Humboldt: From Americas To The Cosmos

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Alexander von Humboldt: From the Americas to the

Cosmos
Book · August 1998
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Alexander von Humboldt
From the Americas
to the Cosmos
Coordinated by:
Raymond Erickson
Mauricio A. Font
Brian Schwartz
Bildner Center for Western Hemisphere Studies

The Graduate Center, The City University of New York
iii
Contents
List of Figures vii
List of Tables xi
Acknowledgments xiii
Preface xv
Part I: Cantata
1 Humboldt, Mendelssohnm, and Musical Unity 3
R. Larry Todd
2 Willkommen! 13
Text by Ludwig Rellstab
Part II: Culture and Society in the New World
3 Faith and the Conquest 19
José Gabriel Brauchy
4 Humboldt en la Nueva España 25
Jaime Labastida
5 A ‘Romantic’ Encounter with Latin America 41
Elizabeth Millán-Zaibert
6 La Arquitectura Inca 57
César W. Astuhuamán Gonzáles
7 Arrogance and squalor? Lima’s Elite 69
Paul Rizo-Patrón
8 The National Imagination in New Granada 83
Margarita Serje
9 Entre Caos y Cosmos 99
Odette Casamayor Cisneros
10 The Scientist and the Patrician: Reformism in Cuba 111
Alfonso W. Quiroz
11 Celebrity in American Society and Science 129
Michael F. Conlin
Part III: Literature and the Arts
12 Landscape Painting Between Art and Science 141
Claudia Mattos
13 New Sites and Sounds 157
Adrienne Klein
14 Humboldt and the Visual Arts in America 167
Amy H. Winter
15 Women Travelers in Humboldt’s New World 173
Adriana Méndez Rodenas
iv
16 Classic Nomenclature in New Exploration 183
Donald Hassler
17 Palabras y Pinceles del Paisaje Venezolano 189
José Ángel Rodríguez
18 Análisis Contrastivo del ‘Ensayo Político’ 203
María-Rosario Martí Marco
19 Threats to the European Subject 221
Jason H. Lindquist
20 Configuraciones de lo real maravilloso 237
Rocío Oviedo
21 The Birth of the Two Cultures 247
Laura Dassow Walls
22 Científico, y Poeta 259
Luisa V. De Castillo
Part IV: Life and Travels
23 A French Perspective 281
Pierre Laszlo
24 Maler, Legacy and Mexico 293
Claudine Leysinger
25 Una Mirada Recíproca 311
Sandra Rebok
26 Recording civilization 325
Georgia de Havenon
27 Witkiewicz and the Course of Mid-Eastern History 343
Daniel Gerould
28 Influencia en los artículos de Bello 353
Alister Ramírez Márquez
29 A Humboldtian Explorer in New York 361
Aaron Sachs
30 Influences of ‘Kosmos’ in ‘Earth and Man’ 371
Philip K. Wilson
Part V: Knowledge and Worldview
31 Rousseau’s Anticipation of Plant Geography 387
Alexandra Cook
32 A German minerologist visits Peru 403
Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy
33 Mexican Reception of ‘Political Essay’ 415
Richard Weiner
34 The Mexican Mining Bubble that Burst: 427
Ivani Vassoler
v
35 Writing In and Out of Time 437
Ann C. Colley
36 Scientific Instruments in ‘Cartas Americanas’ 445
Ann de Leon
37 Trailblazer for Ecology 453
Dietland Muller-Schwarze
38 Ancient and modern forms of slavery 469
Irene Prüfer Leske
39 Gradations of Suffering and Privation 485
Evelyn Powell Jennings
40 Speaking of Nature 501
David Kenosian
41 Herschel, Humboldt and Imperial Science 509
Christopher Carter
42 Writing Science 519
Renata Schellenberg
43 Afectos Científicos Italianos 525
Marisa Vannini de Gerulewicz
vii
Figures
FIGURE 6-1. Mapa de Piura. Fuente: Vallejos 1925. 59
FIGURE 6-2. Plano de un sector de Chulucanas (Caxas). Fuente:
Bonpland 1802. 60
FIGURE 6-3. Reconstrucción hipotética de Caxas. Dibujo: C.
Campos 2003. 63
FIGURE 6-4. Foto del acllahuasi de Caxas. Fuente: Bleyleben 1970. 63
FIGURE 12-1. Jacob Philipp Hackert, “View of the Vesuvius,”
1794, oil 62,7 x 88 cm, private collection. 152
FIGURE 12-2. Jacob Philipp Hackert, Title page of the book:
“Principles to learn how to draw landscape from nature,” 1802. 153
FIGURE 12-3. Spix and Martius, “Plants of Tropical America”
Lithography from “Atlas of the Voyage to Brazil,” 1823. 154
FIGURE 12-4. Spix and Martius, “Extraction and preparation of
the turtle eggs at the Amazon river” From “Atlas of the
Voyage to Brazil,” 1823. 156
FIGURE 13-1. Daniel Velasco-Schwarzenberger, “Island
Landscape,” 1999 160
FIGURE 13-2. Mark Dion, “Cabinet of Curiosity,” The Wexner
Center for the Arts, Columbus, Ohio, 1997. 161
FIGURE 13-3. Mark Dion, installation in the Carnegie International
exhibition, Pittsburgh, PA, 1999 162
FIGURE 13-4. Mark Dion, installation in the Carnegie International
exhibition, Pittsburgh, PA, 1999. 162
FIGURE 13-5. Image 5: Mark Dion, “The Delirium of Alfred Russel
Wallace,” 1994 163
FIGURE 13-6. Mark Dion, Alexander von Humboldt (Amazon
Memorial), 2000 163
FIGURE 13-7. Jose Alejandro Restrepo: “Humboldt’s Crocodile is Not
Hegel’s,” the Montreal’s Musée d’art contemporain, September
2004. 164
FIGURE 13-8. Jose Alejandro Restrepo: “Humboldt’s Crocodile is Not
Hegel’s,” the Montreal’s Musée d’art contemporain, September
2004. 165
FIGURE 13-9. Rachel Berwick, “May-por-é,” 1998-2004 166
FIGURE 13-10. Rachel Berwick, “May-por-é,” 1998-2004 166
FIGURE 22-1. 264
FIGURE 22-2. 265
FIGURE 22-3. 267
viii
FIGURE 22-4. 268
FIGURE 22-5. 268
FIGURE 22-6. 270
FIGURE 22-7. 271
FIGURE 22-8. 271
FIGURE 22-9. 273
FIGURE 26-1. Frontispiece, Vues des Cordilléres. Paris: F. Schoell,
1810 328
FIGURE 26-2. Two illustrations from Vues des Cordilléres, Hill
in the Puebla Valley, Mexico, Plate 34 and Boat on the
Guayaquil River, Plate 63 328
FIGURE 26-3. Peruvian Monument at Canar, Plate 17, Vues des
Cordilléres 329
FIGURE 26-4. Inca-Chungana, Plate 19, Vues des Cordilléres 330
FIGURE 26-5. Ponce Monolith and Gateway of the Sun, Tiwanaku 330
FIGURE 26-6. Kalassaya wall, Tiwanaku 331
FIGURE 26-7. Mt. Chimborazo, Plate 25, Vues des Cordilléres 332
FIGURE 26-8. Portrait of Alcide d’Orbigny 333
FIGURE 26-9. Drawing of the Gateway of the Sun, Alcide d’Orbigny 334
FIGURE 26-10. Head of a Colossal Statue and Details from the
Gateway of the Sun, Alcide d’Orbigny 335
FIGURE 26-11. Men in a reed boat, Alcide d’Orbigny 335
FIGURE 26-12. Aymara Indians, La Paz, Alcide d’Orbigny 336
FIGURE 26-13. left: Michoacan dolls, from Vues des Cordilléres
(detail); right: Indians from the Province of Chiquitos,
Alcide d’Orbigny (detail) 336
FIGURE 26-14. Gateway of the Sun, Tiwanaku by Léonce Angrand 337
FIGURE 26-15. Tiwanaku, December 26, 1848 by Léonce Angrand 337
FIGURE 26-16. Rear view of the Gateway of the Sun, Léonce
Angrand 338
FIGURE 26-17. Monolithic gateway at Tiwanaku, Léonce Angrand 339
FIGURE 26-18. left: Alcaldes at the Fiesta of the Conception, Léonce
Angrand; right: detail from the Gateway of the Sun, Léonce
Angrand 340
FIGURE 26-19. Scenes of local women, Léonce Angrand 340
FIGURE 26-20. Balsa boat, Léonce Angrand 341
FIGURE 26-21. Members of the French Scientific Mission, 1903 341
FIGURE 26-22. left: Statue discovered by the French Mission; right:
Grand staircase, Tiwanaku 342
ix
FIGURE 26-23. Discoveries of the French Mission, three small rooms
to the west of the “grands alignments” 342
FIGURE 26-24. Rear view of the Gateway of the Sun, the French
Mission 343
FIGURE 26-25. Gateway of the Sun. French Mission 344
FIGURE 27-1. Jan Witkiewicz in a Czarist army uniform. A lost
portrait attributed to Walenty Wankowicz. Reproduced in
Jan Reychman, Peleryna, ciupaga i znak tajemny, Cracow,
1976 346
FIGURE 27-2. Jan Witkiewicz in an Eastern costume. As Fig. 27-1 349
FIGURE 27-3. Jan Witkiewicz. Pencil sketch in the Tatras Museum,
Zakopane. Photograph by K. Goradowska. 354
FIGURE 31-1. L’homme de la nature. 395
FIGURE 31-2. Colchicum autumnale 396
FIGURE 32-1. 417
FIGURE 32-2. 418
FIGURE 32-3. 418
FIGURE 32-4. 418
FIGURE 37-1. Freiberg in Saxony, a mining town where A.v.
Humboldt studied at the Mining Academy and held his first
post. 458
FIGURE 37-2. Top: Cotopaxi, considered by Humboldt the most
beautiful of the Andean peaks. Bottom: Pichincha, as seen
today from Quito airport. Humboldt climbed Pichincha
several times and studied its volcanic activity. 459
FIGURE 37-3. Chimborazo. Humboldt reached his highest altitude
here, developed his model of altutudinal plant zones, and
considered the Paramo vegetation at Chimborazo
impoverished. 461
FIGURE 37-4. Paramo flowers at Cotopaxi. 461
FIGURE 37-5. Popocatépetl. Humboldt did not visit Popocatépetl, but
measured its height from Mexico City. The pines are Pinus
hartwegii. 470
FIGURE 37-6. San Augustín de Callo, Humboldt’s headquarters at
Cotopaxi. Today a tourist lodge, the hazienda is built onto
the old Callo Palace of the Incas. Humboldt measured and
described in detail the Inca Palace. 471
FIGURE 37-7. The Humboldt family’s Tegel Castle in Berlin. Top: The
mansion. Bottom: The family cemetery, A.v. Humboldt’s final
resting place. The column is in honor of A.v. Humboldt 472
xi
Tables
TABLE 1-1. Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Humboldt Cantata (1828) 11
TABLE 18-1. Cambios Ortográficos 212
TABLE 18-2. Adjectivos 214
TABLE 18-3. Plantas Y Animales 214
TABLE 18-4. Términos Geológicos 215
TABLE 18-5. Contenidos 216
TABLE 18-6. Topónimos 216
TABLE 18-7. Cifras 217
TABLE 18-8. Abreviaturas 217
TABLE 18-9. Personajes Y Pueblos 218
TABLE 18-10. Alejunos Ejemplos Generales 219
TABLE 18-11. Algunos Ejemplos Geográficos 219
xiii
Acknowledgments
The Bildner Center for Western Hemisphere Studies is grateful to the many
individuals and organizations who were involved in this online publication as
well as in the international symposium on which it is based – “Alexander von
Humboldt: From the Americas to the Cosmos,” held at The Graduate Center
of the City University of New York on Oct. 14-16, 2004. We thank all
contributors and participants for their papers and comments, as well as for
their patience in the effort to convert the conference proceedings to
publishable form. Neither the conference nor the publication would have
been possible without the generous support of the Alexander von Humboldt
Foundation, the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD), Mr. Albert
Bildner, the German Consulate in New York, the Consulate General of
Mexico, the General Consulate of Venezuela in New York, the Festo
Corporation, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, the Goethe Institute
and Dr. Sylvia Kahan. Many within the City University of New York system
also played important roles in the success of the endeavor, especially the
Office of the Dean of Arts and Humanities at Queens College, the Office of
the President at Queens College, the Aaron Copeland School of Music at
Queens College and the Ph.D./D.M.A. Program in Music at The Graduate
Center. Special thanks goes to Dr. Brian Schwartz and the CUNY Office of
Sponsored Programs for their gracious assistance.
The staff at the Bildner Center also played an enormous role in the
successful execution of the conference and publication. Danielle Xuereb
coordinated the conference with a steadfast hand, and she artfully performed
the tasks of layout and design. Scott Larson put in countless hours organizing
the conference and editing these texts. Interns Michael Landis, Steve Perez
and Carlene Buchanan helped insure the smooth running of the conference,
and Sandra Black was instrumental in the early stages of putting it on track.
This online publication and the conference on which it was based advance
the Bildner Center’s mission of bringing together scholars, policy makers,
civil society leaders and others to further understanding and policy-oriented
research concerning the governance, security and economic well-being of
peoples in the Americas. In that spirit, the authors are responsible for their
own views; their positions do not necessarily represent those of the Bildner
Center. Our hope is that by offering different views, by confronting theory
with evidence, the Bildner Center can help shed light on key issues of our
times. We look forward to organizing more groundbreaking events in the near
future.
Mauricio A. Font
Director, Bildner Center for Western Hemisphere Studies
xv
Preface
In 1804, Alexander von Humboldt concluded a five-year journey of explora-
tion and discovery through South America, New Spain (Mexico) and Cuba
with a visit to the United States at the invitation of President Thomas Jeffer-
son. This extraordinary expedition thrust Latin America into the Old World’s
imagination and established Humboldt as the most famous explorer of mod-
ern times. From Oct. 14-16, 2004, 127 scholars and Humboldt enthusiasts
from 14 countries gathered at The Graduate Center of the City University of
New York to commemorate the bicentennial of this momentous journey and
to celebrate the remarkable legacy of an extraordinary human being.
Hosted by the Bildner Center for Western Hemisphere Studies, the three-
day celebration featured a multidisciplinary conference at which 89 scholarly
papers were presented; the American premiere of “Begrüssung” (“Greet-
ing”), a cantata commissioned by Humboldt and written by Felix Men-
delssohn-Bartoldy for the opening of a scientific conference in Berlin in
1828; a series of films on exploration and discovery in the Americas; and the
first performance of ‘Wide World,’ a play written by Lauren Gunderson and
commissioned specifically for the event. Among the distinguished Humboldt
scholars to participate were Ottmar Ette, chair of the Romance Literature
Department at the University of Potsdam; Manfred Osten, retired Secretary
General of the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation; Jaime Labastida, author
of Humboldt: Ciudadano Universal; Laura Dassow Walls, professor of
English at the University of South Carolina and Frank Baron, of the Hum-
boldt Digital Library project and the University of Kansas.
This volume is a compilation of the proceedings from this truly remark-
able event. The papers which appear here, and which represent a portion of
those presented at the conference, are a testament to Humboldt’s vision, his
achievements and the lasting legacy of his work in various fields of human
inquiry and creative activity. Organized into four thematic sections, they crit-
ically explore his personal and professional relationships, as well as his influ-
ence on literature and the arts, on culture and society in the New World and,
ultimately, on the creation of knowledge.
The last of the great European polymaths, Humboldt was important to the
development of many intellectual disciplines. His interests ranged from geo-
graphic and scientific exploration to engineering, ancient and modern lan-
guages, painting and the advocacy of human rights. His uniquely holistic
view of the natural world – which recognized the interdependence of all
things on the planet – led to his designation as the first ecologist, and he
shared with Goethe the belief that “true knowledge depend[s] on an intense
collaboration between art and science.”
xvi
Humboldt’s American explorations started in what is now Venezuela and
proceeded across the Andean Highlands to Colombia, Ecuador and Peru. He
also made trips to Cuba and Mexico. Papers in this volume examine many
aspects of these journeys, including Humboldt’s observations on emerging
society in colonial regions, his views on the mining of the New World’s min-
eral riches, and his observations regarding the many geographic and natural
wonders he encountered. Others analyze the written records he kept of his
experiences, exploring in detail the words and stylistic approaches he took in
crafting works such as Ansichten der Natur (Aspects of Nature), Vues de
Cordilléres en monumens des peoples indigenes de l’Amérique, Personal
Narrative and the seminal Kosmos.
The fame and influence that followed from Humboldt’s voyages and writ-
ings were truly enormous; in the early nineteenth century he was quite liter-
ally one of the most famous people in the world. His celebrity, both at home
in Europe and in the Americas, is the focus of several essays. Still others
explore his literary legacy and the influence of his ideas on major artistic fig-
ures, from Henry David Thoreau and Cuban writer Alejandro Carpentier to
landscape painters Frederick Edwin Church and Wolfgang Paalen. Humboldt
is still revered for his science as well as his empathy with the sufferings of
exploited peoples. A number of essays touch on the monumental impact
Humboldt’s writings had on important debates of his day, including slavery
and early autonomist movements. His views, as expressed in works such as
Essai Politique sur I’lle de Cuba, made him an icon to the oppressed, prompt-
ing Simon Bolívar to declare, “The real discoverer of South America was
Humboldt, since his work was more useful for our people than the work of all
conquerors.” That many of these ideas still resonate, only confirms Hum-
boldt’s lasting relevance.
Within the scientific world, Humboldt is equally revered. Still today, his
name is appears not only on the Humboldt Current that runs along South
America’s Pacific coast, but also on mountains, streets, schools, research cen-
ters, glaciers, plants and animals throughout the Americas. Contributions cel-
ebrate Humboldt’s “deep appreciation of magnificent, abundant nature,” and
argue the case for including him among the earliest environmental scientists.
Humboldt’s influence on a range of scientific figures – from Charles Darwin
to British geophysicist John Herschel and explorer J.N. Reynolds – is a major
component of this collection.
Just as Humboldt inspired the writers, artists, scientists and thinkers of his
time, he continues to motivate scholars and “enthusiasts of extreme experi-
ence” today. The works included here are a fitting tribute to this singular fig-
ure, this scientist, writer, naturalist and humanitarian who stood at the
crossroad between two worlds and shared the view with the rest of us.
Part I
Cantata
CHAPTER 1 Humboldt, Mendelssohn,
and Musical Unity
R. Larry Todd
If a scholar of unusual interdisciplinary breadth – I suspect there are some in
attendance today – were to write a comparative monograph about prominent
historical figures who happened to be polymaths, surely one full chapter
would concern the remarkable life of Alexander von Humboldt. Often
described as the last great universalist, Humboldt traversed with a facility
that strains credulity an astonishing number of disciplines – astronomy, geol-
ogy, botany, zoology, climatology, meteorology, oceanography, anthropol-
ogy, geography, cartography, and political science, and the list could
continue. His overarching purpose – to study the interconnectedness of phe-
nomena, to lay bare the underlying unity of nature – inspired his prolific out-
put as an author, including the Personal Narrative of Travels to the
Equinoctial Regions of America, the popular account of Humboldt’s New
World expedition (1799 to 1804), the bicentenary of which we are celebrat-
ing. His life’s work culminated in the colossal, five-volume Kosmos, over
which the scientist ruminated for decades before releasing in 1845 its first
volume, with the unassuming subtitle, Entwurf einer physischen Weltbes-
chreibung, or Sketch of a Physical Description of the World. In the preface,
Humboldt acknowledged his purpose – “the earnest endeavor to comprehend
the phenomena of physical objects in their general connection, and to repre-
sent nature as one great whole, moved and animated by internal forces.”
(Cosmos: A Sketch of A Physical Description of the Universe, trans. E. C.
Otté, London, 1849, I, ix.) Invoking classical authority, Humboldt placed on
the title page an apposite quotation from the Naturalis Historia of Pliny the
Elder, who centuries before in his Natural History had compiled an elephan-
tine compendium of knowledge. Humboldt found his theme near the begin-
ning of Pliny’s seventh book, where, after concluding a six-volume
description of the natural world, the Roman paused before taking up human
3
4 Cantata
kind to comment, “Indeed, everywhere the power and majesty of the nature
of the universe defies belief if one contemplates only parts of it and not the
whole.” (Pliny, Naturalis Historia, vii: 6)
The German states of Humboldt’s time produced few other polymaths
worthy of comparison. One who springs to mind is Goethe, who in addition
to his undisputed role as the reigning German literary laureate cultivated a
wide variety of interests, including, with Humboldt’s encouragement, the sci-
ences. Another was the composer Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy (1809-1847),
grandson of the Jewish Enlightenment philosopher Moses Mendelssohn, son
of the banker Abraham Mendelssohn Bartholdy, and through his family
befriended with Alexander and his older brother Wilhelm. While the com-
poser is usually remembered as a musical genius whose precocity rivaled if
not surpassed that of Mozart, Felix possessed a vigorous intellect that ranged
comfortably over many musical and non-musical fields (see most recently,
the new biography, R. Larry Todd, Mendelssohn: A Life in Music, N. Y.,
2003). In addition to his international stature as a composer, pianist, organist,
and conductor, Mendelssohn was also an accomplished violinist, and a
skilled draughtsman and painter whose watercolors impressed his nemesis
Richard Wagner as products of a “landscape-painter of the first order.” (Edu-
ard Dannreuther, “Wagner,” Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians,
London, 1893, IV, 369.) Mendelssohn was a polyglot who spoke several lan-
guages fluently, a classical scholar, poet and translator, and a polished prose
stylist whose vivid letters rival in imagination the writings of his contempo-
raries, Robert Schumann and Hector Berlioz, both professional music critics.
Deeply religious and well versed in theology, Mendelssohn took an active
part in preparing and editing the libretti of his two major oratorios, St. Paul
and Elijah, and described himself as a disciple of the Protestant theologian
Schleiermacher, whose sermons Mendelssohn heard in Berlin. The com-
poser’s career, which unfolded principally in Berlin and Leipzig between
1829 and 1847, overlapped with Humboldt’s return in 1827 to Berlin, where
he served two Prussian monarchs, Frederick William III and IV, as court
chamberlain and cultural advisor. But despite the many connections between
Humboldt and Mendelssohn’s family, there has been relatively little inquiry
into the question of whether Humboldt’s work influenced the composer in
any substantial way. Today I shall review their relationship, introduce the
cantata Mendelssohn composed for Humboldt in 1828, and briefly propose a
connection between Humboldt’s search for cosmological unity and Men-
delssohn’s treatment of musical unity in his larger compositions.
How Humboldt first met the Mendelssohns is cloaked in some mystery.
According to Meyer Kayserling, the nineteenth-century biographer of Moses
Mendelssohn (Moses Mendelssohn: Sein Leben und seine Werke, Leipzig,
Humboldt, Mendelssohn, and Musical Unity 5
1862), the philosopher played a decisive role in educating the adolescent
Humboldt brothers. In 1785 Moses published the Morgenstunden (Morning
Hours, or Lectures on the Existence of God), seventeen lectures in dialogue
form offering justifications of God. Kayserling claimed that Alexander and
Wilhelm attended these lectures, designed by Moses for the religious educa-
tion of his fifteen-year-old son, Joseph. Though recent research has chal-
lenged Kayserling’s assertion (see Peter Honigmann, Der Einfluß von Moses
Mendelssohn auf die Erziehung der Brüder Humboldt, Mendelssohn Studien
7 [1990], 39-76), we do know that the seventeen-year-old Alexander attended
the funeral of Moses Mendelssohn in 1786, and that early on Joseph and
Abraham Mendelssohn numbered among Alexander’s childhood friends. We
may offer today a new, confirming piece of evidence: in an unpublished con-
dolence letter Alexander wrote to Felix on December 7, 1835 after the death
of Abraham, Alexander states unambiguously that like Joseph, Abraham was
a friend from the earlier years of the scientist’s youth (“er war, wie Joseph,
der Freund meiner ersteren Jugendjahren;” Oxford, Bodleian Library, M.
Deneke Mendelssohn Collection, Green Books, IV, 177).
In 1806, having returned to Paris from his voyage to the Americas, Alex-
ander helped secure funding for the engineer Nathan Mendelssohn, Moses
Mendelssohn’s youngest son, who established a Berlin workshop to develop
astronomical and geodetic instruments. Three years later, the Hamburg bank-
ing firm of Joseph and Abraham, Gebrüder Mendelssohn & Co., provided a
line of credit to shore up Alexander’s own finances, considerably weakened
by the costs of his expedition and various publication projects. Strained rela-
tions and hostilities between Prussia and France during the Napoleonic
period and culminating German War of Liberation of 1813 curtailed meetings
between Alexander and the Mendelssohns, but the post-1815 Restoration
afforded new opportunities to renew the old friendship, as did Humboldt’s
return to Prussia in 1827, and he soon became a regular visitor at the Men-
delssohns’ residence. Alexander was among the contributors to the Garten-
zeitung (Garden-Times), a mock literary journal founded by Felix and his
friends in August 1826, just weeks after he finished, at age seventeen, the
Midsummer Night’s Dream Overture. According to the young theology stu-
dent Julius Schubring, Humboldt’s conversations were especially prized: a
circle would form around him, and “he could go on, for hours together, with-
out a pause, relating the most attractive facts from out the rich stores of his
experience.” (Julius Schubring, Reminiscences of Felix Mendelssohn-Bar-
tholdy [1866], in R. L. Todd, ed., Mendelssohn and his World, Princeton,
1991, 222.)
We can document several more ties between Humboldt and Felix’s family
during the late 1820s. Between November 1827 and April 1828, the scientist
6 Cantata
gave sixty-one weekly lectures on the physical sciences at the University of
Berlin, highly fêted events that strengthened his resolve to undertake the
writing of the Kosmos. By popular demand Humboldt condensed and
repeated the lectures before an audience that included not only Prussian roy-
alty but commoners of various socio-economic classes and – most unusual
for the time – women. Felix, who had matriculated in 1827 at the University
of Berlin (his professors included the philosopher Hegel), attended the lec-
tures there, while his sister Fanny, like Felix a musical prodigy, was among
the audience for the simplified versions delivered twice a week at the Berlin
Singakademie, the same hall where in 1829 Felix would conduct for the first
time in one hundred years J. S. Bach’s St. Matthew Passion, the seminal
event that triggered the modern Bach Revival. Reporting to a friend about
Humboldt’s lectures, Fanny observed how they were attended “by everybody
who lays any claim to good breeding and fashion, from the king and the
whole court, ministers, generals, officers, artists, authors, beaux esprits (and
ugly ones, too), students, and ladies, down to your unworthy correspondent.”
And then, in defense of her sex, “Gentlemen may laugh as much as they like,
but it is delightful that we too have the opportunity given us of listening to
clever men.” (Fanny to Karl Klingemann, December 23, 1827, Mendelssohn
Family, I, 151). According to Felix, a thousand auditors were entertained by
Humboldt’s engaging accounts of fire-spewing volcanoes and “loathsome
animals” – i.e., seals. And, Felix continued, when a Berlin mädchen tried to
buy some material for a ribbon, and the clerk asked her to specify the size,
she answered with an unusual astronomical measurement – two widths of the
star Sirius. (Felix to Klingemann, February 5, 1828, in Karl Klingemann, Jr.,
ed., Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdys Briefwechsel mit Legationsrat Karl
Klingemann in London, Essen, 1909, 47).
In September 1828 Humboldt convened an international conference of
naturalists and physicians. Presiding over this early example of scientific col-
laboration, he welcomed six hundred colleagues converging on Berlin,
including the Englishman Charles Babbage, who in 1833 would design his
prototypical calculator, and the great mathematician Carl Friedrich Gauss.
From Warsaw came the Polish zoologist F. P. Jarocki, accompanied by a
young, introverted pianist, Frédéric Chopin. At the opening session, Hum-
boldt gave an address on the social utility of science, and Mendelssohn con-
ducted a new cantata commissioned by Humboldt for the event, and heard in
its belated American premiere this evening.
To approach the cantata, I shall begin with its most striking feature, the
unusual orchestra that supports the chorus and soloists. In lieu of a conven-
tional orchestra with full complements of woodwinds, brass, and strings,
Felix scored for a considerably reduced ensemble that conspicuously avoids
flutes, oboes, bassoons, violins, and violas. What is more, the chorus calls for
only tenors and basses. Fanny mused about the omissions in gender-specific
terms: “As the naturalists follow the rule of Mahomet and exclude women
from their paradise, the choir consists only of the best male voices of the cap-
ital; and as Humboldt, whose forte music is not, has limited his composer as
to the number of musicians, the orchestra is quite original; it consists only of
double-basses, violoncellos, trumpets, horns, and clarinets.” (Fanny to
Klingemann, September 12, 1828; Sebastian Hensel, The Mendelssohn Fam-
ily, I, 162.) We should note one small correction – there is in addition a part
for two timpani. Mendelssohn’s use of the male choir seems designed to
invoke the sounds and traditions of male singing societies then popular in
Prussia, and associated since the Napoleonic wars with German nationalism.
Whether the male chorus might in some way signal Humboldt’s preference
for male companionship must remain open to conjecture. But it is fair to say
that the unusual, reduced orchestra under girds the male tessitura of the cho-
rus and soloists, and not infrequently presents musical figures of speech that
in the culture of the time would have been understood to connote masculine
imagery – e.g., fanfares for the horns, trumpets, and drums, which sound
vaguely militaristic but also stately and ceremonial, and horn calls, associated
in German musical romanticism with male hunters in natural, open-air set-
tings.
The text of Mendelssohn’s cantata is by Ludwig Rellstab (1799-1860), a
music critic and poet who in 1819 had founded with Mendelssohn’s former
piano instructor, Ludwig Berger, a male singing society in Berlin. Rellstab’s
music criticism shows a distinct bias for the German romantic opera of Carl
Maria von Weber, in particular Der Freischütz, premiered in Berlin in 1821,
and teeming with images of the hunt, forests, the supernatural, and the con-
flict between the diabolical and divine. Weber’s romanticism left a strong
mark as well on the forming style of the young Mendelssohn, and emerges in
several pages of the Humboldt Cantata, especially in the choruses reminis-
cent of the German part-song tradition.
Though Rellstab’s verses for the cantata may impress few as poetry of the
first order, he did win considerable fame for supplying Schubert with several
texts, including seven poems which the terminally ill Viennese composer set
in his proto-cycle Schwanengesang of 1828, indeed, at about the same time
when Humboldt’s scientific colleagues were gathering in Berlin. And, we
should note, it was Rellstab who in the 1840s would compare the opening
movement of Beethoven’s Op. 27 No. 2 to a moonlit scene on Lake Lucerne,
thereby transforming what Beethoven viewed as a non-descript piano sonata
into the immortalized “Moonlight” Sonata.
8 Cantata
Rellstab’s cantata text treats a familiar theme that would have resonated
with Humboldt and his circle – the progress of the natural world from chaos
to unity. Earlier composers had already explored this topic, most notably
Haydn in his oratorio “The Creation” (1798), which begins not with a tradi-
tional overture but an extraordinary orchestral depiction of chaos (Vorstel-
lung des Chaos) that explodes eighteenth-century musical conventions before
the opening choral pronouncement from Genesis, “And there was light,”
reintroduces the boundaries of Viennese classicism as a kind of musical cor-
rective. The progression from darkness to light preoccupied as well the
young Beethoven, who in his cantata on the death of the Emperor Joseph
(1790) used the metaphor to compare the Austrian monarch to an enlightened
philosophe contending with the destructive forces of fanaticism. The dark-
ness/light polarity also seems to have inspired, albeit in abstract, purely
instrumental terms, the last two movements of Beethoven’s Fifth Symphony
(1808), with which Rellstab and Mendelssohn of course would have been
familiar. But Rellstab’s text reads as though he were an avid member of the
audience attending Humboldt’s 1828 lectures. Thus, after a celebratory cho-
rus of welcome to the conference delegates, the text begins by sketching the
disarray of the elements, in which fire, wind, and waves are in unrestrained
conflict. Toward the center of the cantata, we suddenly encounter the sound
of a new voice, as the raging discord subsides, and the “wondrous clarity of
light bursts forth from ethereal dreams.” In the second half, the “kindred
forces” (verschwisterte Kräfte) and “united powers” (vereinte Kraft) form the
“glorious” world, and a higher, radiant purpose (leuchtend hohes Ziel)
resolves the previous dissonance into unity (Einheit). The text concludes with
an invocation to God to bless the creation, and a doxology-like verse of
praise.
Mendelssohn appears to have composed the music for the cantata in con-
siderable haste; the autograph (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Mendelssohn
Nachlass 48) is dated September 12, 1828, only six days before its perfor-
mance at the conference, and is fraught with corrections, as though the com-
poser were working quickly against the looming deadline. To be sure, Felix
did not exhaust his most inspired efforts on the music, which, though
through-composed, and thus performed without breaks between individual
movements, in the main alternates somewhat predictably between choral
movements and solo numbers, including recitatives and an arioso. And there
is no evidence in his surviving correspondence that he later gave serious
thought to revising or publishing his score. For Mendelssohn the cantata was
simply an occasional work, and once the occasion had passed, he evidently
lost interest in the composition.
Nevertheless, the careful listener will discern how the music parallels the
binary, chaos/unity division of the text, and how Mendelssohn imposed upon
the composition an overarching musical plan (see Diagram 1). After the
brightly scored opening choral movement, in D major, he introduces two
minor keys, G minor (bass solo) and D minor (chorus), and a good bit of
rather obvious storm imagery to depict the natural strife; in addition, the D-
minor chorus contains passages of fugal writing, in which the voices musi-
cally contend with one another. The dramatic interruption of the tenor recita-
tive shifts the music from the minor to major mode, and prepares the
following two movements, for tenor solo and for tenor answered by the cho-
rus. Here the palette of keys brightens to A major and E major, as Men-
delssohn exploits the minor vs. major tonalities as musical counterparts to the
progression from chaos to unity (concomitantly, the earlier dissonance level
of the music now drops considerably). In the penultimate movement, the D
major chords that had heralded the opening bars of the work return, and lead
into the finale. Here Mendelssohn introduces a fresh fugal subject, and then
recalls that of the earlier D-minor chorus, now woven into the celebratory
conclusion. Through the technique of thematic recall Mendelssohn thus
brings together different musical strands from the first half of the score in
order to effect in the closing pages a new musical order and unity, in keeping
with Rellstab’s text and Humboldt’s vision.
The 1828 Berlin conference brought Humboldt into closer contact with
the Mendelssohns in another way. When the mathematician Gauss urged his
friend to continue his geomagnetic experiments, Humboldt had a copper hut
constructed in the garden of the Mendelssohn mansion on Leipzigerstraße.
Here, in 1829, while the composer rehearsed Bach’s St. Matthew Passion,
Humboldt made his meticulous recordings, all part of a grander scheme to
chart the earth’s magnetic field. The recently published diaries of Fanny
Hensel confirm the experiment: according to one entry, on January 31, 1829,
Humboldt supped with the Mendelssohns and then excused himself to
observiren, that is, make hourly measurements in his hut between 3:00 P.M.
and 7:00 A.M. (Fanny Hensel, “Tagebücher”, ed. H.-G. Klein and R. Elvers,
Wiesbaden, 2002, 6).
There remains for brief consideration the question of whether Humboldt’s
theories about natural unity could have influenced in a general way Men-
delssohn’s approach to musical form. Though regrettably the composer left
no detailed reactions to Humboldt’s lectures, we do know that Mendelssohn
was especially drawn to the work of the geographer Carl Ritter (E. Devrient,
My Recollections of Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy and His Letters to Me,
trans. Natalia Macfarren, London, 1869, 33), Humboldt’s friend and col-
league at the University of Berlin, whose massive Erdkunde (Geography),
10 Cantata
begun in 1822 and destined by 1859 to fill some 20,000 pages, presented a
vision of the globe in which “the winds, waters, and landmasses” acted “upon
one another like animated organs, every region having its own function to
perform, thus promoting the well-being of all the rest.” (W. L. Gage, The Life
of Carl Ritter, N.Y., 1867, 208.) It is surely not insignificant that in 1827,
1828, and 1829, that is, the years of Mendelssohn’s matriculation at the Uni-
versity, and the height of his association with Humboldt and Ritter, he com-
posed or conceived a series of instrumental compositions that reveal
“organic” approaches to musical form. Furthermore, two of these works, the
concert overtures Calm Sea and Prosperous Voyage (1828) and the Hebrides
(1829), concern natural phenomena, in the case of the former, Goethe’s
description in two short poems of a becalming at sea; in the latter, Men-
delssohn’s own impressions of the Hebridean islands of Mull, Iona, and
Staffa (Fingal’s Cave), with its extraordinary formations of plicated, hexago-
nal basaltic columns. Among Humboldt’s circle was the young mathemati-
cian Gustav Lejeune Dirichlet, now remembered for his work on number
theory (see, most recently, John Derbyshire, Prime Obsession: Bernhard Rie-
mann and the Greatest Unsolved Problem in Mathematics, N. Y., 2003,
passim). After Humboldt introduced him to the Mendelssohns in 1828,
Dirichlet became enamored of Felix’s younger sister, Rebecka, and a few
years later married her (Dirichlet, by the way, would later fill Gauss’s posi-
tion at the University of Göttingen after his death in 1855). In 1829 Hum-
boldt brought to the Mendelssohnss the news of Wilhelm Hensel’s
appointment as a Hofmaler, or court painter, clearing the way for his mar-
riage to Felix’s sister Fanny. And finally, it was likely Humboldt who advised
Frederick William IV to award Felix in 1842 the Ordre pour le mérite, an
honor also accorded Franz Liszt. But perhaps the most remarkable testament
to Humboldt’s friendship with the Mendelssohns came in 1844. When Hum-
boldt’s landlord decided to sell his property, and thereby threatened to dis-
place the scientist, Felix’s uncle Joseph Mendelssohn quietly bought the
residence, so that Humboldt could continue his research undisturbed. We do
not know for certain, but it seems likely that Humboldt was among the many
mourners who thronged to Felix’s funeral, when he was interred at the Berlin
cemetery of Trinity Church on November 8, 1847; only a few months later, in
March 1848, after the outbreak of the Revolution in Berlin, Humboldt would
lead a procession mourning the first casualties of the barricades.
Each of these compositions begins with a compact motive which, sub-
jected to continuing repetition, development, and transformation, forms the
basis for the thematic complex of the entire composition and acts as a unify-
ing agent. To be sure, theories of organicism in the arts abounded in early
nineteenth-century German critical thought, in the writings of Novalis,
Wackenroder, Goethe, and in the music criticism of E. T. A. Hoffmann (see
most recently, Holly Watkins, “From the Mine to the Shrine: The Critical
Origins of Musical Depth,” in 19th Century Music 27 [2004], 179-207). But
in Mendelssohn’s overtures is it too much to imagine that the relationship
between the particular and the general, between the individual musical ges-
ture and the overarching musical design owed something to Humboldt’s
determination to discover in natural phenomena the keys to unlocking a
vision of a comprehensive unity? Indeed, Humboldt’s vision may be seen to
have transcended science to embrace art, an idea that he proposed on the very
first page of the first chapter of the Kosmos, which Mendelssohn may well
have read in 1845: “May the immeasurable diversity of phenomena which
crowd into the picture of nature in no way detract from that harmonious
impression of rest and unity, which is the ultimate object of every literary or
purely artistic composition.” (Cosmos, I, 62.) Thus the genius of one poly-
math may well have touched that of another.
TABLE 1-1. Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Humboldt Cantata (1828)
Tenor & Bass &

Chorus Bass recit. Chorus Tenor recit. chorus tenor
Chorus
& arioso recit.
Chords Chords
Fugato
Double
fugato
with recall
D major G minor D minor A major E major D major
D
CHAPTER 2 Willkommen!
Text by Ludwig Rellstab
Chorus
Wilikommen! rufen wir euch froh entgegen, Welcome! We gaily call to you,
der Gruß der Freundschaft ist's, der euch erklingt. it is friendships' greeting ringing out to you.
Es waltet über diesem Fest ein Segen, A blessing rules over this festival,
der uns mit hoher Weihe Kraft durchdringt. ordained with the power to reach out to us.
Mit Stolz und Rührung muss es uns bewegen, With pride and emotion we are bound to be moved
das Heil, das des Beherrschers Huld uns bringt. by the salvation brought to us by the ruler's benevo-
So mög’ ihm denn des Dankes Gruß ertönen, lence.
dem Schirmer alles großen Guten, schönen So, then let the thankful greeting ring out to the
protector of all that is good and beautiful.
Recitative
Aus alter grauser Nacht des Chaos Out of the dreaded night of chaos
entwindet mühsam sich der Elemente Kraft; the power labors to wrest itself from the elements;
fest stellte sich die Erde; starr und trotzig The earth stood firm; rigid and defiant
bot sie dem Sturme stolze Gipfel she presented the storm with proud peeks
und warf des Ufers Felsenbrust dem Meer entgegen. and thrust the shore's cliff-breast towards the ocean.
Feu'r Luft und Wogen bekämpften sich voll Wut Fire, air, and waves fought a raging battle.
Aria
Es bricht der Sturm die mächt'gen Blöcke aus dem The storm breaks mighty blocks loose
Lager and they thunder down into the valley below.
und donnernd stürzen sie zu Tal hinab, The waves foam full of wrath at the mountains' bar-
die Woge schäumt voll Ingrimm an den Damm der rier
Berge and carve themselves out deep chasms.
und wühlt sich tiefe Klüfte aus, And dreadful is the wild force of the fire as its
und furchtbar dringt des Feuers wilde Kraft destruction
zerstörend ein bis zu der Tiefe Schoß penetrates to the womb of the deep.
Chorus
13
14 Cantata
Laut tobt des wilden Kampfes Wut, Loud is the fury of the savage battle,
die Zwietracht bringt Zerstörung, discord causes destruction.
es drohen Flammen, Sturm und Flut Flames, storm, and flood
mit grimmiger Verheerung. are threatening grim devastation.
Was Gott erschuf in weiser Macht, What God created in the power of his wisdom,
Sinkt wieder in die alte Nacht! is sinking back into dark night!
Recitative
Halt ein! – tönt einer Wunderstimme Klang, Cease! - the sound of a wonderful voice rings out
und plötzIich ist der Elemente Zorn gefesselt. and suddenly the elements' anger is fettered.
Sturm und Wogen ruhn; Storm and waves hold still;
Zur stillen Glut senkt sich das Flammenmeer the sea of flames sinks down to peaceful embers.
Arioso
Da bricht des Lichtes wunderbare Klarheit Then the wonderful clarity of light, full of blessings
aus Ätherträumen segensreich hervor, breaks through the ether dreams.
hellestens kundig allen wird die Wahrheit, And shining bright the truth is clear to all,
versöhnt ist jetzt der Elemente Chor. the chorus of the elements is now reconciled.
Gemeinsam wirkt der Kräfte eifrig Streben, Together the powers' keen striving has effect,
denn Eintracht nur kann wahres Heil ergeben. as only concord can bring forth true salvation.
Duet and Chorus
Jetzt wirken und schaffen verschwisterte Kräfte Now the related powers take effect and work to form
und bilden imd bauen die herrliche Welt. and build the most marvelous world.
Es pranget die Erde, es schimmert das Feuer The earth is resplendent, the fire gleams,
und liebliche Lüfte bewegen die Flut. and sweet breezes move the flood.
Hoch wölbt sich der Äther und blinkende Sterne The ether arches up high and twinkling stars gently
zieh'n goldener Kreise sanft strahlende Bahn. draw golden circles in their shining path.
Recitative
Und wie der große Bau der Welt sich ordnet, And as the mighty building of the world is formed,
so bildet sich's auch in des Menschen Brust! so, too it is formed in the human breast!
Es wohnt die wilde Kraft der Erde The savage power of the earth lives
in seiner Seele, die verderblich wirkt, in the soul with a ruinous effect,
wenn nicht ein großes, leuchtend hohes Ziel unless a shining high goal overcomes the quarrel
in Einheit schlichtet unsrer Kräfte Zwist. of our powers with unity.
Denn mag der Trieb nach allen Seiten schwellen: For although the shoots swell on all sides:
zu einem Stamm gehören alle Zweige, every branch belongs to the trunk,
und der Erkenntnis segensreicher Baum and the tree blessed with knowledge
wird prangend in der vollen Blüte steh'n. will be resplendent in full bloom
Und segnend wird der Himmel ihn beschützen. and heaven will protect it with its blessing.
Willkommen! 15
Chorus
Ja segne Herr, was wir bereiten, Oh Lord, bless what we are doing,
was die vereinte Kraft erstrebt, what the united power strives for,
dass in dem flücht'gen Strom der Zeiten so that in the fleeting stream of time,
das Werk fest gleich den Felsen steht. the work may stand solid as a rock.
Und wie sich's hebt und türmt in Würde, And as it rises up and towers above in honour,
Macht und Herrlichkeit, power, and glory,
so wird es nur dich selber loben, so will it praise only you, for it is consecrated to your
denn deiner Größe ist's geweiht. greatness.
Willkommen! Welcome!
Part II
Culture and Society
in the New World
CHAPTER 3 Faith and the Conquest
José Gabriel Brauchy

The Spanish priest and journalist Jose Maria Blanco White (1775-1841) pro-
moted an important debate in Europe about the Catholic Church’s domination
of Spanish society. Drawing upon the Spanish experience, he also advocated
the independence for the colonies.
With Blanco’s major works, A letter upon the mischievous influence of the
Spanish Inquisition: as it actually exists in the present (1811), Slave trade
report: moral, political and Christian remarks on this trade (1814)
(Bosquexo del comercio en esclavos: y reflexiones sobre este tráfico consid-
erado moral, política y cristianamente); and The life of the reverend Joseph
Blanco White written by himself; with portions of his correspondence (1845),
along with Alexander von Humboldt’s The Spanish America in 1800
(L’Amérique espagnole en 1800), this paper attempts a reading of how
Blanco and Humboldt understood the use of faith in the Spanish conquests
and the limits and ambiguities of their own arguments about the achievement
and consequences of the conquering civilization.
Conquest in the name of faith

The bishop of Chiapas, Friar Bartolomé de Las Casas (1474-1566), was the
first Catholic chronicler to denounce violence against indigenous peoples.
Las Casas raised a key point on the conquest and colonization process: the
servitude of indigenous peoples and the political and theological legitimiza-
tion of the principles of the discovery of the New World. On the one hand, he
recognized indigenous peoples as vassals of the king, a condition established
by baptism. But at the same time, by legitimizing their religious conversion,
he integrated them into the Catholic Church’s celestial order.
19
20 Culture and Society in the New World
As Eduardo Subirats says (1994), Las Casas’ theological-political argu-
ment against violence and advocacy for the salvation of indigenous peoples
was constructed around the fundamental constitutive principle of the Spanish
colonization, that is, the Christian ideal of propagation of the faith, conver-
sion and salvation (the Spanish chimera).
Las Casas used three arguments to legitimize the colonization. One is the
strong rhetorical denunciation of the cruelty of the conquerors. Las Casas
built a theological and jurisdictional framework for a radical, democratic lib-
eration of indigenous peoples. He reformulated conquest and colonization
and transformed the conversion principle, previously associated with vio-
lence, into a new process: conversion was the ultimate means of protection of
indigenous peoples against conquerors.
Las Casas called for punishment of the oppressors of the indigenous peo-
ples. He argued that they should not be given to individual Spaniards in com-
mission (1542) because they belonged to the Crown. Las Casas called on the
king to establish laws to incorporate the indigenous peoples into the King-
dom as subjects and free vassals, to create inviolable constitutional impedi-
ments to their removal from the Kingdom. By doing so, Las Casas did not
question the underlying principle, or the concept of discovery. He redefined
discovery, as a messianic enterprise, as an act in the spirit of “Orbis Cris-
tianus.”
Neither give them as vassals, nor entrust, nor give them as serfs, nor in com-
mission, no in deposit nor by any other title (ni dadlos a nadie por vasallos ni
encomendados, ni dadlos enfeudo, ni en encomienda,ni en depósito ni en otro
ningún título) (my translation, “Christianity and defense of the Indian Ameri-
can,” p. 30).
Las Casas’ second reason for supporting the incorporation of indigenous
peoples as free vassals into the Crown was the need for their peaceful reli-
gious conversion. However, such a peaceful conversion only changed the
external aspect of the conquest; it did not touch its internal principle.1
The predication and foundation of their faith and their conversion through
knowledge of Christ (La predicación y fundación de la feen ellas y su conver-
sión de conocimiento de Cristo) (my translation, p. 31).
Las Casas alerted the Crown to the avarice and greed of the Spaniards,
who did not allow the priests to enter the towns of indigenous peoples who
had been converted. He denounced the violence as he understood the strate-
gic importance and use of the indigenous people.
1. Eduardo Subirats. El continente vacío. La conquista del Nuevo Mundo y la conciencia

moderna. Madrid: Anaya t Mario Muchnik, 1994.
Faith and the Conquest 21
Emancipation in the Name of Reason

Both Humboldt and Blanco raised new questions about the violence directed
against indigenous peoples. They denounced the connection between the
instrumental use of the indigenous people and religious conversion. Hum-
boldt strongly criticized the Jesuits for their responsibility in the violent reli-
gious conversion of indigenous peoples. For him, the real interest of the
Jesuits was not to protect them but to set the stage for the conquest of their
souls. He described the despotism of Spanish soldiers who in their entradas
destroyed all resistance, imprisoning indigenous peoples far from their home-
towns; although this practice was forbidden, it was the best way to assure the
expansion of the Jesuit Order.
Although this violent means to conquer souls was prohibited by Spanish law,
it was still accepted by the civil governments and considered necessary by
religious authorities for the expansion of the Jesuit mission…These principles
that degrade humankind undoubtedly were not shared by the entire society
that has made their steps to civilization, but society that in the New World
remains exclusively in the hand of priests. But the entradas, the spiritual con-
quest with bayonets was an inherent vice of the regime that resulted the rapid
expansion of their missions. (Ce moyen violent de conquérir des âmes,
quoique prohibé parles lois espagnoles, était toléré par les gouverneurs civils,
et vanté comme utile à la religion et à l’aggrandissement des missions par-
lessupérieursde la Compagnie…Ces principles, qui dégradent l’humanité
n’étaient point partagés sans doute par tous les membres d’une société qui,
dans le Nouveau Monde et partout où l’éducation est resté exclusivement
entre les mains des moines, a rendu des services aux lettres et à la civilisation.
Mais les entradas, les conquêtes spirituelles à l’aide des baïonnettes, étaient
une vice inhérent à une régime qui tendait à l’aggrandissement rapide des
missions) (my translation L’Amérique espagnole, p. 83-84).)
In June of 1810, Blanco published his most critical essay on the Spanish
American colonies: An examination of the work entitled Essay on the King-
dom of the New Spain (Examen de la obra intitulada Essai sur le Royaume de
la Nouvelle Espagne) in which he presented a partial translation of and
response to Alexander von Humboldt’s The Spanish America in 1800
(L’Amérique espagnole en 1800) for a Spanish-speaking audience.
Blanco’s paper acknowledged that Humboldt’s essay raised several
issues: the brutal exploitation and perpetual enslavement of indigenous peo-
ples and the chiefs’ revolts in the Spanish American colonies. He argued that
slavery had no commercial nor historical justification. But the most impor-
tant contribution of Humboldt was, according to Blanco, his view of the colo-
nial social structures built on religious dogmatism and despotism.
Blanco recognized the ideological dimensions of Humboldt’s work in
providing an extensive description of the Spanish American colonies. For
Blanco, Humboldt’s analysis went far beyond the traditional priests’ chroni-
cles that consistently ignored the internal composition of the colonies:
It goes beyond the miserable volumes of ecclesiastical history written by fri-
ars and other ignorant church scribes…by writers who ignored the internal
state of the colonies or who abstained from publishing their news due to polit-
ical constraints.(va más allá de los miserables volúmenes de la historia
eclesiástica, escritos por frailes, y otros eclesiásticos ignorantes…de escri-
tores que ignoraban el estado interno de las colonias, o se abstuvieron de pub-
licar sus noticias,contenidos por consideraciones políticas.) (my translation,
El Español 30 de julio 1810- 240-144).
Blanco said that both religious dogmatism and despotism were the two
supports of the social organization of the Spanish America colonies, along
with the legal modalities on the protection of indigenous peoples.
Later in Blanco’s A letter upon the mischievous influence of the Spanish
Inquisition: as it actually exists in the present (1811), he attacked religion
even more directly. In the context of the revolution in Spain (1808-1814) he
argued that there could be nothing more barbarous than to oblige the studious
youth of a nation to choose between immorality and ignorance. With such a
statement, Blanco distinguished between a well-informed and enlightened
people, and the veneration of religious principles.
I must in truth confess to you that I should consider the fruits of the glorious
Revolution of Spain as for the most part lost if, after liberating herself from
the French, the Inquisition were again to be established, even on the same
footing as it has stood in recent years. (6)
With such an argument, Blanco anticipates the distinction between
Catholicism and Enlightenment secularism of the contemporary debate.
Spain does not know what a critical Enlightened epistemology means,2 that is
to say, Enlightenment as criticism and reflexive knowledge with an herme-
neutical dimension and social content (Subirats).
In an article he wrote for the African Institute, Slave trade report: moral,
political and Christian remarks on this trade (1814) (Bosquexo del comercio
en esclavos: y reflexiones sobre este tráfico considerado moral, política, y
cristianamente) Blanco argued against the justification of slavery by refer-
ence to the supposed barbarism of African people. He rejected the assumed
authority of Europeans to go hunting in Africa and thus went beyond the abo-
litionist essays. He carefully traced the reasons to challenge the paradigm of
2. Eduardo Subirats. Después de la lluvia. Sobre la ambigua modernidad española.

Madrid: Temas de Hoy, 1993; Francisco Sánchez- Blanco. La mentalidad ilustrada.
Madrid: Taurus, 1999.
Faith and the Conquest 23
civilization versus barbarism and more importantly questioned Las Casas and
the principle that legitimized the conquest. This article is an invitation to
reopen the debate on the European emancipation project or Enlightenment.
For both Humboldt and Blanco, progress is based on knowledge, that is to
say, the instrumental reason (everything that responds to the criteria of effi-
ciency–means-ends), the systematization of what is useful for the enrichment
of a society, and the arts. In a synthesis of Western history, tracing the
progress from early times (barbarism) to societies with organized civil struc-
tures, Africa was, for Blanco, an example of the internal limits of civilization.
Africa had contact with the civilized world (Europe), but this contact did not
benefit for the continent itself; instead, it meant:
To plunder and to suppress its knowledge, and if it can be said in one new
word…we could say, to barbarize it. (para depravarla y oscurecer sus enten-
dimientos, y si puede usarse una palabra nueva…diremos, que para barba-
rizarla) (my translation, p. 43-44).
Blanco argued that Cuba’s claim to increase the slave trade was immoral;
he questioned the Royal License of 1789 to import slaves to Cuba and regret-
ted the suppression of the 1811 bill that outlawed the slave trade. Although
his arguments are constructed within the tradition of denunciation of violence
against indigenous peoples (Las Casas), Blanco recognized the deep contra-
dictions of this tradition. For him, any sort of paternalism was questionable
because it retarded the progress of peoples.
Addressing the internal state of the Spanish American colonies, Blanco
criticized the fragility of their organization and blamed Spain for this. Under
the prolongation of exploitation of indigenous peoples lies the abuse of
authority and injustice: his denunciation of slavery is both applicable in
Africa and in the colonies.
Blanco acknowledged Humboldt’s comments on the state of the popula-
tion of the Spanish America colonies and his denunciation of the conversion
violence. He advocated the rights of the vassals in the name of a secular rea-
son. His teleological-political argument for the progress of indigenous peo-
ples was constructed in a fundamental constitutive principle of that reason,
that is, civilization. However, he did not understand that underneath Hum-
boldt’s critical testimonies on the experience of the native towns confronting
modern civilization lay another colonialist will. Humboldt’s contribution to
the study of what is called contemporary ethnology (Labastida),3 was always
accompanied by a compromise with the colonial perspective seeking to max-
imize the utility for the Spanish American colonial empire.
3. Jaime Labastide. Humboldt, ciudadano universal. Ciudad de México: Siglo XXI,

