Jewish Support of the Salzburg Lutheran

Refugees in 1732/33
by W o lfg a n g S p litte r

he expulsion in 1732/33 o f m ore than 20,000 Lutherans from

T the A ustrian archbishopric o f Salzburg as well as from the
Bavarian area o f B erchtesgaden is one o f the m ost dram atic examples
o f confessional m igration in early m o d e rn tim es.1 Protestant and
R o m a n C atholic scholars alike have generated m any studies w ith
respect to certain aspects o f this historic episode. For exam ple,
m igratory routes to B ran d en b u rg and East Prussia as well as H anover,
H o llan d , and G e o rg ia in th e A m e ric a n co lo n ies have b e e n
investigated rather thoroughly.2 Scholarly atte n tio n to o th e r aspects
o f the story has, however, developed m ore slowly. Two examples will
suffice. It to o k 250 years before the first iconographie study o n the
Salzburger em igration was published.3 T h e first m ulti-perspective
treatm ent, focusing o n the m ain actors, was an o th e r decade in
com ing.4 M u c h w o rk rem ains to be done, for exam ple, o n the
publicity and propaganda generated by the m ig ra tio n ,5 analysis o f
serm ons, tracts,photographic artifacts, and, in this essay, the chronicles
o f Jew ish efforts to aid the refugees.
P rio r to W orld W ar I, a few historians and am ateur researchers
briefly n o ted instances o f Jews helping these L utheran refugees.
How ever, these com m ents, m ostly in footnotes, failed to provoke
substantial interest and debate am ong scholars.6 This is all the m ore
su rp risin g because th e indices o f th e tw o standard L u th e ra n
com pendia on the Salzburger em igration, originally issued in the
1730s, listed num erous cases o f Jews acting “ m erciful to the
em igrants”7 and “proving th eir love and g o o d w orks” to th e m .8 O n e
such source even devoted tw o chapters to the Jew s’ generous
support.9 It is also rem arkable that Jew ish beneficence appears at all
in the narrative o f an intra-C hristian conflict. Anyone w h o digs into
these accounts o f Jew ish aid to the Protestant exiles w ill e n c o u n te r
an array o f tactical exploitation, rhetorical stylization, C hristian

143

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144 LUTH ERA N QUARTERLY

hopes for conversion, and biblical-allegorical d eco n stru ctio n o f

traditional stereotypes. Precisely these m atters are the subject o f
investigation in this essay.

Lutheran Compendia

T h e tw o standard L utheran w orks o n the Protestant em igration

from Salzburg and B erchtesgaden, au th o red by C h risto p h Sancke
(w ho died after 1749)10 and G erhard G ottlieb G ü n th e r G öcking
(1705—1755),11 w ere part o f the confessional propaganda that
accom panied an “ e ig h te e n th -c e n tu ry cultural and m edia event,
alm ost com parable to the R e fo rm a tio n and the T h irty Years’ War,
b u t n o w free o f satire and polem ics.” 12 C o n trary to those earlier
polem ics, L utheran chroniclers here n e ith e r accused C atholics o f
religious fanaticism n o r did they d e n o u n c e th eir leaders, as was the
case “in som e later accounts.” 13 G öcking, for exam ple, extolled the
“ goodness and affability” o f the bishops o f A ugsburg and B am berg,
as well as the com passion o f the Bavarian and Palatine electors and
o th er C atholic sovereigns.14 A t the b e g in n in g o f his first volum e,
G öcking acknow ledged that in the C atholic church m any people
“recognize ju st as clearly as w e do the injustice o f the force used
against so-called heretics.” N o tw ith sta n d in g his com plaints about
the refugees’ fate, G ö ck in g finds it im p o rta n t “ to m ake a fair
distinction,” for “ n o t all papists are o f the same blindness and
foolishness.” A fter all, som e o f th e m show ed “ com passion for o u r
persecuted fellow believers” by “ trying in every way to m ake the
hardships o f the jo u rn e y m ore bearable for o u r em igrants.” 15
Lutherans w ritin g ab o u t the 1732/33 em igration knew, as did the
Protestant estates represented in the Corpus Evangelicorum at the
Im perial D iet, that the expulsion o f Lutherans from Salzburg and
B erchtesgaden violated n e ith e r the con stitu tio n o f the H o ly R o m a n
E m pire n o r the Peace o f W estphalia o f 1648.16 For this reason
L utheran w riters often targeted, rather rigorously, n o t the legal
principle b u t the contestable circum stances o f the expatriation and
the heroic endurance it required. Sancke, in particular, seem ed eager
“ to rem ind the public o f the p ow er o f the Evangelical [i.e., Lutheran]
religion and to p ro m o te the preservation o f confessional identity by
 JEWISH SUPPORT OF LUTHERAN REFUGEES 145

praising the Evangelical attestors to the faith.” 17Accordingly, he goes

in to great detail to explain to his readers w h y it is only fair to “pay
atten tio n to their exam ple w ith due diligence,” this being, as he
points out, the tru e p u rp o se o f his “little w ork.” 18
U nited in their efforts to present the Lutheran mass exodus as a
“trium phal procession o f Evangelical strength o f faith,” 19 G öcking and
Sancke claimed to have draw n o n an abundance o f different sources.
W hile Sancke (w hom G öcking accused o f plagiarism20) emphasized
that he had “taken pains to talk” w ith m any expatriates,21 G öcking
advertised his ow n w ork w ith publishers by arguing that his m aterial
was largely u n iq u e, c o n ta in in g co u n tless co n v ersatio n s w ith e m i-
grants and w ith those com m issioners w h o m Prussia’s K ing Frederick
W illiam I (1688-1740) had placed in charge o f organizing the transfer
o f Salzburgers to B randenburg and East Prussia.22 B ut only w ith great
difficulty did G öcking find a publisher in 1733, whereas Sancke s tom e,
issued anonymously,23 was th en going through its third edition. By that
time, the Francke Foundations’ O rphanage Press24 in the Pussian
enclave o f Halle, in Saxony— then the forem ost publisher o f Protestant
literature in G erm any— had rejected G öcking’s request to p rin t his
first volume, explaining that the requested h o norarium was excessive,
given that he was em ploying sources w hich had already appeared in
earlier works.25 His feeling o f rivalry w ith Sancke (about w h o m he
arguably knew little m ore than that he lived in the Saxon city o f
L eipzig26) was likely responsible for m uch o f his criticism o f the
form er’s Historie,27w hich, however, did n o t prevent him from borrow ing
many items o f inform ation from it. W hile Sancke, in m arketing his
work, did so w ithout endorsem ents from others, G öcking secured
support from Johann Lorenz von M osheim (1693-1755), then
G erm any’s leading Protestant church historian.
It was left to M osheim to rec o m m e n d this “ quite p ro fo u n d and
reliable history, w h ich surpasses all o th e r books o f its kind,” to the
public and to extoll its a u th o r for his excellent character and
scholarship.“ For his narratives, the a u th o r has draw n o n such sources
that n o one has h ith e rto had access to, except him ,”28 stressed
M osheim , possibly having in m ind, am o n g o th e r things, G ö c k in g ’s
m any accounts o f Jew ish aid for the exiles, w hose com prehensive
coverage distinguishes this w o rk from the o ne by Sancke.29
146 LU TH ER A N QUARTERLY

B o th authors largely refrained from exploiting Jew ish charity for

an ti-C atholic propaganda. Som e a n ti-C ath o lic invective in th eir
books can be fo u n d in the reports from K lein -N ö rd lin g e n (now:
K leinerdlingen), once a c o m m an d ery o f the O rd e r o f S t.Jo h n , the
G erm an Protestant branch o f th e K nights H ospitaller. In this “papist”
Swabian village, w rites G ö c k in g ,“ the priest was th e m ain tool o f the
spirit o f persecution.” 30 Follow ing Sancke, he com plains th at this
“ cleric” forbade his congregants to “ give those w h o w ere taking a
rest a d rin k o f w ater o r even to do th e m the least favor, because he
considered th em heretics and dogs.” 31 T h u s it was up to the Jews to
“p u t the holy C atholic C hristians to the greatest sham e” w ith their
generosity.32 Sancke takes an o th e r sideswipe at the C atholics in his
account o f an incident in H esse-C assel, w here Jew ish charity so
im pressed the L utheran exiles “ th at they sh o u ted full o f am azem ent:
H o w is it possible that these people, w h o m w e are taught to regard
as enem ies, sham e o u r brothers w h o claim to believe in Jesus C h rist
as w e do b u t nevertheless persecute us m ost severely and even chase
us away?” 33 In B erlin, Sancke learned (and, th ro u g h his boo k ,
G öcking probably did too), that a “papist soldier” explained his
do n atio n to th e Salzburgers w ith his conviction that “ such
persecution and expulsion o f m em bers o f o th er religions . . . does
n o t com e from G o d b u t from the devil,” and that he by n o m eans
approved o f these m easures.34 F rom D anzig and H ildesheim , w here
Jews also held collections, Sancke and G öcking could offer n o th in g
b ut positive reports a b o u t th e C atholic inhabitants there.35
In retrospect it is fair to say that n e ith e r a u th o r exploits Jew ish
support m erely to rail against C atholics. T his is all the m ore w o rth
m en tio n in g because in the decade before the expulsions from
Salzburg and B erchtesgaden the re-C ath o licizatio n o f the electoral
Palatinate around 1720 and the “B lo o d -B ath o f T h o r n [now :T orun,
Poland]” in 1724 had revived the old confessional controversies,
causing a constitutional crisis that b ro u g h t th e H o ly R o m a n E m pire
to the verge o f an o th e r religious w ar.36 A gainst this b a ck g ro u n d it
w ould have b een enticing for Sancke and G öcking to serve and
stim ulate an ti-C ath o lic resentm ent am o n g L utherans by publicly
exposing local C atholics as hypocrites w hose hard-heartedness was
outsh o n e by the truly C hristian reaction o f m any “ enem ies o f Jesus.”
 JEWISH SUPPORT OF LUTHERAN REFUGEES 147

