José Luis Fernández

Semiotics and interstitial mediatizations

Abstract: From the founding works of Umberto Eco, Roland Barthes, Christian
Metz and Eliseo Verón, the study of mediatization has held an important place
in the innovative proposals that semiotic approaches have been developing. That
line of research is now focused on the explosion of social networking media. As
in the rest of the social sciences, we are forced to innovate, at least partially, our
models and methods of analysis. That road cannot but be considered other than
useful and necessary, although challenging and questioning.
In this article we will present a synthesis of the moment in semiotics of medi-
atizations of a coexistence between the broadcasting and networking models
called, at least for now, postbroadcasting. We will then present a review of some
of the innovative movements happening now: not only by confronting the new
mediatizations but also new perspectives that arise from the study of previous
mediatizations and their audiences. We will focus on two mediatizations that are
seldom present at the centre of media studies: graphics in public places and the
media of sound – both of which, from our point of view, make up the background
of the new mediatizations.

Keywords: Socio-semiotics, broadcasting, networking, postbroadcasting, inter-

action

1 Introduction. From a semiotic approach without

a sign
This article is written taking into account that the understanding of the rela-
tionship between any part of the semiotic tradition and innovation cannot be
approached from general theories of signs. That macro path leads inevitably, in
our opinion, to the typical blind alley of metaphysics. The innovation process
within our discipline will be consistent as long as the work is fixed in the con-
vergence of theoretical elastic models and their methodological approach to new
objects. That way leads our constructions of new objects of study related to, if that
would be necessary, the life of the previously existing media.

José Luis Fernández, Universidad de Buenos Aires

DOI 10.1515/9781501503825-009

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 170   José Luis Fernández

Even though the most common definition of semiotics is, the one from Sau-
ssure, “the life of signs as part of social life”,1 in our discipline there has been a
revolution between the end of the 1960s and beginning of the 1970s and that has
not received enough attention. Even when it is true that Pécheux (1978) and Verón
(1987b) posited strong founding gestures of this new perspective, it is also true
that this revolution has mainly occurred in a progressive manner and without
great manifestos.
Perhaps it all started for us with Barthes’ concern (1962, 1970a, 1970b) about
photography and advertising rhetoric; or Metz’s discussion about the relevance
of the concept language for the film, (1964, 1970). Obviously, Eco made a great
contribution, giving space to “mass culture” among the semiotic phenomena
and, on the other hand, instituting the first approaches to the study of “live tele-
vision” (1985[1965]). Since then, there has been an explosion of semiotics into the
mediatizations.
There is no doubt that Christian Metz (1972) produced one of the major steps
for the study of mediatizations. His effort to adapt a Saussurean concept of lan-
guage as a formal system to the study of the film language was revolutionary. He
highlighted the impossibility of finding in the world of the image and films the
linguistic double articulation. Moreover he noticed the absence of strong codes in
films in contrast to those putatively attributed to verbal language.
Once the Saussurean model was questioned by Metz, the French researcher
began to search the social conventions of film language that make society under-
stand it. He worked in two different levels: firstly, the internal conventions among
film editing, which are typical of motion pictures with sound; those modes of
discursive construction are not found in literature or in verbal communication.
Secondly, the film sense is supported by the presence of cultural conventions that
exceed every film: genres and styles organize the production and the comprehen-
sion in discursive social life2.
The presence of the film edition series and the genres and styles conventions
showed that there is a field of social assumption working as a set of discursive
conventions in society. That generated a theory about film because it works as

1 As is known, Saussure talks about semiology but that has been superseded by ‘semiotics’ as
a term.
2 Metz describes how a sequence, relevant in a humorous film, it is not at all relevant in a ro-
mantic comedy (Metz, 1974: 45–49).

