp. 303-04; Livro de
Pazes, No.1. fl. 266; Bo/. Off., No. 6,(1875), pp.28 and 133; No.1, p. 318.
• AHU, Codice 449, fl. 132v, published in ARF Report 12 , pp. 122-23; Report 2, pp. 67-68 of MR. Vol. 79,
II. 341.
MR. Vol. 79, fl. 339; DHMP Vol. V, p.465; F. X. Gomes Catao, XCHR Ms. p.8;F. X. Gomes
Cattio,Op. Cit., STVDIA. Vol. 40 (1978), p.285;
• Bosq., Vol. I, pp. 292-93 and 153-54; Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit.,Voz No. 37(1936), p.4;Rosario Alexio
Braganza, Op.Cit.,1926, pp. 19-20; Leopoldo Rocha, Op. Cit., pp. 309-10; DHMP Vol. V, p. 469; L°M.
No.138A, fls. 250-52v.
F. N. Xavier, Op. Cit.,1852, p. 15; MR. Vol. 106, fl. 326; Leopoldo Rocha, Op.Cit., p. 250; APO. Vol. VI,
Suppl. 11, p. 457; A. K. Priolkar, Op.Cit.,1961, p.139.
• Bosq., Op.Cit.,Voll, p. 139; Ms. in the Archivo Pastoral de Aldona cited by Leopoldo Rocha, Op.Cit., p.
310; XCHR; Ms. p.108; F. X. Costa, Legados Pios, que oneram os bens citados nos Conselhos das
Ilhas, Bardes a Salcete e Momugao do districto de Goa, 1960; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II,
p.241.
ML, Vol. I, pp. 237-38; DHMP Vol. V, pp.468-70; MR, Vol. 71, fl. 341; Gabriel de Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol.
10

II, pp. 233-36; MR, Vol. 79, fl. 341 in ARF. Report 2, pp. 71-78; Report 45, p. 63 of MR Vol.1590, p.
1128; Nazareth, Igreja de New!, p.7.
Bosq., Vol. I, p. 358;0 Heraldo (18-5-1915); ARF, Report 44, pp. 71-78 of MR. Vol. 79,11. 341; Bol. do
Gov. N°. 35, (1883) and N°. 50,(1840); Portario do Govemo, (24-11-1840); C. C. Nazareth, Op.
Cit.,1927, p. 181-83; HAG:Papeis dos Coventos Extinctos, Nos. 7511-12, (1762-73), fls. 7, 16, 17; ARF,
Report 2, pp. 71-89; MR. Vol. 79, fl. 341; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit.,1962, p. 108; ML. Vol. I, p. 265;
HAG:Assentos das Pencoes do Convento de Seo Boaventura, HAG. N°. 2133, fl. 10; F. X. Costa, Op.
 456

Cit,1960,p. 160; HAG:Assentos de Pengoes do Convento de sao Boaventura, f. 4; The detailed

accounts regarding the income and expenditure of the Frairy of St. Francis and the College of
Boaventura are stated in MR Vol. 143v, fls. 790-94, 796 and 799-800; The proceeds are stated in Livro
da Receita e despeza do Palmar de Sao Boaventura de Goa, HAG. No. 1098, fls. 1-32.The State tried
to control the proceeds of the Religious Orders. The recipients were instructed to sign the receipts. On
1519January 1767, the Guardian of Pomburpa, and Penha da Franca stated that the account books
stating the amount of rice that was distributed to the converts and catechumens was certified by the
Guardian, Provincial and the Recipients; MR Vol. 143B, ff. 759v.
12 BoL do Gov. Nos. 3-11 (1862). These accounts are published by J. A. Ismael Creoles 'Legados e
Pensoes - A cargo das fabricas e confrarias de Goa em 1766' in OP, Vol. 10(1913) Nos. 3 and 4, pp.
62-3 and 83-6. These are originally taken from MR. Vol.138, fls. 35, Old Survey No. 1, 11. 80v; Survey
No. 2, fls. 202, 330v, 232; New list no. 1, fls. 26 and 444, Old List No. 2, fls. 156v, 106v, pp.288-89 and
250-52; Till 7th February 1768, the frairs continued to administer the Bens in the six Parishes. On that
day they had to hand over the Bens to the Secular priests; MR Vol. 143B, Ifs. 845-46.
13 A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958,p. 63; Rui Gomes Pereira, Op. Cit., 1978 ,p.121; Gabriel Saldanha, Op.
Cit., Vol. I, p. 311and Vol. II, p. 381; MR. Vol. 127B, fl. 263, ARF, Report 15, p. 130; Joao
Machado, ReIntl() dos successos da India e Principio do Felissimo Govemo do Estado, Ex Sr. Conde
De Ega, 1759, p. 3; ARF. Report 17, p. 135 and Report 15;MR. Vol. 127, fl. 262 also stated in
Meersman Achilles, Op. Cit., Indica, Vol. I, No.2(1964), p. 174; ARF. Report 19, p. 139; MR. Vol. 130B,
fl. 422, Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 277; MR, Vol. 130A, fl. 342, Meersman Achilles, Op. Cit.,
Indica. Vol. 1(1964), p. 175; ARF. Report 23;MR. Vol. 133B, 11. 234, transcribed in ARF. Report 25 and
27, p. 157; MR. Vol. 118B, fl. 421; MR. Vol. 135B, fl. 523
14 These areas came under the Portuguese only in 1791; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 311, Vol.-11, ---
p. 281; Meersman Achilles, Op. Cit., Extractum do AFH Vol. 60(1967), p. 103; It contains a list of the
Provincials of the Sao Thome Province till 1835; MR. Vol. 138A, fl. 206v; 'Oridinaria do Convento de
Sao Francisco de Goa', in OP. Vol. 9(1912).
15 The College of Reis Magos served as a residence for the Viceroys since 1666; Francisco de Assis
Tavora arrived on 25 th September 1750, the anchors were dropped at Agoada and twenty one guns
boomed to salute him. The outgoing Viceroy Marquis Aloma sailed upto the fleet in his manchia and
officially received Tavora with deep courtesy by offering him the seat of Honour. But he rejected it and
• sat to the left of Aloma till the College of Reis Magos where he stayed as a guest of the frairs. One
conflict took place in 1756, on the feast day of Immaculate Conception that was celebrated in the Frairy
of St. Francis, four members of the Senado da Camara were chosen to hold the rods of the canopy
over Our Lady. However, the frairs were against this. During the procession, one of them violently
wrenched the rods from their hands in the middle of the road. The Senate was insulted. The Provincial
and Guardian of the frairs apologised on behalf of the frairs and promised to punish them for disobeying
their Superiors. But, the Senate demanded a public reparation and went to Court; Michael Telles, Op.
Cit., 1906, p. 4; BFUP, no. 65, p. 117; CL p. 65; Assentos. Vol. V, pp.174 and 185; MR. Vol. 68, fl.
234;Vol. 86, fl. 436, ARF. Report 2, pp. 82-3; ML. Vol. II, p. 123; DUP. Vol. V, doc. no.3, pp.7-10.
15 EHGLC. doc. 43, pp. 287-88; Civezza, Op. Cit.,1859, p. 148.
17 DHMP, Vol. V, p. 459;Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., OP. 4 (1907) ; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p.
237; AHU. Doc. Avulsos, India, Macro 242; MR Vol. 117, fl. 246; ARF. Report 6, p. 97; Report 2, pp.
82-83;EHGLC. doc. 60; pp. 380-1. This is translated in A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958, p. 194; EHGLC.
pp. 61-63, pp. 382-384; doc. 60, pp. 381-2; doc. 64, p. 385; does. 67-71, pp. 388-97; MR. Vol. 126B, fl.
637.
18
DUP Vol. V, p. 16; J. F. Biker, Op. Cit., Vol. IV, p. 176; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., 1958,Cap. XXII, pp.
195-6; MR. Vol. 30, fl. 43v; Vol.366, fl. 433; Vol.37, fl. 365; Vol.40, fl.110; Vol.47B, fl. 68; Vol. 127B, fl.
263 in ARF. Report 15, p. 130; Report 17, p. 136; HAG. Livro de Missoes de Goa e Malabar, Vol. 2488,
fl. 21-32; MR. Vol. 132A, fl. 342, ARF. Report 32, p. 14; F. N. Xavier, lnstrucoes de Exmo Vicerei
Marquez de Aloma, p.5; HAG. Assentos do Junta das Missoes, fls. 113, 116 and 34-95;
19
MR. Vol. 132A, fl. 342 in ARF. Report 36, p. 14; AHU. Caixa 108 in Maria dos Jesus dos
Martires Lopes, Epistolario de um Acoriano na India: Dom Taveira da Neiva Brum da Silveira (1750-
1775), 1983, p. 59; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., 1958, pp. 196-97.
20
Meersman Achilles, Op. Cit. in AFH. Vol. 60 (1967), pp. 15-16; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., pp. 188-89 and
196. The College of Reis Magos served as a residence for the Viceroys since 1666; Francisco de Assis
Tavora arrived on 25'h September 1750, the anchors were dropped at Agoada and twenty one guns
boomed to salute him. The outgoing Viceroy Marquis Alorna sailed upto the fleet in his manchia and
officially received Tavora with deep courtesy by offering him the seat of Honour. But he rejected it and
sat to the left of Alorna till the College of Reis Magos where he stayed as a guest of the frairs. One
conflict took place in 1756, on the feast day of Immaculate Conception that was celebrated in the Frairy
of St. Francis, four members of the Senado da Camara were chosen to hold the rods of the canopy
over Our Lady. However, the frairs were against this. During the procession, one of them violently
wrenched the rods from their hands in the middle of the road. The Senate was insulted. The Provincial
and Guardian of the frairs apologised on behalf of the frairs and promised to punish them for disobeying
their Superiors. But, the Senate demanded a public reparation and went to Court; Michael Telles, Op.
Cit., 1906, p. 4; BFUP, no. 65, p. 117; CLF p. 65; Assentos. Vol. V, pp.174,185; MR. Vol. 68, fl. 234;
Vol. 86, fl. 436, ARF. Report 2, pp. 82-3; ML. Vol. II, p. 123; DUP. Vol. V, pp.7-10.
21
S. K. Mhamai Kamat, The Sawants of Wadi, coastal politics in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,
1984; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, pp. 276-78; DHMP. Vol. V, pp. 461-62.
 453/

This incident took place between March 1704 to January 1706; CL, p. 262, APO. Vol. VI, p. 143; ML,
Vol. I, pp. 224-25; Anais p. 30; Assentos. Vol. V, pp. 402-03, 528, 498, 506 and 545; APO, Vol. III,
Tomo. I, Part V, p. 367;
T.V Parvate (trans.), Op. Cit., 1985, p. 188; S. K. Mhamai, Op. Cit., 1984, p. 47; Anais, p. 6; This
battle was ever since enacted on Carnival Sunday in the Chapel of the Holy Cross of Jesus the
Redeemer at Angodd, Mapusa. This is called the feast of Suissos; Alexi° Braganza, Op. Cit., p. 12;
Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 277 ; Ismael Gracias, Op. Cit.; OP. Vol. 18(1920), p. 290; T. B.
Cunha, Op.Cit„ 1964, p. 83; EHGLC, doc. 66; pp. 387-88; MR. Vol. 130B, fl. 425; OM. N°. 119, fl. 199;
Balsemao, Op. Cit., 1881, Part I, pp.82-85.
24
EHGLC p. 412; F. X. Gomes Catao, Op. Cit., BEAG.,(1952) p. 303; Ricardo Telles, Op.Cit.,OP. Vol.
XVI(1919), p. 367; Civezza, Op. Cit.,1859, p. 129, DHMP. Vol. V., pp. 464, 466 and 469; MR. Vol. 79,
ifs. 243 and 341; ARF. Report 2, p. 79; Anais., p. 149. F. X. Gomes Catao, Op. Cit., STVDIA. Vol. 40
(1948), p. 185; EHGLC pp.412 and 416; ML. Vol. I, p. 248; DHMP. Vol. V, pp. 470-74 ; Ricardo Telles,
Op. Cit., Voz Vol. 35 (1937), p. 278; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., in Voz, No. 10(1932), p. 106.
25
Lopes Mendes, Op. Cit., Vol. II, pp. 110-11; A. B. Braganza Pereira, Ethnografia da India Portuguesa,
1940, Vol. II, p. 199; DHMP. Vol. V, p. 473; EHGLC. Cap. CLXV ; Civezza, Op. Cit., 1859, p. 563;
Manuel Nunes da Costa, Documentagao para a historia da Congregaceo da Oratorio de Santa Cruz
dos Milagres do clero natural de Goa, 1966, p. 415; MR., Vol. 79, fl. 339; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958,
Caps. XIX and XXIV, pp.190-191,209, 328-29.
T. B. Cunha, Op. Cit., 1964,p. 27, Frederic° D'Ayalla, Goa Antigae e modema, 1887,p. 75; A. K.
Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958, Caps. XIX and XXIV, pp.190-191,209, 328-29; ARF Report 9; DHMP. Vol. V, p.
470; Jose Pereira(ed.) Op. Cit., JUB, Sept(1967), MR. Vol. 101,1i. 676.
27
EHGLC. doc. 65,; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.,1958, Caps. XIX, XXIV, LXXXIV-VII, pp. 191, 201- 213; ML.
Vol. I, p. 265. MR. Vol. 132B, fl. 575; Bat do Gov. Nos. 5, 6, 7 and 8 (1865); A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit,
1958,p. 202.
28
A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., 1958,pp. 202 to 204. These priests included Fr. Constanteno Alvares, the Judge
of the Ecclesiastical Court and Parish Priest of Sao Bartholomeu, Chorao, Rev. Fr. Gabriel Fernandes
Noronha, Licentiate and Judge of the Ecclesiastical Court and priest of San Mathias. EHGLC. doc. 82,
No. 18, pp. 462-63; MR. Vol. 143B, fls. 775-787, these documents contain the names of the Parish
priests, parishes in which they worked, their age and past record; DHMP. Vol. V, p. 501, ARF. Report 2.
29
EHGLC. doc. 41, p. 28; ML. Vol. I, pp. 231-32; APO. Vol. VI, p. 407; Cunha Rivara, Op. Cit., Cap.
CLXV; DHMP. Vol. V, pp. 496, 406 and 408; Some of these Europeans included Jacob Felipe &arta of
Dinamarquies, Christian Nicolao of Kopenhagen, Phelippe Pedro of Dinamarques, Paulo George, J.
Pedro Christiano of Janse, Miguel Mane and Christiano from Holland, J. Pedro of Escoria etc.; Carlos
Xavier, 'Europeanos baptisados no Casa dos Catecumenos', BEAG. No. 12(1950), p. 353; F. X. Vaz,
O Veneravel Ordem Terceira da Penitencia em Goa, OP. Vol. IV(1907), p. 208; Bosq., p.339; Ismael
Gracias, 0 Bispo do Halicamoso Dom Antonio Jose de Noronha, 1903,p. 45; Provisoes por favor da
Christandade, Vol. 9529, fls. 147-54; Lopes Mendes, Op. Cit., Vol. II, pp. 211-342; A. K. Priolkar, Op.
Cit., 1958, p. 208; ARF. Report 5, AFPI pp. 148-49; Braganza Pereira, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 294; AHU.
India, Maco 102 stated in Maria de Jesus dos Martires Lopes Op. Cit., 1996, p. 312; Leopold Rocha
Op.Cit.,p.338.
30
MR Vol. 86 A, fls. 32-56v; ARF. Report 13, p. 124; MR. Vol. 124A, fl. 249; Report 17, p. 135; AHU. Doc
Avulsos, India, Maco 90 and 13, Report 25, and 27; Ricardo Telles Op. Cit., OP Vol. 1(1904); Leopold
Rocha, Op. Cit., p. 338.
A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., 1958, pp. 188-89; MR. Vol. 86B, 11. 32; Vol. 84B, IL 335; ML. Vol. I, p. 229; Vol.
II, p. 237; BNL. Cod. no. 179, fl. 11-13v cited in T. R. de Souza, The Portuguese in Goan Folklore, in
Charles Borges and Feldmann(ed.), Goa and Portugal: Cultural links, 1999, p. 189; APO. Vol. VI, p.
156; ML. Vol.. I, p. 225; EHGLC. doc. 66 ; AHU, India, Maco 35; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., Cap. XXI, pp.
193-4 and 200; Charles Borges, 'Foreign Jesuits and native resistance in Goa', in T. R. de Souza (ed.),
Essays in Goan History, p. 77 and 62; F. X. Vaz and P. da Costa, Corpus Monumenta Goana
Ecclesiastica , OP. Vols. 3-4(1918), p. 8, Bt.2; Claudio Barbudor Monteiro, Instrugoes que El Rei Jose
I mandou passar ao Estado de India no ano de 1774, 1841, p. 21; MR. Vol. 139, fls. 406-09; Gabriel de
Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 234; ML. Vol. I, p. 372; F. X. Gomes Catao, 'Primeiros Vigaros coloados
em Goa nas Igrejas de Bardez', BEAG, Vol. 11(1953),pp. 397-9.
32
ARF Report 45; Report 4; Report 10, p. 111; Report 7, p. 100; MR Vol. 120B, fl. 517; 117, fl. 246; AHU.
Codice 448, fl. 26;Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., AFH. Vol. 56(1963), p. 442; CLFI. pp. 148-49, 86, 311
and 303; Mss of the Order in Ibid., p. 86; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., 1924, p. 4;C. C. Nazareth, Op. Cit.,
1927, p. 141; 11 Feroll, The Jesuits in Malabar, 1951, Vol. II, p. 503; Gerson da Cunha, 'The origin of
Bombay' doumal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1900, p. 287.
53
CLFI, p. 30, The Chapters of the Madre de Deus Province were held regularly till 1793 and are stated
in CL; Ernest Hull, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 232;Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., NZM. Vol. 13 (1957), p. 208;
Gabriel da Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II , p. 100; CEO Vol. I, Cap.10,p. 49.
34
HAG Regimentos e lnstrugoes, No. 1437, fls. 138-41; Secretaria Termos, no 659, fls. 41-3, 46, 52; P.
Chagas, Historia de Portugal no seculo XVIII e XIX, 1879, Part V, pp. 123-26; MR. Vol. 132A, fl. 219;
Assentos do Junta das Missoes, Vol. 1605, fl. 132; Ismael Gracias, Cataloguo dos livros de
assentamentos da gente da guerra que veio do reino deste 1731 a 1811, 1893, p. 18; Ian Clark Op.Cit.
ICHR. Vol. 9, No. 2 ( 1974 ), p. 148.
 48