1999.
Bibliography
Blanco White, José María. Cartas de España. Ed. Antonio Garnica. Sevilla:
Universidad de Sevilla, Secretariado de Publicaciones, 2001.
— Escritos autobiográficos menores. Ed. Manuel Moreno Alonso. Huelva:
Servicio de Publicaciones, Universidad de Huelva, 1999.
— Bosquejo del comercio de esclavos y reflexiones sobre este tráfico consid-
erado moral, política y cristianamente. Ed. Manuel Moreno Alonso.
Sevilla : Alfar, 1999.
— The Life of the Reverend Joseph Blanco White Written By Himself; With
Portions Of His Correspondence. Ed. John Hamilton. London: John
Chapman, 1845.
— Bosquexo del comercio en esclavos: y reflexiones sobre este tráfico con-
siderado moral, política y cristianamente. Londres : Ellerton y Hender-
son, 1814.
— A Letter Upon the Mischievous Influence of the Spanish Inquisition: As It
Actually Exists in the Present. London : Printed for Johnson and Co.,
1811.
Casas, Bartolomé de Las. Cristianismo y defensa del indio americano. Ed. F.
Fernández Buey. Madrid: Libros de la Catarata, 1999.
Humboldt, Alexander von. Alemanes en las regiones equinocciales: libro
homenaje al bicentenario de de la llegada de Alexander von Humboldt a
Venezuela, 1799-1999 Ed, José Rodríguez. Caracas: Alfalil Ediciones,
1999.
— L’Amérique espagnole en 1800
— Alexander von Humboldt, Minerva. Ensayo político sobre el reyno de
Nueva España, sacado del que publicó en francés Alexandro de Hum-
boldt. Madrid: Imprenta de Nuñez, 1818.
Labastide, Jaime. Humboldt, ciudadano universal. Ciudad de México : Siglo
XXI, 1999.
Pons, André. Blanco White y España. Oviedo : Instituto Feijóo de Estudios
del Siglo XVIII, Universidad de Oviedo, 2002.
— “Blanco White abolicionista. El bosquejo del comercio de esclavos, I-II.”
Cuadernos hispanoamericanos 559 (1997) : 63-76.
— “Blanco White et la crise du monde hispanique, 1808-1814”. Diss. Paris
III-Sorbonne Nouvelle, 1990.
Pratt, Mary Louise. Imperial eyes. Travel writing and transculturation. Lon-
don and New York: Routledge, 1992.
Subirats, Eduardo. El continente vacío. La conquista del Nuevo Mundo y la
conciencia moderna. Madrid: Anaya y Mario Muchnik,1994.
— Después de la lluvia. Sobre la ambigua modernidad española. Madrid:
Temas de Hoy, 1993.
Sánchez-Blanco, Francisco. La mentalidad ilustrada. Madrid: Taurus, 1999.
CHAPTER 4 Humboldt en la Nueva
España
Jaime Labastida
La presencia de Alejandro de Humboldt en la Nueva España, en los primeros
años del siglo XIX, marca un claro punto de inflexión en las investigaciones
científicas que se realizan en nuestro país, por el rigor de su trabajo, por la
variedad de sus objetos y, sobre todo, por el método que despliega. Podría
estudiarse la influencia que ejerció su obra sobre los científicos, los políticos
y los economistas de la Nueva España, primero y de México, después, de
acuerdo con dos criterios, que no se oponen sin embargo: la influencia directa
que su presencia tuvo en algunos de ellos (particularmente en el campo de la
minería) y, luego, la recepción de su obra (publicada o no): se abre así, de
súbito, un abanico de interpretaciones posibles.
Me gustaría subrayar que una de las diferencias importantes entre el tra-
bajo realizado por Humboldt y el que desplegaron, a lo largo de la segunda
mitad del siglo XVIII los científicos hispanos que visitaron diversos sitios de
la América española, estriba en que todos esos trabajos (entre los que cabe
contar los de José Celestino Mutis y Francisco José de Caldas en el Nuevo
Reino de Granada; los de Martín de Sessé y José Mariano Mociño en el inte-
rior de la Nueva España y en sus límites septentrionales o los de Alejandro
Malaspina en el Océano Pacífico), fueron para uso exclusivo de los funciona-
rios de la Corona y se guardaron con celo en los Archivos. Por el contrario, la
obra de Humboldt estuvo a la disposición del mundo culto y de los científicos
de la época: Humboldt no reparó en gastos y pagó de su peculio la edición de
una obra de magnitud pocas veces igualada, en la que se dan la mano el rigor
científico y la belleza y la pulcritud tipográfica: los treinta títulos que forman
el Voyage au régions équinoxiales du Nouveau Continent se pueden com-
parar tan sólo con la gran Encyclopédie de Denis Diderot1.
Humboldt llega a la América española en 1799 y recorre los vastos terri-
torios que hoy integran seis países de lo que conocemos con el nombre de
25
América Latina: Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Perú, Cuba y México.
Abandonará América cinco años después, en 1804. Jamás volverá. Sus prim-
eras indagaciones estarán centradas en casi todas las ciencias naturales. Le
interesa no sólo el estudio de los volcanes, sino el de los perfiles de las mon-
tañas, de manera que, incluso los paisajes que forman parte del gran Atlas
pintoresco, son cuadros en que se unen la ciencia y el arte: son paisajes
científicos o dibujos rigurosos, en los que se miden de modo trigonométrico
los ángulos y las anfractuosidades de las cordilleras. Herboriza (se ha calcu-
lado que Bonpland y él recogen tal vez la sexta parte de la flora del planeta);
se sabe: no sólo recolectan la especie, sino que la clasifican, le otorgan nom-
bre científico de acuerdo con el sistema binario de Linneo y la sitúan en la
altura, la latitud y la longitud en que la hallan. El conjunto de esas amplias
investigaciones permite a Humboldt escribir un libro por varios rasgos nota-
ble, el primero de los treinta volúmenes que integran el Voyage..., es decir, el
Essai sur la Géographie des plantes.2
Eso no es todavía bastante. Humboldt determina las latitudes y las longi-
tudes de cuanto sitio visita. Así, ratifica o rectifica (casi siempre lo segundo)
las anteriores determinaciones. Estará sólo tres días en el puerto de Acapulco:
será tiempo suficiente para hacer las excavaciones que le permitan dar cuenta
de que las mismas capas sedimentarias se encuentran en toda la superficie del
planeta: tanto en uno como en otro hemisferio; lo mismo al norte que al sur
del Ecuador (por ello mismo, le dará a Georges Cuvier el esquema de las
capas sedimentarias que a éste le permiten redactar su Ensayo sobre las rev-
oluciones en la superficie del globo). Por esto, lo que descubre de las capas
sedimentarias destruirá para siempre las tesis sin base de De Buffon, De
Pauw y de todos aquellos que dieron pie a lo que Antonello Gerbi llama La
disputa del Nuevo Mundo.3
Hace mapas, pero de una precisión y un rigor tales, que aún hoy nos cau-
san asombro. Nada de esto es aún suficiente: los mapas de Humboldt poseen
1. Los treinta volúmenes empezaron a publicarse a partir de 1805. El último de los

volúmenes vio la luz en 1836. Todos los volúmenes fueron publicados en París, en francés,
en diversas imprentas (Schoell, Dufour, Maze y Gide). Todos reconocen como autores a
Humboldt y Bonpland. Pero lo cierto es que Bonpland, excelente compañero de viaje y
magnífico investigador de campo, no fue tan activo, en cambio, como trabajador de gabi-
nete: sus aportaciones se reducen a la botánica, en donde, sin embargo, Segismund Kunth
redactó varios volúmenes. Así, pues, casi todos los textos fueron escritos por Humboldt,
salvo aquellos en los que participaron otros científicos, más aptos que el propio Humboldt
en algún campo específico. A éstos, Humboldt les proporcionó la materia prima que obtuvo
en el viaje. Así, por ejemplo, Jean Lamarck escribió una memoria de carácter biológico; a
su vez, Jabbo Oltmanns corrigió y calculó nuevamente las observaciones astronómicas de
Humboldt: los dos volúmenes fueron redactados por él.
2. Chez Levrault, Schoell et Compagnie, París, año XIII de la Revolución, 1805. Hay
una reciente edición española del Ensayo sobre la geografía de las plantas, con Prólogo de
José Sarukhán, Siglo XXI Editores, México, 1997.
3. Ver Antonello Gerbi, La disputa del Nuevo Mundo, traducción de Antonio Alatorre,
Fondo de Cultura Económica, México, 1960.
Humboldt en la Nueva España 27
una característica especial, puesto que sirven para establecer escalas y com-
paraciones universales (por esa causa, un gran historiador moderno de la
ciencia los ha llamado isomapas, o sea, mapas en los que se vacía una infor-
mación congruente, que guarda la mayor semejanza entre sí4). Se interesa en
la electricidad y la respiración de los animales: diseca gimnotos eléctricos (de
los que se provee en el pequeño poblado de Calabozo, en Venezuela).
Todavía lo animan los experimentos de Galvani y desconoce la pila eléctrica
de Volta, que éste ha de inventar en el curso del viaje de Humboldt por
América. Examinará la laringe y el hueso hioides de cocodrilos, monos y
pájaros. Diseca una serpiente de cascabel que encuentra en Cumaná y halla
en su vientre un verme desconocido. Colecciona simios de las selvas del
Orinoco; además de su nombre vulgar, les otorga otro, científico; los lleva a
Europa; los describe y dibuja; si mueren, los diseca: simia leonina, simia
melanocephala, simia satanas, simia ursina.5 También hace una visita a la
famosa cueva del Guácharo: le interesa conocer el ave que proporciona el
aceite a Venezuela.6 El primer impacto que produce su viaje en la Europa
culta, que lo sigue a través de las publicaciones periódicas, se debe a la auda-
cia del mismo: desciende a las minas; atraviesa los Andes a pie, seguido por
las grandes bestias domésticas que cargan su preciso instrumental científico:
telescopio, microscopio, sextante y barómetro, teodolito e higrómetro. Se
hace llevar aguas arriba del Orinoco, en un viaje que es a un mismo tiempo
distinto y similar al que siglo y medio más tarde emprenderá, en Los pasos
perdidos, el novelista cubano Alejo Carpentier. Asciende al Chimborazo con
su instrumental científico a cuestas (sin ropa ni botas para la nieve); en todas
partes mide los gases y, con un cianómetro, el azul del cielo. En una de las
márgenes del Orinoco, encuentra el cementerio de un pueblo extinguido.7
Europa lo celebra como explorador atrevido y valiente, antes que como
científico. En Colombia, en el lomo de las cordilleras andinas, advierte, no
sin asombro, que en la América prehispánica floreció una civilización de la
que sólo tenía una fugaz noticia. Confirma el dato al arribar al Ecuador. Más
4. Ver Walter F. Cannon, Humboldt or Baconianism? A Defense of American Science in
the First Half of the 19th Century, ponencia presentada al Department of the History of Sci-
ence, agosto de 1969 (traducción de J. A. Shelley y Jaime Labastida, Revista de la Univer-
sidad de México, UNAM, noviembre de 1971).
5. En El Humboldt venezolano, recopilación de Miguel S. Wionczeck, con prólogo, notas
y traducción de Jaime Labastida (Banco Central de Venezuela, Caracas, 1974), se incorpo-
ran muchos artículos y memorias sobre diversos aspectos, que denuncian los intereses de
Humboldt.
6. Humboldt le da el nombre científico de Steatornis caripensis, pues la cueva está cerca
de Caripe.
7. Para todos estos asuntos, ver Charles Minguet, Alexandre de Humboldt, historien et
géographe de l'Amérique espagnole (1799-1804), Maspero, París, 1969; Hanno Beck, Alex-
ander Von Humboldt, traducción de Carlos Gerhard, FCE, México, 1971. También El Hum-
boldt venezolano, op. cit.; por último, Jaime Labastida, ,Humboldt, ese desconocido, Sep-
Setentas, México, 1975 y Humboldt, ciudadano universal, Siglo XXI Editores, México,
1999.
tarde, en Perú, ve en diversos sitios las ruinas de la civilización incaica; por
último, al llegar a la Nueva España, le asombra el espectáculo grandioso a la
vez que trágico de las civilizaciones de Mesoamérica (a las que engloba,
empero, en un solo concepto: el de cultura mexicana8).
En Venezuela, Cuba y la Nueva España, Humboldt empieza a cobrar con-
ciencia de los problemas sociales y se interesa cada día más por los proble-
mas políticos y económicos (de ello dan sobrada prueba sus dos Ensayos
políticos: uno, el que ofrece sobre el reino de la Nueva España -1808-, y otro,
el que dedica a la isla de Cuba -publicado en el tercer volumen de su Relation
historique..., diez y siete años más tarde -1825-; además de las múltiples
observaciones que contiene la propia Relation historique...9). Humboldt
nunca abandona, desde luego, su preocupación por las ciencias que el día de
hoy se llaman duras (puede advertirse con claridad, en tanto que el ensayo
sobre Cuba, en su primera edición española, se abre con un mapa preciso de
la isla; y en los planos y los mapas de la Nueva España). Pero no es menos
cierto que sus preocupaciones poco a poco se amplían y abarcan, desde
entonces, además de los aspectos naturales, todos los temas sociales: desde lo
militar, lo histórico, lo lingüístico, lo económico, lo demográfico, hasta lo
arqueológico y lo político.10 Se puede afirmar que Humboldt, sin abandonar
jamás su claro interés por la astronomía, la meteorología, la orografía, la
botánica, la mineralogía, la hidrografía o la zoología (ciencias que van del
cielo al centro de la tierra; de los astros y la atmósfera a los seres vivientes y
la estructura subterránea); sin abandonar todo lo que es competencia de las
ciencias naturales, se siente cada día más inclinado a prestar su atención a las
ciencias históricas y sociales. Ese interés humboldtiano nace, a mi juicio, a su
paso por los países andinos; pero se intensifica en Cuba y la Nueva España.
Así, la vasta obra americana de Humboldt se puede examinar desde diver-
sos ángulos. Por lo general, se destaca en ella apenas lo que sirve para la glo-
ria particular de un país americano, de manera que se le convierte en el héroe
intelectual, respectivamente cubano, venezolano, peruano, colombiano o
mexicano (aunque en México, a partir de las tesis denigrantes de Juan Ortega
y Medina, se tienda a denostarlo11). Desde este enfoque, la tarea científica de
8. Vistas de las cordilleras y monumentos de los pueblos indígenas de América, traduc-

ción, notas y prólogo de Jaime Labastida, Siglo XXI Editores, México, 1995.
9. Essai politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne, Schoell, París, 1808-1811 y
Relation historique du Voyage aux régions équinoxiales du Nouveau Continent, volumen III,
Smith et Gide, París, 1825 (el Essai politique sur l'île de Cuba va de la página 345 a la 501).
Cabe aclarar que Humboldt publicaba sus libros por pliegos que después reunía en volu-
men; de allí que las fechas de publicación de varios de los tomos abarque tres o más años.
10. Ver Ensayo político sobre la Isla de Cuba, con un mapa, traducción de D. J. B de V. y
M., Casa de Jules Renouard, París, 1827. El título más notable en este sentido es, sin duda,
la Relation historique.. (los tres volúmenes fueron editados en fechas muy distantes entre
sí: el primero en 1814, en la Imprenta de Dufour; el segundo, en 1819, en la Imprenta de
Maze y el tercero en 1825, en la Imprenta de Smith y Gide, los tres en París).
Humboldt sólo parece adquirir relevancia en virtud del objeto (nacional) de
su investigación. Pero hay otro aspecto que también se pone en relieve y es el
que se relaciona con los objetos particulares de sus libros: la historia, por un
lado; la geografía o la botánica, por el otro; en fin, la cartografía o la vulca-
nología: así, es el objeto de su estudio (y no el método), lo que destacan
algunos historiadores de la ciencia.
En todos esos trabajos, la obra de Humboldt es vista como si se tratara de
una construcción científica sin fisuras, homogénea, sin un solo corte en su
interior; en suma, se la examina desde el ángulo sincrónico. Queda en la som-
bra el lento proceso diacrónico que le condujo a sus conclusiones. Por el con-
trario, creo que, a la luz que arrojan los tres gruesos volúmenes de su
Relation historique..., se puede advertir cómo hay un proceso, un cambio
gradual de actitud en sus intereses. Por lo demás, todo lo que Humboldt real-
iza en los cinco años de su viaje, el conjunto de los materiales que recoge, se
debe ver como un trabajo de campo que, en el curso de los treinta siguientes,
habrá de ser digerido y examinado por el sabio prusiano, con la ayuda de sus
amigos, los mejores científicos de la época: de Pierre Simon de Laplace a
Joseph Gay-Lussac, de François Arago a Claude Louis Berthollet, de Jean
Lamarck a Georges Cuvier, de S. Kunth a Jabbo Oltmanns. Por esta causa,
los treinta volúmenes del Voyage...12 deben ser vistos como un trabajo de
equipo o como una vasta colaboración interdisciplinaria, un esfuerzo edito-
rial artístico y científico a la vez. Lo que asombra es que esta vasta tarea se
deba al esfuerzo y, desde luego, a los recursos económicos de un solo hom-
bre. Humboldt sufragó de sus rentas, hasta agotarlas, la edición del Voyage...
(veinte volúmenes in folio y diez en gran in quarto, con el mejor papel, en las
mejores imprentas, todos encuadernados en piel, con grabados a color, obra
de grandes artistas). Si gastó la totalidad de su herencia, hasta arruinarse, al
publicar estos treinta títulos, diré que también pagó de su bolsa a dibujantes y
grabadores que hicieron láminas de flores, simios, peces, mariposas, molus-
cos, aves, códices, mapas, pirámides y monumentos arqueológicos que llenan
las páginas de libros, admirables por su belleza y precisión.
Cuando Humboldt arriba a la Nueva España dice que, "Entre las colonias
sujetas al dominio del rey de España, Mégico ocupa actualmente el primer
lugar, así por sus riquezas territoriales como por lo favorable de su posición
para el comercio con Europa y Asia. No hablamos aquí sino del valor político
del país, atendido su actual estado de civilización que es muy superior al que
se observa en las demás posesiones españolas."13 Además de advertir el alto
11. Juan A. Ortega y Medina, "Estudio preliminar" a Ensayo político sobre el reino de la
Nueva España, Porrúa, México, 1966.
12. El primer volumen se publicó en 1805 (Géographie des plantes, del que ya di noticias);
en 1836 el último, la Histoire de la Géographie du Nouveau Continent et des progrès de
l'astronomie nautique aux XV et XVI siècles comprenant la découverte de l'Amérique (Gide).
grado que en la Nueva España habían alcanzado las investigaciones científi-
cas (que se hacía expreso en instituciones del más alto nivel, como el Real
Seminario de Minería, el Jardín Botánico y la Real Academia de Artes de San
Carlos, o sea, las instituciones fundadas por Carlos III, las modernas, las
opuestas a las escolásticas como la Universidad, por aquel entonces Real y
Pontificia), Humboldt se da cuenta del nivel de desarrollo alcanzado por las
altas culturas de Mesoamérica, indaga por la población del reino, somete a
crítica y sujeta al mismo principio las estadísticas de la producción minera, el
comercio interior y exterior, la producción agrícola y el estado de los cami-
nos. En suma, Humboldt reduce cuanto dato obtiene a los patrones exactos y
constantes que permitan valorarlo en sí mismo y en su evolución histórica.
Así, se valdrá de un instrumento teórico, rico y preciso: la Economía política
moderna; la Economía política inglesa, la ciencia fundada por Adam Smith y
Robert Malthus, a los que una y otra vez cita de manera elogiosa.14 Pero nada
de eso es, a mi juicio, lo que asombra más. Lo que en verdad resulta decisivo
es ver que el sabio prusiano afina, de modo cada vez más acerado y llevado
por su implacable celo por el rigor, su instrumento teórico.
¿Qué instrumento teórico, del que no se habrá de desprender jamás, será
éste? Lo revela en el Cosmos y lo llama "un empirismo razonado:"15 "La nat-
uraleza considerada racionalmente, es decir, sometida en su conjunto al tra-
bajo del pensamiento, es la unidad en la diversidad de los fenómenos, la
harmonía entre las cosas creadas (que difieren por su forma, su constitución
propia y las fuerzas que las animan), es el Todo (to pan), penetrado por un
soplo de vida." Más: "No se trata de reducir el conjunto de los fenómenos
sensibles a un pequeño número de principios abstractos, que tengan por base
la sola razón. La física del mundo, tal como aquí intento exponerla, no tiene
la pretensión de elevarse a las peligrosas abstracciones de una ciencia pura-
mente racional de la naturaleza. Es una geografía física, unida a la
descripción de los espacios celestes y de los cuerpos que llenan estos espa-
cios. Extraño a las profundidades de una filosofía puramente especulativa, mi
ensayo sobre el Cosmos es la contemplación del universo, fundado sobre un
empirismo razonado."16 Humboldt se aparta de quienes se afanan por recoger
tan sólo los hechos, sin integrarlos en un cuerpo sólido de doctrina, en un
marco teórico que les otorgue coherencia, como de quienes realizan un tra-
bajo especulativo (la referencia casi ofensiva a Hegel es de suyo evidente:
13. Ensayo político sobre el Reino de la Nueva España, traducción de Vicente González
Arnao, edición facsimilar de la hecha en París, en Casa de Rosa, en 1822, Miguel Ángel
Porrúa, México, 1985. Prólogo de Jaime Labastida. La cita viene de las págs. 8-9.
14. Juan A. Ortega y Medina, por razones que ignoro, hace de Humboldt ¡un fisiócrata!
15. Cosmos. Essai d'une description physique du Monde, traducción M. H. Faye y Ch.
Galuski, Guérin, París, 1866-1867. El prólogo fue escrito por Humboldt, en francés, para
esa edición.
16. Cosmos, op. cit., págs. 3-4 y 35-36 del primer tomo.
acababa de publicarse la Enciclopedia de las ciencias filosóficas, cuya prim-
era sección es la "Naturaleza"17).
Uno de los asuntos más importantes a los que Humboldt le dedicó su aten-
ción, al menos en el contexto en que deseo situar sus investigaciones ahora,
es lo que realizó acerca de las altas culturas mesoamericanas; más concreta-
mente, sobre el sistema calendárico de los antiguos nahuas. En la ciudad de
México vio los códices que fueron de la colección Boturini. Su asombro es de
tal modo vivo que de inmediato empieza a revolver los archivos y a leer
todos los libros de historia que puede; trae ante sus ojos los más importantes
monumentos mesoamericanos: hace que sea desenterrada, otra vez, la Coatli-
cue, que la autoridad virreinal había sustraído a la atención del público;
reproduce las pirámides de Mitla y de Xochicalco; por encima de todo, exam-
ina con atención el calendario de los antiguos mexicanos, tal como lo halla
plasmado en la así llamada Piedra del Sol. Su interés, despierto en la Nueva
España, cobra nuevo ímpetu al volver a Europa. Allá, rebusca en los archi-
vos. En Roma, en los del Vaticano y Veletri (donde rescata el Códice Borgia);
en Viena reencuentra el Vindobonensis; en Dresden, el Códice que lleva ese
nombre y reproduce varias de sus láminas; en suma, llama otra vez la aten-
ción de los sabios europeos sobre las antiguas altas culturas del Nuevo Conti-
nente y reanuda una tradición que se había perdido en la época del
racionalismo. Añado que su interés no se plasmó en observaciones precisas,
sino que reprodujo varias láminas (unas a color; en blanco y negro otras),
realizadas en Italia, Prusia y Francia por grandes grabadores europeos. Todo
cuanto halló en Europa o se llevó de aquí fue objeto de su curiosidad (eso
pasó con el Códice de su nombre, depositado en el Gabinete del Rey de Pru-
sia).
Debo decir que sus investigaciones naturales y el ejemplo de su viaje, en
el aspecto estrictamente científico, fueron un impulso decisivo para el joven
Charles Darwin (quien lo cita con respeto y aun con entusiasmo18). Humboldt
despertó, por lo mismo, el interés del benemérito Lord Kingsborough en
Inglaterra, así como de los antropólogos y arqueólogos alemanes. Si toda
Europa está llena de monumentos egipcios y griegos; si los obeliscos egip-
cios llenan las plazas de Roma y de París, lo cierto es que Alemania posee, al
lado de ejemplos de esas culturas, gran cantidad de piezas arqueológicas
mesoamericanas. El impulso inicial por estas culturas amerindias lo dio Ale-
jandro de Humboldt. Podría decir que hay una clara línea de investigación
antropológica y arqueológica alemana, que arranca de Humboldt y que cul-
17. Georg Friedrich Wilhelm Hegel, Enciclopedia de las ciencias filosóficas, traducción de
Eduardo Ovejero y Maury, Ediciones Libertad, Buenos Aires, 1944.
18. Ver Charles Darwin, Carta a J. A. Hooker, del 10 de febrero de 1845. Sarukhán, por lo
demás, se ocupa ampliamente de este asunto en el prólogo a Geografía de las plantas, ya
citado.
mina en los trabajos de Eduard Seler y Konrad Theodor Preuss. Es necesario
señalar una línea de investigación rigurosa que va de Bernardino de Sahagún
y llega a Humboldt y de éste a nuestros días. ¡Asombroso! El año que se con-
memoró el V Centenario del nacimiento del fraile agustino y el bicentenario
del arribo de Humboldt a tierras de América fue el mismo: 1999.
Humboldt es un investigador de primer orden en este campo, el de la
antropología y la comparación razonada de las antiguas altas culturas de uno
y otro hemisferio, terreno que apenas empezó a explorarse en su tiempo.
Humboldt es, por esta causa, al lado de Sahagún, uno de los pilares fuertes de
la antropología científica. Me atrevo a decir que el desarrollo de la investi-
gación sobre las culturas amerindias debe ser indicado por un antes y un
después; o sea, un AH (antes de Humboldt) y un DH (después de Humboldt).
Me explico. No me refiero sólo al hecho, evidente, de cómo Humboldt
acelera el proceso de investigación y lo decanta. Si antes de él, a todos los
investigadores los detiene un prejuicio (digo, el de no contradecir las Sagra-
das Escrituras), Humboldt rompe con todas estas ataduras. Bernardino de
Sahagún, Andrés de Olmos, Joseph de Acosta, Carlos de Sigüenza o Lord
Kingsborough se preocupan por hacer compatibles el hallazgo del Nuevo
Mundo con lo que ha sido establecido en las Sagradas Escrituras. Humboldt,
en cambio, sigue un método luminoso: el de las comparaciones universales.
Ya dije: Humboldt compara la lengua y el calendario de los nahuas con las
lenguas y los calendarios de los pueblos del Antiguo Continente. Su intento
es válido en nuestros días, cuando vemos que la mayor parte de los investiga-
dores cierra el abanico y permanece en lo que se debería llamar concepción
endógama de las culturas amerindias, como si el desarrollo de todos los pueb-
los del mundo no siguiera un curso en lo fundamental uniforme. Los investi-
gadores modernos asumen una idea cerrada: los conceptos que usan son sólo
válidos para este continente y esta cultura; ni siquiera hacen comparaciones
entre la mitología de un pueblo y otro. Se limitan a describir mitos
mesoamericanos. Humboldt no procede así. Por el contrario, sobre la base del
calendario nahuatl, intenta una comparación llena de luz entre las civiliza-
ciones de este y del otro lado del Atlántico. Esta es la causa de que Paul
Kirchhoff haya dicho, no sin razón, que estas investigaciones de Humboldt
eran un reto, aún no superado.19
¿En qué sentido estimo que la aportación de Humboldt a las ideas nahuas
del tiempo no ha sido superada? En un sentido, tal vez por encima de otros:
Humboldt advierte que la idea que del tiempo poseían los pueblos mesoamer-
icanos era indisoluble de su idea del espacio. Lo diré de otra manera: Hum-
boldt advierte que los nahuas medían simultáneamente el tiempo y el espacio.
19. Paul Kirchhoff, "La aportación de Humboldt al estudio de las antiguas civilizaciones
americanas: un modelo y un programa", Ensayos sobre Humboldt, UNAM, México, 1962.
Puedo aún decirlo de otro modo: los amerindios no habían escindido en dos
conceptos el tiempo y el espacio. ¿Cómo capta Humboldt el hecho? Porque
ve que las medidas del espacio son también medidas del tiempo. ¿De qué
modo lo advierte? Al examinar el zodíaco del pueblo nahuatl y advertir que
en él se plasman los animales que indican las casas del Sol. Los pueblos
mesoamericanos carecían del concepto abstracto de tiempo; no medían el
tiempo considerado en sí mismo. Dije en otro lugar que los pueblos
mesoamericanos veían el tiempo con los ojos: podrá preguntarse si es posible
tal cosa. Respondo que sólo si se ve cómo pasa el Sol, a lo largo del año, por
las casas del cielo; si se ven y se dibujan los pasos o las huellas de los pies del
Sol en la bóveda celeste: así se divide el cielo en segmentos espaciales que
corresponden a la superficie de la tierra: el espacio sagrado de la ciudad
guarda una estricta correspondencia con la bóveda celeste. El concepto
heleno de templo, que se apoya en el verbo temnw, nos explica bien el
asunto. Temnw significa cortar, dividir. ¿Qué se corta? Se trata en verdad de
la delimitación sagrada: se establece el límite o la frontera, el recinto donde
reside el dios. Para los nahuas, ese recinto, ese templo no era, como el templo
griego o el cristiano, un lugar cerrado: era el gran espacio abierto del centro
ceremonial. El concepto decisivo es el de gnwmwn, el instrumento
astronómico que permite medir (sin que haya posibilidad de ningún error,
pues se trata de una máquina solar precisa) el movimiento del Sol por
equinoccios y solsticios (por sus casas). Si los egipcios y los griegos con-
struyeron sus relojes solares con varillas de diversos tamaños, los amerindios
usaron una máquina solar de asombrosa precisión: la ciudad ceremonial era
un organismo por el que se veía cómo el Sol se ponía o elevaba en un sitio
determinado el 21 de diciembre (solsticio de invierno) y en otro, en el
extremo opuesto del centro ceremonial, el 21 de junio (solsticio de verano).
El Sol se situaba a la mitad de aquella enorme ciudad en los equinoccios de
primavera (21 de marzo) y otoño (21 de septiembre). Mesoamérica dispuso
de calendarios de una extrema precisión.20 Esos calendarios solares no fueron
el fruto, a mi juicio, de un cálculo mental abstracto, sino de una observación
directa. La corrección del calendario ritual se hacía de conformidad con lo
que establecía el año trópico. El año trópico de los pueblos mesoamericanos
(como, en general, el de los pueblos que viven en el hemisferio norte) ter-
mina en el solsticio de invierno. Tras el 21 de diciembre se hacía la necesaria
intercalación de días vanos (o nemontemi): un pequeño período de 4 o 5 días
(un pequeño mes), que precede al inicio del calendario ritual.
Esto es lo que, en el fondo, establece con claridad meridiana el sabio pru-
siano, al examinar el calendario a través de la Piedra del Sol. Humboldt no
sólo mostró el orden de los días y los meses (por series periódicas), sino que
20. Ver Munro S. Edmonson, El calendario mesoamericano, UNAM, México, 1995.

advirtió el modo como podían coincidir el calendario ritual y el solar (el año
trópico, que se determina por el movimiento aparente del sol entre los dos
trópicos -el de Cáncer, en el hemisferio norte y el de Capricornio, en el hem-
isferio sur). Humboldt comprende que el pueblo nahua necesita medir con
rigor el movimiento del Sol para así establecer el tiempo de la siembra y la
cosecha. Por esto, concluye que el calendario mexicano era el de un pueblo
agrícola, como lo fue también el egipcio. Humboldt dice, con toda razón, que
los pueblos nómadas miden el tiempo por las lunaciones, mientras que los
pueblos agrícolas se rigen de acuerdo con el movimiento aparente del Sol: los
nahuas eran sedentarios y medían el tiempo por el Sol y el cambio de las est-
aciones.
Humboldt también examinó el mito de Los Cinco Soles, que se conecta
con el calendario y el nacimiento de un tiempo mítico a la vez que histórico.
Se trata siempre del nacimiento de un pueblo y, por lo mismo también, del
nacimiento de una ciudad (del centro ceremonial que determinará el mov-
imiento riguroso del Sol que se mueve cerca, aquí, porque anda escondido
entre las nubes, a su vez llenas de agua seminal, o metido en las fauces del
Monstruo de la Tierra, en el inframundo, repleto de agua). El nacimiento
mítico del cosmos ha de coincidir con el nacimiento del pueblo y la ciudad en
donde el pueblo realiza sus sacrificios y ceremonias. Entendamos el con-
cepto. El centro ceremonial era el ombligo y en la explanada, ya abajo del
teocalli, el tlahtoani realizaba el sacrificio ritual (¿debo decir que, según el
lingüista Émile Benveniste, la palabra sacerdos significa en su origen el que
vuelve sagrado, por la muerte, a la víctima propiciatoria? El sacerdote es un
hombre que lleva sobre sus espaldas un estigma; no puede ser tocado: es
tabú, como lo era el tlahtoani nahuatl: tocarlo produce la muerte). El hombre
nahuatl tenía prohibido matar: por la guerra florida obtenía los cautivos, las
tortillas frescas para el comal del dios, como lo recuerda Miguel León-Porti-
lla. En la gran explanada, el pueblo asiste, como testigo sobre quien recae la
responsabilidad, al asesinato de que allá arriba es objeto el prisionero en la
pirámide trunca donde se halla la casa del dios. La pirámide es un cerro, el
punto mítico de contacto entre el cielo y la Tierra. Como los árboles y las
plantas, la pirámide nace de la Tierra y se une a ella por sus cimientos. Para
mantener el lazo mítico, el monolito tiene en su base el relieve de un dios, por
caso, a Mictlantecuhtli, Señor del Inframundo o de la región subterránea; o a
Tlaltecuhtli, el Señor de la Tierra. Estos tres espacios sagrados (la superficie
terrestre, el inframundo y el cielo) entran en estrecho contacto entre sí: el
ombligo es el centro de la Tierra y al tiempo el centro de la ciudad. Alrededor
del centro, el agua y el Sol giran (y producen el signo ritual del nahui ollin).
De la bóveda celeste cae el agua, semen divino, licor que embriaga y
fecunda: sangre y vida. Las pirámides son seres vivos que, como las plantas,
necesitan de un espacio para respirar: ese espacio lo otorga el viento, que sep-
ara a los padres, el cielo y la Tierra. Todo cuanto digo, me lo hizo notar Hum-
boldt. Mi proposición desarrolla sus tesis. Racionalista como era, Humboldt,
no podía comprender una visión mítica de la vida y del cosmos, pero en su
tesis está, en germen, lo que aquí he dicho.
Ahora bien, creo que es necesario preguntar cuál Humboldt, de entre los
varios que su misma obra contiene, influyó (y cómo lo hizo) en los sabios
novohispanos, primero, y en los científicos y los políticos del México inde-
pendiente, luego. El barón prusiano entró en contacto con los ilustrados de la
Nueva España, en el año escaso que radicó en ella: los ilustrados hallaron en
él a un interlocutor de primer nivel. ¿A quiénes cita, con quiénes convive?
Diré de entrada que, para él, no existe diferencia sensible entre españoles cri-
ollos y peninsulares ni advierte síntoma alguno de los graves gérmenes que
incubarán la posterior (ya inminente) guerra de independencia. Al contrario,
dice en la Introducción al primer volumen de la Relation historique...:
“Desde que abandoné América, una de esas grandes revoluciones que agitan
de tiempo en tiempo a la especie humana ha estallado en las colonias españo-
las; parece que ha de preparar nuevos destinos a una población de catorce
millones de habitantes, al propagarse del hemisferio austral al hemisferio
boreal; desde las riberas del río de La Plata y Chile hasta el norte de México.
Odios profundos, provocados por la legislación colonial y sostenidos por una
política desconfiada, han hecho correr la sangre en países que gozaban desde
tres siglos atrás, no diré que de la felicidad, pero sí de una paz nunca inter-
rumpida.” Luego añade, con dolor no fingido (puesto que evoca a su amigo
Carlos Montúfar): “Ya han perecido en Quito, víctimas de su devoción por la
patria, los ciudadanos más virtuosos y más esclarecidos.”21
Humboldt percibe en la América española la presencia de una legislación
incorrecta, junto a una política desconfiada (obvio que frente a los españoles
criollos, ya que son éstos los que desatan la guerra de independencia). Eso es
todo. En el Ensayo político sobre el reino de la Nueva España, que dedica al
rey Carlos IV, no se hace en ninguna parte mención de los peligros posibles;
tampoco en los diarios de viaje. Lo que llama la atención del barón prusiano
es que las ideas modernas llegan con mayor facilidad a los puertos que al
interior del continente. Se ve que Humboldt, antes de 1810, no percibe
ningún germen de la independencia; que, vistos desde un ángulo diacrónico,
sus críticas políticas empiezan a perfilarse en los tres volúmenes de la Rela-
tion historique... (aunque elementos de crítica, económica sobre todo, se
perciban en el Ensayo político sobre el reino de la Nueva España, de 1808 a
1811).
21. Alexander Von Humboldt, Relation historique du Voyage au régions équinoxiales du
Nouveau Continent, volumen I, Dufour, París, 1814 (sigo la edición facsimilar hecha por
Brockhaus, Stuttgart, 1970, pág. 36).
Así, aquellos ilustrados a los que cita con respeto son, todos, peninsu-
lares: los químicos y mineralogistas Manuel Andrés del Río y Fausto de
Elhúyar; el arquitecto Manuel Tolsá; el pintor Rafael Ximeno y Planes; los
intendentes de Puebla, Manuel de Flon y de Guanajuato, Juan Antonio Riaño;
los obispos de Valladolid de Michoacán, Antonio de San Miguel y Manuel
Abad y Queipo... Lo que decide su juicio, favorable o desfavorable, es el
carácter de sus ideas: si son modernos o atrasados; si liberales o conserva-
dores, no el hecho de que sean criollos o peninsulares: sabe que tanto unos
como otros son de nacionalidad española. En la capital de la Nueva España
deja tres documentos de primera importancia: el mapa del vasto territorio
que, a petición de Elhúyar, hizo dibujar para el uso de la Real Escuela de
Minas (el original lo conservó consigo; luego permitió que en Estados Uni-
dos se le hiciera una copia; finalmente lo publicó en su Atlas géographique et
physique du Royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne, 181222); apéndice al Tratado
de Orictognosia, de Manuel Andrés del Río23 y las Tablas geográficas políti-
cas del Reyno de la Nueva España, cuyo manuscrito es conservado en el
Archivo General de la Nación, de México.24
¿Qué destaco aquí? Un hecho decisivo. Humboldt cita a sus pares, sin
duda; pero el primer escritor que en la Nueva España cita a Humboldt, hasta
donde mis conocimiento alcanzan, es el obispo de Michoacán, Manuel Abad
y Queipo, en uno de los escritos que le dirige a la Corona española para
defensa de los campesinos de la Nueva España.25 ¿Qué cita Abad del barón
de Humboldt? ¿Acaso algún pasaje del Ensayo...? Imposible: aún no había
sido publicado. La cita tiene carácter económico y ha sido tomada del
manuscrito de las Tablas geográficas políticas del reyno de la Nueva España,
que obraban en poder del virrey José de Iturrigaray, un texto al que Abad
tuvo acceso directo. Corría el año de 1807 y, como ya dije, el manuscrito de
Humboldt fue publicado, en su versión original, 195 después, en el Bicente-
nario de su viaje al continente americano. La obra política de Humboldt, en
particular, el Ensayo político sobre el reino de la Nueva España, no tuvo, por
22. La primera edición la hizo Dufour, en París, en 1812. Hay edición española reciente
en Siglo XXI Editores, México, 2003, con Introducción de Elías Trabulse y Apéndice de
Jaime Labastida.
23. “Introducción a la pasigrafía geológica", apéndice al Tratado de orictognosia, de Man-
uel Andrés del Río, Imprenta de Mariano Zúñiga y Ontiveros, México, 1805 (hay edición
facsimilar reciente en Alexander Von Humboldt, Tablas geográficas políticas del reyno de
Nueva España, Siglo XXI Editores, México, 2003.
24. La primera edición facsimilar de las Tablas... fue hecha en 1999, en tiraje de 100
ejemplares, por el Archivo general de la Nación. La edición de Siglo XXI es más amplia e
incluye las cartas de Humboldt sobre Nueva España y México, además del Diario de viaje
(de Acapulco a Veracruz), así como la "Introducción a la pasigrafía geológica", en facsímil.
25. Abad y Queipo cita a Humboldt en el "Escrito presentado a D. Manuel Sixtos Espi-
nosa, del consejo de estado...", en Madrid, el año de 1807 (Colección de los escritos más
importantes que en diferentes épocas dirigió al gobierno D. Manuel Abad Queipo, Obispo
electo de Michoacán, En la Oficina de Mariano Ontiveros, México, 1813 (el escrito va de la
página 95 a la 112).
lo tanto, la más mínima influencia sobre el curso de los acontecimientos san-
grientos que, a partir de 1810, se desarrollaron en los territorios americanos
que se hallaban sujetos al dominio de España. El Ensayo político sobre el
Reino de la Nueva España fue publicado en español en 1823, pero con
severos cambios, ya consumada la independencia, en París.26
El segundo investigador que se apoya en Humboldt es José María Luis
Mora: le interesa el Humboldt economista y político. La mención que Mora
hace de Humboldt es profusa, particularmente en Méjico y sus revoluciones,
editado en París en 1836. Allí, el Dr. Mora utiliza los juicios de Humboldt
sobre el estado de las minas, la población del país y el conocimiento de las
obras revolucionarias de los filósofos franceses.27 Pero lo cita igualmente, a
propósito del estado que guardaban las artes en la Nueva España, en sus
Obras sueltas, también editadas en París el año de 1837.28
El tercero es Lucas Alamán quien, en su carácter de Ministro de Rela-
ciones Exteriores, invita a Humboldt a residir en México; lo cita luego en su
Historia de Méjico, donde levanta una crítica que tendrá amplia repercusión:
"El gobierno de Madrid, desestimando el recelo y precaución con que hasta
entonces se había procedido, evitando que los extranjeros tuviesen cono-
cimiento de las cosas de América, permitió que el barón de Humboldt visi-
tase Venezuela, Nueva Granada, Perú y Méjico. Sus observaciones fueron no
sólo astronómicas y físicas, sino también políticas y económicas, y su Ensayo
político sobre Nueva España hizo conocer esta importante posesión a la
España misma, en la que no se tenía noticia exacta de ella; a todas las
naciones, cuya atención despertó y a los mejicanos, quienes se formaron un
concepto extremadamente exagerado de la riqueza de su patria, y se figuraron
que ésta, siendo independiente, vendría a ser la nación más poderosa del
universo."29
Es sintomático que tanto liberales como conservadores vean en Humboldt
a la autoridad política y económica de máximo nivel: acaso sea un índice de
la contradicción interna de su pensamiento.
26. Ensayo político sobre el reino de la Nueva-España, traducido al español por Vicente
González Arnao, Casa de Rosa, París, 4 volúmenes, 1822 (hay edición facsimilar reciente,
Miguel Ángel Porrúa, México, 1985, con Prólogo de Jaime Labastida).
27. José María Luis Mora, México y sus revoluciones, Porrúa, México, 1950, especialmente
en los dos primeros volúmenes (en los que se refiere a los temas citados).
28. José María Luis Mora, Obras sueltas, segunda edición, Porrúa, México, 1963, pág.
128 y ss. Mora se refiere a un pasaje de Vues des cordillères... en el que Humboldt habla
de Tolsá y de la estatua ecuestre de Carlos IV (Lámina III, "Vue de la grande Place de
Mexico").
29. La carta de Alamán es del 21 de julio de 1824 (en la ya citada edición de Tablas
geográficas políticas..., pág. 189). Ver, para la cita siguiente, Historia de Méjico, desde los
primeros movimientos que prepararon su independencia en el año de 1808 hasta la época
presente, Imprenta de Lara, México, 1849, I, pág. 141 y ss. (Modernizo la ortografía y con-
centro la cita.)
A partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, otro Humboldt empieza a ocu-
par un lugar destacado en nuestra historiografía: es el Humboldt historiador,
lingüista y antropólogo, el autor de Vues des cordillères et monumens des
peuples indigènes de l'Amérique.30 En ese campo destaca, antes que ninguno,
Joaquín García Icazbalceta, dueño de una edición princeps, en dos
volúmenes, del título citado. Luego, Manuel Orozco y Berra y Alfredo Chav-
ero, en el tiempo inmediatamente posterior,31 tienen conocimiento amplio de
la obra, vasta y múltiple, de Humboldt y no se limitan al Essai politique sur
le Royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne. Por ejemplo, Orozco y Berra, en su His-
toria antigua y de la conquista de México, cita lo mismo el Essai politique
que el Examen critique de la l'Histoire de la Géographie du Nouveau Conti-
nent o las Vues des cordillères... Por otra parte, en Apuntes para la historia de
la geografía en México, Orozco y Berra utiliza constantemente la obra
política, geográfica y económica de Humboldt, a quien cita no menos de 44
ocasiones32.
Por último, destaco la atención que a la obra del barón prusiano le con-
cedió Alfredo Chavero. En Historia antigua y de la conquista, afirma: “Hum-
boldt estudia los jeroglíficos que encuentra en los museos de Europa, viene y
examina nuestros monumentos, y su poderoso genio abarca, ya no los relatos
de los cronistas, sino la comparación y la historia de las civilizaciones;” nos
enseña que los estudios de las antigüedades mexicanas deben apoyarse en
“fuentes primitivas”; así, “abrió nuevos caminos a nuestros estudios.”33
Humboldt fue un científico de dimensión universal, tal vez el más impor-
tante de los científicos de la primera mitad del siglo XIX (antes de Darwin,
fueron las tesis y el método de Humboldt los que influyeron más sobre los
hombres de ciencia). Es mezquina la tesis que le reprocha haber plagiado a
los sabios novohispanos o haber silenciado sus aportaciones, cuando lo que
hizo fue discriminar tan sólo sus fuentes de información. El mejor homenaje
que se le debe hacer hoy, en el siglo XXI, es ahondar en sus huellas y desarr-
ollar, con rigor, lo que él apenas empezó a desbrozar.
Humboldt no fue un espía, que hubiera puesto en las manos de Thomas
Jefferson, el presidente de Estados Unidos, el mapa que 43 años más tarde
30. La primera edición de estos dos volúmenes se hizo en 1810. Hay edición española en
Siglo XXI Editores, México, 1995 (traducción, notas y Estudio preliminar de Jaime Labas-
tida).
31. Diré que el ejemplar del que traduje Vistas de las cordilleras... fue propiedad de estos
enormes historiadores de México: en sus guardas se conservan sus ex libris.
32. Manuel Orozco y Berra, Historia antigua y de la conquista de México (primera edición,
Tipografía de Gonzalo A. Esteva, México, 1880; sigo la edición preparada por Ángel María
Garibay y Miguel León-Portilla, Porrúa, México, 4 volúmenes, 1960). Los Apuntes para la
historia de la geografía en México han sido reproducidos facsimilarmente por la Fundación
Miguel Alemán, México, 1993.
33. Alfredo Chavero, Historia antigua y de la conquista, tomo I de México a través de los
siglos, bajo la dirección de Vicente Riva Palacio, México, 1884, págs. LVII-LVIII.
serviría para que México fuera invadido. Lo que Humboldt entregó a Jeffer-
son lo había entregado a las autoridades novohispanas y lo publicó sin restric-
ciones luego, para uso de todos los hombres de ciencia.34 Humboldt debe ser
estudiado, antes que admirado; ser objeto de análisis serios, antes que de diti-
rambos por parte de sus partidarios o de diatribas por parte de sus enemigos.
34. Mi ensayo “Humboldt, México y Estados Unidos. Historia de una intriga,” en el Atlas
(op. cit.).
CHAPTER 5 A ‘Romantic’ Encounter
with Latin America
Elizabeth Millán-Zaibert
In a curious German text from 1796, an impassioned plea (not unrelated to a
certain revolutionary enthusiasm that marked this period of German thought)
was made to unite science and poetry. The text’s title, “The Earliest Program
for a System of German Idealism,” is misleading, for the text does not really
set out to deploy German Idealism, but it rather calls, in piecemeal fashion,
for a move away from mechanistic models of understanding natural and
social reality – invoking a new mythology that will join science and art, law-
fulness and freedom.1 According to the text, “the highest act of reason is an
aesthetic act,” and so “the philosopher must possess as much aesthetic power
as the poet.”2 Those individuals lacking in aesthetic sense will remain limited
beings, “in the dark when it comes to anything beyond graphs and charts.”3 In
other words, those people who do not know how to handle ideas will be lim-
ited to the mechanistic realm of the quantifiable. With its focus on the inti-
mate relation between poetry and philosophy, and the move to provide
culture with an aesthetic point of orientation, this short, pithy piece can be
read as a kind of romantic manifesto.
It would seem, at first glance, that no reputable scientist would want to be
associated with the goals of such a manifesto, for scientists strive to orient
culture via laws of nature, and laws are subject to strict rules, and put
together into theories (not myths) supported by the data of those despised
“graphs and charts” to which the author of the text makes reference. In con-
1. The misleading title was provided by Franz Rosenzweig, who found and published the
manuscript in 1917. The text was found in the handwriting of Hegel, yet scholars still dis-
agree about the identity of the text’s author (Hegel, Hölderlin, and Schelling are each via-
ble candidates).
2. “Earliest Program for a System of German Idealism,” in Theory as Practice. A Critical
Anthology of early German Romantic Writings, translated and edited by Jochen Schulte-
Sasse “et al”. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997): 72-73, p. 72.
3. Ibid., p. 73.
41
trast, art is the product of freedom and comes into being precisely as it moves
beyond established laws, beyond the quantifiable – one does not measure
beauty: one appreciates it. What connection could there be between a call to
move beyond the “charts and graphs” of the empirical scientists and the seri-
ous work of a scientist such as Alexander von Humboldt? In what follows I
shall argue that there is an important connection.4
The best way to explain this connection is to explore the link between
Humboldt’s work and a philosophical movement that highlighted the aes-
thetic and historical dimensions of reality. I refer to early German Romanti-
cism, a movement that flourished in Jena and Berlin between the years of
1794 and 1808, which included thinkers such as brothers August Wilhelm
and Friedrich Schlegel, Friedrich von Hardenberg (Novalis), Friedrich
Schleiermacher, Dorothea Mendelssohn Schlegel, and Caroline Schlegel
Schelling. In order to analyze the relation between Romanticism and Hum-
boldt’s work, I will focus upon the connections between some features of his
approach to understanding the world and the central insights of Friedrich
Schlegel, the leading philosopher of the early German Romantic Movement.
The romantic connection that I shall explore will shed light on Humboldt’s
contribution to the development of “Naturphilosophie”, a contribution that
has too long been overlooked by philosophers in Europe and the United
States.
In Latin America there is no such neglect of Humboldt’s work, but rather
a long tradition of taking Humboldt seriously, not only as a scientist but as a
humanist whose vast knowledge of the region helped to promote progress
there and also led to a more enlightened image of Latin America in Europe.
As a result of Humboldt’s serious engagement with the land, people, and
political structures of Latin America, he has been heralded by intellectuals
there as the first great thinker of modernity, a father of the independence
movements, and (somewhat problematically) as the “scientific discoverer” of
America.5
Humboldt’s long relation with Latin America began when he and his trav-
eling companion, the French botanist, Aimé Bonpland were given permission
by the Spanish Crown to explore the Spanish colonies of the New World. On
June 5, 1799, they sailed from Spain in a ship called the “Pizarro”, stopped
off at the Canary Islands, and arrived in Cumaná, Venezuela on July 16,
1799.6 They explored the coast and then penetrated inland, to the Orinoco and
4. In his introduction to the edited collection of Humboldt’s writings, Alexander von
Humboldt: Über die Freiheit des Menschen (Frankfurt a.Main: Insel, 1999), Manfred Osten
also makes a connection between this text and Humboldt’s work in order to analyze the
central role that the idea of freedom played in shaping Humboldt’s thought.
5. See, for example, Leopoldo Zea, “Humboldt en la modernidad”, “Cuadernos Ameri-
canos” 4, Nr. 76 (1999): 11-15; Ibid., “Humboldt y el otro descubrimiento”, “Cuadernos
Americanos” 6, Nr. 78 (1999): 11-19.
A ‘Romantic’ Encounter with Latin America 43
Rio Negro rivers, collecting data as they went. In Caracas, Humboldt met
with individuals who would prove to be critical political and intellectual fig-
ures of the period, such as Andrés Bello and Simón Bolívar. Humboldt and
Bonpland’s travels took them to Cuba, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Mexico,
and to the United States (where Humboldt met Thomas Jefferson and began a
lifelong friendship with him). They returned to Europe (Bordeaux) on August
3, 1804, and Humboldt began work on his narrative of the five-year voyage
to the equinoctial regions of the earth, a project that was to consume his time
and his finances for most of the rest of his life. The published work consisted
of 30 folio volumes, with the last volume published in 1834.7
Humboldt was widely admired by influential figures of Latin America
during his own lifetime. As early as 1815, Simón Bolívar praised Humboldt’s
“encyclopedic theoretical and practical knowledge” of Venezuela (in his
“Carta de Jamaica”).8 Long after Humboldt’s death, this admiration is still
very much alive. Recently, the prominent Mexican philosopher, Leopoldo
Zea, contrasted Humboldt’s views of the inhabitants of the Spanish colonies
to those of his contemporaries. Zea uses these contrasts to convincingly show
that Humboldt, unlike other prominent European thinkers of the period, such
as Cornelius de Pauw or Comte de Buffon (the first of the anti-Americans),
was able to overcome a view of non-Europeans as necessarily inferior. Zea
argues that in overcoming racially hierarchical views, Humboldt was able to
arrive at an appreciation of diversity that was ahead of its time. Humboldt’s
open, accepting attitude towards the cultures and peoples he encountered in
the New World was the result of what Zea calls a “romantic attitude”:
“Humboldt was one of those to whom Hegel referred when he spoke of those
who were fed up, tired of the historical museum that Europe had become. For
precisely this reason, Humboldt is a Romantic.9”
To call Humboldt a Romantic merely because of his being “fed up” with
Europe is to do a disservice both to Humboldt’s innovative scientific
approach and to early German Romanticism. I agree with Zea that Humboldt
is a Romantic (and he most certainly would have been not only bored, but
6. The “Pizarro” was supposed to dock in Havana, Cuba, but an outbreak of typhoid
fever on board made it necessary to land at Cumaná.
7. “Voyages aux régions équinoxiales du Nouveau Continent, fait en 1799, 1800, 1801,
1802, 1803, et 1804”.
8. In “Selected Writings of Simón Bolívar”, “Reply of a South American Gentleman of
this Island [Jamaica]”. This document is generally referred to as “La carta de Jamaica”,
and is one of Bolívar’s earliest writings on political and international affairs. Given the gen-
eral tone of disdain towards the leaders Europe, it is significant that he cites Humboldt in
reporting on various statistics regarding the lands of the New World. Humboldt was gener-
ally perceived by the “criollo” leaders of the emerging Latin American nations as one of the
few Europeans who appreciated their culture.
9. “Humboldt es uno de los hastiados de los que hablaba HEGEL, cansado del museo
histórico que era ya Europa. Humboldt es por eso mismo, un romántico” (“Humboldt y el
otro descubrimiento” in “Cuadernos Americanos”, 6, Nr. 78 (1999), p. 12).
angered by views typical of many Europeans of the period), but I shall show
that he is a Romantic for reasons far deeper than any ennui he may have had
with the historical museum that Europe had (or had not) become.
In what follows I shall argue that Humboldt is a Romantic because of the
particular way in which he approached his understanding of “all” living
forces, human as well as plants, nations as well as individuals.10 Humboldt
privileged the living, changing elements of nature and the method he devel-
oped to capture nature in its change, was one that involved moving “beyond
charts and graphs,” that is, beyond the merely quantifiable aspects of nature.
The scientific method of Humboldt included an aesthetic-historical approach
to the phenomena of nature. I shall make the case that it precisely these
aspects of Alexander von Humboldt’s work make him and his approach
“romantic.”11 My interest in bringing to light Humboldt’s connections to early
German Romanticism stems from my conviction that it is precisely the
romantic aspect of his thought that paved the way for his open, appreciative
attitude toward the cultures he encountered in America, a land described by
most of his contemporaries as a degenerate, sinister place, nothing more than
a natural and cultural wasteland.
Humboldt and the Break from Eurocentrism

Humboldt certainly did not see America as any sort of wasteland. He spent an
important portion of his life in the New World collecting data and plant and
mineral samples to send back to Europe for further investigation, and he was
impressed with the wealth of biodiversity he encountered there. Yet it is criti-
cal to keep in mind that his conception of his work’s importance was not lim-
ited to helping the cause of science understood as the mere amassing of data,
but always also included the cause of “human” organization and progress.
Unfortunately, Humboldt’s dedication to the alleviation of conditions which
gave rise to social inequalities has been overlooked by some contemporary
scholars. Consider, for example, the claim made by Mary Louise Pratt:
“Humboldt’s eye depopulates and dehistoricizes the American landscape
even as it celebrates its grandeur and variety.”12
10. I borrow this way of describing Humboldt’s task from an essay on history by his
brother, Wilhelm von Humboldt. In “On the Historian’s Task”, Wilhelm emphasizes the
importance of paying due attention to all living forces: “All living forces, men as well as
plants, nations as well as individuals, mankind as well as individual peoples, have in com-
mon certain qualities, kinds of development, and natural laws” in, “On the Historian’s
Task” in The Theory and Practice of History: Leopold von Ranke, edited with an introduc-
tion by Georg G. Iggers and Konrad von Moltke (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Co.,
1973), p. 17.
11. Humboldt’s connections to Romanticism are traced by Robert Richards in, The
Romantic Conception of Life: Science and Philosophy in the Age of Goethe (Chicago: Univer-
sity of Chicago Press, 2002).
Humboldt did indeed celebrate the grandeur and variety of the American
landscape, yet it is simply false to claim that his eye depopulated and dehis-
toricized that landscape. In his hallmark work on America, “Voyages aux
régions équinoxiales du Nouveau Continent”, Humboldt was primarily inter-
ested in providing an account of nature, yet, never without concern for those
who lived amidst the scenes he was describing. In his “Essai sur la géogra-
phie des plantes”, Humboldt explores the issue of how the appearance of
nature affects the customs and sensibility of the people of a given region.
This text provides abundant counterexamples to Pratt’s claim that Hum-
boldt’s eye depopulates landscapes. Moreover, in his political essays, concern
for human political structures and the inequalities suffered by the Americans
under colonial rule are the central issues. In his “Political Essay on the King-
dom of New Spain”, he described Mexico quite trenchantly (and not without
risk of punishment from the Spanish Crown) as “the land of inequality”.
There is no hint in any of Humboldt’s work that he wants to “dehistori-
cize” anything. Quite the contrary, Humboldt incorporated history into his
scientific approach in a comparative way that allowed him to free his obser-
vations of the cultural (and racial) bigotry that plagued the work of most of
his contemporaries. In the “Political Essay”, rather than subsume all he finds
in the New World to what he already knows, e.g., the indigenous “barbaric”
ways under the European “civilized” ways, that is, rather than using the term
‘European’ as the universal standard by which to measure the degree of civi-
lization that the American cultures possessed, Humboldt “compared” the
American and European cultures, without appealing to European culture as
the standard. He looked critically at “both” Europe and America. For exam-
ple, Humboldt argues that in order to judge the worth of the indigenous cul-
tures of New Spain (or Mexico, as the region came to be known after the
colonial period), we must first make a proper comparison:
How shall we judge, from these miserable remains of a powerful people, of
the degree of cultivation to which it had risen from the twelfth to the sixteenth
century and of the intellectual development of which it is susceptible? If all
that remained of the French or German nation were a few poor agriculturists,
could we read in their features that they belonged to nations which had pro-
duced a Descartes and Clariaut, a Kepler and a Leibniz?13
Humboldt was well aware that in order to understand the indigenous cul-
tures and to judge their merits, present quantifiable data was not enough, we
must be presented with a proper sampling of evidence of their past achieve-
12. “Humboldt and the Reinvention of America” p. 592 of Amerindian Images and the
Legacy of Columbus, edited by René Jara and Nicholas Spadaccini (Minneapolis: Univer-
sity of Minnesota Press, 1992): 585-606.
13. Alexander von Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, translated by
John Black, edited by Mary Maples Dunn (Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma
Press, 1988), p. 54.
ments. A proper sampling to make a comparison with European intellectual
culture would have to include the work of some of the leading intellectuals
and scientists of the pre-colonial era, yet as most of the remains of the Indig-
enous culture have been destroyed, it is hasty for the Europeans to assume
that there were no intellectual figures or scientists of note. Furthermore, the
Indigenous people who survived the colonization have been oppressed, their
character has been changed. Humboldt writes:
As to the moral faculties of the Indians, it is difficult to appreciate them with
justice if we only consider this long oppressed caste in their present state of
degradation. The better sort of Indians, among whom a certain degree of intel-
lectual culture might be supposed, perished in great part at the commence-
ment of the Spanish conquest, the victims of European ferocity...All those
who inhabited the “teocalli” or houses of God, who might be considered the
depositories of the historical, mythological and astronomical knowledge of
the country were exterminated. The monks burned the hieroglyphic paintings
by which every kind of knowledge was transmitted from generation to gener-
ation. The people, deprived of these means of instruction, were plunged in an
ignorance so much the deeper as the missionaries were unskilled in the Mexi-
can languages and could substitute few new ideas in the place of the old.14
Humboldt was not willing to simply assume the superiority of the Euro-
pean culture based on a comparison with the scant historical evidence of the
contributions of the Aztec civilization left in the wake of the devastation
caused by the Spanish “conquistadores”. The charts and graphs drawn by
most scientists looking at the indigenous cultures were not prepared with suf-
ficient attention to the historical factors which may have accounted for the
indigenous inhabitants “seeming” to be behind the Europeans in terms of
intellectual contributions. Humboldt emphasizes the need to look beyond
present empirical evidence to the historical circumstances that give rise to
present data: if the leading intellectuals of a group are killed off , their schol-
arly contributions destroyed, with no teachers available to pass on knowl-
edge, certainly it is unjust to conclude that the group is inferior, at most they
are uneducated, and as Humboldt indicates, the blame for the lack of educa-
tion in New Spain fell squarely on the Spaniards, “not” on the native Ameri-
cans.
In our multicultural times, it seems a matter of course that a scientist, be
she a natural or a social scientist, would not assume cultural superiority, yet
this was not the case at the turn of the eighteenth century (and still by no
means always the case even in our own times). Humboldt’s attention to the
history of the indigenous cultures as a necessary condition for making a
meaningful comparison of European and American cultures is a remarkable
14. Ibid., p. 53.

move, for it reveals an openness to acknowledging that the cultures of a con-
tinent that had been consistently labeled by Europeans as the dwelling place
of beasts and barbarians, “deserved” more attention than they had received:
the unfamiliar was not uncritically to be associated with the inferior.
The respect Humboldt expressed for the Spanish-American region and its
culture may very well have fueled the anti-colonial sentiment that was
already building and which led to the independence movements of the early
1800s.15 Humboldt saw a connection between scientific study and political
change:
A reforming government ought, before every other object, to set about chang-
ing the present limits of the intendancies. This political change ought to be
founded on the exact knowledge of the physical state and the state of cultiva-
tion of the provinces of New Spain.16
Humboldt linked the social inequality he observed in the region of New
Spain to inequalities in land distribution, and he did believe (perhaps too
optimistically), that a proper understanding of the territory in terms of its
dimensions, and its richness, would enable political leaders to make more
informed decisions on how to divide the territories of the region and how best
to use the land to improve the lives of all of the inhabitants. Humboldt did not
see himself as a narrow specialist, concerned only with amassing data on,
say, the mineral deposits of New Spain, he wanted his observations to be used
to improve the lives of the inhabitants of the region. One central strand of
Humboldt’s ‘romantic’ science is the attempt to bring distinct disciplines into
conversation with one another.
As we shall see, just as the early German Romantics were not afraid to
bring philosophy into the company of poetry, indeed, they saw the associa-
tion as necessary for both disciplines, Humboldt saw great potential in the
relation between science and social/political issues. Pratt’s (mis)reading of
Humboldt as “depopulating/dehistoricizing the landscape” is symptomatic of
a general misunderstanding of his intellectual project and of its place in the
history of ideas. Humboldt was committed to providing a historical context
for understanding nature and to discussing its impact on human beings. To
“depopulate and dehistoricize” “any” landscape would go against the very
romantic method Humboldt endorsed. Now a few words on “romantic
method” are in order.
15. For more on this, see, Michael Zeuske, “¿Padre de la Independencia? Humboldt y la
transformación a la modernidad en la América española” in “Cuadernos Americanos”, 78
(1999): 20-51.
16. Ibid., p. 27.
Romantic Method
The early German Romantics employed unconventional forms for the expres-
sion of their ideas in order to challenge the general view of philosophy as
something that should be modeled on the sciences.17 A central goal of the
Romantics’ project was to bring philosophy into closer contact with poetry
and history, odd bedfellows in the wake of Kant’s “Critique of Pure Reason”,
a work that celebrated philosophy’s relation to the ahistorical sciences.
In Schlegel’s “Letter on the Novel”, which is arguably his most detailed
statement on the meaning of the term ‘romantic,’ he claims that “romantic
poetry rests entirely on historical grounds.”18 As we learn in “Athenäum
Fragment 116”, “romantic poetry is a progressive universal poetry,” it is an
ideal, a poetry that is progressive because it is always in a state of becoming,
never reaching completion. Historical grounds bring romantic poetry into
conversation with the tradition of which it is a part. And like poetry, philoso-
phy is also in need of history for orientation. Schlegel never tired of empha-
sizing this point, and he even went after Kant, the great critical philosopher
himself, scolding Kant for his neglect of history and insisting that no critique
can succeed without a history of philosophy.19
Humboldt also makes abundant references to tradition and history as
guides, yet as guides not for the poet or philosopher, but for the scientist. He
draws an analogy between (A) what can be accomplished with his holistic
approach to nature, that is, his view that we must “recognize in the plant or
the animal not merely an isolated species, but a form linked in the chain of
being to other forms whether living or extinct”20 and (B) that which is accom-
plished with historical composition21, that is, by placing the object of study
into the historical context that will enable us to understand it:
In interrogating the history of the past, we trace the mysterious course of
ideas yielding the first glimmering perception of the same image of a Cos-
17. “Das Athenäum” (1798-1800), a journal edited by Friedrich and August Wilhelm
Schlegel became the most important literary vehicle of early German Romanticism. All ref-
erences to Schlegel’s work in German are to Friedrich Schlegel Kritische Ausgabe (KA), in
35 volumes, edited by Ernst Behler, et al. (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schönigh, 1958 ff.). The
“Athenäum Fragments” as well as selections of the “Critical Fragments and Ideas” have
been translated by Peter Firchow in Friedrich Schlegel, Philosophical Fragments (Minne-
apolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), and I have used, with minor modifications,
his translations.
18. KA 2, p. 334.
19. See for example, KA II, p. 165, Nr. 1; KA II, p. 364; KA XII, p. 286; KA XVIII, p. 21,
Nr. 35; KA XVIII, p. 21, Nr. 36; KA XIX, p. 346, Nr. 296. In these passages, Schlegel
claims that a critique of philosophy cannot succeed without a history of philosophy, that an
age which calls itself a critical age, must not leave the age itself uncriticized, that, in short,
Kant’s critical project did not go far enough.
20. Alexander von Humboldt, Cosmos: A Sketch of the Physical Description of the Universe,
translated by E.C. Otté (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), p. 42.
21. Ibid., p. 49.
mos, or harmoniously ordered whole, which, dimly shadowed forth to the
human mind in the primitive ages of the world, is now fully revealed to the
mature intellect of mankind as the result of long and laborious observation.22
Humboldt held that we must have some historical orientation point in
order to understand nature. Just as a complete understanding and so appreci-
ation of indigenous culture is impossible in the wake of the devastation of the
historical records, an understanding and appreciation of nature is not possible
if we dissect each part of nature and cease to see it as a “harmoniously
ordered whole.” The incorporation of historical analysis into his scientific
method enables Humboldt to present nature in terms of its living, changing
forces rather than as something to be interrogated as if it were a dead mass of
quantifiable material. Humboldt’s approach to understanding the world
around him, whether Aztec culture or Andean mountain peaks, was never one
of those scientists “in the dark when it [came] to anything beyond charts and
graphs.” What lies beyond the realm of the merely quantifiable? And why is
it important for the scientist to go beyond this? For the merely empirical sci-
entist, of course, nothing lies beyond the merely quantifiable, that is all we
have. Yet, Humboldt was quite critical of the merely empirical approach to
nature:
It is the special object of [Cosmos] to combat those errors which derive their
source from a vicious empiricism and from imperfect inductions. The higher
enjoyments yielded by the study of nature depend upon the correctness and
the depth of our views, and upon the extent of the subjects that may be com-
prehended in a single glance.23
The “higher enjoyments” are not yielded to the scientist who looks only
for quantifiable facts in nature. Our experience of beauty or the sublime puts
us in touch with something “measureless to man.” Let us consider the Ávila
in Caracas, a mountain Humboldt knew well: when we experience it as beau-
tiful, we are taken beyond the merely physical characteristics of the mountain
(its composition, its height, its location, etc.). The beautiful Ávila is some-
thing that cannot be measured by the scientist’s instruments, yet, only under
the influence of the vicious empiricism referenced by Humboldt would a sci-
entist discount its importance. An aesthetic understanding of nature was criti-
cal for Humboldt, both to understand nature as a whole and to understand our
own human finitude:
The earnest and solemn thoughts awakened by a communion with nature intu-
itively arise from a presentiment of the order and harmony pervading the
whole universe, and from the contrast we draw between the narrow limits of
our own existence and the image of infinity revealed on every side whether
22. Ibid., p. 24.