Documented Cases ofJewish Help for Lutheran Emigrants

Since Sancke and G öcking resisted, for the m ost part, the
tem ptation to indulge the a n ti-C ath o lic feelings o f the Protestants,
historians m ust lo o k for o th e r m otives to explain the high and
grateful regard in w h ic h these authors held Jew ish benevolence
tow ard the L utheran refugees.Together, the tw o authors identify one
langraviate, sixteen places in the H o ly R o m a n Em pire, one
independent state, and three cities outside the em pire w here Jews
aided Lutherans exiled from Salzburg and Berchtesgaden (see the
table on pp. 148-49). M oreover, G öcking speaks about “a certain place”
w here one J e w “am ply gave presents to these people.”37 In consequence
o f previous wars and expulsions, m any regions o f G erm any had b u t a
small Jewish population. For example, in the Swabian to w n o f H arburg
(m entioned in G ö c k in g s w ork), the Jew ish com m unity did n o t start
p rio r to 1671, then consisting o f five families.38 In 1700, ju st 152 Jews
w ith letters o f protection by a C hristian ruler and another 96 Jews,
having no such docum ent, lived in the m argraviate o f B randenburg.
T hat same year, Pom erania co u n ted no m ore than 52 Jew ish families,
while “extrem ely few Jew s” w ere said to live in W est and East Prussia.39
D ue to the Lutheran expellees’ natural preference for Protestant
territories, the sources m ostly record cases o f help from Jews u n d er
Lutheran and (rarely) R e fo rm e d rule. Still, Jew ish collections in the
Catholic prince bishoprics o f B am berg, H ildesheim , and W ürzburg,
in the im perial city o f R egensburg (whose substantial Protestant
m inority was partly governed by a C atholic m ajority), and in H arburg
(which came u nder the sovereignty o f the C atholic O e ttin g e n -
W allerstein family in 1731) suggest that confessional considerations
were o f no significance in the decision o f local Jews to aid the
expatriates passing through their tow ns and villages. Jew ish support
for the Salzburgers and Berchtesgadeners thus was clearly a historical
p h en o m en o n that followed n eith er regional n o r political patterns.
U nlike the obligatory official collections im posed o n Christians by
Protestant counts and princes, Jews always m ade their donations “ o f
their ow n free will,” as G öcking points o u t several tim es.40
“ It is only fair to start” w ith the village o f K le in -N ö rd lin g en ,
G öcking notes at the b eg in n in g o f his detailed narrative o n Jew ish
148 LUTH ERA N QUARTERLY

Jewish Support o f Lutheran Expellees from Salzburg and Berchtesgaden

in 1732/33
Table: Forms of Jewish A id to Lutheran Emigrants1

D a te Place Territorial A ffilia tio n E m p ire2 C onfession2, A id 4

??-??-1732 B ahn/ E l e c to r a te o f Yes R efo rm e d A (i)

P o m e ra n . B ra n d en b u rg
??-??-1732 B e r lin E l e c to r a te o f Yes R efo rm e d M (i)
B ra n d en b u rg
??-??-1732 K ö n ig s b e rg /P r. K in g d o m o f No R efo rm e d F (i)
P ru ss ia
??-??-1732 N auen E l e c to r a te o f Yes R efo rm e d M (i)
B ran d en b u rg
??-??-1732 W eim ar D uchy o f Yes L u th eran G M (i)
S a x e -W e im a r
01- 05-1732 B e r lin E l e c to r a te o f Yes R efo rm e d M (c)
B ra n d en b u rg
07- 05-1732 B e r lin E l e c to r a te o f Yes R efo rm e d G (c)
B ra n d en b u rg
29- 05-1732 H a lb e r s ta d t E l e c to r a te o f Yes R efo rm e d M (c)
B ra n d en b u rg
??- 05-1732 (Ν /Λ ) L a n d g r a v ia te o f Yes R e fo rm e d M (c)
H esse-C assel
??- 06-1732 H a rb u rg / C o u n ty o f Yes C a t h o lic A M (i)
S w a b ia O e ttin g e n - W a lle r s te in 5

??- 06-1732 G unzenhausen M a r k g r a v ia te o f Yes L u th eran M (i)

B r d .b u r g - A n s b a c h
??- 06-1732 H a lle /S a a le E l e c to r a te o f Yes R efo rm e d M (i)
B ra n d en b u rg
21- 07-1732 C o b u rg D uchy o f Yes L u th e ra n M (i)
S a x e -C o b u rg
??- 07-1732 B am b erg P r i n c e B is h o p r ic Yes C a t h o lic M (c)
o f B am berg
? ?- 07-1732 W ü rz b u rg P r i n c e B is h o p r ic Yes C a t h o lic M (c)
o f W ü rz b u rg
31- 07-1732 D a n z ig K in g d o m o f No (Unclear) G M (i)
P o la n d 6
04- 08-1732 F ra n k fu rt/ E le c to r a te o f Yes R efo rm e d M (c)
O der B ra n d en b u rg
??- 08-1732 F ra n k fu rt/ E le c to r a te o f Yes R e fo rm e d A (i)
O der B ra n d e n b u rg
19- 08-1732 K l.-N ö rd lin g e n F ree Im p e ria l Yes L u th e ra n F G (i)
C ity o f N ö r d l i n g e n 7
23- 08-1732 F ra n k fu rt/ E l e c to r a te o f Yes R efo rm e d M (c)
O der B ra n d e n b u rg
 JEWISH SUPPORT OF LUTHERAN REFUGEES

Table: Contd.,

D a te Place Territorial A ffilia tio n E m pire2 C onfession 3 A id 4

31- 08-1732 H ild e s h e im P r i n c e B is h o p r ic Yes C a t h o lic M (c ?)

o f H il d e s h e i m
14- 12-1732 R eg e n sb u rg F ree C ity o f Yes (Unclear) A (i)
R e g e n sb u rg
? ? - 12-1732 F ü rth [ C o n d o m i n i u m 8] Yes (Unclear) M (i)

??-??-1733 (N /A ) R e p u b lic o f th e No R efo rm e d M (c)

U n i t e d N e th e r la n d s
23- 02-1733 N ijm e g e n R e p u b l i c o f th e No R efo rm e d M (i)
U n ite d N e th e rla n d s
? ? -? ? - 173? (N /A ) (N /A ) Yes? (U n k n o w n ) M G ? (i)

1 Established from the sources m entioned in notes7 and 8.

2 Part o f the H oly R om an Empire: yes or no.
3 Confession o f the ruler w hich was not always identical w ith the creed o f the majority o f the subjects
(as, e.g., in Hesse-Cassel and Prussia).
4 Voluntary aid o f individual Jews (i) or collections o f Jewish congregations (c): A—accom m odation (room
and board); F—food and drink; G—goods; M —money.
5After the Lutheran family o f O ettingen-O ettingen became extinct, their territory and properties were
taken over by the Catholic family o f Oettingen-W allerstein in 1731.
6 Free City under Polish sovereignty.
7Part o f the Lutheran free imperial city o f Nördlingen, but local Catholic parish under jurisdiction o f
the Catholic imperial count o f Oettingen-Spielberg.
8 “Triple rule” o f the Lutheran margraviate o f Brandenburg-Ansbach, o f the Lutheran imperial city
o f Nuremberg, and o f the Catholic cathedral provostship o f Bamberg, w hose claims to supremacy
com peted w ith each other.

help for the em igrants. H ere, the C atholic priest had “ strictly
ordered” his congregants “ n o t to give w ater” to the exiles, n o r to do
th em a kindness o f any sort, as m e n tio n e d above. As a consequence,
the Lutherans “ alm ost died o f thirst ow ing to the oppressive heat,”
in fact, they w ere “ dropping o ff like flies.” Because the inhabitants
had “ taken the buckets from all the wells,” the strangers w ere glad
w h e n Jews living nearby allowed th em to scoop w ater from th eir
ow n wells “as m u ch as they w ished.” T h ey “ also gave th em bread,
beer, and some money, according to their few means.”41 T h e Catholic
ruler in his capacity o f ecclesiastic superior received an u rg en t
request “ to p u t an end to this disorder” created by the village priest.
“ H ow ever, one has never heard o f anyone d oing anything about
it.”42 In n eig h b o rin g H arburg, too, Jew ish inhabitants offered gifts to
the expellees. Jews in nearby G unzenhausen, although being
150 LU TH ER A N QUARTERLY

“ destitute people them selves, . . . slapped tw o R e ic h talers to g eth er

and b ro u g h t th em to C om m issioner G öbel,” w h o sent the d o n atio n
“ to C o u n c ilo r o f W ar H e ro ld in Halle.”43
In this city (Halle) o n the Saale river “ there h appened a nice
incident w ith a Salzburger and [some] Jews,” G öcking goes o n to
report. T h e em igrant, having received “ a b rig h t and brand n ew
eight-groschen coin,” was happily tossing th e m o n ey from one hand
to the o th er w h e n “ a group o f Jew s” to o k notice o f him . All o f a
sudden, one Jew “ snatched the p retty coin o u t o f his h a n d ”— only
to retu rn it to h im the n ex t m o m e n t, even giving h im “ m u ch m ore
than that.” Yet Halle was also the place w h ere a Jew stole from a
Salzburger. T h e th ie f was “instantly taken by the head, subjected to
the yoke, and displayed to the youngsters in the public m arketplace.
A fter that he was p u t into the cart.” As G ö ck in g alleges, this was “ the
only k n o w n exam ple o f a je w cheating o r stealing from Salzburgers.”44
In his second volum e, G ö cking later follow ed up w ith an o th e r case,
this tim e in the B ran d en b u rg to w n o f N eustadt-E bersw alde, in
w h ic h a Je w h ad “ caused these distressed ones even m o re g rie f.”
F or changing Bavarian m o n ey in to Prussian currency, this m o n ey
changer had dem anded “far too m uch surcharge.” Elsewhere, however,
“ one does n o t k n o w o f any Jew w h o had beco m e a b u rd en to o u r
em igrants o n th eir journey,” G ö ck in g assures his readership.45 H ere
and there Jews actually cautioned o ne a n o th e r against taking ad v an -
tage o f th e exiles’ p lig h t. T h e Jew s in H a lb e rstad t, “ o n th e ir o w n
initiative, issued an a d m o n itio n in th e ir te m p le ” to th e effect “ th at
anyone attem pting to make even the smallest profit from these people
should be dam ned.”46
In N au en , B randenburg, “ a Jew ish w om an, standing in the street
w ith h er purse, han d ed o u t m o n ey to every person that was passing
by.” W h e n she saw a sick Salzburger, “b eing very feeble,” leave a
pharm acy, she offered h im “ som e m o n e y ” as well. “ H ow ever, he
refused to accept it,” for he d eem ed the w o m an to be p o o rer than
himself. As the em igrant believed, “ he w o u ld have sinned if he had
taken the offering from her.”47 In H ildesheim , too, the Jews proved
them selves to be “ generous.” T h e y did so chiefly “because an
u n k n o w n villain had dared to steal som e o f the m o n ey d o n a te d ” to
the exiles.48 In the T h u rin g ia n to w n o f W eim ar “ quite a few Jew s”
 JEWISH SUPPORT OF LUTHERAN REFUGEES 1‫ צ‬1