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  Semiotics and interstitial mediatizations   171

several social discourse rules3. That approach showed a very important and inno-
vative path to study every mediatization.
From that background in the work of Barthes, Eco and Metz, the study of
mediatizations began finally with Eliseo Verón’s book (1987a) Construir el acon-
tecimiento. From that moment, the study of the mediatizations have constituted
a specific and different field in semiotics in general and in Argentine and Latin
American semiotics in particular. Verón’s assertion about the media as a builder
of social reality opened the field of media analysis in search of experiences and
transdiscursive social conventions. The marks on the discursive surface are
explored, through operations analysis, as traces of social conditions of sense pro-
duction (Verón, 1987b)4.
Of course, we cannot advance much more here in the description of a process
that we consider important to describe our work and for understanding the pro-
cesses of research innovation as we understand it.5 However, what is important,
as we have recently summarized (Fernández, 2014, 2015), is that we can sum up
the process of research and analysis of a phenomenon in the media in three dif-
ferent and partially sequential instances:
– Semiohistory, which describes the temporal trajectory that converges in the
phenomenon we are studying from at least three levels: technical devices and
their relationships with the social concerns that guide, consciously or not
consciously, their development. The specific discursive level, when genres
and styles are intersecting each other, more or less in conflict, in the particu-
lar studied time. Finally, the social actions and usages of those formations
that involve media and discourse.6 Each series has an independent life which
will be connecting with the others.

3 In reference to this field of social knowledge and patterns, to avoid the risk of metaphysics,
we prefer now to use the notion of presupposition, even in a field where not many colleagues are
wandering nowadays.
4 Verón wasn’t alone in Argentina. In two recent books that presented the results of extended
careers, researchers can see the strong contributions to this field of both Oscar Steimberg (2013)
and Oscar Traversa (2014).
5 A lot of Latin-American research would be included in that approach: work on rites (Finol
2001), poverty and its social representations (Pardo, 2007), government communication pro-
cesses (Fernández, Sznaider, 2012) or social mobilizations that cross public space by putting in
action also old and new mediatizations (Cid Jurado, 2013).
6 As is known, Verón (1997) has defined a medium according to two series: the technological
devices that constitute it and the uses the society applies to them. We now consider that these
are necessary because, as we will see later, it is necessary to consider them when we study new
mediatizations and social networks in which the discursive (and not only the discursive) are im-

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 172   José Luis Fernández

– Sociosemiotic status, which consists in establishing those trajectories of

genres and styles and the game of transpositions that is recorded throughout
the discourse that we study. This time we record the information provided
by marks that appear on the surface of these texts as traces of a certain com-
bination of classifications with previous examples we know by our training
on the subject; ultimately, it is about describing how phenomena or texts
we study are crossed by social classification categories: technical devices,
media, transpositions, genres and styles.
– Discursive analysis, the stage in which our subject of study, historically and
sociosemiotically located, is submitted to a specifically textual analysis in
which the sense production operations that make a text are discovered and
by the way they differentiate from others, at the thematic, as well as at the
rhetorical and enunciative levels, is described.

Usually, we consider today that this scheme originates in the social life of the
mass media and the broadcasting system, in which it is possible to clearly distin-
guish, as it exists in reality, instances of production as well as recognition (Verón
1987b). The new mediatizations — especially the main social networks (or plat-
forms), like Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, etc. — question that differentiation for
two types of reasons. Firstly, they show interactions on their interfaces and, in
addition, not all operations are purely discursive: to like, favour, share, download
or upload, etc. are actions in the sense that other social sciences have defined,
such as ethnography and microsociology.
As we will see, from this point of view we can now discuss the broadcasting
approach, but bearing in mind that our goal is to understand the relationships
of innovation between semiotics and its objects in transformation. Social infor-
mation and the mainstream of the music industry were developed through the
presence, the support and the rules of the broadcasting multi-media system: that
is, the relationships between material and discursive production and recognition
media grammars. Different cultural phenomena such as globalization, actuality,
tango, pop culture, cinema and many others would be impossible to conceive
without the broadcasting media system. In spite all of that, the system’s aspects
are changing, causing transformations and crisis in their paths.

bricated (Fernandez, 2008). In fact, both were always embedded as we will see later, but now it
is inevitable to observe the phenomenon.