23. Ibid., p. 39.
we look upward to the starry vault of heaven, scan the far-reaching plain
before us, or seek to trace the dim horizon across the vast expanse of the
ocean.24
Human experience of the tension between the infinite and the finite is
something that Schlegel also emphasized. It is precisely this tension that
gives rise to his claim that poetry and philosophy must come together, that
“whatever can be done while poetry and philosophy are separate has been
done and accomplished. So the time has come to unite the two.”25 The beauty
of art enables us to experience something whose meaning cannot be
exhausted by thought and hence helps us to comprehend or grasp Being
(although never exhaustively). Because philosophy is a kind of longing for
the Absolute and art is an instrument that helps us to approximate the Abso-
lute, Schlegel claims that philosophy is completed in and as art. This insight
takes us to the heart of early German Romanticism. With the Romantics, aes-
thetic tools such as allegory, wit, irony, and the use of unconventional literary
forms (esp. the fragment) take on philosophical relevance. The bulk of Schle-
gel’s work focuses upon the problem of the limits of our knowledge and the
limitless of the Absolute, which in its very limitlessness propels us beyond
our finite limits.26 Schlegel characterizes the human condition in terms of a
feeling of longing for the infinite, a longing for something that we as finite
humans, can never possess, but which guides our search for knowledge and
leads to the insight that the search is all we can hope for, not the possession.
Romantic Anti-foundationalism and Schlegel’s

‘Living Seed’
Schlegel’s move to unite philosophy and poetry changed the very conception
of philosophy itself and its methods. One upshot of the romantic method for
philosophy was that teleological and foundational approaches were rejected:
Schlegel’s philosophical method granted more freedom to its subject matter
than teleological or foundational approaches could. Hence Schlegel avoided
problems like the ones described by Wilhelm von Humboldt:
Historical truth is, generally speaking, much more threatened by philosophi-
cal than by artistic handling, since the latter is at least accustomed to granting
freedom to its subject matter. Philosophy dictates a goal to events. This search
for final causes, even though it may be deduced from the essence of man and
nature itself, distorts and falsifies every independent judgment of the charac-
teristic working of forces. Teleological history, therefore, never attains the liv-
ing truth of universal destiny because the individual always has to reach the
24. Ibid., p. 25.
25. KA 2, “Ideen“ Nr. 108, Firchow, p. 104.
26. Wilhelm von Humboldt, On the Historian’s Task, op. cit., p. 15.
pinnacle of his own development within the span of his fleeting existence;
teleological history can, for that reason, never properly locate the ultimate
goal of events in living things but has to seek it, as it were, in dead institutions
and in the concept of an ideal totality.27
If philosophers are guilty of freezing living reality in their move to sub-
sume changing, living reality under fixed, final causes, then the adjective
‘philosophical’ will indeed suggest a move away from change and life to the
fixed, stable, or dead categories used to capture reality. The ideal of such
philosophical methods is “some state of perfection,” which, as we saw above
was disavowed in Schlegel’s emphasis on infinite becoming. As already
stated, romantic poetry is an ideal, a poetry that is progressive because it is
always in a state of becoming, never reaching completion. This view of the
inherent incompleteness of poetry holds also for the romantic view of philos-
ophy, and of knowledge itself.
Romantic philosophy is anti-foundationalist, and an understanding of the
implications of this particular breed of anti-foundationalism enables us to
appreciate a major contribution that the early German Romantics made to
philosophy: their model of philosophy did not sacrifice living, changing real-
ity to fixed, teleological categories, all in the name of systematic unity, but
rather left the system open, incorporating change and flux into the very frame
of philosophy itself. There is no concept of an ideal totality operative in the
‘romantic’ conception of philosophy. Romantic philosophy is not guilty of
what Wilhelm von Humboldt accuses most philosophy, that is, of an inability
to locate the goal of events in living things, fixated, as most philosophers are,
by the concept of an ideal totality, which leads away from living things and
toward dead institutions. There is also the danger, when a philosopher deals
in teleological systems, of placing a cultural prejudice within the closed sys-
tem itself, that is, of measuring all by a supposedly “universal” standard that
is all too local. This may very well have been the cause of many a charge of
inferiority that plagued and continues to plague interpretation of other cul-
tures.
Romantic philosophy does not rest on firm foundations from which it
spins a deductive web of certainty. In place of a closed, grand deductive sys-
tem that would provide the first and last word on the foundations of knowl-
edge, the romantic conception of philosophy breaks with the view that
philosophy must rest upon any foundation at all. In this conception of philos-
ophy, there is no attempt to keep uncertainty out of the picture, but rather a
humble acceptance of the provisional nature of all of our claims to knowl-
edge. It is worth emphasizing that anti-foundationalists need not abandon a
conception of objective truth: romantic skepticism about foundations led to
27. KA 12, p. 328.

reflections about our epistemological limitations, but not to any rejection of
objectivity or truth. Admitting epistemological limitations need not lead us
down the path of denying the existence of a mind-independent reality. So, the
“romantic approach” that I am attributing to Humboldt does not amount to
relativism. Humboldt and the early German Romantics, with their emphasis
on the critical roles that history and art have to play in educating humanity,
do not shirk from critique, inquiry or deliberation (as the relativist, with his
easy “anything goes” attitude often does).
Schlegel’s insistence that it impossible to do philosophy without doing the
history of philosophy is intimately connected to his anti-foundationalism. He
writes:
Our philosophy does not begin like the others with a first principle – where
the first proposition is like the center or first ring of a comet – with the rest a
long tail of mist – we depart from a small but living seed – our center lies in
the middle.28
A philosophy based on first principles would provide a perspective from
the outside, that is, from a point that established all that followed from it.
Such a position is foundational, and the first principle or foundation stands
outside of the matter that it serves to explain. The first principle would be
fixed, static and would presumably explain all the changing, living matter in
the world. Schlegel’s reference to a “small but living seed” is not an unimpor-
tant metaphor. His particular breed of anti-foundationalism commits him to
something like life as the framework for understanding reality. Schlegel him-
self describes his philosophical method as genetic or synthetic as opposed to
deductive or syllogistic.29 Schlegel’s genetic method is historical, he wants to
understand philosophy, poetry, and reality in terms of their relation to what
came before, in terms of their genesis. This commitment to life, to the
organic, to a “living seed” also shapes Humboldt’s approach to understanding
reality, though he uses a slightly different metaphor to describe his commit-
ment.
Humboldt and the Breath of Life

Evidence of Humboldt’s focus on the living, the organic, the developing is
found in most of his writings, both scientific and political, yet because of
space limitations, I shall focus here upon his final publication, “Cosmos”,
which is what I take to be the culmination of his romantic view of nature.
Humboldt’s romantic method enabled him to approach nature (in all of its
“living” manifestations) not only quantitatively but also qualitatively.
28. KA 12, p. 307.

29. Alexander von Humboldt, Cosmos, op.cit., p. 7.
Humboldt’s own description of his life’s work provides good evidence of
his romantic approach:
Although the outward relations of life, and an irresistible impulse toward
knowledge of various kinds, have led me to occupy myself for many years –
and apparently exclusively – with separate branches of science, as, for
instance, with descriptive botany, geognosy, chemistry, astronomical determi-
nations of position, and terrestrial magnetism, in order that I might the better
prepare myself for the extensive travels in which I was desirous of engaging,
the actual object of my studies has nevertheless been of a higher charac-
ter...The principal impulse by which I was directed was the earnest endeavor
to comprehend the phenomena of physical objects in their general connection,
and to represent nature as one great whole, moved and animated by internal
forces.30
Humboldt makes explicit reference to an underlying unity in the multi-
plicity of nature and the connections between his study of nature, politics,
history, and the general progress of humankind. He goes on to emphasize the
“mutual dependence and connection” existing between the various classes of
phenomena, and speaks of “chain of connection” that links all natural
forces.31 For both Humboldt and Schlegel, ‘holism’ is defined in terms of the
denial of deducibility. Both thinkers a posit a whole (reality) which must be
postulated as something related to, yet not reducible to the sum of the indi-
viduals which comprise it. For Schlegel, nothing is known in isolation, but
always as part of a greater whole with which it interacts (but “not” from
which it is deduced). Likewise, for Humboldt, “one sole and indissoluble
chain binds together all nature.”32
Humboldt calls for a rational consideration of nature, that is, a nature sub-
mitted to the process of thought, finding a “unity in diversity of phenomena,
a harmony blending together all created things, however dissimilar in form
and attributes; one great whole, animated by “the breath of life” [lebendiger
Hauch].”33 This breath of life is something that would be suffocated by a sci-
entific method shaped only by empirical, quantitative methods. Wilhelm von
Humboldt also emphasizes the importance of developing a method that
would maintain nature’s “breath of life”:
Even a simple depiction of nature cannot be merely an enumeration and
depiction of parts or the measuring of sides and angles; there is also the breath
of life in the whole and an inner character which speaks through it which can
be neither measured nor merely described.34
30. Ibid., p. 23.

31. Ibid., p. 27.
32. Ibid., p. 24.
33. Wilhelm von Humboldt, On the Historian’s Task, op., cit. p. 7.
34. Alexander von Humboldt, Cosmos, op.cit., p. 24.
A commitment to the living, changing aspects of reality, be those
described in Humboldtian terms as a “breath of life”, or in Schlegelian as a
“living seed”, informs the method that both thinkers use. The way in which
Alexander von Humboldt fused history, aesthetics, and science is similar to
the way in which Schlegel fused history, poetry, and philosophy. This fusion
was not the result of an arbitrary whim, but rather the consequence of a com-
mitment to “living” nature. Humboldt was dedicated to unveiling nature to
human understanding, yet did not see the unveiling process as a mere interro-
gation of natural phenomena so that facts could be collected and recorded.
The collection and recording of facts was only part of the scientific method.
If the goal is to find a “unity in diversity of phenomena, a harmony blend-
ing together all created things…one great whole, animated by the breath of
life,” more than the charts and graphs of the empirical scientist are needed.
The aesthetic-historical method of the Romantic protects the breath of life
that animates the whole of nature. For Humboldt, the study of nature never
amounted to merely an enumeration and depiction of parts or the measuring
of sides and angles, for he was not a scientist wedded to strictly empirical
methods, tied to the charts and graphs that would be suitable if nature were
like a grand wind-up clock, but which were ill suited to maintain the “breath
of life” animating all of nature, the living seed, the organic life forces that the
romantic method was suited to capturing, however provisionally.
Conclusion
For more on this see “Lectures on Transcendental Philosophy” (delivered in
Jena 1800-01) and the private lectures Schlegel delivered in Cologne (1804-
05), KA 12 . Manfred Frank gives a thorough analysis of Schlegel’s position
on the relation between philosophy and poetry in his “Unendliche
Annäherung. Die Anfänge der philosophischen Frühromantik“ (Frankfurt
a.Main: Suhrkamp, 1997).Both Humboldt and Schlegel see the task of under-
standing truths about the phenomena of nature as one that will ever come to
an end: it is an infinite task, comprised of empirical, quantitative methods,
but also, and just as importantly, of methods borrowed from art and history.
Humboldt, the romantic scientist, did not find any tension between purely
quantitative approaches to natures and qualitative (aesthetic-historical) ones.
Humboldt’s romantic method freed science of the vicious empiricism which
would petrify living organisms, and it did this by putting the charts and
graphs of the scientist into dialogue with history and art, thereby introducing
freedom and change into the scientific approach to nature. Humboldt’s
respect for freedom and change was widespread. It should, therefore, come as
no surprise that he was one of the first Europeans to respect the cultures of
Latin America, and that he would be admired by the very thinkers who intro-
duced freedom and political change into the lands of the Spanish Empire.
CHAPTER 6 La Arquitectura Inca
César W. Astuhuamán Gonzáles

La integral formación de Alexander von Humboldt le permitió analizar diver-
sos aspectos de la realidad cultural y natural de América Latina. Uno de los
objetivos de su viaje de exploración científica a América era elaborar, lo que
actualmente se considera, una Arqueología comparada de las antiguas altas
culturas de Europa, Asia y América (Labastida 1999), para lograrlo aplicó
rigurosamente el método comparativo derivado de su racionalismo empirista;
buscó las diferencias, identificó las semejanzas entre dichas culturas y trató
de explicarlas. El interés de Humboldt por los monumentos prehispánicos de
América se debe a la importancia histórica que éstos encierran.
Al igual que los actuales arqueólogos, Humboldt estaba interesado en los
creadores de la cultura material, que describió e ilustró, no en el objeto en sí
mismo. Se diferencia de los viajeros y exploradores que le precedieron por
sus objetivos y el método científico que utiliza, en él se integran el espíritu
científico y romántico, el viajero, filósofo y naturalista. Y aunque en su
tiempo no existía la Arqueología como disciplina, tal como hoy la conoce-
mos, Humboldt debería ser considerado como el fundador de la Arqueología
científica en América, su análisis y planteamientos acerca de la domesti-
cación de plantas y animales (Moseley 1993), y la Arquitectura Inca así lo
demuestran. Humboldt no sólo describió los asentamientos Incas dispuestos a
lo largo del Qhapaq Ñan (Gran Camino Inca), muchos de los cuales se
encuentran actualmente destruidos, también estableció relaciones entre ellos,
definiendo tipos de sitios y la jerarquía entre ellos. Así mismo comparó los
asentamientos Incas con aquellos que él pudo observar en el Viejo Mundo,
como la ciudad romana de Herculano, y estableció semejanzas entre ellos.
También propuso una secuencia expansiva del Estado Inca en el Norte del
Perú, a partir de la ubicación altitudinal del Qhapaq Ñan y los asentamientos.
57
Nuestra investigación arqueológica en la Sierra de Piura, Norte de Perú, coin-
cidió espacialmente con la región que hace dos siglos Humboldt exploró.
Los Asentamientos Inca Registrados por Humboldt

en 1802
Las referencias escritas acerca de la exploración de Humboldt en la Sierra de
Piura y el Perú se encuentran en forma dispersa en distintas publicaciones del
autor, pero principalmente en su diario de viaje, esta información ha sido
recientemente objeto de análisis desde diversas perspectivas (Hampe 1999;
Astuhuamán 1999, Nuñez and Petersen 2002, Zevallos 2003). Gracias a
dichos datos ha sido posible reconstruir el itinerario de Humboldt y contrastar
sus reportes con nuestras propias observaciones en el campo.
A partir de los fríos páramos de Pasto, Humboldt y sus compañeros
empezaron a observar los impresionantes vestigios del Imperio Inca, espe-
cialmente el camino y los asentamientos, estos últimos (conocidos como tam-
bos, casas o palacios del Inca) se encontraban de trecho en trecho a lo largo
del Camino Inca, el cual Humboldt siguió en gran parte. En Ecuador obser-
varon, describieron e ilustraron los siguientes asentamientos: Callo, la Casa
del Inca Huayna Capac o aposentos de Mulahalo, Paredones del Inca, Cañar,
Latacunga, entre otros (Nuñez and Petersen 1971, 35 – 36, 167 – 169).
Humboldt, acompañado de Aime Bonpland y Carlos Montufar, ingresó al
Perú por la Sierra de Piura el 1º de Agosto de 1802 (Gráfico N° 1), cruzando
el río Calvas que divide políticamente a Perú y Ecuador, recorrió las provin-
cias de Ayabaca y Huancabamba hasta el 14 de Agosto. Durante estas dos
semanas realizó importantes observaciones geográficas, botánicas,
astronómicas y arqueológicas.
Durante su estadía en la sierra piurana registraron sitios Inca de diferentes
características: Aypate, Chulucanas (Caxas), Guamaní, Xicate, Huan-
cabamba, entre Chulucanas y Huancabamba identifican nueve sitios. Pero
algunos de ellos, como Socchabamba, Yanta y Mandor, no se han conservado
hasta el presente, constituyendo la información que Humboldt escribió en su
diario de campo el único registro existente. Dejemos que sea el propio Hum-
boldt quien nos transmita sus impresiones acerca de estos asentamientos:
Socchabamba:
Dos leguas al norte de Ayabaca, sobre las ruinas de un palacio de los incas en
Socchabamba sobre un terreno algo desigual, los fundamentos de una casa de
140 pies [39.2 m.] de largo con 14 departamentos del mismo tamaño (Hum-
boldt and Vegas [1802] 1991: 17).
La Arquitectura Inca 59
Aypate:
Al este de Aypate está situada sobre la Cordillera una planicie llamada la
plaza del Inga, con ruinas de un palacio y de todo un pueblo Peruano... Este
palacio al este de Aypate está ciertamente situado en el camino que va del
Azuay a Cajamarca y quizás al Cuzco. (op. cit. p. 18).
FIGURE 6-1. Mapa de Piura. Fuente: Vallejos 1925.
Yanta:
Cerca de Yanta, en los bordes sieniticos del Río Santa Rosa, las ruinas
bastante conservadas de un palacio de los Incas (op. cit. p. 18).
Chulucanas:
Los baños del Inca, situados en medio del valle de Chulucanas a ambos lados
del Río. Son algo de lo más bello. Son las más grandes ruinas de todas las que
he visto. Ocupan más de 200 a 300 toesas [400 a 600 m.] de diámetro, no
solamente a lo largo del valle, sino que suben por las colinas vecinas... A la
izquierda del río se ve un barrio de una ciudad, donde se reconoce muy bien la
distribución de las calles y las casas. Yo lo he copiado de un dibujo del
ciudadano Bonpland (Gráfico N° 2). Se reconoce a lo largo del río una
muralla con una zanja y dos entradas que corresponden a las calles princi-
pales. Las casas están distribuidas en 8 cuadrados, que están separados por
cuatro calles cruzadas y que encajan un gran edificio que habría sido el del
soberano. Cada cuadrado está constituido de 12 pequeñas casas simétrica-
mente colocadas, pero cada una de las cuales no parece haber sido sino un
solo departamento…El gran edificio del medio tiene dimensiones más exten-
didas y piedras mejor talladas. Se distingue allí 4 grandes casas oblongas, sep-
aradas por 4 pequeños cuadrados que ocupan las esquinas, de manera que
todo forma 96 + 8 = 104 casas, colocadas sobre la pendiente de una colina...A
la derecha del río se descubre un edificio que de lejos parece un anfite-
atro...Más cerca del río que los últimos baños se descubre sobre una colina los
bellos restos de un edificio que tiene las piedras maravillosamente bien talla-
das. (op. cit. pp. 20- 22)
FIGURE 6-2. Plano de un sector de Chulucanas (Caxas). Fuente: Bonpland 1802.
Uno de los acompañantes de Humboldt, Carlos Montufar, reporta en su

diario que:
...el día 7 [de agosto] dormimos en el paramo de Chulucanas, y el 8 fuimos al
pueblo de Guancabamba, atrabesando por siete caserias del Ynga que están
en el camino la primera que es la mejor esta en el paramo mesmo y la llaman
los baños de Ynga, tiene mas de quatro quadras de ancho y otras tantas de
largo, todos los edificios son de piedra, un pequeño rio atrabiesa por enmedio
de las caserias... (Montufar [1802] 1889, 15).
Guamaní:
El edificio en la cima del Guamaní (de hermoso pórfido como todo lo prece-
dente) es muy espacioso y tiene todavía más de 4 pies [1.3 m.]. A pesar del
frío que hace en Guamaní (tuvimos 7 1/2°R [9.4°C]) la posición de ese pala-
cio es muy bella, pintoresca. Se encuentra en la cima de los Andes y se goza
allí de una vista inmensa sobre los llanos de Piura y Lambayeque, bordeados
por el horizonte del mar pacífico... El páramo de Guamani divide las aguas
entre el mar del sur y el océano Atlántico. (Humboldt and Vegas [1802] 1991,
24-25).
Xicate:
... las ruinas están en un país cálido, como las de Xicate, a 900 toesas [1800
m.s.n.m.]... pero el mejor conservado de todos es el edificio de Xicate
saliendo de la Angostura de Guamaní, en un valle profundo. El tiene todavía
más de 12 pies [4 m.] de alto, se ve allí las divisiones de los departamentos,
las ventanas, los nichos... (op. cit. pp. 19-24)
Huancabamba:
En el mismo gran pueblo de Huancabamba se ve los restos de un palacio de
los Incas que debe haber sido de los más espaciosos, pues no hay casas indias
o españolas en el pueblo y en los alrededores no se descubre piedras talladas
que se haya sacado de ese palacio. La iglesia situada sobre una colina recor-
tada y rodeada de una muralla, sí contiene esas piedras... (op. cit. p. 24).
Mulamachay
La tradición, aunque confusa, indica que es esta casa la que ha dado lugar a la
Justicia de los Incas cerca de la caverna de Mulamachay al Sud Este de Huan-
cabamba hacia Sondorillo. Los indios habían construido un palacio en Huan-
cabamba durante la ausencia de los Incas... El Inca se vio forzado a pasar la
noche sobre el Machay, que no es sino un peñasco... Ya sea por temor de que
el soberano pudiera pasar un día nuevamente por Mulamachay, se construyó
allí una bella casa, de la cual se ve todavía las murallas y a la que se le denom-
ina Horca o Justicia de los Incas. (op. cit. pp. 24-25)
Mandor:
Los Incas tenían con esto sus tambos o palacios para pasar las noches. Se ve
las ruinas de estos tambos en Mandor (donde las piedras están unidas con
arcilla)... (op. cit. p. 27)
Luego de explorar la sierra de Piura, Von Humboldt y sus acompañantes
registraron los sitios Inca ubicados hacia el Sur: Ingatambo, Huambos, Tam-
billo y Cajamarca, los restos de este último fueron estudiados minuciosa-
mente e ilustrados, en especial los restos del Cuarto del Rescate de Atahualpa
y conoció a sus propietarios (op. cit. pp. 53-57).
Los Asentamientos Inca Registratdos en el Presente

Desde 1994 hasta el 2004 realizamos diversas prospecciones arqueológicas
en la Sierra de Piura, inicialmente era el trabajo de campo para sustentar la
tesis de licenciatura (Astuhuamán 1998); durante el mes junio de 1999
exploramos el posible Camino Inca desde el sur de Ecuador (Calvas) hasta
Cajamarca (San Felipe); hemos continuado investigando en la región hasta el
mes de setiembre del 2004. En todas las temporadas de trabajo exploramos
los asentamientos Inca que se encuentran a lo largo del camino y registramos
información en los sitios que Humboldt observó en 1802. A continuación
presentamos nuestro reporte con la finalidad de contrastar sus datos con nues-
tras observaciones.
Socchabamba:
La comunidad de Socchabamba se localiza políticamente en el Distrito Aya-
baca, Provincia de Ayabaca. Los lugareños refieren que los bloques de roca
labrada del asentamiento fueron utilizados para edificar las paredes de la
escuela del lugar y esparcidas cuando se allanó el terreno para construir una
cancha deportiva.
La descripción proporcionada por Humboldt permite sugerir que posible-
mente se trate de colcas o depósitos dispuestos en una o dos hileras, en el
primer caso formado por 14 recintos, en el otro por siete, esto último es lo
más probable. Cada depósito, asumiendo que eran de planta cuadrada, midió
2.80 m. de lado.
Aypate:
El cerro Aypate se ubica en una cadena montañosa desde donde se domina las
subcuencas de los ríos Quiroz y Macará, que integran la cuenca del Chira.
Altitudinalmente las evidencias se registran entre los 2640 y 2930 m.s.n.m.
Políticamente se ubica en el Distrito de Ayabaca, Provincia de Ayabaca.
Las evidencias se encuentran en las faldas, planicie y cima del cerro. La
planicie constituye la plaza Inca, alrededor de la cual se disponen el
acllahuasi, la kallanka y el usnhu, todas ellas típicas edificaciones estatales
presentes en las capitales provinciales Inca. Dirigiéndose a la cima del cerro
se encuentran el templo del sol y los adoratorios. El Camino Inca conduce
desde el portazgo o conjunto de depósitos hasta desembocar en la plaza. La
extensión del asentamiento supera el kilómetro cuadrado.
Yanta:
Está localizado en la margen derecha del río Santa Rosa, subcuenca del
Quiroz, en la comunidad de Yanta, Distrito de Ayabaca, Provincia de Aya-
baca; altitudinalmente se encuentra entre los 1195 y 1200 m.s.n.m.
En la actualidad el asentamiento no se conserva, pero los ancianos del lugar
refieren que habían "huaquillas" (posiblemente montículos), en las proximi-
dades se localiza una cueva donde se hallan osamentas humanas y abundante
material cerámico Inca, parte del cual se exhibe en el Museo Arqueológico de
Ayabaca.
Chulucanas o Caxas:
Este impresionante asentamiento se extiende en ambas márgenes del río Rey
Inca ocupando un área de más de dos kilómetros cuadrados (Gráfico N° 3), la
margen derecha pertenece a la comunidad de Baños-Caxas (Chulucanas) y la
otra a la comunidad de La Quinua, ubicadas políticamente en las Provincia de
Huancabamba. Se encuentra comprendido altitudinalmente entre los 2725 y
2850 m.s.n.m.
FIGURE 6-3. Reconstrucción hipotética de Caxas. Dibujo: C. Campos 2003.
En la margen izquierda del río Rey Inca se localizan el portazgo, el acllahuasi

(cuyo plano fue dibujado por Bonpland y se puede contrastar en la foto que
ilustra el Gráfico N° 4), kallankas, conjuntos de depósitos y kanchas residen-
ciales; en la otra margen se encuentra el templo del sol, la plaza, el usnhu y
también kanchas. Las edificaciones anteriores caracterizan a una capital pro-
vincial. El Camino Inca pasa a un costado del portazgo y frente al acllahuasi.
FIGURE 6-4. Foto del acllahuasi de Caxas. Fuente: Bleyleben 1970.
Guamaní o Huancacarpa:
Geográficamente se sitúa en las faldas del cerro India Haragana o Buitrera, el
cual constituye el punto de división tripartita de las cuencas del Quiroz, Piura
y Huancabamba. Altitudinalmente, el asentamiento se extiende entre los 3400
y 3450 m.s.n.m.. Políticamente se encuentra en tierras de la Comunidad de
Huancacarpa Alto, en el Distrito de Huancabamba, Provincia de Huan-
cabamba.
Está conformado por dos conjuntos de recintos dispuestos en forma de U, dos
conjuntos de kallancas que encierran grandes espacios, una gran plaza y dos
conjuntos de depósitos situados frente a frente sobre una llanura.
Xicate o Tambo de Jicate:
Geográficamente se ubica en la margen izquierda de la quebrada Angosturas,
próximo a su unión con otra quebrada, en la cuenca del río Huancabamba.
Altitudinalmente se halla a 2725 m.s.n.m. Políticamente se encuentra en ter-
renos de la Comunidad de Jicate Bajo, Distrito y Provincia de Huancabamba.
Tambo de Jicate es una típica Kancha Inca, integrada por tres recintos ubica-
dos alrededor de un patio y cercados por un muro perimétrico, todos ellos edi-
ficados sobre un conjunto de terrazas dispuestas escalonadamente.
Huancabamba:
La actual ciudad de Huancabamba se encuentra entre los 1900 y 1975
m.s.n.m., debajo de ella se encuentra sepultada una importante capital de pro-
vincia Inca, era considerada por los cronistas una “cabecera de provincia”.
La iglesia de Huancabamba se halla bastante elevada con relación a la plaza
del pueblo. Detrás del altar principal se aprecian cimientos elaborados con
rocas de granito rosado, semejante a la cantería típicamente Inca. Según los
ancianos del pueblo se encuentra roca labrada en las bases de los pilares de la
iglesia y de casas antiguas. Creo que la iglesia San Pedro de Huancabamba se
edificó sobre el Templo del Sol Inca, descrito por Humboldt, pues muchas de
las iglesias coloniales fueron edificadas sobre templos prehispánicos. Sólo las
excavaciones permitirán determinar en que otras partes de la actual ciudad de
Huancabamba se hallaban las otras edificaciones Inca descritas por los croni-
stas, ahora sólo se observan restos de andenes en las proximidades del mer-
cado (Hocquenghem 1994).
Mulamachay o Mitupampa:
Mitupampa se localiza en las faldas del Cerro Saquir en el caserío de Mitu-
pampa, distrito de Sondorillo, al Sur de la ciudad de Huancabamba, entre los
2800 y 2947 m.s.n.m.
Este importante asentamiento es una capital provincial Inca, ocupa por lo
menos una extensión de 5 hectáreas y se encuentra próximo a un conjunto de
peñascos o farallones. Es integrado por una plaza, el ushnu, una pequeña kal-
lanka, el acllahuasi y varios conjuntos de kanchas (recintos alrededor de
patios).
Esta variabilidad de los asentamientos Inca había sido reportada anterior-
mente por los cronistas y continúa siendo analizada, pues a lo largo del Impe-
rio del Tahuantinsuyo no se construyeron dos sitios idénticos, éstos varían de
acuerdo a su importancia, función, ubicación tamaño, edificaciones que lo
integran y otros factores. Tempranamente un agudo observador como Cieza
de León ([1550] 1973) distinguía los siguientes tipos de asentamientos:
Cabeceras de Provincias, Templos, Pucaras, Postas.
Guamán Poma ([1606] 1987) distingue los siguientes tipos de asentam-
ientos: Ciudad con Tambo Real, Pueblo con Tambo Real, Tambo Real sin
Pueblo y Tambillo. . . Esta tipología expresa a la vez una jerarquización de
los asentamientos. Menciona además la existencia de "otros Cusco", posible-
mente de mayor jerarquía que las Cabecera de Provincia mencionadas por
Cieza.
Hyslop (1990) ha reconocido los siguientes tipos de asentamientos Inca:
Cusco, "otros Cusco", Centros Administrativos Ceremoniales, Tambos,
Asentamientos Militares, Alojamiento de Chasquis y Depósitos.
Respecto a los principales centros Incas, basándonos en información etno-
histórica y arqueológica, planteamos la siguiente tipología y los niveles
jerárquicos que representan:
• El Cusco, capital del Imperio, era el paradigma de las capitales provinciales Inca. Le
corresponde el nivel más alto de la jerarquía, que denominaremos Nivel 1.
• Los siguientes niveles están integrados por las capitales provinciales, que a partir de la
información etnohistórica hemos clasificado en:
• Los "Otros Cusco", mencionados por Guaman Poma (Quito, Tomebamba, Huánuco
Pampa, Hatun Colla y Charcas) y el “Nuevo Cuzco” referido por Cieza (Inkawasi)
constituyeron el Nivel 2 de la jerarquía. Creemos que Caxas constituye también “Otro
Cusco.”
• Las “cabeceras de provincia", eran las principales capitales provinciales, represen-
tarían al Nivel 3. Cieza ([1553] 1977, 75) denomina cabeceras o cabezas de provincias
a aquellas que tenían mayor cantidad de edificaciones y depósitos, eran más elabora-
das que las de otras capitales, éstas últimas estaban bajo su jurisdicción y sus habi-
tantes acudían a tributar allí. Cieza indica que las cabeceras eran: Vilcas, Xauxa,
Bombon (Pumpu), Caxamalca, Guancabamba, Tomebamba, Latacunga, Quito, Caran-
qui, Hatuncana, Hatuncolla, Ayaviri, Chuquiabo, Chucuito y Paria.
• Las capitales provinciales que no constituyeron "cabeceras de provincia" ni “otros
Cuzco” conformaron el Nivel 4, serían los casos de Mitupampa (Mulamachay),
Aypate y Calvas.
Los niveles jerárquicos por debajo del Nivel 4 son más difíciles de ser
determinados debido a los criterios que se utilicen para definir los tipos de
asentamientos, en cada provincia Inca existía una variedad de ellos, algunos
de los cuales mantenían relaciones jerárquicas entre sí, especialmente los
situados a lo largo del Camino Inca.
En los niveles inferiores de la jerarquía se sitúan los tambos, como Jicate
o Yanta, que además de las funciones de hospedaje cumplían tareas adminis-
trativas. Otro tipo de asentamientos, que está vinculado al mantenimiento del
orden y la seguridad en las provincias, lo constituyen los asentamientos mili-
tares como Huancacarpa, situados estratégicamente en los confines del Impe-
rio Inca o en las divisorias de las cuencas hidrográficas. Los conjuntos de
depósitos, p.e. Socchabamba, controlados por personal administrativo, con-
stituyen otro tipo, estos depósitos pudieron o no estar asociados a tambos.
Planteamientos de Humboldt Acerca de la

Arquitectura Inca
Luego de describir, comparar y analizar los asentamientos Inca en la sierra
del Ecuador y la sierra norte de Perú, Humboldt define la esencia de la Arqui-
tectura Inca: “Sencillez, simetría y solidez; he allí los tres rasgos característi-
cos que distinguen de una manera ventajosa a todos los edificios peruanos”.
Ésta es la más breve pero exacta definición que se haya planteado hasta la
actualidad, destacando la perfección técnica de las edificaciones Inca antes
de la elegancia y apreciándose la predilección de Humboldt por la Arquitec-
tura Neoclásica (Hampe 1999).
Adelantándose a su tiempo, Humboldt realizó el primer estudio de
patrones de asentamiento en América, es decir delineó las características de
la distribución de sitios contemporáneos entre sí en una región, elaborando
una jerarquía y tipología de sitios a partir de la comparación entre los “pala-
cios de los Inca”. La presencia de nueve asentamientos entre Chulucanas
(Caxas) y Huancabamba, provocó la siguiente reflexión en él:
Este gran número de edificios en una tan pequeña distancia prueba bastante
que el nombre de Palacio de los Incas es bastante vago. ¿Es posible que este
soberano haya llevado el lujo hasta este punto?. Las más grandes construc-
ciones, como las de los baños [Caxas] de Guamaní [Huancacarpa] y de Huan-
cabamba serán solamente palacios de los Incas, rodeados de otras casas en
forma de aldeas o ciudadelas; las otras construcciones dispersas, como la 1ra,
3ra, 6 – 8va. eran, según yo creo, habitaciones de grandes señores peruanos
que gobernaron estas provincias. (Humboldt and Vegas [1802] 1991, 20).
En base a los criterios de ubicación altitudinal y aglomeración de edifica-
ciones, mencionados en su diario, Humboldt establece una tipología de asen-
tamientos Inca para la sierra de Piura: palacios rodeados de ciudades,
palacios rodeados de aldeas, habitaciones dispersas y fortalezas.
Estas generalizaciones que Humboldt plantea, acerca de los asentamien-
tos Inca en la Sierra de Piura, están sustentadas en la observación in situ y
además en la comparación con otros asentamientos ubicados al norte o al sur
de la sierra piurana y con aquellos del Viejo Mundo. Así cuando describe las
“casas” que integran el acllahuasi de Caxas (Chulucanas), prefiere utilizar el
término habitaciones, a semejanza de las de Herculano (Humboldt 1968,
251). También cuando describe el Templo del Sol de Caxas, lo compara con
el palacio de Sanssouci (Humboldt and Vegas [1802] 1991, 21).
El aporte de Humboldt no se limita a la descripción de asentamientos, que
ya de por sí es un gran aporte pues muchos de ellos no se conservan hasta la
actualidad y su registro es el único que tenemos, sino que intenta establecer la
función que tuvieron dichas edificaciones. Así luego de describir el ushnu de
Caxas, reflexiona: “Para una fortaleza es bastante pequeña, sobre todo en el
interior. ¿Era un adoratorio?” (op. cit. p. 23). De este modo se aproxima a la
función que el estado actual de conocimientos le asigna a dicha edificación
(Hyslop 1990).
Humboldt destaca también la homogeneidad de los asentamientos Inca
que registró durante su exploración:
Al examinar atentamente cualquier edificio del tiempo de los incas, se
observa el mismo tipo en todos los otros que se hallan en las alturas de los
Andes sobre una extensión de 7,000 Kms., desde mil a cuatro mil metros de
altura sobre el nivel del mar. Se podría decir que un solo arquitecto ha con-
struido tan gran número de monumentos. (Nuñez and Peterson 1971, 169).
Tras describir Xicate (Tambo de Jicate) refiere que “...La construcción es
tan uniforme en las casas que uno se repite describiéndolas” (Humboldt and
Vegas [1802] 1991, 24).
El proceso de expansión de los Incas, desde el Cuzco hacia el Norte tam-
bién es planteado por Humboldt, quien propone lo siguiente: “Dad una lista
de las ruinas de los palacios de los Incas con su elevación en toesas [1 toesa =
2 m.] y formad una carta geográfica de su posición, lo que dará muchas luces
sobre la marcha de la conquista de los Incas” (op. cit. pp. 19–20). Luego de
analizar las evidencias del gobierno y administración de los Incas en los
Andes, ante quienes tuvo una posición crítica, concluye que:
El Inga no vino sino descendiendo del Cuzco para la conquista de Quito, sigu-
iendo la ruta de Cajamarca a Huambos, en el valle del Río Chotano siguió
este río hasta su embocadura en el Chamaya, de allí remontó por Pomahuaca
a Zaulaca, Huancabamba, Chulucanas, al Cerro al este de Olleros, de Loja al
Azuay. Esta ruta está trazada todavía por las ruinas del camino y de los pala-
cios del Inca (op. cit. p. 44).
En esencia los planteamientos de Humboldt acerca de la Arquitectura
Inca, son confirmados por nuestras recientes investigaciones arqueológicas.
Por el registro, análisis y sus planteamientos acerca de los asentamientos Inca
en la Sierra de Piura, Humboldt debería ser considerado como el fundador de
la Arqueología científica en América, y la revaloración de los sitios Inca que
él observó en 1802 permitiría la creación de La Ruta de Humboldt y que
podamos contemplarlos unos siglos más.
Bibliography
Astuhuamán Gonzáles, César W.. 1998. Asentamientos Inca en la Sierra de
Piura. Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos. E.A.P. de
Arqueología.
Astuhuamán Gonzáles, César W., 1999. Humboldt y la Arquitectura Inca.
Runamanta; Revista de Antropología de la Universidad Nacional Feder-
ico Villarreal 1: 131-138.
Cieza de León, Pedro. [1550] 1973. La Crónica del Perú. Lima: Ediciones
PEISA.
Cieza de León, Pedro. [1553] 1977. El Señorío de los Incas. Lima: Editorial
Universo.
Ette, Ottmar. 1999. “Para mayor enojo de nuestros guías indios”; Alexander
von Humboldt, Claude Lévi-Strauss y el precio de la conquista científica
[online]. Potsdam [cited 2 February 1999]. Available from World Wide
Web (http://www.uni-potsdam.de/u/romanistik/humboldt/frames/inh53).
Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe, and John Murra, Rolena Adorno, eds.
[1606] 1987. Nueva crónica y buen gobierno. Madrid: Historia 16.
Hampe Martinez, Teodoro, 1999. El virreinato del Perú en los ojos de Hum-
boldt (1802): una visión crítica de la realidad social. Boletín del Hum-
boldt Club del Perú 1: 61 – 79.
Hocquenghem, Anne Marie, 1994. Los españoles en los caminos del
Extremo Norte del Perú en 1532. Boletín del Instituto Francés de Estu-
dios Andinos 23 (1): 1-67.
Humboldt, Alexander von. 1968. Sitios de las cordilleras y monumentos de
los pueblos indígenas de América. Buenos Aires: Solar Hachette.
Humboldt, Alexander von, and Manuel Vegas Velez, ed. [1802] 1991. Hum-
boldt en el Perú; Diario de Alejandro de Humboldt durante su perma-
nencia en el Perú (agosto a diciembre de 1802). Piura: CIPCA.
Hyslop, John. 1990. Inka settlement planning. Austin: University of Texas
Press.
Labastida, Jaime. 1999. Alejandro de Humboldt y la Antropología [online].
Potsdam [cited 2 February 1999]. Available from World Wide Web
(http://www.uni-potsdam.de/u/romanistik/humboldt/frames/inh53).
Montufar, Carlos, 1889. Biaje de Quito a Lima de Carlos Montufar con el
Baron de Humboldt y don Alexandro Bompland. Boletín de la Sociedad
Geográfica de Madrid 25: 1-19.
Moseley, Michael Edward. 1993. The Incas and their ancestors: The Archae-
ology of Peru. London: Thames and Hudson.
Nuñez, Estuardo, and Georg G. Petersen, eds. 1971. El Perú en la obra de
Alejandro de Humboldt. Lima: Librería Studium.
Núñez, Estuardo and Georg Petersen, eds. 2002. Alexander von Humboldt
en el Perú. Diario de viaje y otros escritos. Lima: Banco Central de
Reserva del Perú/Goethe Institut Inter Nationes.
Zevallos Ortiz, Raúl, 2003. Ayabaca y la Sierra de Piura en los ojos de Hum-
boldt. Comunidad;Tierra-Hombre-Identidad 5.
CHAPTER 7 Arrogance and squalor?
Lima’s Elite
Paul Rizo-Patrón
Peru has always attracted the curiosity of foreigners. And it could not be oth-
erwise, given its remoteness from the Old World and the news that it was the
cradle of exotic and refined civilizations that flourished autonomously, with
no apparent contact with those Europeans had known. The fame of the riches
that filled Europe after Peru’s discovery and conquest in the sixteenth century
had certainly awakened an even greater curiosity. The booty of Inca Atahua-
lpa, the intricate pre-Hispanic state system, the splendor of its constructions,
and the rich gold and silver mines that began to be exploited soon after the
arrival of the Spaniards contributed towards building the reputation of a
country of inexhaustible wealth. That is when the expression “vale un Peru”
(namely, “it is worth a Peru”) was coined to refer to something extremely
valuable or costly. However, the magnetism that it exerted on foreign schol-
ars was attributed not only to its precious metals or the curiosities of its his-
tory, but also to the variety of its flora and fauna, to its diverse climates and
starkly contrasting geography, and to the native populations of numerous lat-
itudes – almost an absolute novelty for the few travelers who began to arrive
in the country from the sixteenth until the nineteenth century. In sum, it was a
fascinating subject of study for the most diversified interests and disciplines.
And as Charles Minguet points out, some had perhaps an excessive expecta-
tion as to what they were to find in many aspects of our reality.1
There were travelers who combined their ethnographic, zoological, botan-
ical, climatologic, mineralogical and orographic interests with secret mis-
sions to obtain information on the existing political, social and economic
order. This was the case of some of the eighteenth-century French and Span-
ish expeditionaries such as Frézier, Le Bachelier, La Condamine and – along
1. See Minguet, Charles. Alejandro de Humboldt. Cartas americanas. Caracas, Biblioteca

Ayacucho, 1980.
69
with the last mentioned – the Spaniards Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa.
This was also very likely the case of some of the travelers who arrived at the
beginning of the nineteenth century not only from France, but also from
England, the United States, Germany, and even Russia.2
A True Explorer
The scientific interest of Baron Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859) was
clearly genuine. Few visitors had his intelligence and exceptional education.
His overwhelming curiosity was also uncommon. As a product of the ratio-
nalism of the Age of Enlightenment, he had created a deep impression on the
great Goethe, who said in a letter to his friend Eckermann, cited by Teodoro
Hampe, “his knowledge and living wisdom are unequaled.” However, his
knowledge was fundamentally of a scientific nature, derived from the obser-
vation of natural phenomena, and the rigorous analysis and interpretation of
the experience accumulated by him and by the great scholars of Western Civ-
ilization who preceded him.3
Humboldt’s journey to Spanish America, as well as the publication of
these observations in several detailed works and the compilation of the
majority of his treatises in 30 volumes entitled (in French) Voyage aux
régions équinoxiales du Nouveau Continent fait en 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802,
1803 et 1804, par Alexander de Humboldt et Aimé Bonpland are a conse-
quence of that same curiosity. This rigorous work established his reputation
as one of the great European scientists of his time. Oddly enough, the journey
that as we know lasted from 1799 to 1804 was begun in the frigate Pizarro, a
name that should have perhaps motivated a more prolonged stay and further
studies than the circumstances (or Humboldt’s own immediate purposes)
allowed him to make in the lands discovered by the famed Spanish conquis-
tador.4
Humboldt obtained the necessary permission from the indolent King
Charles (Carlos) IV, who undoubtedly was more concerned with the events
that were throwing Europe into confusion since the French Revolution than
with the eagerness of this young German researcher, who had been preceded
2. For the voyagers who traveled to Peru from the XVI through the XX centuries see
Núñez, Estuardo. Viajes y viajeros extranjeros por el Perú. Lima, P.L. Villanueva, 1989.
3. Cited by Hampe Martinez, Teodoro in “Humboldt y sus contactos latinoamericanos
durante el proceso de la Independencia”. Presentation in the Congress “Humboldt y la
América Ilustrada”. Lima, Instituto Riva Agüero-Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú,
November of 2002. Hampe Martínez is also the author of “El virreinato del Perú en los ojos
de Humboldt (1802): Una visión crítica de la realidad social,” in Iberoamerikanisches
Archiv. Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft und Geschichte, vol. 26, Nº 1-2. Berlin, 2000, pp.
191-208.
4. Humboldt, Alexander von. Voyage aux régions équinoxiales du Nouveau Continent fait
en 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802, 1803 et 1804, par Alexander de Humboldt et Aimé Bonpland. 6
parts, 30 volumes. Paris, 1807-1839.
Arrogance and squalor? Lima’s Elite 71
by many others in his projected voyage to the Spanish King’s domains. He
was going to be accompanied by his friend Aimé Bonpland, a French physi-
cian and botanist, who would frequently act as the draftsman of the expedi-
tion. Although his basic concern was zoology, geology, climatology,
astronomy and botany, both researchers could not but be impressed by the
ethnological and social reality of the marginalized and oppressed groups, and
also by the growing tension felt everywhere. This was true with respect to
both the European and the mixed or indigenous population due to the imposi-
tions of the colonial system, which apparently had become more rigid as a
consequence of Bourbon reformism.5
It is not my intent here to discuss the experiences of these scientists as
they traveled through Havana, Caracas, Santa Fe, Popayán, Quito or Mexico,
with the exception of references made by Humboldt himself to compare them
with the social, economic and political reality of Peru, and often to the latter’s
disadvantage. One thing is certain: he scarcely dedicated four months to this
country and somewhat more than two to Lima, the capital of the viceroyalty.
Just considering the time he later spent in Mexico, the comparison is unfavor-
able to Peru. Here, Humboldt and Bonpland only traveled along part of the
coast, that is, from the north to the center, and also only through a portion of
the highlands – in the north – barely touching the banks of the Marañón river
and the mountain borderland. They did not travel along the central highlands,
or the southern coast, or through the Andean south (including Arequipa,
Cuzco and Puno). What most influenced Humboldt’s perception of the
divorce between the capital and the interior of Peru was not only the geo-
graphical location of Lima on the other side of the Andes, facing the Pacific,
or the way of life of its inhabitants, but, I would venture to affirm, the restric-
tive and relatively limited time he spent in Peru.6
It is an undisputed fact that the location of the other capitals visited by
Humboldt and Bonpland, in relation to the size of their respective countries,
allowed them to be in greater contact with their entire territories. In the case
of Mexico, the capital of New Spain occupied a central position in that vice-
royalty, as had the old Tenochtitlán, the center of Aztec power at the arrival
of the Spaniards. Not having visited Cuzco and other regions of the interior
of Peru, Humboldt therefore could only have a biased and incomplete vision
of the Peruvian geography and other physical realities, and of the character of
5. Ibid. For Spanish Bourbon Reformism see Fisher, John R. Government and Society in
Colonial Peru. The Intendant System 1784-1814. London, Athlone Press, 1970; Fisher,
John R., Allan J. Kuethe and Anthony McFarlane. Reform and Insurrection in Bourbon New
Granada and Peru. Baton Rouge, Luisiana State University Press, 1990; and O´Phelan
Godoy, Scarlett Un siglo de rebeliones anticoloniales: Perú y Bolivia 1700-1783. Cuzco,
Centro de Estudios Rurales Andinos “Bartolomé de las Casas”, 1988 (among the best
reputed treatises on the subject).
6. Núñez, Estuardo y Georg Petersen. Alexander von Humboldt en el Perú. Diario de viaje
y otros escritos. Lima, Fondo Editorial del Banco Central de Reserva del Perú, 2002.
its inhabitants and the relation of Lima’s population (which I shall call the
“Limeneans”) with the viceroyalty in general.7
Humboldt’s Informers in the ‘City of the Kings’

Let us now see what types of inhabitants of Lima did Humboldt meet that
contributed directly to his perception of the Peruvian capital’s reality. Pro-
vided with the recommendations given to him by the Viceroy of Nueva Gran-
ada, don Pedro Mendinueta, and by the Governor of Jaén de Bracamoros, the
cultivated don Ignacio Checa y Barba (to whom Humboldt had written a let-
ter on January 18, 1803, containing some of his most acute and acid expres-
sions about Lima), the German researcher, and Bonpland as well as the Quito
aristocrat Carlos Montúfar who was accompanying them, were able to meet
some of the most important figures of Lima, the City of the Kings.8
High government officials
Most prominent among them was, without a doubt, the Viceroy Gabriel de
Avilés y del Fierro, a peninsular-born Spaniard (as was the norm for all the
viceroys of Peru). He was the second son of the first Marquis of Avilés, and
like his father, had pursued a military career. Soon after arriving in Peru early
in 1780, as a cavalry colonel, to help organize the disciplined militias of the
Viceroyalty, he participated in the expedition to repress the Túpac Amaru
movement in the Cuzco region and the Altiplano. Upon his promotion to
brigadier, he was appointed general sub-inspector of the vice-regal troops and
governor of the city and prison of Callao. Later when promoted to field mar-
shal, and having inherited the title of Marquis, he was made Captain General
of the Kingdom of Chile, and also President of the Royal Academy of Santi-
ago (taking the place of Ambrosio O'Higgins, Marquis of Osorno that had
come to Peru as Viceroy in 1796). In 1799, he became Viceroy of Río de la
Plata (or Buenos Aires) until his appointment as Viceroy of Peru at the death
of 0’Higgins. He arrived at the Peruvian capital on November 6, 1801.9
Avilés had, in fact, become the most important authority of the country
only eight months before the arrival of Humboldt in Peru. Despite having
married the Peruvian-born doña Mercedes del Risco y Ciudad, widow in first
marriage of the Marquis of Santa Rosa, his was the view of a peninsular
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid., especially pp. 198-200 (for Humboldt´s letter to the Viceroy of Nueva Granada,
don Pedro de Mendinueta, on November 7 of 1802) and pp. 214-215 (for Humboldt´s letter
to don Ignacio Checa y Barba, Governor of Jaén de Bracamoros, on January 18 of 1803).
Most of Humboldt´s acquaintances in Lima are mentioned by Miro-Quesada Sosa, Aurelio.
“Amistades de Humboldt en Lima” in Veinte temas peruanos, pp. 251-268. Lima, P.L.
Villanueva, 1993.
9. Milla Batres, Carlos (ed.). Diccionario Histórico y Biográfico del Perú. Siglos XV-XX.
Vol. I (A-B), pp. 321-322. Lima, Editorial Milla Batres, 1986.
Spanish officer. Due to his position and the participation he had had in the
repression of the great Andean rebellion of the 1780s he had little tolerance
towards the aspirations and idiosyncrasies of the inhabitants under his rule. If
Humboldt heard anything from the Viceroy about the nature of Peruvians in
their mixed composition, it must not have been a favorable observation –
although, I must admit, this is a speculative remark that I relate directly to the
investiture of Avilés and the harshness he showed throughout all his tenure.10
The next character in rank that Humboldt and Bonpland met while in Peru
was don Manuel Antonio de Arredondo y Pelegrín, Marquis of San Juan
Nepomuceno and Knight of the Order of Charles III. Of Spanish origin like
Avilés – from Asturias in this case – he also participated in the repression of
the southern Andean uprising, and took charge of the process against Túpac
Amaru’s relatives. Arredondo was made Regent of the Royal Audiencia of
Lima (highest court of justice) since 1786, and was designated honorary Min-
ister of the Council of Indies in 1794. He became President of the Audiencia
and provisional Commander of the Viceroyalty from March to November
1801, in the period in between the death of O’Higgins and the arrival of
Avilés, who was to become Viceroy. As well as the latter, Arredondo took no
notice of the formal prohibitions, marrying a Peruvian-born lady. In his case,
it was a recurrence, as he had earlier married doña Juana Josefa de Herce y
Dulce¸ a lady form Ayacucho, widow of the second Marquis of Torre Her-
mosa, who had made her will in Cañete in 1779. He inherited from her large
landed estates (among them, the haciendas of Cuiva, Montalbán and Ocucaje,
South of Lima) that eventually came into the possession of a nephew, as he
had no children. In 1804, he applied for an authorization to marry another
Peruvian-born lady, doña Juana de Micheo y Jiménez de Lobatón (daughter
of a Basque immigrant that had been a Knight of Santiago, she was related to
the most distinguished local aristocracy and was the widow of the Regent of
the Audiencia of Chile, don José de Rezabal y Ugarte), who died late that
year before Arredondo had been granted the marriage license.11
Other noblemen
Humboldt met and was in contact with some other titled persons in Lima.
The first was his host, the Baron Timoteo (some called him Thaddeus) de
Nordenflycht¸ who was almost a fellow countryman, and perhaps his best
source of information in town, and who also had his own scientific interests.
According to some, he was born in Latvia, and to others, in Sweden. He stud-
ied in Freiburg and arrived in Peru in 1790 to install a chemical laboratory in
Lima, and contribute with his knowledge to reinvigorate the mining activity
10. Ibid.
11. Lohmann Villena, Guillermo. Los Ministros de la Audiencia de Lima (1700-1821).
Sevilla, 1974, pp. 6-8.
of the viceroyalty. Notwithstanding his little success in this field, he was a
very respected man in the country (“an educated and exceptional character,”
according to Humboldt himself).12 He married doña Josefa Cortés y Azúa,
born in Chile and sister of the naval officer don Eugenio Cortés y Azúa, heir
of the Marquisate of La Cañada Hermosa de San Bartolomé. Apparently,
Nordenflycht died in Madrid, in 1815, having left succession in Peru.13
Another nobleman with whom Humboldt was in contact was the Marquis
of Medina, don Joaquín Valcarce, a peninsular-born Spaniard who had served
in the Chilean army and in the Arauco frontier before coming to Peru in times
of the Viceroy Amat. After becoming major sergeant of the disciplined regi-
ment of dragons of Lima, he marched on Cuzco in 1780 with Avilés to fight
against Túpac Amaru at the command of 2,310 men who formed the columns
that encircled the rebellious Indian chief in Tungasuca and Sangarara. He was
promoted to brigadier of the army in 1794, when he was given the title of
Marquis of Medina. His last promotion was to the position of governor and
president of the Audiencia of Chile, which he did not assume due to the pre-
vailing climate of separatist unrest in the Chilean territory after 1810. He
married a Peruvian-born lady, doña Josefa Remírez de Laredo y Encalada, a
sister of the Count of San Javier and Casa Laredo, but had no descendants.14
Aside from the aforementioned European holders of nobility titles, there
is no question that through them, and in an apparently more indirect manner,
the German researcher met the Marquis of Montemira, don Pedro José de
Zárate y Navia Bolaños, also Count of Valle Oselle and Knight of the Order
of Santiago. He was one of the Peruvian-born nobles that enjoyed great pres-
tige because of his ascendancy, and the position and functions he held under
the Spanish system (he was Colonel of the regiment under which Valcarce
served during the repression of the Túpac Amaru movement), and because of
his marriage to doña Carmen Manrique de Lara y Carrillo de Albornoz, a
daughter of the Marquises of Lara. However, Montemira´s was by no means
one of Lima´s most important fortunes.15
Apparently, Humboldt also met the famous don José Baquíjano y Carrillo
de Córdoba, Count of Vistaflorida, a Limenean who had just arrived from
Spain and had been entrusted with the criminal jurisdiction of the Audiencia
12. See Milla Batres, Carlos (ed.). Diccionario Histórico Biográfico del Perú. Siglos XV-
XX. Vol. VI (M-O), pp. 304-305. Lima, Editorial Milla Batres, 1986.
13. Rizo-Patron Boylan, Paul. Linaje, dote y poder. La nobleza de Lima de 1700 a 1850.
Lima, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2000. The family connection with the Mar-
quises de la Cañada Hermosa de San Bartolomé is mentioned in table 16 and in p. 255.
14. Miro-Quesada Sosa, Aurelio, op. cit., pp. 260-261. Valcarce´s biography can be found
in Mendiburu, Manuel de. Diccionario Histórico Biográfico del Perú. Vol. 11, Lima, I.E.
Palacios, 1931; pp. 150-151.
15. Montemira and his family are included in Rosas Siles, Alberto. “La nobleza titulada
del Virreinato del Perú”, in Revista del Instituto Peruano de Investigaciones Genealógicas.
Vol. 21. Lima, 1995, pp. 171-173.
of Lima on July 1, 1802. Although at a time he had been one of the wealthiest
men of the viceroyalty, both he and the Marquis of Montealegre de Aulestia
(don José Mariano Sánchez Boquete y Román de Aulestia) were known for
having dilapidated their respective fortunes in their passion for gambling.
Humboldt might have met Sánchez Boquete through his brother in law, the
peninsular José de la Riva Agüero y Basso della Rovere, administrator of the
tobacco revenues, and got from him and Baquíjano the unfavorable impres-
sion caused by their gambling vice.16
Another compulsive gambler was presumably the Biscayan Caballero
don Gabino Gaínza, a Knight of the Order of San Juan, and also a frequent
acquaintance of the German scholar. It seems he married in Guayaquil doña
Gregoria Rocafuerte (a sister of Vicente Rocafuerte, who later became Presi-
dent of Ecuador). Gaínza was progressively promoted in the military ranks
until Abascal entrusted him with a mission to Chile, for which “he did not
have the necessary intelligence.”17 His proclivity to be extremely conciliating
enraged the Viceroy, who had him brought back to Lima under arrest to face
trial. Upon being released by a benevolent court in 1816, he returned to Spain
and was finally appointed senior Political Chief in Guatemala in 1820. The
German scientist makes mention of the Administrator of the Mining Court,
the Spaniard don Isidro de Abarca y Gutiérrez Cossio, who at the end of the
eighteenth century was the Count (consort) of San Isidro (husband of his
Limenean relative doña Rosa Gutiérrez Cossio y Fernández de Celis). How-
ever, Abarca made his will in 1791, so we do know for sure whether he was
still alive in 1802 and was the same administrator that Humboldt met that
year.18
Intellectuals and men of distinction
Among the people indirectly related to nobility titles whom Humboldt seems
to have met was Manuel del Villar Martínez. He was a Madrid-born Knight
of Charles III, who married doña Joaquina de Salazar y Gabiño, sister of the
Countess of Monteblanco and Montemar.19 Another acquaintance was José
Gregorio Paredes (1778-1839) considered “one of Peru´s men of literature
who deserve to be remembered for their integrity and moderation.” Born in
Lima, he was the son of don Gregorio Andrés de Paredes y Geldres de
Molleda, who in turn was brother and son of two of the Marquises of Salinas.
16. Puente Brunke, José de la. José Baquíjano y Carrillo. Colección Forjadores del Perú.
Vol.12. Lima, Editorial Brasa, 1995. Humboldt´s acquaintance with de la Riva is men-
tioned by Núñez in Núñez, Estuardo and Georg Petersen, op.cit., p. 251.
17. For Gabino Gaínza´s biography see Mendiburu, Manuel, op. cit., Vol. 5, pp. 316-321.
18. The Counts of San Isidro are treated by Rosas Siles, Alberto, op. cit., pp. 451-456.
19. Swayne Y Mendoza, Guillermo. Mis Antepasados. Lima, Tipografía Peruana S.A.,
1951, p. 539-540 (for the marriage of Manuel del Villar to doña Joaquina de Salazar y
Gabiño, third daughter of the first Count of Monteblanco, and younger sister of the second
Countess, who was the consort of the sixth Count of Montemar).
José Gregorio Paredes was also a mathematician and physician, and later, a
sympathizer with the cause of Independence. During the Republic he
assumed responsibilities of great importance until his death after the fall of
the Peruvian-Bolivian Confederation.20 Another gentleman with aristocratic
connections was the functionary in charge of weighing silver at the Lima
Mint, don Santiago de Urquizu, who Aurelio Miró Quesada identifies as the
“Urquiza” mentioned by Humboldt. He was a mathematician and university
examiner alongside José Gregorio Paredes. Don Santiago – also according to
the same source – would have been a son of the Judge don Gaspar de Urquizo
Ibañez, cousin of the Marquises of Corpa.21
Hipólito Unanue (1755-1833) was the most prominent among the intel-
lectuals of Lima that Humboldt visited and consulted. Of middle class origin,
Unanue was born in Arica, and was a graduate in medicine at the University
of San Marcos. He was the tutor of the son of Agustín de Landaburu, builder
and manager of Lima’s bull ring, and eventually inherited the properties of
his ward. In 1792, Unanue succeeded in founding the anatomic amphitheater,
and later, at his request, the royal school of medicine of San Fernando was
created in 1808. He contributed to the organization of the Sociedad de
Amantes del País (a patriotic circle founded in 1790), which participated in
the publishing and temporary success of the Mercurio Peruano.22 Another of
Humboldt’s acquaintances was Juan José de Aguirre, a Limenean who
between 1786 and 1806 was the general physician of Peru, later succeeded by
Unanue. Others were the Peruvian-born José Manuel Dávila (it is not clear
from the study of Miró-Quesada whether he refers to the Limenean physician
José Manuel Dávalos, or to the also Limenean physician José María Dávila)
and Miguel Tafur, an examining judge of the Medical School from 1801 to
1804 and later General Physician of the army and congressman before his
death in 1825. Also among that group of intellectuals was the Spaniard Juan
Tafalla, a botanist of the King who had arrived in Lima to found the botanic
garden of the city.23
20. Mendiburu, Manuel, op. cit., Vol. 8, p. 342, who includes the remark on Paredes´
“integrity and moderation”.
21. Miró-Quesada Sosa, Aurelio, op. cit., pp. 262-265. For the Judge Gaspar de Urquizu,
see Lohmann Villena, Guillermo, op. cit. p. 137. For the Marquises de Corpa and their con-
nections, see Rizo-Patrón Boylan, Paul. op. cit., pp. 155-261.
22. Miró-Quesada Sosa, Aurelio, op. cit., pp. 261-262. The Sociedad de Amantes del País
has been studied by Walker, Charles. “The Patriotic Society,” in The Americas, 55:2, Octo-
ber 1998, pp. 287-290.
23. All of these names are given by Miró-Quesada Sosa, Aurelio. op. cit., p. 261. Most of
their biographies can be found in Mendiburu, Manuel de, op. cit.: for Aguirre, see Vol. 1, p.
184; for Tafur, Vol. 10, p. 276; and for Tafalla, also Vol. 10, p. 276.
Naval and other officers
Humboldt met several naval officers in Lima and Callao. In the first place,
Tomás de Ugarte y Liaño, a Spaniard who arrived as brigadier of the Royal
Navy (1799) to design the ports of the South Sea, from Chiloé to the north
coast of the Province of Veraguas. He was in charge of the creation of the war
and navy audit, the majority of department orders, secretariats, board of naval
stations, etc., throughout all that extension of the coast. In 1802, he was the
first commander of the naval station of Callao, and in 1803, he became chief
of the Spanish naval fleet. He returned to Spain the following year. Ugarte
was accompanied in his functions by the Spaniards José Ignacio de Col-
menares and Antonio Cuartara, who also came into contact with Humboldt,
as well as the naval lieutenant José de Moraleda, who had arrived with those
Spanish naval officers from Cadiz in 1801. Moraleda was later appointed
Director of the Nautical School, participating some time later in the correc-
tion of the maps of several Peruvian highland provinces (Huamalíes, Tarma,
Jauja, Canta, Huarochirí and Chancay). Other acquaintances made by Hum-
boldt include Pedro Dionisio de Gálvez, a senior accountant of the Audit
Office, and businessmen such as Matías Larreta, “an able and educated”
member of the Sociedad de Amantes del Pais, both of whom were Span-
iards.24
Some of the clergymen seen by Humboldt
The German explorer came into almost immediate contact with several mem-
bers of religious orders, because of their intellectual renown and local influ-
ence. The most important was the priest of the order of the Jerónimos, don
Diego Cisneros, who before coming to Peru around 1778 had been confessor
to doña María Luisa de Parma, then Princess of Asturias (later Queen consort
to King Charles IV of Spain). He built a house on Estanco Viejo Street, later
called Padre Jerónimo. According to Mendiburu he had a bookshop on Pozu-
elo Street. He was advisor to the Viceroy Teodoro de Croix and used his
influence to have Toribio Rodríguez de Mendoza appointed Rector of the San
Carlos School. As honorary member of the Sociedad de Amantes del País, he
was associated with the above-mentioned José Baquíjano and Hipólito
Unánue, as well as with José María Egaña, the Public Prosecutor José de
Arriz y Uceda, and others, all of whom Humboldt most likely met. Cisneros
died in 1812, when Abascal was Viceroy of Peru.25 Other clergymen that the
German expeditionary visited were father Francisco Romero, a Spanish
24. Núñez, Estuardo y Georg Petersen, op. cit., pp. 242-243. Moraleda has deserved a
biographical entry in Mendiburu, Manuel de, op. cit., Vol. 8, p. 6, as well as Larreta, in Vol.
6, p. 409.
25. For Cisneros, see Mendiburu, Manuel de, op. cit., Vol. 4, pp. 159-166. José Fernando
de Abascal y Sousa was Viceroy of Peru from 1806 to 1816.
priest of the order of the Agonizers, who held the prime mathematics chair
during those years, and was also a distinguished cosmographer; and father
Narciso Girbal y Barceló, a Gerona-born priest of the Santa Rosa de Ocopa
Propaganda Fide School, and parish priest of Cumbaza. He was known for
his outstanding missionary zeal and his journeys through the Marañón and
Ucayali rivers, where he came into contact with several ethnic groups in the
jungle. He returned to Spain, where he died in 1827.26
Lack of concern in the fate of fellowmen? Absence of