dem onstrated “ th eir com passion and charity in a way that is

otherw ise very unusual for them .”49 N e a r C o b u rg , th e n also in
T huringia, one Jew sent tw o guilders to the tow nhall as “ a small
present.” 50 A Jew from F ü rth , near N u rem b erg , even gave “ over one
hun d red guilders.” 51 W h e n the Salzburgers arrived in B erlin, the
Jews “slipped these expellees m any things.” In this city, “ a p o o r J e w ”
heard a young Salzburger b eing “ ex am in ed ” in m atters o f faith. T h e
incident m oved the m an so m u ch that “he b ro u g h t one R e ic h taler
the next day and had this little gift distributed am o n g children.” 52
T h e Jews in the Baltic seaport o f D anzig53 w ere no less “ charitable.”
As a group o f expatriates was passing th ro u g h the city, Jew ish
inhabitants “ gave th em m any things, thro w in g th e m o n to th eir
wagons.”54 In the Prussian capital o f K önigsberg,55 the Jew s also
“ showed their sympathy.” O n e M oses Lew in, for exam ple, d o nated
tw o bottles o f w ine “in order that the exhausted ones m ay refresh
themselves on their jo u rn e y .” 56
In H arburg, the Jews expressed th eir w illingness “ to receive”
em igrants “into their hom es and give th e m free ro o m and board.” 57
T h e Jews o f F ra n k fu rt-o n -th e -O d e r “ en treated C o u rt C o u n c ilo r
T h erin g ,” the mayor, “to acknow ledge th em so m u ch as to allow
th em to accept som e pilgrim s into th eir hom es for doing g o o d to
th em according to th eir circum stances.” 58 In a similar m ove, a Jew in
R egensburg set an “ exam ple o f com passion.” N o sooner had he
heard o f their arrival than he asked for perm ission “to cater for tw enty
persons at his expense. B ut the city council declined to allow for m ore
than twelve o f them . H e to o k care o f th em in the m ost cordial m anner
and showered them w ith presents.”59 In the East Pom erian village o f
Bahn,60 “one Jew requested twelve individuals from am ong these
people for looking after them .” H e n o t only “fed th em as best as he
could but also gave each one o f th em some m oney.”61
In Halberstadt, the Jews collected 36 talers “ o f their ow n accord and
rendered them to C ouncilor o f W ar Ursinus,” b ringing the total o f
m oney donated to the L utheran exiles in that city to “nearly 150
R e ic h talers.”62 T h e Jews in F ra n k fu rt-o n -O d e r even donated tw ice
w ithin three weeks.63 In the C atholic prince bishoprics o f W urzburg
and Bamberg, Jews handed over substantial am ounts o f guilders and
talers as well.64 In the landgraviate o f Hesse-Cassel, the “m ost em in e n t”
152 LUTH ERA N QUARTERLY

Jews presented the Berchtesgadeners there w ith 4,000 talers, “using

these words: . . .W e ask you to accept this money.”65 “T h e Jews in
H olland were particularly busy” ; they collected 25,000 guilders.66 In
N ijm egen, B enedict Levi G om pers, “a banker o f Jew ish nationality,”
distributed 1,200 guilders that he had gathered “ on m any persons’
accounts” to L utheran em igrants from D ü rrn b erg , near Salzburg.67
W h e n several hundred expellees reached Berlin, the Jews showed
themselves “ eager” to help.T hey “held a voluntary collection in their
synagogue,” w hich they surrendered to Privy C ouncilor von H erold
“ even that same day.” T h e follow ing day, “Jew ish w o m en in their
separate synagogue brought together 204% cubits o f linen “in order to
make shirts for the old and n eedy” em igrants.68

Soteriological Explanations

From a L utheran perspective, by leaving th eir h o m elan d the

em igrants had obediently com plied w ith the w ill o f G od. Pietists
generally ten d ed to in terp ret the exodus as a “break th ro u g h o f faith”
in the A ustrian and Bavarian Alps, “w h ere clandestine Protestants
had b een converted m ore o r less suddenly by G o d ’s grace and by
acts o f Providence so that they, quite in line w ith Pietism , h en cefo rth
attested to C hrist overtly and loudly, b eco m in g shining exam ples o f
faith.”69 O f course, there had n o t o ccu rred a spiritual rebirth
according to the understanding o f H alle Pietism — one o f the leading
branches o f continental L utheranism in the eighteenth cen tu ry —
especially as “ the pious practice o f the Salzburgers differed from the
Pietists’one.”70 H ow ever, the exodus o f 1732/33 invited soteriological
explanations that led far into Jew ish history.71 T h e “ erudite and
diligent” B erlin schoolm aster,Joachim C h risto p h B o d en b u rg (1690—
1759), for one, p u t the L utheran exiles o n a par w ith the ancient
people o f Israel as G o d ’s “first-b o rn so n ” in a p o e m he had com posed
to m ark the arrival o f hundreds o f Salzburgers.72 Like him , o th er
public speakers and P rotestant preachers q u o ted from the P entateuch
and from those Psalms that bear witness to G o d ’s covenant w ith
Israel and speak about the Jew ish exile in E gypt and the land o f
Canaan. Even in distant G eorgia, Pastor Jo h a n n M a rtin Boltzius
(1703—1765) deem ed his Salzburg congregants to be descendants o f
 JEWISH SUPPORT OF LUTHERAN REFUGEES 153

the Israelites. A gain and again he drew o n the B o o k o f E xodus and

o n the Prophets to p o in t o u t the “ m iraculous w ay” in w h ic h G o d
had rescued his faithful L utherans from “papist tyranny, th eir spiritual
Egypt·” As he claim ed, his flock had m u ch in co m m o n w ith the
ancient Jews, having in fact taken their place in A m erica.73
Because the em igrants had “left th eir fatherland, houses, farms,
fields, cattle, fathers, m others, children, relatives, and friends for the
sake o f Jesus and his w ord” in order to abide by their creed, Protestants
in G erm any adm ired th em as m artyrs w h o had obeyed C h rist’s
dictum regarding the rewards o f follow ing h im .74 A t the same tim e,
th eir fate offered the Jew s a chance to recognize “ that Jesus the
C rucified is the tru e M essiah and Savior o f the w orld,” provided that
they “ take notice o f the m iracles o f these tim es and tu rn from
darkness to m arvelous light.”75 T h e fact that G ö ck in g here cites the
N e w Testam ent76 is quite in line w ith o th er accounts in his narrative
that deal w ith the Jews and create associations w ith the Bible. T hese
accounts can be read as allegories, w h ic h w ere fam iliar to m ost
contem poraries o f his times. Today, however, they n e e d to be
explained to a readership that lacks biblical literacy.
Allusions to the O ld or the N e w Testam ent are n o t always as plain
as in the quotation o f the aforem entioned Jew w ho, follow ing Genesis
1:27, had justified his gifts for the expatriates by arguing that “ they are
hum ans and have been created in the im age o f G od. Yet G o d has
com m anded [us] to be friendly to strangers,” reasoning w hich
G öcking found “ especially pleasant.”77 M ore often, allusions are
rem iniscent o f som e words o f Jesus o r biblical stories. For example,
the m eal catered by the Jew in R egensburg for twelve Salzburgers as
well as the meal served to the “ twelve heads” by the Jew in his hom e
in B ah n are b o th rem in isc e n t o f th e Last S upper. Likew ise, an yone
versed in the Bible w ould associate the “ destitute” Jews in G unzenhausen
w h o donated tw o R e ic h talers or the p o o r Jewish w om an in N au en
handing out m oney to needy Salzburgers w ith the p o o r w idow in the
Gospel according to M ark, w h o contributed tw o small copper coins to
the treasury in the Temple. As Jesus told his disciples, this w om an had
“p ut in m ore than all those w h o are contributing to the treasury. For
all o f them have contributed o u t o f their abundance; b u t she o u t o f her
poverty has p ut in everything she had, all she had to live o n ” (12:44).
154 LUTH ERAN QUARTERLY

Even the strange episode in Halle, w h ere a Jew first snatched a coin
from a Salzburger before im m ediately re tu rn in g it to h im and giving
h im “m u ch m ore than that,” carried a message o f Jesus.T he C hristian
had resisted repaying evil for evil, b u t c o m m e n d e d the apparent th ie f
to G o d ’s forgiveness. A fter standing the test o f faith, the C hristian
prom ptly received a m ultiple rew ard for n o t having avenged
him self.78
W hile the Jew ish w o m en in B erlin had justified their gift o f 204%
cubits o f linen w ith D eu tero n o m y 10:18, Christians interpreting this
act o f charity could p o in t to the words o f Christ: “ I was naked and
you gave m e clothing [J]ust as you did it to one o f the least o f these
m y brothers, you did it to me.”79 In K lein-N ördlingen, too, those
“declared enem ies o f the C hristians” w h o kindly helped em igrants in
need did w hat the apostle Paul had taught about true fraternal
fellowship: “ If your enem ies are hungry, feed them ; if they are thirsty,
give th em som ething to drink.”80Last b u t n o t least, the accom m odation
o f Salzburgers in Jew ish hom es w ould have called to m in d the N ativity
o f Jesus, w h e n M ary and Joseph, in the nick o f tim e, found refuge in
a stable after a long and strenuous jo u rn ey .81

Deconstruction o f Traditional Stereotypes

T h e active sym pathy that m any Jew s show ed for the hardships o f
these exiles did not fail to impress Gentiles favorably. T h e m eticulous
accounts by Sancke and G ö cking regarding these Jew ish donations
and services to the em igrants (as well as the chroniclers u p o n w hose
accounts they in part depended) also reveal c o n tem p o rary C hristian
am azem ent at the eager readiness o f the Jew s to help people across
religious boundaries. G ö cking even adm its that the Jew ish generosity
tow ard the L utheran refugees com pels h im to reth in k negative
C hristian p ercep tio n o f the Jews.

