History of India Page 1 of 15

HISTORY

Subject : History
(For under graduate student)

Paper No. : Paper - II

History of India

Topic No. & Title : Topic - 5

Urban Economy of Early Medieval
India

Lecture No. & Title : Lecture - 1

Urban Economy of Early Medieval
India

Introduction:

The period from c. 650 CE to 1200 CE is designated as early

medieval period in Indian history. Usage of the term ‘early
medieval’ implies that this period marked the transition from
the ancient to the medieval. This is a phase which brought in
regional features in socio-economic, political and cultural life
in the whole of India. For the study of non-agrarian sector of
economy, new types of source materials and documents are
taken into consideration. Among the epigraphic documents,
copper plate charters form the bulk of the relevant source.
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Though these charters are primarily used for understanding

the process of transfer of landed property, rural settlement
pattern, revenue demands and so on, they also throw
significant light on merchants, craftsmen and markets. The
voluminous legal or theoretical treatises like the smriti
literature and the Dharmasastras provide us information on
trade and urban centres. Relevant data on commercial
activities are available in the technical treatises and creative
literature of the period. Non indigenous textual material like
the writings of Syrian, Chinese and Arab travellers and Arab
Geographers are invaluable sources for understanding the
trade relations with countries of South East Asia , West Asia
and China. The letters of the Jewish merchants are another
kind of valuable document for the study of long distance
trade, particularly between the west coast of India and the
Red sea. Not much excavations have been done in the various
sites of the period and so we have limited field archaeological
data. Numismatics also form a source for the understanding
of the economy of the period.

Urban Centres:

A discussion on urban centres of the period should begin with

a brief summary of the debate that is linked with the question
of urban decay in early medieval India. According to R.S.
Sharma, B.N.S.Yadav and others, this period ushered in
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widespread decay of urban centres. Urban contraction was

said to have been the result of agrarian expansion. The
haphazard lay out, re-use of old bricks and a decline in the
material milieu of some archaeological sites have been taken
as signs of general de-urbanization for the entire
subcontinent. Hsuan Tsang’s account has been taken into
consideration in support of urban decay. On re-examination of
the available evidence some historians like D.C.Sircar,
B.D.Chattopadhyaya, R. Champaklakshmi and others have
challenged the theory of urban decay. It has been suggested
that while some urban sites of the early historical period show
proof of their decay, there are others which provided no signs
of desertion. Excavations at Chirand, Varanasi, Ahichhatra,
Purana Qila, in the Ganga valley and Ahar and Ujjayini in
Malwa point to continuous occupation during 700-1200 CE.
Moreover we have regular mention of pura, pattana and
nagara , signifying urban tradition in the epigraphic records of
early medieval times. In this period we come across some
new urban centres. An important town was that of
Tattanandapura, identified with present Bulandshahr. Ten
inscriptions dated between CE 867 and 904, speak of its
importance. It was known as a purapattana (town) as against
a grama or a palli, denoting village settlements. From the
inscriptions we get glimpse of its lay out which talks about the
existence of brhadrathya (wide roads), kurathya (small or
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narrow lanes) and hatta marga (roads leading to the market

centre). The presence of shops and residential structures,
ordinary ones as well as ones with balcony are clearly
mentioned. Siyadoni, also labelled as a pattana, where stood
a mandapika was another urban centre of prominence,
marked by trade in essentials and also as a religio-cultural
centre. Another town existed at Gwalior, the ancient name
being Gopagiri or Gopadri. It was known as a kotta implying
that it was an administrative cum military head quarter.
Nadole in Rajasthan was transformed from a village to a trade
centre and finally became the political centre of the local
Chahamana rulers. In eastern India we have reference to
Dhritipura in early medieval Vanga under the Chandra kings.
Ramavati was another capital city, named after the Pala ruler
Ramapala and the city of Lakhnauti, named after the Sena
ruler of Bengal, Lakshmanasena was mentioned in the
writings of Minhaj-us-Siraj. The urban centres in Tamilnadu
which developed as a result of increasing non-agricultural or
craft production and trade had the Brahmadeyas and temples,
apart from royal centres as their focus and arose in nodal
points. Some of them developed from clusters of
Brahmadeyas such as Kudamukku- Palaiyarai in the Kaveri
delta and Kanchipuram in the Palar-Ceyyar valley. They are
mostly multi temple centres, each temple marking the growth
of its town and economic importance .
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Thus it may be said that the period from 650CE to 1200CE did
not experience a general urban decay. Urban centres of this
phase was distinct from early historical urbanization. The
second urbanization in Indian history had an epicentre in the
Ganga valley but there was no such epicentre in the early
medieval phase. On the other hand these urban centres were
strongly rooted to their respective regions and should be
studied in terms of regional formations. B.D.Chattopadhyaya
would like to call it third phase of urbanization in Indian
history.