fortunes?
With the possible omission of a few others, the above mentioned were the
persons who opened possibilities for Humboldt and Bonpland in the local
society, but at the same time they may have instilled their own prejudices in
them. Without counting the consorts and in-law relations, the above-men-
tioned individuals include 18 Europeans and 8 or 9 Peruvian-born persons. It
is evident that such Europeans would have felt closer to London than to the
interior of the country – in Humboldt's own words, “Lima is more separate
from Peru than from London.”27 It is also understandable that given the geo-
graphic location of the City of the Kings, many local intellectuals had the
same feeling, considering that the sources of knowledge were mostly in
books coming from Europe rather than from such rugged and forbidding ter-
ritory as that of Peru. If Humboldt and his companions had traveled along the
center and south of the country, especially Cuzco, they might have had an
entirely different impression.
With respect to the state of the local fortunes, which in the German scien-
tist’s view were depressed as compared with those in Cuba, Venezuela, and
especially Mexico (“only in Mexico can we speak of millionaires”), it is true
– as is maintained by many – that the viceroyalty of Peru was no longer
enjoying its former prosperity, when most of the precious metal sent to
Europe came from its territories, and when it had a monopoly control over
the Spanish South America. The administrative space had been cut down,
first in 1739, creating the viceroyalty of Nueva Granada, and then in 1776,
creating the viceroyalty of Río de la Plata. New ports started to compete with
the importance of Callao and Lima. Nevertheless, it is also true, that the mer-
chants of Lima had been able to adapt themselves to the new circumstances,
and overcome such drawbacks, as Marcel Haitin, Alberto Flores-Galindo and
26. These names are given by Núñez in Núñez, Estuardo and Georg Petersen, op. cit., pp.
250-252. Mendiburu also offers biographical notes on Romero (Vol. 9, p. 476) and Girbal
(Vol.6, pp. 49-53).
27. This lapidating expression, written by Humboldt in a letter to don Ignacio Checa, the
Governor of Jaén de Bracamoros, can be found in Núñez, Estuardo and Georg Petersen, op.
cit., p. 215.
Cristina Mazzeo indicate.28 Today we have evidence of some millionaire for-
tunes in Peru at the end of the eighteenth century up to 1820 decade. The
Marquises de Corpa of the de la Puente family and their heirs, the Sancho-
Dávilas, the Carrillo de Albornoz, and possibly the Lavalles were owners of
considerable assets and credits. The merchants Abadía and Arizmendi were
also reputed millionaires,29 while Felipe Urbano de Colmenares, Marquis of
Zelada de la Fuente, the Tagle and the Ortiz de Foronda families, and some
others, had properties worth several hundred thousand (if not over a million)
pesos.30
In an article in which I try to offer an image somewhat different from the
presumed poverty of the Peruvians at the end of the vice-regal period, my
attention is directed to the extensive entail system that affected Peruvian
landed estates and large farms, especially the ones in the surroundings of
Lima, which has blurred the appraisal of many fortunes. This is not only an
expression of lack of commercial or financial dynamism, but also of deep-
rooted customs of aristocratic origin, just as it may be said today without any
doubt that many more holders of nobility titles and of noble knighthood
orders existed in Peru than in other parts of the Spanish empire (except for
peninsular Spain itself). The stagnation or immobility of many fortunes does
not mean that they did not exist. I must admit, however, that the lack of
liquidity resulting from the well-rooted entail system might have contributed
to making fortunes less apparent than in other places. In this sense, Humboldt
may have been right.31
Final balance
The impression I get from the circle of acquaintances that Humboldt had in
Lima – aside from officers of the stature of Avilés or Arredondo (both penin-
sular-born Spaniards) or aristocrats, such as Valcarce (the Marquis de
Medina) and the Peruvian-born Zárate (Marquis de Montemira) and Baquí-
jano (Count of Vistaflorida) – is that the German scientist did not have suffi-
28. See Haitin, Marcel. Late Colonial Lima. Economy and Society in an Era of Reforms
and Revolution. Berkeley, University of California, 1983; Flores Galindo, Alberto.
Aristocracia y Plebe. Lima, 1760-1830”. Lima, Mosca Azul, 1984; and Mazzeo, Cristina
Ana. El comercio libre en el Perú. Las estrategias de un comerciante criollo: don José
Antonio de Lavalle y Cortés, 1777-1815. Lima, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú,
1994.
29. The Marquises de Corpa and the Sancho-Dávilas are included in Rizo-Patron Boylan,
Paul, op. cit., pp. 155-261, while the Carrillo de Albornoz family is in pp. 76-78. The
Lavalles, as well as the merchants Abadía and Arizmendi, are mentioned as millionaires by
Anna, Timothy E. The Fall of the Royal Government in Peru. Lincoln, Nebraska, University
of Nebraska, 1979; p. 10.
30. For the Colmenares, Tagle and Ortiz de Foronda Rizo-Patron Boylan, Paul. “La aris-
tocracia al final de una era. Precisiones conceptuales y estimaciones patrimoniales”, in
Histórica, Vol. XXII, # 2, 1998, pp. 289-308.
31. Ibid.
cient contacts with most of the major nobles or merchants of the city. Paredes
and Urquizu, outstanding intellectuals, belonged to secondary and impover-
ished branches of noble lineages. Perhaps, they voiced their resentment to
Humboldt, in regards to the succession laws and customs that had relegated
their respective branches. The German scientist may have assumed that their
cases reflected a more general reality, supposition that may have contributed
to his affirmation about family disputes.
In his accounts about Lima, we only find mention of three or four titles
out of nearly 60 that existed in the viceroyalty at the end of the Spanish
domain.32 When Humboldt visited Peru between August and December 1802,
many of the titled nobles could have been at their landed estates in the valleys
around Lima (e.g. the Sancho-Dávilas, in Carabayllo; or the Carrillo de
Albornoz, in Chincha) or in the interior of the country. Otherwise, they were
simply living “indoors” – as many high-class Limeneans still do today, in the
sense of only admitting into their circle whom they deem best. Only then do
they allow foreigners to perceive a refined and sometimes lavish reality, not
visible to those just passing by (or stopping for a short time) in a city so full
of contrasts like Lima.
In the same way, it is possible that the sentiment referred by Humboldt as
“cold patriotism” could not be expressed otherwise, if – as has been seen- the
main persons he met were technically “foreigners” (Europeans or peninsular
Spaniards). On the other hand, even the members of the Sociedad de Amantes
del Pais, such as Unanue or José de Arriz, and young patriots, like José Gre-
gorio Paredes, could not demonstrate any form of patriotism that might be
“scented” as separatist or revolutionary at the very core of the vice-regal
power and under the authoritarian rule of Viceroy de Avilés, who not long
before had been a fierce repressor of the Túpac Amaru movement. The mere
fact of being members of circles like the Sociedad de Amantes del País
speaks for their “patriotism,” reason why Humboldt´s statements denying
such a possibility seem prejudicial and contradictory.33
No matter how brilliant the observations of the German scientist in the
field of natural phenomena, it seems evident that, despite the elements of
truth they contained, his impressions on the human and social field were
incomplete and tainted with subjectivity. On one hand, we have to consider a
natural disenchantment regarding the legendary versions of Peru’s riches and
splendor, so widespread in Europe. Reality was unable to compete with such
fables. The same can be said of other travelers who visited Lima a few years
32. For nobility titles in Peru, see Rosas Siles, Alberto, op. cit.; Atienza, Julio de. Títulos
nobiliarios hispanoamericanos; Madrid, Aguilar, 1947; and Rizo-Patron Boylan, Paul.
Linaje, dote y poder...
33. Núñez, Estuardo and Georg Petersen, op. cit., p. 215, for Humboldt´s expression on
the seemingly lack of patriotism of Peruvians. For the Sociedad de Amantes del País (or
Patriotic Society, as the author calls it), see Walker, Charles, op. cit.
later, such as the Russian Admiral Vasilii Golovnin, the French Comte Cam-
ille de Roquefeuil, among others, even though some continued praising
Lima’s grandeur.34 On the other hand, there is the biased influence of his
European contacts in Lima. Additionally, Humboldt must have been nega-
tively affected by the fogginess of Peru’s central coast and its uncertain cli-
mate through most of the year. His short stay in the capital, which did not
allow him to meet other noblemen and merchants of fortune or to understand
the extensive entail system, no doubt contributed towards his disdainful
assessment of Lima. Finally, the absence of some romantic enthusiasm,
which he did enjoy elsewhere in the Americas, might have conditioned his
perceptions. According to Fanny Calderón de la Barca, after meeting in Mex-
ico the young María Ignacia Rodríguez y Osorio Barba (1778-1851), called
la Güera (the blond one), Humboldt fell under the fascination of this Latin
American version of Madame de Staël, as “neither mines nor mountains,
geography nor geology, petrified shells nor alpenkalkstein, had occupied him
to the exclusion of a slight stratum of flirtation.” Madame Calderón de la
Barca concludes that en face such a beauty as la Güera’s “it is comforting to
realize that even the great Humboldt nods [is seduced].”35 Unfortunately, in
Peru he did not have the time nor luck with equivalent sirens.
34. Abridged accounts of these and other voyagers can be seen in Núñez, Estuardo. Viajes
y viajeros…
35. Calderon de la Barca, Madame (Fanny) (Introduction by Sir Nicolas Cheetham). Life
in México. London, Century, 1987, p. 88.
CHAPTER 8 The National Imagination
in New Granada
Margarita Serje
On January the first in 1887, an extensive article devoted to Alexander von
Humboldt appeared on the Papel Periodico Ilustrado, a well known journal
published in Nueva Granada. It was one of the many chronicles that appeared
throughout the century complaining about “the ingratitude of foreigners who
forget to acknowledge the merits of people” in their work. In this particular
case the author refers to the fact that,
Humboldt called Santafé [the City we know nowadays as Bogotá] ‘the Athens
of South America,’ no doubt because this city seemed to him the most culti-
vated among those he had visited this far in America, and although he cer-
tainly thought that this country was still in a very primitive state, he must
have been surprised when he found more than a dozen notably instructed men
in this capital, forged in a spirit similar to his and devoted as he was to the
study of the Natural Sciences. But in spite of the fact that such a title
honoured and favoured them, he never mentioned in his writings the names of
these men, even when he took great advantage of their local and practical
knowledge as they provided him generously and gracefully with an enormous
amount of information and data about the country, its topography, mines, pro-
duction, climates, etc.
The author proceeds to recall two important theses by Francisco Jose de
Caldas, a criollo1 scientist and politician, who was known as El sabio Caldas:
“a method for measuring altitude through boiling water, without the use of a
barometer, and the Geography of Plants, two concepts, which were first and
exclusively invented by Caldas. Humboldt took advantage of these inven-
tions, without acknowledging or citing this fact in his works.
1. I will use Spanish term, since the English word creole refers to the cultural outcome of
a race mixture, while in Latin America, criollo refers to the white pure blooded descendants
of the Spanish colonists.
83
Apart form the obvious reflections about the politics of knowledge, espe-
cially when it is produced at the frontiers of the empire in a language not rec-
ognized as legitimate for the production of knowledge, as was the case for
Castilian already in the nineteenth century; what I would like point out is the
link between the aesthetic and scientific representation of Nature and of the
American landscape developed by Humboldt and the set of political repre-
sentations which inscribed the consciousness of the new nations. I will argue
that Humboldt’s dramatic depiction of the tropical American landscapes
more than a “reinvention of America” (Pratt 1992), was actually a re-enact-
ment of the notions the criollos had developed about their “new world” and
about the way they had occupied its territory. This re-enactment was per-
formed by disembedding landscapes and peoples from their own historical
and geographical continuity to place them in the context of modern natural
(Universal) history.
By the nineteenth century, a new sensibility emerged in Europe celebrat-
ing all that seemed remote in space and time. The colonial frontier was then
displaced: it was moved to the confines where capital had not yet arrived.
From then on the forests, deserts and mountains – les pays affreux – which
came to represent the archetype of pristine wilderness, became an object of
desire: they became the privileged place for the experience of nature (Roger
1997). Perhaps one of the cornerstones of this new sensibility was Hum-
boldt’s American experience. Based upon his vision, a new understanding of
nature was born which founded a particular way of imagining the nature and
the nature of things in the “equinoctial regions of America.”
Several authors have pointed out the influence and the sequels that Hum-
boldt’ passage had on the forging of an image of America right at the moment
when the struggles for the independence were soaring and new nations were
being imagined and created. ne of the most suggestive arguments has been
proposed by Marie Louise Pratt: “Alexander von Humboldt reinvented South
America first and foremost as nature. Not the accessible, collectible, catego-
rizable nature of the Linneans, however, but a dramatic, extraordinary nature,
a spectacle capable of overwhelming human knowledge and understanding”
(op. cit. 120). In this process of reinvention, she argues, “three images in par-
ticular (…) combined to form the standard metonymic representation of the
‘new continent’: superabundant tropical forests (the Amazon and the
Orinoco), snow-capped mountains (the Andean Cordilleras and the volca-
noes of Mexico), and vast interior plains (the Venezuelan llanos and the
Argentine pampas).” (op. cit. 125)
It is important to stress how, in this process of “reinventing” America,
Humboldt inscribed on the scenic images of the American tropics a set of
colonial notions about landscape, culture, and history, granting them scien-
The National Imagination in New Granada 85
tific and aesthetic legitimacy. One of his most important developments was
indeed the Geography of Plants (which he apparently developed based on
Caldas’ previous work). This thesis gave him celebrity and an important
place in the field of natural sciences. In it he proposes his well known law
according to which it is possible to homologate the distribution of vegetable
associations according to latitude with its distribution according to altitude in
the tropics. In this apparently simple law “a very complex explicative system
is put in motion, since the physical parameters (temperature, humidity, etc.),
themselves determined by their spatial situation (altitude or latitude), deter-
mine the character of vegetation, which in turn exerts an influence upon ani-
mals and humans beings” (Drouin 1993, 69). The diagram illustrating the
distribution of plant associations by altitudinal strata was abundantly repro-
duced and it has become both an icon and a model of mountain ecology. (see
figure 1)
The homology upon which this law is based, actually systematizes and
gives scientific legitimacy to the vision the criollos had about the nature and
geography of the viceroyalty. Colonial order had been imposed in America
through cartographical knowledge. The map represented both the point of
departure and the model for the appropriation of the new territories. Maps,
and their superior point of view, imposed the logic of an urban order and a
strictly hierarchical organization of space (consecrated in the Ordenanzas by
Felipe II in 1573) based on a new classification of landscapes. This classifi-
cation responds to the way in which the abrupt Andean territory, when
reduced to a two dimensional surface, is represented as a stratified sequence
of planes. This type of visualization implied that slopes were not considered
relevant spaces; they were looked upon rather as residual areas. In fact the
topographical locations for settlement that were privileged by Europeans
were the high plateaus in the cordilleras, where both the flatlands and temper-
ate climates prescribed by the Ordenanzas could be found. Slopes and their
gradients represented for the colonizers a huge obstacle, not only to occupy
them but also to escalate them. Castilian technology had no experience or
precedents for the management of abrupt slopes, which made for them the
construction of roads and paths, and needless to say of settlements or of agri-
cultural plots, nearly impossible.
This fact was particularly important in the area of what constitutes today
Colombia, since the cordillera divides into three ranges where only a few
temperate climate – a plateau areas can be found. The colonial occupation
was concentrated on those few flat spots, and it is there where the main cities
are situated. The colonization of slopes did not take place until the last
decades of the nineteenth century, and they present up the present serious
obstacles for the construction of roads and highways (Carrizosa 2001).
The Andean landscape was thus classified and segmented according to a
horizontal logic. The hierarchy of the stratified horizontal planes had a very
strong religious and eschatological significance in European tradition. It rep-
resented the hierarchical order of the Chain of Being, expressed by “the three
regions of air. Above the lower air that we breathe is the middle air, a region
of intense cold from which storms and tempests emerge (…). This deadly
region could not have existed before the Fall: it marks the limit of Satan’s
conquest in the order of nature and his present headquarters in human life
(…) above this was the region of the upper air, a temperate domain of ‘per-
petual spring’, the traditional locale of the earthly paradise (…) thought of as
on a mountain, above all hills …” (Frye 1965, 44-45).
Each one of these strata was considered to have its own temperament
according to a specific combination of the four principles: heat, cold, humid-
ity and dryness. The idea of temperament synthesizes both the physical and
the moral properties of each one of them, and constituted the basis of the
qualification which was given to the different altitudinal levels. The notion of
the Andean topography segmented in altitudinal strata was the foundation of
both Caldas’ work on the Levelling of the species of Quinchona and Hum-
boldt’s Geography of Plants (see figures 2-3).
Based on this temperament theory, virtual barriers were established
between tierras calientes – the hot, humid and unhealthy tropical lowlands,
and the altiplanos, the high plateaus, which were cool, temperate and healthy,
as described in a well known classification of the parishes in New Granada
(de Oviedo, 1771). This opposition between the lowlands and the highlands
became a basic assumption and almost a paradigm for the scientific knowl-
edge of the region.
This vision is radically different form the vertical way in which Andean
aboriginal societies conceive their territories. Ethnographical and archaeo-
logical evidences have documented their settlement pattern which has been
conceptualized as “vertical control model,” or as “strategy of vertical man-
agement” (Murra 1975, Langebarck, 1985). Besides the fact that the words
management, control, or model, are not quite accurate to describe the experi-
ence and the relationship indigenous groups in the Andes have historically
established with their environments, it is possible to generalize that indige-
nous settlement patterns were in pre-colonial times, and in many cases still
are, based in the simultaneous use of several altitudinal levels.
This vertical use grants these groups access to the enormous variety of
ecological niches which results from the variations in altitude, the exposure
to winds and rain and the different types of soils found in the slopes of the
cordilleras. J. Murra (op.cit.) shows how each social group in the Andes,
whether it was a small political unit as the Chuyapo in Guanaco, or a huge
and powerful kingdom, as the Lupaca in Lake Titicaca, would secure access
to as many altitudinal levels and ecological niches as possible. In this way,
the domestication of the most important products for the Andean economies
implied an adaptation to the different altitudinal levels: such is case of prod-
ucts like maize, coca, beans, or chillies which can be harvested in all climates
from sea level up to almost 9,000 feet above sea level; potatoes, between
3,000 feet and 9,000 feet, or maniocs, tomatoes and cacao, up to 6,000 feet.
In what constitutes today Colombian territory, pre colonial societies occu-
pied the slopes intensively with an implantation logic completely different to
the European one. Spanish colonists privileged the use of whatever flat space
they could find for their settlements, both for cities and food production,
rejecting the slopes. To multiply them they invested huge amounts of
resources in drying lakes, marshes, water meadows and alluvial soils. The
occupation of the Andes by the Indians responded to a different logic: they
used slopes extensively with varying intensiveness according to gradients,
with a very strong vertical continuity linking the highlands with the lowlands.
This type of occupation is practiced today by several Andean societies inhab-
iting the cordilleras in Colombia. Such is the case of the Kogui, Ijka, Wiwa
and Kankuamo groups in La Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, or the Uwa,
Inga, Kamentsá groups in the slopes of the oriental cordillera facing the
Amazon (Reichel-Dolamtoff 1985, Langebaeck op.cit, Osborn 1995,
Ramírez 1996). Ethnography has shown how the vertical organization of the
land for these societies is expressed in the fact that the basin of the rivers
which flow down from the snow peaks to the lowlands and plains is a distinc-
tive element of identification for these groups. The vertical system of basins
and micro-basins is the central referent for both their social and spatial orga-
nization. In the case of the Uwa, for instance, every clan or social group is
named and identified with the basin of one of the main rivers of the cordil-
lera, and it constitutes the territory granted to this group for the use of certain
forest products. (see figure 4)
In his introduction to Vues des Cordillères et Mouments Indigènes, Hum-
boldt expresses explicitly not only a “natural” distinction between the bio-
geographical strata: the highlands, tierra fría, with cold and temperate cli-
mates and the lowlands, the hot lands – tierras calientes – but also a cultural
distinction between the two which has survived almost intact to our days, and
has become paradigmatic for the ethnographical and social knowledge of the
region:
Lors de la découverte du Nouveau Monde, ou, pour mieux dire, lors de la
première invasion des Espagnols, les peuples américains, les plus avancés
dans la culture, étoient des peuples montagnards (...) Les facultés se dévelop-
pent plus facilement partout où l’homme, fixé sur un sol moins fertile et force
de lutter contre les obstacles qui lui oppose la nature, ne succombe pas a cette
lutte prolongée (...) Dans la partie équinoxiale de l’Amérique où des savanes
toujours vertes sont suspendues au-dessus de la région des nuages, on n’a
trouvé des peuples policés qu’au sein des cordillères: leurs premiers progrès
dans les arts y étoient aussi anciens que la forme bizarre de leurs gouverne-
ments qui ne favorisent pas la liberté individuelle. (Von Humboldt 1816, 32-
33)
The cultural distinction between highlands and lowlands is based on the
assumption that civilization may only be developed in regions with temperate
climates. In the introduction to Cosmos, Humboldt states that: “it is to the
inhabitants of a small section of the temperate zone that the rest of mankind
owe the earliest revelation of an intimate and rational acquaintance with the
forces governing the rational world. Moreover, it is from the same zone
(which is apparently more favourable to the progress of reason, the softening
of manners and the security of public liberty) that the germs of civilization
have been carried to the regions of the tropics” (Von Humboldt 1997, 36).
Thus, in the equinoctial regions of America, civilization may only be found
in the highlands, propitiated by its cold and temperate climates. This para-
doxical deterministic limit that Humboldt imposes to his otherwise possibilis-
tic vision is what turns the natural homology he presents in his Geography of
Plants into a cultural one. The hot and feverish climates of the plains and
rainforests determine a sort of incapacity inherent to the societies in the low-
lands to “ascend” to civilization. The proof of this lack of civilization is evi-
dent in the fact that these groups have no agriculture, and as Humboldt
affirms, they simply “surround their huts with bananas, jatrophas and a few
other edible plants” (Von Humboldt 1816, 36).
From the European point of view, even before the American Encounter,
savages living in the forests represented the first and most primitive era of
Human History: that of the state of Nature, which may also be understood as
the first stage of economic and productive organization: the natural economy
which characterizes the groups known as “hunter-gatherers.” According to
this classification, the hunter-gatherer’s activities are limited to taking advan-
tage of the natural abundance offered by the environment. This is particularly
so in the rain forests, where all these groups have to do is simply harvest the
enormous profusion of resources the jungle has to offer. That is why, in
words of Rousseau, “the body of the savage, which is the only instrument he
possesses” (Rousseau 1996, 82) gives him the right to own only the product
of his work, that is, they can only own what they hunt, fish or gather. By the
same token, no property of the land is acknowledged to them. This is why
America (the whole continent) was considered a huge area of wastelands,
lands which nobody owned because they had never been exploited or culti-
vated.
The right to claim property of the land can only be recognized according
to the amount of work invested to achieve its technical transformation. This
transformation is obviously understood in terms of the European farming tra-
dition: the plough and the geometrical organization of fences and divisions
for the beds, plots and patches. These were necessary for a type of exploita-
tion of the land oriented towards the production for the modern market, that
is, a price regulated system whose central objective is to maximize gain and
profit (Polanyi 2001), which may not be considered as the sole universal, nat-
ural form of market. Besides, agricultural development in Europe was
adapted to the sunlight conditions of high latitudes. This is why it is based on
monocultures extended in horizontal surfaces that act like a panel to capture
the oblique sun rays.
Tropical Amerindian agriculture, on the other hand, has been invisible
until recently to the western eye because it is based on different principles.
Production here is not necessarily oriented towards modern markets, but to
market systems guided by other principles such as reciprocity or redistribu-
tion. It is adapted to the perpendicular sunrays in the equatorial zone. That is
why indigenous agricultural plots present a vertical organization which
reproduces the multi-strata structure of the tropical rainforest. (see figure 5).
They are often organized by creating a series of diverse plant association
spots that resemble a spiral staircase - to maximise sunlight - which in many
cases reflect the structure of the social relations existing between human and
non-human beings (Descola 1986). This kind of agriculture “has a strong
structural similarity with the rain forest, which allows for the protection of
soils from erosion, facilitates photosynthetic efficiency and significantly
diminishes the possibility of plagues and diseases” (Van der Hammen 1992,
16). Its efficiency is also noteworthy: “Having a high productivity level,
requiring a low labour investment, it offers an enormous variety of products
perfectly adapted to the variations of soils and climates, protected form all
sorts of epidemics and parasites” (Descola op.cit., 237). But, since its config-
uration presents a chaotic image, which María Clara Van der Hammen
describes as an “organized chaos,” this agricultural system has been misread
as monte: wilderness.
Besides, the rainforests themselves are a product of the societies which
inhabit them. Ethnology and archaeology in the Amazon have illustrated the
process of its production as an environment, showing how biodiversity is in
great measure a result of indigenous intervention. The “jungle” is the result
of a series of social practices which determine which species are valued and
favoured and are thus reproduced, selected, and preserved, while others are
ignored. Indigenous groups in Amazonia, both the horticulturalist groups
who live in malocas by the rivers, and the nomadic hunter-gatherers living in
the interior, have developed several distinctions and classifications of spaces
in the rain forest which reflect the relationship they establish with those areas
and the type of intervention they perform on them. This constitutes a type of
land management which Laura Rival has come to describe as “wild gardens
and cultivated forests” (Rival, 1998). The nomadic groups for instance, the
so-called hunter-gatherers who are usually considered the most primitive
amongst the primitives, have developed a series of techniques, documented
by ethnography (Cabrera, Mahecha and Franky 1999, Politis 1996) that
reveal their complex approach to the different areas in which they classify
their territory. These techniques include selective pruning and clearing, care
and replanting of seeds, sprouts and young plants, and the concentration of
particular species in certain areas in order to attract prey or animals whose
presence will in turn help reproduce specific trees or plants. Their interven-
tion fosters complex chains of relationships which are an active factor of the
forest’s diversity. Besides, these nomadic groups create “wild gardens” near
their fishing or hunting areas with a complex multistrata structure. According
to Philippe Descola, “the sophistication of their techniques is hardly discern-
ible to a nonchalant observer, incapable of measuring the amount of knowl-
edge and experience required for the creation of a forest plot” (Descola
op.cit., 233) and, I would add, the extent of the decisions that have to be
made to achieve it. All these practices go far beyond the passive taking
advantage of the natural abundance of the rainforest which is how the con-
cept of hunter-gathering is understood in common sense.
Rainforests are not, therefore, “virgin” or “pristine”, as many conserva-
tion environmentalists would have it, but rather, they are social products.
They constitute the landscapes developed by indigenous societies and their
modes of production. However, the culture of jungle peoples, both in the
sense of the care of the land and in the sense of social organization, has been
ignored and systematically rendered invisible. They have been classified as
groups situated in the realm of nature as opposed to culture. In the European
tradition since Greek times, the nomadic management of space has been
invisible. According to its view, occupied and appropriated space can only be
space ordered by geometry and discipline. François Hartog describes in Le
Miroir d´Herodote how, for this Greek historian, civilized space could only
be “delimitated, measured and surveyed, distributed and controlled” (Hartog
1991, 77). In this way, the jungles and forests, the plains and savannas occu-
pied by primitive in-state-of-nature peoples, can only be barren wastelands:
vast, empty wildlands. The cultural corollaries of Humboldt’s Geography of
Plants naturalize one of the cornerstones of the colonial order of things: its
geopolitical imagination. The natural/cultural homology it introduced, in its
altitudinal version, condemns the hot feverish lowlands to the state of peren-
nial barbarism; while it claims that ascending to civilization is only possible
in the highlands. In its latitudinal version, this same homology implies that
civilization is natural to the “temperate zone” (which generally coincides
with what we call today “the North”), and the tropical regions of the planet
are forever destined to backwardness and savagery. This natural/cultural
homology, which was both aesthetisized and legitimated scientifically by
Humboldt´s work, was re-appropriated by the eminent criollos of the New
Granada, and it became the basis for the foundational myths upon which the
new nations and their consciousness was forged. These myths, as I intend to
argue, after a long historical continuity, are still based on Humboldt’s estheti-
cal dramatization of nature.
Some of the most influential politicians in nineteenth century New Gran-
ada were also noted geographers (Sanchez, 1999). The academic propositions
made from this double viewpoint, were crucial for the creation of a founda-
tional image that was to guide both the National Project in Colombia, and its
constitution as a national State. The vision they proposed was, and in many
aspects still is, the basis for the construction of the official National Geogra-
phy, and most importantly, it constituted a paradigmatic model that shaped
the modern conception of the national territory, its populations and its nature.
This model has had a long lasting historical continuity, and it constitutes one
of the myths of the Nation.
The central notion of this geographical narrative is that of the prodigious
and exuberant nature with which the Nation has been endowed: The extreme
profusion of natural and mineral resources, where a continuous re-elabora-
tion of the myth of America as land of plenty, as a promising frontier, may be
found. Caldas, who was both a man of science and one of the leaders of the
movement for the liberation from Spanish rule, proposed an idealized repre-
sentation of the wealth and exuberance of Nature in New Granada. He high-
lights its privileged position in between the two oceans, with three branches
of cordilleras and their tropical position resulting in an enormous variety of
soils and climates, the existence of vast and extended plains (los Llanos) and
forests and mountains covered by snow peaks, crossed by huge rivers suited
for navigation, and filled with immense natural and mineral resources still to
be discovered and exploited.
This great diversity situates this nation in a privileged position to
“observe, and even to touch, the influence of climate and food upon the phys-
ical constitution of men, and upon its vices and virtues” (Caldas 1849, 7). In
spite of its aura of innocence, this aesthetizised and romantisized vision of
the nature of the country was far from it. It constituted the stage for a human
geography based on Humboldt’s homology of the “Geography of Plants”.
One of the main preoccupations for the criollo elites was how to make sense
and establish order and hierarchy among the various social groups that colo-
nial domination had produced: the different “castes” resulting from the multi-
ple race mixtures. It was no longer the Indian, the African and the Spanish
(themselves already representing their three constitutive cultures), but a large
population that came to be known the libres de todos los colores (free peoples
of all colours): mulattoes, mestizos, cuarterones, zambos among others (see
figure 6). This was a rebellious growing social group, showing great indepen-
dence from the ruling classes. The question of how to place them in the new
social order was a crucial one.
Based on the fact that in Nueva Granada “latitude has no rule” since in the
tropics it is the “inches in the barometer” that account for variations both in
vegetation and in the human condition, Caldas postulates a theory of social
order. This order, “the expression of a higher principle”, is based on the oppo-
sition between the highlands and the lowlands: “Indians and mulattoes in the
hot zones under the abrasive sun, live almost naked, having only a hammock
and some banana trees which require no cultivation…while the castes that
live in the cordillera are whiter and have better manners” (Caldas op.cit.,
132).
The homology between the temperate latitudes and the highlands in the
cordilleras, which is the central premise of the Geography of Plants, acquires
in his work an important new dimension: it becomes the basis to homologate
the groups inhabiting the cordilleras with Europeans; giving in this way a sci-
entific basis to the superiority of the Andean criollos. Based on this geo-
graphical categorization, he distinguishes three hierarchical social castes
related to the altitudinal strata: the wild lands, jungles and savannas inhabited
by “hordes of barbarians”, the hot lowlands populated by the free peoples of
all colours, who are subdued by the harmful influence of a torrid morbid cli-
mate, and the elevated peoples in the cool temperate Andean high – plateaus.
The bio-geographic stratigraphy is thus transformed into caste stratification.
This constitutes the first corollary of the prodigious and exuberant tropical
nature.
A second corollary was the fact that at the same time, the diversity of nat-
ural resources and the potential of the bio-geographic stratigraphy repre-
sented the “Most Important Theatre for the development of vapour,
commerce, mining and immigration in order to transform this desert into a
powerful and opulent Nation” as was expressed by an editorial in the journal
El Pasatiempo, 12 October 1853. Natural profusion awaits to be penetrated
and exploited.
In order to make this vision possible the colonial division of labour had to
be preserved. The bio-geographic stratification gave institutional and scien-
tific legitimacy to a new reading of the social hierarchy: “the white popula-
tion living in the haut plateaus” had the vision and the industrious capacities,
“the blacks, and the mestizos and mulattoes, disseminated in the coasts and
the bottom of the ardent valleys” were meant for work in the plantations, in
the mines and in navigation, jobs which “demand strong and vigorous races.”
As for the “hordes of savages,” they were considered just as the jungles and
marshes, an obstacle of nature to be surmounted in order to achieve progress
(Samper 1859). It is not specifically the phenotypical variations in skin
colour (which were probably difficult to pin down among the “free peoples of
all colours”) that are transformed here into social stratification, it is a geo-
graphical characterization, that is both natural and cultural, which accounts
for the assumed labour (and capital) potential of the different regional
groups. It underlies the conception of diversity in Colombia and the “charac-
ter” of the different geographical units which configure the country as país de
regiones (land of regions). National identity in Colombia – and this consti-
tutes the third corollary of this foundational myth – is based upon the exist-
ence of multiple regional identities. The principal marker of these regional
identities is given indeed by the position each region occupies in the social
and bio-geographical stratigraphy.
This vision, which is deeply embedded in common sense, has had multi-
ple concrete political consequences throughout history. One of them was the
fact that it legitimized the central position the Andean white elites acquired in
the new republic. A passionate conflict between the regional criollo elites
arose by the time of the Independence wars with Spain. It started as a con-
frontation among the land owners and merchants of Andes and the Carib-
bean. In most analyses of this conflict, it has been argued that the problem
resided in the fact that when the time came to build a new republic there was
not one single united criollo elite endowed with a national vision, but a group
of regional elites with different projects and identities (Múnera 1996). What I
suggest is that the issue was not the lack of national vision, but the quite the
contrary, the imposition of this singular vision of the nature of the country
and its geopolitical imagination.
Cartagena, in the Caribbean coast, wanted independence not just from
Spain but from Santa Fe, the capital of the Viceroyalty. A huge movement of
blacks, zambos, mulattoes and in general the “free peoples of all colours” was
ignited there, radicalizing the demands for autonomy. An Andean state was
created to face what was seen as the disorder and anarchy of the negros de
tierra caliente (blacks in the hot lowlands), within the horizon of the recent
revolts of the “blacks” in Haiti. It was legitimized by a national discourse
based on the positive image of the Andean criollos opposed to the negative
image of the Caribbean identity, and in general to the negative image of the
inhabitants of the lowlands: “free peoples of all colours” and savages. In a
similar way, in Venezuela, the National Project was for the criollos the means
to “contain the blacks” and to give continuity to “the peaceful colonial con-
cert” (Carrera Damas 1983). The conflict of interests between the regional
criollo elites in Venezuela was resolved, as it was in Colombia, by a consen-
sus about “the removal of the masses of free peoples of all colours from the
scene.” The project put forward by the criollos to reinstate end re-found the
colonial structure of internal domination, was based upon the set of notions
about the nature of the country and the nature of its inhabitants, which in turn
were based on this bio-geographical and social stratigraphy.
The “fear of the people”, inspired by Indians, blacks, zambos, mulatoes
and all the other colours, is at the base of the “democracy without people”
that has characterized politics in the countries of the “Great Colombia” since
the nineteenth century (Zambrano, 1989). The exclusion of the savages in the
lowlands was explained by Simón Bolívar himself: “In the midst of primitive
nature, crossed by mythological rivers whose banks are populated by a heter-
ogeneous fauna of monsters and ferocious animals that dispute men the
dominion of the jungles, one cannot in one day improvise the formation of
proper citizens, that are conscious of the high functions of electing a govern-
ment and of being elected as such, which is the basis of a true democracy”
(Bolivar 1971, 102).
The political consequence of the ideas about the geography of civilization
has also found an expression in the development, and the conflicts, of the two
traditional parties in Colombia: the liberal and the conservative. By 1848,
before these parties assumed their British inspired names, they were called
respectively the Mountain and the Valley Parties. The first one identified
itself with the topographic stratigraphy of castes proposed by Caldas, with
the Andean centralism and with the moral and religious values of the Spanish
tradition; it was the cradle of the conservative party. The party of the Valley
identified itself with the illustrated, laissez faire project put forward by the
pushing, autonomous mixed elites of the lowlands. They were allied with
groups of emergent free artisans “of all colours” in the regions most involved
with metropolitan trade.2 The horizontal regional distinction implicit in these
political parties was forged around the differences of race and class: the lib-
eral party was associated with the blacks, the mulattoes and the free peoples
of all colours (Rojas 2002). The colonial principles of the stratigraphic depic-
tion of the landscape are present in this distinction.
2. Charles Cochrane, an officer of the British Navy, describes the composition of the two
parties and their passionate debates in his Journal of Residence and Travels in Colombia
(Cochrane 1825, 81-84).
The image of the rich and abundant nature depicted by Humboldt, and
recreated as a theatre for commerce and civilization by the politician geogra-
phers of the New Granada is still relevant in the contemporary political arena
in Colombia. In recent a special edition of Colombia’s most read journal, El
Tiempo, a supplement appeared showing Colombia’s strengths and advan-
tages for the Free Trade Agreement between the Andean Countries and the
US. Some of the most renowned economists made an analysis of the aspects
that permit an optimistic view of the economic future. They all reiterate the
fact that the problems we have had to face “are not only public disorder, but
an amazing and abrupt geography”, and they don’t fail to mention the abun-
dant and exuberant wealth this geography conveys: “Our richest and most
abundant resource is, no doubt, nature. We have got soils, and water, diverse
sources of energy, lots of minerals, the second biodiversity in the planet and
an excellent geographical location in the tropics, near the biggest market in
the world”. One wonders at the persistence of this representation which has
been for two centuries the tip of an iceberg whose submerged portion is
deeply embedded in the principles of the natural and social homology elabo-
rated by Humboldt in his Geography of Plants.
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CHAPTER 9 Entre Caos y Cosmos:
Odette Casamayor Cisneros

En su Ensayo Político sobre la Isla de Cuba, publicado por primera vez en
París en 1826, Alejandro de Humboldt deja plasmada su visión de la isla car-
ibeña, entonces colonia española. Sus interpretaciones de la naturaleza y la
sociedad criollas han suscitado, ya en el siglo XX, interesantes y en ocasiones
controversiales opiniones entre los intelectuales cubanos.
Esta situación se inscribe dentro de una articulación más general – que no
es precisamente armónica ni simple – entre el pensamiento humboldtiano y
las élites intelectuales de la América hispana, por un lado, y el saber cientí-
fico europeo, por el otro. Ello forma parte de aquella “conexión real del saber
americano con Europa y la fundamentación transcultural de la existencia de
un sólo tipo de modernidad occidental sobre bases clásicas en Europa y en las
culturas eurocriollas de América Latina” que Michael Zeuske reconoce que
se producen con Humboldt.1
Nuestra intención, con esta investigación, es presentar esta articulación,
precisamente a través de la obra y posiciones ético-estéticas de Fernando
Ortiz (1881-1969), Alejo Carpentier (1904-80) y José Lezama Lima (1910-
76).
Puntos Comunes
Legitimidades
En el acercamiento de Ortiz, Carpentier y Lezama a la obra de Alejandro de
Humboldt ha de reconocerse, primeramente, la satisfacción que estos autores
1. Zeuske, Michael, “¿Humboldteanización del mundo occidental ? La importancia del

viaje de Humboldt para Europa y América Latina,” Ponencia inaugural presentada en el
coloquio internacional “Humboldt y la América ilustrada (200 años después),” organizado
por el Instituto Riva-Agüero (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú), Lima, 11-3 Nov.
2002.
99
encuentran en el reconocimiento que hace el alemán de la naturaleza y el
hombre americanos. En efecto, Humboldt aportó en su época una visión
novedosa de las Américas, en la cual estas tierras no sólo dejaban de ser anal-
izadas con desdén en razón de supuestas degeneración o inmadurez, sino que,
además, se les otorgaba legitimidad, ofreciéndoles cabida en la gran tradición
clásica, al mismo tiempo que se les reconocía cierta autonomía natural con
respecto a Europa. Tanto la autonomía como la legitimidad clásica son exten-
didas a otras esferas, alcanzando el mundo social y moral.
Si, retomando a José de la Luz y Caballero (1800-62), Fernando Ortiz
vuelve a encomiar a Humboldt llamándole “Segundo descubridor de Cuba” y
reclama un homenaje que en su opinión aún en 1929 le estaba debiendo Cuba
al viajero alemán, es porque estima en alto grado la legitimidad que aporta
Humboldt a la naturaleza cubana y el reconocimiento que hace del nivel de
“civilización” de la sociedad criolla de principios del siglo XIX. Cuando
Humboldt critica el sistema esclavista y los errores del gobierno colonial, ello
no hace más que coincidir con las principales ideas – aunque por razones
diferentes – de la élite intelectual y económica criolla, encabezada entonces
por hombres como Francisco Arango y Parreño (1765-1837) o José de la Luz
y Caballero, quienes trabaron relación con el alemán. Ortiz, en el largo
ensayo que precede la edición que hace en 1930 del Ensayo político sobre la
isla de Cuba, recalca el carácter patricio de estos hombres, para quienes el
status colonial y la dependencia de España constituían el principal freno al
progreso de la isla. También, criticaban la esclavitud del negro, aunque úni-
camente como otro obstáculo al libre desarrollo socioeconómico y no porque
reconociesen la igualdad racial. A semejanza de estas importantes personal-
idades de la historia colonial, pero un siglo después, Ortiz (a quien se le dice
también “tercer descubridor de Cuba”) se halla igualmente en plena cruzada
contra el atraso económico y social de su país. Es ya el autor de algunas obras
que se atacan a ciertos males sociales de la República de 1902, principal-
mente de orden moral y criminal. En tanto que positivista, discípulo de Lom-
broso, ha publicado en 1906 Los negros brujos y en 1916 Los negros
esclavos, ambos libros integran la serie que intitula “Hampa Afrocubana,”
donde las prácticas rituales de origen africano son presentadas bajo la per-
spectiva criminalística, consideradas como elementos de la “mala vida
cubana.” Es cierto que el pensamiento de Ortiz cambiaría con el tiempo y que
sus concepciones racistas cederían paulatinamente lugar a la teoría de la tran-
sculturación,2 pero en todo momento una gran pulsión humanista dominó su
trabajo, pulsión que persigue el progreso de la nación.
Como también es el progreso el fin último de las teorías ético-estéticas de
Alejo Carpentier. El novelista no es un moralista en el mismo sentido en que
lo es Ortiz. Exigirá también, por supuesto, la educación, la instrucción y el
Entre Caos y Cosmos: 101
progreso económico de su pueblo, aspectos que en su opinión garantizan el
derecho a pertenecer al “mundo civilizado.” Mas intentará demostrar además
la legitimidad de esta pertenencia a través de sus teorías sobre el barroco y lo
real maravilloso. Tampoco sus ideas permanecen inalterables con el tran-
scurso de los años, pero, en lo esencial, se trata de concepciones en las que la
Historia es siempre impulsada por la acción concreta de los hombres. Es este
el motor secreto de la vida humana, para Carpentier, quien cree además que
en América tales fenómenos resultan más evidentes que en cualquier otra
parte del mundo. Constantemente interpelado por la diferencia y la con-
tinuidad entre América y Europa y habiendo consagrado buena parte de su
obra de ficción y ensayística a determinar y demostrar el sitio que ocupan
América en general y Cuba en particular dentro de la civilización occidental,
Carpentier no puede evitar admirar la obra humboldtiana, en tanto “divulga-
dora” europea de las realidades americanas. No carece de interés el dato,
aportado por el propio Carpentier, de que la idea de la novela Los pasos per-
didos surgiese en 1949 durante su viaje a través del Orinoco, acompañado de
la lectura de El Orinoco ilustrado del padre José Gumilla y de Viaje a las
regiones equinocciales del Nuevo Continente de Humboldt.3 Y en este
dejarse llevar por la mirada de Humboldt, puede sin dudas descubrirse la
importancia que en la obra de Carpentier pudo haber tenido la ordenación
histórica que tienta el científico alemán a partir de los hechos naturales. El
escritor cubano confiesa también haber reconocido durante la travesía a
través del Orinoco las descripciones hechas antaño por Humboldt y Gumilla,
y se “maravilla” (palabra y gesto claves en Carpentier) tal y como hiciese
diez años antes al regresar a La Habana, tras una larga estancia en Europa.
Desde el principio del artículo “La Habana vista por un turista cubano,” el
creador del término de lo real maravilloso revela su extrañeza ante la realidad
que redescubre. Se llama a sí mismo turista en su propia tierra, que se
maravilla ante su multiplicidad y aprende a “considerar La Habana con un
respeto ajeno a todo sentimiento íntimo y personal de cariño,” divirtiéndose
en “hallar analogías auténticas” con lugares europeos.4 Curiosamente, su
descripción de la entrada en la Bahía de la Habana desde el barco que lo traía
de Europa no se aleja demasiado de la visión de Humboldt en 1800, quien
2. “La transculturación expresa mejor las diferentes fases del proceso transitivo de una
cultura a otra, porque éste no consiste solamente en adquirir una distinta cultura, que es lo
que en rigor indica la voz angloamericana acculturation, sino que el proceso implica tam-
bién necesariamente la pérdida o desarraigo de una cultura precedente, lo que pudiera
decirse una parcial desculturación, y, además significa la consiguiente creación de nuevos
fenómenos culturales que pudieran denominarse de neoculturación”, F. Ortiz, Contrapun-
teo cubano del tabaco y el azúcar, La Habana, Ciencias sociales (col. “Pensamiento
cubano”), 1983, p. 90. (Destacado por el autor).
3. Carpentier, Entrevistas, La Habana, Letras cubanas, 1985, p. 484.
4. Carpentier, “La Habana vista por un turista cubano,” Conferencias, La Habana, Letras
cubanas, 1987, p. 182.
calificaba entonces la vista de La Habana, a la entrada del puerto, como “una
de las más alegres y pintorescas de que puede gozarse en el litoral de la
América equinoccial.”5 Por su parte Carpentier descubre, al penetrar la bahía,
la “espectacularidad” de la ciudad y decide que la entrada al puerto “parece
obra de un habilísimo escenógrafo.”6 Prosigue el novelista elogiando una
vista que según él no defrauda las ilusiones románticas del turista: la de los
castillos coloniales, que ya habían sido motivo de exaltación para Humboldt.
¿Qué propicia entonces las coincidencias entre ambas descripciones?: tal vez
la perspectiva europea de donde parten. Y no se pretende aquí volver a las
inextinguibles y estériles discusiones acerca del grado de cubanía – por
nacimiento o cultura – de Alejo Carpentier, sólo se constata lo que innegable-
mente compartían tanto Humboldt como el novelista cubano: el pensamiento
clásico occidental.
También, la descripción que hace Humboldt de algunos parajes insulares
adquiere para José Lezama Lima una especial significación, que no deja de
señalar en su ensayo “Recuerdo de Humboldt.” Incluso, no es difícil recono-
cer ciertas coincidencias entre las notas que toma el alemán a la vista de los
Jardines y Jardinillos de la Isla de Pinos y algunas imágenes más o menos
famosas de la poesía de Lezama, donde la luz es venerada como elemento
principal de la cubanía geográfica. En el poema “Noche insular: jardines
invisibles,” por ejemplo, “la luz vendrá mansa y trenzando/el aire con el agua
apenas recordada,” ésta será también “delicadeza suma” y gozará de una
“calidad tranquila,” mientras “la mar violeta añora el nacimiento de los
dioses.”7 Por su parte, Humboldt había reconocido ya la importancia de la luz
solar en los ilusionismos que le inspiran los Jardines y Jardinillos, que le
agradan particularmente por lo cambiante que a sus ojos se torna el paisaje,
por los juegos ópticos que la luz provoca, los cambios de color y brillo. Habla
entonces de “espectáculo engañoso” y de la inmovilidad de “la superficie
ondeante de las llanuras,” de “masas inertes [que] parecen como suspendidas
en el aire.”8 No ha de olvidarse, en este punto, que también Lezama valoraría
en alto grado la ligereza, la suspensión, la permanente metamorfosis, y que
concebía “lo cubano” precisamente como algo “inefable […] un airecillo,
una ternura, un estar y no estar.”9 Para quien la imagen poética constituyese
un elemento esencial de su pensamiento, y para quien la insularidad era tan
importante que había llegado incluso a plantear la urgencia de ocuparse de
5. Humboldt, Ensayo político sobre la isla de Cuba, La Habana, Fundación Fernando

Ortiz, 1998, p. 6.
6. Carpentier, “La Habana vista por un turista cubano”, Op. cit., p. 187.
7. Lezama Lima, “Noche insular: jardines invisibles,” Poesía completa, Madrid, Alianza
Literaria, 1999, p. 82-4.
8. Humboldt, Ensayo político sobre la isla de Cuba, Op. cit., p. 226-7.
9. Lezama, Cartas (1936-1970), Madrid, Orígenes S.A. (col. “Tratados de testimonio”),
1979, p. 181.
una Teleología Insular,10 la búsqueda de dichas imágenes en los primeros dis-
cursos y textos sobre la isla fue siempre una tarea principal. En este sentido,
las divagaciones poéticas del científico alemán ante la naturaleza cubana no
debieron pasarle inadvertidas. Lezama no puede sino admirar el hecho de que
el sabio europeo, tan impregnado de cultura clásica, fuera sensible y capaz de
aceptar en cierto modo el mundo en plena mutación (que fuesen las
sociedades americanas o el paisaje de los Jardines y Jardinillos). Para los
intelectuales como Lezama, Ortiz y Carpentier, tan preocupados por la cul-
tura cubana – a sus ojos tan joven y en pleno y constante devenir, la posición
de Humboldt, en tal sentido, es perfectamente encomiable.
Además de esta identificación poética, Lezama, junto a Carpentier y
Ortiz, comparte el humanismo humboldtiano, su fe en el progreso humano.
Sobre todo en lo que respecta a Cuba se suma al aplauso general y en su
ensayo agradece el reconocimiento de universalidad y de civismo que a veces
hace Humboldt de la isla y sus habitantes. A semejanza de Ortiz, Lezama
Lima recalca los orígenes aristocráticos de Humboldt y ve en el hecho de que
un célebre noble europeo frecuentase gustosamente el patriciado intelectual
de las diferentes ciudades americanas que visitó, una muestra del “potencial
de refinamiento o expresividad de esas sociedades en ciernes.” Lezama enza-
lza sin ambages la legitimación que según él hace Humboldt de la diferencia
y la futuridad americanas: “Humboldt sabía que esa calidad de sabiduría [se
refiere a la sabiduría que atribuye a la alta nobleza europea] no la podía
encontrar por tierras americanas, pero intuía en esas sociedades incipientes,
ebulliciones de nuevas síntesis, distribuciones espaciales sutiles y poderosas,
dimensiones cargadas de una novedad sorpresiva para las otras sociedades.”
Ejemplifica Lezama la sensibilidad que atribuye a Humboldt con el hecho de
que, a un tiempo de ser capaz de conversar sobre sus descubrimientos cientí-
ficos con un rey moribundo, consigue delectarse con “los golpes de ingenio
de nuestras criollas.”11 Por otra parte, el cumplido del alemán hacia las damas
de la alta sociedad cubana, de quienes exaltaba la gracia, tampoco había esca-
pado en su momento a Ortiz.
Coincidencias cosmológicas
Aunque seguramente de una manera inconciente, la perspectiva cosmológica
de Alejandro de Humboldt se encuentra sin dudas a la base de la atracción
que tanto sobre Ortiz, Lezama o Carpentier ejerciese el pensamiento del via-
10. “Ya va siendo hora de que todos nos empeñemos en una Economía Astronómica, en
una Meteorología habanera para uso de descarriados y poetas, en una Teleología Insular, en
algo de veras grande y nutridor”, Lezama Lima, Archivo de José Lezama Lima. Miscelánea,
Iván González-Cruz (ed.), Madrid, Editorial Centro de Estudios Ramón Areces, S. A., p.
526-7.
11. Lezama Lima, “Recuerdo de Humboldt,” Tratados en La Habana, S.l., Universidad
central de Las Villas, 1958, p. 202.
jero alemán. En su obra Kosmos, la identificación que éste hacía entre las
leyes que rigen la naturaleza y aquellas que según él determinaban el mundo
moral, es claramente expresada:
Yo creo que la descripción del universo y de la historia de los hombres se
encuentran situadas en un mismo grado de empirismo; pero que sometiendo
los fenómenos físicos y los acontecimientos al trabajo del pensamiento, y
remontando hasta sus causas por la vía del razonamiento, uno es penetrado
cada vez más por esa creencia antigua según la cual las fuerzas inherentes a la
materia y las que rigen el mundo moral ejercen su acción bajo el imperio de
una necesidad primordial, y siguiendo movimientos que se renuevan periódi-
camente, aunque a intervalos desiguales. Son esa necesidad presente en las
cosas, ese encadenamiento oculto aunque permanente, ese regreso periódico
en el desarrollo progresivo de las formas y de los acontecimientos, quienes
constituyen la naturaleza obediente a una primera impulsión determinada.12
Aunque estaba convencido de la superioridad de los valores de la cultura
europea y no concebía el futuro del universo al margen de los mismos, con
sus viajes e investigaciones empíricas Humboldt emprende la búsqueda y
concepción de una comprensión diferente del mundo e intuye que su meollo
puede hallarse tal vez en ese encadenamiento oculto aunque permanente y
necesario, responsable de la progresión cíclica de todos los fenómenos, fue-
sen estos naturales o morales. Mas precisa también, en su brillante Kosmos,
que no se trata de reducir la totalidad de los elementos sensibles a un pequeño
número de principios abstractos únicamente basados en la Razón, sino de la
contemplación del universo entero fundada sobre una especie de “empirismo
razonado.”
El científico alemán creyó descubrir en los grandes fenómenos naturales
la misma lógica interna que veía en las composiciones históricas. Con esta
forma de concebir el desarrollo histórico coincide en ciertos textos, por su
parte, Alejo Carpentier. La visión cíclica de la Historia en El reino de este
mundo y en El siglo de las luces, entre otras obras, es en este sentido muy
esclarecedora. En El siglo de las luces, incluso, el personaje de Esteban
piensa en repetidas ocasiones en las analogías entre el paisaje y el mundo
vegetal y animal que conoce durante sus viajes por el Caribe y la Historia.
12. “Je crois que la description de l’univers et l’histoire des hommes se trouvent placées
au même degré d’empirisme; mais en soumettant les phénomènes physiques et les événe-
ments au travail, on se pénètre de plus en plus de cette antique croyance, que les forces
inhérentes à la matière et celles qui régissent le monde moral exercent leur action sous
l’empire d’une nécessité primordiale, et selon des mouvements qui se renouvellent péri-
odiquement, bien qu’à des intervalles inégaux. C’est cette nécessité des choses, cet
enchaînement occulte, mais permanent, ce retour périodique dans le développement pro-
gressif des formes, des phénomènes et des événements, qui constituent la nature obéissant
à une première impulsion donnée.” Jean Paul Duviols, Charles Minguet, Humboldt. Savant
citoyen du monde, Paris, Gallimard (col. “Découvertes Gallimard. Invention du monde”),
1994, p. 128-9. (Nuestra traducción).
Bañándose en lo que llama el “prodigioso Mar de las Islas,” intuye que “la
selva de coral hacía perdurar, en medio de una creciente economía de las for-
mas zoológicas, los primeros barroquismos de la Creación,” que se trataba de
“una figuración cercana – y tan inaccesible, sin embargo – del Paraíso Per-
dido.”13 Aún más, estos parajes marinos se convierten en la imaginación de
Esteban en escenario donde se reproducen ciclos vitales, históricos, que ni
siquiera escapan a la parafernalia bíblica; y hay de tal suerte un Acontec-
imiento protagonizado por un pez enorme, “desusado, de otras épocas” que
irrumpía en la calma matinal con solemnidad de “Leviatán traído a la luz” o
existe el “Gran Teatro de la Universal Decoración,” imagen de la lucha con-
stante de todas las especies por la sobrevivencia. De estos combates quiere
escapar precisamente el protagonista que, frustrado, huye de la Revolución
francesa y sus repercusiones caribeñas, y por eso, “para olvidarse de la época,
marchaba solo, a la otra banda” de las angostas islas, donde conseguía al fin
sentirse dueño absoluto, en perfecta paz. Así permanecía Esteban, “desnudo,
solo en el mundo […] dicha total, sin ubicación ni época.”14
La actitud del personaje de Carpentier parece dar concreción a ciertos
pensamientos de Humboldt, para quien:
El viajero que recorre el globo, como el historiador que remonta el curso de
los siglos, tiene ante sí siempre el mismo paisaje desolador que le ofrecen los
conflictos de la especie humana. Por ello, testigo de las disensiones perma-
nentes de los pueblos, el hombre que aspira al goce apacible del alma, prefiere
volver la mirada hacia los resortes misteriosos de la fuerza fecundadora de la
Naturaleza, o sino, abandonándose a ese instante innato, presente en su
corazón, el hombre eleva los ojos, captivado por una intuición sagrada, hacia
el firmamento, donde los astros, en inalterable armonía, continúan su revolu-
ción eterna.15
Carpentier representa la Historia como una espiral orientada hacia el
futuro, una repetición cíclica de acontecimientos que hacen avanzar el mundo
a través de las revoluciones, siempre hacia un estadío superior de civiliza-
ción. Como Humboldt, sabe que cada ciclo no es exacta repetición del ante-
rior. Un motor secreto impulsa constantemente el movimiento ascendente de
esta espiral, una esencia que nos acerca sin dudas de aquella necesidad oculta
y permanente a la que hiciera referencia Humboldt. Él intuye la presencia de
13. Carpentier, El siglo de las luces, La Habana, Unión, 1993, p. 211.
14. Ibid., p. 214-6.
15. “Le voyageur qui parcourt le globe, comme l’histoiren qui remonte le cours des siè-
cles, a devant lui toujours le même tableau désolant des conflits de l’espèce humaine. C’est
pourquoi, témoin des dissensions permanentes des peuples, l’homme qui aspire aux paisi-
bles jouissances de l’âme aime à plonger ses regards sur les ressorts mystérieux de la force
fécondante de la Nature; ou bien, s’abandonnant à cet instinct inné qui est dans son cœur,
l’homme élève ses yeux, saisi d’une intuition sacrée, vers le firmament, où les astres, dans
une inaltérable harmonie, poursuivent leur révolution éternelle.” Jean Paul Duviols, Op.
cit., contracubierta. (Nuestra traducción)
esa necesidad en la naturaleza, tal y como Carpentier niega en su momento la
exigencia surrealista de hurgar o inventar la esencia cósmica en otros mun-
dos, alegando que es en la mismísima realidad en la que ha de buscársele. Es
así como surge su teoría de lo real maravilloso, de la maravilla vital presente
en la realidad.
Asimismo, es también a través del estudio científico de la naturaleza y la
vida social que Fernando Ortiz consigue desentrañar las fuerzas motrices de
la nación cubana, aquello que en su opinión sería capaz de garantizar el pro-
greso de su país. Analiza sin descanso la isla y sus hombres, principalmente
su cultura, buscando explicaciones que permitan comprender la realidad
nacional y mejorarla. En 1940 publica incluso una obra admirable, Contra-
punteo cubano del tabaco y el azúcar, donde todo el universo laboral, pro-
ductivo, económico, político, cultural y social asociado al tabaco y al azúcar,
productos principales de Cuba, es examinado bajo una perspectiva que
reconoce y se preocupa esencialmente de los procesos constitutivos de la
nación, es decir, de lo que él llama la transculturación. “El tabaco y el azúcar
son los personajes más importantes de la historia de Cuba,” dice Ortiz desde
las primeras páginas de su libro, “y las sorprendentes diferencias entre ambas
producciones se reflejan en la historia del pueblo cubano desde su misma for-
mación étnica hasta su contextura social, sus peripecias políticas y sus rela-
ciones internacionales.”16 Por demás, es precisamente en Contrapunteo
cubano del tabaco y el azúcar que el concepto de la transculturación es pre-
sentado, recibiendo en las páginas introductorias el aval de Bronislaw Mali-
nowski. Ortiz hace del tabaco un símbolo de una cubanía más auténtica, de
cierto refinamiento, de un humanismo más elevado pues representa según él
el trabajo individualizado, libre, no alienado (del campesinado cubano
blanco, fundamentalmente), en tanto que el azúcar deviene bajo su pluma el
elemento importado, ignominioso pues conlleva la utilización de mano de
obra esclava (africana y “atrasada”), cultivo y producción inhumanos, bastos,
masivos (latifundio), que trae además como consecuencia la subordinación
económica de alguna metrópoli (España o los Estados Unidos). Tabaco y
azúcar se convierten, de la suerte, en expresión de las tensiones principales
que Fernando Ortiz descubre en el seno de la nación cubana. A través de su
presencia e imbricación en la vida nacional, analiza el problema del subde-
sarrollo y de la dependencia cubanos.
Por su parte, Lezama, a diferencia de Ortiz y de Carpentier, no conseguirá
hallar la presencia de las fuerzas cósmicas, que rigen por igual el mundo nat-
ural y el moral, en la realidad que le circunda. Mas, igualmente convencido
del porvenir glorioso de la isla de Cuba, encontrará también una “necesidad
oculta” justificando la existencia del hombre y su futuridad. Es la imagen que
16. Ortiz, Op. cit., p. 3.

organiza y rige el mundo, garantizando su armonía y pervivencia: “Es un
espacio desconocido y un tiempo errante que no se aposenta sobre la tierra.
Sin embargo, paseamos en ese aquí y transcurrimos en ese ahora, y logramos
reconstruir una imagen. Es la sobrenaturaleza,”17 dice el autor de Paradiso.
La sobrenaturaleza que ha de ser descubierta por el hombre en la naturaleza y
sociedad reales, las mismas que Humboldt, Carpentier y Ortiz estudian con-
cienzudamente, buscando cada uno respuestas al desorden cósmico.
Disensiones
Ante el ‘inexplicable’ caos cubano
En varias ocasiones, cuando Carpentier quiere representar su concepción
de la Historia en tanto que espiral orientada hacia el futuro, utiliza con acierto
la imagen del caracol. No es sólo el aspecto del caracol lo que mueve al nov-
elista a introducir tal identificación en su prosa, sino también el papel de
mediador que funge entre lo amorfo y lo perfectamente definido, entre lo
infinito y lo concreto. Dice aún Esteban en El siglo de las luces:
El caracol era el Mediador entre lo evanescente, lo escurrido, la fluidez sin ley
ni medida, y la tierra de las cristalizaciones, estructuras y alternancias, donde
todo era asible y ponderable […] Fijación de desarrollos lineales, volutas leg-
isladas, arquitecturas cónicas de una maravillosa precisión, equilibros de
volúmenes, arabescos tangibles que intuían todos los barroquismos por
venir.18
La espiral es entonces línea cimbreante hacia el porvenir, una lógica den-
tro del caos. Lógica que Carpentier calificaría con demasiadas prisas de bar-
roca, pero una lógica racional, en fin de cuentas. Y ello, porque incluso si
esta lógica se alimenta de todo tipo de apocalipsis revolucionarias, de
ciclones y carnavales, incluso si esta concepción de la evolución humana ase-
meja a un torbellino infinito y total, es sólo en ella donde, para Carpentier, el
universo entero encuentra plena armonía. De ahí, que, cuando tropieza con
las críticas que Alejandro de Humboldt hiciera en su momento a la desorga-
nización urbana de la villa de La Habana: (“El europeo que experimenta una
mezcla de impresiones tan halagüeñas olvida el peligro que le amenaza en
medio de las ciudades populosas de las Antillas […] Las calles son estrechas
en lo general, y las más aún no están empedradas. […] Durante mi mansión
en la América española, pocas ciudades presentaban un aspecto más
asqueroso que la Habana, por falta de una buena policía. […] Allí, como en
nuestras ciudades más antiguas de Europa, un plan de calles mal hecho no
17. Lezama Lima, “Confluencias,” Confluencias, La Habana, Letras Cubanas, 1988, p.