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  Semiotics and interstitial mediatizations   173

2 From the third moment of the study of the new

mediatizations
The development of the sociosemiotics of mediatization research allowed us so
far to set in train a double movement: on the one hand, an understanding of new
phenomena that develop in networking and their relations with previous events;
on the other, the possibility of understanding in a different way the already
extensively studied phenomena of the mass media. Studies on the new media-
tizations are transforming and progressively tracing three different moments in
the way of understanding these new mediatizations (Fernández, 2015). Each of
those moments are related to changes in the new mediatizations which, as will
be seen briefly here, have not represented the end of the previous ones nor pro-
duced definitive breaks in continuity. Nevertheless, those changes caused by the
new mediatizations have reconceptualized previous interindividual and massive
media. These technological, discursive and usage transformations – and, in addi-
tion to this, the new concepts about media life – manifest themselves with force
and in particular ways in the media of sound, especially in the system of journal-
ism and in music.
The first moment to describe and present the new media, which could be
called foundational, is linked to the recognition and concern about the emergence
of computers, digital formats, connectivity and easy access to large volumes of
information. Authors like Toffler (1980), Negroponte (1995), Debray (2001), Verón
(2004) and Scolari (2004) opened this first path. The major issues were the out-
break of information networking, processing capabilities and changes in the
access to information and some of its consequences, for example, in the jour-
nalistic field and consumption behavior. Bloggers, pirates and prosumers were
described as new social actors. In the world of music, copy and mail delivery
began to announce the industry’s crisis. The phone went mobile; radio became
segmented and deepened its stylistic distinctions, rather than adhering to a
generic model. Moreover, music listeners began to edit their own music selec-
tions, by selecting and hitting pieces produced by the industry.
In the first decade of 21st century, the second moment of academic concerns
was generated by the new mediatizations; this should be renamed as fascina-
tion with networking: the explosion of living social networks, the hope in the
transformative power of interaction, convergence and mobility. This time, inau-
gurated by Jenkins (2006), Castells (2006), Piscitelli (2006), Scolari working with
Logan on mobility [(2014 [2010]) and transmedia narratives (2010), Igarza (2009),
among others, the work continues and its consequences are expanding. As we
can see, until this moment the new phenomena were presented and described by

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 174   José Luis Fernández

researchers not belonging to the field of semiotics (perhaps with the exception of
Scolari).
And now, those who have experienced or researched the life of the new medi-
atizations can say that they are in a third moment, a new stage of knowledge
about these objects that only a few years ago were just presenting themselves. It
is a time of resurgence and recognition, in the universe of the new mediatizations,
of the socio-cultural problems. This has been referred to in our work as postbro-
adcasting: the time when the coexistence between broadcasting and networking
is finally registered (Fernández, 2013). Coexistence means that the stress, compe-
tence, and battles for survival, etc. are played out in the conflictual relationships
between both systems.7
These last statements mean that through the networks and in their mediati-
zations many opportunities are appearing to apply prior knowledge about social
and discursive life. This is due to the fact that it is now accepted that the media
transformation processes also contain levels of accumulation of practices and
experiences (Fernández, 2007). There are three aspects that are representative of
this third moment:
a. while networks create an horizontal or peer to peer effect, still the vast major-
ity of participants are only publishing little pieces of info or looking at the
flow of postings, though it is true that the emitters are many more than in the
broadcasting world;
b. now we know that not every phenomenon on the web is a phenomenon of
networking; beyond Twitter microblogging, we have studied the Vorterix.com
platform, based in streaming, but establishing relationships between a radio
station, a theatre and a website offering multimedia discourses. The Vorterix
platform never proposes to their followers any of the kind of interaction upon
which Facebook or even Twitter is based (Fernández, 2014a);
c. in addition, researchers have discovered that amidst the widespread opti-
mism of the digital world, there is also obsolescence and failure, such as
Second Life, Google + or, finally, the failure of the great socio-political shift
announced by Castells (2012) after the Arab spring.