35
Ian Clark Op. Cit.,ICHR, Vol. 9, No. 2 (1974), p. 148; MR. Vol. 132B, fls. 327-65; D. Feroli, Op.
Cit.,1951, Vol. II, pp. 501-21;C. C. Nazareth, OP. Vol. VI(1909), pp. 201-08; Achilles Meersman, Op.
Cit., AFH. Vols. 67-68( 1974-75), p. 418; MR. Vol. 151, fl. 101; Vol. 132A, fl. 334; F. X. Gomes Catao,
Op. Cit., p. 10; Livros des Moncoes das Provincias de Malabar e Goa, Vol. 2488, fl. 42; Feria Y. Souza,
Op. Cit., 1945-47, pp. 48-49; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., 1958, p. 200.
38
The parish priest were accused of several crimes. In Guirim, Frei Damiao de Sao Jose pushed and
slapped his curate in front of the people during the mass and claimed the exclusive right to read the
wedding bands. In Soccoro, Frei Antonio de Grace insulted and assaulted his curate because he
refused to obey his orders. In Co!vale, Frei Antonio de Encarnacao refused to permit the curate to read
out the bands and hear confessions, ML Vol. I, pp. 241-242; EHGLC doc. nos. 45-48, pp. 290-307; CL.
pp. 258-316. The Franciscans who were sent as the advisers included Frei Domingos de Sao
Bernardino, Vicar Provincial of the Observants, Frei Hieronimo de Belem, Provincial of Madre de Deus,
and Frei Manoel de Graca, Lente Jubiliado.
37
EHGLC. doc. 48, pp. 326-336.
38
Ibid., doc. 49, pp. 337-45, Livro das cartes a ordens(1726-28) dated 17th November 1728.
38
EHGLC. docs. 49-52A, pp. 345-352; Livros das cartas e ordens of 1726.
40
A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit.1958, pp. 203-05;EHGLC. does. 53-57, pp. 352-65; MR. Vol. 101B, fl. 1068;
Fortunato Coutinho, Le regime parossial das dioceses de rite Latin de l'Inde des origines (XVI secle)
nos fours, 1958; EHGLC. docs. 58-59, pp. 365-80; Ibid. docs. 72-76, pp. 397-408.
41
EHGLC. doc 77, pp. 409-417.
42
The King had sent four copies one to the Conde de Ega on 26 th March 1759 ordering him to entrust the
Jesuit missions to other priests. The second instruction was sent to Conde de Oeyras on 2 nd April
1761 in which he suggested how the missions in India had to be exercised after the expulsion of the
Jesuits. The third was asking for information about the list of missionaries and establishments in the
Estado and the fourth were in the form of Minutes for the Statutes for the College of the local clergy that
was established in the city of Goa; EHGLC. doc. 78, pp. 410-17; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., 1958, pp.
197-98 and 203-05; Bol. do Gov. Nos. 3, 11, p..862.
EHGLC, doc. 80, pp. 420-25; Ricardo Telles Op. Cit., Seperata de BIVG. (1943), pp. 21-26; Mariano
Dias, Op. Cit., BIVG.No. 177 (1997), p. 54. The Provincial constitutions for the Sao Thome Province
were drawn up in 1742 under the initiative of Frei Domingos de Louzada and Frei Thome da Conceicao,
IVG Ms. No. M-10(b), 7535. These dealt with the training of the novices,fl. 3, the alms and stipends,
twenty one points related to the duties of the frairs fls. 2-9; The Bulls and Briefs fls. 9-13. On 3rd May
1743 Statutes pertaining to the expenses on the divine services, Chapters, indecencies in the
Churches, etc. were drawn IVG Ms. No. 10(a), 7534. On 8 th April 1751, Frei Antonio de Jesus Maria
drew up the Statutes relating to discipline and manners, Ifs. 17-26. Those relating to the masses,
novenas, feasts, etc. were also included. On 18 th May 1744, Frei Antonio de Santa Maria drew up
statutes pertaining to claustural discipline, fls. 15-27 and 27-37, those related to the Chapters were
included in fls 37-44, while those related to the habit were drawn up in 1762 by Frei Joao de Madre de
Deus, fls. 44-46.
-17[1[1U
 allIPTI-11 VIII

THE EXPULSION OF THE ORDER (1766-1835)

In 1766, the frairs were officially expelled from their

Parishes in Bardez. However, they tried to hold on to the five

Churches that were donated or bequeathed to the Order. They

were sure that they could sustain themselves there without being

dependent on the authorities in Portugal and Goa. These

Parishes included Sao Lourengo de Linhares, Nossa Senhora de

Penha. da Franga, Reis Magos, Madre de Deus, Pomburpa and

Nossa Senhora do Mar, Oxel.

THE CASES AGAINST THE FRANSCISCAN IN BARDEZ: In 1759

and 1761, the King issued instructions that favoured the

appointment of the local secular clergy in the Parishes of Bardez.

The Archbishop, Dom Antonio Texeira de Neiva Brum da Silveira__

immediately invited the applications from the local clergy and

handed over nineteen Parishes in Bardez to them on the basis of

the Instructions that he had received from the King on 23rd April

1766. 1

The matter was still not resolved because the Governor and

the Meza had not agreed to the decision of the Royal Court. In a

letter of 13th December 1768, the Secretary of State argued that

the authorities in Goa did not have the absolute powers to take

decisions on such matters. The Minister Provincial of the

 466

Observants took advantage of the delay and decided to reform the

Order by taking action against those religious who had violated

the sacred environment of the Frairy. The Camara Geral de

Bardez was also against the Royal decision. In a letter of 7th

February 1768, the Camara complained to the King that the

decision was taken without consulting the local people. The

relations of the frairs in the Frairies were not cordial. Frei

Nicolao de Santa Rita, Guardian of the Frairy of St. Francis

referred to an open fight inside the Frairy. 2

In his letter of 2nd April 1767, the Secretary of State

instructed the Provincial and Guardian to restore law and order

in the Bardez but the latter entrusted this task to the Governor

because it was beyond his reach. Since the condition did not

improve, the Chief Judge was consulted. In a letter of 31st March

1767, the Governor blamed the Provincial for proteCting his

frairs. On 5th July 1767, the Ouvidor Geral do Crime reported that

there were contradictory reports on the incident that took place

in the Frairy on account of which the decisions had to be

delayed. The frairs requested the Governor to inquire into the

problem that involved Frei Caetano de Santa Maria who had

helped some frairs to revolt. It was reported that Frei Caetano

had called the frairs to his cell, asked them to write against the

Provincial and instigated them to go against him. Frei Caetano

was caught and punished by the Guardian who then sent him to

the Provincial. The latter imprisoned him in the Novitiate where

he was not allowed to communicate with anybody. A frair tried to

confess him by giving him cuts on his body. The other frairs

who had supported him were also whipped. Frei Caetano

complained about this to the Governor. The Provincial was

discredited and forced to leave the Frairy. The Archbishop took

advantage of his absence and removed the frairs. In his letter of

22nd January 1768, he wrote to the King that he had handed over

some Rectories in Bardez to the seculars. 3

In the absence of the Provincial, the Guardian had to take

the decisions. In a letter of 22nd March 1769, the King and the

authorities in Portugal instructed their subordinates in Goa that

they should not allow the accused frairs to escape as it would

become more difficult to handle the matter. The Secretary of

State organized a Chapter to decide about Frei Jose de Sao

Thomas, the Guardian of the Frairy of St. Francis who had

insulted the Visitor General. The Visitor General warned the

Provincial to avoid such incidents in future. The Secretary of

State and the Sargent Mor stayed in the Frairy and attended the

matins at the Chapter. After Christmas, it was decided to__

imprison the Guardian in the Madre de Deus Frairy. At the

following Chapter, the Judge was invited to deal with the

following frairs:

Frei Lucas de Silo Diego and Frei Manoel do Eusebio, the

parish priests of Pomburpa who were accused of dishonesty,

inefficiency and pride.

 42

Frei Nicolao and Frei Caetano de Jesus Maria who were

accused of creating factions among the frairs.

1.- Frei Antonio de Padua and Frei Manoel do Rosario who were

accused of revolting against their Superiors.

Frei Jose de Santo Thomaz, Guardian of the Frairy of St.

Francis who was blamed of bad conduct.

D Frei Mathias de Santa Rita and Frei Luis de Madre de Deus

mesticos who were accused for being ignorant and insolent.

The decisions were signed by the Governor and sent to the

King who was requested to issue a Royal Order. The four fairs

Frei Lucas, Frei Manoel, Frei Caetano and Frei Jose were

imprisoned. The Provincial was allowed neither to vote nor to

preside over the Chapter. 4

The Archbishop implemented the Expulsion Decree on the

basis of Bull of Benedict XVI entitled Quamvis ad Confirmadum

which authorised him to place the secular clergy in charge of the

Parishes, provided they considered themselves to be the vassals

of the King. The people of Bardez and the authorities were

unhappy because of the frairs still exercised an indirect hold over

the Parishes of Serula, Siolim, Colvalle, Verussa, Nagoa, Pan -a,

Olaulim, Pilerne, Guirim, Cannaca, Tivim, Anjuna, Nerul and

Sangolda. The frairs had reacted to the Expulsion Decree and

submitted an Apologia to the Court in 1767, in which they cited

their early efforts in the mission and the good reputation that
 463

they enjoyed because of their discipline and peaceful approach.

They also requested the authorities to give them some time to

take their assets and to hand over the Parishes to the secular

clergy. 5

The Pombaline reforms favoured the local Christians. The

secular clergy availed of this freedom to express their bitter inner

feelings against the frairs. The gaoncars of Bardez argued that

the privileges that were ensured to them by the Regiment° da

Camara de Bardez were denied to them since the last seventeen

years. The Viceroy and the Archbishop wanted the secular clergy

because they were not bound to any authority. Since most of the

local inhabitants supported the seculars, the authorities felt that

they had to appease them because their power and security was

based on the support of the people. Hence, the King was forced

to pass the Royal Order by which the frairs were removed from

the Parishes in Bardez. On 23rd April 1766, the King instructed

the Secretary of State to implement the Alvara of 26th March

1759 and the Instructions of 2nd April 1761. On 10th December

1766, an Edital was issued by which the nineteen Parish

Churches were transferred to the secular clergy. On 20th

December 1766, the Governor furnished an account of the

income and expenditure of the Communidades de Bardez. In

this, it was evident that the Communidades had given life to the

Parishes by building the Churches and sustaining nearly thirty

frairs who lived there. The first eleven AUgust Monarchs of

 44

Portugal had endowed some of the Churches in Bardez with their

Royal piety and these Parish Churches were pleno jure indebted

to the King. The local people were unhappy with the frairs but

they could not appeal against them to the State or to the

Superiors directly because all of them defended their Padroado

priviledges. Hence, they decided to take recourse to clandestine

means and blamed the frairs of scandals, ignorance of the local

language, laxity, corruption and disobedience. The

representatives of local people argued that since many of the

Parish Churches were built and maintained by the

Communidades, they should be handed over to the local clergy.

The latter were best suited for this mission because they had the

ability to serve the parishioners, they obeyed the authorities in

Rome, Portugal and Goa, they were decent and well behaved,

they had little power over the local authorities, they were not

dependent on the State, they sustained on the alms of the local

people and their Churches would be maintained by the

Communidades. 6 The local people were confident that the secular

clergy could look after their own religious needs without any

assistance from the religious. Moreover, the local clergy were

organized and empowered to handle the Parishes in Bardez.

THE COUNTER REACTIONS BY THE FRAIRS: The frairs refused

to vacate the Parishes that they had founded and maintained for

over two centuries. They were not ready to abandon the revenue
 45

, yielding Province of Bardez where the people had the capacity to

sustain the religious even when the King had ignored his

responsibilities. When the Expulsion Decree was implemented in

Goa, the frairs sent an Exponent that included the following

claims:

> The frairs had instructed the people of Bardez in the

Christian doctrine and baptized them at the General

Baptisms at the cost of the Royal Treasury. They spent

nearly sixty pardaos on them.

> The frairs worked in Bardez and in eleven missions in the

South where they had replaced the Jesuits.

> The Observants worked in Bardez for more than two

centuries.

> The frairs worked for the spiritual well being of the local

people and for the political security of the Estado. They had

served as Chaplains on the ships, administered the

sacraments to the garrisons, accompanied them on

dangerous military expeditions, protected the soldiers and—

ammunition in their Frairies and motivated the soldiers to

work for the safety of the Estado. Frei Pedro da Encarnacdo

was imprisoned, chained and made to work in the fritters by

the Marathas, Frei Manoel do Rosario was sent against the

enemies, Frei Manoel de Sao Diego was sent by Conde de

Sandomil against the Bonsulo. He was imprisoned but

escaped with nine cuts on his body. Frei Manoel de Sao

 Domingos, Rector of Tivim were imprisoned by the Marathas.

The enemies were aware that the frairs were the soldiers of

the Portuguese and that they stored the weapons there. On

one instance, an enemy left a burning boat on the River.

The boat sailed close to the Royal warehouse and was a

threat to the Frairy. Apart from this, the frairs served as

confessors and advisers to the Viceroy. Frei Manoel de

Encarnacao died in the expedition in Pernem. Frei Francisco

de Santa Roza was a Chaplain on the warship of Jose

Placido de Matos in the same expedition. The frairs also

helped the Portuguese in the expedition against Danda--

Rajapuri who attacked Goa. The proceeds of their Churches

were handed over to the authorities to help them to avert

such dangers.

> The frairs still maintained five parishes in Bardez and the

Order had forty Definitor, four Lectors in Theology, one

Guardian in the Frairy of St. Francis and four Preachers.

> The frairs lived an exemplary life and promoted the peace

and unity among the parishioners. They also trained them to

be prompt and intelligent so that they could serve the

Republic.

> The Archdiocese was a product of the sweat and hard work

of the frairs. Some Parish were entrusted to them by the

Padroado.
 40?

> The Parish Churches that were administered by the local

clergy were not peaceful because their administrators were

inefficient and inexperienced unlike the frairs who were

highly qualified. Many frairs had occupied high positions in --

the Holy Office. They were officially examined and nominated

there as per the Royal Instructions and Papal directions.

The frairs also worked in the distant Parishes. In Goa,

fifteen parish priests knew the local language and the Order

had forty one frairs who knew the language and who could

be sent to Bardez.

➢ The frairs had the capacity to support the co-frairs, to give

alms to support the poor and to the converts. In Goa, they

spent nearly three hundred pardaos or ninety thousand re-is

on the faith. This was procured by the Royal Treasury or

from their benefactors.

> There was no evidence that the frairs rested in their Frairies

and Hospices because the King had hailed their efforts and

honoured them with great benefits for nearly two and a half

centuries.

➢ The frairs commanded great respect as parish priests. Pope

Gregory XI had authorised them to occupy the office of

parish priests by the Bull Inscrutabli Dei Providentia.7

In the Exponent, the frairs clearly stated that they owed

allegiance to the Pope, King and other authorities in Portugal and

 468

Goa. They had rendered religious and military help for the

security of the mission and that of the Estado. The faith

formation of the converts was strong and the frairs were sure

that the latter were strong supporters of the Christian religion.