W ho is not aware that the Jews can be called the C hristians’ declared
enemies? . . .Therefore, can the Salzburgers reasonably expect even the least
favor from those who reject and despise the one for whose sake they have
become strangers and pilgrims? . . . Nevertheless, it did happen, contrary to all
expectations. In many places, the Jews showed their love to these heroes o f
faith and there is almost no place where they did the least harm to them .82
 JEWISH SUPPORT OF LUTHERAN REFUGEES 155

From the m o d e rn p o in t o f view, im p lem en tin g a paradigm shift, the

Jews challenged four anti-Jew ish stereotypes all at once. T h ere was,
first, the Jew q u o ted earlier w h o insisted that the Salzburgers w ere
“h u m ans” w h o “w ere created in the im age o f G od. H ow ever, G o d
has co m m an d ed [us] to be kin d to strangers.” 83 B y resorting to this
divine co m m an d m en t, the Jew ignored all lim its o f religion, descent,
or property. Fully in line w ith C h rists teaching, he obeyed G o d
rather than any h u m an a u th o rity and its orders.84 H elp in n eed is a
universal rig h t instituted by G od, n o t som e arbitrary rig h t o f civil
society o r a secular ru le rs privilege; this was the J e w s message to
his fellow hum ans, Jews and G entiles alike. T h e second challenge
replaced the m alicious m edieval stereotype o f Jew s w h o poisoned
wells w ith the generous p o rtra it o f Jew ish donors o f refreshing water.
In K lein -N ö rd lin g en they gave the Salzburgers and th eir animals all
the water they needed. T h e third challenge turn ed the conventional
allocation o f roles betw een Jews and C hristians upside dow n. T h e
topos o f the ever-w andering Jew, w h o even had to beg C hristian
rulers for perm ission to traverse th eir territories, was replaced by
resident Jews w h o generously fed and clothed C hristian exiles.
Finally, the fo u rth challenge replaced the disparaging p o rtra it o f
th e g reed y Je w w ith th e p o rtra it o f th e Je w as g en ero u s b e n e fa c to r.
Recalling the way the Jewish congregation in Halberstadt adm onished
congregants against taking advantage o f the refugees, G öcking especially
praised the spontaneous voluntarism o f the Jew ish appeal, even m ore
than the specific gifts the Jews there m ade to needy Salzburgers.85
T h e case in Halle was to the p o in t o f the strict m oral code: w h ere
initially it appeared that a Jew had ro b b ed a refugee o f a coin, in the
end the allegedly thieving Jew becam e the noble b enefactor w h o
gave m ore coins back.
All four challenges have in com m on the topos o f w hat may be called
“inverse participation.” Jews w h o for centuries had been at the m ercy
o f Christian authorities in nearly all matters o f life— public and
p riv a te — n o w at th e ir o w n d isc re tio n Jew s allow ed C h ristian s
tem porarily to use their personal properties. T hey alone decided
w hether they w anted to share water and food, lodging or m oney w ith
exiles. T hey alone determ ined w h o o f the refugees they w ould take
into their families, and h ow long they w ould extend hospitality to these
 156 LU TH ER A N QUARTERLY

strangers. Concom itantly, dire straits required the emigrants, as G öcking

pointed out, to accept help from people w ho, according to Christian
tradition, were “altogether lost and dam ned” because they, due to their
notorious “ obstinacy,” refused to worship Jesus as their Messiah.86
O n ly additional research in to the p rim ary sources will d eterm in e
to w h at ex ten t contem poraries appreciated Jew ish solidarity w ith
the L utheran exiles. Prelim inary investigation suggests, however, that
at least som e contem poraries sensed the extraordinariness o f the
Jew ish hospitality ex ten d ed to the C hristian refugees. B u t the reality
o f this hospitality offered by “ declared en em ies o f th e C h ristia n s ”—
“ living trees th a t have already d ie d tw ic e ” . . . “ h u m an s w h o have
b e e n d e p riv e d o f th e p riv ile g e o f salvation,” as G ö c k in g reg ard ed
th e m 87— d id n o t fit th e artistic portrayal c o m m o n to canvas and
copperplate. R em arkably, am o n g th e countless drawings, paintings,
and engravings o f the “ Salzburg transaction” there is n o t a single
k n o w n visual representation that shows any Jew — let alone a Jew
aiding a L utheran expellee.88 A t that tim e, there were, o f course,
m any depictions th at stigm atized Jew s as outsiders o f C hristian
society, in p o in te d hats, w ith a yellow circle o n th eir coats, glancing
furtively about, w orshipping M a m m o n , o r secretly indulging in
satanic rituals.
O n the o th er hand, quite a n u m b e r o f L utherans believed that
they w ere living at a u n iq u e tim e in th e history o f salvation. Perhaps
these Jews w h o lived in co n cert w ith the social and m oral teaching
o f Jesus could be draw n to C hrist, the Savior o f the world? These
sym pathetic Jews seem ed closer to eternal life than ever before. In
serm ons and speeches Protestants publicly praised the Jew ish
generosity. “T h e Jews are strong in love, w itnessing in am azem ent
m ore than they can grasp and saying, ‘W h at, O G od, do you allow
to happen in o u r tim es?’” declared Jo ach im C h risto p h B odenburg,
the Berlin schoolm aster, in early D ec e m b e r o f 1732.89 D u rin g the
expulsion o f the L utheran Salzburgers and Berchtesgadeners, m any
people were talking about “am azem ent” and “miracles,” attributed to
the om nipotent pow er o f G od, at w ork w ith “good advice” and “sound
w isdom .”90 T h e pure and plain hum anity o f Jews tow ard Gentiles
that had survived so m any centuries o f b itter hostility was view ed
w ith relief. Jew ish support for the em igrants in d u ced Jo h a n n G öbel,
 JEWISH SUPPORT OF LUTHERAN REFUGEES 157

the Prussian com m issioner for the transfer o f Salzburgers to

B randenburg and East Prussia, to speculate that G o d him self m ay
have aw akened the Jews for the purpose o f assisting the exiles w ith
love and charity. H e did not, however, hold o u t m u ch prospect for
Jew ish conversions to the C hristian faith. T h e heartlessness o f
Catholics w h o otherw ise deem ed themselves to be faithful C hristians
w ould m ost likely preclude the prospect, he feared.91
A t the tim e o f the confessional m igration o f 1732/33, L utheran
scholars were ever m ore interested in the Jew ish people, th eir
religion, culture, and language. To Sancke, a solid co m m an d o f
H eb rew was indispensible to understanding the Bible. B o d en b u rg
directed his a tten tio n to the m usic o f the ancient Israelites.92 In the
seventeenth century, the o rth o d o x Lutherans Esdras E dzard (1629—
1708) and Jo h a n n C h risto p h W agenseil (1633—1705) had taken
prelim inary steps tow ard a m ore differentiated C hristian regard for
Judaism , b u t th eir success was fairly lim ited.93 In his 1675 reform
treatise, Pia Desideria (Pious Desires), the p ro g en ito r o f L utheran
Pietism , Philipp Jakob Spener (1635—1705), had, by rein terp retin g
the soteriological m eaning o f baptism and spiritual rebirth,
reconsidered the chances for salvation o f the Jews. H e attached
particular im portance to the A postle Pauls prom ise that eventually
the Jews w ould be saved.94 Since G od, according to R o m a n s 11:25,
had n o t once and for all locked the gates to heaven and salvation, he
argued, every C hristian is called to tu rn lovingly to the Jews w ith
prayer and the gospel. E verything else was to be left to G od. As
Spener believed, in the C hristian study o f the O ld Testam ent the
Talm ud and even the K abbalah— w h ic h L u th er had c o n d e m n e d as
“h u m b u g 95‫ — ״‬could be useful.
W hereas Spener never authored tracts aim ing to proselytize Jews,
Johann H einrich Callenberg (1694—1760), one o f Edzards disciples,
becam e the first Lutheran Pietist to devote him self to missionary
literature that specifically targeted Jewish readers.96 For this reason, his
“Institutum Judaicum et M uham m edicum ,” founded in 1728 at Halle,
first operated mainly as a publishing house for all kinds o f missionary
treatises. Callenberg started w ith a fictitious dialogue betw een tw o
rabbis about Israels salvation, followed by excerpts from the N e w
Testament w hich showed that Jesus’ teachings honored Jewish law. In
158 LUTH ERA N QUARTERLY

the 1730s, Callenberg com piled Yiddish textbooks and dictionaries,

raising am ong Christians the reputation o f this language from “the
jargon o f rogues and peddlers” to a genuine language in its ow n right.97
This Lutheran openness to rabbinical exegesis and the search for
com m on ground was n o t exercised at the cost o f com prom ising the
confessional core o f the tradition.Yet such an open posture did contrast
sharply w ith the attitude o f o th er Protestants at the tim e. As late as
1700 some Protestant ecclesiastics, striving for “the glory o f Jesus
Christ, the true Messiah and Savior oftheW orld,” were still cam paigning
“powerfully against the Jews as those w h o shamefully and obstinately
deny this divine truth.”98 Lutheran gratitude was m indful that Jewish
aid was being extended to refugees from the same confessional
com m unity w hose leaders just a generation earlier had aggressively
agitated against them . Furtherm ore, these Jews had suffered the hard-
heartedness o f m any Catholics and had been victims o f sporadic forced
mass conversions to Christianity.99 T hat they rem ained nonetheless
com m itted to such generous practical charity left a powerful impression,
w hich shaped the Lutheran outreach to the Jewish comm unity.