Craft, Guild and Industries:

In this period there was cultivation of many cash crops which

created favourable conditions for the development in several
agro based crafts and industries. We learn of the sugar
making industry as there are many references to sugar
presses. Chinese and Arabic accounts refer to Malwa as an
important area of sugar industry. References to new centres
of textile production like Mulasthana (Multan), Anahilapataka
(in Gujarat),Vanga (in Bangladesh) and Nagapattinam (in
Tamilnadu) are made in the Manasollasa (11th century).
Textile products of early medieval Bengal are hailed as superb
quality in Arabic, Persian and Chinese texts. Another
important industry was the oil making industry. This is known
from numerous epigraphic and textual sources which speak of
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the gifts of oil presses as meritorious act. This period is also

noted for more regular use of metal implements. The copper
plates betray the artisans’ mastery over metal. Proficiency in
bronze work is evident from the large number of bronze
images. The Arabic accounts speak of the excellence of the
swords from Anga (Bhagalpur region in Bihar). In South
India, textile as a major craft developed in various regions
due to royal patronage, elite demands and the needs of the
temple, the focus of all economic activities.

The well known tendency of craftsmen to combine into guild

like organizations called Sreni continued in this period. Both
legal literature and epigraphic documents bear testimony to
this. There was however a decline in the position of guilds in
north India. The guilds were no longer acting as banks as in
the early historical period. There were multiple head men
which points to the loosening of the compactness and
cohesion among the practitioners of the same craft and
profession. The lessening of monetary deposits to and the
decreasing cohesiveness of guilds would suggest their gradual
fading away as important economic organizations. The case
was different in South India where numerous merchant guilds
were very active both in intra regional or inter regional
trading activities. Some of them ventured in the maritime
trade net work too. The inter regional movement of goods
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was also controlled by these organizations. Some such

organizations were Five hundred Svamis of Ayyavole,
Nanadesi, Manigramam, Ainnurruvar and many others. The
Ayyavole 500 could have been the most important of these
organizations and was at the apex of the itinerant trading
bodies.

Trade and Trade net works:

Trade and trade networks require the presence of markets

and merchants. Ranabir Chakravarti’s study of the copper
plates and other inscriptions have brought to light the
different types of merchants and various levels of market
places and exchange centres over the greater parts of the
subcontinent. In the hierarchy of markets, at the village level
stood the rural market places known as hattika or hatta, adda
and santhe. Their nature could be periodic. In the urban
centres we come across pattanas as large scale market
places. Between the villages and the urban centres we have
middle category market centres called mandapika in the
north, pentha in the Deccan and nagaram in the far south.
Thus early medieval India witnessed three commercial
centres, mandapika, pentha and nagaram, rooted to their
respective regions. They provided linkages between the rural
and urban centres of exchange. Large varieties of agrarian
products regularly appear among the list of items brought to
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these market places. Other items like spices and animals

were also traded. In the early medieval inscriptions, we have
the active presence of merchants of various types, including
the petty trader, hawker or peddler, caravan merchant, rich
trader, royal merchant, ship owning merchant and so on. This
is suggestive of the existence of a strong mercantile
community. Images of mercantile activities could be seen in
various types of literary texts. Some of these texts give us
lively account of assembly of merchants and their sharing of
experiences.