The Exponent proved that it was very difficult for the Portuguese

to replace the frairs because they had a long record of success.

But, the authorities could not disappoint the Camara de Bardez

because it ensured their existence in Goa. Hence, the King was

forced to implement the Decree of 23rd April 1766.

The local people of some of the important villages in Bardez

wanted to expel the frairs. These villages were inhabited by the

brahmins whose relatives had been trained as clerics. Many of

these clerics aspired to join the Religious Orders. The villagers

had accepted the Portuguese education and were aware of their

traditional socio-economic and cultural priviledges that had been

appropriated by the frairs. In an appeal dated 4th December

1766, the Junta da Camara Geralrequested the King to remove

the Observant parish priests from all the twenty four Parishes in

Bardez and to place them under the secular clergy who were

familiar with the customs and language of the land. This was

signed by many gauncars of the village. On 3rd December 1766,

the gauncars submitted their complaints to the Archbishop who

in turn directed these complaints to the King. The complaints__

were verified by the Secretary of State on 10th November 1769. He

stated that, the gauncars constituted the village and if the

 469

' villagers were unhappy, they would go against the frairs. In the

meanwhile, the King tried his ,best to extract information about

the clerics and the extent to which they could serve the church in

the Estado.8

The Archbishop and King decided to substitute the frairs

with the local clergy as a desperate move to save the last vestiges

of the Estado from a popular revolt.

THE REMOVAL OF THE FRAIRS FROM BARDEZ AND THEIR

REACTION: The Substitution Decree was passed in April 1766,

but the actual hand over was delayed because the authorities

decided to implement a time bound programme of action and to

hand over one Parish at a time to the secular clergy. In a letter of

19th January 1767, the Provincial wrote to the Board of

Governors that apart from the Parish Churches of Soccoro and

Moira, the others were still under the frairs. The Provincial had

to obey the Decree and implement it. In a letter of 24th January

1768, he stated that only six religious worked as parish priests in

Bardez. This implied that most of the Parishes were already

under the local clergy. The native clergy found it impossible to

maintain the grandiosity of the Churches and services because

they did not have a regular source of income. Moreover, the

authorities reduced the amount that was allotted by the State

Treasury for the mission to half. The members of the Camara

were bent upon ousting the latter because they wanted to regain
their control over the socio-economic aspects of their land. The

Recollects did not have this problem because they did not try to

acquire landed property and did not interfere in the customs of

the people. However, the King tried to inquire into their mission.

This is evident from a letter of 27th January 1767, in which Frei

Joao de Santa Catharina, Provincial of the Madre de Deus --

Province wrote to the Board of Governors that the King had

requested him to send a report about the mission in Goa.

The frairs were disappointed by the Substitution Decree

and tried to give vent to their anger by getting involved in

intrigues and conflicts. The Secretary of State, King, Minister

Provincial and the Mesa da Consciencia did not want to get

involved in an internal conflict. The Mesa and the Secretary

requested the King to inquire into the matter because it was a

political matter that involved him. The Tribunal clearly stated

that the King was responsible for the Parishes in Bardez because

he was the head of the Padroado missions. Finally, the King had

bowed down to these pressures and favoured the secular clergy.

This decision was communicated to the Overseas Council. On 7th

April 1769, the decision was forwarded to the Minister Provincial.

The King took this decision because he realized that villagers

were happy with the meritorious service that was rendered by the

clerics to preserve the peace in the Estado. The King also found

that the clerics were prudent, well examined and obedient to the

Royal authorities. The Minister Provincial of the Order was

 471

forced to admit that the latter could improve the deplorable state

of the Christian herds who suffered because of the laxity of the

mercenaries who constituted the Order. In the late eighteenth

century, the frairs who worked as parish priests were generally

novices who were ordained and sent from Portugal to look after

the mission. These novices found it difficult to adjust to a new

land without proper formation and experience. On the contrary,

the local clergy were older and more experienced to handle the

high administrative posts. The seculars were determined to

overthrow the frairs and coordinated with the Camara to do so. In

fact, the local clergy succeeded in their appeal mainly because of

the support that they got from the Camara Geral de Bardez. In a

Representation of 30th January 1770, it was evident that the

Camara Geral was also supported by the Procuradors. Pope No V

had issued the Exponi Nobis by which he intended to replace the

religious parish priests in Bardez by the secular clergy because

they were larger in number and were more suited to occupy the

Church Offices. Pope Benedict XIV in the Quamuis ad

Confirmandum had also stated that the Parishes should not be

entrusted to the frairs because they were ignorant of the local

language. The authorities were happy with the expulsion of the

frairs from nineteen Parishes in Bardez because they knew that

the frairs who lived there brought dishonor to the Order and to

the State by living a luxurious and material life. They even

auctioned the posts for money at Chapters and Congregation and

 4'12

formed factions to overthrow the qualified candidates who were

elected. Hence, neither the secular nor the religious authorities

supported the frairs. 9

The Substitution Decree reached Goa in the monsoon of

1766. The Archbishop was instructed to entrust the Parishes in

Bardez to the secular clergy in perpetum. The frairs opposed this

and argued that the five Parishes that were donated to them by

individuals should remain under them because it was their duty

to fulfil the responsibilities that were entrusted to them by their

benefactors. The Substitution Decree had deprived them of their

parochial obligations in the Parish Churches but it had not

invalidated or cancelled their right of being the perpetual

caretakers of the Churches that were handed over to them.

Moreover, the King could assert his rights over the Padroado

Parishes and not over their private Parishes as the latter__

belonged to the Order.

The benefactors of these Parishes had left an inheritance

for frairs on which they could subsist without being dependent

on the Royal grants. The frairs ignored the Communidade of

Bardez, Procuradores of the Camara and the Archbishop and

appealed directly to the King because they were responsible to

him. They argued that their presence in the five Parishes was

important for the security of the Christian religion and of the

Portuguese in Goa. In January 1770, some parishioners of the

Parishes that were located on the borders of Goa stated that they
 4'13

were afraid of the local invaders and the non-converts who lived

in the fringes of their land. They did not feel safe under the

secular clergy who had little or no genuine support from the

State. They clearly stated that the allegations of the Camara were

fabricated. On the contrary, many gaoncars praised the frairs for

being capable and efficient in handling the spiritual duties that

were entrusted to them in Goa, Canara and in the North where

they fought against the wrath of the infidels to promote the glory

of God and for the security of the Estado. The converts believed

that they would never be safe without the support of the King

and this Royal support could be procured only by the frairs

because they were very close to him. The scandals on the pretext— -

of which the frairs were removed were also found in the five

Parishes of the Dominicans and in the other two that were

administered by the Augustinians in the Islands of Goa.

The authorities in Portugal replaced the frairs because of

security reasons. In 1771, Peshwa Madhav Rao had founded his

capital at Poona. He was at a war with Haider Ali, the ruler of

Mysore. Though the Portuguese remained neutral, the Marathas

wanted a passage through Goa. The Portuguese overtly refused

such help but some frairs like Br. Leandro da Madre de Deus, an

expert in medicine went to assist the Peshwa at Poona who was

seriously ill. The finances of the Portuguese were badly struck

because of the war and the local people now felt that they were

capable of being autonomous because they raised money and

 4/4

sustained the Parishes in Bardez. They condemned the frairs for

misusing the funds of the Communidade. At this time, nearly

one hundred and twenty two frairs lived in the Estado. The frairs

in Goa accepted the Expulsion Decree and left the nineteen

Parishes in Bardez. However, the King could not take a decision

about the five Parishes as they were beyond his jurisdiction. In a

report of 29th January 1770, the Provincial of the Sao Thome

Province, Frei Faustian de Santa Anna wrote to the Governor

that the frairs still administered five Parishes in Bardez because

the King had agreed that they were bestowed on them by the

founders. They also occupied a few other Houses. In a letter of

18th January 1772, the Provincial informed the Governor that

they were allowed to remain in the two Hospices of Nossa

Senhora dos Desemparados, • Monte de Guirim and of Nossa

Senhora da Saude, Valverde, where they conducted the divine

services using the alms that were left behind by those who had

established them. The College of Reis Magos got funds from the

Royal grant that was made by Infant Dom Henrique. In another

letter of 5th February 1772, the Governor stated that the frairs

were allowed to remain in the Frairy of St. Francis, Old Goa and

in the College of Sao Boaventura. In that year, there were one

hundred and six frairs in different parts of the Estado, of which

forty frairs served in the Frairies, ten worked at the College of Sao

Boaventura and one looked after the Hospice at Monte de

Guirim. 10
 4?5

The authorities were not happy with this decision because

they wanted the frairs to be deprived of the parochial rights over

the five Parishes that were donated to them. This was evident

from a letter of 18th February 1772, in which the Governor wrote

to the Secretary of State, Martinho de Melo e Castro that the

Camara de Bardez wanted all the Parish Churches to be handed

over to the secular clergy in perpetuity. However, the frairs clung

to their priviledges and produced all the documents that legally

confirmed their right to possess the five Parish Churches. The

Archbishop was disappointed. He stated that the institution

called the Church was not created in Asia to accommodate the

frairs but to house better pastors who zealously looked after their

herds and taught them the true doctrine. The Camara Geral

stated that the frairs were ignorant of the local language. But, the

frairs stated that they had studied the language, worked as

Syndic Masters and even had introduced a Chair in the Konkani

language. 11 In this manner, the frairs defended their claim over

the Goa mission. Some parishioners complained against an

assistant parish priest who forcibly collected the gifts from the

parents of the local brides. He also demanded piglings and

chickens as Easter blessings. The Camara Geral da Provincia de

Bardez accused the frairs of innumerable insolencias. But, the

frairs continued to occupy these Parishes by virtue of their right

till 1835.12
THE REACTION OF THE COMMUNIDA DES TO THE

EXPULSION OF THE FRAIRS: The local people were happy that

the frairs were expelled from the nineteen Parishes in Bardez.

However, within a short time the Communidades of many villages

coordinated with the Procurador Geralof the Sao Thome Province

and requested the King to restore their Parishes to the frairs. In

February 1767, the gauncars of Sangolda appealed in favour of

the frairs because they found that the local clergy were timid,

weak and irrational. By, 1768, the gaoncars of fourteen other

villages followed suit. The Procurador Geralpraised the frairs for

spearheading the mission in Bardez for nearly two and a half

centuries. The gaoncars of Mapusa also spoke against the

decisions of the Camara as being a dilivio de huns homens. 13

The parishioners of Bardez realized that a close alliance

between the Cross and the Crown was also an alliance between

the Portuguese secular and religious arm. The secular clergy

were not in a position to coordinate with the Portuguese and the

local converts felt threatened by the impending invasions.

Though the Governor put up a spirited defense in favour of the

frairs, he was more interested in maintaining discipline, law and

order in the Province of Bardez and supported the secularization

of the Parishes there. The Archbishop also supported the native

clergy for a similar reason. The frairs who revolted against the

Superiors were arrested and imprisoned. A new Provincial was

nominated and the Order in Bardez was placed under the

 43/1

Archbishop. Some frairs were tried by the Mesa da Consciencia

and exiled to Portugal. The latter was cautious not to spare even

the timid and diligent frairs as they were beyond their control.

The Archbishop prepared a detailed report of the complaints that

were leveled against the frairs. By the next year, some of those

who were the prime accused had escaped fled from the Estado.

The King instructed the authorities in Goa to capture them and

send them to Lisbon. The others were sent to the Archbishop

who was the sole authority to confer the punishments. Towards

the end of 1772, the Secretary of State, F. X. Mendonca

instructed him to issue an Order by which the frairs had to

relinquish all their Parishes in Bardez to the secular clergy. As

such, there was no clear instruction about the five Parishes. Only

a hundred and six religious were allowed to remain in Goa. 14 - -- --

The authorities decided to leave the five Parishes in the

hands of the religious for several reasons. Oxel, Reis Magos,

Pomburpa, Penha de Franca and Sinquerim were strategic

villages. Most of them had military outposts or were close to the

place where the garrisons were stationed. Reis Magos had a fort.

Moreover, the frairs had proceeds and properties in all the five

villages. Hence, they claimed that the five Churches in Bardez

belonged to the Order and not to the Padroado. These Parishes

were not as stabilized as compared the other nineteen where the

Portuguese could depend on the converts for the security of the

land.
 4'18

THE FRANCISCANS IN THE PARISHES OF OXEL, LINHARES,

REIS MAGOS, PENHA DE FRANCA AND POMBURPA: The

shameless and open accusations and counter accusations

between the frairs, native clergy and the Portuguese authorities

defamed the religious. However, they desperately clung to five

Parishes that they referred to as Casas, Conventuais,

pertencentes, legados, donativos etc. Between 1766 to 1772,

Goan secular priests were appointed and all the Parishes in

Bardez except seven Churches, Hospices and Chapels were

handed over to the seculars. The secular clergy were unable to

maintain the Parish Churches without the help of the State. In a

report of 24th January 1768, the Provincial stated that all the

Parish Churches were not equally grandiose and ornate but the

priests did conduct the divine services there. The frairs refused

to surrender the Churches and Houses that were bequeathed to

them by the founders and claimed that the land and the

Residencies belonged to the Order. The people of Bardez were

happy with the decision to remove the Franciscans from the

Parishes and now decided to get rid of the white regulars from

Bardez. In 1770, they appealed in favour of the appointment of

well qualified native clergy in all the Parishes in Bardez. They

wanted the authorities to establish a Seminary in Bardez to train

the latter. The King supported this move and declared that the

five legados should not continue to remain under the religious.15

 4'18

In 1770, the Captain General gave an account of the

foundation and assets of the College of Reis Magos, College of

Penha de Franca, College of Madre de Deus, Pomburpa, Hospice

of Sao Lourengo and the Church in Oxel. The frairs defended

their claims over these Houses with the testimonies by which

they proved that the Houses were not dependent on the Royal

Padroado because they had bequests and donations that could

be used to sustain the frairs who lived there. The frairs made it

clear that the Houses were not given a parochial status at the

time of foundation as that they were bequeathed to them.

However, the King argued that the Houses could not belong to

the Order because the frairs took a vow of extreme poverty and

followed the Regula by which they could not own property.

Moreover, till the Council of Trent, the Popes had prohibited the

ownership of wealth by the religious. The Council of Trent

permitted the Mendicants Orders to possess Monasteries and

Houses but it was against the inheritance of moveable properties,

legados, donatos and cesaes. The frairs could neither receive a

permanent tribute nor a fixed amount of money per anum for

their sustenance because the Rule stated that they should live on

alms that had to be collected and spent everyday for the

wellbeing of the faithful. Pope Clemente V had prohibited the

acquisition and possession of proceeds and the extension of the

Churches, Chapels and Convents. The frairs were not allowed to

acquire land or money directly from the benefactors. They had to

 483

be first approved by a Sindico. The frairs were entitled to

voluntary, manual alms and not to inheritances that the donors

testified in writing as terms like donations and testimonies were

opposed to the Rules of the Institute that were approved by the

Apostolic See and passed by the Council of Viennese and

Tridentino. Their claims over the five Parishes were further

invalidated because the donors had specified that these

Churches were intended to be Private Churches that were

formerly called Reitorias or Ermidas. However, they were later

converted into Parish ChUrches to serve the converts of that area.

This was done because the concept of Private Church or

Churches that were primarily intended for the donors was

intrinsically opposed to the Canonical Decrees. Moreover, though

such Churches were not entitled to certain benefits like the

ordinarios, the five Churches enjoyed such benefits: As such,

these Churches were opposed to the norms of Padroado and to

the Instituto of the frairs. Hence, the authorities insisted that

the Parishes should be handed over to the secular clergy. But,

the frairs further argued that they had promised the benefactors

to fulfil certain obligations in perpetuity. Fr. Pedro Manoel

Godinho, for instance, gave a lot of money to the frairs in Oxel as

a stipend for the masses that were to be said in perpetuity for his

intention. Similarly, the Cardinal King, Dom Henrique allotted-a-

plot to the Church of Reis Magos. Luiza da Madre de Deus

wanted the proceeds of her palmar to be used for the fabrica and
 481

for the collegians respectively. Donna Anna de Azavedo

instructed her Confessor, Frei Afonso do Nascimento to give her

money to the Confraria of Nossa Senhora de Penha da Franca

and to build a Church. The founder of Sao Lourenco de Linhares

gave the Ermida to the frairs because felt that they needed some

time for privacy and meditation. From this, it was clear that the

five Parishes had inherited rich patrimonies. However, the

authorities felt that the frairs were only the administrators of the

same and that there was no way by which the Order could claim

an ownership over these Parishes. 16

The Provincial stated that the frairs who lived there were

self sufficient because they were entitled to the bens. These

inheritances yielded a lot of money to the frairs. In a letter of

29th December 1779, the Provincial of the Sao Thome Province

reported to the Governor that the College of Reis Magos was

inhabited by two religious who received a subsido of eight xs from

the Camara Geral of Bardez. The House was entitled to five

hundred xs from the mass stipends and the proceeds of a

varzeas that the King had given to the Chapel of Santissimo

Sacramento. The foundress of the Hospice of Nossa Senhor

Penha da Franca had left an inheritance that yielded four

hundred and forty four xs. This was sufficient to sustain the two

frairs who lived there. The Church of Madre de Deus, Pomburpa

received a rendimento of two hundred and fifty xs and had

varzeas that yielded three hundred xs. The Hospice of Nossa

 482

Senhora de Saude had two religious who lived on an annual

rendimento of one thousand, three hundred xs in the form of

mass stipends for the masses to be said in memory of Balthesar

de Sa. All these grants were confirmed by the Junta da Fazenda.