Perspectives for Further Research

W h ile it is to o early for a final assessment o f the Jew ish assistance

to the L utheran em igrants from Salzburg and B erchtesgaden, som e
future fields o f research can be sketched out. First o f all, it is necessary
to identify and locate those sources that Sancke and G öcking used in
their narratives. O f particular interest are the records kept by the
Prussian authorities and by the Corpus Evangelicorum, w hich are stored
in the Geheim es Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz in B erlin and in
local and state archives o f those regions o f G erm any that the expellees
passed through en route to their final destinations o r in w hich they
settled dow n perm anently. As letters from C om m issioner G öbel
suggest, correspondence o f Prussian authorities promises to provide
valuable inform ation about Jewish support o f the Lutheran expellees.
In June o f 1732, for example, G öbel w rote that tw o p o o r Jews in
G unzenhausen had donated tw o talers for exiles.This is the same news
that G öcking later drew on in the first volum e o f his “history.” In a
m em orandum to the im perial count o f O ettingen-Spielberg tw o
 JEWISH SUPPORT OF LUTHERAN REFUGEES 159

m onths later, Göbel, at the behest o f the king o f Prussia, addressed the
conduct o f the Catholics in the free im perial city o f N ördlingen. His
com plaint about their refusal to help the expatriates reappears in bo th
Sanckes and G öckings works as the report from K lein-N ördlingen
contrasting Jewish compassion w ith Catholic cold-heartedness.100
Secondly, researchers n eed to explore the Jew ish sources from the
era, broadening the discussion w ith the help o f Jew ish scholars.
Investigation o f such sources is indispensable to illum inating the
m otives o f Jew ish donors and supporters. U nfortunately, to date n o t
a single such d o c u m e n t o f Jew ish o rig in has b e e n located; the Jews
w h o m Sancke and G öcking occasionally q u o te are cited only in the
filtered version o f L utheran accounts. Because such narratives w ere
part o f confessional propaganda, the authenticity and reliability o f
the exact quotations could be challenged. Scholars m ig h t search for
sources in the records o f Jewish congregations, w here docum entation
o f internal rules or ann o u n cem en ts c o n c ern in g the em igration m ay
have survived. For exam ple, is there in tern al d o c u m e n ta tio n o f the
a d m o n itio n to the Jews in H alberstadt or notes o n the local
collections in B erlin, Hesse, and o th er regions? Further, donations
rendered to state officials w ere usually accom panied by w ritte n
declarations from the Jew ish representatives.101 Individual benefactors,
too, let “ them selves be heard in p u b lic” o r added a b rie f dedication
to their “ small gifts,” som e o f w h ic h m ay still be fo u n d in the files o f
state o r church au th o ritie s.102 O th e r Jew s tu rn e d directly to local
officials to have th eir gifts transferred to the needy, o r to offer free
ro o m and b o a rd .103 Som e notes o f these contacts m ay have b een
preserved in official papers. D o g g ed effort to u n e a rth rare and n ew
m aterial m ay in deed m eet w ith the sort o f success exp erien ced by
a cooperative o f local researchers in so u th e rn G erm any called
“A lem annia Judaica.” 104 O v er the past few years, b o th professional
historians and qualified am ateurs have discovered quite a n u m b er o f
original sources, piecing together m any previously isolated bits o f in-
form ation. T hey are m aking valuable contributions to our knowledge
and u n d e rs ta n d in g o f G e rm a n -Jew ish h isto ry th a t clearly go
beyond the tro d d en paths o f c o m m o n historiography.
Finally, as to motive, references to the Pentateuch by Jewish donors
suggest that the driving force behind Jewish charity was first and
160 LUTH ERAN QUARTERLY

foremost observance o f the divine com m andm ent to love ones

neighbor.105 However, it is reasonable to assume that religious conviction
was not the only motive. After all, the expulsion o f the Lutheran
Salzburgers and Berchtesgadeners was a m ost w elcom e opportunity for
the Jews to correct the negative perception by m ost Gentiles. T he plight
o f the Lutheran refugees provided a chance for Jews to show Christians
that they need not fear Jewish presence in their com m unitites. If n o t in
the em ergency o f 1732/33, w h en then w ould it ever be possible for this
small cultural and religious m inority, always under suspicion by Gentiles,
to demonstrate that it posed no threat to Christian com m unity? Surely
the Jewish response to the plight o f the Lutheran refugees should
encourage Christian rulers to extend a perm anent w elcom e to Jews
and to make their com m unities safe Jew ish solidarity w ith the Lutheran
exiles m ade it m uch m ore difficult for opponents o f the Jews to bar
them from equal civil rights by arguing that the “ enemies o f Jesus” had
a subversive influence on Christian society

N O TES

1. T h e e x p u ls i o n r e s u lte d f r o m “ e m i g r a t i o n d e c r e e s ” is s u e d b y t h e R o m a n C a t h o lic
p r i n c e b is h o p o f S a lz b u rg , L e o p o l d A n t o n E l e u t h e r i u s v o n F ir m ia n (1679—1744), o n 31 O c -
to b e r 1731— th e 2 1 4 th a n n iv e rs a ry o f t h e L u t h e r a n R e f o r m a t i o n — a n d b y th e C a t h o lic
p r i n c e p ro v o s t o f B e r c h t e s g a d e n , C a j e ta n A n t o n N o t t h a f f t v o n W e i ß e n s te in (1 6 7 0 - 1 7 5 2 ), o n
2 6 O c t o b e r 1732.
2. For im p o rta n t c o n te m p o ra ry C a t h o lic p u b lic a tio n s , see [ A n o n y m o u s ] , D ie
C atholisch= ruffende G la u b e n s= S tim m ( M u n ic h : J. L. S tra u b , 1732); [ A n o n y m o u s ] , Catholische
G edancken Von dem Saltzburgischen E m ig ra tio n s-Weesen ( M u n ic h , 1733); [ G io v a n n i B a ttis ta d e
G a s p a ri], A k te n m ä ß ig e Geschichte der berühm ten salzburgischen Em igration, tra n s. b y F r a n z X a v e r
H u b e r (S alz b u rg : M a y e r s c h e B u c h h a n d l u n g , 1790).
3. S e e A n g e lik a M a r s c h , D ie Salzburger E m igration in B ildern ( W e iß e n h o r n : A . H .
K o n r a d , 1979).
4. M a c k W a lk e r, T h e Salzb u rg Transaction (Ith a c a , N .Y .: C o r n e l l U n iv e r s ity Press,
1992).
5. F o r a b r i e f r e p o r t o n t h e c u r r e n t s ta te o f r e s e a rc h , see R u d o l f L e e b , “ D i e g r o ß e
S a lz b u rg e r E m i g r a t i o n v o n 1 7 3 1 /3 2 u n d ih r e V o rg e s c h ic h te ,” G laubensflüchtlinge, e d . J o a c h i m
B a h lk e (B e rlin : L i t- V erlag , 2 0 0 8 ), 2 7 9 —281. F o r s h o r t b u t in s tr u c tiv e s u m m a r ie s , see J o h a n n e s
B u r k h a r d t, Vollendung u n d N euorientierung des frü h m o d ern e n Reiches, 16 48-1806 ( = G e b h a r d t:
H a n d b u c h d e r d e u ts c h e n G e s c h ic h te , 11), i o t h , rev. e d . ( S tu ttg a rt: K l e t t - C o t t a , 2 0 0 6 ), 3 4 1 -3 4 6 ,
a n d K a rl O t m a r v o n A r e tin , D a s A lte R eich , 1648-1806, 3 v ols, a n d i in d e x , 2 n d . e d . (S tu ttg a rt:
K l e t t - C o t t a , 2 0 0 5 ), 2: 329—332. F o r i m p o r t a n t essays o n p a r tic u la r a sp e c ts o f th e 1 7 3 1 /3 2 e x -
p u ls io n , see Reform ation—Emigration, e d . S a lz b u rg e r L a n d e s r e g ie r u n g (S alzburg: K u ltu r a b te ilu n g
d e r S a lz b u rg e r L a n d e s r e g i e r u n g , 1981).
 JEWISH SUPPORT OF LUTHERAN REFUGEES 161

6. S e e S a m u e l B u c h h o l z , Versuch einer G eschichte der C h u rm a rk Brandenburg, 6 v ols,

[vols. 5 a n d 6 e d . J o h a n n F r i e d r i c h H e y n a tz ] (B e rlin : F. W B i r n s t i e l ; G .J . D e c k e r , 1765—1775),
5: 156 (n. * * ) ; A n t o n B a lth a s a r K ö n ig , A n n a le n der J u d e n in den preußischen Staa ten[,] besonders
in der M a r k Brandenburg (B e rlin : J. F. U n g e r , 179 0), 2 7 2 ; K a rl P a n s e , G eschichte der A u sw a n d eru n g
der evangelischen Salzberger im Jahre 1732 (L eip zig : L. V o ß , 1827), 174; C h r i s t i a n F e r d in a n d
S c h u lz e , D ie A u sw a n d eru n g der evangelischgesinnten Salzburger (G o th a : C . G lä se r, 1838), 148, 171;
H e i n r i c h (H ir s c h ) G ra e tz , Geschichte der J u d e n von den ältesten Z e ite n bis a u f die G egenw art, 11
vo ls., 3 rd e d . (L eip zig : O . L e in e r, 1 8 9 7 -1 9 1 1 ), 10: 361; H e i m a n n J o lo w ic z , Geschichte der J u d e n
in Königsberg i[n] P r[eujkn] (P o se n : J. J o lo w ic z , 1867), 66 . N o t e th a t K ö n ig , G ra e tz , a n d J o lo w ic z
re fe r to t h e s a m e s o u rc e in B u c h h o l z ’s w o r k . I n 1912, D a v id W a s s e r m a n n ( 1 8 4 2 - a f te r 1913), a
G e r m a n - J e w is h m e r c h a n t f r o m S c h w a b a c h , i n F r a n c o n ia , d ra f te d a n e x c e r p t f r o m th e s ta n -
d a rd w o r k m e n t i o n e d b e lo w , n . 8, w h i c h v e r y lik e ly tre a te d t h a t w o r k ’s s p e c ia l c h a p t e r o n th e
r e c e p t io n b y J e w s o f L u t h e r a n e x p e lle e s p a s s in g t h r o u g h v a r io u s G e r m a n te r r i t o r i e s in
17 3 2 / 33 (see G ö c k in g , E m ig ration s= Geschichte [b e lo w , n . 8], 2: 5 6 1 -5 6 6 ) . S e e C e n t r a l A rc h iv e s
f o r t h e H i s t o r y o f t h e J e w i s h P e o p l e , J e r u s a l e m , “ S a m m l u n g D a v i d W a s s e r m a n n —P 3 0 ,
A b s c h r i f te n , R e c . N o . 79, 1 H e f t, 1912.”
7. [ C h r is to p h S a n c k e ], A usführliche H istorie D erer E m igranten O d er Vertriebenen L u th e -
raner A u s dem E r tz = B iß th u m S a ltzb u rg , 4 p ts. in 1 v o l., 3 rd e d . (L e ip z ig :T e u b n e r , 1733), p t. 4,
n o . p a g . (see “ V e r z e ic h n iß d e r e r m e r c k w ü r d i g e n S a c h e n ” : “J ü d e n , ” “J ü d i n n e n , ” a n d “J ü d is c h e
C o l l e c t e ” ).
8. G e r h a r d G o ttlie b G ü n t h e r G ö c k in g , Vollkom m ene E m igratio ns= G eschichte Von de-
nen A u s dem E r t z - B i ß t h u m Sa ltzb u rg vertriebenen U n d größtentheils nach Preussen gegangenen
Lutheranern, 2 vols. ( F r a n k f u r t a n d L e ip z ig : C . U . W a g n e r, 1734—1737), v o l. 2, n o p a g . (see
“ R e g i s t e r ü b e r d e n E r s te n T h e i l [= v o l. 1]” : “J u d e n ” ; “ R e g i s t e r ü b e r d e n Z w e y t e n T h e i l [=
v o l. 2 ] ” “J u d ,” “J u d e n , ” “J ü d is c h e r B a n q u i e r ” ).
9. S e e G ö c k in g , Em igrations= G eschichte, 1 :5 6 1 -5 6 5 (“ D a s f u n f fte C a p i t e l ” ), 2 :2 1 1 -
212 (“ D a s d r it te C a p i t e l ” ) (this a u t h o r s tra n s la tio n ).
10. B o r n in G u b e n , L o w e r L u s a tia (d a te u n k n o w n ) ; m a tr i c u l a t i o n i n L u t h e r a n t h e o l -
ogy, U n iv e r s ity o f L e ip z ig , 1723; m a s t e r o f d iv in ity , 1727; c a te c h is t, St. P e t e r s C h u r c h , L e ip z ig ;
le c tu r e r o n m o r a l p h ilo s o p h y , H e b r e w , a n d th e N e w T e s ta m e n t; b a c h e l o r o f d iv in ity , 1735;
“ S a tu rd a y p r e a c h e r ” a t N ic o la i C h u r c h , L e ip z ig , 1737; d o c t o r o f d iv in ity , U n iv e r s ity o f
L e ip z ig , 1749. S e e Grosses vollständiges U niversal-Lexicon A lle r W issenschaften u n d K ü n ste , e d . C a r l
G ü n t h e r L u d o v ic i et. al., 64 v ols, a n d 4 s u p p l. (L e ip z ig a n d H a lle :J. H . Z e d ie r , 1742), 3 3 :1 7 7 4 -
1776.
11. B o r n in D a h l u m , d u c h y o f B r a u n s c h w e ig - W o lf e n b ü tte l; m a t r i c u l a t i o n in L u -
th e r a n th e o lo g y , U n iv e r s ity o f H e lm s t e d t, 1728, a n d U n iv e r s ity o f H a lle , 1730; c o u r t p re a c h e r ,
B e r lin , 1 7 3 2 /3 3 ; a d ju n c t to C h r is tia n v o n H e r o l d (see b e lo w , n . 4 2 ), P r u s s ia n c o u n c i l o r o f w a r
a n d f in a n c e ; o r d in a tio n , 1733; p a s to r in W a r n s te d t, H a r z M o u n t a i n s , 1 7 3 3 -1 7 4 2 ; p a s to r in
K r o p p e n s t e d t, n e a r M a g d e b u r g , 1 7 4 2 -1 7 5 5.
12. B u r k h a r d t , V ollendung u n d N euo rientieru ng, 345 (th is a u t h o r ’s tr a n s la tio n ) .
13. B u r k h a r d t , Vollendung u n d N eu o rien tieru n g , 3 4 4 (th is a u t h o r ’s tr a n s la tio n ) .
14. G ö c k in g , E m igra tion s= Geschichte, 1 :5 3 6 -5 4 8 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
15. G ö c k in g , E m ig rations= Geschichte, 1: n o p a g e . (“ V o r r e d e ” ) (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
16. B u r k h a r d t , V ollendung u n d N eu o rien tieru n g , 343.
17. B u r k h a r d t , Vollendung u n d N euo rien tieru n g , 3 4 4 (th is a u t h o r ’s tr a n s la tio n ) .
18. [S an c k e ], H istorie, 1 :n o p a g e . (“ V o r r e d e ” ) (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
19. B u r k h a r d t , Vollendung u n d N eu o rien tieru n g , 3 4 4 - 3 4 5 (th is a u t h o r ’s tr a n s la tio n ) .
162 LUTH ERAN QUARTERLY