419.
18. Carpentier, El siglo de las luces, Op. cit., p. 215.
puede enmendarse sino muy lentamente.”19), el novelista salte en defensa de

ese mismo caos. Donde el científico alemán encuentra un caos injustificable,
que ha de ser eliminado si los cubanos desean proseguir su marcha tranquila
hacia el progreso total, Carpentier cree descubrir, al contrario, un elemento
más aportando fuerza y particularidad a la nación. Esta visión no se restringe,
por demás, a la realidad cubana. Es una perspectiva que Carpentier utiliza
para interpretar toda la realidad americana, y de la que surgen sus teorías per-
sonales sobre el barroco americano o aquella otra del “tercer estilo de las
ciudades que no tienen estilo.”
Es precisamente en uno de los ensayos en los que Carpentier se regodea
exaltando el barroquismo americano, “La ciudad de las columnas”, publicado
en 1964, donde se refiere a la crítica que hace Humboldt al mal trazado de las
calles habaneras. Para el novelista cubano no se trata de un defecto sino del
testimonio de una “gran sabiduría” dictada por “una necesidad primordial –
tropical – de jugar al escondite con el sol, burlándose de superficies,
arrancándole sombras, huyendo de sus tórridos anuncios de crepúsculos.”
Los vocablos valen por sí solos: tropical, escondite, burla, sombras, huídas.
Son de las palabras que se pasean a su antojo por toda la literatura sobre el
barroco. Más lejos, Carpentier continuará con “reverberaciones,” “poli-
cromías,” y pasará a ocuparse de la enumeración – tan típica de su prosa – de
los elementos arquitectónicos de su Habana barroca. Para el autor, en fin, el
mal trazado de las calles, en lugar de exacerbar los sentidos, acaba paradóji-
camente por ofrecerle una “impresión de paz y frescor que difícilmente hal-
laríamos en donde los urbanistas concientes ejercieron su ciencia.”20
Así, en lo aparentemente caótico – que sea la ciudad laberíntica, explosi-
vas y sangrientas revoluciones, bullangueras noches de carnaval – se disim-
ula, para Carpentier, una armonía soterrada y firme. De este modo, en el caos
que recusa Humboldt habría un orden que escapa a la mirada del sagaz cientí-
fico. Y el autor cubano eleva justamente ese orden camuflado a nivel de cate-
goría esencial para la comprensión de los pueblos americanos. Otro tanto
hace, a su modo, Ortiz, pues es quizás esta una de las consecuencias de su
concepto de la transculturación, con el que pretende comprender, organizar,
categorizar el caótico mestizaje. En Lezama, tanto desorden es regulado por
la “sacrosanta” imagen, actuando desde el interior mismo de las cosas y los
fenómenos de la vida natural y social. Concibe el mundo como una esfera
perfecta en la que todo tiene una razón de ser, donde todo participa en la
magia de la existencia porque es “cantidad hechizada” que no muere ni desa-
parece jamás, está eternamente destinada a la resurrección. El ouroboros es
uno de sus mitos predilectos, la serpiente que se muerde la cola y que garan-
19. Humboldt, Ensayo político sobre la isla de Cuba, Op. cit., p. 6-7.
20. Carpentier, “La ciudad de las columnas,” Ensayos, La Habana, Letras Cubanas, 1984,
p. 42.
tiza la perennidad de la vida. Hay también aquí el círculo, la voluta barroca,
impensables para Humboldt. Por eso, como Carpentier, celebra en La Habana
una “ciudad no surgida en una semana de planos y ecuaciones.” Reconoce el
autor de Paradiso que su villa “tiene un destino y un ritmo. Sus asimila-
ciones, sus exigencias de ciudad necesaria y fatal, todo ese conglomerado que
se ha ido formando a través de las mil puertas, mantiene todavía ese ritmo.
Ritmo de pasos lentos, de estoica despreocupación ante las horas, de sueño
con ritmo marino, de elegante aceptación trágica de su descomposición por-
tuaria porque conoce su trágica perdurabilidad. Ese ritmo – invariable lección
desde las constelaciones pitagóricas – nace de proporciones y medidas. La
Habana conserva todavía las medidas del hombre. El hombre le recorre los
contornos, le encuentra su centro, tiene sus zonas de infinitud y soledad
donde le llega lo terrible.”21
Estas disensiones que separan a Carpentier, Ortiz y Lezama de Alejandro
de Humboldt apuntan hacia un elemento esencial de la perspectiva a través de
la cual el científico alemán estudió las realidades de la América hispánica del
siglo XIX. Esto es, aunque Humboldt las utiliza como material de base para
la elaboración de sus teorías cosmológicas, será siempre – ¿y cómo, en su
caso, podría ser de otro modo? – el pensamiento clásico europeo el factor
estructurante de toda su actividad de observación y comprensión. Se refirió
Michael Zeuske a un “abrir ventanas en los muros griegos de la estética
clásica;”22 mas estas aperturas que se entreabren a voluntad, no significan la
liberación absoluta del espíritu frente a realidades diferentes. Choca, en el
fondo, el espíritu, con esquemas esenciales. Tampoco Carpentier, Ortiz o
Lezama escapan a tales esquemas. Al contrario, su sujeción al pensamiento
clásico europeo exige de ellos que adapten al máximo, en los mínimos
detalles y hasta las últimas consecuencias, este pensamiento a la realidad
insular. Por eso, para ellos, el caos – real, insoslayable, irremediable – ha de
codificarse, comprenderse y convertirse, forzosamente, en germen de un
desarrollo posible. Si la imagen del porvenir americano que Humboldt alca-
nza a hacerse está construida según los patrones de la idea de nación europea
que él puede admirar, Ortiz, Lezama y Carpentier parten por su lado en
búsqueda de un concepto diferente de nación, en el que lo caótico propio de
su tierra y de su pueblo encuentre lógica cabida. Por eso no puede tampoco
excluírseles del clasicismo occidental, porque persiguen la comprensión
lógica del desorden, porque añoran el progreso, porque veneran la sacra
nación.
21. Lezama Lima, “Sucesiva o las coordenadas habaneras,” Tratados en La Habana, Op.
cit., p. 245.
22. Zeuske, Michael, Op. cit.
CHAPTER 10 The Scientist and the
Patrician: Reformism in Cuba
Alfonso W. Quiroz
The first sights of Havana allured the arriving explorer Alexander von Hum-
boldt, aboard a small sail ship, at the dawn of the nineteenth century. Culti-
vated gentle hills, besprinkled by majestic palm trees, and pleasant tropical
smells, heralded the full presence of the bay and its fortified city. Two stone
fortresses, facing each other across the bay's inlet, and an imposing fortified
castle on the rocky eastern shore, guarded the spacious harbor. The "Havan-
nah," one of America's busiest ports, was crowded with tall ships that formed
a forest of masts and sails at the shallow anchorage zone.1 A rowing boat took
the visitor from the moored ship to the customs landing point. From there he
would be driven in one of the city’s typical two-wheel horse carriage through
several intersections of narrow streets, and onto the most important public
square, the Plaza de Armas.
Protected by the venerable waterfront garrison of La Real Fuerza, the
Plaza de Armas was the center of the Spanish official dominion in the island
of Cuba. The Captain General, supreme military and political authority, gov-
erned from an arched stone palace of a solid late baroque style on the
square’s southern side. On the western side of the square stood the Post
Office (Casa de Correos) a model of balanced late baroque, almost neoclassi-
cal architecture and later also the site of the royal treasury accounting office
1. Alexander von Humboldt, Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of
the New Continent During the Years 1799-1804, by Alexander von Humboldt and Aimé
Bonpland, trans. from the French by Helen Maria Williams (London: Longman, Rees,
Brown & Green, 1826; reprint New York: AMS Press, 1966), vol. 6, part 2, 817, and vol. 7
(Political Essay on the Island of Cuba), 7-8. See also other subsequent editions, in English
and Spanish: Ensayo político sobre la Isla de Cuba, trans. by J. B. de V. y M. [José López de
Bustamante] (Paris: Jules Renouard, 1827); The Island of Cuba, trans. and ed. by John S.
Trasher (New York: Derby & Jackson, 1856); Ensayo político sobre la Isla de Cuba
(Havana: Cultural S.A., Colección de Libros Cubanos, 1930); Ensayo político sobre la Isla
de Cuba (Havana: Oficina del Historiador de la Ciudad de La Habana, 1959), 38-39;
Ensayo político sobre la Isla de Cuba, ed. by Miguel Angel Puig-Samper, Consuelo Naranjo
Orovio, and Armando García González (Madrid: Ediciones Doce Calles, 1998), 107.
111
(Intendencia de Hacienda). The building of the merchants’ and landowners’
guild and tribunal (Consulado) was situated on the square's eastern side.2
After his safe landing in Havana on December 19, 1800, Humboldt’s
impressions of the port and city moderated. Since he had left Coruña, Spain,
in June 1799, toward Venezuela on an adventurous voyage that braved storms
and war at sea, the specter of deadly tropical disease haunted Humboldt and
his traveling companion, Aimé Bonpland.3 In Havana, Humboldt noticed the
unhealthy, foul smelling, and often-unpaved and muddy conditions of the
city’s streets. The spontaneous sprout of populous suburbs, the arrabales,
outside the city walls compounded the effects of recurring epidemics of yel-
low fever (vómito negro), an often-fatal disease for Europeans and natives
inhabiting crowded coastal areas. Humboldt also described the most impor-
tant buildings in Havana’s main squares as “less remarkable for their beauty
than the solidity of their construction.”4
An important military presence was noticeable in Havana at the time. Out
of a total population of forty thousand people living within the walls of the
city, and an additional thirty or forty thousand housed in the suburbs, there
were approximately five or six thousand regular soldiers and militia volun-
teers sporting a motley collection of uniforms.5 The erection of the Plaza de
Armas’s main official buildings, under construction between 1773 and 1793,
was part of a larger military strategic design. The older garrisons and walls of
stone encircling Havana had been reinforced with new fortresses, at a consid-
erable expense, during the reign of the enlightened Bourbon Charles III
(1759-1788). The Spanish monarch was determined to protect the strategic
and valuable Spanish island colony against foreign invaders. The ten-month
long British occupation of Havana in 1762 had triggered a reaction by the
Spanish colonial masters who endeavored to improve the city's defenses,
trade, port facilities, and overall appearance. Under the administration of
Governor Felipe de Fondesviela, marqués de la Torre (1771-1776), the mili-
tary public works gained momentum. Military engineers were commissioned
2. Néstor Carbonell y Emeterio S. Santovenia, El Ayuntamiento de la Habana. Noviem-
bre 16 de 1519, Noviembre 15 de 1919. Reseña histórica (Habana: Imp. Seoane y Fernán-
dez, 1919), 105-106. Maria Sánchez Agusti, Edificios públicos de La Habana en el siglo
XVIII (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 1984), 43-52; 61; Juliet Barclay, Havana:
Portrait of a City (London: Cassell, 1993), 43-45.
3. Humboldt and Bonpland fell ill with high fever at the end of their exploration of th
Orinoco basin in Venezuela and before heading for Cuba on November 24, 1800: L. Kellner,
Alexander von Humboldt (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), 50.
4. Humboldt, Personal Narrative, vol. 7, 9.
5. Allan J. Kuethe, Cuba, 1753-1815: Crown, Military, and Society (Knoxville: Univer-
sity of Tennessee Press, 1986), 141-146. Humboldt estimated 44,000 people living within
Havana’s walls and 44,000 more living in arrabales of Jesús María and La Salud. Accord-
ing to the 1792 census there were 51,307 inhabitants in “Habana y arrabales”; Ramón de
la Sagra, Historia económico-política y estadística de la isla de Cuba o sea sus progresos
(Habana: Imp. Viudas de Arazoza y Soler, 1831), 4: But the census of 1774 informed a total
of 75,618 inhabitants, ibid., 3]
The Scientist and the Patrician: Reformism in Cuba 113
to erect the most important buildings including those that graced Havana's
main square of power.
The Prussian scientist of French Huguenot ancestry—one of the most
original and enlightened minds of his generation—was very well received in
Cuba by the colonial authorities, including the Captain General, and the Cre-
ole intellectual and social elite. Scientific expeditions were admired and
awaited with expectation and thirst for knowledge in the Spanish colonies.
Major Spanish scientific expeditions had achieved practical botanical, medi-
cal, and policy objectives—despite customary secrecy—since the 1730s.6
Humboldt’s scientific travel to several Spanish American colonies
between 1799 and 1804 took place, fortuitously, at the tail end of an era of
extensive colonial reforms, and a few years prior to the catastrophic loss of
most of the Spanish possessions in the Americas. French and Portuguese
authorities, suspecting covert spying motives, had hindered Humboldt’s pre-
vious projects to explore other parts of the colonized world. Spanish highest
authorities, on the contrary, facilitated Humboldt’s improvised expeditionary
plans to Spanish America. During a visit to Madrid in 1799, before launching
his private Spanish American expedition, Humboldt obtained official and pri-
vate references and permissions thanks to an active exchange with enlight-
ened court bureaucrats, diplomats, and scientists. These included the minister
of state Mariano Luis de Urquijo, and the Cuban-born aristocrat Gonzalo de
O'Farrill y Herrera, both renowned for their liberal views. Urquijo assisted
Humboldt in obtaining a personal interview with king Carlos IV (1788-
1808).7 The king granted Humboldt a vast royal endorsement that opened
many doors for Humboldt in Spanish America. Previous collaboration of the
Spanish crown and Madrid's scientific establishment with foreign European
6. Such were the cases of the expeditions of Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa (1735-
1746), Spanish companions of the French scientific explorer Charles Marie La Condamine;
Hipólito Ruiz and José Antonio Pavón (1777-1788); José Celestino Mutis (1783); Martín
Sessé and José Mariano Mociño (1785-1803); Alejandro Malaspina (1789-1794); conde de
Mopox y Jaruco (1797), among others; as well as the 1803-1810 massive vaccinating expe-
ditionary campaigns that, under the direction of Francisco Javier Balmis and José Salvany
Lleopart, brought from Europe to Spanish America and the Philippines the first smallpox
vaccine serums (discovered by English physician Edward Jenner in 1798) in the blood sys-
tem of young orphans for arm to arm vaccination. In all there were approximately 44 scien-
tific-technological expeditions financed by the Spanish crown between 1735 and 1805. See
Iris H.W. Engstrand, Spanish Scientists in the New World: The Eighteenth-Century Expedi-
tions (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1981), 3-6, 161-162; Rafael E. Tarragó,
"Sources About the Vaccination Expedition of Charles IV in the Andes: A Gesture of
Enlightened Despotism," 45th SALALM Conference (2000), and The Scientific Expeditions
of the Spanish Bourbons and the Beginnings of Modern Science in Spanish America; Arthur
P. Whitaker, ed., Latin America and the Enlightenment (New York: Appleton-Century,
1961), 12-17.
7. “Estudio introductorio,” in Humboldt, Ensayo político, ed. by Puig-Samper et al., 31-
32. See also Karl Bruhns, ed., Life of Alexander von Humboldt compiled in commemora-
tion of the centenary of his death, translated from the German by Jane and Caroline Las-
sell] (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1873), 245-246.
scientists eased the granting of official support to Humboldt in Madrid and
the Spanish colonies. An overall liberal and enlightened climate in Madrid,
and among certain Creole circles in the colonies, contributed to the initial
success of Humboldt’s expedition.8
With characteristic energy and enthusiasm Humboldt engaged in diverse
scientific endeavors in Havana. His measuring instruments were housed at
the residence of the conde de O'Reilly. There he proceeded to establish the
exact longitude of Havana with the aid of Spanish Navy officers and other
local astronomers and scientists.9 Humboldt also made geographical mea-
surements in the nearby towns of Guanabacoa, Regla, and Bejucal. The busy
and militarized Havana contrasted with its beautiful agricultural and natural
hinterland much admired by Humboldt during his initial three-month stay in
Cuba.
Among the many prominent acquaintances he made in Havana, Humboldt
met landowner, statesman, and civilian patrician Francisco Arango y Parreño
(1765-1837). A mutual bond of respect and deference was soon established
between the two intellectuals. Both were in their early thirties when they first
met. Portraits show Arango as a grave, slender figure dressed in rigid dark
colors and official decorations, his short black hair carefully groomed for-
ward, exuding a stately confidence and pride. Whereas Arango’s gaze is
oblique but profound, the painted portraits of the handsome Humboldt depict
a playful and direct stare, an easy smile, carefree blond hair, a relaxed yet
assured pose, and a stylishly informal, light colored dressing.
Arango traveled with Humboldt to the valley of Güines, south east of
Havana, in a geological and botanical excursion. Arango hosted the scientist
in his modernized estate La Ninfa, a sugar mill complex with several hundred
slaves, in the irrigated lands of Güines.10 Together with Matanzas and Trin-
idad, east and southeast of Havana, Güines was the frontier of the growing
sugar economy. Other innovative landowners in the valley, the conde de
Mopox y Jaruco (owner of Río Blanco), Nicolás Calvo de la Puerta (La
Holanda), and the marqués del Real Socorro, also hosted and informed Hum-
8. See cases of Tadeo Hänke in the 1790s, Baron von Nordenflicht some years later, and
others: Arthur P. Whitaker, ed. Latin America and the Enlightenment (Ithaca: Cornell Uni-
versity Press, 1961), 15-16, 31; Engstrand, Spanish Scientists in the New World, 47-48; on
Humboldt's and other German scientific connections with the Real Gabinete de Historia
Natural and Jardin Botánico of Madrid, see “Estudio introductorio,” in Humboldt, Ensayo
político, ed. by Puig-Samper et al., 29-30; Bruhns, ed., Life of Humboldt, 246.
9. Fernando Ortiz, "Introducción bibliográfica al libro Ènsayo político sobre la isla de
Cuba' de Alejandro de Humboldt," Serie Histórica 7 (1969), 19 (based on the reliable
information of bibliographer Vidal Morales published in the magazine El Figaro in June
1897); Bruhns, ed. Life of Humboldt, 290.
10. Francisco Ponte Domínguez, Arango y Parreño, el estadista colonial (Havana: Ed.
Trópico), 154; José López Sánchez, Humboldt y su época. En homenaje al Bicentenario de
Alejandro de Humboldt (La Habana: Academica de Ciencias de Cuba, Museo Histórico de
las Ciencias "Carlos J. Finlay", 1969), 17-19.
boldt and Bonpland.11 The expanding economic activities and sugar wealth in
Cuba stirred Humboldt to collect statistical information on Cuba’s popula-
tion, production, technology, and trade.
Humboldt, praised Arango for the reliable data he provided and qualified
him as the “wisest of statesmen” and “pure and judicious.”12 Humboldt also
commented that even though hospitality dwindles when civilization
advances, some of the modern landowners in Cuba still retained their hospi-
table largesse.13 The encounter between Humboldt, Arango and other sugar
mill owners, and their learned exchange concerning the agricultural and com-
mercial potential of Cuba, enhanced Humboldt's confidence on the island’s
cosmopolitan leadership and future. Also, the dialog between the European
scientist and Cuban thinkers of the stature of Francisco Arango y Parreño
unveiled to the world, through Humboldt’s own accounts of his travels and
studies, an original enlightened, liberal, and practical tradition in an island
better known for its strategic military importance. The level of education and
enlightenment in Havana around 1800 compared very favorably to other
intellectual centers in Spanish America. In general, Humboldt’s accounts of
the intellectual environment he encountered during his voyages refuted ear-
lier biases of French philosophes against Americans.14
On March 6, 1801, Humboldt and Bonpland left Havana, traveled for a
second time to Güines, embarked in the local port of Batabanó to explore the
sparsely inhabited southern coast of the island and its keys, and arrived to
Trinidad's port. From Trinidad they left Cuba on March 15, 1801, to continue
their exploration of South American and Mexican lands. Humboldt returned
to Havana only in April 1804. This time he stayed in the island for six weeks.
He retrieved his botanical collection and obtained additional statistical data
gathered for him by Arango and other officials. He also visited Güines for a
third time and was invited to present a short mineralogical study of Guanaba-
coa's highlands to Havana's learned society Sociedad Económica de Amigos
del País in which Arango occupied a distinguished leading position.15 After
11. Joaquín de Santa Cruz y Cárdenas, conde de Santa Cruz de Mopox y Jaruco y San Juan
de Jaruco (1769-1807) led a scientific botanical expedition, organized in Madrid, to Cuba
in 1797: Engstrand, Spanish Scientists in the New World, 161. Nicolás Calvo de la Puerta y
O’Farrill was the most scientifically learned, innovative, and experimental Creole owner at
the time, Miguel Angel Puig-Samper qne María Dolores González-Ripoll, “Criollismo y
ciencia ilustrada en Cuba,” in Científicos criollos e Ilustración, ed. by Diana Soto Arango
et al., 13-28 (Madrid: Ediciones Doce Calles, 1999), 20-21.
12. Humboldt, The Island of Cuba, 197, 214, quoted by William Whatley Pierson, "Fran-
cisco Arango y Parreño," Hispanic American Historical Review 16 (1936): 431-478; 452.
13. José López Sanchez, Humboldt y su época. En homenaje al Bicentenario de Alejandro
de Humboldt (La Habana: Academia de Ciencias de Cuba-Museo Historico de Ciencias
"Carlos J. Finlay", 1969), 14-20.
14. 2. See Cornelius de Pauw’s article “Amérique” in Supplement à lÉncyclopedie (Paris,
1776) and Récherches philosophiques sur les Americains (Berlin, 1768 and London, 1770)
[Reprint: Upple Saddle River, NJ: Gregg Press, 1968]. See also Antonello Gerbi, The Dis-
pute of the New World (Pittsburgh: Unversity of Pittsburgh Press, 1973).
Humboldt left Cuba for the last time, he did not lose contact with Arango and
Cuban matters and issues.
Overshadowed by the stately Plaza de Armas, the less conspicuous Plaza
San Francisco was a busy space of trading activities. The sober early eigh-
teenth-century church of San Francisco commanded over the square's open
space often used as deposit area for merchandise. In an unpretentious two-
story building known as the house of Armona, overseeing the square and the
harbor, the city council had its official meetings until the council moved its
headquarters, in the 1790s, to the new Palacio de Gobierno.16 It is from this
council of native Creole power that early efforts at autonomous decision-
making pioneered the Cubans' secular task of finding effective ways, and
appropriate social bases, to govern themselves.
In 1788 the Havana city council had chosen a young legal expert, born in
Havana and member of a distinguished Creole family, don Francisco Arango
y Parreño, as its official legal representative (apoderado) in Madrid. With
this responsibility on his shoulders, Arango pursued a relentless civilian
quest for modernizing the economic and institutional foundations of Cuba.
Through remarkable individual efforts, driven by confidence in progress and
his commitment to defend the interests of Creole producers, he gained impor-
tant legal and economic policy victories. Arango y Parreño was a third gener-
ation descendant of elite immigrants from the regions of Navarre and
Asturias in Spain. The youngest and brightest of nine children in his family,
Francisco obtained the best education available in Havana at the time: sec-
ondary studies at the Seminary College of San Carlos and a degree of Bache-
lor in Civil Law from the University of Havana. To complete his professional
studies he went to Madrid where he graduated as a lawyer from the Real Aca-
demia de Santa Bárbara in 1789.
Even before obtaining his highest credentials in law, Arango acquired
useful experience in litigation. He developed a deft negotiating strategy
15. Alexander von Humboldt, "Noticia mineralógica del cerro de Guanabacoa," Havana, 7
April 1804, manuscript copy in Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País (31 April 1804),
published in Patriota Americano, vol. 2 (1812), 29, in Humboldt, Ensayo político, ed. by
Puig-Samper et al., 399-402. During his second visit to Cuba, Humboldt was invited by
Captain General Someruelos to carry out a discreet mineralogical study of the Cerro de
Guanabacoa dated 7 April 1804. Although Humboldt was not present, his paper was read
at the Sociedad Patriótica and its text copied to the minutes of the session of 13 April 1804,
Actas SEH, libro 3, pp. 122-125. Humboldt continued to have correspondence with the
Sociedad thereafter. When his book was sold in Havana, members present in the session of
14 February 1828 discussed “la venta pública que se hace en esta ciudad de la obra titu-
lada Ensayo político sobre la isla de Cuba por el barón de Humbolt [sic], considerándose
una y otra cosa como muy perjudiciales a la Isla,” Actas Educación, Libro 2 (1827-1840),
f. 19.
16. Manuel Pérez-Beato, Habana antigua. Apuntes históricos. Tomo I: Toponimia
(Habana: Seoane, Fernández y Cia., 1936), 335-336; José María de la Torre, Lo que fuimos
y lo que somos o la Habana antigua y moderna (Habana: Imprenta de Spencer y Cia.,
1857), 170.
coated with learned politeness. A peculiar personal trait—his resolute mod-
ern convictions—often positioned him at odds with the societal and family
customs and traditions of his time. In 1786 his influential uncle, the grave Dr.
Manuel Felipe Arango, designated Francisco, his favorite and youngest
nephew, as ultimate inheritor of the honorary distinction of Havana's council
standard-bearer (alferez) but only if he married señorita Dionisia de Palacios.
Francisco, lacking amorous feelings for Dionisia, never fulfilled his uncle’s
wish.17 Instead he married, later in life (1817), young Rita Quesada y Vial, the
Chilean-born daughter of general Francisco Quesada y Silva, conde de Dona-
dio, and had five children with her.18 Having failed to comply with his uncle's
will, the municipal honorary distinction—held officially by Francisco from
1803 until his death in 1837—was transferred to his eldest brothers and their
successors in accordance to a fair and generous family agreement forged by
Francisco.19 Paradoxically, Arango believed that honors should be acquired
by merit rather than privilege.20
Although Francisco's father, Miguel Ciriaco Arango, brothers and rela-
tives, and the most conspicuous fellow elite members of his time, served in
the regular veteran and militia armed forces and obtained prestigious military
honors and posts, Francisco, like a growing number of young men of his gen-
eration, did not follow a military career. Moreover, in 1835 he politely
declined a royal invitation to complete the requirements to fund a nobility
title, marqués de la Gratitud, proposed by Havana's city council on behalf of
his life-long services. In thus refusing the royal favor he argued, among other
excuses, lack of personal properties.21
Arango was a man of the Spanish Enlightenment. He strove for rational
civilian progress, inspired by the novel ideas of free trade developed by the
Scottish economist Adam Smith.22 As a precursor of liberal economic policy
17. Further information on Dionisia Palacios is scant. In 1834 Dionisia was still single
and living in Havana, according to a legal request filed against a landowner who owed Dio-
nisia and her sister interest payments on a lien of 2,600 pesos charging his property in
Güines, “Da. Dionicia y Da. Ma. Dolores Palacios [de Millet] contra D. Santiago Satre
sobre pesos,” Habana, 23 Aug. 1834, ANC, Escribanías (Escribanía de Guerra), año 1834,
leg. 89, exp. 1446.
18. Soon after marrying Rita, Arango described her as “mi pacosica y excelente com-
pañerita. He encontrado hasta ahora más de lo que en ella busqué, que no fue carne por
cierto sino virtudes y discreción,” Arango to José Ignacio Echegoyen, Madrid, 22 enero
1817, copy in “Dn Francisco de Arango y Parreño con Dn. Ignacio Echegoyen sobre un
compromiso celebrado para calificar ciertas cuentas,” ANC, Escribanías, Escribanía de
Gobierno, año 1818-1822, leg. 195, exp. 11.
19. "Partida de entierro [de españoles] de Francisco Arango y Parreño," (copy) 22 March
1837, Ultramar-Cuba-Gracia y Justicia, leg. 1626(2), exp. 15, ff. 1-1v, AHN; "Convenio
entre hermanos (Antonio, Ignacio, Ciriaco y Francisco Arango y Parreño)," (copy) 1 Aug.
1803, ibid., ff. 9-10; Ponte, Arango, 19, 170-171.
20. Anastasio Carrillo y Arango, “Elogio histórico de excelentísimo Sr. D. Francisco de
Arango y Parreño ... por encargo de la Sociedad Patriótica de la Habana,” (1837) in Fran-
cisco Arango y Parreño, Obras de don Francisco Arango y Pareño, 2 vols. (Havana: Ministe-
rio de Educación, 1952), vol. 1, 34.
in the Spanish American colonies, Arango criticized the mercantilist and bul-
lionist foundations of the Spanish Empire that privileged the extraction of sil-
ver from the colonies. Colonial agricultural and industrial production needed
promotion. For Cuba, the production and commercialization of sugar,
tobacco, cattle byproducts, and brandies claimed encouragement and free-
dom from monopolies, excessive taxation, and monetary and labor con-
straints. Trade with different markets, especially that of the United States,
and not only with the Spanish metropolis, had to be pursued.23 This modern-
izing project took form quite early in Arango's public career and was system-
atized in his essays and official petitions between 1789 and 1792.24
Humboldt, true to his liberal economic views, agreed with the economic prin-
ciples that inspired Arango and, like other foreign observers of the time,
praised the effects of economic reform in Cuba.
Arango envisioned the historical opportunity opened to Cuba in the latter
part of the eighteenth century. Before the costly wars with England in 1796
and 1805, the Spanish Crown had sought to centralize and improve the col-
lection of colonial revenues with certain success. This financial Bourbon
reform was the most effective compared to other attempts at rationalizing and
updating the imperial system in Spanish America.
Arango's strategy to obtain royal concessions incorporated the argument
that promoting Cuban trade was convenient for the Spanish treasury’s
income. Concurrently Arango made special donations, services, and favors to
the metropolitan government.25 The destruction brought about by revolution
21. “Exposición a la Reina sobre las diligencias que se mandaron practicar para la conc-
esión de un título de Castilla,” Havana, 9 July 1835, Arango, Obras, vol. 2, 655-657.
Adverse personal financial circumstances had almost forced the sale of Arango’s beloved
estate La Ninfa in the 1820s. Forty four years after Arango’s refusal his widow, Rita Que-
sada, recovered the pending title for her grandson, Domingo Arango y Herrera, citing the
grandson's improved fortune, “Expediente promovido por Da. Rita de Quesada en rec-
lamación de título de marqués de la Gratitud,” 20 Aug. 1879, Ultramar-Cuba-Gracia y Jus-
ticia, leg. 5851, exp. 28, docs. 1, 2.
22. Ramiro Guerra, prologue to Arango, Obras, vol. 1, 11-23; Anastasio Carrillo y Arango,
Elogio histórico del excelentísimo Sr. D. Francisco de Arango y Parreño ... por encargo de la
Sociedad Patriótica de La Habana, ibid., 25-73 (first published, Madrid: Imp. de Manuel
Galiano, 1862); Pierson, "Arango y Parreño,” 451-478, mentions also the early influence of
Antonio Genovesi (1712-1769) on Arango's economic thought; Ponte Arango Parreño; a
Spanish translation of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations (1776) was published in Madrid in
the 1780s (?), see Whitaker, ed., Latin America and the Enlightenment, 17.
23. “Instrucción que se formó D. Francisco de Arango cuando se entregó de los poderes
de la Habana y papeles del asunto;” and “Primer papel sobre el comercio de negros,” in
Francisco Arango y Parreño, Obras del Excmo. Señor D. Francisco de Arango y Parreño
(Havana: Imprenta de Howson y Heinen, 1888), vol. 1, 3-13.
24. “Primer papel sobre el comercio de negros” (Madrid, 1789); “Discurso sobre la agri-
cultura de la Habana y medios de fomentarla” (Madrid, 1792), in Arango, Obras (1930),
vol. 1, 79-84, 114-162.
25. 5. Regencia del Reino to don Francisco de Arango, Cádiz 29 April 1813: “sobre la
oferta que hizo de 400 barriles de aguardiente de caña para socorrer a los valientes defen-
sores de la libertad e independencia nacional … rasgo generosos de patriotismo,” ANC,
Asuntos Políticos, leg. 14, year 1813, no. 24.
in the French colony of Saint Domingue (Haiti) also prompted Arango to
push for a technological overhaul of Cuba’s sugar industry under the spur of
favorable sugar prices. He also pressed for incentives that could attract the
capital and technical know-how fleeing from the French colony.26 Humboldt
noted the benefits of technology and French immigration by 1800.
Through his official dealings Arango obtained important official conces-
sions for the Cuban elite during his official representation in Madrid between
1788 and 1794. These concessions included a 1794 royal decree authorizing
the establishment of a merchant and agricultural guild and tribunal—
Havana's Consulado de Agricultura y Comercio—of which he was named
perpetual syndic (síndico perpetuo). Arango also planned and was granted
permission to carry out an elaborate trip of pragmatic investigation, accom-
panied by the Cuban count of Casa Montalvo, that led them to Cádiz, Portu-
gal, England, Barbados, and Jamaica on his way back to Cuba in 1794.
The exploratory trip in search of leading-edge technology and productive
techniques lasted nearly 11 months. Arango's itinerary and activities during
the trip showed his eagerness to get acquainted with the most advanced ideas
on political economy, colonial administration, and technology of the time
with special emphasis on the sugar industry. In London and Jamaica, posing
relevant questions, he learned first hand the working of English commercial,
economic, technical, and legal innovations, and slave trading interests.
Reaching the southern coasts of Cuba the ship carrying Arango and Montalvo
foundered and almost caused the drowning of the inquisitive travelers.
Important samples, instruments, and experimental machines collected during
the trip were lost. However, Arango’s technical and organizational advice,
resulting from his research in the British and French Caribbean colonies, con-
tributed to seminal technical experimentation and the reorganization of the
Cuban sugar economy. Humboldt witnessed and praised such improvements
and added some technical contributions of his own for a more efficient use of
fuel.
Arango’s personal business and legal practice in Cuba advanced consider-
ably since the 1790s. He represented local landowners and his family in legal
disputes over land boundaries, debts, and honorary distinctions before
Havana's notaries and the court of Santo Domingo.27 His own landed property
increased through family inheritance, professional income, and business
profits. He inherited the sugar mill (ingenio) El Retiro, near Regla and
Havana, and its slaves, owned by his father Miguel Ciriaco since at least
26. Describe technical changes.

27. In 1786 Arango defended his family's right over the post of alférez real of the
Havana's city council before the Audiencia of Santo Domingo. See also “Dor. Dn. Carlos
del Rey y Dn. Francisco de Arango y Parreño sobre medida y deslinde de la Hacienda
Guanacaje,” ANC, Escribanías, Escribanía de Gobierno, año 1801, leg. 127, exp. 10.
1769.28 Arango’s major investment was, however, in the state-of-the-art sugar

mill complex La Ninfa in the province of Güines. After purchasing this prop-
erty in 1795, Arango intended it to be a showcase of technical improvement.
Irrigation works were upgraded and more slaves bought. This property had
approximately 30 caballerías of land producing around 40,000 arrobas of
sugar mascavado and 500 barrels (pipas) of brandy (aguardiente refino) per
year, a network of irrigation channels, a sugar mill with steam engines, a cof-
fee grove, 300 slaves, and plots to produce food crops for the slaves. It was
valued at 450,000 pesos.29 Humboldt visited this and other innovative estates
and based part of his study of sugar production in Cuba upon this field expe-
rience in Güines.
Arango’s economic and official activities have overshadowed his civic
efforts at expanding and enriching Cuba’s social organization and civiliza-
tion. In collaboration with reformist colonial authorities Arango contributed
to the formation of the first significant associations, publications, and orga-
nized currents of opinion in Havana. Before 1790 the levels of culture and
civility in Cuba were low. Customs were “relaxed,” card games, the passion
of common citizens as dominant, officials were customarily corrupt and rent-
seekers, and the clergy lazy. There were no newspapers except the official
government gazette, no libraries, and basic educational institutions were very
scarce.30 An embryo of Cuban civil society was encompassing wider sectors
of the urban population. A growing public space for cultural and political
negotiation and bargaining in this Caribbean hub of international exchanges,
contributed decisively to preserve the island from the social and political
instability rampant in the rest of Spanish America throughout the first half of
the nineteenth century.31
To accomplish his modernizing and stability-searching goals and personal
objectives Arango got deeply involved in the murky waters of colonial poli-
tics during a crucial historical period. At his return to Cuba in 1795, after
28. “Dn. Juan Bosmeniel con Dn. Miguel Ciriaco Arango sobre deslinde,” ANC, Escriba-
nias, Escribania de Antonio Daumy, año 1769, leg. 855, exp. 12. Miguel Ciriaco had legal
disputes over the property and boundaries of this estate.
29. José Ignacio Echegoyen to Captain General, Havana 21 Sept. 1819, in “Dn Francisco
de Arango y Parreño con Dn Ignacio Echegoyen sobre un compromiso celebrado para cali-
ficar ciertas cuentas,” ANC, Escribanías, Escribanía de Gobierno, año 1818-1822, leg.
195, exp. 11, ff. 128-133. Investment in “La Ninfa” was possible by earlier profits in a
business partnership with count Mopox y Jaruco for the importation of wheat from the
U.S.A.; Ponte, Arango, 131.
30. Antonio Bachiller Morales, Apuntes para la historia de las letras y de la instrucción
pública en la isla de Cuba (Havana, 1861), vol. 3, 5, cited by Ponte, Arango, 37-38.
31. Consider argument by Jorge I. Domínguez, Insurrection or Loyalty: The Breakdown of
the Spanish American Empire (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980), 254-
255. Examples of associative advances in this period: Sociedad Economica, masonry, other
cultural and educational associations; cultural contests; Papel Periodico, currents of opin-
ion; Beneficencia Publica, charity, philantropists. Academia Cubana de Literatura. Junta
de Fomento, education.
serving efficaciously in Madrid as Havana’s council legal representative, he
joined the efforts by the enlightened and singular Captain General Luis de las
Casas (1790-1796)—kin of one of the richest Creole families and owner of a
sugar mill in Güines presented to him by the grateful Creole elite—towards
essential changes in the Cuban economy and society.32 As syndic of the Con-
sulado, Arango distinguished himself as a guide of the fledgling merchant-
planter guild that was opposed by entrenched merchant interests of the
monopolistic consulados of Cádiz, Barcelona, Mexico City, and Veracruz.
Arango clearly led the new enterprising faction of the Havana elite
increasingly involved in the production and exportation of sugar. Soon, how-
ever, Arango encountered local opposition in Cuba from high ranking corrupt
bureaucrats, judges, and the militaristic older elite. Arango’s official inspec-
tion of the official tobacco manufacturing monopoly and the resulting liberal
report recommending its extinction (1804-1806) and, later, his reformist and
moralizing policies toward the accounting office (Hacienda, 1824-1825),
caused alarm among corrupt peninsular bureaucrats.33 In 1806 authorities in
Madrid received nasty reports against Arango from the official head of the
tobacco monopoly, Rafael Gómez Roubaud.34 Also, Spain’s dominant minis-
ter, Manuel Godoy, Príncipe de la Paz, disliked Arango's reformist proposals
due to his personal interests in receiving a percentage of the taxes on Cuban
trade.35
In 1808 the capture of Ferdinand VII and his deposed father Charles IV
by Napoleon unleashed a calamitous political confusion that led to the forma-
tion of local self-government assemblies (juntas) in Spanish America and
Spain. Arango, with the knowledge and approval of Captain General marqués
de Someruelos, had a leading role in one such type of movement toward
founding a Junta Superior de Gobierno in Havana, on 22-27 July, 1808, to
govern locally until the legitimate monarch was restored in Spain. This action
caused him some official trouble. The Junta movement failed because
Arango, acting as the city council’s standard-bearer (alferez) prior to a coun-
cil’s meeting, considered that not enough neighbors of Havana had signed the
petition for a Junta presented to the city council. Arango opined that without
at least 200 signatures no further step toward the formation of the junta
32. Hugh Thomas, Cuba or the Pursuit of Freedom (New York: Da Capo Press, 1998), 72-
75; Manuel Moreno Fraginals, El Ingenio, 12-13.
33. “Informe ... al Sr. D. Rafael Gómez Roubaud, Superintendente Director General de
Tabacos en la isla de Cuba, sobre los males y remedios que en ella tiene este ramo,”
Arango, Obras, vol. 1, 388-492. On rivalry between Gómez Roubaud and Arango y Parreño
in 1810-1811, see BNJM, C.M. Morales, vol. 79, nos. 109-142, including Suplemento al
Diario de La Habana, no. 700.
34. Pierson, “Arango y Parreño,” 473-474, based on AGI, Ultramar, leg. 175, no. 738
(Gómez Roubaud to Soler).
35. Ibid., 473, note 34; Carrillo y Arango, “Elogio Histórico,” 44, note 7; Ponte, Arango y
Parreño, 168-169, 178, 188.
should be taken. Only 72 notable Havana neighbors had signed the petition.36
After this incident Arango was stood against the radical independence from
Spain. Arango's participation in this affair was considered illegal by his
opponents who conspired, in 1812, against Arango's selection to represent
Cuba in the Cortes of Cadiz.37
Modernization with stability, two often-contradictory objectives, occu-
pied the attention of moderate enlightened thinkers such as Arango. As long
as there were liberties for individuals, Arango believed, formal independence
was of little importance.38 In a time when radical options often meant
extremely costly wars and destruction, reformers preferred a constitutional
monarchy as an alternative to brutal civil war and absolute military power.
Arango struggled all his life for the improvement of Cuba's rights but within
a Spanish monarchy that could have developed into a modern constitutional
monarchy. These were political objectives not too far removed from those of
European enlightened moderates.39
Once the charges of Arango were dismissed he traveled, despite a diges-
tive illness, to Spain in 1813. Pressing Cuban interests against the abolition
of slavery and for freer trade demanded his presence in Cadiz. Arango
opposed a proposal aimed at the emancipation of slaves in Spain and all its
colonies led by the Spanish delegates Canga Argüelles and Guiridi Alcocer.
However, the Cortes’s constitution of 1812, projects, and measures were
undone by the restoration of Ferdinand VII in 1815. Arango with new tasks
to lobby before the court in Madrid remained in Spain until January 1818.
During his absence from Cuba between 1813 and 1818, Arango left the
administration of his properties in Güines to his friend Juan Ignacio Eche-
goyen. Echegoyen had the difficult task of dealing with La Ninfa’s production
and its creditors, as well as handling the delivery and sale of its products.
Arango paid for his expenses in Spain from the product of shipments of
brandy to La Coruña and Santander arranged by Echegoyen. Arango criti-
cized and distrusted the merchants of Cadiz who he described as “unos moros
con peluca que solo con la muleta del monopolio saben andar o moverse.”40
Arango’s family in Havana also received income from his properties. More-
36. “Certificación de testimonio del acuerdo del Ayuntamiento celebrado en [22] de julio
de [1808] y asistentes al del [27]”; “La petición original de los 73 [sic] vecinos sobre Junta
su fecha 26 de julio 1808,” BNJM, C.M. Morales, vol. 78, nos. 1-3.
37. In 1812 the conde Casa Barreto, in probable concert with deposed superintendente
Gómez Roubaud, accused the junta movement and especially Arango y Parreño and former
mayor Andrés de Jáuregui, for the movement's “ilegalidad por trastornar la forma de gobi-
erno y las fatales consecuencias que podía producir, ya por el riesgo de una separación de
la Metrópoli, y ya por una resolucion del pueblo quien trnaquilo entonces iba a despertar,”
ibid. no. 9.
38. Ponte, Arango, 274.
39. See for example David Hume, History of England.
40. Arango to Echegoyen, Chiclana 11 Feb. 1814, ANC, Escribanías, Escribanía de Gobi-
erno, año 1818-1822, leg. 195, exp. 11, ff. 63-67v.
over, Arango entrusted Echegoyen the construction of a schoolhouse he
intended to donate to the town of Güines.41 Arango’s commercial creditors
and consignors (Drake, slave traders Hernández & Chaviteau, Inglada &
Echendia, Ferrer, Lombillo) in Cuba took advantage of Arango’s absence to
alter customary exchange commissions and conditions in the sale of Arango’s
sugar and coffee in the U.S.A. and Europe. Increasing debts and problems
with the U.S. market (embargo) in 1814, placed Arango in increasing finan-
cial difficulties. By 1819 La Ninfa had accumulated such sizable commercial
and internal administrative debts that almost forced its sale.
During his long sojourn in Spain Arango continued lobbying for more lib-
eral trade conditions for goods and slaves, tobacco production, property
rights of land, and public education, among many other issues.42 Arango
influenced in the decision to establish the Junta de Fomento, a local govern-
ment institution planned to foster productive industries and education in
Cuba.43 In 1818, Arango’s greatest victory, the introduction of free trade with
any nation, was implemented. In 1819, after years of dispute concerning land
titles and property rights over traditional land concessions (mercedes), a royal
decree officially recognized thousands of Cuban subjects as small and
medium landowners. Arango, the Junta de Fomento, the merchant guild, and
the new elite of sugar planters played an important role in the legal struggle
for modernized property rights against official restrictions to the cutting of
trees and transformation of rural properties.
The leverage obtained by the Cuban-born in matters of land property in
the island was counterbalanced, however, by their credit dependence on
mostly peninsular and foreign merchants, agents, and moneylenders.44 In
time landowners felt the credit pinch. Arango’s own business dreams suf-
fered a rude awakening in 1818. After bad harvests and sugar market prob-
lems his agent, José Ignacio Echegoyen, presented him with a hefty bill for
41. Arango to Echegoyen, Chiclana 20 Feb. 1814, ibid., ff. 67v-68. The total cost of the
school house in Güines was 15,000 pesos. Arango instructed that a marble stone should be
place on top of the school entrance with the inscription “Escuela gratuita de primeras
letras/ Establecida en 1814/ Por Dn. Franco. Arango y Parreño.” The school was finished
in 1817.
42. Arango to Echegoyen, Madrid 14 July 1815, ibid. ff. 85-87v: “Permanezco aqui por
que no debo abandonar en este momento el negocio de negros en todas sus relaciones, el de
comercio extranjero, el de tierras, el de educación, y otros no menos graves e interesantes a
nuestro país a quien debo hacer este último sacrificio: sin descuidar entre tanto los medios
de proveerte de negros y otros auxilios.”
43. The Lancasterian educational project Arango pressed for Cuba stalled because of
preference in Madrid and Havana for religious education: “El plan de estudios de que me
ocupaba y te hablé no puede tener efecto por el deceo que aquí hay de restablecer los Jesu-
itas, y la pretensión que ha hecho ese Ayuntamiento [de La Habana] para que se les remi-
tan allá,” Arango a Echegoyen, Madrid 5 Jan. 1816, ff. 87v-91.
44. Duvon C. Cornbitt, “Mercedes and Realengos: A Survey of the Public Land System in
Cuba,” Hispanic American Historical Review 19 (1939): 263-285; Francisco Pérez de la
Riva, Origen y régimen de la propiedad territorial en Cuba (Habana: Imp. “El Siglo XX”-
Academia de la Historia, 1946), 7-8, 139-153.
administrative fees (70,000 pesos) and debts outstanding (62,000 pesos) that
led to a long judicial process.45 To repay debts Arango considered in 1821-
1823 putting his properties up for sale but could not find buyers.46
Enhanced trade, encouraged by official liberal concessions, and its coun-
terpart, intensified slavery, promoted by Arango and the sugar landowners to
solve a serious labor scarcity in Cuba, had contradictory effects on the Cuban
economy and society. Since the 1790s new business opportunities had
attracted Spanish and other European and North American merchants, ship-
pers, slave traders, capitalists, moneylenders, speculators and adventurers to
the island. Steam engines, tools and inputs, and qualified operators from
abroad contributed to the technological transformation of sugar plantations.
Imported jerked beef, rice and beans, and cheap clothes improved somewhat
the meager living conditions of slaves. Imported wheat and finer food and
spirits, quality clothes, and other luxury imports changed the outer appear-
ance and consuming habits of urban colored freedmen, artisans, middle
classes, and elite men and women. Liberal and enlightened ideas spread
among educated Cubans.
Slavery and the slave trade, however, stood as a thorn at the side of
Arango’s modernizing project and quest. As a sugar producer and landowner
Arango had considered mainly the economic advantage of slavery for Cuba.
He despised the slave trade but struggled to maintain it long enough to supply
Cuba with badly needed slaves.47 He favored humane treatment of slaves,
exaggerated the Spanish customs of treating slaves more kindly than in the
French or British colonies, and pressed for legislation protecting slaves
against abuses. He treated his own slaves with concern and paternalism.48
Only later in his life he began to reconsider the social and cultural conse-
quences of slavery. Eventually he proposed the gradual abolition of slavery
and promoted white immigration from Spain to address the problem of labor
scarcity in Cuba. He also urged for the education of the black population,
45. “Dn Francisco de Arango y Parreño con Dn [José] Ignacio Echegoyen sobre un com-
promiso celebrado para califica ciertas cuentas,” ANC, Escribanías, Escribanía de Gobi-
erno, año 1818-1822, leg. 195, exp. 11.
46. Ponte, Arango, 269-270. Arango tried to sale most of his properties in 1821-1823 but
did not find purchasers. He was able to sell his cafetal Valiente to several small owners,
including a free black (Matías Campos) by installments that were not paid on time prompt-
ing Arango to sue his debtors: “El Exmo. Sr. D. Francisco de Arango y Parreño contra Da.
Maria de Regla de la Calle sobre cobro de 1,044 ps.” Havana, 16 July 1826, ANC, Escrib-
anías, año 1826, leg. 849, exp. 15696.
47. “Por pura curiosidad te pregunté las resultas de esa expeculación; pero ni quería ni
quiero ser comerciante de carne humana,” Arango to Echegoyen, 22 Jan. 1817, ANC,
Escribanías, año 1818-1822, leg. 195, exp. 11, f. 94v. See also Arango, Obras, vol. 1; vol.
2.
48. “Aquí tengo ya trescientos sombreros para los negros y allá fueron sesenta docena de
platos para que unos y otros se los hagas repartir en mi nombre. Que sepan que acá tam-
bién los tengo presentes,” Arango to Echegoyen, Cadiz 8 October 1813, ANC, leg. 195,
exp. 11, f. 63.
much neglected in the island, despite a prevalent mean-spirited attitude—
even among Arango’s conspicuous relatives such as Anastasio Carrillo
Arango—against free people of color in the 1820s. The slave trade had been
officially abolished in Cuba in 1820 by effect of an 1817 treaty between the
government of Spain and England. However, illegally introduced slaves con-
tinued to arrive in larger and larger quantities as a result of an increasing
demand by sugar growers in Cuba.
Humboldt’s Essai politique sur l'Ile de Cuba can be read, in parts, as a
debate between the Prussian scientist and Arango over the issue of slavery.
An early and brief version of this essay was first published in French in
1807.49 An updated and expanded edition of the essay was printed in the
1820s and soon translated to Spanish and English.50 In this political economic
study Humboldt condemned the institution of slavery in Cuba and the rest of
the Caribbean. Humboldt’s objective data and his detached liberal stance
allowed him to write, in Arango’s spirit, optimistically about the future of
Cuba. But progress in Cuba, according to Humboldt, was contingent to the
introduction of necessary reforms he believed prominent Cuban leaders like
Arango were contemplating. Among these reforms—Humboldt firmly
averred—the most urgent was the extinction of slavery, a serious obstacle to
the peaceful evolution of Cuban civil society.
When the Spanish translation of Humboldt’s work arrived to Cuba for the
first time in 1827, distinguished members of Havana’s city council took mea-
sures to limit its circulation. The alleged reason for this action was its nega-
tive perspective on slavery.51 The rounding-up of approximately two hundred
brand new copies of the essay did not impede Arango to carefully read Hum-
boldt’s work and respond to it with written comments that revealed the basic
difference between the two thinkers with regards to slavery at a mature stage
of Arango’s stance on the issue. Humboldt emphasized a peaceful solution to
the problem of slavery through gradual but effective legislation that would
increase the number of slaves obtaining their freedom. He agreed in part with
Arango that slaves probably had some minor legal rights in Cuba (such as
more possibilities for purchasing their liberty and to request a new owner if
mistreated) inexistent in other parts of the Caribbean. But Humboldt pointed
out that comparisons between more or less “humane” attitudes in different
so-called civilized societies missed the fundamental point of the human right
to freedom. Arango felt personally addressed by Humboldt’s latter argument
and found it necessary to rectify that he never intended to justify slavery in
49. 6. Alexander von Humboldt and Aimé Bonpland, Voyage aux regions équinoxiales du
Nouveau Continent, fait en 1799, 1801, 1803 et 1804 (Paris: Schell, Dufour, Maze et Gide,
1807).
50. An expanded and updated French edition was published in 1826; its Spanish and
English versions appeared, respectively, in 1827 and 1829.
51. 8. Puig et al, “Estudio introductorio” in Humboldt, Ensayo político (1998), 91-92.
Cuba through such interested comparisons. Arango felt frustrated in his long
struggle to enact a code of law regulating more precisely the rights of slaves
against abuses that were very difficult to police.
Moreover, Humboldt tried to prove through statistical estimates that Cuba
could afford the abolition of slavery—through an effective ban of the slave
trade that would reduce considerable financial costs due to the inflationary
effects of the illegal slave trade—without losing economic momentum.
Arango shared Humboldt’s condemnation of the shameless illegal slave
trade, the “abominable trade,” and accepted the fact of increasing profitabil-
ity of technologically modernized sugar estates and mills in the 1820s with
smaller number of slaves, and the advantages of cheap free labor. Arango,
however, did not disagree with Humboldt’s assertion that the problem of sla-
very in Cuba and the Caribbean:
no podrá conseguirse por medios pacíficos, si[n] la participación de las
autoridades locales, sean congresos coloniales, sean reuniones de propietarios
designados con nombres menos temidos por las antiguas metropolis … En los
países de esclavos donde el hábito de mucho tiempo inclina a legitimar las
instituciones más contrarias a la justicia, no se puede contar con la influencia
de los conocimientos, del cultivo de la razón, de la dulcificación de las cos-
tumbres, sino en cuanto todos estos bienes aceleran el impulso dado por los
gobiernos, y facilitan la ejecución de las medidas que una vez se adoptan. Sin
esta acción directora de los gobiernos y de las legislaturas no se debe esperar
una mudanza pacífica.52
A final parallel between Humboldt and Arango and their legacy is fitting.
Both were enlightened, moderate liberals, and interested in economic and
political economic matters. Both had traveled to explore (Humboldt scientifi-
cally; Arango seeking technological and economic methods of modern agri-
cultural production). They crossed each other’s paths in Havana and Güines.
They were both optimistic about reform, progress, and the economic poten-
tial of Cuba. However there was a fundamental difference with regards to
their particular views on slavery. Humboldt thought it necessary to directly
abolish slavery through peaceful and legal means. Arango was eclectic about
this matter: initially he sought to improve the condition of slaves while seek-
ing to extend slavery in Cuba. Arango had extended family connections and
sugar planting interests to take care of. Both Humboldt and Arango faced
toward the end of their lives the regression of liberal conditions and militari-
zation in their own lands. Both, however, contributed to the foundation of a
reformist liberal tradition, unique in Spanish America, which through succes-
sive reformist intellectuals and leaders addressed thereafter in the most ratio-
nal ways, despite irrational opposition, the fundamental problems of colonial
52. 9. Humboldt, Ensayo político (1998), 310-311.