It must be noted that the King had hitherto recognized the frairs,

as the Rectors of these Parish Churches through the Royal

Letters and Inventarios but, now disowned them. 17

The Archbishop who was de facto head of the missions was

a Reformist. He instructed the Governor to oust the frairs

because they did not follow their Rule. In 20th January 1772, the

Archbishop received Royal Instructions that authorized him to

hand over these Parishes to the local clergy. But, the latter was

forced to suspend the implementation of the Instructions because

the frairs had appealed against them to Lisbon because they

observed that they did not refer to the five Private Churches. 18

In 1775, the new Archbishop, Dom Francisco de

Assumpgao e Brito, a protege of Pombal, came to Goa. On 11th

February 1775, he implemented the legislations by which the

frairs were to be removed from all the Parish Churches. On 2 nd

th August 1775, the June,adcrwsptohaefc.By5

frairs were aware that they could not remain there any longer. In

his letter of 23 rd September, the Governor instructed the

Provincial to hand over the Parish Churches of Oxel, Linhares

and Reis Magos to the seculars within three days. There was a

reference to an old book that recorded the Decrees pertaining to

 483

the Church of Reis Magos. In 1776, a secular priest was --

appointed at Reis Magos, Pomburpa, Sao Lourenco and Oxel

respectively. These priests were confirmed in 1779. The frairs

were allowed to retain two Hospices namely the Hospice of

Desemparados, Monte de Guirim and that of Nossa Senhora da

Saude, Valverde. In 1797, two frairs and one Tertiary lived

there. According to a report of 25th November 1804, the Hospice

in Valverde was inhabited by one frair. Since it was donated by a

rich, noble woman, the Bulls, Briefs, Rescriptos, Royal

Instructions, Alvaras, Resolutions and Provisions could not

replace them and the founder the frairs continued to remain

there till 1835. They celebrated more than a hundred masses per

year for the soul of their founder and served the wounded and

sick frairs who worked in the City of Goa. 19

By 1776, the frairs lost all their Parish Churches but

continued to occupy two Hospices, one Frairy and a College till

1835. The Portuguese took this drastic step because they were

threatened by a hydra of nativism that engulfed Goa. This was

manifested in the form of sporadic revolts that took place in

different parts of Goa in the post Pombaline Era. The Portuguese

were not in a position to control this.

THE THIRD ORDER IN MONTE DE GUIRIM: The Oratory that

was located on the hill Monte de Guirim of was surrounded by

rich agricultural land. The Mendicants who lived there were

 484

dependent on alms that they collected from the surrounding

areas. Monte de Guirim was almost equidistant to the Parishes

that the frairs had founded there. The Pai dos Christaos of

Bardez also had his residence there.

When the Substitution Decree was implemented, the frairs

refused to surrender their House at Monte de Guirim because it

was an Infirmary and Hospice. In 1770, the Commissary of the —

Third Order performed the divine services there. In 1779, one

Tertiary and some priests lived there. The Archbishop, Dom

Antonio Neiva Brum had warned the frairs that they would not be

• allowed to administer the properties of the Hospices, as it was

incompatible to the Rule. The frairs in Valverde obeyed him and

surrendered their properties and endowments to an Apostolic

Sindico. Similarly, the frairs at Monte de Guirim handed over

their assets to the lay members of the Order called Tertiaries.

Between 1780 to 1812, eleven Commissaries of the Third Order

lived there. In 1812, this post was nullified at a meeting of the

Definitional. In a report of 1804, it was stated that no religious

lived there. The roofs and walls of the Hospice were about to

collapse and it was inhabited by one oblate donato who lit the

lamp in the Chape1. 20

IN THE MISSION FIELD: After the Substitution Decree was

passed, the frairs were forced to leave the Parish Churches in the

Province of Bardez. Except in Valverde where one frair lived till

 485

1804, all the other Parish Churches were handed over to the

secular clergy. Their Franciscan mission in Goa was

predominantly controlled by the Recollects who had their Houses

at strategic points like Cabo and Daugim. From here, they kept a

watch over the enemies of the Portuguese. In 1799, the British

had occupied the forts of Agoada, Cabo and Marmagoa to help

the Portuguese against the French who had entered the Indian

waters. The British lived in Cabo for a long time for there was a

reference to their cemetery there.

There was a lot of tension in Goa because the Substitution

Decree was not clear about the Provincial and his duties. Frei

Mathias de Santa Rita was not allowed to complete his term and

the Province of Sao Thome was entrusted to two Provincial

Vicars. Though they attended the meeting of the Definitorium on

27th December 1769, the proceedings were not regarded as valid

and the authorities instructed the frairs to destroy the reports.

The Vicars resigned voluntarily and Frei Luiz da Encarnacao took

over as the Vicar Provincial. Frei Mathias was dismissed mainly

because he had raised his voice against the Decree. The

Provincials exercised some power till 1787 after which, the__

Padroado missionaries were placed under the Nuntius in Lisbon

who was responsible to the Nunciature in Rome. In Goa, his

powers were sub-delegated to the Archbishop. The Religious

Superiors did not want to be placed under Rome and there were

misunderstandings and doubts about the Decree. The Portuguese

 4F6

frairs refuted the Decree because they did not bear the Placet

Reguim. 21

The Franciscans administered several Houses in Goa and

outside. The House of Catechumens, Betim, was administered by

one frair and three seculars. In a letter of 1788, the Archbishop

requested the frairs to take over the mission in Raichur. The

frairs had a high standing in the religious hierarchy. On 13th

February 1812, Frei Manoel de Sao Galdino occupied the See as

the twenty third Archbishop of Goa. He tried to improve the

spiritual formation of the secular clergy by sending them on

retreats and by inviting the European religious as members of the

Faculty in the Seminaries. In the Seminaries, the secular clergy

were trained to handle the Parishes and to fulfill their duties as

parish priests. Since they were untrained in this duties, the

religious responsibilities like preaching and confessions on

Easter and on Christmas day were temporarily handed over to

the priests who were brought from outside. The frairs had left a

vast mission field for the secular clergy. The statistics of 1810

stated that there were eighty two thousand and seventy one

Christians in Bardez. These included a few gentios and mouros.

In 1817, there were seventy thousand and fifty three Christians

there. 22

THE MADRE DE DEUS PROVINCE - THE RECOLLECTS AT

PILAR, DAUGIM, RACHOL AND CABO: The Observants were

 48?

actively involved in the mission as parish priests, Rectors,

Bishops, Archbishops, Synodic Examiners, State Representatives

etc. The Recollects lived a comparatively cloistered life. Their

Houses were located far away from the villages and they were not

directly involved with conversion, evangelization and other

religious duties.

The Madre de Deus Province in Goa consisted of four

Houses, which the frairs occupied till 1835. This was clear from

the statistics of 1770, 1779, 1784, 1800, 1804 and 1810. Some

of the frairs like Frei Manoel de Santa Rita and Frei Jerome de

Jesus Maria Jose were well versed in the local language. The

Houses at Daugim and Pilar served as Supply Frairies where the

frairs were trained and sent into the mission field. In a report of

7th January 1820, Frei Joaquim de Santa Rita, Provincial of

Madre de Deus stated that his frairs worked in the missions in

Goa, Chaul, Daman, Diu, Macau and Mylapore. In another

report of 27th February 1833, Frei Joaquim de Santa Rita,

Provincial reported that the Recollects worked in Daman.

Though they lived an overtly cloistered life in their Houses, there

were accusations that they were materialistic in their Frairies. In

1799, the Provincial was compared to a merchant because he

filled his cell with rich and wonderful stuff. The cloister was

periodically disturbed with the tumult of the local people who

bought paddy from there. It must be noted that the Houses of

 488

the Recollection had several properties. The frairs sold the yields

of these properties for their sustenance. 23

The Padroado authorities controlled the Recollects and

requested them to send periodic reports about their mission in

Goa. However, the frairs rarely complied with their request. In

letter of 27th January 1767, the Provincial, Frei Joao de Santa

Catharina wrote to the Archbishop that he could not do so as it

was difficult to communicate with them. On 30th December

1779, the Provincial, Frei Francisco da Encarnacao sent a list of

the Houses and Frairies in his Province. The Madre de Deus

Frairy, Daugim received an annual income in the form of mass

stipends, congruas and the alms of the faithful. The Portuguese

authorities and the Archbishop wanted to check on the proceeds

of the Frairy although it was not totally dependent on the Estado.

The House at Daugim had twenty two professed frairs and nine

Tertiaries. Cabo was inhabited by forty religious and one lay

man who were paid a Royal stipend of sixty xs per annum. It also

had a Sindico that looked after two Chapels. Pilar had a family of

five frairs and a Sindico that administered one Chapel and a

Morgado de Dandim that was given to them by Dom Christovao

de Mello Souza. The Hospice of Nossa Senhora dos Anjos had a

family of four religious and one convert. It had a Sindico that

looked after two Chapels and two funds of two thousand xs that

were kept aside to celebrate the feasts of Nossa Senhora do

Rosario and Porcuincula. The Madre de Deus Frairy, Daugim

 480

received nine hundred and ninety xs and one tanga and Cabo

received sixty xs from the Royal Treasury. The other two Houses _

that were located in Ilhas and Salcete respectively were

dependent on the Order, as they were located in the areas that

were beyond the territorial jurisdiction of the frairs. It was

interesting to note that the House at Rachol was dependent on

the properties that were donated to the frairs by the military

personnel while Cabo received most of its income from the sailors

who embarked there. Since they were in the Padroado lands, the

King was interested in their mission. In a letter of 23 rd January

1789, Frei Jeronymo do Jesus Maria, Provincial sent an account

of the Recollects in the Province. The receipts came in the form of

pensions, yields, alms, donations, mass stipends, grants, burial

fees etc., while the expenses were incurred on eatables, for the

treatment of the sick, the habits of the frairs, bells, maintenance

costs etc. In 1817, the House at Cabo incurred an expenditure of

one hundred and seventy two xs, two tangas and twenty reis. In

January 1766, the Convent of Madre de Deus incurred an

expenditure of eight thousand and two xs, one tanga and twenty

eight reis. In 1767, it increased to eleven thousand, nine

hundred and ninety one xs, four tangas and twenty six reis. This

indicated that the income and expenses of the Houses of

Recollection were not uniform. The income increased during the

feast days. A important source of income for the Frairy were the

alms that were procured from the Irmas Confrades of the

 486

dormitories of Madre de Deus, Santo Augustino, San Salvador,

Santa Ana, Purificacao, Officiana do Coro and the Casas do

Senhora de Monte, Nossa Senhor de Mar and Sao Creio. Those

in the dormitories contributed one hundred and eight xs and

three tangas. In 1766, the receipts were two hundred and thirty

seven xs and three tangas and the expenditure on one feast was

one hundred and fifty five xs and fifty one reis. In 1779, the

frairs who lived there received two hundred and forty six xs and

eighteen reis and spent three hundred and twenty nine xs, three

tangas and forty five reis. In January 1804, they received mass

stipends for fifteen masses.

The Portuguese authorities tried to control the Recollects in

Goa. On 22nd August 1800, the Regent, Dom Joao issued a

Decree by which he instructed the Governor, Dom Francisco

Antonio da Veiga Cabral to send the details related to the Order.

The Provincial submitted a report that was based on a chronicle

in which he stated that the Recollect Order was founded in Goa

by an Archbishop with the permission of King, Dom Joao III. The

Recollects argued that they were independent of the Authoridade

da Se Apostolica and owed allegiance to the King of Portugal.

They did not possess properties and depended on alms or 6 n

- --

mastipend.Thylvcostredifanvhtme

to prayers, hymns, matinas., lauds, and Conventuals masses and

to mental prayers. They worked in the remote missions without

and ordinarios from the Royal Treasury. They also helped the
 481

parish priests to administer the sacraments, served as Chaplains

on the ships and helped in the regiments. In 1622, the Papal

Bull and Royal Decrees permitted them to raise a Province.

Based on these, the Recollects claimed their legal ownership over

their Houses and refused to surrender them till 1835. 24

THE COLLEGE OF SAO BOAVENTURA: The College was a

Seminary and a Supply Frairy where the missionaries were

trained and sent to the different Portuguese colonies. As such,

the College catered to the Order and not to the converts.

The statistics of 1779, 1797 and 1804 indicated that the

frairs, clerics, novices, lay brothers and Tertiaries lived there.

The main expenses included the maintenance costs, sustenance

of the frairs, provisions for the frairs, sickness allowances, food

expenses etc. In 1779, the Chapels in the College had a total

income of thirteen thousand, seven hundred xs. The frairs were

allowed to possess the College long after the Substitution Decree

because it was founded by Frei Miguel de Sao Boaventura and

improved by Dom Afonso VI. The College was entitled to a Royal

grant of one thousand xs per anum by an Alvara of 6th April

1617, mass stipends for the masses to be said in memory of the

white soldiers of the legion of volunteers who were killed in Ponda

and to alms. Hence, the College was more or less self sufficient

and also had a Royal permission. However, by the second decade

of the nineteenth century, the College no longer retained its

 402

former glory. This was clear from a description of Cottineau who

stated that the College of Sao Boaventura was big and had a

large number of professed members who studied Philosophy and

Divinity. But of late, the Master had been transferred to the lay

Convents and the College was inhabited by two priests and a lay

brother who maintained it. The frairs surrendered the College to

the State in 1835. 25

THE FRAIRY OF ST. FRANCIS, GOA: The Frairy of St. Francis of

Assisi was the Provincial House of the Observants and the

epicenter of their mission works in the Estado da India. When the

Substitution Decree of 1766 was implemented, the Observants

refused to surrender it because it was confirmed by the Bulls of

Clemente VIII, Gregory XV and Urban VIII and by the Royal

Decree of Dom Manuel who had given the frairs the permission to

found Convents and Colleges in Goa. The Frairy had less than

twelve frairs who depended on alms that were collected without

harming the interests of the religious who lived in the

surrounding Houses. The Frairy was entitled to an ordinario that

was confirmed by Cum alius of Gregory XV who had permitted

them to build a Public Chapel where they could celebrate masses.

The Romanus Pontzfex had permitted them to appoint a Guardian

in charge of the frairs. The statistics of 1770, 1779, 1804 and

1810 indicated that the frairs lived there. They depended on

their own endowments and legacies. Being the Mother House, it

 493

was given the task to administer the legacies of Penha da Franca

and Reis Magos. The frairs remained in the Frairy till 1835. This
was evident from a list of Parishes that was submitted by the

Provincial. The College was also entitled to the alms from the

faithful, funeral charges and mass stipends. However, their

proceeds rarely exceeded thirteen thousand xs. The benefactors

of the Frairy had left cash that yielded an interest of sixty nine

thousand, nine hundred and seventy seven xs in tangas. From

the financial statements, it was clear that the Frairy did not have

a regular source of income nor bens de Raiz. The last Custodial

Chapter was held on 17th January 1830 and the last meeting of

the Definitorio was held on 21st March 1833. The travelers who

visited Goa in the first half of the nineteenth century stated that

the Frairy was neglected. Cottineau stated that the frairs were

poor and went about begging as per the Rules of the Order. 26

THE REACTION OF THE COMMUIVIDADES DE BARDEZ TO

THE SUBSTITUTION DECREE: The Communidades de Bardez

had several complaints against the frairs. They had accused

them of corruption, disobedience laxity, ignorance etc. Besides

this, they accused them of exploiting the services of the secular

clergy and of depriving them of the congruas and ordinarios. The

Camara requested the authorities to substitute the frairs with the

secular clergy. These complaints were summarized in a

Representation. On 26th January 1766, the latter was forwarded

 494

to the Archbishop who acted and requested the King to issue the

Substitution Decree. The King issued the Decree and by 1767,

the Parishes in Bardez were entrusted to the secular clergy. 27

Thereafter, the Franciscans accused the King of being anti-

religious. They argued that the frairs had rendered great service

in the missions as true pastors and proper soldiers. In his letter

of 18th November 1769, the King justified his stand and stated

that he was forced to act on the appeal that was forwarded to him

by the Camara. This Regimento had proved that the local people

were not happy with the frairs. Moreover, the Archbishop who

had visited Bardez on four occasions in the last seventeen years

was not happy with the Rectors who burdened the local people to

build edifices. The Representation of the Camara was clandestine

because the latter was aware the Parishes were pleno jure under

the Padroado. From the appeals that were forwarded betweeh --

1755 to 1767, it can be concluded that the gaoncars, especially

those of the important villages of Parra, Candolim, Aldona,

Sangolda, Pomburpa and Serula had requested the authorities to

remove the frairs. On 4th December 1767, the Camara Geral of

Sangolda signed a petition against the frairs. It is interesting to

note that the Camara that had hitherto sustained the frairs now

went against them. On 10th January 1767, the King instructed

the Provincial to give him a list of the twenty four Parishes and

the year of their foundation. The King also tried to collect the

testimonies from the leading officers of the Estado regarding the

 405

seditions, disorders and encounters between the Portuguese and

the local clergy, the money that the frairs collected from the

Communidades, the frairs who went from door to door collecting

alms from the inhabitants of the City, Islands and Provinces in

Goa and about the Frairy of St. Francis and the Colleges of Sao

Boaentura which were dependent on the locals. The leading

military officers like Manuel Raposo de Amaral, the Sargent Mor

of the Infantry of Bardez, Joao Manuel da Silva Leitao, Sr.