F o r G ö c k i n g ’s c h a r g e s a g a in st S a n c k e , see G e r h a r d G o ttlie b G ü n t h e r G ö c k i n g to .2 0
G o t t h i l f A u g u s t F r a n c k e ( 1 6 9 6 - 1 7 6 9 ), B e r lin , 6 D e c e m b e r 1732, A r c h iv d e r F r a n c k e s c h e n
S tif tu n g e n , M is s io n s a r c h iv [A rc h iv e s o f th e F r a n c k e F o u n d a tio n s , M is s io n A rc h iv e s ], H a lle
h e r e a f te r A F S t / M ) , A F S t / M 5 C 5 : 73, p. 651. F o r th e n u m b e r o f G ö c k i n g ’s p u b lic a tio n s , see (
G ö c k i n g to S a m u e l U r ls p e r g e r (1 6 8 5 -1 7 7 2 ), B e r lin , 22 O c t o b e r 1732, A F S t / M 5 C ‫ · צ‬p ,7 6 ·
660.
.)S a n c k e , Historie, 4 :n o p a g e .(“ V o r r e d e ” ) (this a u t h o r s tr a n s la tio n .2 1
See G ö c k in g to U r ls p e r g e r , B e r lin , 22 O c to b e r 1732, A F S t / M 5 C .2 2 5 :
p. 661; G ö c k in g to H e i n r i c h Z o p f (1 6 8 4 -1 7 4 0 ), B e r lin , 6 D e c e m b e r 1732, A F S t / M ,7 6 ‫ צ‬C 5 :
p. 647; G ö c k i n g to F r a n c k e , B e r lin , 6 D e c e m b e r 1732, A F S t / M ,7 2 ‫ צ‬C ‫ צ‬: 3‫ י‬P · 6 ‫ צ‬2 .
F o r S a n c k e s re a so n s f o r p u b lis h in g h is w o r k a n o n y m o u s ly , see h is A usfüh rlich e .2 3
.)” H istorie, 4: n o p a g . (“ V o r r e d e
N a m e ly , th e W aisenhausbuchhandlung o f th e Franckesche S tiftu n g e n .2 4 .
2 ‫·צ‬G ö c k i n g to F r a n c k e , B e r lin , 10 D ecem ber 1732, A F S t / M
p ,7 4 . 6 ‫ צ‬F o r G ö c k i n g s h o p e t h a t t h e F r a n c k e F o u n d a t i o n s ’ O r p h a n a g e L ib r a r y in H a lle .8
w o u l d p u b lis h h is w o r k , see G ö c k i n g to Z o p f , B e r lin , 6 D e c e m b e r 1732, A F S t / M ‫ צ‬C ‫ צ‬: 7 2 ‫י‬
p. 6 4 6 , a n d G ö c k i n g to F r a n c k e , B e r lin , 6 D e c e m b e r 1732, A F S t / M ‫ צ‬C ‫ צ‬: p ,7 3 · 6 ‫ צ‬,E a r lie r .2
,G ö c k i n g h a d o ff e r e d h is p r o je c t to J o h a n n A n d re a s R ü d i g e r ( d . ^ 1 ) , a p u b lis h e r i n B e r l i n
.b y w h o m h e fe lt p u t o f f
S e e G ö c k in g , E m ig r a tio n s ^ Geschichte .2 6 , 1 : 41 ‫) צ‬n . *). N o t e t h a t n o n e o f G ö c k i n g ’s
te n le tte rs o f 1 7 3 2 /3 3 t h a t a re s to r e d i n th e F r a n c k e F o u n d a t i o n s ’ M is s io n A rc h iv e s a n d tre a t
h is p u b lic a tio n p r o je c t m e n t i o n s S a n c k e b y n a m e , a l t h o u g h G ö c k i n g ’s r iv a lr y w i t h S a n c k e is
d is c u s s e d in all o f th e s e c o m m u n ic a t io n s . S e e A F S t / M ‫ צ‬C ‫ צ‬: A F S t / M ,3 ‫ צ‬C ‫ צ‬: 37‫ י‬A F S t / M
‫ צ‬C ‫ צ‬: a n d A F S t / H (= H a u p ta r c h i v [ M a in A rc h iv e s]) A 1 8 8 b ,7 2 - 7 8 : 211 .
S e e G ö c k in g , Em igratio ns= Geschichte, 2: 184 (n. *), 213 ( n .2 7 . *(, 41 ‫) צ‬.)* .n
.)G ö c k in g , E m igrations= G eschichte} 1: n o p a g . (“ V o r r e d e ” ) (th is a u t h o r ’s tr a n s la tio n .2 8
S e e G ö c k in g , E m igra tion s= Geschichte .2 9 , 1 : ‫ צ‬61 ‫ צ ־‬,a n d [ S a n c k e ] ,H istorie ,6 6 , 2 : 2 1 1 - 2 1 2
.] ” n o p a g . S e e th e i n d e x a t th e e n d o f p t. 4 [“J ü d e n , ” “J ü d i n n e n , ” a n d “J ü d is c h e C o l l e c t e
G ö c k in g , E m igrations= Geschichte, i .3 0 : ‫ צ צ‬.) th is a u t h o r s tr a n s la tio n ( 7
.) S a n c k e ], H istorie, 3: 211 (th is a u t h o r ’s tr a n s la tio n [ .31
G ö c k in g , E m igrations= Geschichte .3 2 , 1 : ‫ צ צ‬.)th is a u t h o r ’s tr a n s la tio n ( 7
.)S a n c k e ], Historie, 3: 7 9 - 8 0 (th is a u t h o r ’s tr a n s la tio n [ .33
S a n c k e ], Historie, 2: 73. S e e also G ö c k in g , E m ig r a tio n s ^ Geschichte [ .3 4 , 1 : ‫ צ‬- th is a u ( 48
t h o r ’s tr a n s la tio n (.
3 ‫·צ‬ ,S e e [S a n c k e ], Historie, 2: 73 (B e rlin ); 3: 73 (D a n z ig ), 2 2 6 (H ild e s h e im ) . G ö c k i n g
E m igra tion s—Geschichte, i : ‫ צ‬.)B e r lin ( 48
- T h e “ B l o o d - B a t h o f T h o r n ” ( o r “ T u m u l t o f T o r u r i” ) a ro se f r o m a c o n f lic t b e .3 6
t w e e n th e L u t h e r a n m a y o r a n d C a t h o lic s tu d e n ts a t th e lo c a l J e s u it c o lle g e . A f te r L u t h e r a n s
in th is c ity u n d e r P r u s s ia n r u le h a d v a n d a liz e d th e c o lle g e , t h e m a y o r a n d n i n e o t h e r L u t h e r a n
o fficials w e r e f o u n d g u ilty o f n e g le c t o f d u t y a n d w e r e e x e c u te d i n e a rly D e c e m b e r o f 1 7 2 4 .
F o r t h e r e lig io u s c o n f lic t o f 171 ‫ ־ צ‬1 72 ‫ צ‬as a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l issu e , s e e A r e t i n , D a s A l te R e ic h ,
2 : 2 7 2 —2 9 ‫צ‬, a n d M a x B r a u b a c h , Vom W e stfä lisch e n F rie d e n bis z u r F r a n z ö sis c h e n R e v o lu tio n
- G e b h a r d t. H a n d b u c h d e r d e u ts c h e n G e s c h ic h te , 10), 6 th e d . (M u n ic h : D e u ts c h e r T a s c h e n b u c h (
V e rla g , 1983 (, 11‫ ־ צ‬121 .
S a n c k e ], H istorie [.37 , 2 : 6 9 - 7 0 , 7 3 ,1 0 2 5 3 : 2 7 ,7 3 , 7 9 ,1 2 3 , 1 4 4 ,1 7 2 , 2 1 1 ,22‫ ; צ‬- G ö c k ·3 6 :4
in g , Em igrations= G eschichte , 1 : 2 9 3 , ‫ צ צ‬7‫ י‬s6 6 ; 2: 137, 164, 168, 211 (n. *), 212 , 487, 501 (th is —562
a u t h o r s tr a n s la tio n (.
 JEWISH SUPPORT OF LUTHERAN REFUGEES 163