Cuba. This was an enlightened collaboration between a scientist and a civil-
ian patrician of great significance for Cuba in the threshold of its modern
economic and social transformation.
CHAPTER 11 Celebrity in American
Society and Science
Michael F. Conlin
The publication of Alexander von Humboldt’s first volume of Cosmos in
1845 began the remarkable transformation of the Prussian scientist and
explorer from a respected naturalist to celebrity intellectual, or in contempo-
rary parlance, a public intellectual. In the minds of most antebellum Ameri-
cans, Humboldt embodied the prestige of European science. Though not a
discoverer or a theoretician, Humboldt was the most influential scientist of
the period, at least to laypeople. Humboldt’s reputation as an explorer, scien-
tist, and international ambassador of goodwill appealed to free Americans of
all walks of life, from mechanics to aspiring scientists and from men of let-
ters to cotton planters. In the 1840s and 1850s, American newspapers care-
fully followed Humboldt, keeping their readers informed of the great
philosopher’s health and activities. At the same time, the American public
frequently compared scientists in the United States with Humboldt (and the
Americans did not always measure up). Of course, Humboldt also had great
influence on the American scientific community. Meeting Humboldt became
a rite of passage for prominent Americans visiting Europe, especially for
aspiring scientists in pursuit of advanced degrees. Even distinguished scien-
tists sought Humboldt’s endorsement so that their work would be illuminated
in his reflected glory.
In the 1840s and 1850s, Humboldt was a scientific celebrity in the United
States, so much so that American newspapers and periodicals recorded his
every move, translating his letters, commenting on his health, and swelling
with pride when he endorsed any aspect of American science or culture. It
would be difficult to overstate the praise lavished on Humboldt by American
newspapers and periodicals. “Alexander von Humboldt,” Frank Leslie’s
Illustrated Newspaper of November 21, 1857 breathlessly observed, “occu-
pies, by universal consent, the foremost place in the intellectual and scientific
129
130 Culture and Society in the New
world.” The January 1858 volume of Emerson’s Magazine agreed: “No man
has, perhaps, ever during his lifetime enjoyed, in the degree that M. Hum-
boldt has the esteem and admiration of his age.” Humboldt’s celebrity was
confirmed after his death on May 6, 1859. The Boston Daily Advertiser of
June 11, 1859 eulogized him by declaring that “the first half of the nineteenth
century” was the “Age of Humboldt.”
In the 1840s and 1850s, American editors described Humboldt in a short-
hand that revealed his ubiquitous celebrity: the New Orleans Picayune of
November 20, 1849 simply referred to the “celebrated Prussian philosopher,”
the Charleston Mercury of May 21, 1853 to the “veteran physicist” [sic] and
Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper of January 29, 1859 to the “venerable
naturalist.” Despite the fact that Humboldt spent most of his time in Berlin so
that his travels in the antebellum era were literary more than corporeal, the
Boston Evening Gazette of May 21, 1850 asserted in matter-of-fact fashion
that “Humboldt is a great attraction wherever he goes.”
Of course, it was the publication of Cosmos and its translation into
English that first brought Humboldt to the attention of antebellum Ameri-
cans. The reviewer for the Louisville Courier of March 29, 1850 heralded
Cosmos as “having no rival in any language” and deserving a place in “every
respectable library in the world.” The Louisville Courier recommended Cos-
mos “to all who love science, or who feel an interest in a physical description
of the Universe.” Many Americans, including Senator Daniel Webster took
that reviewer’s advice. Cosmos was one of the Massachusetts Whig’s favorite
works. (Peterson 1987: 401)
The important elements in Humboldt’s celebrity status as reported by
American newspapers and periodicals, included his erudition, his vitality
despite his advanced age, and his generosity. Antebellum Americans
regarded Humboldt as the “Einstein” of his day. The Providence Daily Jour-
nal of April 30, 1851 called Humboldt the “Nestor of scientific men.” Emer-
son’s Magazine of January 1858 lauded Humboldt as “the Nestor of the
modern world of science” and “the prince and dean of contemporary sci-
ence.” Emerson’s Magazine gushed that “the whole world knows the great
name [of Humboldt], and the authority of him who bears it is without rival in
all the branches of human knowledge.” So extensive was Humboldt’s celeb-
rity that Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper of August 14, 1858 reported on
the death of his New World traveling companion, Aimé Bonpland, a French
botanist.
Americans took great delight that Humboldt was still actively engaged in
scientific inquiry despite being an octogenarian. The Boston Daily Advertiser
of June 11, 1859 decided that Humboldt’s age was an advantage rather than a
hindrance in his scientific pursuits. The Boston Daily Advertiser reported that
Celebrity in American Society and Science 131
Humboldt spent his time “keeping pace” with the progress of science, which
“his advancing years” and his power of “scientific deduction” allowed him to
gain an unsurpassed accumulation of knowledge. Frank Leslie’s Illustrated
Newspaper of November 21, 1857 marveled that Humboldt’s suite “is filled
with contributions from every quarter of the globe, and with volumes in
every language, which have been presented to the great savant by their
authors.” Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper hoped “that Alexander von
Humboldt may long be spared [death] to occupy the proud position of the
greatest of living men.”
Some antebellum Americans regarded Humboldt’s long career as a distin-
guished scholar as the archetype of a productive life. Ballou’s Pictorial
Drawing-Room Companion of January 10, 1857 asserted that Humboldt’s
career “is a noble example of a well-spent life, and his remarkable longevity,
notwithstanding his severe mental toil, is an encouragement to students.” In a
public lecture given in the Smithsonian lecture hall in 1859, Paul A. Chad-
bourne, professor of chemistry and botany at Williams College, believed that
the lives of Humboldt, Isaac Newton, and Georges Cuvier demonstrated the
salutary effect of science “to engage, exercise, improve, and complete the
faculties of the mind.” (Chadbourne 1860: 7-8)
Other antebellum Americans believed that Humboldt’s long career was
more illustrative of his field of study than any special qualities of his own.
The United States Magazine of October 1851 observed: “It is agreed that phi-
losophers, and men of quiet reasoning, astronomers, naturalists, &c., are
long-lived; while poets, novelists and men of excitement are short-lived. Wit-
ness a Humboldt and a Dick living to extreme old age, while a Byron and a
Sue perish before the midday of their power.” Of course, Humboldt must die
some time. Convinced of Humboldt’s greatness, antebellum Americans
hoped that science could survive his death. The Boston Daily Advertiser of
June 11, 1859 trusted that science would not falter with “the extinction of her
greatest luminary.”
Humboldt’s willingness to advise aspiring scientists and comment on cur-
rent events was well known in the Antebellum United States. Indeed, Ameri-
cans revered him for his generosity almost as much as his erudition and his
hard work. An American artist, who sought Humboldt’s advice on the flora
and fauna of Central America before going on a scientific expedition there,
reported to the Providence Daily Journal of April 30, 1851: “I found this
great philosopher the most amiable old man I have ever met –– in one word,
the friend of Man, as of Nature.” As evidence of Humboldt’s interest in help-
ing others, American periodicals reported on the crushing volume of corre-
spondence that the venerable scientist maintained. American estimates of
Humboldt have ranged between two thousand and six thousand letters each
year. Humboldt’s generosity was legendary. The Boston Evening Gazette of
May 21, 1850 recounted with manifest hyperbole: “A scientific society never
holds a meeting here without receiving some valuable communication from
Humboldt; and it always seems to be something new, something which he
seems to have reserved for that especial occasion, and never to have given to
the world before.” In an October 27, 1853 letter, Matthew Fontaine Maury,
Director of the National Observatory, informed Francis Lieber, that he found
Humboldt to be “a most charming & picturesque old man.” (Francis Lieber
Papers)
Trading on Humboldt’s celebrity as the leading intellectual of the day,
Americans adduced his endorsement, real or imagined, to support everything
from dubious scientific contentions to politicians. The Charleston Mercury of
May 21, 1853 reported Humboldt’s debunking of the purported magnetic
basis for spiritualists’ apparent ability to rotate tables. Advocates of dubious
claims found that linking Humboldt’s name to their assertions was an effec-
tive rhetorical strategy in the antebellum United States. The Savannah Daily
News of July 19, 1851 reported that the Washington Union had been taken in
by a false story that Humboldt had seen Sirius rise and fall suddenly. The
Louisville Courier of September 28, 1848 adduced Humboldt’s “keen
insight” regarding the “character of General [Zachary] Taylor,” the Whig
candidate for president in the Election of 1848. To counter Democratic
charges that Taylor was a hapless battlefield commander during the Mexican-
American War, the Louisville Courier cited Humboldt’s estimate that Taylor
was an outstanding general. The Louisville Courier ranked Humboldt as one
of two “military critics that are unrivalled in Europe.”
So great was Humboldt’s celebrity in the sciences that Americans, both
nonscientists and scientists alike, related American progress in science to
Humboldt. So successful was Joseph Henry in using the Smithsonian Institu-
tion to support the diverse range of the natural, physical and social sciences
that Scientific American of April 26, 1851 ranked the Smithsonian Secretary
with Humboldt as exceptions to the rule that there were very few scientists
able to acquire a profound knowledge of more than one science. Even high
school students and women were aware of Humboldt’s scientific celebrity.
The New Orleans Boy’s High School established the “Humboldt Nat. Hist.
Society.” (Thomas Kelah Wharton Diary) Jane H. Pease and William H.
Pease found in their account of “Antebellum Charleston” in the second vol-
ume of the Encyclopedia of American Cultural & Intellectual History that the
most intellectually engaged women in Charleston, S.C., read Humboldt.
Humboldt’s celebrity in the antebellum United States extended beyond
science. In 1850, the steamer Humboldt, part of the United States and Havre
line of mail steamers, was launched with great fanfare. Gleason’s Pictorial
Drawing Room Companion of May 24, 1851 predicted, “this steamer, with
superior power [to the steamer which held the trans-Atlantic record] has a
chance of astonishing the world.” Frederick Henry Wolcott, a New York dry
goods merchant, noted in his diary on October 05, 1850 that “the Hum-
boldt… was launched today.” (Frederick Henry Wolcott Diary) In a revealing
coincidence of Humboldt’s virtual ubiquity in antebellum America, J.
Johnston Pettigrew, who met Humboldt in Berlin in 1851, reported in a Feb-
ruary 15, 1853 letter that returned to the United States aboard the steamer
Humboldt. (Pettigrew Family Papers) Regrettably, the steamer Humboldt
came to grief in 1857. Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper of March 21,
1857 reported that the Humboldt collided with the steamer Belfast on the
Mississippi River, and sank.
So great was Humboldt’s celebrity in the antebellum United States that
American scientists regularly alluded to Humboldt to explain their esoteric
work to the general population. Joseph Henry, the secretary of the Smithso-
nian Institution and a leading American physicist, defended the Smithso-
nian’s support of the seemingly unimportant science of terrestrial magnetism
on Humboldtian grounds. “Each branch of knowledge is connected with
every other,” Henry explained, “and no light can be gained in regard to one
side which is not reflected upon all.” (Smithsonian Institution 1859: 13-15,
21) As an example of this relationship, Henry cited the correspondence
between sunspot frequency and large magnetic disturbances, which implied
that magnetic storms caused sunspots. Humboldt used this classic example of
the interconnectedness of the physical world in the second volume of Cosmos
(1851). (Hufbauer 1991, 46)
Humboldt’s success in reaching the average American invariably set the
standard for other attempts at scientific popularization. In 1857, Louis Agas-
siz, professor of natural history at Harvard College, totaled twenty-five hun-
dred subscribers for his Contributions to the Natural History of the United
States. Heartened by this success, Agassiz boasted to Senator Charles Sum-
ner, Republican of Massachusetts, that “when my subscription list reaches
Europe my friends will not credit their own eyes. I do not think that Hum-
boldt himself could in all Europe put together such a subscription for so
expensive a work.” (Lurie 1960, 197-199)
Of course, Humboldt was enormously influential in the American scien-
tific community in the antebellum era. (Cannon 1978, 74-77) As Kurt R.
Bierman noted in his account of Humboldt in the sixth volume of the Dictio-
nary of Scientific Biography, he pioneered studying a variety of phenomena
in what today would be called climatology, botany, ethnography, geography,
geology, geomagnetism, meteorology, mineralogy, oceanography, and zool-
ogy on a continental and even on a global scale looking for quantitative
mathematical relationships and interrelationships through the use of accurate
measurement and “iso-maps.” Matthew F. Maury, director of the National
Observatory, and the various antebellum exploring expeditions took Hum-
boldt as their model. (Bruce 1987, 183) Moreover, the Smithsonian Institu-
tion sponsored Humboldtian research programs in meteorology,
geomagnetism, geography, ethnology, and other fields of inquiry. (Smithso-
nian Institution 1847: 190-207; Fleming 1990, 61-62, 69-70; Hinsley 1981,
37)
In the antebellum era, it was a rite of passage for aspiring American scien-
tists to go to Europe to receive advanced training, unavailable in the United
States. For many budding American scientists, such as J. Johnston Pettigrew,
Benjamin A. Gould Jr., Oscar Lieber, and others, an audience with Humboldt
was an important part of this rite. In a May 26, 1851 letter, J. Johnston Petti-
grew, a South Carolina protégé of Matthew Fontaine Maury in the National
Observatory, described his visit with Humboldt, “the boast of German sci-
ence.” But the South Carolinian was more impressed by Carl Ritter, whom he
regarded as “a philosopher of commanding intellect and through information,
coupled with the most unassuming simplicity and absence of political rabid-
ness.” Perhaps, Pettigrew’s compliant about Humboldt’s politics was an allu-
sion to his opposition to slavery. Pettigrew was a proud slaveholder who
would later serve the Confederacy. Nonetheless, Pettigrew appreciated Hum-
boldt’s “kindness to myself and other young men similarly placed,” but “the
Courtier in him quite conceals the Philosopher, and the absence of affection
or even little vanity… I should not reckon among his virtues.” (Pettigrew
Family Papers; Wilson 1990, 44)
Most aspiring American scientists had better luck with Humboldt. Indeed,
they sought an introduction to Humboldt. In an April 1, 1848 letter, Edward
Everett assured Josiah Bigelow, a young physician, that he was sending let-
ters of introduction to Humboldt, William Whewell, and other scientists so
that the latter could “see all the Scientific world.” (Edward Everett Papers) In
most cases, Humboldt gave them letters of introduction to the leading scien-
tists of Europe. In 1845, Humboldt introduced Benjamin A. Gould Jr., a Mas-
sachusetts astronomer, to Carl Friedrich Gauss, the great mathematician.
(Bruce 1987, 21) In a March 11, 1850 letter to his parents, Oscar Lieber, a
young geologist from South Carolina detailed how Humboldt introduced him
to Charles Lyell, the uniformitarian geologist. (Francis Lieber Papers) After
Humboldt praised one of Lieber’s publications, John S. Preston wrote to the
geologist’s father on February 18, 1859: “In science, Humboldt’ dicta are of
more authority than the decrees of kings or the diplomas of learned societ-
ies.” (Francis Lieber Papers) At the same time, Humboldt wrote letters of
introduction for European scientists going to the United States. In a March 9,
1854 entry in his Locked Book, Joseph Henry noted that Christian H. F.
Peters, a German astronomer, came to him with a letter of introduction from
Humboldt.
Even distinguished American scientists, such as Benjamin Silliman, Mat-
thew Fontaine Maury, and others, took delight in visiting Humboldt and
basking in his reflected glory. Benjamin Silliman, professor of chemistry at
Yale and editor of the American Journal of Science, reported to the United
States Magazine of May 15, 1854 of his 1851 meeting with Humboldt. Silli-
man was especially proud that the venerated Prussian philosopher “alluded in
a flattering manner to our progress in knowledge in the United States, and to
the effect which The American Journal of Science and Arts had produced in
promoting it.” Matthew Fontaine Maury’s attempt to compile a comprehen-
sive chart of ocean currents –– a Humboldtian project –– received a much-
publicized endorsement from Humboldt, which was printed in the Washing-
ton Union of December 3, 1847. Humboldt’s letter was the culmination of an
almost decade-long campaign by Maury. The Washington Union emphasized
the manifest utility of Maury’s work in reducing the time of navigation and
then copied an extract of Humboldt’s letter praising its scientific uses.After
visiting Humboldt in 1853, Maury parlayed his endorsement into receiving
the Kosmos Medal from the King of Prussia and glowingly reviews in the
United States. (Bruce 1987, 25, 183)
Of course it was not necessary to actually visit Humboldt to bask in his
reflected celebrity. Minor American scientists, such as Lorin Blodget, as well
used Humboldt’s endorsement of their work to attract attention and gain cred-
ibility. Of course, these scientists ostensibly sought Humboldt’s advice, but
they hoped to receive his commendation as well. Lorin Blodget, an American
climatologist in the employ of first the Smithsonian Institution and then the
U.S. Army Medical Department, sought Humboldt’s endorsement of his Cli-
matology of the United States and the Temperate Latitudes of the North
American Continent (1858). He received it in a September 7, 1856 letter from
Humboldt. (James D. B. DeBow Papers) The reviewer of Blodget’s book in
the North American Review of October 1858 approvingly quoted from Hum-
boldt’s endorsement.
Humboldt’s praise could help to rally support for esoteric scientific ven-
tures that might have otherwise languished. Humboldt’s endorsement of
James M. Gilliss’ 1849-1852 astronomical expedition to Chile, along with
the support of most of the American scientific societies, convinced a tight-
fisted Congress to appropriate five thousand dollars so that Gilliss, an astron-
omer in the National Observatory, could observe the transit of Venus to better
determine the Astronomical Unit, the distance between the earth and the sun.
(Rasmussen 1954, 104; Harrison 1955: 183-184; Bruce 1987, 180-181) In a
March 1850 letter, Johan Gottfried Flügel informed Charles Wilkes that
Humboldt observed, “it is uplifting to follow the magnificent development of
the scientific sense in the United States.” Humboldt was astonished that the
U.S. government would sponsor a 3-year expedition merely because a profes-
sor in Marburg advocated it, especially as the governments of Europe ignored
the call. (Charles Wilkes Papers)
Gilliss’ complaint illustrated that he, like many antebellum Americans,
regarded Humboldt as beyond comparison with any mere American scientist.
Humboldt’s celebrity reached beyond the American scientific community to
the broader reading public. Americans were convinced of his genius, his
work ethic, and his generosity. They followed his travels. They looked to him
as an authority on virtually all matters, large and small, scientific and non-
scientific. They longed for his endorsement of American science. And they
heralded him as the embodiment of European science.Indeed, Humboldt’s
celebrity grated on some scientists in the United States, despite the letters of
introduction and endorsement that he lavished on the American scientific
community. Although most American scientists thought well of Humboldt,
and some pursued Humboldtian research, his celebrity allowed several scien-
tists to use his name as a convenient put-down for overly ambitious or con-
ceited rivals. In the course of a dispute over credit for meteorological work
done in the Smithsonian Institution with Lorin Blodgett, Henry referred to his
erstwhile associate as “the second Humboldt” in a November 11, 1854 letter
to Alexander Dallas Bache1. (Joseph Henry Papers) In a May 8, 1854 letter
from James M. Gilliss, an astronomer in the National Observatory, to George
P. Marsh, Henry received the same treatment. Gilliss objected when Ben-
jamin S. Peirce, professor of astronomy at Harvard College, declared that
Henry was the Humboldt of American science in his 1855 presidential
address before the American Association for the Advancement of Science.
Gilliss protested: “The Humboldt indeed! A man whose knowledge is at best
a limited one on Electricity & Magnetism alone!” (George P. Marsh Papers)
Bibliography
Bruce, Robert V. 1987. The Launching of American Science, 1846-1876 Ith-
aca: Cornell University Press.
Cannon, Susan Faye. 1978. Science in Culture: The Early Victorian Period
New York: Dawson and Science History Publications.
Chadbourne, P. A. 1860. Lectures on Natural History: Its Relations to Intel-
lect, Taste, Wealth, and Religion New York.
Charles Wilkes Papers, Perkins Library, Duke University.
Edward Everett Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North
Carolina.
1. Thanks to the Marc Rothenberg and the rest of the staff of the Joseph Henry Papers for
bringing these quotes to my attention.
Francis Lieber Papers, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Caro-
lina.
Fleming, James Roger. 1990. Meteorology in America, 1800-1870 Balti-
more: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
Frederick Henry Wolcott Diary, New York Public Library.
George P. Marsh Papers, University of Vermont.
Harrison, John P. 1955. Science and Politics: Origins and Objectives of Mid-
Nineteenth
Century Government Expeditions to Latin America. Hispanic American His-
torical Review 35: 183-184
Hinsley, Curtis M. 1981. Savages and Scientists: The Smithsonian Institution
and the Development of American Anthropology, 1846-1910 Washing-
ton D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Hufbauer, Karl. 1991. Exploring the Sun: Solar Science since Galileo Balti-
more: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
Huffman Wendell W. 1991. The United States Naval Astronomical Expedi-
tion (1849-52) for the Solar Parallax. Journal for the History of Astron-
omy 22: 214-216. J. D.B. DeBow Papers, Perkins Library, Duke
University.
Joseph Henry Papers, Smithsonian Institution Archives.
Lurie, Edward. 1960. Louis Agassiz: A Life in Science Chicago: The Univer-
sity of Chicago Press, 1960.
Peterson, Merrill D. 1987. The Great Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Cal-
houn New York: Oxford University Press.
Pettigrew Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North
Carolina.
Rasmussen, Wayne D. 1954. The United States Astronomical Expedition to
Chile, 1849-1852. Hispanic American Historical Review 34:104.
Smithsonian Institution. 1847-1859. Reports of the Regents of the Smithso-
nian Institution. Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office.
Thomas Kelah Wharton Diary, New York Public Library.
Wilson, Clyde N. 1990. Carolina Cavalier: The Life and Mind of James
Johnston Pettigrew. Athens: The University of Georgia Press.
Part III
Literature and the Arts
CHAPTER 12 Landscape Painting
Between Art and Science
Claudia Mattos
In 1807 the German naturalist Alexander von Humboldt published a small
book entitled Ansichten der Natur (Aspects of Nature), which resulted from
his more than five-year trip through the American continent.1 On the contrary
to the thirty volumes of his Voyage de Humboldt et Bompland, published
between 1805 and 1836 in Paris this small work from 1807 offered the reader
what Humboldt understood as the synthesis of his experience, obtained
through a collection of “Naturegemälde,” or “Paintings of Nature.” What
Humboldt desired to reveal to the reader was a synthetic view (“Totalein-
druck”), obtained by a detailed analysis of the multiple local phenomenon
(including the human dimension) that composed the physiognomy (“Phisiog-
nomie”) of each specific segments of our planet.2 For each of the climatic
segments that he explored during his trip through the American continent he
tried to compose a “painting,” or a “picture” that would have the power to put
that segment of nature before the eyes of the reader, as lively as it appeared to
him at the time of his voyage. Summarizing this intent, Humboldt wrote in
the introduction to the first edition:
Timidly I deliver to the public a group of works created in face of the great
objects of nature, the Ocean, the forests of Orinoco, the steppes of Venezuela,
1. Alexander von Humboldt arrived in Venezuela on the 16th of July 1799, after travel-
ling during five years through the continent. He visited Cuba, Colombia, Equator, Peru,
Mexico and the United States, returning to Europe on the 3. of August 1804.
2. The inclusion of human dimension in the “picture of nature” constructed by Hum-
boldt is of seminal importance, since it attributes a moral dimension to landscape. Follow-
ing Winckelmann, Humboldt believed that the natural formations proper to each region
were responsible for the moulding of the character of its habitants: “[…] knowledge of the
national character in the different parts of the world is closely related with the history of
Humanity and its culture. Since even if the origin of this culture is not only determined by
physical influences, its direction, the melancholic or gay character of men depends in great
part of climatic conditions.” Cf. Humboldt, Ansichten der Natur, Stuttgart: Reclam, 1992,
p.75.
141
142 Literature and the Arts
the Peruvian and Mexican deserts. Some fragments were written in loco and
then fused into a Totality. The great panorama of nature, the proof of the joint
action of forces, and the renewal of the pleasure that an unmediated view of
the tropics delivers to men of sentiment, are the aims that I pursue.3
The book was therefore organised as a series of “ekphrasis” of nature, and
as such, referred to a classic rhetorical genre that was of great relevance for
literary and artistic production, at least since the Renaissance.4 This fact
places Humboldt’s work not only in the category of scientific discourse, to
which it certainly belongs, but also in that of an aesthetic discourse, present-
ing itself unequivocally as literature.5 Humboldt’s deliberate association with
the “Ekphrasis” tradition is clearly affirmed in one of the conferences he
delivered at the Singakademie in Berlin between 1827 and 1828, and known
today as the “Kosmos-Vorlesungen”.6 In this text, Humboldt offers a short
history of descriptions in literature, trying to demonstrate that these descrip-
tions had achieved its plenitude only in his own time, especially with French
authors such as Buffon, Bernardin de St. Pierre and Chateaubriand – even if
he quotes several examples from Antiquity to the Renaissance – when it
became a specific literary genre: “Under the French, these descriptions of
nature, especially of exotic nature, became a sub-genre of literature, a ‘poësie
descriptive’”.7 However, still according to his opinion, the French tended to
fall into an excess of subjectivity, harmful to the genre. Goethe, on the other
hand, was his ideal model:
Above all we want to mention the great master, in whose work prevails a pro-
found sentiment towards nature. In the ‘Werther’, as well as in the ‘Voyage’
[to Italy], or in the ‘Metamorphosis of Plants,’ all over, reverberates this
enthusiastic sentiment that touches us like ‘a soft wind blown from a blue
sky.’8
3. “Schüchtern übergeben ich dem Publikum eine Reihe von Arbeiten, die im Angesicht
grosser Naturgemälde, auf dem Ozean, in den Wäldern des Orinoco, in den Steppen von
Venezuela, in der Einöde peruanischer und mexikanischer Gebirge entstanden sind. Ein-
zelne Fragmente wurden an Ort und Stelle niedergeschrieben und nachmals nur in ein
Ganzes zusammengeschmolzen. Überblick der Natur im grossen, Beweis von dem Zusam-
menwirken der Kräfte, Erneuerung des Genusses, welchen die unmittelbare Ansicht der
Tropenländer dem fühlenden Menschen gewährt, sind die Zwecke, nach denen ich strebe.”
Humboldt, Ansichten der Natur, op.cit., p.5.
4. On the importance of Ekphrasis for humanistic discourse, especially discourse on art
in the 14th and 15th Centuries, see: Michael Baxandall, Giotto and the Orators, Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1971. On the Ekphrasis tradition see: Gottfied Boehm and Hel-
mut Pfotenhauer (ed.) Beschreibungskunst – Kunstbeschreibung, Munich: Fink, 1995.
5. For a detailed analysis of Humboldt’s discourse, placed between science and art, see:
Lúcia Ricotta, Natureza, Ciencia e Estética em Alexander von Humboldt, Rio de Janeiro:
Mauad, 2003.
6. Humboldt, Kosmos-Vorlesung (Vorlesung 16) in: Projekt Gutenberg www.guten-
berg.spiegel.de/anonymus/universm/universm.htm
7. “Bei den Franzosen bilden diese Schilderungen der Natur besonders der exotischen,
einen eignen Zweig der Litteratur, die poësie descriptive.“ Humboldt, Kosmos-Vorlesung,
op.cit.
Landscape Painting Between Art and Science 143
In the postscript to a recent German edition of the Ansichten der Natur,
Adolf Meyer-Abich reiterates the importance of Humboldt’s encounter with
Goethe for his intellectual development, understanding Humboldt’s proposi-
tions in great part as an attempt to put in practice Goethe’s convictions
regarding science: “Humboldt can be thought as the completer of Goethe’s
researches on Nature,” he writes.9 This intense identification with Goethe’s
holistic point of view also explains the artistic quality to be found in Hum-
boldt’s works, since for the German poet true knowledge depended on an
intense collaboration between art and science: “Dich im Unendlichem zu fin-
den/ Musst unterscheiden und dann verbinden,”10 wrote Goethe in 1803, in a
passage dedicated to Luke Howard, a scientist who researched clouds. The
differentiation belonged to the scientist’s task, while the synthesis to the art-
ist. Based on analytic method, science was capable of discriminating minute
differences, but only art was capable of promoting a synthesis of dispersed
elements, revealing them united in an essential gaze.11 As Goethe’s disciple,
Humboldt consciously adopted a literary form for his Ansichten der Natur,
looking for a synthesis that would take the reader one step further than the
detailed descriptions present in the Voyage.
The present paper will not however discuss Alexander von Humboldt’s
literary style, or his uses of the lettered tradition. My intent is rather to stress
the importance that the aesthetic dimension of his work had for Humboldt, in
order to discuss his relation to another art genre, placed by him side by side
with literature in its capacity to implement the synthesis essential to knowl-
edge, namely, landscape painting. To understand what concept Humboldt had
of this genre is of seminal importance since it will have significant conse-
quences for the development of landscape painting, not only in Europe, but
above all in different parts of Latin America, including Brazil.
Speaking of the purpose of landscape painters in a central chapter of the
Ansichten der Natur entitled “Ideas on the physiognomy of plants,” Hum-
boldt poetically affirms: “under his hands [the painter’s hand], the huge mag-
ical picture of nature reveals itself, in few and simple traces, as in the written
work of men.”12 For Humboldt, as for Goethe, literature and painting were
8. “Vor allen aber erwähnen wir hier den hohen Meister, dessen Werke ein so tiefes
Gefühl für die Natur durchdringt. Wie im Werther, so in der Reise, in der Metamorphose
der Pflanzen, überall klingt dies begeisterte Gefühl an und berührt uns gleich wie ein san-
fter Wind vom blauen Himmel weht”. “Ein sanfter Wind von blauen Himmel weht”, is
quoted from Goethe. Humboldt, Kosmos-Vorlesung, op.cit.
9. Adolf Meyer-Abich, “Nachwort”, in: Humboldt, Ansichten der Natur, op.cit., p.149.
10. Goethe, Goethe Werke, HA, vol. 1, p.349. A literal translation could be: “To find your-
self in the infinite, you must differentiate, and then unite.”
11. On the relations between art and science in Goethe see Werner Busch’s articles: “Die
Ordnung im Flüchtigen – Wolkenstudien der Goethezeit”, and “Der berg als Gegenstand
von Naturwissenschaft und Kunst. Zur Goethes Geologischem Begriff”, in: Sabine Schulze
(ed.) Goethe und die Kunst, Frankfurt and Weimar, 1994.
12. Humboldt, Ansichten der Natur, op.cit., p.86.
able to help the scientist to produce a synthesis. Although not all literature,
and not all paintings (we remember the critic he made to excess of subjectiv-
ity in the French for example). In some passages of his work Humboldt
makes clear that not all forms of landscape painting can serve as partner to
science. In the same “Kosmos”-Lecture quoted above, after the small history
of the descriptive genre in literature, Humboldt made some appointments on
the development of landscape painting, condemning the northern, as well as
the Italian landscape painting tradition:
At the time of the renaissance of Italian art we find the beginning of landscape
painting in the Holland school and under the disciples of Van Eyck. More spe-
cifically, Heinrich von Bloss tried first to reduce the size of the figures in
order to allow the landscape to grow in importance. Also in the big Italian
landscape paintings of the late period: Titian, Bassano, Carracci, there is no
precise imitation, especially in respect to exotic nature, and they also use cer-
tain objects in an affected and conventional way, for example, they give the
Tamara Palms, which immigrated from north Africa to Sicily and Italy, a
rough and strange appearance.13
There remains thus the following question: if for Humboldt not all types
of landscape painting could be of some utility to science, what was then the
model of landscape painting adopted by him? As occurs with so many
aspects of his work, it is possible to affirm that also in regard to this subject
Humboldt was guided by his master Goethe. Therefore, to understand his
point of view it will first be necessary to examine the poet’s position on the
theme. Under Goethe’s influence, Humboldt adopted a classic model of land-
scape painting, although distinct from that proceeding from the tradition
inaugurated by Claude Lorrain and Nicolas Poussin. A model that tried to
accomplish a synthesis between the two main tendencies of landscape paint-
ing inherited from the seventeenth century: the ideal landscape, and the
“veduta”, originated in the north.14 Goethe became very interested in this new
conception of landscape painting, after having studied with no less than the
creator of this new genre, the German painter residing in Naples, Jakob Phil-
13. “Zur Zeit des Auflebens der italischen Kunst finden wir den Anfang der Landschafts-
malerei in der niederländischen Schule, u. bei den Schülern Van Eyk's. Namentlich hat
Heinr. von Bloss zuerst versucht die Figuren sehr zu verkleinern, um dadurch die Land-
schaft hervortreten zu lassen. - Auch bei den großen italischen Landschaften der spätern
Zeit Tizian - Bassano, Caracci findet sich keine genaue Nachahmung, besonders der exoti-
schen Natur, u. auch sie bedienten sich für gewisse Gegenstände, angenommener, conven-
tioneller Formen, z.B. geben sie die Dattelpalmen, die doch aus Nordafrika nach Sicilien
und Italien hinüber gewandert waren, ein eigen schuppiges, wunderliches Ansehen.”
Humboldt, Kosmos-Vorlesung, op.cit.
14. Ideal landscape was a kind of equivalent of pastoral poetry that aimed to create an
idyllic view of the natural world, as it supposedly existed in Antiquity. Veduta, on the other
hand, was understood as a faithful registration of a specific segment of nature, without ide-
alization, and it was practiced more frequently in the north, especially in Holland, along
the 17th century.
ipp Hackert (1737-1807),15 during his voyage in Italy. It is known that Hacket
also discussed his method and theoretical concepts in detail with Goethe, and
the poet considered them of such importance that he decided to publish these
ideas in 1811, as part of a biography he wrote on the artist.16 It is therefore
very probable that Goethe discussed Hackert’s positions on landscape paint-
ing with Humboldt, who he encountered for the first time in 1795 in Weimar.
How much Goethe was thinking of a painter like Hackert to collaborate with
his friend, and naturalist becomes evident in a passage of a letter sent by him
to Humboldt in April 1807, the year of Hackert’s death. He writes: “Our
excellent Hackert has suffered a stoke in Florence. He hopes to recover him-
self once more for the art. I would like to have someone like him at your side
in the tropical countries.”17 The reference to “”our” excellent Hackert”, also
leaves no doubt that Humboldt was familiar with the artist.
Goethe, Hackert and landscape painting

Taking into account Goethe’s conservative position with respect to visual
arts, the great value he attributed to History painting, and the systematic
opposition he made to the new romantic tendencies that were emerging in his
time,18 it is only possible to understand the great interest he showed towards
Philipp Hackert’s landscape painting if we consider his ideas on the relation-
ship between art and science. These are the same ideas that influenced Hum-
boldt in other aspects of his works, and that made it natural for him to adopt
Goethe’s point of view also with respect to the representation of landscape.
From early on Goethe cultivated an intense scientific activity parallel to
his work as poet and art theorist. His interest in science was reinforced in the
years around 1770, when he came into contact with the Suisse doctor Johann
Caspar Lavater (1714-1801), starting to collaborate in his collection of mate-
rial for a book on physiognomy, later published under the title of Physiogno-
mische Fragmente (Physiognomic Fragments).19
15. Hackert was born in Prenslau, and after studying in France he settled in Italy in 1768,
first in Rome, and then in Naples, where he became first painter to the Bourbon king Ferdi-
nand IV.
16. Goethe wrote a Hackert biography in 1811, which included the “Theoretical Frag-
ments on landscape painting” written by the artist shortly before his death in 1807. Hack-
ert’s orginal letters, which were edited by Goethe for his publication can be found in:
Norbert Miller and Claudia Nordhoff (ed.), Lehrreiche Nähe. Goethe und Hackert, Munich
and Vienna: Hanser, 1997.
17. “Unser trefflicher Hackert in Florenz hat vom Schlagflusse gelitten. Er hofft sich
wieder für die Kunst zu erholen. Seines gleichen hätte ich wohl in Ihrer Gesellschaft den
tropischen Ländern gewünscht” Correspondence between Goethe and Alexander von Hum-
boldt, in: www.bibliothek.bbaw.de/Goethe.
18. On Goethe’s relation to romantic artists such as Caspar David Friedrich and Philipp
Otto Runge, see: Frank Büttner, “Abwehr der Romantik, in: Goethe und die Kunst, op.cit.,
p. 456-482.
Obsessed by the idea of demonstrating a correlation between the external
appearance of humans, and their character, Lavater collected portraits of
famous people throughout Europe, accompanied by a description of their per-
sonality.20 These portraits were traced preferably in silhouette (“Schatten-
rise”), and then submitted to a comparative method, in order to determine the
possible connections between certain physical appearances and traces of
character. Lavater’s methodology envisioned a “reduction” of human form to
its essential elements, captured in the silhouettes, and a comparison of the
obtained results.21 The book dedicated a whole chapter to silhouette, in which
he made the following commentary:
From the simple silhouettes I put together more knowledge about physiog-
nomy than from all other reports; through it I refined my sensibility to physi-
ognomy more than through the observation of nature that is always in
transformation; A silhouette summarises the dispersed attention, concentrates
it in simple contours and limits, making observation easier, light and exact;
the observation, and with it also comprehension.22
This form of proceeding fascinated the young Goethe who incorporated it
into his own scientific approach. As Carl Weizsäcker observes,23 Goethe
developed a method of investigation based on comparative morphology,
where form was not rooted in an abstract law, such as science in his time was
starting to do, but where law itself was to be derived from visible form. Using
such a method of morphologic description and form comparison, Goethe
expected to be able to see relations between the various instances of reality,
or, in other words, to visualize nature’s immanent order.
19. Other important personalities of the time, such as Füssli, Herder, Lenz, Merck, Sulzer,
and Gessner, were also involved in Lavater’s project. On Goethe’s relation to Lavater, see:
Ilsebill Berta Fliedl, “Lavater, Goethe und der Versuch einer Physiognomik als Wissens-
chart”, in: Goethe und die Kunst, op.cit., p. 192-203.
20. Goethe’s first contact with Lavater occurred because of this project. After Goethe had
became suddenly well known because of the publication of his first romance Götz von Ber-
lichingen in 1772, Lavater sent him a letter asking for a portrait accompanied of a descrip-
tion. A lively exchange of letters followed, and in 1774 Lavater arrived in Frankfurt a.M. to
pay a visit to Goethe and guarantee his direct collaboration in the project of his book.
21. Lavater developed his new anthropological method largely based on his readings of
Winckelmann, especially of his famous descriptions of the Belvedere statues, to which he
refers frequently in his Physiognomische Fragmente. The book contained, for instance, a
whole chapter dedicated to the Apollo Belvedere, in which, he delivered a “scientific”
analysis of the statues head, accompanied by a drawing of its silhouette. Cf. Pfotenhauer,
Bernauer and Miller (ed.), Frühklassizismus, op.cit., p.409-411.
22. “Aus blossen Schattenrissen hab’ich mehr physiognomische Kentnisse gesammelt, als
aus allen übrigen Porträten: durch sie mein physiognomisches Gefühl mehr geschärft, als
selber durch’s Anschauen der immer wandelnden Natur. – Der Schattenriss fasst die zers-
treute Aufmerksamkeit zusammen; concentriert sie bloss auf Umriss und Gränze, und
macht daher die Beobachtung einfacher, leichter, bestimmter; -- die Beobachtung und hie-
mit auch die Vergleichung.” Cf. Lavater, Physiognomischen Fragmenten, apud. Fliedl,
op.cit., p.193-94.
23. Carl Friedrich Weizäcker, “Einige Begriffe aus Goethes Naturwissenschaft”, in: Goe-
the Werke, op.cit., vol. 13, pp.539-555
Another observation about Goethe’s way of thinking is important to
understand his position as a scientist especially during and right after his trip
to Italy.24 Since, according to his point of view, there was an essential link
between men and the world – “mater never exists without the spirit, and spirit
never exists without mater”25 – to order the exterior world was to order the
interior world at the same time. To reveal nature’s order (in the goethean
sense of recognizing the links present in reality) was, therefore, the equiva-
lent of harmonizing the spirit with it. But how did this investigation of reality
take place?
Goethe understood science as knowledge about the form. Law, the spe-
cific order that rules a certain phenomenon in nature, should thus be looked
for in the physiognomy of the phenomenon itself. Sight becomes an essential
instrument for scientists who worked, as we said before, to separate what
they thought was different, and approximate what was seen as similar. How-
ever, since the essence of the phenomenon laid in itself, the final expression
of order, or of natural law revealed in this process could not be a part of sci-
ence that always proceeded in an abstract way, but could only be fully
exposed in art. This “image of nature” produced by art had an advantage over
nature itself, since its static character revealed a permanent view of nature in
which no casual elements associated along the course of its eternal transfor-
mation was present.26 Here we also find the origin of Humboldt’s idea of
“Naturgemälde” (Paintings of nature).
According to Goethe, in the modern world prevailed analytic science in
which “to comprehend the non human objects a dispersion of strength and
capacities, a fragmentation of unity, is almost inevitable”.27 This model, how-
ever, did not favour the integrating movement between art and science that
had been a distinctive mark of thinkers in Antiquity. From his point of view, a
fierce battle should be fought in order to re-conquer this antique harmony, so
essential to knowledge, to the moderns. And we could say that Goethe recog-
nised in Hackert’s landscape painting a privileged path to the accomplish-
ment of this task.
24. Goethe’s voyage to Italy is normally considered as a point in his carrier in the direc-
tion of a certain classicism, after the Sturm und Drang period. Cf. Herbert von Einem,
“Nachwort”, in: Goethe Werke, Munich: Beck, 1989., vol.11.
25. “Weil aber die Materie nie ohne Geist, der Geist nie ohne Materie existiert (…)”. Goe-
the, “Die Natur”, in: Goethe Werke, vol.13, p.48.
26. Here we can easily identify some affinity between Goethe and Lavater. The latter also
believed to be able to find a connection between character and physiognomy only in the
sensorial manifestation of the phenomenon, and was convinced that he would see these
manifestations with more clarity in the silhouette, than in the phenomenon itself.
27. “(…) zu Erfassung der mannigfaltigen aussermenschlichen Gegenstände eine Zertei-
lung der Kräfte und Fähigkeiten, eine Zerstückelung der Einheit fast unerlässlich ist (…)”
Cf. Goethe, “Winckelmann und sein Jahrhundert”, in: Goethe Werke, op.cit. vol.12, p.100.
Goethe’s interest in Hackert can only be fully understood along these
lines. He found in Hackert an artist that worked according to his own princi-
ple of analysis und synthesis, recognizing the (individual) characteristic ele-
ments of a landscape, and integrating them, through art, in a meaningful
totality – in a “Naturgemälde” – to use the concept developed later by Hum-
boldt. Trying to understand the special place that Hackert occupied in
Goethe’s aesthetic education, Wolfgang Krönig comments:
The revealing gaze, and a reproduction of the clarity and the order of
observed natural phenomenon – these characteristics of the best possibilities
implied in Hackert’s work, must have found a special eco in Goethe (…)
Hackert is not for him an artist that could be placed to the side or replace great
Italian figure painters, but an artist that makes the relation between art and
nature the centre of his work.28
In becoming Hackert’s disciple in Italy, Goethe desired to see landscape
with his eyes, that is, with the eyes of a “naïf” painter,29 capable of identifying
the essential forms of nature and delivering them in a synthetic image. For his
part, as a teacher Hackert reassured Goethe that there was a precise method to
be followed in order to learn the metier.30 The poet, therefore submitted him-
self happily and optimistically to these principles, and apparently also trans-
mitted these lessons on to Humboldt. The specific understanding of
landscape painting that followed from all these encounters was in the last run
what defined its privileged position side by side with literary descriptions, as
a faithful partner of science, in the context of Humboldt’s work.
28. König e Wegener, Jakob Philipp Hackert. Der Landschaftsmaler der Goethezeit, Colo-
nia, Weimar e Viena: Böhlau, 1996, p.25.
29. The word “naïf” here must be understood in the Schillerian sense, in which the poetic
“self” was still in diferct contact with the cosmos, where the rupture between self and world
had not yet occurred. Goethe wrote in his introduction to Hackert’s biography: “The
description of his life, from were we took the present passages, is written in a very simple
and sincere style, especially the bigger part from Hackert’s own hand, in a way that imme-
diately reminds everyone of the naivety (Naivetät) of Cellini and Winckelmann.” (“Die
Lebensbeschreibung, woraus wir den gegenwärtigen Auszug liefern, ist in einem sehr ein-
fachen, treuherzigen Styl verfasst, besonders der grössere Teil von Hackerts Hand, so dass
sie jeden gar bald an Cellinische und Winckelmannische Naivität erinnert.” Goethe, citado
em Krönig e Wegner, op.cit., p.21.
30. During his second stay in Rome, Goethe makes the following observation in his voy-
age diary: “Herr Hackert hat mich gelobt und getadelt und mir weiter geholfen. Er tat halb
im Schertz, halb im Ernst den Vorschlag, achtzehn Monate in Italien zu bleiben und mich
nach guten Grundsätzen zu üben; nach dieser Zeit, versprach er mir, sollte ich Freude an
meinen Arbeiten haben. Ich sehe auch wohl, was und wie man studieren muss, um über
gewisse Schwierigkeiten hinauszukommen, unter deren Last man sonst sein ganzes Leben
hinkriecht.” (“Sr. Hackert made me complements and critics, and continues to help me. He
has made me a proposition, somewhat joking, somewhat seriously, that I stay eight months
in Italy to train [my Hand] after good principles. After this period he guaranteed that I
would find pleasure in my work. I can also see very clearly what and how one should study
to overcome some difficulties, that otherwise, will remain for a whole life.”). Goethe, “Itali-
enische Reise”, in: Goethe Werke, op.cit., vol.11, p.351.
Hackert’s ‘theoretical fragments’ and Humboldt’s

‘pictures of nature’
Goethe’s first reference to Jacob Philipp Hackert appears in his voyage diary
under the date of 15th November 1786, thus before his trip to Naples.31 How-
ever, it was during this trip that he established closer contact with the painter.
Amazed by his capacity to capture the Italian landscape, he decided to
become his pupil. While in Caserta, near Naples Goethe wrote in his diary on
March 15th 1787:
‘He also conquered me completely, being patient with my shortcomings […].
When painting aquarelles, he always has three colours at hand, and since he
works from the background into the foreground, applying the paints one after
the other, he obtains a picture that no one can quite understand from where it
came.’32
In his last stay in Rome before returning definitively to Weimar, Goethe
met Hackert once more, giving continuity to his drawing lessons and visiting
the Galleries of the city in his company, in order to hear his commentaries on
the landscape paintings of Gaspard and Nicolas Poussin, Claude Lorrain, and
other ancient and modern artists. It is therefore unquestionable that Goethe’s
view on landscape painting was formed in great part under the impact of his
contact with Hackert. What above all fascinated Goethe was Hackert’s mas-
tery of the details of nature: the types of trees, the geography of landscape,
and the proper atmosphere of the places depicted, without being subservient
to reality, as was landscape painting in the north, and retaining all what was
essential, or in Goethe’s own terms, giving landscape a Form. Goethe wrote
during his second stay in Rome: “I was out with Mr. Hackert, who has a
unbelievable capacity for copying nature, giving at the same time a Form to
the drawing.”33
In Goethe’s understanding, by unifying the ideal landscape painting of
Italian tradition with the detailed observation practiced in the northern
“veduta” paintings, Hackert had found a form of extracting the ideal element
from the real landscape. That is, of putting its universal aspect in evidence.
As Norbert Miller comments: “[…] he learned with Hackert how to see ordi-
nary landscape as ideal, and to value the observation of characteristic details
as precondition to the apprehension of the whole.”34 It was this naïf way of
31. The reference is to a meeting during a stay in Frascati, in which drawings of the peo-
ple present were discussed in the group. Hackert appears as experienced painter who gave
counsel to the amateurs artists. Goethe, “Italienische Reise”, op.cit., p.160-162.
32. Goethe, Italienische Reise, op.cit.
33. Idem, entrance: Rom June 16th 1787.
34. Norbert Miller e Claudia Nordhoff (org.), Lehrreiche Nähe. Goethe und Hackert, op.cit.,
p.43.
looking at the world, similar to the gaze of the ancients, that Goethe desired
to learn with Hackert.
FIGURE 12-1. Jacob Philipp Hackert, “View of the Vesuvius,” 1794, oil 62,7 x 88 cm,
private collection.
How much Hackert’s artistic principles correspond to what Goethe saw in

his work is a difficult question to answer. However it is certain that Hackert’s
methods and their visible results came very close to Goethe’s convictions
about Landscape painting, and they must have been perceived by the poet as
a concrete visualization of his dream to integrate science and art.
Remembering, on the one hand, the great ascendance that Goethe had
over Humboldt, and on the other hand the profound impression that Hackert
left in Goethe, it should not come as a surprise that we find numerous over-
lappings between the understanding of the landscape painter’s task exposed
in Hackert’s Theoretical fragments, and certain passages in the “Ansichten
der Natur.” It seems possible to say that, through his contact with Goethe,
Alexander von Humboldt inherited several theoretical principles put forward
by Hackert, transforming them into valuable instruments of research about
the physiognomy of the earth. In Humboldt’s hands, Hackert’s theoretical
positions became the fundamental principle that should guarantee a perfect
collaboration between scientist and artist.
One of the central points of agreement between the ideas developed by
Hackert and those exposed by Humboldt refers to their definition of the ele-
ments, which structured the general impression of a landscape in the “human
imagination,” as well as the specific methods applied to represent these ele-
ments. In his “Theoretical fragments” Hackert insisted that the essential ele-
ment of a landscape was its vegetation, recommending the attentive study of
trees as a central part of the education of a competent landscape painter.
However, acknowledging the infinite time necessary for an artist to get to
know, and draw all kinds of trees, Hackert proposes their division in three
prototype groups, following the form of their branches and leaves. These pro-
totypes should serve as aid to art students: “According to my principles the
trees could be divided in three categories, as I personally engraved and pub-
lished them. The artist and the dilettanti should train their hand on them, if
they would like to learn to draw.35”
FIGURE 12-2. Jacob Philipp Hackert, Title page of the book: “Principles to learn how to
draw landscape from nature,” 1802.
In the Ansischten der Natur, Humboldt seems to adopt Hackert’s idea

about the centrality of vegetation for imposing a general impression of nature
on the senses: “it is impossible to deny that the central element determining
this impression is the vegetation (“Pflanzendecke”)”, he would write in his
book. Humboldt also adopts the idea of a morphological classification of the
vegetation, considering the spontaneous tendency of some artist to bring
forth such a classification: “The painter (and here precisely the artist’s fine
sentiment towards nature plays a role) distinguishes in the background a
landscape with pines, or palm- bushes, from a beech-tree, but not this from
other foliage-tree forests.”36 In the sequence, Humboldt expands Hackert’s
classification of trees from three to sixteen prototype groups that should help
the artist to drive his natural sensibility towards efficient collaboration with
science37: “Sixteen plant forms fundamentally determine nature’s physiog-
nomy.” […] “How interesting and rich for the landscape painter would be a
work that would first present their individually to the eyes of the painter, the
sixteen principal forms described, and then present them in their mutual con-
trasts!”38
35. Goethe, “Hackert Biographie”, in: Johann Wolfgang Goethe Sämtliche Werke, vol.13,
Münchner Ausgabe, Munich and Vienna, 1986, p. 614.
36. “Der Maler (und gerade dem finen Naturgefühle des Künstlers kommt hier der Auss-
pruch zu!) unterscheidet in dem Hintergrunde einer Landschaft Pinien oder Palmenge-
büsche von Buchen-, nicht aber diese von anderen Laubholzwäldern!” Humboldt,
Ansichten der Natur, op.cit., p.77.
37. It is only natural that Humboldt expanded the number of tree-types, since he was
interested in including all the new tropical species in his classification.
This passage still makes evident a certain hierarchy in the process of con-
struction of a landscape. The artist should initially capture its individual ele-
ments, in order to compose, in a posterior moment, using his notations, the
masses or the contrasting groups. These groups are responsible for the “total
impression”, or the character of the specific region studied. This same con-
ception of the process of execution of a landscape painting also appears later
in the Kosmos:
FIGURE 12-3. Spix and Martius, “Plants of Tropical America” Lithography from “Atlas
of the Voyage to Brazil,” 1823.
The sketches drawn before natural scenes can only lead to the representation
of the character of distant regions after regressing [from these regions], in fin-
ished landscapes. They will be executed in an even more perfect way if the
enthusiastic painter has drawn or painted outside, before nature, a great quan-
tity of isolated studies of tree tops, opulent branches carried with flowers and
fruits, tipped trunks covered with parasites, or orchids, cliffs, strips of river
margins, and parts of floret grounds.39
The careful construction of the landscape from solid knowledge of its par-
tial aspects is central to Hackert’s theory on landscape. According to him, the
attentive study of individual types was a guarantee of the richness and variety
of the vegetation in the finished picture. An artist that did not make an effort
to learn the different isolated forms of nature would, in a large composition,
always tend towards painting the same kind of trees. This is also Hackert’s
hardest critique regarding the great landscape painters of the Italian tradition:
The most important thing in a landscape composition is to guarantee that
everything is grand, such as in Nicholas and Gaspard Poussin, Carracci and
Domenichino. […] We can however reproach in these, the fact that their trees
38. Idem, p.77 and p.86. Drawings of individual species followed by drawings of these
species inserted in bigger groups, forming great masses of vegetation can be found fre-
quently in the Flora Brasiliensis of Spix and Martius.
39. Alexander von Humboldt, Kosmos, apud. Renate Löschner (ed.), Artistas Alemães na
América Latina, Berlin, 1978, p. 24.
are always the same, and that only rarely one can be differentiated from the
other.40
In the same sense, Hackert wrote on the artist’s learning process: “When
the artist’s hand becomes more or less trained, being able to take notes of all
the changes of form in the leaves and in the trees, then he should draw copy-
ing nature, without loosing much time with copies of drawings.”41
In the same way, the integration of the moral and physical aspects of land-
scape, proposed by Humboldt in his concept of “Naturgelmälde” (pictures of
nature), that is, the recognition of its historical dimension42, had already been
phrased in Hackert’s Theoretical Fragments, as determining the picture’s
final visual result. The integration of Nature and History in landscape paint-
ing is discussed in the Fragments under the title of “Moral Effect”, where the
author emphasises the pleasure one enjoys from the vision of a landscape
punctuated by human history: “Some landscapes give us exceptional pleasure
when they represent localities where great deeds, such as battles, or other
grand historical events took place.”
As Herbert von Einem argues43, Goethe saw human history as an integral
part of nature, and certainly approved and valued the presence of the human
dimension present in Hackert’s landscapes. It is possible that this question,
which occupied him especially during his stay in Italy, was theme for discus-
sion with his friend Alexander von Humboldt. For his part, Humboldt would
have given a more anthropological character to the subject when treating it in
his “Ansichten der Natur” some years later: “The knowledge of the natural
character of each different region of the world is intimately tied to human his-
tory and culture.” Not only the memorable historical events add to the land-
scape, as in Hackert’s conception, but also its character is determined by the
specific symbiosis installed locally between men and his habitat.
Evidently such ponderings were also in the mouth of many men of sci-
ence of the time, and could be traced directly back to Winckelmann, among
others. However I would like to suggest here that in many aspects the proce-
dures recommended by Hackert in his Theoretical Fragments helped Hum-
boldt to materialize the idea of a picture of nature (“Naturgemälde”) as an
essential path in the process of acquiring knowledge of the world, and of
humanity.
40. Goethe, “Hackert Biographie”, op.cit., p.617

41. Idem, p.615.
42. Meyer-Abich gives the following description of the concept of Naturgemälde in Hum-
boldt; “(…) it is no more and no less than the harmony of physical and moral Nature, or
from a modern point of view: the harmony between Nature and History.” In: Humboldt,
Ansichten der Natur, op.cit., p. 159.
43. Herbert von Einem, “Nachwort”, in: Goethe Werke, Munique: Beck, 1989, vol.11, p.59.
The fact that it was Hackert’s works, and not those of the romantics for
instance, to served for Humboldt as model for the description of the painter’s
task, has its importance. It meant, among other things, as Werner Busch
notes,44 the naturalist’s adoption of a classical view of landscape, clearly
implied in the concept of “Totaleindruck” (“total impression”).45 Humboldt’s
preference for classical painting of the kind proposed by Hackert is also evi-
dent in the list of the artists, who collaborated with him in the illustration of
his books. For this task he called on men like Gottlied Schick, Bellman, or
Friedrich Wilhem Gmelin, all related in one way or another to Goethe’s artis-
tic circle in Weimar. Wilhem Gmelin, for instance, was even mentioned by
Meyer and Fernow in their introduction to Goethe’s Winckelmann und sein
Jahrhundert (Winckelmann and his century):
Under artist who draw monochromatic landscapes we find on Hackert’s side
the already mentioned Birman and Kniep, beside these, Gmelin (…). As
Hackert’s personal friend he learned his techniques with this master, proving
to have good knowledge of effect, posture, etc., while drawing nature with
fidelity.46
FIGURE 12-4. Spix and Martius, “Extraction and preparation of the turtle eggs at the
Amazon river” From “Atlas of the Voyage to Brazil,” 1823.
Alexander von Humboldt was also a reference figure to many artists who
travelled through Brazil, such as Johann Moritz Rugendas, Thomas Ender
and Carl von Martius, contributing to determine the form in which they cap-
tured the Brazilian nature47 in their work. Since these artists were frequently
in contact with the local Academy it is plausible to think of an influence of
44. Werner Busch, “Der berg als Gegenstand von Naturwissenschaft- und Kunst. Zur
Goethes Geologischem Begriff”, in: Goethe und die Kunst, op.cit., p. 485-518.
45. The idea is opposed to the non-classic concept of vedute painting. Humboldt’s classic
taste is also revealed by the fact that he chose François Gerard, a student of Jacques-Louis
David as his teacher during the time he was in Paris, after returning from America. Cf.
Löchner, op.cit., p.27.
46. Goethe, Meyer, Fernow, “Winckelmann und sein Jahrhundert”, apud. Goethe und die
Kunst, op.cit., p.508.
the hackertian model on Brazilian landscape painting, intermediated by Alex-
ander von Humboldt.48 This would help to explain, for instance, the important
difference existing between North American landscape panting, strongly
impregnated by an aesthetic of the sublime, and the Brazilian production,
which maintains an intriguing relationship with the type of painting invented
by Jakob Philipp Hackert and his disciples.
47. It is certain, for instance, that Nicolau-Antoine Taunay maintained contacts with Spix
and Martius, who arrived in Brazil in 1817 as members of a Scientific expedition.
48. Luciano Migliaccio has also pointed out another possible path for the reception of
Hackert’s theory and practice regarding landscape painting. According to the author, the
Portuguese king, who immigrated with his court to Brazil in 1808, and was married to a
Bourbon princess, tried to adopt the pattern of patronage established by the King Ferdi-
nand IV in Naples with the direct help of his court painter J.Ph. Hackert. Luciano Migliac-
cio, “A paisagem clássica como alegoria do poder do soberano: Hackert na corte de
Nápoles e as origins da pintira de paisagem no Brasil”, in: Claudia Valladão de Mattos (ed.)
Goethe e Hackert: Sobre a Pintura de Paisagem. Quadros da Natureza na Europa e no Bra-
sil, São Paulo: Ateliê Editorial, to be published in 2004.
CHAPTER 13 New Sites and Sounds
Adrienne Klein
A distinction must be made in landscape painting, as in every other branch of
art, between the elements generated by the more limited field of contempla-
tion and direct observation, and those which spring from the force of idealiz-
ing mental power.1
If Alexander von Humboldt valued this latter form of artistic response, he
would certainly be gratified by the work of contemporary artists who: draw
inspiration from his research, transcend mere observation and reporting, and
give us new ways of seeing. Artists who apply Humboldt’s “idealizing men-
tal power” to Humboldtian subject matter include Rachel Berwick, Mark
Dion, Daniel Velasco and Jose Restrepo. These artists directly reference
Humboldt’s two-century old work.
The work I will show is unified by two factors: one, Humboldt is central
to the content of the work and two; all of the work can be termed installation
art. Installation art encompasses work ranging from tableaux to new media
art to work that is site-specific, that is, influenced by the history or dimen-
sions or other characteristics of the gallery that contains it.
Daniel Velasco-Schwarzenberger
Daniel Velasco created an installation that consists of projections of images
and quadraphonic sound in a performance lasting 65 minutes. Visitors move
through fields of sounds and view imagery from the natural environment of
Cuba, where Velasco followed the path of Humboldt’s travels. Velasco makes
1. Alexander von Humboldt, in Hanno Beck, ed., Kosmos. Entwurf einer physikalischen
Weltbeschreibung,Studienausgabe, Vol. 12 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft,
1993 [1832]) p. 95; as.cited in Daniel Velasco, “Island Landscape: Following in Hum-
boldt’s Footsteps through Acoustic Spaces of the Tropics,” Leonardo Music Journal, Vol.
10, 2000, pp. 21-24.
157
two points: first, that Humboldt is the most appropriate subject of this display
because of Humboldt’s appreciation of the natural world and progressive
views on the value of the cultures he encountered.
FIGURE 13-1. Daniel Velasco-Schwarzenberger, “Island Landscape,” 1999
His second point is his own advocacy of the nascent field of “acoustic
ecology, sensitizing (listeners) to environmental sounds and the need for their
preservation.”2 Velasco claims Humboldt as a forerunner of acoustic ecology
because “his way of thinking is influenced by his sense of listening.”3
Humboldt wrote in great, descriptive detail about the sound of water, vol-
canoes and animals. Among the phenomena he observed was the apparent
magnification of sound at night, the so-called “Humboldt Effect.” (A short
segment of Velasco’s audio work is played, consisting of field recordings
from Cuba and a text by Humboldt read by an actor).4
Mark Dion
Since the 1980s, Mark Dion has produced artwork that focuses on science
and its place in culture. His installations examine how the subjective under-
standing of nature becomes established as fact and critique Western systems
of classification. Dion’s work often focuses on early naturalists, such as
Baron Georges Cuvier, Alfred Russel Wallace and Alexander von Humboldt.
2. Daniel Velasco, “Island Landscape: Following in Humboldt’s Footsteps through

Acoustic Spaces of the Tropics,” Leonardo Music Journal, Vol. 10, 2000, pp. 21-24.
3. Ibid.
4. A brief audio extract of Daniel Velasco’s piece “Island Landscape” can be heard at
http://members.mcnon.com/zgue/artists/velascoeng.html
New Sites and Sounds 159
This is an example of one of many simulations of “wunderkammern” that
Dion has made. Wunderkammern, or Cabinets of Curiousity were personal
collections, precursors to museums, which were popular in sixteenth and sev-
enteenth century Europe. Francis Bacon recommended:
FIGURE 13-2. Mark Dion, “Cabinet of Curiosity,” The Wexner Center for the Arts,
Columbus, Ohio, 1997.
... a goodly, huge cabinet, wherein whatsoever the hand of man by exquisite
art or engine has made rare in stuff, form or motion; whatsoever singularity,
chance, and the shuffle of things hath produced; whatsoever Nature has
wrought in things that want life and may be kept; shall be sorted and
included.5
Dion, in his typical practice, borrowed for this piece from the collections
of the Carnegie Museum of Natural History and the Carnegie Museum of
Art. His borrowed materials were, at once, both authentic museum objects
and re-contextualized as props in a fictive tableau. This piece was, in part, a
performance. He trained staff to conduct a search for insect specimens in the
museum just as a naturalist might in a field site. The installation is an artifact
of the performance. The manikin wears the uniform of a naturalist in the trop-
ics. Behind are photographs made from the insects that were found and pre-
served.
Dion assembled a tableau that pictures Wallace’s field practice. We see a
hammock with mosquito netting and, on a crate serving as a side table, a
5. Francis Bacon, cited in Fulton H. Anderson, Francis Bacon, His Career and Thought,
USC Press, Los Angeles, 1962.
copy of Malthus’ book “Principles of Population” sitting beside an unfin-
ished letter to Darwin. There is audible a sound recording of what sounds to
be malaria-induced ramblings by the naturalist.
FIGURE 13-3. Mark Dion, installation in the Carnegie International exhibition,

Pittsburgh, PA, 1999
FIGURE 13-4. Mark Dion, installation in the Carnegie International exhibition,

Pittsburgh, PA, 1999.
This piece was part of an exhibition in Cologne, Germany, that Dion titled
“Alexander von Humboldt and Other Sculptures.” The installation included
books on and by Humboldt, plants Humboldt described and, in the large
aquarium, ten live red piranhas. It is essentially a tribute to Humboldt.
These representative pieces, a wunderkammern and tableaux celebrating
and parodying science practice, bring “together several of Dion’s favorite
binaries – the individual and the collective; art and science; imperialism and
naturalism; nature and culture – in order to show how they are, in fact, inex-
tricably linked.”6
6. Review of Mark Dion exhibitions at American Fine Arts, New York and the Aldrich
Museum, Ridgefield, CT, Martha Schwendener, ArtForum, June 2003
FIGURE 13-5. Image 5: Mark Dion, “The Delirium of Alfred Russel Wallace,” 1994
FIGURE 13-6. Mark Dion, Alexander von Humboldt (Amazon Memorial), 2000
Jose Alejandro Restrepo

Restrepo’s installations combine text, images and historical research. His
work is a critique of misperceptions of Latin America from abroad, histori-
cally and to the present day.
“Humboldt’s Crocodile is Not Hegel’s,” is seen here installed in Mont-
real’s Musée d’art contemporain in September 2004.
The installation consists of the title written large on the wall flanked by
two video monitors. Near the floor, the wall is marked off in 1-foot incre-
ments to 25 feet in length, the length of an Amazonian crocodile. On the
video monitor to the left is a tight shot of a crocodile’s head. 25 feet to the
right the monitor displays the tip of the crocodile’s tail. On the wall are
quotes from texts by Hegel and Humboldt.
FIGURE 13-7. Jose Alejandro Restrepo: “Humboldt’s Crocodile is Not Hegel’s,” the
Montreal’s Musée d’art contemporain, September 2004.
FIGURE 13-8. Jose Alejandro Restrepo: “Humboldt’s Crocodile is Not Hegel’s,” the
Montreal’s Musée d’art contemporain, September 2004.
As the title says, the contrast of the two Europeans’ views of Latin Amer-
ica is the subject. Hegel never stepped foot in the Americas but felt autho-
rized to express his opinion on its realities, projecting a view that native
American cultures as well as native American creatures were inferior. Hum-
boldt, of course, could write from a first hand, empirical examination. Hum-
boldt wrote a rebuttal to Hegel’s view, citing the Amazonian crocodile as an
example of a larger, superior species from the New World.
Rachel Berwick
Rachel Berwick’s art focuses on extinction. “May-por-é” is an installation in
which two Amazon parrots have been trained to speak an extinct South
American language.
FIGURE 13-9. Rachel Berwick, “May-por-é,” 1998-2004
Berwick relates that Alexander von Humboldt was traveling along the
Orinoco River in what is now Venezuela when he happened upon a Carib
Indian tribe. When he asked his hosts why their pet parrots were speaking a
dialect different from their own language, the Indians told Humboldt that the
birds had belonged to the Mayporé tribe, whom they had recently extermi-
nated during tribal warfare. The birds were spoils of war. To Humboldt’s
amazement, the parrots were the last remaining speakers of the Mayporé lan-
guage.
Humboldt’s meticulously detailed journals don’t corroborate Berwick’s
version of the legend of the parrots. They do, however, contain Mayporé
words he heard on his travels, transcribed phonetically.
This was Rachel Berwick’s response to the story: she designed a 10 foot
in diameter aviary, covered in translucent polypropylene. The cylindrical avi-
ary is lighted inside and shown in a gallery with subdued lighting so that the
aviary shines from within like a lantern. Inside the aviary are two parrots and
rainforest plants that provide perches for the birds. There is a tape recording
of the sound of flowing water. Because the walls are translucent, the viewer
only sees shadowy, ghost-like silhouettes of the birds. And the birds speak.
They pronounce the words of the Mayporé language, the only language they
know. They appear as ghostly shadows that speak a ghost language.
FIGURE 13-10. Rachel Berwick, “May-por-é,” 1998-2004
Berwick was intrigued by the idea that parrots could be the sole and
imperfect conduit through which an entire tribe’s existence could be traced.
Working with Humboldt’s notes and with the collaborative efforts of a bird
behaviorist, two linguists, and a sound engineer, she taught the parrots to
‘speak’ the Mayporé language. Berwick started this project in 1997. The
installation has since appeared in London, New York, New Haven, Istanbul
and Sao Paulo.
Berwick may have taken artistic license with the historic record. Hum-
boldt, in his journal, reports on repeated contacts with the Mayporé so they
were clearly not extinct at the time of his travels. Humboldt spends much
time phonetically recording words in all of the languages of the area, for
example: “The titi [a kind of monkey] of the Orinoco (Simia sciurea), well
known in our collections, is called bititeni by the Maypure Indians.”7
Humboldt does relate the story of a tribe called the Atures driven to
extinction. Further, he tells the story of a surviving pet parrot who preserves
the Ature language.
At the period of our voyage an old parrot was shown at Maypures, of which
the inhabitants said, and the fact is worthy of observation, that they did not
understand what it said, because it spoke the language of the Atures.8
7. Alexander von Humboldt and Aime Bonpland, Personal narrative of Travels to the
Equinoctial Regions of America During the Years 1799-1804, v. 2. Translated and edited by
Thomasina Ross. George Bell & Sons, 1907. Available online from The Project Gutenberg,
http://www.gutenberg.org/catalog/world/authrec?fk_authors=1995, Chapter 2-19, p. 180.
Berwick may have conflated the stories of several tribes that Humboldt
reported on. Her installation is, nevertheless, a beautiful evocation of these
encounters.
Interestingly, language is a skill that separates humans (representing cul-
ture) from animals (representing nature), yet Berwick’s parrots instruct us. It
is this sort of appreciation of nature in all its diversity that we find so progres-
sive and laudable in Humboldt.
Reviewing the four artists I have discussed:

Rachel Berwick takes a story told by Humboldt and seizes upon it as one that
furthers her conviction that we must not neglect the impending extinction of
species, languages and races. This is the thesis motivating her entire body of
work and her success here is composing the Humboldt / May-por-é story – a
particularly compelling story.
Similarly, Daniel Velasco wishes to focus our attention on natural envi-
ronments that are at risk. He documents them and presents them to us in a
sensory-rich, immersive environment. We may be transported by the images
and sounds to another realm, but it is a vicarious, aestheticized version of the
original, minus the hazards and heat. Velasco knows the limits of his ability
to reproduce an environment, but seizes upon this method to enlist our inter-
est or, better still, our activism.
Mark Dion honors Humboldt in his pantheon of enlightened scientist
explorers. His tableaux about Humboldt are part of a body of work that
names names: Charles Darwin, Rachel Carson, and Alexander Wilson among
others. Dion extols the work done by these pioneers, but of equal importance
to him is the examination of the subjective nature of museum display,
summed up nicely by the title of his 1997 exhibition “Natural History and
Other Fictions.”
Jose Alejandro Restrepo lives in South America and examines the con-
tinuing relevance of the historic European regard for his continent. Like Ber-
wick and Velasco, he has a message of advocacy and his art is a means to that
end.
As David McCullough wrote about Humboldt,
“…he began to see what nobody had understood before him; that life’s forms
and their grouping with one another are conditioned by physical factors in
their environment…he realized more fully that to classify and identify count
for little unless you understood how to relate such information to integrated
natural processes.”9
8. Ibid, Chapter 2-24, p. 391.