Clemente Freira da Silva, Colonel. Henrique Carlos Henriques, Sr.

Sargent Major, Joze Pacheco de Carvalho, Sr. Dom Lopo Jose de

Almeida, Dom Rodrigo de Castro, the Captain of the grenadiers,

Manuel Pretto, Fernando da Cunha Texeira etc. sent their replies

to the questions that were posed by the King. All of them spoke

highly about the achievements of the frairs but admitted that

they had lost their zeal. This could be seen in the decline in the

number of baptisms. They admitted that the frairs went around

collecting alms from the people to celebrate their feasts and

though the Guardians of the Colleges of Madre de Deus,

Pomburpa and Nossa Senhora da Penha da Franga had handed

over their account books to prove that rice was distributed to the

new converts and catechumens, the informers were not sure

whether the frairs actually spent the Royal Provisions on the new

converts. They also asserted that the Frairy and the Convent

were useless. The majority opined that the local clergy were

better because they were well acquainted with the local

 40€

conditions and were better suited to the times. This does not

mean that the accusations that were made by the King and his

subordinates were always true. In a report of 28th November

1760, the Secretary of the Province of Sao Thome was able to

prove that every Parish in Bardez had a frair who knew the local

language. On 19th February 1767, Frei Christovao de Santa Rita

certified that the thirty nine Observants in Bardez knew the

language and were appointed as Diocesan Examiners. Despite

their earlier efforts, the political authorities in Portugal and in

Goa had a bad opinion about the frairs. In one such letter, the

Archbishop wrote in favour of the local clergy. 28

The Camara Geral de Bardez was against the frairs.

However, some of the Communidades were still in favour of the

frairs. There are several documents in the Goa Archives in

which the members of some of the Communidades in Bardez

wrote in favour of the frairs and condemned the authorities for

expelling the frairs from Bardez without taking them into

confidence. The gaoncars of Serula and Siolim praised the frairs

for their zeal and criticised the King for going against the

Regimento Memorial do Camara Geral by which the Portuguese

could not take any extraordinary decision in the Village Council

without taking the members into confidence. The villagers of

Socorro praised them because they converted the gentios and got

rid of idolatry in Bardez. The villagers of Colvale felt that it was

an illegal decision while those of Nagoa condemned the local

 40?

clerics for being ignorant and incapable of handling the Parishes.

The gaoncars and vangors of Parra Pilerne, Guirim and Cannaca

opined that the authorities neither sought the consensus of the

villagers nor checked the registers. The gaoncars of Tivim,

Mapusa and Nerul opined that the accusations were fabricated

by some members who were indirectly supported by the secular

clergy. In brief, the gaoncars of almost all the villages were

against the procedure that was adopted to replace the frairs. It is

interesting to note that these testimonies were signed by the

leading gaoncars of the main villages in Bardez. The gaoncars got

together and made a Representation to the King on 18th January

1767. In this, they requested the King to revoke the Order of 23 rd

April176astwdonehirmtueapovlr

consent. The Archbishop raised several questions pertaining to

their substitution but left the final decision to the King. 29

The political situation in Portugal was liberal, secular and

anti-clerical. There was a virtual shortage of frairs in Portugal.

This was clear from a letter of 3 rd January 1789, in which the

Provincial of the Sao Thome Province stated that the frairs had

not come from abroad since the last quarter century. The

religious authorities in Rome favoured the admission of the local

clerics into the Order. In 1790, the Portuguese Government

stopped the foreign religious from coming to India. Dona Maria I

instructed the Religious Orders to seek vocations from among the_

Indians. The Provincial, Frei Nicolao de Santa Rita also realized

 488

that it was impossible for the Portuguese to send European

religious to the Estado and requested the Queen to permit the

Regular Orders to admit the locals to carry on the mission. But

Portugal had other plans. They decided to expel the Religious

Orders altogether and to hand over the mission to the secular

clergy. In the Decree of 1835, it was decided to suppress all the

Religious Orders in Goa and to expel them from the mission

field. 30

SUPPRESSION OF THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS AND THE

FRANCISCAN ORDER IN GOA: Marquis de Pombal was against

the Religious Orders especially the Jesuits and favoured the

appointment of the local people into the administrative and

religious posts. But, the religious and their representatives were

against this. In 1828, a Civil War broke out in Portugal. The

King, Dom Joao IV died and Dom Pedro IV obligated the throne in

favour of Dona Maria who ruled with the help of her uncle Dom

Miguel. By 1833, Dom Miguel was overthrown and the

Government in Portugal was handed over to the free masons.

The Apostolic Nuncio, Cardinal Justinian was instructed to leave

Portugal and the Portuguese tried to cut off all the diplomatic

relations with Rome. The Mulla Praeclare entrusted the

Archbishop with absolute powers over the missionaries. But, the

apostolic missionaries owed their allegiance to their Superiors in

Rome refused to pay any heed to the Placet Reguim. The religious
 409

in Goa defended their claims based on the Papal Decrees but,

the Padroado authorities refused to accept them. This resulted

in a Schism in Goa. In 1832, the Perfect of the Propoganda,

Cardinal Pedicine went as an Ambassador of the Padroado

mission to the Holy See and informed the Pope about the Schism.

Portugal clung to its decision and tried to gain a hold over the

religious affairs through the Archbishop. In 1833, the King, Dom

Miguel presented a candidate for the Archdiocese of Goa but, the

Pope delayed the appointment. In the meanwhile, Dom Pedro

assumed power. He was against the Holy See because it had

recognized his brother as the King. He ordered the Nuncio to

leave Portugal and suppressed all the Religious Orders in the

Portuguese colonies. The Perfect of the Propoganda intended to

free the Church from all its political bonds. The Bishops were

dismissed and the Archdiocese was vacant from 1831 to 1834.

The Portuguese Prime Minister, Joaquim Antonio de Aguiar was

also against the Religious Orders. On 28th May 1834, he passed

an Order in Portugal by which all the Religious Orders in Goa

were. expelled. The Pope retaliated against this and issued two

Consistories but, the latter did not pay heed to this. On 24th

March 1835, the Decree was executed in Goa. 31

After the expulsion of the Religious Orders from Goa, the

Sao Thome Province officially existed till 1858 but their

properties and assets were taken away by the State. The House

of Nossa Senhora do Cabo was used as a summer residence by

 563

the Archbishop. On 10th June 1866, it was handed over to the

Governor General by a Court Order. The Convent of Nossa

Senhora do Pilar continued to remain under an old Franciscan

caretaker. In 1855, it was handed over to the Carmelite

Tertiaries of Chimbel. Some frairs continued to live in Goa with

the permission of the Bishop or the Portuguese authorities. The

last Definitor of the Order, Frei Feleciano de Santa Rita died in

Goa on 5th July 1830 and was buried in the Chapter. Frei

Salvador da Assuncao and Frei Maurelino do Espirito Santo left

Goa on 28th September 1834. In 1835, there were fifty eight

Observants and Recollects in Goa. While most of the frairs went

back to Portugal, some of them went to the adjoining mission

stations. Frei Vincente de Santa Catharina went to Malay, Frei

Francis de Assisi went to Calcutta and Frei Francisco de Dolours

went to Mylapore. At the time of their expulsion, the

Observants owed four Houses, which had twenty seven inmates.

They surrendered ninety four thousand, six hundred and thirty

one xs as funds and six hundred and thirty eight xs, two tangas

and thirty reis as rents to the State. The Recollects had seven

Houses with three inmates and they surrendered eighty six

thousand, seven hundred and ninety seven hundred and ninety

three xs and nine hundred and eighty xs as funds and rents

respectively. The movable and immovable assets of the college of

Sao Boaventura valued 64:817:4:2634 and those of the Frairy

were worth 320:417:2:19 4/16. These included tapestries,

 561

furniture, properties allowances, ornaments, shares, books,

watches etc. 32

The expulsion of the Franciscan Order put an abrupt end

to the activities of missionary Order that had grown and

flourished in different parts of Goa for nearly two hundred and

eighteen years. In the later half of the eighteenth century, the

frairs were unable to maintain religious discipline, the Church

officials ignored the religious and the Government was no longer

interested in maintaining his Padroado privileges. The situation

was so bad that the King and the Pope began to think in terms of

secularizing the religious. Finally, the Franciscan mission was

subverted to the State.

Notes and References :

CEO Vol. I, Cap. 54, p. 278; A. K. Priolkar, Op. Cit., 1958; p. 200; EHGLC doc. 87, p. 418; doc. 79, p.
420.
2
EHGLC doc. 79, p. 420; As the record keeper of the Province of Sao Thome, Goa, Frei Antonio da
Padua copied the documents pertaining to Bardez and signed them; Civezza, Op. Cit.,1859, p. 431;
EHGLC doc. 80, p. 422; MR Vol. 142, II. 617-786.
3 In a letter of 19th March 1767, the Secretary of State Henrique Jose de Mendanha Benevides Cirne
wrote to Dom Francisco de Siva Corte Real that it was clear that the Sindico could be entrusted with the
power to look after the frairs; Crente nos. 1337, 1338 and 1339; EHGLC doc. 80, pp. 420-28.
EHGLC. doc. 81, pp. 428-38.
Ibid. doc. 92, p. 465 and p. 442; Assentos do Camara Geral do Bardez, in EHGLC. doc. 83, p. 444.
5
 562

8
The letter of the King is stated in EHGLC doc. 87, p. 418; That the Parish Churches of Bardez were
sustained by the Communidade is clear from the letter of the Governor dated 20 th December 1766; Ibid.,
p. 445 and that of the Archbishop.
7
This exponent was attested by Lopo Jose de Almeida. This amount of sixty pardaos was spent on the
College of Penha da Franca. Their work in the different mission stations is evident from the document in
the Livro da Fazenda dated 1766-67; In Bardez itself, the frairs looked after several military outposts like
Cabo, Daugim, the City of Goa, Reis Magos etc. This is clear from the descriptions of these Houses that
are provided by the foreign travelers. Between 1736 and 1739, they took part in the war in Bacaim where
they participated directly in the military operations and administered the sacraments to the soldiers of the
King of Portugal. They also worked for the sentry, embarked on ships and motivated the commanders.
Some even suffered at the hands of the enemies. From this, it is clear that the frairs also served the
Crown in a better way than they catered to the Cross. Frei Pedro was later released by the Marathas but
he did not live long after that. During the tenure of the Conde de Sandomil and Marquiz do Lourical, they
had a shortage of soldiers. Hence, the frairs helped them to fight the enemies. Their help in this regard
was testified by Dom Rodrigo de Castro. Frei Francisco died after eleven months in the infirmary. This
was a great loss to the Frairy of St. Francis, Goa as the three Lectors Jubiliados and the two theologians
died. This was testified by the Secretary of the Province. Felipe de Valladares signed the document that
tried to prove their exemplary life. The work in one of the villages is certified by the escrivSo of Serula. In
a letter to the authorities, the Examiner and the Archbishop stated that there were forty one frairs who
knew the local language. Of the twenty four parish priests who worked in Bardez fifteen instructed the
people in the local language. All this is clear from the letter that was certified by the Secretary. The
Examiners in the language stated that forty one religious could preach in the local language and some
others were able to speak in the Maratha language that was common in the far away areas. EHGLC
pp.207, 351 and 442-6. The frairs who passed the examination in Konkani are stated in MR. Vol. 143B,
fts.775-87; the others who knew Konkani are stated in MR Vol. 144B,fls.632-35v; F.X Gomes Catao,
'Examinadores Synodaes do Arcebispado de Goa' BEAG Vol. VII(1948), p. 343.
a
EHGLC doc 82, pp. 460-65; pp. 441-42; MR Vol. 143B, ft 495.
9
EHGLC doc 82, pp. 441-42; ARF Report 33, p. 178; MR Vol. 140B, ff. 421; Vol. 142B, ft. 599 in ARF
Report 35, p. 183; MR Vol. 140B, ft. 425 in ARF Report 34, p. 179; EHGLC doc 83, p. 466-69; EHGLC
doc. 85, pp. 476-77.
10
Ibid.; P. S. S. Pissurlencar (ed) Arquivo da Escola Medical, Serie 1, (1927), pp. 61-68; P. S. S.
Pissurlencar, Urn frade na Corte de Punem', BIVG. No. 24(1934); pp. 25-51; AHU, India, Maga 134,
1770; EHGLC doc. 84, p. 470; MR. Vol. 1428, fl. 599, in ARF; Report 35, p. 183; Report 40, p. 197 from -
MR, Vol. 149A, ft. 19; EHGLC. doc. 84, pp. 472-474.
11
MR Vol. 149A, if 19; Vol. 148B, fls. 577-78',579-81" ; EHGLC. doc. 85, pp. 479-80; MR. Vol. 143B,
its. 505-507.
12
AHU. India, Mato, 134, 1770 in Maria de Jesus dos Martires Lopes, Op. Cit., 1996, p. 170; VP. Vols. VII-
VIII, fl 86 ";MR. Vol. 132A, fl 2-8; Vol. 139, fl. 406 contains a Representation of the Camara Geral da
Provincia de Bardez, fl. 407 includes a copy of the complaints that the Camara sent to the King.
13
MR. Vol. 143B, fls. 841-42; AHU, India, Mago, 85; BNL. Caixa 1, Ms. 4, fls. 3-3", in Maria de Jesus dos
Martires Lopes, Op. Cit., 1996, p. 177.
14
Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 237; MR. Vol. 143, ft 243; Vol. 157B, fl. 348; Vol. 148A, fls. 253-
54 "; Vol. 137, fl. 154-61; EHGLC. doc. 84, p. 472.
15
ARF. Report 22, p.145-52; MR Vol. 148B, fls. 537-38; ARF Report 33, p. 178 of MR Vol. 140B, ft.
421; Report 35, p. 183 of MR Vol. 142B, ft 599; MR Vol. 148B, fls. 532-35 and 578.
16
MR Vol. 1488, fls 537-38 and 577-80; ARF Report 38, p. 191 from AHU. Doc, Avulsos, India Mago 85;
Report 40, p. 197 of MR Vol. 1491, fl. 19; This right of ownership of properties is clear from the Exeptis
Fratrum San Francisco qui Minorum de Observantia Vocantur. Clemente V had decreed several
provisions regarding alms; The provisions relating to inheritances were clarified by Cardinal Petra at the
Holy Congregation of the Council held on 6 th July 1609; The Parish Churches were entitled to certain
privileges. This was specified by the Decrees of the Tridentine Council namely the Statuit Sancta
Sinodus ut Eclesiastica Beneficia quoe curam animarum ec primaeva corum institution aut aliter retinet
maeva deinceps in Simplex Beneficium, Sec. 25, Cap. 16; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit. Separata do BIVG
(1943), pp. 21-25.
17
lbid, Tribuna(1922);ARF Report 44, pp. 218-19 of MR Vol. 159D, fl 1124; their right over the five
parishes is testified in MR Vol. 149A, fl. 19 in ARF. Report 40, p. 197; Report 41, p. 200 of MR, Vol.
151, ft. 98.
18 The tenure of the Archbishop Neiva Brum, has been studied by Maria de Jesus dos Martires Lopes,
Epistolario de urn Acoriano na India Dom Taveira da Neiva Brum da Silveira (1750-75), 1989; MR. Vol.
159D, fl. 1124; ARF Report 44, pp. 217-19.
19
The legislations were implemented by the Archbishop on 11 th February 1775. The letter of the Governor
is found in Tribune nos. 131-133; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., 1922, pp. 21-25; this old book is dated 28 th
Crente No. 1814; F. X. Gomes Cattio, Novembr176andisgebyFrHnqudSatA0
 668