In the first two moments the social sciences in general and semiotics in particular
appeared in a defensive position before the socio-cultural development of the
media. Their reaction was conservative and distrustful regarding the new theo-
retical formulations that seemed to get ahead of phenomena. Now, in the third

7 Sandra Valdettaro (2008) has described newspapers’ strategies to compete with on-line infor-
mation. The main concept has been to design printed paper as a screen.

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  Semiotics and interstitial mediatizations   175

moment, the positions of the social theories are changing because they are again
studying the results and not announcing the future.
The main characteristic of this time is that we are not only facing the list of
what is new with some developed statutes, but in a position where we can build
new statutes from lists of results with data of the past and the present that, by
definition, already do not only look to the future even if we are still in the short
term. Thus, semiotics regains its place, in specific terms and in terms of its inter-
action  – in some very new ways as we will see with other disciplines of social
theory, as a whole, it recovers its workspace behind the practices of society. For
example, nobody dares to proclaim the Utopian future of new media anymore
with reference to such developments as Google-glass. In the best case scenario,
its development is observed and optimism is left to the web search giant and its
pre-paid commentators.
It is important to understand and take advantage of this stage of experience;
work starts from here. In the world of music, this stage is referred to what we
call postbroadcasting and something that should be taken into account is that
the results that will be presented here, emerge from a tour of periodization of
the relationships between music and media that have been described in previ-
ous works (Fernández, 2014: 36–40). However, investigations about the media of
sound (radio, phonograph, telephone) have occupied a marginal space among
semiotic concerns. Nevertheless, as we said at the beginning of this chapter, the
advancement of knowledge not only puts us in a better position in respect of the
new phenomena but also allows us to deeply understand phenomena already
studied in the past.

3 Our observational blindness and deafness,

interstitial and interactive mediatizations
At first glance, the new mediatizations put into question a key distinction that
comes from the sociosemiotics of mediatizations that we practice: the distance
between production (emission) and recognition (reception). Originating in Ker-
brat-Orecchioni’s differentiation (1986) and developed by Verón (1987b), the
theory of the differences between the production instance and the recognition
moment in a mediatized exchange system is placed in question within the new
mediatizations: on the screen there is a constant presence of the acknowledgment
of reception at almost the same time of the emission, meaning also production.
In the present, we believe that the idea of such differentiation responds, not
so much to the order of the phenomenon, but to the way in which it has been

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 176   José Luis Fernández

conceptualized. That way of conceptualization was recently named by us as spec-

tatorial (Fernández, 2015). Classic studies of Lazarsfeld and Kendall (1948) on
radio audiences, for instance, were made at a time when radio was still central
furniture at home, in front of which an individual or the family would gather to
listen to that radio broadcasting without image. Today that original stable posi-
tion of the audience in respect of the receiver can be discussed, but it is true that
all the media of sound were built by a strong transmediatic and meta-discursive
work for the promotion of that spectatorial position of the audience in front of the
radio and even the set of sound media.8
The spectatorial consideration regarding the audience is at the base of the
concepts considered to study the effects of media with its discourses as a black
box, without a semiotic analysis strategy. This same idea was also applied to
film and later to television: fixed positions of expectation in which viewers were
interrogated about their tastes and opinions about perceived discourses. This
inquiry into the position of radio and its audience went then directly to the tele-
vision audience studies and, from there on, was installed as paradigm of studies
on effects of the media, at qualitative and quantitative levels. These inquiries
demonstrated the utility of investigating individuals about their supposed radio-
phonic listening before taking into account their modes of access to the listening:
if it was searched consciously, or it was a randomized listening (in public trans-
portation, for instance); and, once accepted that listening, it is always necessary
to check if it is something that the listener pays attention to. It is evident here
that, the decision to accept an individual receptor as a listener has to do with the
possibility of the listener to hold his/her position of listening (Fernández, 2012:
281–288). That position and a complex selection of the individual listening had
already been added to the whole of the mediatizations of the sound (Fernández,
2010). It sets the semiotic studies on reception in evident relationship with an
ethnographic perspective, beyond the presence of new mediatizations, networks
and platforms. It leads us to consider the discursive system of the media of sound
as a necessary background to explain the relatively easy incorporation process of
complex and new discursive exchanges on the Internet and social networks. The
main reason is that the reception of sound mediatizations, more or less fragmen-
tary, always forced an in depth and layered listening, discriminating, even without
consciousness, different spatial and temporal locations of a complex discursive
offer. Without doubt, it is a pre-announcement of Hypertext and the hypermedi-