Trade Contacts with West Asia and South East Asia:

The rise and spread of Islam in West Asia, parts of Africa and
in the Mediterranean region right up to Spain helped in the
development of trade networks as Islam is marked by a
distinct orientation to trade and urbanism. With the
establishment and consolidation of the Abbasid Caliphate in
the eighth century, there was a spurt in the movement of
men and merchandise between West Asia, South Asia, Central
Asia and China. After the coming of the Fatimid Caliphate in
Egypt in the tenth century, maritime commerce received a
boost and the Red sea lane became very active. During the
time of the Abbasids it was the Persian Gulf which was
important.
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An important port of the early medieval period, located in the

Indus delta was Daybul (ruins found in present day Banbhore,
in Pakistan). It had significant maritime links with SriLanka.
In the Gujarat coast after the decline of the famous early
historical port of Bhrigukachchha, the Sristambhapura or
modern Cambay was the focus of attention of the Arabic
accounts right from Sulaiman, ibn Khurdadbeh, al Masudi, the
anonymous author of Hudud al Alam, al Biruni, al Idrisi and
many others. Chau-ju-kua and Marco Polo also refer to this
port. This port maintained contacts with both Persian Gulf
ports and Red Sea ports. There were several feeder ports like
Somnath and Gogha which were linked with Cambay. Gogha
is specifically mentioned as a point of arrival for ships from
Hormuz. Cambay was also linked with the ports of the Konkon
coast like Thana, Sanjan and Chaul. Accounts of Sulaiman
and ibn Khurdadbeh give interesting facts about the trading
network connecting Konkan and Malabar with Cambay. We
learn from Jagaducharita that merchants like Jagadu had
Indian agents at Hormuz and maintained regular trade with
Persia. Linkages between Manjrur, a leading port in the
northern part of Malabar and Aden are attested by the Cairo
Geniza records of Jewish merchants. Quilon in the Malabar
coast was also another important port. It is said that the king
of Quilon provided facilities to foreign merchants. These
Jewish traders regularly traded between the west coast of
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India and the Red Sea. Their main points of contact were the
Karnataka and Malabar coasts. The western terminus for the
Indian ships would appear to have changed from time to
time. Thus in the seventh century it was Basra, from where it
was transferred to Siraf and then successively to Kish and
Hormuz.

The eastern sea board was naturally oriented towards

movements in the eastern sector of the Indian ocean which
was further linked up with Java and the China Seas. The
Bengal coast in the eastern sector could boast of the port of
Tamralipti till the seventh or eighth century. With the decline
of Tamralipti, another port rose to importance to the east of
Meghna , known in the writings of the Arab writers as
Samandar, which has been located near present Chittagong in
Bangladesh. In the Andhra-Kalinga coast was situated
Vishakhapattanam also known as Kulottungacholapattanam.
The Coromandel coast could boast of Mamallapuram of the
Pallava times and Nagapattinam during the Chola rule as
important ports of international trade. One distinctive
characteristic of trade in south India during this period is the
presence of mercantile organizations . These organizations
are linked with the Indian ocean network that was
burgeoning. The merchants and their organizations figure in
inscriptions in diverse contexts. Many of these inscriptions of
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Tamil merchants are found in regions outside India, leaving

little room for doubt on their regular presence in Srilanka,
Myanmar, Thailand, Sumatra and China. We have reference
to merchant organizations like Manigramam at Takuapa,
southern Thailand in a ninth century inscription. Mention of
manigramam in this inscription attest to their participation in
overseas trade. The establishment of a base of the
Manigramam at Takuapa may be seen as a continuation of old
historical links of the Indian subcontinent with Southeast Asia
and also as a further indication of the Indian role in maritime
trade. Sailors from India appear to have visited from very
early times, the isthmus of Kra, the narrow neck of land
linking present day Thailand with Malayasia. The isthmus
provided a halting place for traders from both directions.
Goods for exchange could have been off loaded, stored or
transported across the isthmus. A very interesting inscription
from Barus, Indonesia (1088) also narrates the presence of
Tamil mercantile organization. The location of this Tamil
inscription in Sumatra has to be viewed as an extension of
the activities of the Ayyavole 500 guild within and beyond
south India in the 11th century. The significance of the Barus
inscription is best appreciated when it is situated in the
broader context of India’s role in the Indian Ocean network.
We have evidence of the presence of Indian ship owning
merchants in maritime South-East Asia.
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Coinage and Currency system:

The coinage system of early medieval India should be studied

keeping in mind the formulation of Indian feudalism which
talks about relative lack of metallic currency in this period. It
is said that cowry shells became the principal medium of
exchange, merely suitable for pretty trade at the local level.
The repeated reference to kapardakas or cowrie shells in
copperplates and occasional discovery of the same from a few
archaeological sites is used to substantiate this point. The
wide prevalence of cowrie-shells in eastern India does not
necessarily indicate that these were indicators of transactions
within a restrictive commercial circuit. Since cowrie shells
were brought from Maldives, they themselves were a part of
the long distance trade network. The fragility of the
demonetization theory has been pointed out by John S. Deyell
and B.N.Mukherjee in the context of the territory of the
Gurjara-Pratiharas and South eastern Bengal.

It is to be noted that there are several early medieval coin

hoards in northern India, especially the Ganga-Yamuna doab
area, which till early eleventh century was dominated by the
Gurjara Pratiharas. Even the subordinate states of the
Gurjaras, lying in the periphery of their empire, were
permitted to produce their own coinage, generically related
but of a different exchange value to the imperial money.
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By studying several coin hoards of early medieval north India,

John S. Deyell concludes:

a) The volume of exchange transactions in c. CE 600-1000

was comparable to that of other periods in north Indian
history and probably higher than that of the Gupta era.
b) The volume of coinage in circulation in north India in c.
CE 600-1000 was comparable to that of the Kushana,
Sultanate and Mughal period, and clearly superior to that of
the preceding Gupta and succeeding Rajput periods.

Thus there was no shortage of currency in the Gurjara-

Pratihara empire in relation to other historical epochs.

It is true that we do not get coins struck by the Palas and

Senas in Bengal but this does not prove the non-minting of
coins in Bengal. The south-easternmost part of early medieval
Bengal, comprising Samatata and Harikela regions (presently
in Bangladesh) is known to have been thoroughly acquainted
with high quality silver currency. This silver currency was
minted and circulated continuously from the seventh to the
thirteenth centuries. In the 7th century CE, Harikela had a
class of silver coins at least in two denominations.
Stylistically, typologically and metrologically, these pieces
were related to the Chandra dynasty of Arakan. Another
series of silver coins succeeded. The later silver pieces
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became broader in flan and thinner. Legends and devices

appeared only on one side. From the palaeographic features
of the legends, it appears that it was in circulation from about
the 8th or 9th to the 12th or 13th century CE. These later
Harikela pieces could very well correspond to the coin terms
like purana, dramma, dharana, repeatedly figuring in the
Pala-Sena inscriptions. The same area has yielded Abbasid
gold coins too. B.N.Mukherjee has shown that the later
Harikela silver pieces have clear similarity with the reformed
Arab dirham silver currency of post-tenth century. Thus the
assumed incompatibility between a money-based economy
and a land-grant economy is ruled out. The apparent lack of
dynastic coinage in India during the early medieval period has
been explained in terms of changed political attitude to
minting. Perhaps in this period minting was not considered as
a royal prerogative.

Conclusion:

The picture that emerges from this brief overview of non-

agrarian economic life of early medieval India does not tally
with the image of a languishing economy as propounded by
the proponents of feudalism. In the numismatic front we find
that money production and money circulation were in full
spate in the period. Moreover, the early medieval period also
saw the beginning of middle category market centres which
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is an indicator of vibrant trade, not only in luxuries but also in

daily necessities. Long distance trade in both the sectors of
the Indian ocean was also another key feature of the period.
We have seen that a general urban decay did not engulf the
period and the urban centres were of varied nature. No
blanket term could be used for the large group of merchants
trading in singular product or in a number of products.