Op. Cit.,BEAG Vol.VII, p. 402; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, pp. 227; Bol. do Gov. no.
68(1862);Ricardo Telles Op.Cit., OP Vol. 5(1908), p. 269; Fr. Joao Alvares, the first secular priest in
Pomburpa was later implicated in the uprising of 1787 and sent to Portugal as a prisoner. J. H. da Cunha
Rivara, A Conjuragao de 1787 em Goa, 1875; ARF. Report 44. Appendix 5, pp. 429-31; MR Vol. 177A,
fi. 37, Report 79, pp. 319-20 of MR Vol. 184B, fl. 467; Nazare, Op. Cit., pp. 139-41.
zo
ARF. Report 38, fi. 191 of AHU. Doc. Avulsos, India, Mago; Report 44, pp. 218-19, of MR. Vol. 159D,
ff. 1124; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. II, p. 237; Ricardo Telles, 'Memorias do Convento da Madre de
Deus, Daugim', OP. Vol. VII(1910), p. 11; Tribuna(1922); J.. A. de KoK, 'Frairs Minor in European
Society', in Don Peter (ed.), Op. Cit.,1983, p.57; F. X. Vaz.0p. Cit., p. 230, give , the names of the
Commissaries of the Third Order; ARF Report 79, MR. Vol. 184B, fi. 467; MR Vol. 131 B, fi. 390.
21
Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., 1922, p. 57; MR. Vol. 179A, fi. 182; Vol. 140B, fl 42; Vol. 149A, fl. 69; EHGLC.
Cap. XC; ARF, Appdx.5, p. 430; A list of Provincials for the Sao Thome Province till 1835 is stated along
with other details by Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., Extractum de AFH, Vol. 60(1967), pp. 30-31. They
continued to hold office till 1834 when the Religious Orders were suppressed from Goa. This is stated by
Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit.; AFH Vol.54 (1961), pp. 418-27; OP. Vol. 8, 1911,pp. 252-69; Cottineau,
Op. Cit.,p. 74; J. B. Amancio Gracias, 'Ingleses em Goa as occupacao de Goa pelas tropes Britanicas',
Goa, 1934, pp. 1-11; Ismael Gracias, 'Occupacao de Goa pelas tropas inglez (1799)', OP Vol. 5,(1907),
pp. 311-19.
22
J. B. Gracias, Op. Cit., OP. Vol. 2 (1905), p. 42; MR. Vol. 169A, fi. 230; A brief background to the life of
Archbishop Galdino is found in HC Vol. VII, pp. 205 and 245; MR. Vol. I, pp. 379, 333 and 337; Achilles
Meersman, Op. Cit.; AFH. Vol. 72(1979), p. 174; MR. No. 190C(1810-1811). Mappa da populacao
d'aldeias da Provincia de Bardez d'Estado da India, if. 848.
23
In 1770 there were six frairs in Pilar including a Tertiary; A list of Guardians who worked there between
1790-1835 is stated by CL. p. 59; In 1779 there were one hundred and eighteen frairs in the Madre de
Deus Province, fourteen lived in Cabo and six in Pilar; ARF. Report 45, p. 217; MR. Vol. 159D, ft. 1126;
In 1784, seventy five frairs worked in the Province. Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., 1906, p. 10; In 1800 there
were fifty two frairs in all the three Houses in Goa. These included fathers, brothers and clerics, Ernest
Hull, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 232; Ricardo Telles, Examiner (1910), p. 473; In 1804 there were sixty five frairs
in the Province, 18 frairs, 15 clerics, 11 brothers and 2 lectors in Goa; MR. 184B, H. 480; In 1810 there
were three frairs at Cabo and four at Pilar. Achilles Meersman, 'A list of Franciscans in India of the year
1810', pp. 421-22; A list of frairs who worked in Goa are published in ARF, Appendix V, pp. 425-27; MR
Vol. 177A, fI. 37;MR Vol. 50, ft 74; 176A, fi. 109; MR. Vol. 197C, 11. 851; Vol. 209, fi. 186; Vol. 147,
fls.298-402.
24
MR Vol. 140B, ft 425 cited in ARF. Report 34, p. 179; The Royal Treasury paid the frairs at Daugim
ninety nine Xerefins and one tangs per anum. The Sindico of the Chapels received mass stipends that
were given to the treks. The Archbishop, Dom Gaspar de Omelas had instituted a vazea in Ella to the
Madre de Deus frairs that yielded four hundred and sixteen xs. Others like Luis de Madeira, Domingo
Roiz - The Adjutant General, Maria de Macedo etc. instituted a certain amount to the Frairy as mass
stipends; MR. Vol. 159D, fi. 1128; Assentos. Vol. V, p. 657; MR. Vol. 170A, ft 109 in ARF. Report 55,
p. 257; MR. Vol. 170A, fl. 109; Detailed accounts of the receipts and expenses of the Recollect House
at Cabo is found in Receita do Convent do Cabo, Vol. I, HAG. No. 9461, (1816-44), Vol. II, No. 9470,
1844-48, ifs. 1v-8v; Ibid. No. 9469 (1816-35), fls. 1-66; Livro da despeza do Convento do Nossa
Senhora do Cabo (1817), HAG. No. 9471(1180), Estante 2, Caixa 2, Coluna 1, fls. 1-142; Ibid., ifs. 26-
27; At the time of the suppression decree on 15th October 1835 the frairs there spent 76:1:00, Ibid,
141v-142; For the finances of the Convent of Madre de Deus, Daugim, one may refer to receita e
Despeza do Conento de Madre de Deus (152-72), No. 8010; fls. 205 and 261v; Contos do Convento
de Madre de Deus(1752-72), HAG. No. 8010; No. 7889, (1784-1835); No. 9503 (1772-1835); No. 8008,
(1790-98);(1793-1830), No. 8011(1230), Estante ifs. 12-13v (1799-1835), Caixa 3, Coluna 4, No. 7890
(1728-83); No. 8009, ifs. 201-06, 301-301v and 330v-331(1806-34), No. 9504; Pencoes do Convento de
Madre de Deus(1836), HAG. No. 1923; Inventario do Convento de Madre de Deus. HAG. No. 2133
(1836); ARF. Report 78, pp. 311-15; MR. Vol. 184B, ft 480; L°M. Vol. 184B, fls. 480-82; CEO. Vol. I,
Cap. 39, p. 204; The life and objectives of the Recollects of Portugal is mentioned by Antonio da
Piedade, Op. Cit.
In 1779 there were eight frairs, MR Vol. 159D, ff. 1124; In 1797 there were twelve frairs there including a
Guardian, Master, priests, clerics, and three Tertiaries; ARF. Appdx. V, p. 425; MR. Vol. 177A, ft 37; In
1804 there were six frairs including a guardian; ARF. Report 79; In 1810 only three frairs lived there;
Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., AFH Vol. 54 (961), pp. 421-22; The proceeds of the college are found in
Assentos do Convento do sao Boaventura (1771-1818), HAG.No. 852, Estante, Caixa 7, Columa 2, ifs.
5 and 6; The receipts and expenses are also found in Contas do Collegio de sao Boaventura (1815-
1834), No. 8022, Livro da receita de despesa do Convento e Collegio de Sao Boaventura, Vol. 1(1783-
1828), No. 8006, the receipts are found in No. 9506 (1845), No. 1903, Estante, Caixa 2, ifs. 11-67; The
mass stipends are included in Missas da Convento de Silo Boaventura (1832), HAG. No. 4509; Livro das
Contas, in 2 Vols. (1809-1835). HAG. Nos. 9505 and 9506; Inventarios do Convento e Collegio de sao
Boaventura (1836), HAG.No. 2128; MR, Vol. 184B, if. 467; Cotrineau, Op. Cit., p. 37.
28
Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit., Separata do BIVG (1943), p. 21; A report of Frei Jose da Conceigao stated that
there were frairs there, MR. Vol. 144B, fls. 632-35; In 1779 there were forty five religious,; MR Vol.
159D, ft 1124; In 1804 the number decreased to and seventeen frairs and four lay brothers and by
1810 there was one guardian, sixteen priests and one lay brother there; MR Vol. 144B, fls. 635-34v;
Crente. nos. 1345 and 1348; MR. Vol. 165A, if. 4 contains a list of priests and frairs who occupied the
 parishes in 1783. Another list was sent on 18 th February 1793; MR Vol. 174A,fl.17 in ARF. Report 44,
pp. 217-18.
27
Some of these are listed in a letter of the Archbishop to the King. MR. Vol. 132A, fls 2-8; MR Vol. 86A
(1719-21), fls. 34 and 36; ff. 279; ff. 334; Vol. 139 (1758-1767), fls. 406-407, fl. 424; Vol. 138A (1636-
1766), fls. 106-108; fls 195v-207; MR. 144A (1766-70), fls138-138v; MR 148B (1750-58), fls. 532-580;
Vol. 142B (1764-68), fls. 617-620v; MR. Vol. 139, fls. 406-95; Vol. 143B (1681-1770), fls. 465-68;
Around this time, the frairs made an attempt to reform the Order by a Brief date 8 th May 1784 by which a
Visitor General was to be appointed. The Provincial Minister received it on 5 th June 1756. Three days
later it was sent to the Archbishop. The authorities expressed the dissatisfaction over the life of the frairs.
This prompted the authorities to implement the Brief in Goa on 4 December too. it was confirmed on
12th April 1788 and sent to the Nuncio; J. A. Ismael Gracias, 'Reforma da religiao Franciscana no seculo
XVIII', OP Vol. 7(1910), pp. 254-67. But this plan did not succeed.
28
MR. Vol. 143B, (1681-1770), fls 584-85; fls. 595-97; fl 599. The expenses that the Communidades
incurred for religious purposes is evident from the Livros das receitas e despezas and from the income
statements of the Frairy and college; MR Vol. 143B, fls. 737- 739v; 790- 799. The local clergy were
supported by the Carta Regias of 26th March 1759 and 2nd April 1761; MR 143B, fls. 619-629; if 731-
35; fls 738-40v; fls 741-779 and 805-824 includes the opinions of leading military personnel; fl. 775 and
789 state the names of the frairs who knew Konkani; Livro das Cartas de Sua Magestade, 1628, fl. 33 in
MR. 143B, fl. 831v.
29
MR Vol. 143B, fls. 847-877; fl. 879; A list of questions raised by the Archbishop are listed in MR Vol.
143B, fls. 879-85v, but except for a few folios the others are illegible.
30
AHU Map 7; Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., AFH Vol. XXXI (1938), p. 375; MR Vol. 170A, 11. 105; MR
Vol. 173, fl. 173; Achilles Meersman, Op. Cit., NZM Vol. 13(1975), p. 34; Ricardo Telles Op. Cit., OP
Vols. VII and VIII, p. 257; Agapito Lourenco,'0 Clero de Goa atraves do tempo', BIVG Vol. 96(1971),
pp. 121-125 and 32; Earnest Hull, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 325; Gabriel Saldanha, Op. Cit., Vol. I, p. 360;
Amaro Lobo, Op. Cit., p. 283.
31
The Chair was handed over to a Camaldolese monk and a Perfect of the Propagonda Gregory VI;
Agapito Lourenco, Op. Cit., p. 66; Fortunato Almeida, Op. Cif., Vol. VI, p. 154; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit.,
OP Vol. IV(1907), p. 73; In the Goa Archives there are several inventories like the Inventario Geral da
Provincia Observantes do N. P. sao Francisco ordenado na visits de Septembro de 1787, No. 823.
lnventario do Convento de Sao Boaventura, HAG. No. 2128. Livros das diversos inventarios (1759-
1862) it includes the list of things in the Convent at Pilar. Relagao dos livros dos convenfos extinctos
escolhidos e entregues a Bibliotheca Public de Panjim (1842), HAG. No. 2750; Arrematagao dos livros
do Extinctos Convento de Sao Boaventura(1842) etc. These contain a list of things in the Recollect and
Observant Houses in Goa.
32
Lemmens, Op. Cit., p. 103; Gabriel Saldanha, Vol. II, pp. 21, 47 101 and 141; Ricardo Telles, Op. Cit.,
1922, p. 12; ML Vol. II, p. 264; J. J. C. Kok, A General statistical and historical report, in T. R. de Souza,
Op. Cit., 1994, p.60.
011IPTER IX

CONCLUSION
 IX

CONCLUSION

This study on the Franciscans in Goa (1517-1835) fills a

noticeable gap in the history of the missionary Orders in Goa. The

missionary endeavours of the frairs in Goa were not seriously

considered by the scholars. In this thesis, an attempt is made to

tap the sources and to write the history of the Franciscans in Goa.

The sources include official reports, Papal Bulls, Royal Decrees,

revenue accounts, and travel accounts, chronicles and missionary

reports. We have presented a comprehensive picture of the

institutionalization of the Observants and the Recollects in Goa,

their capacity to sustain the mission, their relations with the

Crown, their attempts to improve and extend the mission, their

attempts to convert the local people and their encounters with the

natives. This is done within a historical and historiographical

framework. The approach is empirical and analytical in nature

and an effort is made to present the data in the proper historical

perspective.

The frairs who worked in the Goa mission did not constitute

one homogenous group. Though they included the Europeans and

later the Eurasians, they were divided on the basis of the extent to
 5te

which they observed the Rule of the founder and abided by the

Three Vows that were prescribed for the frairs. The Observants

were the first to institutionalize themselves in Goa with the

blessings of the Padroado authorities. The frairs had modified their

lifestyle to serve in the apostolic mission of the Church ever since

the medieval period. Therefore, when the Portuguese sought

Chaplains to accompany them to the East, the Observants were

selected because they belonged to a leading, institutionalized Order

and had the zeal, determination and experience to venture

overseas. The Observants handled the Goa mission till the late

sixteenth century. The Archbishop, Dom Gaspar de Ledo Pereira

decided to establish a Frairy for the Recollects. The Recollects

lived a Conventuals life and most of their Houses were located far

away from the main cities. This leads us to conclude that the

Recollects were brought for the security of the mainland Provinces.

The descriptions that are provided by the administrative records

and travelogues give us a picture of a defence outpost rather than

a Religious House.

In the second half of the sixteenth century, the Portuguese

acquired Bardez and Salcete. They did not have sufficient

manpower to defend and protect these lands. Hence, they decided

to hand them over to the frairs who were then the strong and

reliable allies of the Portuguese. The Chapel at Reis Magos was

typical fortress and the frair there, performed the duties of a

chaplain, diplomat and a protector. The Portuguese ships

anchored close to it and the Portuguese Viceroys lived there or

even took refuge there. The caixas that contained Royal grants

and Royal Alvaras were also kept there or at the Frairy of St.

Francis, Goa. The dead bodies of the Portuguese administrators,

Religious Superiors and benefactors were buried in the cloister or

in the main body of the Churches. As the Portuguese moved into

the periphery, the Church building activities also progressed in

concentric semicircles.

The Franciscan missionaries, primarily those who inhabited

the Frairies, Colleges, Hospices, Seminaries and other Religious

Houses depended on Royal alms. This study explains a gradual

but definite shift in the Portuguese pattern of financing the

mission in Goa. Till the end of the sixteenth century, Portugal

supported the mission. Later, the authorities supported the

Religious Houses and frairs but not the Parish Churches. This

was because the frairs were permitted to appropriate a share in the

agrarian surplus. Such a share was easily procured because the

frairs had converted and allied with the chief gaoncars and other

influential men. The local converts were left in a religious vacuum

after the destruction of their temples. They also contributed their

mite to the Churches, whose Patrons and Patronesses replaced

 568

their Gods and Goddesses. The Kings of Portugal went a step

ahead and decreed that all the former temple lands should be

made over to the Church. Following such legislations, the system

gradually became self supporting to an extent that the frairs

gained the upper hand in the agrarian relations. They not only

became the beneficiaries of voluntary donations but also began to

request and subsequently force the local people to finance the

mission. It is interesting to note, that many Churches in Bardez

were built at the expense of the Communidades. However, this did

not last long. By the late eighteenth century, the natives alongwith

the secular clergy began to resist the calumnies of the frairs. The

Communidades and the Camara Geral of Bardez became the

strongest opponents of the frairs in Goa. However, it was

paradoxical that the same institution supported them later without

any success.

The study indicates that the frairs founded and extended the

mission in Goa. After the arrival of the Jesuits, they also adopted

the so called militant policies that were prescribed by the Popes

and the Kings of Portugal. Bardez, that was their exclusive

mission zone since 1555, faced the consequences of the Counter

Reformation. The dictates of the Council of the Trent were adapted

to the local situation by the Provincial Councils. As a result of

this, the Cross triumphantly marched into the mainland of Bardez.

 5(39

The statistics and baptism records indicate that several people

were converted at public celebrations called General Baptisms.