38. O f f i c ia l w e b s i t e o f th e to w n o f H a rb u rg , in S w a b ia : h t t p : / / w w w . s t a d t -
h a r b u r g s c h w a b e n .d e (> “ G e s c h i c h t e ” > “J u d e n ” ) (a c c e sse d 2 0 J a n u a r y 2013).
39. K ö n ig , A n n a le n , 1 2 7 -1 3 1 (th is a u th o rs tra n s la tio n ). See also G ö c k in g ,
Em igrations= G eschichte, 2 :2 1 1 .
4 0. G ö c k in g , Em igrations= G eschichte, 1: 5 6 3 -5 6 5 (this a u t h o r s tra n s la tio n ). F o r C h r i s -
tia n r u le r s ’ calls f o r p riv a te d o n a tio n s , see [S a n c k e ], Historie, 3: 11—19.
41. G ö c k in g , E m ig r a tio n s ^ Geschichte, i :557, 5 6 2 ^ 5 6 3 . [S a n c k e ], Historie, 3:211 (this a u -
t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
4 2. [S a n c k e ], H istorie, 3 :2 1 1 -1 2 (th is a u t h o r s tra n s la tio n ). K l e i n - N ö r d l i n g e n (n o w :
K le in e r d lin g e n ) t h e n b e l o n g e d to t h e fre e im p e r ia l c ity o f N ö r d l i n g e n . I t w a s u n d e r th e j u -
r is d ic tio n o f F r a n z A lb r e c h t (1 6 6 3 - 1 7 3 7 ), im p e r ia l c o u n t (a fte r 1734: p r in c e ) o f O e t t i n g e n -
S p ie lb e rg . J o h a n n G ö b e l: P r u s s ia n c o m m is s io n e r a n d s p e c ia l p le n ip o te n tia r y ; re p re s e n ta tiv e
(at th e im p e r ia l d ie t? ) in R e g e n s b u r g , 1735. C h r is tia n v o n H e r o l d (1 6 6 9 - 1 7 4 4 ): P r u s s ia n p r iv y
c o u n c i l o r o f w a r a n d f in a n c e , B e r lin .
43. G ö c k in g , E m ig ra tio n s= Geschichte, 1:563 (th is a u t h o r s tra n s la tio n ).
44 . G ö c k in g , E m igra tion s= Geschichte, 1:5 63 —6 4 (th is a u t h o r s tra n s la tio n ). O n th is p a r -
tic u la r f o r m o f p u n i s h m e n t , s e e D e u tsc h e s R e c h tsw ö rte rb u c h , h t t p : / / w w w . r z u s e r . u n i -
h e i d e l b e r g . d e / ~ c d 2 / d r w / e / k a / r r e n / s t r a / k a r r e n s t r a f e . h t m (a c c e s se d 2 0 J a n u a r y 2013).
45. G ö c k in g , Em igrations= G eschichte, 2 :2 1 1 -1 2 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
46. G ö c k in g , E m igra tio ns= Geschichte, 1:563 (this a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ). S e e also [S a n c k e ],
H istorie, 2 :1 02 .
47. G ö c k in g , E m ig ra tio n s= Geschichte, i: 6 4 (this a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
48. [S a n c k e ], Historie, 3 :2 2 6 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ). See also G ö c k in g ,
E m igrations= Geschichte, 1:563.
49. G ö c k in g , E m igra tion s= Geschichte, 1:563 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
50. [S an c k e ], Historie, 3 :1 4 4 (this a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
51. G ö c k in g , E m ig ra tio n s= Geschichte, 2:50 1 (this a u t h o r s tra n s la tio n ).
52. G ö c k in g , E m ig r a tio n s ^ Geschichte, 1:565—6 6 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ). S e e also
[S a n c k e ], Historie, 2 :7 0 , 73.
53. N o w : G d a n s k , P o la n d .
54. [S an c k e ], H istorie, 3:73 (th is a u t h o r s tra n s la tio n ).
55. N o w : K a lin in g r a d , R u s s ia .
56. G ö c k in g , E m ig ra tio n s= Geschichte, 2:2 1 2 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ). L e w in : liv in g i n
K ö n ig s b e r g , P ru ssia , s in c e 1718; m e r c h a n t; h e a d o f th e lo c a l J e w is h c o m m u n i t y ; g r a n t e d th e
le g a l statu s o f “ R o y a l P r u s s ia n E l d e r o f P r o t e c t e d J e w s .” D a t e o f L e w in s d e a t h (b e fo r e 1737)
e sta b lis h e d f r o m M a x K r e u t z b e r g e r a n d S e lm a S te r n , D e r Preussische S ta a t u n d die J u d e n
( T ü b in g e n : M o h r , 1962), 4 2 a n d ib id ., n .5 . S e e also D a v id F r a e n k e l, “ D a v id F r ie d l ä n d e r u n d
s e in e Z e it,” Z eitschrift f ü r die Geschichte der J u d e n in D eutsch la nd 6 (1936): 67.
57. G ö c k i n g , Em igrations= G eschichte, 1:563 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
58. G ö c k in g , Em igrations= G eschichte, 1:564; 2 :2 12 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ). J o h a n n
L u c a s T h e r i n g (1 6 9 1 -1 7 5 1 ): m a y o r o f F r a n k f u r t - o n - O d e r s in c e 1727.
59. G ö c k i n g ,E m ig r a tio n s= Geschichte, 1:564 (this a u t h o r s tra n s la tio n ).
60. N o w : B a n ie , P o la n d .
61. G ö c k in g , E m igra tion s= Geschichte, 2 :2 1 2 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
62 . G ö c k in g , Em igrations= G eschichte, 1:563 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ). S e e also [S a n c k e ],
Historie, 2 :1 0 2 . E r h a r d U rs in u s (1 7 0 6 -1 7 8 5 ): P r u s s ia n p r iv y c o u n c i l o r o f w a r, f in a n c e , a n d sta te
p r o p e r tie s , B e r lin .
164 LUTH ERA N QUARTERLY

63. S e e G ö c k in g , E m ig ration s= Geschichte, 2 :1 6 4 - 1 6 5 ,1 6 8 . [S a n c k e ], H istorie, 3 :1 2 2 -1 2 3 ,

172.
64. S e e [S a n c k e ], Historie, 3:14 4 .
65. [ S a n c k e ] , H is to rie , 3 :7 9 ( th i s a u t h o r ’s t r a n s l a t i o n ) . See a ls o G ö c k i n g ,
E m ig ra tio n s= G e sch ich te , 2 : 4 8 7 - 8 8 .
66. [ S a n c k e ] , H is to rie , 3 :2 7 (th i s a u t h o r ’s t r a n s l a t i o n ) . See a ls o G ö c k i n g ,
E m ig ra tio n s = G eschichte, 2 :2 9 3 . T h e d o n a t i o n s o f t h e D u t c h J e w s w e r e f o r t h e b e n e f i t o f
e i t h e r t h e S a lz b u rg e rs (G ö c k in g ) o r th e W a ld e n s ia n s (S a n c k e ).
67. [S a n c k e ], Historie, 4 :3 6 (th is a u th o rs tra n s la tio n ). See also G ö c k in g ,
Em igrations= G eschichte, 2:50 1 . G o m p e r s [ G u m p e r tz ] : d e s c e n d e d f r o m a n e x t e n d e d J e w is h
fa m ily w i t h b r a n c h e s in s e v e n E u r o p e a n c o u n tr ie s ; b a n k e r a n d a r m y s u p p lie r, N i j m e g e n
( N e th e r la n d s ) , s in c e 1702.
68. G ö c k in g , E m igra tion s= Geschichte, 1:565; [S a n c k e ], H istorie, 2 :73 (th is a u t h o r ’s
t r a n s la tio n ) .
69 . L e e b , “ S a lz b u rg e r E m ig r a tio n , ” 2 7 8 a n d n . 5 (th is a u t h o r ’s tr a n s la tio n ). S e e also
[S a n c k e ], Historie, 2 (“ V o r r e d e ” ), 4 (“ V o r r e d e ” ).
7 0. L e e b , “ S a lz b u r g e r E m ig r a tio n ,” 2 78 (this a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
71. See, f o r e x a m p le , th e s p e c ia l s e r m o n s p r e a c h e d b y L u t h e r a n c le rg y t o g r o u p s o f
S a lz b u rg e rs a t th e i r s to p o v e r s in G e r m a n to w n s a n d v illa g e s, as lis te d i n [S a n c k e ], Historie,
4 :n o p a g e . [2 5 4 - 2 5 9 , a fte r t h e last p a g e n u m b e r ] .
72. G ö c k in g , E m ig r a tio n s ^ Geschichte, 2:138 (this a u t h o r s tra n s la tio n ). B o d e n b u r g : u n i -
v e rs ity s tu d ie s, H a lle ; te a c h e r a t C ö lln is c h e s G y m n a s iu m , B e r lin , s in c e 1727; v ic e p r in c ip a l
(sin c e 1730) a n d p r in c ip a l (sin c e 1744) o f G y m n a s i u m z u m G r a u e n K lo s te r , B e r lin .
73. [ J o h a n n M a r t i n B o ltz iu s ] , D eta iled R epo rts o f the Salzburgers W h o S ettled in A m erica,
tra n s. a n d eds. G e o r g e F. J o n e s e t a l , 18 v ols. (1 - 1 7 : A th e n s , G a .: U n iv e r s ity o f G e o r g ia Press;
18: C a m d e n , M e .: P i c t o n Press, 1 9 6 8 -1 9 9 5 ) , 4:53 (19 A p r il 1737); 8:103 (14 M a r c h 1741).
B o ltz iu s : s tu d ie s o f L u t h e r a n th e o lo g y , H a lle , s in c e 1727; v ic e in s p e c to r a t t h e L a tin s c h o o l in
H a lle s in c e 1730; call as p a s to r to G e o r g ia i n 1733; a rriv a l i n G e o r g ia i n 1734, t o g e t h e r w i t h
a b o u t f o r ty S a lz b u rg L u th e r a n s .
74. G ö c k in g , E m igra tion s= Geschichte, 1:562 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ). S e e th e s im ila r
w o r d i n g in M a r t i n L u t h e r ’s tr a n s la tio n o f M a tt . 10:23 a n d 19:29.
75. G ö c k i n g , E m ig ra tions= Geschichte, 1:562; 2:2 1 2 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
7 6. S e e A c ts 2 6 :1 8 a n d 1 P e te r 2 :9 .
77. G ö c k in g , E m ig ra tio n s= Geschichte, 1 :562 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
78. G ö c k in g , E m ig rations= Geschichte, 1 :5 6 3 -6 4 ; 2 :2 1 2 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ). S e e
M a tt . 2 6 :2 0 - 3 0 ; M a r k 1 2 :4 3 - 4 4 ,1 4 :1 7 - 2 6 ; L u k e 2 2 :1 4 - 2 3 ; R o m . 1 2 :1 7 ,1 9 ,2 1 .
79 . G ö c k in g , E m igra tion s= Geschichte, 1:565 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ). S e e also Isa. 58:7
a n d M a tt . 2 5 :3 6 ,4 0 .
8 0. G ö c k in g , E m igrations= Geschichte, 1:563 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ). R o m . 12:20. S e e
also P rov . 25:21.
81. S e e L u k e 2 :4 —7.
82. G ö c k in g , E m igrations= Geschichte, 2 :5 6 2 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
83. G ö c k in g , E m ig rations= Geschichte, 1 :562 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
84. S e e A c ts 5:2 9.
85. G ö c k in g , E m ig ra tio n s= Geschichte, 1:563 (th is a u t h o r s tra n s la tio n ).
86. G ö c k in g , E m igra tio ns= Geschichte, 1 :5 6 1 -5 6 2 (th is a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
87. G ö c k in g , E m ig ra tio n s= Geschichte, 1 :5 6 1 -5 6 2 (this a u t h o r ’s tra n s la tio n ).
 JEWISH SUPPORT OF LUTHERAN REFUGEES 165