8 Gutiérrez Reto, M. (2008) considers that the use of the image of the dog facing the voice of the
master phonograph horn as the RCA Victor logo was, among other things, a proposal for the
visual position in front of the transmitter of sound.

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  Semiotics and interstitial mediatizations   177

atization more than the cinematographic screen as Manovich (2005 [2001]) had
argued (Fernández, González-Azcárate, 2011).
From that point of view, the mediatizations of sound are a very particular
mediatization and perhaps that profound differentiation could be a cause of the
small and lateral attention provided by researchers of audiovisual and written
media. That exclusivity was never satisfactory for us because, above all, to avoid
the complementation with other researchers of mediatizations in moments of
multiple convergences we need to have common fieldwork. Some time ago, a
colleague asked us why we addressed a media phenomenon, according to him,
as lateral as sound, instead of dedicating ourselves to other more prestigious or
massive objects, such as cinema, or as television. We were on the street in an
almost unknown city for both; I could therefore show that there were a large
number of individuals walking, bicycling or even inside their cars, with head-
phones or listening to radio or music through mobile receivers. The question had
its answer in the simple fact that this phenomenon happens in front of our eyes
without requiring any special effort to search for it.
Following a long journey of observation and reflection without establishing
relations with the sound, we have recently decided to pay special attention to
the graphic communication in public places, in the streets, and relate it to the
mediatizations of sound. On this mediatization, evidently happening in front of
our eyes, we found a lot of traces equivalent to the reception of media of sound
in mobility situations. Through the streets, individuals receive this media in their
movement, outside of their will and in depth. There, the individual is selecting,
more or less consciously, among multiple texts that they are later going to remem-
ber and beyond that select what they are going to remember among that diversity.
And that happens, with inevitable differences, in New York, Paris, Mexico D. F. or
Buenos Aires.9 The mediatizations of sound and the graphics in public places can
be called as interstitial just as Roberto Igarza (2009) called the mobile mediatiza-
tions in production, although in these cases it involves exchanges in broadcasting
and only in reception. But both cases require the will of the receiver to receive
and moreover, to interact with the texts s/he is seeking or texts that find her/him.
Certainly, it is debatable whether the mediatization of sound and the graphic
media coverage on public roads is equivalent to television or film media. But
the transformation of television, which tends to rely on the place of the unique
broadcasting unit at home (Carlón, 2009; Verón, 2009), or the multiple formats in

9 Veron accurately describes the similarities and differences between the social observer and
the scientific observer. He found the key difference in the fact that the scientific observer has an
added level of control over his work: that of the scientific system (Verón, 2013: 402–408).

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 178   José Luis Fernández

which a film is distributed outside the theatres, shows that these kind of mediati-
zations are increasingly more interstitial and interactive too, although we believe
that the traditional expectations will not disappear completely.
Of course, that perspective will generate a relatively large new field of dis-
cussion, but what interests us here is to emphasize in the attention afforded to
mediatizations with longevity. We have been studying them for decades but the
experience of investigating new mediatizations helps us find new phenomena
and reshape objects. From now on, we will discuss two spectation practices of
very different exchange systems within the mass media:
– the spectatorial position in which receptors have a relatively fixed place in
front of their chosen or accepted mediatization and
– the typical interstitial and interactive position on the new mediatizations,
but present for many decades at least in the media of sound and in graphics
in public spaces, oscillating in the graphic press with advances now in the
audiovisual mediatizations such as cinema and new televisions.10.