The catechumenates were founded to instruct them in the new

faith. It is important to note that the records that dated back to a

time when missionary activities were at a climax were not as rosy

as compared to the later years of the sixteenth century when the

mission in general was stagnant and the Portuguese Seaborne

Empire was facing its twilight. This indicates that the chroniclers

who wrote during this time exaggerated the real situation to create

a favourable impression among the authorities. They tried to

counter the high sounding reports that were sent by the other

Religious Orders and to defend themselves from their accusations.

The Rectories were intended to be epicenters from where the

frairs could evangelize the surrounding areas whereas the Frairies

were meant to be training centers where the frairs could be trained

and sent in the missionary fields like Ava, Pegu, Burma, Siam,

Salcete, Bombay, Tuticorin, Travancore and in the other areas. The

Hospices served as recluse houses where the frairs could rest for a

short time after having worked in the mission. The Houses of

Recollection, popularly called the Convents were inhabited by the

Recollects who lived a life of seclusion and prayer. These Houses

were manned by frairs, who were recruited, ordained and sent by

the Patron of the Missions. However, when the Portuguese were no

 516

longer able to do so on account of shortages in manpower and due

to financial constraints, Novitiates, Colleges and Seminaries were

founded in Goa where the novices were trained and allowed to take

vows as priests. Till the early seventeenth century, only the

Portuguese could enter the Religious Orders but later the Papal

Bulls forced the Portuguese to permit the admission of the Indians

into the Order. These local clerics were subsequently used as

interpreters and assistants who helped the frairs in the mission.

Though these local clerics were largely responsible in helping the

frairs to extend the mission, they were never allowed to rise to high

positions. In course of time, the authorities began to face another

problem. There were allegations that many frairs who had retired

from high positions used the Rectories as houses of relaxation.

Moreover, many young men from Portugal who came as soldiers

tried to enter the Religious Orders in which the living conditions

were much better than the barracks. This threat came at a time

when the Portuguese needed soldiers to fight against the Marathas,

Bonsulo, Idalcao and other local invaders. Hence, the authorities

warned the frairs not to admit them into the Order.

The extension and progress of the mission in Goa directly

depended on the support from the Portuguese King.. The Padroado

obligations empowpred the King to take decisions with reference to

the missions and missionaries. This can be seen in the attempts

 51.1

made by the frairs to gain a hold over the Professed House of Born

Jesus. The former forced the authorities to convert this into a

Nunnery for the members of the Second Order. The Jesuits were

able to influence the authorities because they occupied high

positions in the Portuguese politico-religious system. The frairs

played an important role in the decisions of the Council of States

and other such political bodies. The Viceroys were aware of this.

Hence, they tried their best to appoint their own candidates as the

Provincials of the Religious Orders.

The study of the Franciscan Order in Goa indicates that their

mission in Goa was not static. The frairs made constant attempts

to extend the mission into different lands, to evangelize and

convert the local people, to provide them with religious structures

and a new folk cult. The concept of the Great Tradition of

Christianity gained the better hold of the Little Tradition and this

was possible because of the hierarchical setup. The frairs in Goa

sought autonomy from the Mother Province as they felt that they

were self sufficient in human and financial terms. The emergence

of the hierarchy in Goa was directly related to the success of the

frairs. By the seventeenth century, both the Recollects and

Observants were able to get the sanction of their Superiors as well

in this regard. Though the Order in Rome supported this move,

the Mother Province of Portugal did not do so because they were

 512

bent upon getting the goodwill of the Portuguese authorities who

were trying their best to keep the missionaries in Goa under their

control.

The arrival of the frairs to Goa and their subsequent

attempts to convert the people and Christianize the lands is of

great significance to the history of the Christian Mission in Goa.

This is because their arrival coincided with the heydays of

expansion, when Portugal was bent upon creating a strong

bulwark for their seaborne enterprise in Goa. They intended to

make Goa the centre of the Estado da India. The frairs laid strong

foundations for the future missionaries who were sent to Goa. It is

interesting to note that the pioneer of the frairs in Goa, Frei

Antonio do Louro was able to impress upon the authorities the

need for founding a House in the City of Goa for converting the

local inhabitants and for creating a bairro for the Christians. In the

early sixteenth century, the periphery of the Islands of Goa were

enemy lands. Hence, a Portuguese- friendly settlement was needed

to shelter the Portuguese people and the garrisons that were

needed to defend the newly acquired lands. As the territorial

borders of Goa extended into Bardez and Salcete, the frairs,

Jesuits and Dominicans were entrusted with the task of making

the conditions in these Provinces suitable and friendly for the

Portuguese. Hence, the acquisition of Goa was not merely an

 513

achievement of the Portuguese soldiers but a collaborative effort of

both the secular authorities and the religious. The role of the

frairs in protecting and defending the strategic mainland is seen in

the fact that many of their Houses were located at important

points. Hence, even the Recollects were supported despite the

overtly contemplative lifestyle.

The Province of Bardez had an agrarian surplus, which

enabled the frairs to maintain the mission without procuring alms

from the King. This was true of certain villages like Serula and

Moira that were inhabited by the Brahmins who depended on the

primary producers. This surplus was diverted to the missionaries

by a Royal Alvara. The documents pertaining to the Padroado

missions help us to reconstruct the relations between the local

converts and the frairs on one hand and the Padroado authorities

and the missionaries on the other. The frairs could survive only

with the willing and active cooperation of the State and the latter

could consolidate their possessions on the mainland in

•
collaboration with the frairs. The extension and progress of the

mission depended on this close alliance 'between the Cross and the

Sword that swiftly possessed the souls and the wealth of the East.

The authorities depended on the locals for the security of their

land and for the stabilization of the mission. This is clear from the

clarion appeals of the General Assembly of Bardez that resisted the

 514

extraction of money from the converts. The triumphant march of

Christianity was often blockaded by the local people who resisted

often spoke against the frairs.

Individual frairs made efforts to implement the decrees of the

Provincial Councils, the Royal Alvaras and the proceedings of the

State Councils. These were directly related to the need of the times

and are most evident from the decision to suppress the Konkani

language. This was done to avoid any collaboration between the

converts, Marathas and the gentios. This decree was revoked by

the Portuguese who stated that conversions had to be genuine.

This was impossible unless the frairs learnt the local language.

This criterion was capitulated upon when the authorities decided

to replace the religious by the seculars.

The Franciscan Order gained a hold over Goa, Bardez and a

few adjoining areas. The establishment, expansion, progress and

decline of the Order coincided with the political developments in

Portugal. The mission was a State sponsored enterprise and the

religious system was closely linked with the political system of the

Portuguese in Goa. However, this was not always the case

especially in Bardez, where many of the Church structures either

were built at the expense of the gaoncars or were bequeathed to

the frairs. In Penha da Franca, for instance, the benefactress had

even provided for the maintenance of the frair. Therefore, when the
 515

Order was expelled from the Parishes in Bardez, the frairs were

able to cling to these Churches without being dependent on the

secular authorities or on the people, both of whom were against

the religious.

The frairs were a part of the colonial enterprise. Hence, their

Frairies and Parish Churches were often used to defend the

Portuguese lands. This was especially the case with Bardez that

was susceptible to invasions by the local rulers. The Churches in

Aldona, Reis Magos, Cabo, Rachol, Daugim and Aguada were

located at strategic points. It was primarily because of this that

the authorities were strongly against the native priests. However,

the latter remained in a subordinate position only for a short

period of time. After 1622, the authorities in Rome began to

support secular Indian priests. The seculars took this opportunity

to empower themselves and to speak against the religious. This

phenomenon of self empowerment found a clear expression in the

attempts of Matheus de Castro, who was an orphan trained in a

Franciscan institution. But surprisingly, the Portuguese were

against this because it would threaten the security of their land.

The former was afraid that if the Parishes were handed over to the

seculars, they would collaborate with the enemy who belonged to

the same land. The risk was greater because the seculars were not

happy. Besides severe restrictions on the Indianization of the

 510

clergy, the authorities also tried to stop the use of the local

language among the inhabitants in Bardez lest they communicate

with the Marathas and other local enemies. It must be noted that

most of the parish priests in Bardez were also the caretakers of

their Parishes. Hence, it is paradoxical that during the invasions

the frairs built more Parish Churches.

In the seventeenth century, the authorities in Portugal and

Goa, Religious Superiors and the converts spoke highly about the

frairs. This - was because of three reasons: the local people had

accepted the new religion and were bound to the new system to

which they owed allegiance. There was little or no empowerment

to resist the Portuguese even if they wanted to. The religious were

an asset to the Estado because they maintained harmony among

the inhabitants of the Parishes and checked any external threat.

There was little or no upward mobility of the people. Though the

frairs converted those who belonged to the predominant classes in

the chief villages, they did not interfere with their social privileges.

Therefore, that the inhabitants of one village in Bardez came

forward for conversion en masse. When the Brahmins of Moira

realized that the frairs had gained the upper hold in the adjoining

villages, they tried to protect their privileges by being converted.

The Church was a symbol of the defence of their social position.

Similarly, several gaoncars got converted and in many villages, the

 5i I

Communidades supported the Church and collaborated with the

frairs. This trend changed in the seventeenth century and became

more obvious in the eighteenth century, when the secular

authorities stabilized their power in Goa. They did not need the

services of the frairs who became a burden on the State. The State

now supported , the locals. The liberal policies of Marquis de

Pombal enabled the locals to express their anti-Portuguese

sentiments against the foreign frairs. The reports of this period are

sufficient to compile a chronique scandeleuse of the frairs in Goa.

The frairs were brought into Goa as a part and parcel of the

ethos generated by the Spirit of Discoveries. The Order had

appealed to the medieval political and religious sensibilities that

were predominant in Europe. Gradually, the frairs settled down in

the strategic areas in Goa and owed full allegiance to the Supreme

Lord, Roman Pontiff and to His Majesty. The tale of a general

intolerance to the local religious and the record of callousness,

cruelty, tyranny and injustice against the gentios were given a

literate twist. The evangelists were eulogized as being the pioneers

of the missionary enterprise in the Estado as their efforts went a

long way in making the Christian Century. Though there were

periodic accusations against them for being unconventional and

limited to the choir and to the routine Parish work, , it is important

to note that the frairs worked in Goa within an institutionalized

 51.8

setup between 1517 to 1835. Hence, a study of the Order in Goa

gives us a holistic image of the working of a mission in general.

The missionary waves washed away the .unchristian

elements from Goa but the converts did react to the breakdown of

the structures, symbols, values and the whole system that they

abided to before the Portuguese tried to Christianize them. As far

as conversions in Bardez were concerned, it is opined that the

frairs were generally docile and peace loving because of their faith

formation. However, they were able to harness the local resources

by integrating their mission with the primary producing

communities. As such, the methods that were operating beneath

the overall garb of evangelization were something more than simply

being religious. In the social field, the frairs were able to

appropriate the agrarian surplus by giving the dominant converts a

position of power that they yearned for. The frairs helped the State

authorities and in many cases, their Frairies became a shelter for

the political exiles the invitees of the State and other Portuguese.

They were able to do this without arousing any suspicion or

tension. Hence, they remained the pampered children of the

authorities for a long time as Arnold Toynbee stated; "... under the

law of God or the laws of nature, man is free to make choices and

pursue objectives ...".

Man
PARISHES IN THE PROVINCE OF BARDEZ
(154 2 -1582 )

1 - REIS MAGOS (15 5 )

2 - C ANDOL1M (1560)
3- NAGOA (1560 )
4- SALVADOR-DO-MUNDO (1565)
5- SIOLIM (1568 )
6 - ALDONA (1569 )
7- NERUL (1569)

SCALE 1C M 1 K M
 1:-"": 2_ 0

PARISHES, IN THE PROM ICE OF BARDEZ (1503-1622)

1 - REI 5 MAGOS (1555)

2-CANDOLI M (1560)
3 - NAGOA (1560)
4-SALVADOR- DO-muNDO(1565)
5-S1OLim(15 6e)
6-ALDONA (1569)
7-NERuL (1569 )
0 - COLVALE(1591)
9 - MAPUSA (1594)
10-CALANGUTE( 1595)
3) 1,-Ai\uN(60
1604)
12-SANGOLD(
13 POMEz URPA (1604)
-

14-UCASS IAM(1621)

SCALE ICM
PARISHES IN THE PROVINCE OF BARDEZ (1622- 1657)
1-REIS MAGOS (1555)
Z- CANDOLIM(1560)
3 - NAGOA (1560)
4 - SA LVADOR-00-MUNDO 1565)
5 - SIOLIM (156e)
6-A LOON A(1569 )
7-NERUL( 1569)
9,COLVALE(15 91)
9-MAPUSA(1594)
10-CALANGU1E (1595)
11-ANJuNA (1603)
12-SANGOLQA (1,64)
(1t0004) 13-POMBURA
14-UCASSAIM (1621)
15-TIVIM(1 623)
16 - LINHARES (1633)
17 MOIRA MA )
1e-PAR(649)
19- REVORA (1653)
20-PILER NE (165P)
21-PENHA-DA-FRANCA(1 629)

SCALE 1CM.1KM
PARISHES IN THE PROVINCE OF BARDEZ (2657-1700)
1.REt5 MAGO3155)
2-CANEOLIM (1560)
3NAGOA (1560)
6- SALVADOR- DO-MU NDO (1565
5-SIOLIM (1569)
6 -ALD ON f(1569)
7- NUL (1)
9-COLV LECS9 1
1 t T5)
9-fr1iPU5
1O-COLA
11-P' ► JN/ (1603)
i2-S'-'SOW-
13-POMBOPt1 Qhj
14UCA 55iUfri (1621)
15-t1vJM16Z3 )
33)
177MO-Mi (1636)
9 PAIR (16')
jg- v,O&5fl
2O - Z L i (16 8I
21 M-
22 0 XEL (6za)
23- Socc°'° (i66?)
2t -Nc,ivCI-f (1679)

SCALE : 1CMtKM
IIPPENOICES'
 623

APPENDIX — I

List of Hindu Temples in Bardez --

Aldona The images were transferred to Marcela. The main ones included
Bhagvati, Ravalnath, Bhutnath, Narayana, Santeri, Sidnath, Dadda, Saui
and Fulnath.
Anjuna Vetall, Santeri and Bhagavati.
Arpora Santeri Vetall, Vanadevta and Chourungo.
Calangute Santeri, Sittallnato, Saptanato, Brahmanath and Vetall.
Candolim Naranna, Santeri Bhairao, Gagarespor and Rovolnato.
Colvale Ravalnath Bhairao, Ramnato, Dadd and Gautama.
Mapuca Santeri and Ganes.
Moira The images were transferred to Mulgao, The main ones were Ravalnath
Santeri, Madev, Rampurus, Vantepurus, Satpurus, Dadd, Nerul Santeri,
Khetrapall, Ravalnath and Vetal.
Oxel Santeri was transferred to Chopdem, Pernem.
Parra The images were shifted to Advolpale, Bicholim. Dcu and Rampurus.
Pilerne The images were shifted to Naroa, Bicholim. Santeri Ravalnath, Ramnath
Bhairao, Bucadev, Vetal and Hemanath.
Pomburpa Malicarjuna Ravalnath Grampurus Sateri (transferred to Mulgao)
Vanadevta Somnath and Ganes.
Revora Kelbadevi.
Siolim Santeri Satti Ganes Ravalnath and Kelbadevi.
Serula Vetall Naranna Vanadevta Ravalnath Vodli Vanadevta, Sidnath, Malcumi
(Mahalaxmi) Gramurus, Somnath, Vir Caliapurus, Khetrapall Santeri
Naganath, Mahalanath, Bhagarati, Mahacali and Gopesvor.
Tivem Ravalnath, Somnath, Vetal and Purvachari
Source: Pissurlecar P. P., Tombo das Rendas que Sua Magestade tern nas ten-as de Salcette, Bardez e nesta Ilha de
Goa, B!VG 67(1951), pp. 50-2; Valentin Correia, Tomo de Bardez; Livro de Afforamentos.
 524

APPENDIX — H

List of Franciscan parish priests in the Churches of Bardez in 1765.