88. S e e M a r s c h , Salzburger E m igration. F o r th e t e r m , “ S a lz b u rg tra n s a c tio n ,” see a b o v e ,

n. 3·
89. Q u o t e d in G ö c k in g , E m ig r a tio n s ^ Geschichte, 2 :13 9 (this a u t h o r s tra n s la tio n ).
90. P rov . 8:14.
91. S e e G ö b e l to [F ra n z A lb r e c h t] , i m p e r ia l c o u n t o f O e ttin g e n - S p i e l b e r g , O e t t i n g e n ,
25 A u g u s t 1732, A F S t / M 5 C 5 : 4 : 81, p. 261.
92. S e e C h r i s t o p h S a n c k e , Vollständige A n w e is u n g Z u den A ccenten der H ebräer (L eip zig :
J. F. G le d its c h , 1740); J o a c h i m C h r i s t o p h B o d e n b u r g , Einladungsschrift, von der M u s ik der A lte n ,
sonderlich der E b r ä e r (B e rlin : G ä b e r t, 1745).
93. F o r b io g r a p h ic a l s k e tc h e s , see F r i e d r i c h W i l h e l m B a u tz , “ E d z a rd , E s d ra s ,”
Biographisch-Bibliographisches K irc h e n -L e x ik o n , F r i e d r i c h W i l h e l m B a u t z a n d T r a u g o t t B a u tz ,
ed s., 31 vols, to d a te , 2 n d e d . ( H a m m e t a l.:T . B a u tz , 1 99 0), 1:14 6 4 (h e re a fte r B B K L ) . P a u l
G e r h a r d A r in g , “ W a g e n s e il, J o h a n n C h r i s t o p h , ” ib id ., 3 :1 4 6 —147. J o h a n n e s W a llm a n n , “ D e r
a lte u n d d e r n e u e B u n d : Z u r H a l t u n g d e s P ie tis m u s g e g e n ü b e r d e n J u d e n , ” Geschichte des
Pietismus, e d . H a r t m u t L e h m a n n ( G ö tti n g e n : V a n d e n h o e c k u n d R u p r e c h t , 2 0 0 4 ), 158. F o r
E d z a r d ’s a n d W a g e n s e ils v ie w s o f j u d a i s m a n d th e J e w s , s ee M a r t i n F r ie d r ic h , Z w isch en A b w e h r
un d Bekehrung: D ie Stellung der deutschen evangelischen Theologie z u m J u d e n tu m im 17. Jahrhundert
(B eiträ g e z u r h is to ris c h e n T h e o lo g ie , 72) (T ü b in g e n : J .C .B . M o h r [P aul S ie b e c k ], 1988), 107-123
(E d za rd ) a n d 1 4 1 -1 4 4 (W a g e n s e il).
94. F o r a b io g r a p h ic a l s k e tc h , see K l a u s - G u n t h e r W e s s e lin g , “ S p e n e r, P h il ip p J a k o b ,”
B B K L , 1 0 :90 9—9 39 . O n S p e n e r s e x p e r i e n c e i n F r a n k f u r t - o n - t h e - M a i n , see M a r t i n S c h m id t,
Pietism us, 3 rd e d . (S tu ttg a r t e t al.: K o h l h a m m e r , 1983), 55. O n S p e n e r ’s v ie w s o f th e J e w s , see
W a l lm a n n , “ D e r a lte u n d d e r n e u e B u n d , ” 153—158, a n d F r i e d r i c h , Z w is c h e n A b w e h r u n d
B ekehrung, 1 2 4 -1 4 0 .
95. S e e D . M a rtin Luthers Werke, 120 vo ls. (W e im a r: H . B ö h la u , 1 8 8 3 -2 0 0 5 ), 5 3 :5 8 7 -
5 92.
9 6. O n P ie tis t m is s io n a m o n g J e w s , see C h r i s t o p h e r C la r k , T h e Politics o f C onversion
(O x f o r d : C la r e n d o n Press, 1995). O n th e e a rly y e a rs o f C a l l e n b e r g s m is s io n a m o n g J e w s in
e a s te r n a n d c e n tra l E u r o p e u n d e r th e in f l u e n c e o f H a lle P ie tis m , see C h r i s t o p h R y m a t z k i ,
Hallischer Pietism us u n d Ju d en m issio n : J o h a n n H einrich Callenbergs In stitu tu m Ju d a ic u m u n d dessen
Freundeskreis (1728-1736) ( H a lle s c h e F o r s c h u n g e n , 11) ( T ü b in g e n : N ie m e y e r , 2 0 0 4 ).
97. O n t h e tra c t, “ L i c h t a m A b e n d ” ( (O r le - ‘et (erev), b y J o h a n n M ü l l e r (1649—1727),
L u t h e r a n p a s to r in G o th a , T h u r i n g i a , see G u s ta v L e o p o l d P litt, K u r z e G eschichte der L u th eri-
sehen M ission in Vorträgen (E rla n g e n : A . D e i c h e r t , 1871), 2 9 8 —3 0 0 , a n d S c h m id t, Pietism us, 1 0 3 -
104. F o r o t h e r tre a tises, see J o h a n n H e i n r i c h C a l le n b e r g , E rste F ortsetzu ng seines Berichts von
einem Versuch . . . , 2 n d e d . (H a lle : J ü d is c h e s I n s titu t, 1733), 31, 7 6—77, 91; C a l le n b e r g , K u r tz e
A n le itu n g Z u r Jüdischteutschen Sprache (ib id ., 1733); C a l le n b e r g , Jüdischteutsches W örterbüchlein
(ib id ., 1736).
9 8. Q u o t e d fr o m th e tid e o f a p a m p h le t p u b lis h e d a n o n y m o u s ly b y F r ie d r ic h R a g s ta d t
v o n W e ille (b.1648) a n d r e p r i n t e d in M a r t i n H e r m ß d o r f f , H istoria Fanaticorum ( F r a n k f u r t-
o n - t h e - M a i n : M . H e r m ß d o r f f , 1701) (this a u t h o r s tra n s la tio n ).
99. F o r e x a m p le , 3 ,0 0 0 m e m b e r s o f a U k r a in ia n - J e w is h c o m m u n i t y w e r e r e p o r te d ly
b a p tiz e d in 1729. S e e P ennsylvania G a zette, P h ila d e lp h ia , n o . 78 (7—14 M a y 1730).
100. S e e J o h a n n G o b e l to C h r is tia n v o n H e r o l d [ ? ] , O e t t i n g e n , 31 J u n e 1732 [sic],
A F S t / M 5 C 5 : 47, p. 562, a n d G ö b e l to [F ra n z A lb r e c h t] , i m p e r ia l c o u n t o f O e t t i n g e n -
S p ie lb e rg , O e t t i n g e n , 25 A u g u s t 1732, A F S t / M 5 C 4 : 81, p p . 2 5 9 - 2 6 0 , 2 6 2 .
101. S e e [S a n c k e ], Historie, 2 :7 0 , 73; 3: 79; G ö c k in g , E m ig ration s= Geschichte, 1:565.
166 LUTH ERA N QUARTERLY

102. G ö c k in g , Em igrations= G eschichte, 1:564; [S a n c k e ], H istorie, 3 :1 4 4 .

103. S a n c k e a n d G ö c k in g e x p re ss ly m e n t i o n C . v. H e r o l d (B e rlin ), J. G ö b e l
( G u n z e n h a u s e n ) , E . U r s in u s ( H a lb e r s ta d t ) , a n d J. L . T h e r i n g ( F r a n k f u r t - o n - t h e - O d e r ) .
104. S e e h t t p : / / w w w . a l e m a n n i a - j u d a i c a . d e / (a c c e s se d 2 0 J a n u a r y 2 013).
105. S e e [S a n c k e ], Historie, 2 :7 3 , 3 :79 ; G ö c k in g , E m ig ra tio n s= Geschichte, 1 :5 6 2 ,5 6 6 .
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