Based on the detailed study of new mediatizations on networking we found at

least partly unnoticed aspects within massive mediatizations. That compels us to
new methodological proposals and new exchanges with other social disciplines.
As we said at the beginning, innovation is not generated by the metaphysical
reformulation of the major theoretical concepts, but by the interweaving between
elastic research and coexistence in the study of the new discursive phenomena
with the previous.
Two lines of questions are now opened with this interstitial approach, both
of them related with the past and the future development of the music and infor-
mation field of work:
– What was the reason for the importance of the big media in the construction
of the socio-cultural agenda in the era of newspapers and then television?
Was it for their real importance over other mediatizations or because the
researchers were occupied in studying them above all other options?
– It is very difficult to think about the future of our culture without broadcast-
ing: are there no longer international news, events, tendencies and styles? Is
there any international style of music, or local music as original as the tango
was, with no distribution all over the world? Is it not reasonable to think that

10 We have noticed hybridizations between broadcasting and interactions in regards to the pro-
posal of Vorterix.com, the articulation of a FM radio, with a theatre for live performances and a
platform in streaming, however, with very little effect of interactive networking (Fernández, 2014).

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  Semiotics and interstitial mediatizations   179

the future of the surviving broadcasting phenomena will be developed more

by interstitial than spectatorial practices?

4 Conclusions
The mediatizations of sound have been deeply innovative in Western culture as
the original source of the processes of broadcasting, constituted in broadcast-
ing’s basic structures; for example, information systems and the music industry,
key phenomena in the global culture until the arrival of the new mediatizations.
The process of networking, combinatorial expansion of digital, networks and
mobility, puts into crisis much of mediatized systems, including precisely infor-
mation and musical construction. Nevertheless, this profound transformation
does not seem to affect the communication on public highways or mediatizations
of sound. Our streets are wandered by countless individuals wearing headphones
or listening to in-car audio equipment. They are there, facing us and, in spite of
this, that generates little theoretical concern. Our current research shows us that
the important things happening in the culture regarding new mediatizations are
happening, centrally, in the mediatizations of the sound.
The study of the new mediatizations, especially in the field of information
and musical life, obliges semiotics to articulate productively with ethnographic
studies, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, with the complex statisti-
cal developments of big data. The cultural innovation of these mediatizations
requires us to interact with other methodologies while we revalue the specific
contribution of the semiotic approach.
The worlds of graphic media in public spaces and media sound systems have
been much unnoticed amidst the major concerns of society. The unrecognized
importance of these phenomena would continue its strong presence in front of
the eyes of those who decide not to look at those social and cultural practices
outside the predominantly audiovisual or scriptural paradigms.
We have shown that innovation in the strict sense is not built from macro
levels but micro or medium levels of knowledge of the phenomena that we want
to investigate. Theoretical and methodological innovations are not only a novelty
in front of a novelty: for something to be innovative it must cause profound
changes in the theoretical and methodological tissue from which it works. We
cannot innovate from metaphysics, thinking about the big issues in a discipline
such as semiotics, or trying to find something new, to understand some new pro-
cedure between the new and previous mediatizations.

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 180   José Luis Fernández

Hot societies such as ours, in the sense proposed by Lévi-Strauss (1970[1962]),

which are fed by the myth of change, development and progress, produce novel-
ties in different realms of social life: objects, ways of saying, acting, illuminating
and dressing, are constantly changing with greater or lesser ‘success’. Among
these new developments, happening in the short-term, only some of them or the
combination of them generate transformations. For instance, when a transforma-
tion lingers in the world of the media it must generate novelty.
According to what we have seen in this article, mediatized life is changing so
much that social life is becoming brutal, and semiotics must focus on it, using
many historical semiotic tools; but, semiotics is forced to articulate with other
theoretical methodologies and approaches. Therefore, the future of semiotics
implies profound changes inwards but also, and especially, outwards. That is,
towards the mode of articulation with other disciplines that is no longer happen-
ing a posteriori, but in the process of the study of the processes of production of
sense.

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