Aldona Frei Joao de Sata Quiteria.
Anjuna Frei Joao da Madre de Deus.
Calangute Frei Alexandre da Piedade
Candolim Frei Luis da Madre de Deus.
Colvale Frei Vincente de Madre de Deus.
Ermida da Senhora da Frei Alexandre de Nossa Senhora do Born Successo.
Saude de Valverde
Ermida des Desemparados Pe. Jose Xavier de Sao Francisco.
do Monte de Guirim
Guirim Frei Antonio da Paixao.
Guirim Frei Antonio da Paixao.
Mapuca Frei Manoel Eusebio dos Martyres.
Moira Frei Jose de Jesus Maria.
Nachinola Frei Felix de Sao Joao.
Nagoa Frei Manoel de Jesus Maria.
Nerul Frei Manoel de Santa Clara.
Oxel Frei Thomas de Santa Luiza.
Parra Frei Manoel de Santa Maria.
Penha de Franca de Frei Lucas de Sao Diogo.
Verlosa
Pilerne Frei Manoel do Rosario.
Pomburpa Frei Jose da Conceicao.
Revora Frei Henrique de Santa Anna.
Sao Lourenco de Linhares Frei Estacio de Christo.
Serula Frei Bernardo de Santa Rita.
Siolim Frei Christovam de Santa Rita.
Socorro Frei Francisco de sao Joaquim.
Tivim Frei Joao do Espirito Sato.
Ucassaim Frei Jose de San Antonio.
Source: MR. Vol. 138B fl.400.
 525

APPENDIX - III

List of Secular Priests who replaced the Franciscans from 1766 to 1767.
Aldona Pe. Agostinho Correia de Sao Mathias.
Anjuna Pe. Raphael Fernandes de Noronha de Sao Mathias.
Calangute Pe. Damiao Caetano Deodato de Sao Matias.
Candolim Pe. Manuel Cardoz de Taleigao.
Colvale Pe. Lourenco de Braganca de Piedade. -- --
Guirim Pe. Jose Manuel de Menezes da Piedade(appointed after
1776).
Linhares Pe. Caetano Francisco da Silva de Serula. (appointed after
1776)
Mapusa Pe. Francisco Furtado de Pomburpa.
Moira Pe. Baltasar de Souza de Margao.
Nachinola Pe. Pedro Coutinho de Sao Mathias.
Nagoa Pe. Caetano Rodrigues de Bacaim
Nerul Pe. Jeronimo Salvador da Costa de Margao.
Oxel Pe. Clemente Lobo de Sata Ines(appointed after 1776).
Parra Pe. Francisco Pinto de Saligao.
Penha da Franca Pe. Joao Xavier de Menezes de Sao Matias.
Pilerne Pe. Miguel Alvares de Pilerne.
Pomburpa Pe. Joao Alvares de Pilerne(appointed after 1776)
Reis Magos Pe. Caetano Antonio Lobo de Pomburpa(appointed after
1776).
Revora Pe. Joao Francisco Goncalves da Piedade.
Salvador do Pe. Felix Fernandes de Sao Mathias.
Mundo
Siolim Pe. Jose Nazario Fernandes de Sao Bartholomeu.
Soccoro Pe. Lino Colaco de Rachol.
Tivim Pe. Caetano Jose Rodrigues de Sao Bartholomeu.
Ucassaim Pe.. Baltazar de Sequeira de Santa Ignes.
Source: F.X Gomes Catao,' Vigarios Colodos de Bardez.' BEAG. Vol. 11(1953), pp. 399-403.
 26

APPENDIX - IV

Offices, Institutions and Concepts related to the Religious Orders

Apostolic A modern title used for the first period in the history of the
Christian Church.
Apostolic Constitution A collection of ecclesiastical laws.
Apostolic Delegate A person appointed by the Pope to keep the Vatican informed of
the ecclesiastical matters in the territory that is assigned to him
by the Holy See.
Apostolic See The See of Rome.
Appeals An application from a lower to a higher ecclesiastical court.
Archbishops Patriarchs and holders of outstanding Sees of the Latin Church.
Archdeacon A cleric having a defined administrative authority delegated to him
by the Bishop
Archdiocese A group of dioceses under an Archbishop
Asceticism A system of practices to combat vices and develop virtues
Assemblies Meetings of the representative of the Catholic clergy.
Auto da Fe The ceremony of the Spanish Inquisition at which after a
procession, mass and sermon, the sentences against the heretics
were read and executed .
Baptism A sacramental rite which admits a candidate into the Christian
Church.
Bishop They are elected by the Pope and receive consecration at the
hands of an Archbishop and two other Bishops to rule a particular
diocese within an Archdiocese. They have the power to confer
holy orders and to administer the rite of confirmation. His
insignia included a throne, a mitre, a pastoral staff, a pectoral
cross, a ring and a caligae.
Breviary A liturgical book containing the rites to he recited in the Divine
office of the Church.
Bull A written mandate of the Pope that is sealed with the Popes
signet.
Bullarium A collection of Papal Bulls.
Canon The list of inspired books which the Church recognized.
Canon Law The body of ecclesiastical rules that are imposed by an authority ,
inmatersofhdcipln.
Capuchins An offshoot of the Franciscan Order founded by Matteo di Bassi
of Urbino in 1552. The followers intended to return to the
primitive simplicity of the Order. They wore pointed cowls,
sandals and kept a heard. The official title used by them was
Ordo Fratrum Minorum S. Francisci Capuccinorum.
Cardinal A title first applied to a priest who was permanently attached to
a Church. They formed a College.
Catthechism Oral instruction on the principal christian truths given to children
and adults before baptism.
Cathecumens Those undergoing a pre-baptism training.
Cathedral The Church that contains the official seat of the Bishop of a
Diocese.
Cell The private room of a religious.
 521
Chancel • A sanctuary or part around the altar.
Chancellor (diocesan) The chief representative of the Bishop in the
administration of the temporal affairs of the diocese.
Chaplain A priest who is in charge of various Catholic institutions. They
are appointed by high ecclesiastical authorities.
Chapter An assembly of the members of a religious house responsible for
an ecclesiastical institution.
Choir The part of the Church containing the seals fo the clergy.
Clerics The candidates for the Holy Orders who are admitted and
incardinated into the Diocese.
Clerics (regular) Certain clergy who take the religious vows, live in the community
and take part in active pastoral work.
Congregation A religious society or community
Consistory An Ecclesiastical Court.
Contemplative Non-discursive prayer both vocal and mental
Convent A building in which a group of religious live as a community.
Conventuals mass A public mass sung in religious communities that is attended by
the whole community.
Conventuals A branch of the Franciscan Order that favoured the accumulation
and common holding of property. They were approved by Pope
John XXII in 1322.
Curate An assistant or unbeneficed clergyman.
Deacon The rank in the christian ministry below a priest.
Discipline Observance of ecclesiastical laws and customs that regulate the life
of the religious.
Divine service Term relating to choir, offices like rnalinasinximing prayers.
Evangelical A term applied to the Protestant Churches who base their teaching
on personal conversion and change of faith.
General A term used for the head of a congregation. The head of the
frairs was called a Minister General.
General Assembly The highest Court of an Order.
General Chapter A canonical meeting of the heads and representatives of a
religious Order. This is held to elect the new superiors or to
discuss matters relating to the Order.
General Councils Assemblies of the representatives of the Order of the whole world..
Gentiles Non-Jews.
Hagiography The writing on the lives of the Saints.
Holy Office The Sacra Congregatio Romanae et Universalis Inquisitionis Seu
Sancti Officie or the final court of appeal in trails of heresy
established by Paul III in 1542.
Holy See Refers to the residence of the Pope at Rome.
Aateran Councils Meetings held in Rome.
Lauds Traditional morning prayers.
Martyr Those who undergo hardships and die for the faith.
Novice A probationary member of a religious community. During this
time he wears the habit and follows the rule of the community.
Nun A member of a Religious Order of women living under the vows.
Obedience The moral virtue that inclines the members to carry out the will
 528
of their lawful Superiors.
Observants The frairs who claim to observe the rule of St. Francis.
Office (divine) Daily public prayer in the Church in which all the priests have a
special obligation to recite.
Papal Legate A personal representative of the Holy See, who has been entrusted
with its authority.
Parish An area under the spiritual care of a priest.
Pastoral letters Official letters addressed by a Bishop to all the members of a
diocese.
Pastoralia The principles regulating life and conduct of a parish, priest.
Patriarch A title for the Bishops.
Poor Clares The second Order of St. Francis founded by St. Francis and St.
Clare between 1212 to 1214. The members are strictly
contemplative and have the strictest enclosures and austerities.
They wear a black veil and cloth sandals.
Prior The head or deputy of a monastery.
Professed frairs Those members who took the vows necessary to embrace religious
life.
Province A group of dioceses territorially contiguous that form an
ecclesiastical unit.
Provincial Who exercises authority over all the Houses of the Order within a
given area. He is elected by a Provincial Chapter and approved
by a General Chapter.
Recluse A person who lives apart from the world for religious meditation.
Recollection A renunciation of all avoidable dissipations and a concentration of
the soul on the presence of God.
Recollects A reformed branch of the Franciscan Order.
Rector A parish incumbent whose are not impropriate.
Roman Congregation The executive branch of the Roman Curia that is responsible for
the administration of the Roman Catholic Church.
Sacristan An official in charge of the things that are used for divine
worship
Scapular A short cloak worn over the shoulders and hanging in front and
behind.
Secular clergy Priests living in the world who are not bound by vows.
Te deum A latin hymn to the father and the son.
Tertiary Member of the Third Order an association of lay people who live
in the world and strive for christian perfection according to the
rules of the Holy See.
Source: F.L Cross (ed. ) The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church.
 520

APPENDIX - V

Parishes Local White Local, Captives Hindus Muslims Portugue Total —

Priests Men Converts I Slaves se Priests Christian
Population

Reis Magos 0 78 2013 89 550 301 0 3031

Nellur 11 43 1622 136 222 18 5 2057
Sao 0 47 438 0 6 0 0 491
Lourenco
de Linhares
Candolim 29 31 3107 66 71 0 2 3306
Calangute 15 0 3900 62 177 0 0 4154
Nagoa 23 0 3551 19 79 0 0 3672
Parra 14 0 2655 03 34 0 0 2706
Guirim 5 0 2310 5 5 0 0 2325
Pilerne 20 8 1896 24 0 0 2 1950
Penha de 10 44 2022 88 621 64 0 2849
Franca

Pomburpa 18 10 1915 33 1911 60 0 3947

Aldona 4 0 3372 0 63 0 0 3439
Moira 6 0 823 0 0 0 0 829
Nachinola 5 0 606 4 15 0 0 630
Ucassaim 2 0 1662 1 9 0 0 1674
Mapusa 4 0 5183 2 509 10 0 5708
Tivim 0 4 2715 5 317 0 0 3041
Revora 1 0 1866 0 648 0 0 2515
Colvale 3 2 1377 4 562 2 0 1950
Oxel 2 0 889 0 613 0 0 1504
Siam 6 0 3181 16 481 0 0 3684
Anjuna 14 1 4465 16 422 0 0 4918
Sends 441 0 2284 25 45 0 0 2795
Salvador do 34 3 2613 - 57 66 0 0 2773
Ntundo
Total 667 271 56465 655 7426 455 9 65948
Population
Source: MR No. 86A(1719 to 1721), Hs 32-56V
 APPENDIX VI

The Reports of the Pastoral Visits conducted by the Archbishop in

the Parishes in Bardez
Parishes Complaint Date of the Punishment
Visit
Reis Magus Against Bento Prestrello, a white l st October
man and Captain of Timor who had 1760
illicit relations with Anna behind
closed doors. Anna de Souza was
accused of usury.
Felicio da Costa was accused of
drunkenness.
He was given
Pedro Rodrigues was suspected of
refuge at Chimbel
having illicit relations with a Cafra
and had to pay
Eugenea Loureno. of Verem who
eight xs to the
was the wife of Pedro Lobo of
Judge.
udge.

Pilerne Dionizio de Albuquerque was held 16th October He was given

for drunkenness 1760 refuge at Chimbel
and had to pay
eight xs to the
Judge.
Maria, wife of Manoel Roiz of
Marra lived a licentious life.
Nerul Jodo Baptista Mendes was held for He had to pay six
drunkenness. xs and was sent to
Chimbel.

— --
Antonio Pinto of Fortovaddo was
accused of living a licentious life He had to pay a
with Esperanca Pires, wife of fine of five xs.
Sebastiab do Santos.
Manoel da Silva who lived in Padre
Leite plot was accused of
prostitution.
Vithoba Sinai of Palmar da Ordem
Terceira had illicit relations with
Bargi Fonda Chatim. .

Candolim Bisulea of Orda and Gila Naique 21 st October They had to pay
were accused of usury. 1760 six xs and three
refs to the Judge
and three to the
Merinho.

Domingos Cardozo of Escriviio He had to pay five

Vaddo was accused of having illicit xs that were sent to
relations with Monica of Serula. SI) BOaventura.
 531
- --
Calangute Telles Paes of Gavores was accused 23"1 October
of illicit relations with Maria Frz, 1760
wife of a soldier
Salvador de Souza was accused of
the same.
Nagoa The barber, Jacinto of Arpora was 23rd October
blamed for prostitution. 1760
Sebastiao de Souza was accused of 20th October
They had to pay
not attending mass decently. 1760
six xs.

Jacinto de Souza and Gabriel Viegas

were accused of illicit relations.
She had to pay
Esperanca de Souza was charged for
fifteen refs.
usury.

He had to pay four

Gaetano de Saldanha of Saligao was
xs.
accused of collecting paddy in cash.
Manoel Vicente de Cunha, Escriviio
and Pedro Monteiro, toddy tapper
were held for not hearing mass on
days of obligation.
Parra The Curate, Pe. Innocencio Luiz
stated they were not many
problems.
Anjuna There were cases of concubinage.
Malu Chaty was blamed of usury
and scandals while dealing with He had to pay
rice. twenty four xs.
Manoel De Souza, Administrator of
the Chapel of Our Lady of Health
was blamed of not fulfilling his
obligations in a satisfactory way.
Two locals, Custam Naique and They had to pay
Govinda Chatim were blamed of two xs that were to
spending the night with two be used for pious
Christians, Similo and Goncalo work.
Rodrigues.
Siolim Boaventura da Gama of Nagoa and 2nd October
Lourenco de Souza were accused for 1760.
breaking the rules of the Church.
Oxel No scandals were reported.
Colvale Maria Fernandes was blamed of not
hearing mass on days of obligation.
Luis Pereira was held for
drunkeness.
The had to pay two
Vessu Camotim, Vessi Chari and
xs.
Matamo Sinai were held for living
with the Christians
 532

Revora No case was reported

Tivim Roza, a spinster from Salcete and 6th November
Victoria of Calangute who lived on 1760
the border of Moira in the palmar
of Joao Correa Lobo of Pomburpa
were accused of illicit relations.
Barbara Lobo, stulra, wife of
Diogo de Souza of Danua was
blamed of illicit relations.
Mapusa Venuu Sinai of Combarjua was
blamed of usury.
Pascoal Coutinho, a soldier of the
Fort of Chapora and his wife Rita
Maria de Valadares were held for
living with Manoel, a Portuguese
Sargent.
Marianna of Corlim was blamed of
8 th November .
prostitution with Pedro Jansen, a
1 761
Portuguese.

Ueussaini Suzana, wife of Jeronymo de Souza i0 She had to attend

of Bastora was held for not hearing November catechism in the
mass on days of obligation. 1760 Church for one
month.

Luis Francisco and Joanna de

Menezes were blamed of the same.
Francisco Paes was held for not
participating in the Stations of the
Cross and for going to the pulpit
without the permission of the
preacher.
l'omburpa Cosme da Silveira was accused of
drunkenness.
Jose Pedro of Cantorli who lived in
the Palmar of Texerira was accused
of having illicit relations with a
Brahmin.
Beatriz of Golname was accused of
participating in the festival of the
Cafres.
A spinster, Magdalena de Souza of
Jeconi was accused of illicit
relations with Babugea Chat.im
Aldona Victoria de Souza of Sonarvaddo 3"1 January
was blamed of giving alcouce in 1761
her House.
Moira Manoel Pereira of Povoaciio was
accused of illicit relations with
Margarida Lobo, a brahmin.
Diego de Souza was accused of
 533

living separately from his legal wife

Simoas de Mello.

Nachinola No complaint was sent.

Guirim Antonia de Rorz of Parzeta,
daughter of Francisca de Souza of
Nellur and Antonio de Almeida
were accused of prostitution. Anna
de Souza of Angarchovaddo was
blamed of illicit relations with
Marques, Adjudante of Bardez.
Fotiea Porobu of Morada, Sangolda
was held for usury.
Antonio Caetano Lobo and Celestino
Pereira were held for helping the
locals.
Soccoro, Antonio Lobo was accused of
•
Serula staying in the house of Amona
Camotim of Dossurvado.
Sebastiao Menezes of Vaddem was
held for causing disgrace to his
brahmin family.
Salvador-do- Manoel de Abranches was blamed
Mundo of drunkenness.
Joao de Sousa and Francisco Xavier
de Miranda were accused of
preaching on the pulpit.
Source: VP Nos. 9-10 (1964-6), fl. 7; Ibid., Nos. 5-6(1754 760), fls. 12-14, 21, 37-36, 41, 52, 55, 66-67, 72, 75, 80, 90, 92,
100, 102, 110, 117, 123, 132, 138, 155-56, 161 and 164-65.
RIRu061111PHII
 534

1311110GRHPHY

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