9. David McCullough, Brave Companions, Simon & Schuster, 1992
Relating to natural processes, the integration of ideas, synthesis – all add
up to original thinking that was Humboldt’s hallmark. It is no wonder that
contemporary artists continue to draw inspiration from him.
CHAPTER 14 Humboldt and the
Visual Arts in America
Amy H. Winter
The writings and theory of Alexander von Humboldt served as inspiration for
American art, from the celebrated 19th-century Hudson River School painter
Frederick Edwin Church, to the esoteric 20th-century surrealist artist and the-
orist Wolfgang Paalen. Direct evidence of Paalen’s knowledge of Humboldt
can be found in his eyewitness account of the 1940 eruption of the Mexican
volcano Paricutin that was modeled upon Humboldt’s, which drew in turn
upon a still-earlier eyewitness account. For Humboldt, the study of volcanic
manifestations was one of the objectives of his journey to the equinoctial
regions of America (1799-1804). The reader of his work will learn of his
ascent of Teide Peak in Tenerife and of other climbs to several volcanic sum-
mits in South and Central America. It is hard to imagine that the motif of vul-
canism that figured so highly in the works of his Romantic contemporaries
and was a prime model of the theory of the sublime, did not have some bear-
ing on his explorations.
It is well known that Church read Humboldt’s influential Cosmos: Sketch
of a Physical Description of the Universe in 1849 and sought to visually rep-
resent his theory that the unity, harmony and complexity of the natural world
were the result of a divine order. This theory that was the basis of the Roman-
tic worldview was related to – but not the same as – the theory of the sublime
that originated in the late 18th century and dominated philosophical and artis-
tic discourse throughout the 19th century. The Romantic poets and “natural
philosophers” (as they were called) who formulated the theory of the sublime
like Johann von Goethe and Friedrich Schelling, professed that the unifying
principle of the universe was found in the eternal World Spirit present in
every object and force of Nature, which man could never discern through
logic alone. Humboldt, a child of the Enlightenment as well as of Romanti-
cism, wished to balance this metaphysical doctrine with the reason and obser-
167
vation of scientific method, and to supplant tyranny and slavery with
humanism and social progress by forming a bridge between the rational and
intuitive modes of understanding the universe. Touched by the Romantic
spirit of the age, Humboldt combined scientific rigor and meticulous obser-
vation with inspired description and an enduring passion for the transcenden-
tal beauty of what he observed – unflagging in his aesthetic appreciation
complemented by pure reason in order to grasp the true nature of the world.
Nature herself is sublimely eloquent,” Humboldt wrote, “The stars as they
sparkle in the firmament fill us with delight and ecstasy and yet they all move
in orbit marked out with mathematical precision.” This methodology that
unified observation with passion was of considerable importance to visual
artists.
Two papers in this conference have just revisited the subject of Humboldt
and Church. So I will not dwell on this topic, except to say that after reading
Cosmos, Church literally followed Humboldt’s path through the Ecuadorian
Andes in order to view nature as “one great whole, moved and animated by
internal forces” and “to seize...on the true image of the varied forms of
nature, available in the tropical world.” Church pictured the “sublime” land-
scapes of America in awe-inspiring paintings with much the same intention
as his German Romantic counterpart, Caspar David Friedrich.
The result of Church’s initial journey, The Andes of Ecuador, finished in
1855, was a monumental canvas of 4 feet by nearly 7 feet that combined
Church’s typically 19th-century concerns about science and religion. The
painting shows the infinite botanical detail of interest to artists and the terri-
fying depths of the abyss and overwhelming sense of unlimited space, which
were the essential elements in depictions of the “sublime” that dominated
19th-century artistic discourse in Europe and America.
This discourse was deeply embedded in the American psyche, tied as it
was to a religious character that was the bedrock of America’s founding.
Even today, that religious character continues to reassert itself in American
society, vying with the well-established evidence of science championed at
the start of the modern age by intellectuals like Alexander von Humboldt –
and later, following in his path, Wolfgang Paalen. Paalen’s insistent call for a
unified versus dualistic vision of reality, his focus on the physical universe,
his “Cosmic” metaphor for art, and his passionate argument for the impor-
tance of relating art to science all echo the values and tenets of Humboldt.
From 1942 to 1944 in Mexico City, Paalen published DYN, an influential
art review for the New York School, read by the emerging Abstract Expres-
sionists whose colleague, Robert Motherwell, served as assistant editor to
Paalen for the journal. Paalen’s essays therein discussed a modern “Cosmic”
Humboldt and the Visual Arts in America 169
art in terms of contemporary physics, using it as a model for his totally
abstract representations.
Humboldt’s ideas which anticipated the unifying theories of modern
physics can be cited as inspiration for the impressive canvases of Abstract
Expressionism by way of Paalen’s theory. Born in Vienna in 1905, but
equally bred in Berlin, Paalen was classically educated and heir to the
Enlightenment and Romantic ideas forged by giants like Humboldt and
Goethe – and the list of books in his library attest to this fact, along with his
writings which reference these and more. Like Humboldt, Paalen was moti-
vated by profoundly ethical, humanitarian and democratic values. Like Hum-
boldt, these values fueled his concern to move discourse into a modern and
scientific framework that eschewed the religious incantations of his genera-
tion. Humboldt accomplished this by his exhaustive researches of the natural
world and physical universe that surpassed the “natural philosophy” of his
contemporaries. Paalen did so by turning to the paradigm of physics for his
art and theory and calling for a “demystification” of artistic theory and prac-
tice that rejected science as compatible with its goals. Like Humboldt, he
advocated “a universe of wholes” and defined the sublime in terms of the
actual poetry of the universe revealed by science rather than by poetic meta-
physics.
In his essay on “Art and Science,” published in DYN in 1942 as World
War II was raging in Europe, Paalen wrote about dualism and the mystifica-
tion inherent in philosophy and related it to ethics and politics: “Traditionally
identified with metaphysics, philosophy...remained true to theological
method, which consist[ed] of explaining one unknown by two unknowns:
Thus when [metaphysics] does not know how to place a thing within reality,
it simply adds a lengthening-piece, a sham reality. Lengthening pieces: the
super-natural for a nature that is too tiny, the super-rational for a reason that is
too lean, a liberty with a double bottom, a morality extra-moral and partisan
for the right-thinking insiders of a consecrated ‘ism’ – in brief, if one is
unable to define a thing, one simply makes two things out of it.”
The artist, Paalen suggested, was the herald of the possibility of a new
ethic, who could stand alongside the scientist as navigator into territory
where the values of science and art were complementary – complementarity
being a basic principle of quantum physics. The findings of quantum physics
that Paalen prescribed as a new model for art verified the simultaneity and
multiplicity of experience, and showed that “reality is one and indivisible.”
They proved that, as with physical matter, the seeming separation between
interior and exterior perception, so critical to the artist and poet, was illusory:
“As no man can hold himself satisfied with the affirmation that light is
merely a number of vibrations...the poet speaks as truthfully as the scientist
when he claims that light belongs to the realm of vision.” Paalen wrote at a
point in history where science had come to be regarded as infallible, and
technology (the child of science) had escalated the war and moved toward the
annihilating reality of the atomic bomb. It was not, he said, merely a matter
of “theoretical aesthetic rehabilitation” but an imperative that neither art nor
science be elevated to absolute truths – metaphysics – in their own right.
Thoroughly a man of his time, Humboldt’s lifelong endeavor to change
the terms of inquiry from “natural philosophy” to “natural history” are very
much paralleled in Paalen’s attempt to change the terms of art from “meta-
physics” to physics. His paintings from the early 1940s invent spatial meta-
phors and explore the possibilities of depicting a new concept of space.
Progressively, he turned to invention of other grammars of abstraction, visu-
ally different, but all metaphors based in the graphic mathematical languages
of astronomy, physics, and astrophysics. Code-like notations of dots, dashes,
and ellipses rhythmically play over or organize the surfaces of his canvases.
Like Viennese physicist Ernst Mach’s imperative of “scientific economy,”
from which he drew some of his ideas, Paalen’s forms display “conceptual
schemes as economical instruments” that “simplify” but do not reduce expe-
rience. Like Mach’s physics, “a shorthand method of relating and correlat-
ing...sense data with the help of mathematics,” his paintings unified
subjective content and objective form.
Still another model Paalen borrowed was the Nobel-Prize winning wave-
particle theory of Louis de Broglie. Broglie was Professor of the Sorbonne’s
Poincaré Institute, frequented by the Surrealists in the 1930s. The motion of
his forms aesthetically translated de Broglie's undulating waves and quanta
particles of light to fashion his visual metaphor.
In the climate of World War II, and under Paalen’s influence, Abstract
Expressionist painting gave way to the paradigm of the Apocalypse; then,
following the war, to the "abstract sublime” – the New York School's meta-
physical cosmic images. This was evident in the climax phase of Pollock's
grand scale gestural paintings and mystical or explosive “chromatic” abstrac-
tions of Adolph Gottlieb, Barnett Newman, Mark Rothko, and Clifford Still.
Both of these phases followed the abstract form and sense of Paalen’s Cosmic
works.
Works such as Space Unbound (1941), and Major Polarities (1940), the
latter published in DYN, displayed an “all-over” quality (soon identified with
mature Abstract Expressionist painting) to transform the graphically – and
rhythmically – notated forms of the universe into images of force and volatil-
ity. Rapidly drawn lines and parabolic arcs suggest high energies and veloci-
ties; concentric vortical chains "simulate magnetic fields,” and “dotted lines
recall particle clouds.” Paalen described the Cosmic works as symbols of “the
Humboldt and the Visual Arts in America 171
great structural rhythms, the tidal waves of form and chaos, of being and
becoming, which go beyond the accidents of individual fate...” in which, by
sympathetic response, the viewer can participate:
Nuclear Wheel (1942), Solarization (1942) and other Cosmic works
shown in Paalen’s 1945 Art of This Century exhibition, sowed the seeds of
Abstract Expressionism’s “radical abstraction,” in which references to visible
nature disappeared and form alone became a visual index of value and mean-
ing. The themes and abstract form-metaphors that Paalen invented to signify
cosmic energies and time-space prefigured Abstract Expressionism’s
“abstract sublime.” Jackson Pollock saw the Cosmic works in Paalen's April-
May exhibition at Art of This Century, and his own one-man exhibition of
May-June 1945 directly followed.
Time after time, parallels with Paalen’s theory, iconography, and form
reasserted themselves in the work of the emerging painters in their own per-
sonal styles. But if Paalen eschewed religion and mysticism by turning to sci-
ence, the New Yorkers turned to quasi-religious discourses to develop a
modern counterpart to the metaphysical aspirations of the past. In the 1975,
projecting backward, Robert Rosenblum identified an affinity between the
Northern Romantic tradition of the “sublime” and Abstract Expressionism’s
“abstract sublime, which claimed transcendental qualities for their drastically
reduced abstractions, perceived as the ultimate expression of Abstract
Expressionist art.” Rosenblum likened the noumenous effects of their large-
scale, rhythmic, and atmospheric abstractions to the awe-inspiring attributes
of “boundlessness” and “greatness of dimension” as well as the “vortical
rhythms,” “sublime whirlpools,” and “mystic trinity of sky, water, and earth”
in the landscapes of Romantic painters Caspar David Friedrich, J.M.W.
Turner, and John Martin, and related them to the aesthetic discourses of
Goethe, Emanuel Kant, and Edmund Burke, bypassing Paalen and his imme-
diate proximity to the New York painters. But well-before that affinity was
noted, Paalen’s Cosmic discourse and paintings offered these sources to poet-
ically celebrate the power of creation manifest in the physical world.
In concept and image, Paalen set a precedent for Pollock’s monumental
poured and dripped paintings like Autumn Rhythm; for the pregnant stillness
of the “atomic void” of Newman's minimal Onement or Vir Heroicus Subli-
mus; for the cosmic explosions of Gottlieb’s Bursts, and for the ragged
chasms of Still’s outsize abstractions. By 1945 and 1946 in Paalen’s New
York exhibitions, in the last issue of DYN, and in an anthology called Form
and Sense, when he published the works of, Motherwell, Pollock, and Will-
iam Baziotes, and David Smith, his role as a forger of a “new art,” was com-
plete.
In conclusion, it is therefore interesting that both of these intellectual pio-
neers, who chose to be generalists and explore a universe of possibilities
were largely forgotten for many years. This conference rectifies that absence
of memory and restores Humboldt’s astounding legacy and in the process,
that of latter day disciples like Wolfgang Paalen.
CHAPTER 15 Women Travelers in
Humboldt’s New World
Adriana Méndez Rodenas
Historically, Humboldt’s vast travels to continental Latin America have been
interpreted as the paradigm for European travel narrative to the New World.
Cuban anthropologist Fernando Ortiz, for instance, labeled Humboldt the
“second discoverer” of the Americas, pointing out his debt to Christopher
Columbus as well as his departure from the tradition of discovery and con-
quest (also in Duviols and Minguet 1994, 25). Biographers and critics alike
have amply documented Humboldt’s status as an eighteenth-century savant,
cataloguing the interdisciplinary thrust of his writings, encompassing geogra-
phy, natural science, and geology (in Duviols and Minguet 1994, 25-28), an
encyclopedic knowledge which established both the foundations of modern
science as well as a new type of travel writing (Ette 2003, 25). Critical recep-
tion of Humboldt promoting him as paradigmatic of the scientific voyage to
the New World highlights his role in shaping both the rhetoric of European
travel writing and the Latin American literary tradition (González Echevarría
1990, 104, 110). These biographical and textual approaches constitute Hum-
boldt’s literary legacy, what one critic called “oddly parallel traditions” in
praise of his life and work (Ochoa 1999 102). In recent years, Mary Louise
Pratt has radically altered this view with her ideological critique of Hum-
boldt, based, coincidentally, on the same paradigmatic value accorded to his
travel books. Pratt’s approach has marked an important shift in the critical
reception of Humboldt (1992, 119-120), highlighting the centrality of Hum-
boldt’s oeuvre for post-colonial studies, yet I concur with Ochoa’s assess-
ment that her “demonizing view […] ascribes an inscrutable, totalizing
authority to Humboldt” (1992, 138) in need of further revision.
In this paper, I want to pursue the extent to which Humboldt’s relations de
voyage, and particulary his Personal Narrative of the Equinoctial Regions of
the New Continent (1816), have shaped the course of nineteenth-century
173
European women travelers to the New World. Breaking free of the rhetorical
restraints placed on the genre of travel writing – what Pratt identifies as the
sentimental and the scientific (1992, 74-75) but which really encompass a
wide range of “transdisciplinary” discourses1 – European women travelers
practice the genre with the same healthy eclecticism which characterized
Humboldt’s travel writings. Inspired by Humboldt, they trekked the plains,
“pampas”, and valleys of the New World, secure in the knowledge he pro-
vided but also in hope of establishing their own “personal narrative.”
Whether inside a carriage, on horseback, or by foot, the varied journeys of
Victorian women travelers particularly are made on the trail of Humboldt,
seeing in their illustrious predecessor not merely an abstract model to emu-
late, but a source of authentification of their varied journeys, an authority
needed to construct their own, private forays into unknown territory (Frawley
1994).
It is a mainstay of travel narrative to suggest that the genre forms an intri-
cate web of texts in which the individual itinerary often conjures the writerly
paths opened up by previous travelers. At the start of his Personal Narrative,
Humboldt acknowledges that he “read the ancient voyages of the Spaniards”
during the long sea passage from La Coruña to Cumaná (Humboldt, vol. I,
1814). Later on in the voyage, in the dramatic passages describing his intent
to discover the bifurcation of the Orinoco, he will repeatedly cite Father
Gumilla and La Condamine as his most direct textual precursors (Humboldt,
vol. vol. V, 487). It is inside this labyrinth formed by the criss-crossings of
previous journeys (Ette, 2003, 24) where we detect Humboldt’s influence on
European women, in their double role as both travelers and readers, since
reading can be viewed as “a kind of traveling” (Ette 2003, 26-28. In much the
same way as Columbus’ inaugural journey reverberates throughout Hum-
boldt’s voyage, traces of his Personal Narrative appear on at least three lev-
els in the alternative tradition of European women’s travels.2 First, in the
perspective of the journey, what has been theorized as the “seeing-man” or
“all-knowing I” (Pratt 1993, 7) of the European scientific explorer, and who
is most often collided with the first-person narrator of the travel account (Ette
2003, 29). In the critical corpus, the traveler’s pose has been codified as a sin-
gle male explorer who from a height above absorbs in his gaze the entire
sweep of the land below, a mountaintop perspective permitting the compari-
son of different landscapes and climates (Slovic 1990, 6; Stafford 1984, 150).
Humboldt’s ascent to Mount Chimborazo (Image 1-Chimborazo) not only
1. I am indebted to Ottmar Ette’s keynote speech delivered at the “Alexander von Hum-
boldt: From the Americas to the Cosmos” conference, in which he commented on the
author’s “transdisciplinary,” rather than merely “interdisciplinary” perspective.
2. En route to the New World, Humboldt claims to follow the exact sea route charted by
Columbus, as his allusion to the passing of Cape Three Points, dubbed so by the Almirante,
makes clear; Personal Narrative, vol. 2, 30.
Women Travelers in Humboldt’s New World 175
emblematizes this view, but also illustrates the linear form of the journey, as
one anticipating a fulfillment (Ette 2003, 44). In this way, the perspective of
the traveler conditions the shape or textual organization of the travel account,
detailed in Ette’s analysis of the recurring tropes in European travel writing
(2003). Yet Humboldt’s influence is most strongly felt in the approach to
landscape, characterized by the Romantic sublime and the use of metaphor,
and based, for the most part, on the comparison to similar scenery in Europe
(González Echevarría 1990, 108) as well as to more remote regions. Hum-
boldt’s “comparative method of landscape description” has been negatively
interpreted as downplaying the specificity of a particular terrain or region in
favor of a grander “textual atlas” or abstract model of the globe (Slovic 1990,
6, 8). In contrast, in his analysis of the use of analogy in Humboldt’s Political
Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain and Vues de cordilleras, Ochoa notes its
effectiveness at the sight of inanimate landscape, and the tensions arising
when dealing with the culturally Other (Ochoa 1999, 143).
After noting the striking similarities and differences between British
women travelers and Humboldt in terms of the rhetoric of travel (that is, per-
spective and approach to landscape), I want to clear a different path, where
Humboldt’s influence is also felt. I propose that many nineteenth-century
women, particularly those “solitary travelers” devoted to science (Marz
Harper), follow Humboldt’s trail as a circuitious path to knowledge, an
endeavor resulting either in personal satisfaction, conversion into an author,
increased self-confidence, or a self-transformation implying all of the above.
Although quite a few Victorian “lady travelers” fit this pattern, I want to
focus here on a set of four illustrated travelogues that best represents the
reception of Humboldt I am suggesting: botanist, artist, and historian Maria
Graham, also known as Lady Calcott, whose extended residence abroad
resulted in two travel books, A Journal of a Voyage to Brazil and A Journal of
a Residence in Chile, both published in 1824; Fredrika Bremer, dubbed the
Swedish Jane Austen, whose sojourn in the United States and Cuba resulted
in The Homes of the New World – Impressions of America, published in 1853
and translated into English a year later; lastly, Victorian artist Adela Breton, a
“globe-trotter” whose travels culminated in a series of trips to Mexico at the
turn of the century, who left a stunning visual archive of Mayan architecture
and landscape.
Although Mary Louise Pratt has classified Maria Graham as one of the
exploratrices sociales participating in the rhetoric of European travel writing
(Pratt 1992, 164), her books do not conform strictly to the “imperial eyes”
model. Instead of a Self/Other dichotomy, Maria Graham’s South American
journals exhibit, rather, a reciprocal gaze, a mutual recognition and identity,
what is best emblematized in the front illustration of Journal of a Residence
in Chile, where a genteel-looking Graham peeks out of a carriage in expecta-
tion of the pleasures of travel (Image 2-Graham 1824, Chile, frontspiece).
Whereas both Pérez Mejía and Hayward emphasize Graham’s alleged pose of
superiority as a British subject, “Traveling in Spanish America,” the title of
this particular illustration, conditions the reader of the Journal in a different
mode: that of a “fellow traveler” who accompanies the narrator on her jour-
ney (Pérez Mejía 1997, 92; Hayward, in Graham 2003 ed., 298). “Traveling
in Spanish America” represents a perspective akin to what Humboldt accom-
plished in Vues des cordillères. At first glance, it evokes what one critic
called “the subject-centered picturesque,” a technique in which “visible
nature is arranged for the spectator in such a way that the lines of the pictorial
image converge on the eye of the single and unique beholder and places him
or her at the centre” (Kuczynski, 247).3 Yet Graham’s focus is outward, as if
the traveling subject were ready to enter unknown territory; her piercing gaze
embracing the world, rather than fleeing from it. Almost as if anticipating her
experience in the New World, to be revealed as the pages unfold, the illustra-
tion functions as a prelude to the book, hence seducing the reader, who is
drawn into the text of the journey as the stagecoach progresses. In La
geografía de los tiempos difíciles, Angela Pérez Mejía interprets this image
as necessarily including the gaze conferred on her by the Chilean populace in
their attempts to tame the British visitor’s “foreignness” (Pérez Mejía 1997,
90-91). Thus the image of Graham inside a coach represents a female subject
in transit, comfortable in two worlds, and inhabiting a transatlantic space.
The sketches accompanying the narrator on her way through Chile and
Brazil, mostly drawn by her own hand, reenacts the perspective inaugurated
by Humboldt in his Personal Narrative for the purpose of scientific investi-
gation and inquiry. In many passages, Humboldt must leave a site just visited,
but cannot pause enough to examine it further, thus entrusting the task to a
future traveler, such as when he points out a rare species of plant found in the
tropical zone (1814, vol. III, 28). In this way the future traveler anticipates
the reader’s “virtual” journey, in a “hermeneutic movement” in which the real
journey tracks its future reception (Ette 2003, 40, 50). This same gaze of
inquisitiveness is manifested in Graham’s illustration, except that she is sit-
ting down, in contrast to Humboldt’s standing (and presumably more authori-
tative) pose.
A comparison between Graham’s self-portrait at the outset of her Journal
of a Residence in Chile and Humboldt’s depiction while meandering the
peaks and valleys of the Orinoco reveals not so much a gender difference as a
convergence of point of view before the American landscape. Humboldt’s
3. I am grateful to Jason Howard Lindquist of Indiana University for bringing this article
to my attention, and for his insightful comments regarding this passage and my paper as a
whole.
conquest of the peak of the Chimborazo has been interpreted as the climax of
his journey (Goodman 1972, 258-259); more recently, as emblematic of the
pose of European superiority and self-assurance assumed by the “imperial
eyes” model (Pratt). Yet the inaugural moment for the explorer’s “summit-
survey” actually comes earlier in his journey, after the ardous climb to the
Silla de Caracas, which elicits the inspired phrase: “The eye commanded a
vast space of country” (Humboldt, 1814, vol. III, 506; quoted in Slovic 1990,
6). If compared to the visual account of Humboldt’s journey, illustrated in his
Vues de Cordillères, the climactic arrival at a peak is preceded by a far hum-
bler pose, depicting the contrast between the human figure and the majestic
heights of the “cordillera.” Among other scenes, in Vue de Cajambé (Image
3), a pair of male travelers amble in front of a mountain range with a pair of
walking sticks – a convention of the illustrated travel account meant to con-
vey the scale of the drawing (Ochoa 163) – but which also suggests the dis-
parity between the natural realm and the human one. In this image, moreover,
the focus of the viewer follows the pair of walkers down below as they point
toward the goal of their expedition – the mountain top – thus signaling both
the inaccessibility of the mountain as well as its symbolic status as the object
of scientific curiosity; in Stafford’s terms, an example of “willed seeing”
(1984, 254).
While both Humboldt and Graham share the comfort (and dis-ease) of
inhabiting two worlds at once – what I call here the transatlantic perspective
– in both cases, the traveler is diminished before foreign terrain. In Graham’s
sketch, she appears as a woman facing the unknown, whose fears are height-
ened by the increased dangers implied in her journey;4 whereas, in Hum-
boldt’s painting, he and his traveling companion are dwarfed by the size of
the mountain yet proceed on their march in the attempt to scale its heights.
A similar perspective is seen in the art of Adela Breton, a Victorian
woman traveler who re-discovered the Mayan world at the turn of the cen-
tury. In a series of stunning watercolors and sketches devoted to revealing
México profundo, Breton depicts the same high/low perspective as Hum-
boldt’s Vue de Cajambé, particularly in the watercolor of the Jorullo volcano
(which Humboldt also visited). On the trail of Humboldt, Breton evokes the
volcano immortalized in Vues des Cordillères, only her accent is on the com-
pactness and massiveness of the mountain range, the irregular profile of its
summits, and the play of light and the shadow in the surrounding valley
(Image 4-“Jinete”-Ea 11508). In his depiction of the Volcano of Jorullo,
Humboldt focused on the vanishing effect created by the hornitos, (Image 5-
Humboldt-Volcán de Jorullo), small canonical structures exhalating vapours:
4. The gender restrictions implied in nineteenth-century women’s travels have been

amply discussed in Frawley, Mills, and Marz Harper.
“Les cones sont autant de fumaroles qui exhalent une vapeur épaisse et com-
muniquent à l’air ambient une chaleur insupportable. On les désigne, dans ce
pays, qui est escessivement malsain, par la denomination de petits fours, hor-
nitos.” (Humboldt, 1811). This phenomenon demonstrated the Enlightment
obsession with the composition of earthly matter, perceptible only by means
of its “fugitive effects” (Stafford 1984, 197). In contrast to the Enlightment’s
emphasis on verticality, Breton’s central feature is the compactness of the
mountain, what resists the eighteenth-century privilege of height (Stafford
1984, 88). Clouded by the density of the mountain range, in Breton’s art the
spectator’s gaze falls, instead, on the solitary figure riding away from the
heights. This vision from below contrasts, then, with the totalizing view
attributed to the male traveler in his “summit-survey” – only Breton com-
bines both dimensions, imbuing both with her own subjective vision. In Bre-
ton’s art, the space below is designated not by the distanced European
traveler but by the local populace, as in her placid scene of a street in Puebla
(Image 6-Breton, Ea 8399) in which its inhabitants appear as part of the sur-
rounding landscape, in contrast to the church steeple on the right.
Nowhere is Humboldt’s influence more deeply felt than in women travel-
ers’ approach to New World landscape. European women’s travelogues
exhibit similar rhetorical strategies as their illustrous precursor; namely, the
conjoining of science and art involved in the minute observation of natural
phenomena, a stance proper to the eighteenth-century man of science
(Stafford 1984, 40); the amazement or wonder provoked by the spectacle of
New World nature (González Echevarría 1990, 108); and the sensation of the
sublime. In the female tradition of travel writing, Humboldt’s vast oeuvre fil-
ters the authors’ own encounter with Nature; in many cases, a visit to a par-
ticular site or the experience of natural phenomena is marked by a conscious
acknowledgement of Humboldt as reliable source. One notable example from
Maria Graham’s journals is her pictorial depiction of the “Great Dragon Tree
of Oratava,” the second illustration included in Journal of a Voyage to Brazil
(Image 7) (1824, between 84 bis). This image complements the description of
the dragon tree included in the travel book, in which Graham recalls its cen-
turies-long evolution, “the height and size which it boasted till 1819,” along
with its subsequent decline (1824, 85), a description evoking, in turn, a simi-
lar passage in Humboldt’s Personal Narrative. During his stay in Tenerife,
Humboldt described a dragon tree of “enormous magnitude” as “one of the
oldest inhabitants of our globe” (Humboldt, vol. I, 1814, 142). Rendering in
her sketch the ruins of that ancestral tree, Graham wryly comments as a cap-
tion to her illustration: “He saw it in all its greatness; I drew it after it had lost
half its top” (Brazil, 1824, Plates, vi).
In one of Adela Breton’s most precious watercolors, taken near San
Andrés Chalchicomula (Image 8-Breton, Ea 8401, 1894), the entrance to
Puebla is depicted from the perspective of the valley below, through a rocky
path opening up beneath a stone aquaduct.5 Similar to Graham’s coach scene,
in this image the aqueduct frames the view from a distance in the shape of “a
natural arch,” a recurring image in the illustrated travel account used to con-
vey the idea of a “natural masterpiece” or emblem of animated matter
(Stafford 1984, 80, 64, 59). In travel literature to the Spanish Americas, its
immediate parallel is the lithography of the bridge over the Iconozo river
included in Humboldt’s Vues des Cordillères (Image 9-Pont sur Iconozo).
Yet, in contrast to Humboldt’s solitary scene, Breton humanizes the land-
scape: far away, the viewer glimpses the high “sierras”; in the middle, a
church dominates the view of the valley; in front, a hint of gender solidarity
conforms an artistic vision in the two women silently walking, hidden
beneath their rebozos.
European women’s poetic scrutiny of the landscape conforms to a gen-
dered approach which I call “the gaze of enchantment.” For the travelers
selected here, reading Humboldt conditions the travelers’ self-fashioning, as
in Graham’s representation in both “Journals” as a “philosophical traveler”
(Brazil, 1824, 89), what clearly echoes Humboldt’s characterization of his
own pursuits as a “natural philosopher” (1814, vol. III, 519). Evident in Gra-
ham’s gaze is Humboldt’s dictum that “the duty of the natural philosopher is
to relate all phenomena that Nature displays to him” (Humboldt, 1814, vol.
III, 519). Traces of the Personal Narrative surface in Graham’s horseback
tours through the Brazilian countryside, particularly in her attention to the
thick vegetation typical of the region. Her description of the lovely valley of
Laranjeiras, whose jasmine and rose bushes are described as “one thicket of
beauty and fragance” (Image 10) (Graham, 1824, 162; Plate V, 163), exem-
plifies Humboldt’s hypothesis regarding the determining effect of vegetation
in providing the identity of a particular zone or region; in his words, “the veg-
etation determines the character of a landscape and acts upon our imagination
by its mass, the contrast of its forms, and the glow of its colours” (1814, vol.
III, 354). By depicting Brazil as an “immense garden” both in the written and
pictorial account of her travels, Graham’s metaphoric rendition of landscape
evokes Humboldt’s use of the picturesque to highlight the spectacular aspect
of tropical scenery, its exuberant forms and verdant color (Moraes Belluzzo,
2000, 21-22). The recreation of Brazil as a landscape composed of mountains
and coastline, dotted by isolated mansions in the midst of a lush vegetation –
such as in Graham’s sixth sketch, simply titled “View from Count Hoggen-
dorp’s Cottage” (Image 11) (1824, Plate VI, 170) – imprints the reader’s eye
5. The view of San Andrés Chalchicomula is also reproduced in Adela Breton—una
artista británica en México (66), y en The Art of Ruins (Ea8401, 108).
in the manner Humboldt described: “how strong are the impressions […] left
on the mind from those countries placed on the limits of the torrid zone, in
which nature appears […] so rich, so various and so majestic” (1814, vol. 2,
2). The “View from Rio from Gloria Hill” (Image 12) (Graham, 1824, Plate
VII, 169) typifies a European perspective of distance (Moraes Belluzzo), cen-
tered on the contours of the bay, softly enveloped in a luminous atmosphere,
an image evoking Humboldt’s description of the Havana bay as well as his
constant references to the translucent quality of the air of the tropics (1814,
vol. IV, 329).
Although Humboldt’s travels have been theorized almost exclusively
from an ocular perspective – the “imperial eyes” model – in a recent book,
Ottmar Ette expands the traditional methodology of the study of travel writ-
ing by his lucid analysis of the shape of the journey, including, but not lim-
ited to, the act of physical displacement proper of the genre. Besides spatial
movement, Ette considers integral to our understanding of European travel
writing the textual organization of the book, dependent, to a great degree, on
the circuit traced by the body of the traveler traversing a new geography (Ette
200, 40). Besides the linear model of ascension to a height above, emblema-
tized in the conquest of the Silla de Caracas and Chimborazo, Humboldt’s
Personal Narrative adapts another,6 non-linear pattern: that of the star,
defined as a type of journey in which the traveler remains stationed at a fixed
point, yet takes intermittent excursions to nearby regions (or side-trips)7
resulting in a stellar pattern of complicated symmetry and aesthetic effect. As
we have seen, European women travelers like Maria Graham and Adela Bre-
ton adapt the linear perspective associated both with the “summit-survey”
approach to landscape and with the dominant type of travel classified under
the rubric of discovery and exploration. Yet they also clearly mark in their
journeys the stellate model described by Ette; Maria Graham and Flora
Tristan’s travels, for instance, “are emplotted in a centripetal fashion around
places of residence from which the protagonist sallies forth and to which she
returns” (Pratt 1990, 157-159). Given their prolonged residence in the New
World, European women’s travels are particularly suited to this type of
arrangement, since it resolved the basic dilemma of women’s travel: privileg-
ing the domestic environment (staying home or at a fixed abode) while at the
same time procuring the excitement of outward discoveries.
To invoke an alternative form of travel, which implies not merely a deli-
cate balance between the “passive” discourses of femininity and the “active”
6. Compare Humboldt’s description in vol. 2 of his Personal Narrative with Graham’s

conclusion regarding Brazilian countryside: “It is impossible to conceive any thing richer
than the vegetation down to the very water’s edge around the lake” (163).
7. “[A] definitive center, […] serves as a starting point for more or less circular journeys
and leads to a stellate expansion of the traveled and registered space” (Ette 2003, 45-46).
male-encoded explorer (Mills, Marz Harper), I label this type of journey the
star-gazer. A number of European women travelers fall under this category,
defined as a traveler who projects onto the New World a certain ideal,
whether the philanthropic one of the lone adventurer, like the Swedish novel-
ist Fredrika Bremer, who prophesized the end of slavery in Cuba, or the polit-
ical one of Maria Graham, who passionately defended South American
independence despite the failures of military and political strategy. The foun-
dational moment of the star-gazer mode originates in Humboldt’s Personal
Narrative, when, early on in his journey, he comments on the “beauty of the
southern sky [which] opened up new constellations” (vol. 2, 18). In a scene
reminiscent of Humboldt’s star-gazing mode, and soon after her arrival in
Cuba, Swedish novelist Bremer gazes up at the heavens from her country
abode in Matanzas. Vexed because she could not discern the position of the
stars in the southern hemisphere, the philantropist traveler suddenly
announces the discovery of a new constellation: “I thus beheld a constellation
of considerable magnificence and brilliancy ascend above the hill of cocoa
palms. Could it be the ship Argos or the constellation of Sagittarius? I do not
as yet know.” (Bremer vol. 2, 1854, 272). Towards dawn, the celestial vault
reveals a single shining light: “When the blush of morning appeared [. . .], I
saw the morning star standing above the earth [. . .]. It seemed to me like an
eye full of a bright but sorrowful consciousness [. . .].” (Bremer vol. 2, 1854,
272). Amidst the stark reality of slavery, the star is transformed into a symbol
of collective awareness: “That bright star stood above the beautiful island
like its clear, accusing conscience.” (Bremer, vol. 2, 1854, 272). This effect is
captured in “Palm under a Night Sky,” a watercolor in Bremer’s Cuba album
showing a single palm tree under a glitter of stars (Skissbok, Fol. 23v). Remi-
niscent of what Cuban poet José Lezama Lima called la noche insular, this
upward surge towards the heavens is accompanied, in women’s journeys, by
an anticipation of the unexpected, a luminous urge for absolutes, and, at
times, by a certain nostalgia for a world left behind, to which the traveler will
not return unchanged.
As a prelude to his emblematic voyage in search of knowledge, Hum-
boldt’s Personal Narrative documents an experience unique to the seafaring
consciousness characteristic of eighteenth-century European expansion.
Humboldt and Bonpland’s transatlantic crossing is imbued by what I call la
conciencia marina, an awareness of forging a living link between two
worlds, an embracing of continents and erasing of differences evident in the
constant comparisons between the Old World and the New. While for Slovic
Humboldt’s comparative method produces an abstract profile of the world,
rather than delineating regional or local specificities (Slovic 1990, 6, 8), this
mapping of the globe from a detached perspective seems to occur primarily
on land or on the mountain top. At sea, however, Humboldt’s poetic rapture is
tinged with anticipation of the unknown regions lying beyond (Duvoils and
Minguet 1994, 27; Humboldt, vol. 5, 5), or with hyperbole, as in his ecstatic
descriptions of the cataracts upon embarking up the Orinoco river (vol. 5,
137).8 Inheriting this literary legacy, women travelers often engage in solitary
reverie at sea, an experience shaping the “solitary travelers” sojourn. In
between Brazil and Chile, Maria Graham wrote in a style of a nautical log,
recording every date according to latitude and longitude and orienting her-
self, like a sailor, according to the flight patterns of birds (Graham, 1824,
204-205). (Image 12-title page-Brazil). This style not only evokes Hum-
boldt’s detailed measurements of latitude and longitude throughout the Per-
sonal Narrative, but also the symbolic import of his long sea journey, as both
the intermediate space where the horizon of knowledge is devised, and the
private domain of introspection proper of the philosophical traveler.
Resisting a characterization of Humboldt as either “detached” (Slovic
1990, 9) or “mystifying” (Pratt 1992,141), his literary legacy has produced a
particularly gendered mode of travel, what I characterize as “the gaze of
enchantment.” Besides the women travelers who followed his path into the
untred regions of South America, echoes of Humboldt reverberate through-
out twentieth-century Latin American literature: from the “axolotl of the lake
of Mexico” (vol. 1, xxvi) to the “new islands” he faintly discerned off the
coast of Venezuela (vol. 4, 140-141), whose traces resurface in Julio
Cortázar’s and María Luisa Bombal’s haunting short stories (“Axólotl” and
“Las islas nuevas”).
8. “[W]e were never weary of the view of this astonishing spectacle, concealed in one of
the most remote corners of the Earth” (Humboldt, vol. 5, 137).
CHAPTER 16 Classic Nomenclature in
New Exploration
Donald Hassler
Manifest destiny for all of the Americas, and especially for the vast lands that
were included in Jefferson’s great purchase from Napoleon and that continu-
ally haunted his own French and Rousseaulike thinking, has continually pre-
sented a fascinating face in terms of labeling and terminology as well as in
the tonal uses of language both as a tool for progress and as veil or mask for
concealment. I open this paper with a convoluted sentence for a very German
and Romantic notion: the West. Biographies of Adolf Hitler suggest that even
he loved to read American Westerns in translation as well as the German imi-
tators of our westerns; and his obsessive drive for lebensraum seems almost
quintessentially American (Toland). But putting political correctness and
moral concerns aside for the moment – if that can at all be done with good
conscience here in New York City only three years after 9/11 – the historical
and political tension used to talk about “American Empire” from Jefferson
and Alexander von Humboldt onward until our century, by which I mean still
the 20th century, also tells us much about epistemology and the practical
implications of exploratory science and scientific exploration as a whole and
unified enterprise.
I shall get to the seminal old writers here, but it is the wonderful analysis
of tone and of tension in matters of race and Empire in Kurt Vonnegut’s
Breakfast of Champions (1973) where I want to begin. At the start of the
book, he says, “color is everything” and then moves to insist that all his anal-
ysis of imperial American history will be “impolite.” At the same time, he
argues how “astonishing” the West and western expansion was in history
(preface and chapter 1). This opening rant in Vonnegut’s novel is a great
boasting contest just as it is brash and, indeed, impolite. So a good western
(with an uppercase “W” perhaps), the tall tale that Mark Twain had mastered,
is recreated in this Vonnegut book; and clearly for him this writing represents
183
the old dilemma of the “neo-classic,” januslike two-facedness. He celebrates
what is truly new, and wants to be new himself in tone and narrative struc-
ture, but he also is haunted by the old “classes” just as America itself from
the beginnings has been haunted by color.
My two concrete examples in this short paper about the origins of this
Vonnegut ambivalence of tone come from early writing about the West done
by very hands-on explorers and travelers who kept evoking their “classic”
European roots even as both of them were forging new texts with writing
implements in their great canoes or in field tents. But the spirit of such neo-
classic language use at the time, also, can be seen as a sort of umbrella effect
arching over these bug-infested and practical writings; and the umbrellas
came from the most metropolitan salons and lecture halls of the East and of
Europe. Our great Thomas Jefferson and the Baron von Humboldt himself
were using language in this same ambivalent and neo-classic way and so
must have been, in part, the authorities or authors who were granting the lan-
guage license to the voyageurs, the explorers, the military men in the field.
Further, I speculate that even up to our present day in space exploration and
planet talk – and, indeed, with Antarctic exploration where Robert Falcon
Scott took Browning with him to read as he froze to death in his tent located
nicely midway between Jefferson and today – one can discover and appreci-
ate a similar neo-classic tension reflected clearly in the language employed.
We are humans always in our tentativeness as we forge onward and look
backward at the same time. But space language and the language of the great
journeys South must remain material for other papers even though I may sug-
gest that the astonishing similarities in language usage rivet home my key
term here: the neo-classic.
Strangely, my first example comes from a text written by the young Major
George Washington who was later to become, of course, the legendary East
coast umbrella for such circumspect language used to govern these tensions
in conceptualizing. Washington’s language, in fact, was such a mask that we
often cannot even be certain that the language is his own. The recent Ron
Chernow biography of Alexander Hamilton documents neo-classic ambiva-
lence wonderfully, and we learn there again that Hamilton probably wrote
many of Washington’s later phrases that ring with a measured ambivalence
about “the people” and about “newness.” In fact, the key concept in this neo-
classic effect is the notion of “circumspection” where the word itself embod-
ies in its Latin clarity the value of “seeing around,” of vision that may look
backward and forward at the same time. And such thoughtful circumspection
always seems to have been stimulated by the astonishing confrontation with
things “western,” with the new.
Classic Nomenclature in New Exploration 185
It may just be Empire building that is so astonishing and so conducive of
ambivalence in tone and expression because I think we see it even in Vergil in
the famous tag line Tantae molis erat Romanum condere gentum – “How
hard it was to found the race of Rome” (Bk one, line 33). Here the image
“tantae molis” literally means “how great small pieces” since “molis” eventu-
ally was to become our word “molecule.” In any case, it is not just the old
Latin, which I believe Washington like Shakespeare had little of, but also the
delicate and circumspect that we can sense as Washington writes about the
Ohio country of western Pennsylvania as a young major. In another sense,
this is the driving American business language too where the aggression and
conflict of continual flux and possibility for newness must be a beast that can
only be tamed by contractual balance. My point is that such “contracts” char-
acteristically include neo-classic ambivalence and, often, even Latinate
cement laid on top of the other language characteristics that are more goth
and new. Here is Washington speaking about his negotiations and translation
experiences with a myriad of Indian factions, all of which language usage
gets nicely generalized under the rubrics of “father to child.” Washington is
quoting a chief called “Half-King” and so, of course, translating:
Fathers, I am come to tell you your own Speeches: what your own Mouths
have declared…And if I your Father, should get foolish in my old Days, I
desire you may use it [a rod] upon me as well as others. (7)
The concealed truth beneath the narrative language rubrics is later
revealed so starkly in a letter dated 7 September 1783 when the older Wash-
ington peels back his circumspection and writes:
…[to move the Indian by force] is like driving the Wild Beasts of the Forest
which will return as the pursuit is at an end and fall perhaps on those that are
left there; when the gradual extension of our Settlements will as certainly
cause the Savage as the Wolf to retire; both being beasts of prey tho’ they dif-
fer in shape. (266)
So Washington was, indeed, circumspect about his deep and harsh per-
ception of the native Americans he knew.
My favorite example for this short paper is not a “great” at all in our cur-
rent collective memory. Unlike Washington and Jefferson and Humboldt,
Henry Rowe Schoolcraft has nearly been forgotten even though Michigan
State University has recently embarked on a nice publishing project to save
his massive ethnographic and travel writings about the West. I suggest, how-
ever, that Schoolcraft himself as a writer fully anticipated the drowning into a
sort of anonymity for his career; and such “sad” anticipation, indeed, emerges
in the mind of any writer as he or she becomes nearly “silent on a peak in
Darien,” in the face of Western Empire. Then, as in Keats, the astonishing
awesomeness of the newness produces convolutions in language. Actually, I
myself again anticipate the general in the presence of massive and astonish-
ing particularities of text. Schoolcraft wrote a lot about the Indians, about his
travels across the upper reaches of the old Michigan territory, about the lan-
guages themselves of the natives that he had begun to learn and to categorize.
He liked to chop up word particulars and to reassemble the parts into new
labels, new concepts, new substantives. And most everything new that he
saw and that he made in his new science of ethnography and in his new geog-
raphy had in it the stamp of the old, even the European.
Some commentators on Schoolcraft see him at times as resembling the
great natural shape-shifters personified in the Algic folktales and legends that
he collected and translated when he worked as Indian Agent in upper Michi-
gan. He reinvented and changed himself as an American writer several times
from 1818, when he came west from New York state, until his death in the
final year of the Civil War. Also, in the later 19th century he was viewed, in
part, as a writer of children’s fairy stories; and now, in recent decades, his
work has come to be seen as seminal both to modern ethnographic research
and to the history of American writers attempting to find a voice as Ameri-
cans. Like the Northwest Territories themselves, his work was both on the
fringe as well as characteristic of a sort of Emersonian self-reliance and stub-
bornness in the effort to define his own voice. His was a quest of an Ameri-
can scholar, and he was continually conflicted as a writer. His material was
distinctly American; and his shape-shifting was as insecure, suspect, and as
immensely fertile as the rest of the expanding nation in the early 19th cen-
tury. A century after his death, scholars began to identify and to describe
these qualities in what Schoolcraft wrote about the Northwest Territories,
especially the Lake Superior region and northern Minnesota and the shifting
populations of natives that explorers found there, interacted with, and eventu-
ally remade for their own purposes.
Schoolcraft’s roots, however, were in the East. He had the rudiments of a
classical education in his hometown of Hamilton, New York, in preparation
for entering Union College. But he had to go to work instead. Later, he did
attend Middlebury College briefly and published poetry as a young man.
Whenever he traveled in the West, he tried to purchase books through agents
in Detroit and to maintain his book collection. A dissertation on his writing
done nearly 200 years after his birth finds, “Books were a part of his life in
which he never lost interest even when he moved to the frontier” (Mosser,
23). And so, as we shall see, he made good use of his language and classical
studies to highlight some of his best investigative work and ideas.
Schoolcraft the writer can be sensed fully operative alongside his seminal
work as ethnographic researcher and even as geographic explorer. One of his
later expeditions in the big canoes west that took place in 1832, with the
Classic Nomenclature in New Exploration 187
blessing again of Governor Cass of the Territory, moved from the Sault west-
ward and resulted in Schoolcraft’s key discovery of the source of the Missis-
sippi at Lake Itasca in Minnesota. Schoolcraft renamed the lake from earlier
“mooselike” names that the trappers had used, and when he did so he used his
Latin training as follows: “…he took the name from the Latin words veritas
caput” (Mason, xxiv). The Latin means “true head,” and what is fascinating
is the Schoolcraft habit of chopping a few letters from the body of the phrase
in order to coin a new work – Itasca. He does something very similar with
language in his Indian studies when he attempts to categorize the related
tribes that he finds linked by language and storytelling. “In 1832 he founded
the Algic Society – the first use of his neologism that combined “Algonquin”
and “Atlantic” (Algic, xi). Further, when he writes about his most famous
story character Manabozho, who becomes Longfellow’s Hiawatha, the tone
of slight irony he uses resounds with the literary training that permits School-
craft the distinct sensibility to appreciate what he has uncovered in his inves-
tigations and yet to show a writer’s voice, and a Christian voice, of
interpretation. He writes:
…as Manabozho exercises powers and performs exploits wild or wonderful,
the chain of narration which connects them is broken or vague. He leaps over
extensive regions of country [and presumably of narration] like an ‘ignis fat-
uus’ (Algic, 51).
Thus, a somewhat ironic and detached rational voice, which uses alien
Latin reference, emerges in the mass of Algic materials that were originally
published by Schoolcraft the Indian Agent. This voice has classical echoes as
well as echoes from the investigators of the Enlightenment whom Schoolcraft
must have included among his collections of books. Again, from the Algic
researches prefatory material, he sounds almost like an eighteenth-century
numismatic collector of Roman coins, “Words are like coins, and may, like
them be examined to illustrate history” (Algic, xxxiv). He recorded many of
these words from the extended family of his Ojibway wife, but he also coined
them (and “Englished” them) as though he were chopping up Latin. Hence, in
addition to his large label “Algic,” which he coined, other labels for parts of
the network of tribes spanning the eastern half of the continent spice up his
narratives: “Ostic” for one group, “Abanic” for another. Schoolcraft said that
he Englished these terms from native words, but many he coined from
chopped-up pieces where we hear the “ic” tag derived from the word “Atlan-
tic” at the close of several.
Finally, a short letter from Thomas Jefferson to Humboldt himself embod-
ies the several ambivalences presented by the “astonishing” West and, at the
highest level, may serve to demonstrate how the neo-classic sense of linking
the old with the awesome “new” was a key language device used to clothe
these ambivalences. Jefferson writes to the Baron in the year just before
Schoolcraft went West from New York state, the year 1817, and it seems to
be the enigma of Spain that figures here the tension between what is new and
being born with what we are used to as old. Three sentences from this letter,
with one Latin tag:
Whether the blinds of bigotry, the shackles of the priesthood…give fair play
to the common sense of the mass of the people, so far as to qualify them for
self-government, is what we do not know. Perhaps our wishes may be stron-
ger than our hopes. The first principle of republicanism is, that the “lex
majoris parties” is the fundamental law of every society…yet the last which is
thoroughly learnt. (681)
Jeffersonianism has prevailed, and the “majority party” nearly always
wins out even if that party happens to be National Socialism or the Franco
party of modern Spain. Ambivalences continue.
Bibliography
Ron Chernow. Alexander Hamilton. New York: Penguin, 2004.
Thomas Jefferson. The Life and Selected Writings of… New York: Modern
Library, 1944.
Philip P. Mason, editor. Schoolcraft’s Expedition to Lake Itasca. East Lan-
sing: Michigan State University Press, 1993.
Duane Paul Mosser. Henry Rowe Schoolcraft: Eyewitness to a Changing
Society. Ann Arbor: UMI, 1992.
Henry Rowe Schoolcraft. Algic Researches: Comprising Inquiries Respect-
ing the Mental Characteristics of the North American Indians. 2 vol-
umes. New York: Harper, 1839.
John Toland. Adolf Hitler. New York: Doubleday, 1976.
Kurt Vonnegut. Breakfast of Champions. New York: Random House, 1973.
George Washington. A Collection. Edited by W.B. Allen. Indianapolis: Lib-
erty Fund, 1988.
_______________. The Journal of Major George Washington… Williams-
burg: William Hunter, 1754.
CHAPTER 17 Palabras y Pinceles del
Paisaje Venezolano
José Ángel Rodríguez
No existe ningún rincón en Venezuela adonde no hayan llegado los viajeros
extranjeros en su afán de conocer la geografía física y humana de sus varia-
dos paisajes. En este escrito destacaremos dos viajeros totalmente diferentes
en tiempos históricos diversos. El primero de ellos es Carl Geldner, quien
luego de una estancia algo desafortunada en La Guaira, puerto de Caracas,
fue seducido por la quimera del oro que lo empujó a lejanos y peligrosos ter-
ritorios. Fue por ello que se introdujo en Guyana buscando fama y riqueza en
1867. En esa aventura dejó casi la vida como también un excelente relato y
numerosas acuarelas de campos y ciudades sobre los cuales hay poquísimos
testimonios gráficos. El testimonio de Julia Bornhorst es también de carácter
doble: escrito y gráfico. El texto de sus memorias da cuenta, por un lado, de
algunos trozos de Maracaibo, la segunda ciudad más importante de Venezu-
ela, en plena transición de la economía del café a la industria del petróleo, de
sus habitantes, criollos y alemanes, y costumbres, como de las tierras cer-
canas y áridas de Falcón, entre 1923 y 1941. Este es un período de profundas
transformaciones que acabarían, a la postre, con la ciudad y el país deci-
monónico dedicado a la agroexportación, cambios visibles en algunas de sus
magníficas acuarelas.
El Dorado de Carl Geldner

Carl Geldner llegó a Venezuela en enero de 1866 y se desempeñó como
empleado de una casa comercial en La Guaira hasta 1867. Desde hacía
tiempo circulaban en el puerto noticias alentadoras sobre las minas de oro de
Guayana al punto, se pensaba, que “El Dorado, por tanto tiempo buscado, por
fin había sido descubierto.” Se trataba, en realidad, del segundo gran ciclo del
poblamiento minero, que duraría de 1860 a 1870, caracterizado por el trabajo
de los mineros individuales y por el establecimiento de pequeñas compañías.
189
Ante la seducción del oro, Carl Geldner no lo pensó más y se lanzó a la aven-
tura: la crisis económica habida en el gobierno de Juan Crisóstomo Falcón se
profundizó de tal manera que llevó a varias casas comerciales a cerrar sus
puertas. De allí que, ante el temor de un desempleo seguro, la ilusión por el
oro se profundizó como bien lo demuestra una carta a su padre del 8 de abril
de 1867, en la que expresa bien los rumores, algunos falsos, ciertamente, que
circulaban y que no hicieron sino aumentar en muchas mentes las ganas de
probar fortuna:
Las noticias que se reciben de la Guayana venezolana suenan cada vez más
alentadoras y la emigración hacia allá aumenta a diario. Ahora se han descu-
bierto también en las inmediaciones de Angostura ricos yacimientos de oro y
de plata y se puede asumir que la Guayana es el famoso El Dorado, que Colón
y otros grandes marineros han buscado en vano.1
Carl Geldner con su hermano Max, quien se adhirió a la aventura, parti-
eron para Ciudad Bolívar la noche del 4 de julio de 1867 por vía marítima
porque uno de los puntos de escala en la ruta era de vital importancia para los
mineros: Trinidad. En esa isla, indicaba Geldner, era el lugar ideal para
“…comprar algunas mercancías, que allí entran sin pagar derechos y por eso
son tan baratas, ni habríamos tenido oportunidad de establecer conexiones
comerciales…”2 El viaje a Ciudad Bolívar duró del 4 al 23 de julio, vale decir
19 días, luego de escalas en Barcelona, Cumaná, Pampatar, Carúpano y
Puerto España.
La emoción fue grande cuando Carl Geldner vio “brillar a distancia bajo
el sol, a Angostura, la capital de la Guayana venezolana,” de la cual hiciera
con posterioridad un hermoso cuadro, quizá uno de los mejores que hiciera
en cuanto a pinturas de ciudad se refiere. El paisaje urbano que visita Geldner
en 1867 era un puerto fluvial en plena expansión con 7.000 habitantes. De su
función comercial de enclave se da cuenta cuando observa la gran cantidad
de embarcaciones que pululan alrededor del amplio desembarcadero al pie de
la ciudad, donde observa una cantidad de diversas embarcaciones, “balan-
dras, lanchas y grandes botes con mástiles”, de 40 a 50 toneladas que hacían
el tráfico hacia Apure3, y que traían a la ciudad todo tipo de mercancías.
Los sinsabores de El Dorado comenzaban en la propia Ciudad Bolívar,
donde los aventureros se preparaban para el viaje a las minas. En primer
lugar, uno de los requisitos básicos era comprar algunos burros, difíciles,
cuando no imposible, de conseguir en la ciudad, por lo que se trasladaron a
Soledad, “pueblo muy pobre, como ya explica su nombre” y del cual hizo
1. Carl Geldner, Anotaciones de un Viaje por Venezuela (Venezuela 1865-1868). Caracas,
Oscar Todtmann editores, 1998; p.145. La edición en alemana: Reiseaufzeichnungen aus
Spanien und Venezuela. Basel, Druck von Emil Birkhäuser, 1913.
2. Carl Geldner, Ob.cit., p.145.
3. Ibídem, p.186.
Palabras y Pinceles del Paisaje Venezolano 191
una pintura que refleja muy bien el topónimo. En Soledad, sin embargo, los
animales resultaron muy costosos: 70 a 80 pesos por animal, por lo cual los
Geldner decidieron probar suerte de nuevo en Ciudad Bolívar donde encon-
traron animales a un precio de 30 y 35 pesos cada bestia. Compraron cuatro,
que tuvieron que enlazar ellos mismos con una cuerda que arrojaban por la
cabeza del animal. Luego adquirieron sillas para la carga y otros aparejos,
como también provisiones para el largo viaje: “carne seca, harina, arroz, car-
aotas negras, un jamón americano, papelón, sal y pimienta.”4
El viaje hacia el Dorado continuó en un vapor de Ciudad Bolívar a Puerto
Tablas (alrededor de 15 horas), trayecto que transcurrió sin mayores dificul-
tades, no así el desembarco nocturno, hecho casi a tientas. A la orilla llegaron
“sobre los hombros de un marinero” porque las lanchas, puestas a disposición
por la embarcación, no podían atracar en la orilla porque había allí poca pro-
fundidad de agua. ¡Ni que hablar de los 15 burros que venían a bordo!,
difíciles de reconocer por sus dueños en la oscuridad, cosa que lograron
después de equivocaciones y disgustos.
Hacia El Dorado
Puerto Tablas no era nada atractivo, al menos para Geldner a fines de julio de
1867. Era un lugar de paso, de apenas 20 años de existencia, donde
comenzaba el camino hacia el interior, formado por “…30 casas de barro,
techadas con hojas de palmeras [que] formaban dos callecitas. Casi no se veía
gente y este muerto y miserable pueblucho debería ser la puerta para el
famoso El Dorado…”5 De este “pueblucho” partía el camino hacia Upata, un
paisaje de recorrido irregular de 90 kilómetros.6 El camino se hacía por lo
general a pie porque los burros se utilizaban para transportar el equipaje. No
estaba tampoco en buenas condiciones. En algunas partes, los viandantes se
tropezaban con “tocones de árboles” y en otras, como sucedió con un
español, terminó con su burro y equipaje en un pantano del que “salió cubi-
erto de fango de pies a cabeza.” En realidad, el “llamado camino,” refiere
Geldner, era a veces “una pica abierta a machete a través del bosque virgen.”7
Finalmente llegaron a Upata, una población que había experimentado profun-
dos cambios paisajísticos desde su primera fundación en 1734 y que “…se ha
4. Ibídem, pp.190 y 192.
5. Ibídem, p.181.
6. En 1867 el camino de Puerto Tablas a Upata era casi el mismo una década después,
tenido todavía como camino “carretero en mal estado” y que pasaba al menos por 8
pequeños caseríos, a veces sólo haciendas abandonadas: Chirica, Paso del medio, Corrales,
Boca del Monte, Mayorí, Altagracia (único caserío que menciona Geldner pues a veces
tomó, por la misma ausencia de un buen camino determinado, senderos equivocados) y
Upata. Ministerio de Fomento, Apuntes Estadísticos del Estado Guayana, Caracas,
Imprenta de La Opinión Nacional, 1876; p.183.
hecho siempre digna de merecida fama por sus sanas costumbres, de orden y
moralidad en las familias, por su amor al trabajo y por el respeto a las
leyes…”8 Erigida nuevamente en 1762, era una villa de españoles dentro de
la jurisdicción misionera de los capuchinos catalanes, rica ella en tierras y
recursos agropecuarios. Todo cambió, sin embargo, en la Guerra de Indepen-
dencia, cuando la expoliación de los recursos de las misiones quebraron la
riqueza regional.
El camino hacia Guasipati, poblado más adentrado en la auténtica zona
minera, no era más fácil que el descrito hasta Upata. Era también más largo:
125 kilómetros.9 El testimonio de Geldner ayuda en la reconstrucción del
paisaje rural y de recorrido, el cual ofrecía, en esencia, lo mismo en materia
de hospedaje por lo cual el viajero dependía, como en el tramo anterior, de la
bondad de los hacendados cuando no en su voluntad de apoderarse de chozas
o haciendas casi deshabitadas.
La pequeña ciudad que visitó Carl Geldner en 1867 no era, por acción de
los descubrimientos auríferos, una ciudad próspera. Lo era en comparación a
Upata, ciertamente, porque la proximidad de las minas mostraba en ella “más
vida y prosperidad,” pero nada más. Se observaba en su paisaje urbano, como
en el resto de las poblaciones mineras que visitara, como El Callao o Caratal,
y con mayor crudeza en las chozas de Panamá, Perú, Potosí, Chile, Tigre y
Santa Clara, una mentalidad de campamento, cuyas expresiones en los
paisajes urbanos consolidados como en las barracas improvisadas del oro
eran las mismas: el caos, producto de la premura, la codicia, la enfermedad o
la muerte.
Guasipati era una antigua misión de los padres capuchinos catalanes,
quienes la fundaron en 1757, y la cual, como otros paisajes de misión micror-
regionales, había conocido mejores tiempos. Esta situación cambió cuando se
descubrieron y explotaron, nuevos terrenos auríferos en el sitio de Caratal
desde mediados de la década de 1850, y en particular a partir de 1870. Geld-
ner se alojó en la posada Dalla Costa, inaugurada hacía poco tiempo. Allí
había poca cosa que ofrecer al viajero. En primer lugar, su dueño, según el
muy observador alemán, tenía “fisonomía de vagabundo,” que poco hacía por
mantener ordenado el lugar. Es más, no había ni utensilios en el hotel, se que-
jaba Geldner, y sólo contaba con “tres mesas, y los correspondientes bancos,”
ocupados día y noche por jugadores empedernidos. Toda la vajilla de lugar
consistía en “cuatro copas y cinco platos” y la cocina tenía algunas “ollas
ennegrecidas.” Las habitaciones no eran mejores que el resto de la construc-
8. Ministerio de Fomento, Apuntes Estadísticos del Estado Guayana, p.174.
9. Para 1876 había al menos dos caminos, uno de ellos carretero de 129 kilómetros.
Había otro de 125 kilómetros, camino de “sabanas, montañas y pasos de ríos y quebradas,
secas en verano”, que fue el que tomó Geldner, pasando por Santa María, Candelaria, Plata-
nal, Cunurí y finalmente Guasipati. Sobre los dos caminos véanse los Apuntes Estadísticos
del Estado Guayana, pp.185 y 186.
ción, por lo cual Geldner y su hermano se alojaron en el patio, debajo del
techo voladizo, con el único burro que les quedaba y sobre el cual los her-
manos ejercían una férrea vigilancia pues no lo querían “perder de vista,”
porque no dejaba de haber allí pocos peligros,10 para empezar el vicio del
juego, por el que muchos dilapidaban su fortuna en las mesas de juego. El
hotel se había convertido en una auténtica casa de juego, en un lugar de
mucha “turbulencia.” Cansado, y espantado por lo que veía en esta “especie
de Sodoma y Gomorra”11 en la selva, siguieron el camino hacia El Callao.
La miseria dorada
El paisaje de campamento tenía, en 1867, su mejor expresión en El Callao,
población que, contraria a las de Upata o Guasipati, no tenía ningún pasado
de origen misional en el periodo colonial. No tenía tampoco la ciudad acta ni
fecha precisa de fundación, como es el caso de las ciudades mineras que cre-
cen, se desarrollan o desaparecen según la suerte de los yacimientos. El Cal-
lao como tal, comenzó a desarrollarse a partir de 1854 a raíz de las primeras
explotaciones auríferas. En otras palabras, tenía escasos 13 años de vida
cuando Geldner la visitó. Desde cierta distancia se oía el ruido del poblado,
un “barullo” como lo llama el alemán, que anunciaba la actividad de las
minas, de las más productivas en aquélla época y hasta fines de siglo. Lo que
observó en un primer momento no le pareció “placentero ni estimulante.”
Tampoco lo que observó después. Su juicio es descarnado: “El Callao está
ubicado en medio de la selva y consiste únicamente en unas chozas misera-
bles, techadas con hojas de palmeras, casi todas usadas como quioscos de
venta y restaurantes de la categoría más primitiva...”
El poblado minero era un auténtico campamento. Basta señalar, como
afirma Geldner, las dificultades para llegar a la calle principal, todavía con
restos de tronco de árbol enraizados en el suelo como si la selva se negara a
morir. En efecto, para alcanzar la vía pública había que hacerlo serpenteando
obstáculos, las grandes fosas de explotación del oro, que no eran otra cosa
que pozos de extracción de cuarzo aurífero. El Callao ofrecía un paisaje mez-
clado y amontonado de viviendas feas, chozas apuradas a manera de tiendas,
pulperías, botiquines, restaurantes y burdeles, codo a codo con los innumera-
bles pozos de extracción del oro, lugares de trituración del cuarzo y algam-
ación. Cada minero, profesional o espontáneo, nativo o extranjero, local o
recién llegado, cavaba donde creía conveniente, sin más limitaciones que la
“ley vigente” la cual, en los parajes mineros guayaneses, El Callao en lugar
privilegiado, se cumplía pero no se acataba. Esta población tenía, según

11. Ibídem, p.241.
Geldner, unos 1.000 habitantes, entre venezolanos e ingleses, vale decir
negros de Trinidad, españoles, franceses, culíes y algunos alemanes.12
Caratal fue el destino final. Allí trabajó Geldner casi cuatro meses en la
tienda del señor Meinhard, un alemán que tenía una posada en Upata. El
poblado tenía una década escasa de existencia y estaba a poca distancia de El
Callao. Se llegaba a él por un camino con “bonitas haciendas y conucos.” Era
esta pequeña ciudad el punto central de la minería de aquélla época que con-
formaba el distrito Nueva Providencia, pero no por ello dejaba de ofrecer al
visitante un estado de desolación que Geldner considera aún “más acentu-
ado” que en El Callao.
Pero, hecha la comparación debida con otros centros mineros como Pan-
amá, Potosí, Chile, Perú, Corina, La Iguana, Tigre y Santa Clara, como con el
propio El Callao, el poblado ofrecía una ventaja no poco interesante y suges-
tiva: había cierto orden en el entramado urbano. Caratal tenía según Geldner
entre 80 y 100 casas, construidas en “cierto orden y forman así una calle
bastante larga, cruzada por una calle transversal,”13 que no era poca cosa para
alguien amigo del orden como el joven alemán, quien llegaba a Caratal con-
movido por el desorden y fealdad urbanas de El Callao.
Las construcciones eran muy modestas, cuando no “primitivas.” Con-
sistían en algunos troncos de árboles clavados en el terreno, con paredes de
barro y techos cubiertos con la hoja de la palmera carata, la misma que dio el
nombre al lugar. Con el tiempo, el toponímico urbano se convertiría en un
vago recuerdo, debido a la explotación desmedida de la planta, que convertía
el techo en lo más caro de la vivienda. Así, comenta Geldner, cada hoja de
palmera costaba un real, por lo cual un techo de tamaño mediano costaba
entre 400 y 500 pesos, de veras muy costoso. Al principio no era así porque
las hojas se conseguían en el lugar, tal como comentaba un explorador criollo
en 1857, cuando desde lo lejos podían divisarse “…muchas palmas de Carata
que allí se encuentran, a la vez que lindas y elegantes por sus formas, las más
abundantes y preciosas para cobijar los techos de las habitaciones pajizas.”14
Pero el paisaje forestal había sido expoliado de tal manera en una década
que, como indica Geldner, “…A objeto de obtener hojas para el techado, sim-
plemente se tumbaron las palmeras sin tomar en consideración el daño que se
provocaba para después. Ahora, las hojas provienen de territorios distantes y
hay que pagar su peso en oro.”15 Era Caratal una ciudad de oro que relucía
con mayor brillo después de fuertes chaparrones, fenómeno que Carl Geldner
tuvo varias veces la ocasión de observar en persona:

13. Ibídem, p.248.
14. Michelena y Rojas, Ob.cit., p.225.
…después de cada aguacero fuerte, un sinnúmero de gente andaba buscando
granos de oro por la calle, salidos de los intersticios entre las piedras. Así por
casualidad también se encontrarían grandes pedazos de oro debajo de los
bajantes de los techos. No hay ningún tipo de duda, sobre el hecho de que
aquí se encontrará bastante oro por un buen rato.16
El costo de la riqueza en el Dorado era muy alto. Uno de los principales
problemas era el de la insalubridad sobre la cual es valiosa el testimonio de
Carl Geldner, quien vivió en Caratal cuatro largos meses, entre agosto y novi-
embre de 1867. Entre las diversas enfermedades se contaban la neumonía, la
disentería, que el propio Geldner sufrió en carne propia debido al agua con-
taminada de Caratal, y sobre todo las fiebres, siendo la peor de ellas la
denominada “caliente,” la más peligrosa y la cual se unía con frecuencia el
“tabardillo,” denominada “bicho” en los parajes del oro.17
El mismo Geldner sufrió de fiebres y casi muere en Caratal. De los Geld-
ner, fue su hermano Max, quien venía padeciendo de fuertes dolores de
cabeza, el primero en caer en cama muy enfermo, y también el primero de los
dos que huyó de las minas después de un mes de estancia. Carl, por su parte,
se enfermó con una fiebre “muy fuerte, que continuó durante algunos días y
me debilitó sobremanera, después de haber sufrido la disentería.” Su buena
salud y juventud lo salvaron. También su prudencia. Después de cumplir los
compromisos que tenía pautado en Caratal, regresó a mediados de noviembre
a Ciudad Bolívar. Como no encontró allí trabajo, pues la mala situación
política y económica había desmejorado, abandonó el país el día 9 de diciem-
bre de 1867. El testimonio de su partida de Caratal no deja de ser sugestivo.
Tampoco necesita ningún comentario adicional:
…El abandono de este rincón, el más triste del mundo, verdaderamente no me
causó nada más que alegría. A decir verdad, aún tenía uno que estar agradec-
ido por el hecho de haber podido escapar más o menos intacto. A mucha
gente, atraída por el brillo dorado de las minas, éstas le depararon en breve
tiempo la ruina; son pocos los que han tenido éxito, y éstos, generalmente, a
cuenta de la salud. Si hago un resumen de todo lo que observé y viví, no
puedo sino describir la existencia en estas minas como la miseria dorada.18
16. Idem
17. La enfermedad consistía “…en una inflamación del recto, la cual, si no se trata cor-
rectamente, generalmente causa la muerte.” La curación era dolorosa. Según Geldner eran
los indígenas quienes tenían un remedio bastante efectivo que consistía “…en introducir
en el ano pequeños limones pelados y provistos de cortes, los cuales, cuando la cura se
efectúa repetidas veces, mediante su propiedad astringente le devuelven a los tejidos intes-
tinales ampliados, su estado normal…” Como es de suponer, el enfermo sufría “fuertes
dolores” que lo hacían a menudo gritar como a un condenado. Carl Geldner, Ob.cit., p.274.
18. Ibídem, p.285.
Los paisajes de letra y papel de Julia Bornhorst

El testimonio de Julia Bornhorst [Lübeck 1893-Caracas 1980] es doble:
escrito y gráfico.19 El texto muestra el testimonio de la adaptación de una
mujer a una cultura diferente entre 1923 y 1941, vale decir entre los 30 y 50
años de la autora, en la ciudad de Maracaibo que, al menos para 1923, pre-
sentaba en lo básico el paisaje urbano que había conocido otra paisana suya,
Elisabeth Gross,20 entre 1883 y 1896.
El paisaje urbano se transformó después cuando, en tan sólo dos décadas,
la ciudad sufrió una de las transformaciones más violentas que ciudad alguna
haya experimentado en Venezuela debido al descubrimiento y explotación de
petróleo en la cuenca del lago de Maracaibo. Por esa nueva actividad, la
ciudad dejó atrás su rol primordial desde el siglo XVI: ser centro de acopio
de la producción agropecuaria de su hinterland inmediato y del más lejano,
los espacios andinos.En términos demográficos, la ciudad contaba, en 1926,
con 84,000 habitantes, y con 110,000 en 1936.
En “permanente estado de alarma”
Julia Bornhorst vivió esas intensas transformaciones. Su pincel y su ojo
fotográfico son la clave para entender su curiosidad por el mundo más allá de
las fronteras de su casa marabina. Para empezar, la dama sufrió los rigores
del cambio. Maracaibo no era precisamente Lübeck, ni en apariencia urbana
ni en clima. Ella mismo lo pone en palabras: “No resultaba fácil acostum-
brarse al idioma extraño, al calor, a cuatro sirvientes para atender a dos perso-
nas: era algo sobrecogedor.”21 Es más, todo le era “ajeno y diferente” y
“sumamente primitivo” en los años posteriores a su llegada. Fue una tal
señora Behncke, esposa del jefe de la casa Blohm, la encargada de guiarla.
Era ella una especie de “madre” de la colonia alemana, de quien recibió “con-
sejo y ayuda” sin recibir órdenes,22 lo que demuestra, como en el caso de Elis-
abeth Gross, la importancia de las esposas de los jefes de las casas
comerciales alemanas en mantener la unidad del grupo.
No fue cosa fácil la adaptación al nuevo ambiente, sobre todo a las cosas
que percibía como agresivas, por lo cual había que estar, según sus palabras,
“pendiente continuamente de todo” pues la mayoría de las plantas “queman o
puyan,” los animales “son peligrosos para los humanos” y los insectos “nos
molestan constantemente.” Pero, agrega inmediatamente, “uno se adecua a
todo, incluso al permanente estado de alarma”23 del que escribiera también, a
19. Venezuela 1923-1941 en Acuarelas y relatos de Julia Bornhorst. Caracas, Oscar
Todtmann Editores, 1993.
20. Vida Alemana en la Lejanía. Maracaibo, Asociación Cultural Humboldt Maracaibo,
1989.
21. Ibidem, p. 14.
22. Idem
su manera, Elisabeth Gross. Pese a ese estado de alarma, Julia Bornhorst fue
una mujer quien aprovechó – y disfrutó – desde el principio las posibilidades
que le brindaba el trópico.
El trópico también extenuaba muchas fuerzas, cosa que sintió la alemana
en más de una ocasión, en particular cada vez que regresaba de vacaciones de
Europa y tenía que acostumbrarse de nuevo al intenso calor. En esto los rela-
tos de las dos alemanas coinciden. Así, podía levantarse temprano y desayu-
nar a las 6 pero a las 8 podía regresar a la cama “por estar exhausta.” Es más,
durante el resto del día “sólo tenía la mitad de mis fuerzas.” Los mosquitos
no hacían fácil la vida tampoco. Así, en verano – vale decir en la temporada
seca- la plaga era tal que impedía sentarse al aire libre:
…En aquella época no había tela metálica y dormíamos siempre bajo mos-
quiteros de hamaca, pero teníamos que acostarnos con un matamoscas, para
espantar los zancudos que se hubiesen infiltrado. Las picadas no nos molesta-
ban tanto como el penetrante zumbido, que nos impedía dormir. Prendíamos
muchas veces velas de humo, las cuales en verdad odiábamos ya que, a la par
de los mosquitos, también nosotros teníamos que inhalar el aire cáustico.
¡Realmente eran una plaga!..24
No obstante, con el tiempo, Julia Bornhorst fue menos atacada por la
plaga porque, según su juicio, su sangre estaba “disecada por el calor,” por lo
cual no ejercía “sobre los insectos tanta atracción como antes.”25
El lago insuperable
El lago de Maracaibo era el centro de la atención de los alemanes que vivían
en la ciudad. Era, por así decirlo, el eje emocional, el espejo acuático de la
vida cotidiana. La casa de los Bornhorst, llamada Hato Hamburgo, en el sub-
urbio de los Haticos, en las afueras de Maracaibo, tenía su palafito sobre el
lago, al cual se llegaba por un embarcadero. Ese “lugar privilegiado” servía
como lugar de contemplación del lago y para penetrar, y bañarse en el
mismo, a través de una escalera: “Nuestro querido lago era insuperable,” sus-
pira la alemana.
Pero el lago no era impoluto. Los baños en el lago, como en la época de la
Gross, no eran del todo tranquilos porque siempre se estaba pendiente de
algún animal dañino, por ejemplo las mantarrayas que con su “cola
ponzoñosa” podían de hecho “abrir toda la pierna de una manera terrible.”
También flotaban en el lago “algún cochino muerto” como excrementos
humanos, que caían al lago desde las innumerables casetas construidas sobre
pilotes. Por fortuna, había siempre un cardume de bagres al acecho que
comían “alegre y vorazmente la dádiva de Dios.” Claro está: la degradación
23. Ibídem, p. 17.
24. Ibídem, pp. 24-25.
25. Ibídem, p. 25.
ambiental sería peor con el descubrimiento y perforación de los innumerables
pozos petroleros, que agregarían aceite y negrura a sus aguas, y alguna que
otra llama de fuego que el arte de Julia Bornhorst logra atrapar en dos
acuarelas que destacan el pavoroso incendio de petróleo del 31 de mayo de
1935,26 que marcan con violencia el término de la era agroexportadora.
Pese a la belleza del lago y los baños en sus aguas, las diversiones eran
pocas para la época en Maracaibo. Sobre todo para Julia Bornhort quien,
como ella misma cuenta, había pasado sus años de adolescencia en la ciudad
de Munich, “ciudad de ilimitadas posibilidades,” la “restringida libertad de
movimientos” en el nuevo lugar se le hizo difícil de soportar. Como ella
misma asegura, en materia de espectáculos públicos no había mucho de ver.
Así, el famoso teatro Baralt, constituía en la época un “horno no apto para el
trópico” razón por la cual unos cantantes de la ópera de Verdi El Trovador,
ataviados ellos con “gruesos trajes de terciopelo rellenos, casi se asfixiaban”
en plena representación.
También los paseos estaban restringidos, queja particular de casi todos los
alemanes en Maracaibo porque, se preguntaba la alemana, ¿hacía dónde
podía irse? Además de asistir a las fiestas del caso con otros compatriotas, o
acudir al club alemán en las tardes poco había de diversión propiamente
dicha. En materia de excursiones, por ejemplo,
…solamente había la posibilidad de alquilar, en conjunto, una gran lancha a
motor y pescar desde la misma o trasladarse hasta otra playa, cuyos cocoteros
eran idénticos a los nuestros, solamente que estaban más sucias. Allí se tom-
aba un baño, se hacía un picnic y se bailaba, con lo cual, a pesar de todo,
obteníamos nuestra diversión…27
El país de las mil y una frutas
Al contrario de Gross, que lo menciona en relación con los criados, el mer-
cado era uno de los sitios favoritos de la Bornhorst, en particular cuando per-
feccionó su español. Era el lugar uno de los orgullos de Maracaibo. En él se
palpaba mejor que en ninguna otra parte su función de urbe comercial, centro
de acopio de mercaderías de los estados cercanos, los Andes en particular. El
testimonio de la alemana es sugestivo en detalles gastronómicos:
…allí se conseguían las cosas más sabrosas, nada importado, sino las más
maravillosas frutas del país. Además de las consabidas piñas, melones y fru-
tas cítricas, familiares para nosotros, había la lechosa, desconocida en Europa,
con la cual empezábamos el día; también mangos, aguacates, guayabas, chiri-
moyas, nísperos, sapotes, caujíes, datos, guanábanas y muchas otras más. En
cuanto a pescados, teníamos una riquísima selección, tanto de mar como de
agua dulce, entre los cuales preferíamos los primeros, especialmente el firme
26. Véanse, respectivamente, las paginas 17 y 66 y 67.
27. Ibídem, p.20.
mero, similar a la carne, el fino pargo, el róbalo, las pequeñas carpitas y otros
peces similares y hasta la temida mantarraya de aguja (…) tiburones nonatos,
(…) [o las] codiciadas tortugas…28
Lo que si extrañaba la alemana eran las legumbres frescas, “que, sencilla-
mente, no existían,” por lo cual tuvo que acostumbrarse a los productos criol-
los como la yuca, la auyama, los plátanos y, “especialmente,” a las caraotas
negras. La alemana confiesa, no obstante, que como ella vivía de legumbres,
“estaba desesperada” por su ausencia, al punto de una vez pagar un real (la
mitad de un bolívar lo que era un precio exorbitante para la época) por una
zanahoria. Ella misma trató de “sembrarlas en un semillero, pero sólo logré
cultivar la espinaca neozelandesa.”
También, por lo menos al principio según ella misma cuenta, “la mante-
quilla y la leche representaban un problema” porque sólo se conseguía la de
cabra, “bastante sucia,” y la mantequilla “venía en latas desde Holanda, pero
siempre estaba rancia y oxidada.” Los quesos no eran tampoco muy variados,
salvo el de cabra, el pan, se conseguía uno que llamaban francés, “con gusto a
cartón.” Sin embargo, “…Muy de vez en cuando recibíamos pan negro de
algún barco alemán y, en una ocasión, (…) un gran queso amarillo, redondo,
fabricado por un alemán en Durita [Colombia]…” que la alemana recuerda
como “momentos inolvidables y deliciosos.”29 Esta relativa precariedad cam-
bió con la economía petrolera y con la llegada de los estadounidenses quienes
fundaron “gigantescos supermercados y otras tiendas y poco a poco pudimos
comprar de todo, para poder vivir de acuerdo con nuestro acostumbrado
estilo.”30
Más allá del espejo de agua
Julia Bornhorst, al contrario de Elisabeth Gross, viajó intensamente por el
territorio venezolano. Su esposo desde joven había viajado por “todo el país a
lomo de mula” y la hizo partícipe de muchos viajes al interior, menos misteri-
oso que en la época de Gross. Así, en una oportunidad que describe, cruzó el
lago de Maracaibo hasta llegar al puerto trujillano de La Ceiba y de allí llegar
en automóvil hasta Valera. Antes se llegaba en tren hasta Motatán pero el
Ferrocarril de la Ceiba había perdido importancia desde la construcción de
nuevas carreteras en Trujillo. Desde esa ciudad alquilaron un carro y viajaron
por todos los Andes venezolanos hasta llegar a Colombia: “En todas partes
Carli – así llamaba a su esposo, Carl Bornhorst, quien trabajaba en la firma
Beckmann & Cia. de la cual llegó a ser el superior de la empresa y socio prin-
cipal – fue recibido cordialmente como un viejo amigo y nos mimaron
mucho…”31 lo que tiene que ver con el papel que tuvieron los alemanes en el
28. Ibídem, p.18.
29. Ibídem, p.19.
30. Ibídem, p.38.
comercio venezolano, en el cual participaban activamente visitando a todos
los clientes de manera regular.32
El viaje lo hicieron por la vieja carretera de los Andes, unos años antes de
ser inaugurada la Trasandina en 1925, que unió definitivamente a los Andes
con el centro. En la época de Bornhorst la vieja carretera se encontraba “muy
defectuosa;” era de “arena, muy estrecha y bordeada de horribles precipi-
cios.”33 El regreso a Maracaibo podía hacerse por tres rutas: volver a La
Ceiba, lo que era un largo viaje desde el Táchira, por El Vigía bajando hasta
Santa Bárbara si se estaba en Mérida, o por Encontrados si se estaba en el
Táchira. Fue esa ruta la que siguieron al menos en 1927, camino que no
dejaba de ser una aventura. Allí se tomaba un “barco de paletas” por el río
Catatumbo, que navegaba rodeado de una selva todavía virgen en esa época
con su carga de flora y fauna que hacía del viaje toda una experiencia.
El viaje de Maracaibo a Capatárida en el estado Falcón fue también muy
importante. De él quedaron, como en el caso de los otros, acuarelas que hoy
constituyen fuentes gráficas importantes para la geohistoria venezolana. No
fue este tampoco un viaje de placer en el sentido que los caminos aquí eran
precarios, no había sino precarios alojamientos y que el “paisaje, árido,
carecía de atractivo,” del cual, sin embargo, Julia realizó magníficas
acuarelas, pero se entregaba a la aventura tanto por acompañar a su esposo
como por la oportunidad que él le brindaba de “conocer otro rincón de mi
segunda patria.”34 Para Carl Bornhorst, el viaje tenía otras connotaciones:
cobrar, en 1933, las deudas vencidas de algunos negocios que vendían los
productos de su casa comercial, en deuda con ella debido a la recesión
económica que siguió al gran “crack” de 1929.
Para empezar era grande el equipaje que había que llevar aunque se
tratase de un viaje corto de tan sólo 4 días: dos camas plegables, porque en
Venezuela no había casi camas sino chinchorros en esa época, el
imprescindible mosquitero de malla, “una ponchera para lavar, una caja con
hielo [que se derretía sin duda rápidamente], latas y alimentos frescos, pues
en esas áreas, muy pobres, apenas se puede comprar alguna cosa.”35 El viaje
lo hicieron en un Ford por una ruta “parcialmente muy mala, llena de huecos
y barro endurecido.” Viajaban en la temporada seca cuando los caminos esta-
ban al menos “secos y adecuados para manejar.”36 El paisaje de esta región
31. Ibídem, p.32.
32. Véanse detalles sobre el particular en mi libro Venezuela en la mirada alemana
(paisajes reales e imaginarios en Louis Glöckler, Carl Geldner y Elisabeth Gross, 1850-
1896). Caracas, Fondo Editorial y Comisión de Estudios de Postgrado de la Facultad de
Humanidades y Educación de la UCV/Fundación Edmundo y Hilde Schnoegass, 2000, en
particular los capítulos III y IV.
33. Julia Bornhorst, Ob.cit., p.32.
34. Ibídem, p.41.
35. Idem
36. Ibídem, pp. 42-43.
falconiana ofrecía atractivos para una pintora, quien escribe sobre la dificul-
tad de “reproducir la sensación de abandono y desolación.” El paisaje estaba,
en este sentido, constituido por “Árboles muertos, (…) característicos cactus,
de la talla de un árbol grande; sobre el suelo, tunas de flores amarillos y cac-
tus de melón de rígida corona roja, en la extensión plana, ilimitada, de arcilla
agrietada…”37
El alojamiento en Venezuela era una dificultad para todos los viajeros.
Los Bornhorst llegaron a Casigua para dormir allí por la recomendación
expresa que en el lugar había una habitación vacía donde podrían quedarse.
Así fue. Después de atravesar “columnas de humo amarillo,” que no eran otra
cosa que tornados de polvo, llegaron a Casigua que la alemana encuentra
como un “pueblo simpático.” En cuarto al cuarto vacío, este era grande pero
no tenía ni puerta ni ventanas, por lo cual ofrecieron a la pareja la sala de la
casa, cuarto impresionante según la Bornhorst, de ocho metros de largo y
“amoblado con cuatro sillas para las visitas.”38 Capatárida tenía en la época
de Julia Bornhorst cuatro calles que recorría mientras su esposo visitaba los
clientes. Allí tampoco, como en tantos otros sitios de Venezuela, no había
baños…sino espacios abiertos, en este caso con la compañía de un burro que
vigilaba los actos primarios humanos.39
El regreso a Maracaibo se efectuó por Mene de Mauroa. El problema para
llegar allá fueron los caminos, que dejaban mucho que desear. Es más había
que encontrarlo porque no estaba afirmado en el terreno. En efecto, el cam-
ino, poco transitado, era invadido por la selva de manera regular, razón por la
cual el Ford tuvo que “abrirse paso materialmente a la fuerza.” Así, sobre el
suelo, “tupido de matas bajas, apenas era perceptible una huella de cauchos,”
por lo cual los viajeros tuvieron que bajar del automóvil varias veces para
“reencontrar señales anteriores en el camino, que nos orientaran.” Es más, en
dos ocasiones, incluso debieron “regresar atrás, pues habíamos perdido com-
pletamente la huella en la espesa jungla.”40
El poblado como tal ofrecía una nueva cara: el dinero de los perforadores
de petróleo estadounidenses lo había transformado completamente. De una
pequeña aldea, fundada en el siglo XVIII, con actividades agropecuarias
diversas, se había convertido de la noche a la mañana en un lugar de migra-
ciones internas. El dinero petrolero corría por la población, donde había
“música, baile, juegos de azar y, especialmente, una gran oferta de ‘damas.’”
Era así, comenta la alemana, que en pleno día, la calle “retumbaba con la
gritería y risas de las morenas señoritas.” El pueblo por lo demás presentaba
la clásica división de las estructuras de explotación petrolera: el núcleo
37. Ibídem, p.44.
38. Ibídem, p.47.
39. Ibídem, p.48.
40. Ibídem, p.53.
urbano, por un lado, abandonado a su suerte, y el otro, completamente aparte,
que constituía el campamento petrolero donde vivían los empleados esta-
dounidenses, ubicado en una colina con “simpáticas casitas cercadas con tela
metálica, en sitios sembrados de césped. Tienen, para su recreo y distracción,
un campo de golf.”41
Las comunicaciones habían cambiado en función del lago de Maracaibo.
De esta manera, construyeron desde Mene de Mauroa a Altagracia un ferro-
carril de vía estrecha. El tráfico se hacía en “pequeños vagones motorizados
que van sobre los rieles.” Como no había carretera, los vehículos aprovecha-
ban los lados inclinados del terraplén, construido para el ferrocarril. Pero lle-
gado un momento, era tan complicado y peligroso que el chofer de los
Bornhorst apostó por la vieja huella que resultó más agradable “que el terra-
plén inclinado y lleno de endurecidas grietas causadas por el agua de innu-
merables lluvias.”42 La alemana describió el trayecto con precisión:
Con admirable velocidad y gran seguridad nos abrimos camino por medio de
los chasqueantes arbustos y de la incierta oscuridad que teníamos ante
nosotros. (…) Como a las nueve de la noche llegamos, sin novedad, a Alta-
gracia, y todavía logramos conseguir una lancha de motor para la travesía”
hasta el muelle del querido Hato Hamburgo43.
Conclusiones
No hay un rincón de Venezuela donde los visitantes extranjeros no hayan
puesto su pie y mirada desde el siglo XIX hasta la segunda mitad del XX. Es
por ello que sus testimonios escritos y gráficos son tan importantes para los
estudios históricos en Venezuela. Son ellos una parte vital de nuestro pasado,
en particular del siglo XIX, cuyas fuentes históricas están dispersas y existen
vacíos de información considerables, sea por la acción del fuego de monton-
eras y revoluciones sobre el papel en su momento, cuando no por pérdidas
posteriores. De allí la importancia de testimonios como los de Carl Geldner y
Julia Bornhorst, que arrojan, cada uno a su aire y en su tiempo histórico,
numerosos datos, escritos y gráficos, sobre los paisajes urbanos, agrarios y de
comunicaciones venezolanos.
41. Ibídem, p.54.

42. Ibídem, p.55.
43. Idem
CHAPTER 18 Análisis Contrastivo del
‘Ensayo Político’
María-Rosario Martí Marco
Acabamos de comprobar que la población se ha más que duplicado en veinte
años, de 1791 a 1810. En este mismo intervalo de tiempo la población de
Nueva York, la ciudad más poblada de Estados Unidos, ha aumentado de
33.200 a 96.400 y hoy alcanza los 140.000 habitantes. En consecuencia tiene
una población algo superior a la de La Habana y casi igual a Lyon. (...)
América no cuenta más que con seis ciudades que alcanzan los 100.000 habi-
tantes: México, Nueva York, Filadelfia, La Habana, Río de Janeiro y Bahía.1
Introducción
Con esta aportación, cuyo trabajo se inició en 1999 en el marco de un
Proyecto de Investigación I+D en la Universidad de Alicante,2 se han inten-
tado desvelar cuáles han sido las variaciones de las traducciones al español en
las distintas ediciones de la obra sobre Cuba. Las primeras ediciones (1827,
1836, 1840), el análisis contrastivo con las ediciones de Fernando Ortiz
(1930, 1959), la edición de la Fundación Ortiz (1998), la del Consejo Supe-
rior de Investigaciones Científicas (1998) y nuestra traducción publicada en
el año 2004, muestran cuáles han sido los enfoques metodológicos de los tra-
ductores. Y lo más importante, que desde 1827 hasta el año 2004 todas las
ediciones y reediciones que se han realizado en París, La Habana o España
emplean la misma y primera traducción de D. J. B. de V. y M. Sólo una per-
sona se atrevió a modificar ortográficamente aquella primera versión, el
antropólogo cubano Fernando Ortiz en la edición de 1930. A partir de este
1. Humboldt, Alejandro von . 2004. Ensayo político sobre la Isla de Cuba (p. 55). Publi-
caciones de la Universidad de Alicante. Traducción de M-R. Martí e Irene Prüfer.
2. Proyecto de investigación I+D en el Área de Filología Alemana, financiado por la
Generalidad Valenciana (GV99-31-1-09) y coordinado por la Prof. Dra. Irene Prüfer.
203
momento se reeditaría su versión corregida, en Cuba y en España, es decir la
traducción original con las mejoras añadidas.
La comparación de las ediciones antiguas con la edición de Ortiz (1930)
ofrece fundamentos para la comprobación de la evolución de la lengua
española en su desarrollo terminológico y en su modernidad. La terminología
científica de la geografía ha experimentado en los últimos dos siglos un
desarrollo lexicográfico muy importante. Los conceptos se han asentado con
definiciones exactas y por ello, la traducción actual de 2004 resulta más
armoniosa, pues la terminología especializada a la que Humboldt recurre está
definitivamente hoy normalizada.
Las Traducciones al Español

Hasta hoy quienes mejor han tratado la cuestión de las traducciones de la
obra de Humboldt son el mismo Ortiz, en su interesante y completa “Intro-
ducción bibliográfica al libro” y los editores Puig-Samper et alt. del Consejo
Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (1998, 94). La resonancia que tuvo en
su momento el Essai politique sur lÍle de Cuba (1826) facilitó que rápida-
mente se tradujese a los idiomas inglés y español. En una de las ediciones en
idioma inglés del Ensayo político, la polémica traducción realizada por John
S. Thrasher, se suprimió todo el capítulo VII sobre la Esclavitud y se incorpo-
raron abundantes consideraciones propias y estadísticas. Humboldt habló
abiertamente sobre la falsificación de la obra: “el traductor, que ha vivido
durante largo tiempo en aquella hermosa isla, ha enriquecido mi obra con
datos más recientes sobre el estado numérico de la población, el cultivo del
suelo (...). Precisamente a esta parte de mi obra atribuyo mayor importancia
que a cualesquiera observaciones astronómicas, experimentos sobre la inten-
sidad magnética o noticias estadísticas. (...). Como firme defensor que soy de
la más libre expresión del pensamiento, ... creo que tengo derecho a exigir
que en los Estados libres del continente de América las gentes puedan leer lo
que se ha permitido que circule, desde el primer año de su aparición.” (Ortiz
1998, 303).
“En rápida sucesión aparecieron en París cuatro reimpresiones en español,
probablemente sin modificaciones: en 1829, 1836, 1840 y 1847.” (Leitner
1998, 58). En un intento de crítica de traducciones, Ortiz llegó a la con-
clusión de la existencia de una única traducción al español, realizada en 1827
y mejorada sensiblemente en cada edición. Las sospechas de Ortiz y de Leit-
ner hemos de confirmarlas. Tras una atenta lectura de cada una de las edi-
ciones, podemos afirmar que fueron reediciones del original. La primera
traducción consta que fue realizada por D. J. B. de V. y M. y se publicó en
1827, en París. “De esta primera traducción, parece ser que se quiso simular -
Análisis Contrastivo del ‘Ensayo Político’ 205
según Ortiz (1998, 87) - una segunda traducción en 1836 y una tercera en
1840. Esas ediciones fueron un fraude de los editores Lecointe y Lasserre.”
En realidad fue una sola versión, aunque cada una tenía una portada difer-
ente. La tercera edición se distinguió en la portada por el nombre completo de
otro traductor, real o supuesto, D. José López de Bustamante. Según Puig-
Samper et al (1998, 95), las ediciones de 1836 y 1840 se realizaron realmente
en España, por lo que reciben el calificativo de ediciones “pirata” por los
ilustres investigadores.
Después de casi un siglo de estas primeras ediciones, en 1930, Fernando
Ortiz editaba en Cuba el texto de Humboldt en la traducción de D. José
López de Bustamante, con una introducción bibliográfica, ampliado con
numerosas notas y apéndices y con el prólogo de John S. Thrasher, traduci-
dos al español, así como con las correcciones de Francisco Arango y Parreño3
y del propio Ortiz. Según la historiadora Ulrike Leitner (1998, 59), esta
edición “es un valioso tesoro para los bibliógrafos e investigadores de Hum-
boldt.”
Ortiz publicó nuevamente la obra del científico alemán sobre Cuba en la
Revista Bimestre Cubana (1959). En 1960 se publicaron dos ediciones más
en Cuba. En 1998 volvía a editarse en la colección de Libros de la Fundación
Ortiz.
En España, se ha publicado la versión de Fernando Ortiz en el marco de
un trabajo de investigación histórica del Consejo Superior de Investigaciones
Científicas. Esta nueva edición, con un estudio introductorio de reconocidos
especialistas en Historia de la Ciencia y de Cuba e ilustrada de forma
exquisita, nos ofrece la antigua traducción, publicada en 1959, con algunas
modificaciones numéricas y mejoras de topónimos y nombres de personajes,
especificadas entre corchetes. Según sus editores se ha constatado “la exist-
encia de errores numéricos en algunos de los cuadros, que aparecen en la
obra de Humboldt.” (Puig-Samper et al 1998, 98)
Así pues el análisis contrastivo lexicográfico y fraseológico de las difer-
entes ediciones, queda reducido a la comparación entre la primera traducción
en cualquiera de sus ediciones y la edición implementada ortográficamente
por Ortiz en 1930. La nueva y reciente traducción de 2004, realizada en el
marco de la teoría funcionalista por Martí y Prüfer, supone una nueva lectura
del texto original de Humboldt, más moderna y actual. Este análisis ha dado
luz definitiva sobre los numerosos interrogantes planteados en torno a la fig-
ura de los traductores/el traductor de esta obra tan emblemática de Humboldt.
3. “A pesar de algunas ligeras equivocaciones salvadas por nuestro compatriota don

Francisco de Arango y Parreño en las acotaciones que hizo en el ejemplar de su pertenen-
cia y que se han insertado en la última colección de las obras.” En: Ortiz, F: Introducción
bibliográfica -1929-. Bicentenario de Humboldt. Serie Histórica. Academia de Ciencias de
Cuba, 1969, p. 21.
La Primera Traducción de 1827

Consolidada la estructura el idioma español en los siglos XVI y XVII, las
alteraciones más importantes ocurridas desde entonces se refieren a aspectos
externos como la ortografía o la continua incorporación de elementos léxicos
de origen foráneo (Cano 1997, 260). Los siglos XVIII y XIX se distinguieron
por una gran preocupación por el léxico y la ortografía. Se buscaban defini-
ciones, se hallaban sinónimos, se discutía la conveniencia del uso de neolo-
gismos y barbarismos léxicos, principalmente galicismos. Definitivamente en
1714, se fundaba la Academia de la Lengua por real decreto, tomándose
como lema “limpia, fija y da esplendor.” Según Lamiquiz (1973, 108), la
limpieza se refiere al uso correcto de la lengua, la fijación es algo necesario y
trascendental en la lengua del siglo XVIII, lengua que, según la Academia,
había alcanzado su perfección en los Siglos de Oro, y el esplendor se refiere
al brillo de la producción literaria. Tras la primera publicación entre 1726
y1739 del Diccionario de Autoridades, aparecía la Ortografía en 1741 como
solución práctica para fijar la forma de la lengua. Poco después aparecería la
Gramática (1771), que por real orden se enseñaría en todas las escuelas
españolas. Se sancionaban así los cambios que de su idioma habían hecho los
hablantes a lo largo de los siglos, siguiendo unos criterios de autoridad. El
español, que fue la lengua diplomática hasta la primera mitad del siglo XVIII,
triunfaba definitivamente también sobre el latín a finales del primer tercio del
siglo XIX.
Humboldt redactó la obra en francés, a la sazón la lengua científica en la
Europa del siglo XIX, periodo caracterizado por la difusión de las ciencias
positivas. Ya en 1756, el Padre Feijóo lanzó una propuesta escandalosa: “que
los jóvenes no sean obligados a estudiar latín y griego, pues las obras mae-
stras escritas en tales lenguas ya están traducidas a los idiomas modernos.
Que aprendan, en su lugar, lenguas vivas, y, en primer término, el francés, en
el cual hablan y escriben todas las ciencias y artes sutiles.” Fue enorme el
revuelo que produjo esta Carta erudita por su carácter revolucionario y
porque aparecía en medio de un fuerte afrancesamiento de las costumbres y
del habla diarios. (Lázaro Carreter 2002, 2).
Pocos años después, en 1776, Antonio de Capmany publicaba su Arte de
traducir el idioma francés al castellano, en cuyo prólogo reconoce que el
“geómetra, el astrónomo, el físico, el filósofo, no hablan ya el lenguaje del
vulgo, con el cual se explicaban todos cien años atrás. Tienen otro vocabu-
lario tan distante del usual como el de Newton lo es del de Ptolomeo.” Está
por estudiar lo que representó en la historia de nuestra lengua el libro de Cap-
many, así como su posterior Diccionario francés-español de 1801. Según
Lázaro Carreter (2002, 3), “una enorme valentía, que contrasta con el apoc-
amiento general ante la superioridad técnica y científica del idioma vecino,
informa toda su acción; por primera vez, un español se impone la misión
seria y científica de comparar ambas lenguas intentando hallar una justa cor-
respondencia, cuando se trata de palabras patrimoniales, o fijando una forma
que corresponda al tecnicismo francés en ambas lenguas. Muchas palabras
técnicas y abstractas penetran con su perfil definitivo en nuestra lengua (cos-
mopolita, aerostático, estadística).”
En el decenio de 1770, el español ya había resuelto los problemas más
espinosos de su moderno proceso normalizador. “Tiene un inventario léxico
que es la envidia de Europa; inmediatamente va a aparecer otro, no menos
notable, de Esteban Terreros y Pando con voces científicas y sus correspon-
dencias latinas, italianas y francesas; tiene una ortografía sencilla y una
gramática moderna. Todos los saberes que recorren Europa en inglés,
francés, alemán, italiano, latín, se pueden traducir al español con sólo encon-
trar un traductor fiable. Como éstos no escasean, las enciclopedias, tratados y
estudios de cualquier materia se imprimen con generosidad.” (Lodares, 2003)
En este marco cultural de sensibilización por el prurito etimológico, sin
excluir la adopción de numerosas voces del francés y en los albores del
nacimiento de la lingüística románica, aparecía la primera traducción de esta
obra de Humboldt al español.
A pesar de que estaba ampliamente aceptado que el alfabeto supone una
relación unívoca entre signo gráfico y fonema mínimo, evitando toda doble
interpretación posible, el traductor de la obra, D. J.B. de V. y M. parece
desconocer la regulación de la Academia de la Lengua sobre determinadas
reglas ortográficas. El término “hemisferio” existía desde 1780 en el Diccio-
nario usual con la h, aunque el traductor utiliza la palabra sin h; también
“hacinamiento” aparece en el Diccionario de 1803 con h. La aspiración de la
h ya había desaparecido en 1500, como testimonia la versificación. El
término “septiembre” se recoge ya en el primer Diccionario de Autoridades
(1739), mientras que “setiembre” aparece por primera vez en el de 1817.
Ejemplos como “fracmento,” “ouro,” “sumarítima,” “oprovio” no aparecen
en ninguno de los Diccionarios mencionados. El término “ueste” se consolida
en el Diccionario de 1803 y coexiste hasta nuestros días con la palabra
“oeste.”
De gran interés es el cambio sufrido en los términos que contienen una g,
j o b, v. Algunos criterios fijados en aquella Ortografía (1741) siguen
vigentes hoy, como las reglas de la b y v. El Diccionario de la Academia de
1822 es el último que contiene los ejemplos “extrangero,” “viagero” o
“absorver.” A partir del Diccionario de 1832 y de las gramáticas de 1830 y
1847, la corrección ortográfica marca otra dirección que en esta primera tra-
ducción no se llega a plasmar.
El siglo XIX conoció dos excelentes gramáticas4 de español basadas ambas en

el uso culto y en los buenos escritores clásicos, por lo que, cada una en su
ámbito, contribuyeron a fijar la norma del idioma. Fue primera la de Vicente
Salvá (1830), construida “según ahora se habla;” pero de mucho mayor alca-
nce y valor fue la del venezolano Andrés Bello (1847) “destinada al uso de los
americanos” y con la intención de conservar la pureza de la lengua “como un
medio providencial de comunicación y un vínculo de fraternidad entre las
varias naciones de origen español derramadas sobre los dos continentes (en el
Prólogo). En 1874 el filólogo colombiano Rufino José Cuervo le añadió unas
muy valiosas notas, en general, de índole histórica. (Cano 1997, 257).
El hecho de que dos conceptos figuren en inglés (Slave states, Gulf
Stream) refleja los límites de la cultura a la hora de buscar semejanzas y facil-
itar la identificación con lo extranjero, en este caso con el desarrollo de la
esclavitud en América y las aportaciones científicas de fenómenos varios. A
finales del siglo XIX se empezaba a ceder ante la primacía del idioma inglés.
Así pues, podemos considerar que esta primera traducción, con un len-
guaje arcaico, no hacía fácil el acceso a esta obra esencial de Humboldt. “Se
trata de una muy buena traducción, que además pone orden al desorden que
hay en el ensayo original redactado por Humboldt. Como cita Fernando
Ortiz, refiriéndose a la crítica de un gran amigo de Humboldt, “Tu no sabes
hacer un libro; escribes sin cesar, pero no haces un libro, sino un retrato sin
marco. Sin embargo, se ha de constatar que algunos párrafos están mal tradu-
cidos y, a veces, no se resuelven las dificultades del original. Se producen
incorrecciones (...) y se utiliza con excesiva frecuencia la voz pasiva, recar-
gando el texto innecesariamente.” (Martí Marco, 2004)
La Edición Corregida de Ortiz en 1930

Según Holl (1998, 24), a Fernando Ortiz, el gran antropólogo cubano, le cor-
responde el mérito de haber logrado que la obra de Humboldt fuera accesible
para un numeroso público. Gracias a esta edición en la Colección de Libros
Cubanos, se facilitó la mejor comprensión de la obra de Cuba, no sólo con los
añadidos de Arango y Parreño y de Thrasher, sino especialmente con una
labor de corrección y modernización léxica necesarias e improrrogables. Por
ello, podemos afirmar que esta obra es reflejo del dinamismo de la lengua
española entre los siglos XIX y XX, reformada continuamente. No se inter-
rumpió la entrada de cultismos, de origen latino y griego y de préstamos, la
mayoría de ellos incorporaciones del lenguaje técnico y científico.
Ortiz recogió las fuentes citadas entre paréntesis y en cursiva que
aparecían en el texto y las transformó en notas a pie de página. Convirtió en
4. Otras gramáticas importantes son la de P. Benito de San Pedro (1769), Calleja (1818)
y Gómez de Hermosilla (1825).
una pequeña tabla numérica las cifras que Humboldt aportara escalonada-
mente, agilizando su lectura. En la traducción de 2004 hemos sido mucho
más arriesgadas y hemos convertido en tablas estadísticas todo cuanto podía
cuantificarse y de alguna manera representarse de forma gráfica.
Hemos encontrado omisiones en Ortiz, trasladadas desde la primera tra-
ducción de 1827, generalmente sencillas y que no afectan al sentido del texto
(“irlandeses e ingleses”). Entre las modificaciones encaminadas a mejorar el
texto se encuentra el matiz de la cursiva (Beta vulgaris, Saccarum offici-
narum), también en la cita de algún libro (Guía de los forasteros) e incluso la
variación de alguna cifra, aportando el dato mejorado de Thrasher.
Ortiz, como responsable último de la labor de trascripción y edición de
esta obra, comete una serie de errores, que conviene señalar aquí. De mayor
importancia, aunque sin afectar al sentido de texto, son la inclusión de un pie
de página en el texto (capítulo III) y el cambio de orden de dos pies de
página. Cada nota, aporta tal carga de información novedosa y es de tal man-
era independiente, que pensamos que se trata de errores de trascripción. De
menor magnitud son los pequeños fallos tipográficos que se suceden en el
texto como: ligereza (ligareza); es decir (se decir); repúblicas (rúblicas); sus
efectos (sus defectos); paquebotes (pequebotes).
De gran importancia es la aportación de Ortiz en los cambios ortográfi-
cos: la corrección en los acentos (hácia, mas, area); el añadido de los símbo-
los de puntuación de todo tipo, organizando el discurso y sus diferentes
elementos y evitando la ambigüedad en textos, que, sin su empleo, podrían
tener interpretaciones diferentes. Con este fin, introduce más párrafos que la
versión original con la ayuda de más puntos y aparte. De la misma manera
mejora el uso de preposiciones y de conjunciones: para (por), frente (junto),
que (cuando). Ortiz agiliza finalmente la lectura de la nueva versión elimi-
nando algún elemento, unas veces un posesivo “encendiese otra luz a su
bordo,” otras veces, añadiendo algún otro elemento necesario para la correc-
ción gramatical “a los que es fácil alimentar.”
Ortiz corrigió también un problema gramatical que muestra una de las
tendencias de la lengua española a sistematizar la marca de persona frente a
no persona. Se trata del leísmo y del loísmo. El empleo de la forma le
comenzó como sustituto en función de implemento “persona” frente al lo
comenzó en idéntica función pero “no persona.” Realmente, lo litoral no es
propiamente un loísmo, pues no sustituye a le como complemento, sino al
artículo determinado.
A continuación, ofrecemos una serie de tablas en las que mostramos
cuáles han sido las modificaciones de Ortiz sobre la base de la primera tra-
ducción. Este análisis se ha realizado de forma exhaustiva y con un método
manual, ya que la comparación con las ediciones anteriores, conservadas en
micro-fichas imposibilitaban un trabajo terminológico con medios más mod-
ernos, en donde indexar las nuevas entradas léxicas.
TABLE 18-1. CAMBIOS ORTOGRÁFICOS
PRIMERA TRADUCCIÓN (1827) ORTIZ (1930)
BASA BASE
basa à, sirve de base a, sirve de
basa de, con base de, con
basa, tenian por base, tenían por
B V
Barar Varar
Bascos Vascos
Bizcaya Vizcaya
Caba Cava
Cabernoso Cavernoso
Cañaberales Cañaverales
C G
Fracmentos Fragmentos
Fracmentaria Fragmentaria
EM EM
Remplazado Reemplazado
G J
Agenos Ajenos
Cabotage Cabotaje
Carruages Carruajes
Dige dije
Digeron dijeron
Extrangero extranjero
Forrage forraje
Introdugese introdujese
Lavages Lavajes
Lisongean lisonjean
Magestuosa majestuosa
Muger mujer
Paisage paisaje
Parages parajes
Pasage pasaje
Salvages salvaje
Sugeto sujeto
Tegidos tejidos
Trageron trajeron
Ultrage ultraje
Viage viaje
Viagero viajero
H- H-
acinamiento hacinamiento
alagüeñas halagüeñas
emisferio hemisferio
idrógeno hidrógeno
HO H
Cahoba Caoba
Harmonía Armonía
J G
Conjelarse congelarse
Vejetan vegetan
LE EL-LO
Le comenzó Lo comenzó
Lo litoral influye El litoral influye
Traérnosle traérnoslo
P P
Setentrional Septentrional
Setiembre Septiembre
R RR
Vireinato Virreinato
SU SUB
sumarítimas submarítimas
Sustituir substituir
sustituyendo substituyendo
U O
Ueste Oeste
Norueste Noroeste
Ouro Oro
V B
Absorve absorbe
Derrivar derribar
exorvitante exhorbitante*
Guanavacoa Guanabacoa
Oprovio oprobio
Taverna Taberna
Vizarra bizarra
X X
Escusado excusado
Estrañar extrañar
Y I
Ysodinámicas Isodinámicas
Yerbas hierbas
yerro error
Ysabel Isabel
Z C
azido ácido
hize hice
pezezito Pececito
zelo Celo
zenit Cenit
Zero Cero
*exorbitante
La lista de adjetivos que se ofrecen a continuación refleja algunos errores

de la primera traducción: “blanquizno,” “rogizca” y “rojizco” no aparecen
recogidos en ningún Diccionario de la Real Academia. En cambio, el término
“langaruto,” aparece por primera vez recogido en el Diccionario de Autori-
dades de la Real Academia en 1734, con la siguiente definición: “que se
aplica al que es de estatura mui alta, flaco de cuerpo y de piernas mui delga-
das. Es voz baxa, y la trahe Covarr. en su Thesoro.” En 1822 y en 1869, en el
Diccionario de la Academia usual encontramos la definición: “que se dice de
la persona o cosa desproporcionada por ser muy larga y angosta.” Será a
partir del Diccionario de 1884 cuando nos aparezca el sentido actual, que per-
siste hasta hoy y que utilizó Ortiz: “(Despect. de largo), adj. fam. larguiru-
cho.” Es de interés señalar que el Diccionario de 1927 añade: “Adj. Honduras
y Méjico.” Esto evidencia las distintas modalidades que el español adoptó en
América.
TABLE 18-2. ADJETIVOS
langaruto, tronco Larguiruchoa
Blanquizno Blanquizco
Pardo Gris
Rogizca Rojiza
Rojizco Rojizo
a. En otro lugar, emplea el sustantivo en 1827 “su mayor largura desde el cabo”,
mientras que Ortiz lo traduce por “largo”.
Asimismo resulta interesante el seguimiento del término “Manato.” En el

Diccionario de Autoridades de 1734 se define como “especie de tiburón que
se cría en el mar Indico.” Poco después el Diccionario de 1817 aportaba la
similitud: “Lo mismo que manatí. Manatí = animal marino. Lo mismo que
vaca marina.” El Diccionario de 1927 concretaba un poco más: “Manatí.
Mamífero sirenio de unos cinco metros de longitud. Vive cerca de las costas
orientales de América, es herbívoro y su carne y grasa son muy estimadas.”
El Diccionario de 1992 perfecciona la definición: “Manatí. (Voz caribe o
arahuaca). Mamífero sirenio de hasta cinco metros de longitud, cabeza
redonda, cuello corto, cuerpo muy grueso y piel cenicienta (...). Vive cerca de
las costas del Caribe y en los ríos de aquellas regiones.”
El término “paletúveros” no ha sido encontrado en los diferentes Diccio-
narios de la Academia.
TABLE 18-3. PLANTAS Y ANIMALES
Calabazal Calabazar
Casia cassia (acacia)
el yuca la yuca
Ligneu principio leñoso (ligneux)
Madrépolas Madréporas
Mambues Bambúes
Paletúveros Manglares
Cayman Caimán
Manatos Manatíes
Sauros Saurios
En el ámbito de la geología hemos extraído tres ejemplos, que por su

evolución, resultan de mayor interés. El término “espejuelo” aparece por pri-
mera vez en el Diccionario de Autoridades de 1732 con la definición: “cierto
género de yesso, que tiene unas costrillas relucientes y transparentes, espe-
cialmente cuando les da el sol.” En el Diccionario de 1791 aparecía: “Especie
de piedra reluciente de que se hace el yeso.” Definitivamente en 1817 se
reformulaba la definición: “el yeso cristalizado en láminas brillantes según
suele encontrarse en diferentes partes,” para años después en 1927, consoli-
darse la definición que perdura hoy: “Yeso cristalizado en láminas brillan-
tes.”
La definición del término “greda” ha sufrido sólo someras variaciones. En
el Diccionario de Autoridades de 1734 se decía: “Especie de tierra blanca y
pegajosa, que comúnmente sirve para batanar y lavar los paños y texidos de
lana, aclarar el vino y otros usos.” En 1822, se empleaba por primera vez la
palabra arcilla: “especie de arcilla, comúnmente blanca, que se usa para lavar
los paños, quitar manchas y otras cosas.” La definición de 1927 introducía el
concepto consolidado de “arcilla arenosa.” La definición completa de 1992
dice así: “arcilla arenosa, por lo común de color blanco azulado, que se usa
principalmente para desengrasar los paños y quitar manchas.”
El término “chorlo” aparece en el Diccionario de la Academia por prim-
era vez en 1837, con la definición: “Min. Fosil mineralógico sencillo de una
de las familias del género silíceo. Es de cinco especies: negro, estriado, tur-
malina, rojo, volcánico y vidrioso. Silex schorlus.” En la definición de 1927,
ya se aportaba su equivalente actual y modernizado: “Mineral. Turmalina,”
que continúa hasta hoy.
TABLE 18-4. TÉRMINOS GEOLÓGICOS
acinamiento calizo conglomerado calizo
anfibolia anfíbol
Adolerita Dolerita
Ametista amatista
Asberto asbesto
Calcario calcáreo
conchita petrificada, capas de oolíticas, capas
Crysoprasa crisoprasa
Chorlo negro hornblenda
Dialage diálaga
dyalage metalizado dyallage metalloides
Dialage metalizado dialaga metaloide
Enfotides eufótides
Espejuelo yeso
Esquita primitiva pizarra (Thunschiefer)
Greda arenisca
Hyperstena hiperstena
Hyperstenita hiperstenita
Pyritas piritas
Pyroxena piroxena
Syenito sienita
Titaneo titanio
Trachitas traquitas
formaciones de conchas llenas de petrificaciones

Esquita anfibólica de thronschiefer de hornblenda (Hornblendschiefer), pizarra
transición. de transición.
La serpentina se quiebra ya en hojas ya en La textura de la serpentina es ya hoyosa,
conchas. ya concoide.
Depósito de óxido de hierro Pósito de óxido de hierro
El término “hectárea” aparece por primera vez en el Diccionario de la

Academia de 1869 con la explicación: “medida de superficie que tiene cien
áreas: equivale a algo más de fanega y media de Burgos.” En 1927 se consol-
idaría la definición que hoy persiste: “medida de superficie que tiene 100
áreas.” Ortiz corrige también otras medidas como “bocoy.”
La definición de “limpiadura” ha sufrido muy poca variación. En el Dic-
cionario de Autoridades de 1734 se precisaba como: “la acción de limpiar
alguna cosa. Purgatio, mundatio.” En 1817 se consolidaría la actual
definición: “Acción y efecto de limpiar.”
TABLE 18-5. CONTENIDOS
Anchura ancho
daremos aquí daremos a continuación
es doble mayor es una mitad mayor
Dollars dólares
Hectar /hectares hectárea / -s
Hielo agua
Limpiadura limpieza
llovediza, agua de lluvia, agua
Mudanzas cambios
Pirogas piraguas
por cima de zero sobre de cero
Posición edad relativa
proporción, terreno de transporte o de acarreo, terreno de
submaritima submarina
De interés resulta la revisión de los topónimos. Ortiz acentúa adecuada-

mente cada uno de los países, ciudades, pueblos y lugares (Cádiz, Haití);
introduce las mayúsculas y otro uso de minúsculas (Quinta del Obispo, San
Ambrosio, San Salvador de la Punta, Slave states); elimina el guión que la
primera traducción siempre aportara en los nombres compuestos ( Nueva-
York, Santa-Clara, Nueva-España, Gran-Bretaña, Nuevo-Continente, San-
Antonio, Santo-Domingo), y suprime también el artículo determinado, gen-
eralmente, delante de países (la Francia, la Jamaica, la Inglaterra).
TABLE 18-6. TOPÓNIMOS
Armendares Almendares
Bajos de santa Ysabel Bajos de Santa Isabel
Batabano Batabanó
Bizcaya Vizcaya
Bornou Borneo
Brema Bremen
Cacaragicaras Cacarajícaras
Cananova Casanova
Cariabas, islas Caribes, islas
Cayo Buenito Cayo Bonito
Cienega Ciénaga
Cogimar Cojimar
Chorera, río de la Chorrera, río de la
Fernambuco Pernambuco
Guanabo Guarabo
Guiana Guayana
Guines Güines
Habana Habana
Joruco Jaruco
Las Floridas La Florida
Luisina Louisiana /Luisiana
Misury Missouri
Monzabique Mozambique
Muriel Mariel
Orenoco, río Orinoco, río
Panzacola Pensacola
Puerte Escondido Puerto Escondido
Puertorico Puerto Rico
Quibican Quivicán
Sagua grande Sagua la grande
Santi Espíritus Sancti Spíritus
Santo Espíritu Sancti Spíritus
Saruco Jaruco
Tabago, islas de Tobago. Islas de
Tiguaros Tinguaros*
Ubajay Wajay
*Tiguabos, en la edición de Puig-Samper et alt. (1998)
Los errores numéricos que se realizaron en el transcurso de la primera tra-

ducción de 1827, se reflejan asimismo en la traducción de Ortiz de 1930,
reeditada en 1959, y en 1998 por la Fundación Ortiz de Cuba. A veces las
equivocaciones son incluso del original en francés (“850 negros” en vez de
“150 negros”). Los editores del CSIC, Puig-Samper et alt. (1998, 98) han
procedido en algunos casos a la rectificación, “en otros, donde era imposible
precisar el posible error, hemos preferido respetar el original.”
TABLE 18-7. CIFRAS
66o 660
24 por ciento 24%
33/100 33%
23º ½ 23,5º
0m,765 0,765 mm
siglo XVIIIº siglo SVIII
70 millones 70.000.000
45 kilog. 976 45,976 Kilogramos
veinte y seis veintiséis
de 9º del cent. 9º centígrados
decimo octavo decimoctavo
TABLE 18-8. ABREVIATURAS

lat. bor. latitud boreal
Dist. Distancia
Tom. I, p. 70 Tomo I, página 70
D. Felipe Bausa don Felipe Bauzá
cent. centígrados
constr. en el Dep. hidrográfico construido en el Departamento
l.c. leguas cuadradas
ecclés. Ecles.
Kil. kilogramos
escl. Esclavos
arr. Arrobas
SS Señores
d. Don
Fr. Fray
nº Número
TABLE 18-9. PERSONAJES Y PUEBLOS

Afgangs Afganos
Annibal Anibal
Bufon Buffon
Conde de Bareto Conde de Barreto
Don Luis de las Casas don Luis de las Casas
Dutrone Dutione*
Motezuma Moctezuma
Mopoux Mompox*
O-Farril O´Farrill
Pyrro Pirro
Señor Bausa Bauzá
Zambos Caraibes Zambos Caribes
* Dutrône y Mopox, en la edición de Martí y Prüfer (2004).
En la edición de 1930 se han detectado una serie de errores, que podría-

mos calificar de cambios ligeros, que podrían deberse a la labor tipográfica, a
una disfunción en el uso del femenino y masculino (en la misma paralela –
mismo paralelo), y en el uso del singular y del plural (experimente/experi-
menten; aguardiente/ guardientes). Hay dos calcos que nos hacen adivinar la
lengua de la versión original en francés: mer (mar), vientos de nord (del
norte). Finalmente ofrecemos un listado exhaustivo de los errores corregidos
por Ortiz: esteblezca (establezca); plan (plano); casasmatas (casamatas); una
(une); hendeduras (hendiduras); cafatales (cafetales); bananes (bananas); ver-
isímilmente (verosímilmente); indígenos (indígenas), pascados (pescados);
inquisión (inquisición); parroquias (parroquias); peilas (pailas); abumina
(albúmina); amanazar (amenazar); abandanadas (abandonadas); proprios
(propios); diminución (disminución); entragadas (entregadas); empazado
(empezado); corruccion (corrupción); manpostería (mampostería). Errores
que fueron publicados una y otra vez hasta que Ortiz los modificó.
La Nueva Traducción de 2004

La estrategia global de traducción ha sido la de convertir un texto histórico,
decimonónico, de difícil acceso y comprensión, incluso a veces ilegible, en
un libro moderno que emplea formas léxicas y sintácticas actuales del
español. Hemos podido contrastar la evolución de la lengua española en su
desarrollo terminológico (calizo basto por calizo superior) y en su modern-
idad (centelleo por irradiación). La terminología científica de la geografía,
geología, meteorología, en la lengua española, ha experimentado en los últi-
mos cien años un desarrollo lexicográfico muy importante. Los conceptos se
han asentado con definiciones exactas y, en parte, la traducción actual resulta
más armoniosa, pues la terminología está hoy normalizada: glacis, vertiente,
pluviales, nódulos, falla, sílice, humus, además de otros matices que ayudan a
entender con mayor exactitud los fenómenos que Humboldt describe.
TABLE 18-10. ALGUNOS EJEMPLOS GENERALES
ORTIZ (1930) MARTÍ (2004)
Fe de colón Fe del carbonero
Dinamarquesas Danesas
En las desparramadas En los cultivos dispersos
Arreglada por si misma Recompuesta
Piloto Timonel
Buques echados a fondo Naufragados
He empeñado al señor Bauzá He invitado
Citando otro trozo Citando otro párrafo
Patache como los que conducen víveres Balandro comercial
Durante mi mansión en la América Durante mi estancia
TABLE 18-11. ALGUNOS EJEMPLOS GEOGRÁFICOS

ORTIZ (1930) MARTÍ (2004)
Geognóstico Geólogo
Grieta Falla
Venas de hierro Nódulos de hierros
Centellando el calórico Irradiando calor
Vapor acuoso Vapor de agua
Aguas llovedizas Aguas pluviales
La traducción se ha adaptado en su forma estilística a las normas vigentes

en la cultura de la lengua meta. El texto original, redactado en francés, pero
con estructuras sintácticas alemanas de frases largas y numerosas oraciones
subordinadas, ha sido aligerado con más interjecciones. Para facilitar conven-
ciones y normas, se han trasladado muchas referencias bibliográficas como
notas a pie de página y se han corregido errores numéricos y de coherencia de
todo tipo, especialmente en las tablas.
El tono adoptado por Humboldt en determinados pasajes en el capítulo
dedicado a la esclavitud es absolutamente apocalíptico (“lo que reclaman los
principios eternos de la justicia y de la humanidad,” “bárbaros ultrajes”).
Humboldt critica un aspecto que caracterizó todo el siglo XIX: “el del len-
guaje eufemístico de los esclavistas y su aparente compasión por los negros.”
(Puig-Samper 1998, 86).
Y sin embargo, al abandonar América sigo sintiendo el mismo horror por la
esclavitud que tenía en Europa. Algunos escritores inteligentes han inventado,
en vano, palabras como campesinos negros de las Antillas, vasallaje negro y
protección patriarcal, para ocultar la barbarie de las instituciones con la inge-
niosa ficción del lenguaje. Esto es profanar las nobles artes del espíritu y de la
imaginación. Es disculpar mediante paralelismos ilusorios o sofismas capcio-
sos los excesos que afligen a la humanidad y la preparan para conmociones
violentas. (Humboldt 2004, 175)
Sin esta comunión de acción y esfuerzo, la esclavitud con sus sufrimientos y
excesos se mantendrá como en la Roma antigua, paralela a la elegancia de
costumbres, al progreso tan célebre de la ilustración (...). El argumento
extraído de la civilización de Grecia y Roma a favor de la esclavitud es de
mucha actualidad en las Antillas, en donde a veces se complacen en adornarlo
con todo lujo de erudición filológica. (Humboldt 2004, 185)
El uso de lo políticamente correcto en la traducción se ha limitado a
alguna sustitución por “gentes de color” para aligerar el texto. La fuerza con
la que Humboldt redacta el capítulo de la esclavitud (trata de negros; desgra-
cias de la raza negra, navío negrero, negro insumiso, esclavo condenado a un
ingenio azucarero, negros cimarrones fugitivos) refleja su postura anti-
esclavista y su justa defensa de los derechos humanos. Por ello, hemos
querido ser fieles a su sensibilidad en las estrategias actuales empleadas para
la traducción de estas observaciones que son en el fondo metalingüísticas,
pero radicalmente básicas en esta obra.
A nivel macroestructural, se ha aportado la novedad de un nuevo diseño
en subcapítulos, si bien se ha mantenido la fidelidad a la organización en los
capítulos originales. En la obra abundan los datos y se caracteriza por ser un
ensayo muy denso y excesivamente técnico en algunos capítulos. Por ello,
parte de los textos se han convertido en sencillas estadísticas. Esta es una de
las mejores aportaciones a la nueva traducción, pues el texto se actualiza y se
responde eficazmente así a las necesidades del receptor de la sociedad actual.
Esta combinación de estrategias se extiende a lo largo de toda la traduc-
ción, manteniendo la fluidez y la legibilidad, a pesar de la inmensa aportación
de datos, informes, y reflexiones.
Conclusiones
Hemos de reconocer que la voz del autor de la obra de Cuba (1826) y la de su
primer traductor (1827) no desafinan. “La traducción no sólo informa del
Otro sino que, a la par, muestra el estado de las propias fuerzas.” (Martín
Ruano 2003,116). Salvo los errores detectados, que evidentemente dificultan
la comprensión de la obra y convierten su lectura en farragosa, hemos de
aplaudir que la obra de Humboldt se tradujera en su integridad inmediata-
mente después de su publicación en francés. Podemos afirmar que muchas de
las lagunas léxicas en 1827, continuaron en 1930. No sabemos si por
desconocimiento de Ortiz o por un gran respeto a la primera traducción,
tratándose de una obra emblemática del “segundo descubridor” de Cuba.
Aunque continúan siendo una incógnita los personajes J.B. de V. y M. y
José López de Bustamante y no nos hemos podido acercar a su perfil intelec-
tual o social, podemos afirmar, que se trata de un traductor, manifiestamente
buen conocedor de la lengua francesa. Gracias a esta primera traducción, pos-
teriormente mejorada por Ortiz (1930), la postura de Humboldt sobre la
esclavitud plasmó su huella en innumerables intelectuales y políticos. El
hecho de no haber sido mejor difundida esta obra no fue óbice para que en
España se formara una idea sobre la inhumana situación de los esclavos afri-
canos en las colonias españolas, y se favorecieran medidas de justicia social.
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CHAPTER 19 Threats to the European
Subject
Jason H. Lindquist
While traveling near the town of Anoch in Scotland’s Western Isles, Samuel
Johnson described the plant life in the area in the following manner: “The
appearance is that of matter incapable of form or usefulness, dismissed by
nature from her care and disinherited of her favours, left in its original ele-
mental state, or quickened only with one sullen power of useless vegetation”
(Johnson 1775, 26). In the midst of this untended profusion, Johnson allows
himself to experience a crisis of psychic overload: although he knows there is
no real danger, the writer voluntarily entertains a series of “imaginations”
that have as their focus the dissolution of the physical and mental self of the
subject. For Johnson, the region around Anoch evokes the possibility of
“want, and misery, and danger” (Johnson 1775, 27).
Samuel Johnson’s imaginative response to the vegetative overgrowth of
the Western Isles may at first seem irrelevant to a study of Alexander von
Humboldt’s Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of the
New Continent (1818–1827).1 After all, Humboldt’s descriptions of South
America’s highly fecund spaces are often positive. His enthusiasm for tropi-
cal profusion leads him, for instance, to revise upward Malthus’s pessimistic
1. I cite here Helen Maria Williams’s translation of Humboldt’s Personal Narrative
(Humboldt 1818−29). For ease of reference, I cite Williams’s translation parenthetically by
volume and page. Although Humboldt approved of and was actively involved in Helen
Maria Williams’s edition, later translators have argued that her version often varies, partic-
ularly in tone, from the French original. They argue that as a significant figure in British
Romanticism, Williams brought a distinctive voice to the translation. For instance, Thoma-
sina Ross deemed her own 1851 re-translation necessary because she felt that Williams’s
version “abounds in foreign terms of expression”; Jason Wilson, who completed a new
translation in 1995, finds that Williams “interpreted and exaggerated” Humboldt’s original
French prose (which Wilson characterizes as “curiously flat, scientific, and modern”), par-
ticularly in passages where Humboldt waxes enthusiastic. For instance, in Williams’s
translation, “wild nature” becomes “wild and stupendous nature,” “dark curtain of moun-
tains” becomes “vast and gloomy curtain of mountains,” etc (Wilson 1995, lix−lx). On
Humboldt’s active involvement in Williams’s translation, see Biermann (Biermann 1986,
11−12).
221
carrying capacity estimates for the “New Continent;” such appreciation also
caused him to pioneer new methods for measuring and cataloguing the pro-
ductivity of the Americas and to call for political and economic development
in the region.2 At its most teleological, Personal Narrative sketches an opti-
mistic – if distinctively European – future for South and Central America:
Humboldt imagines a time when “populous cities enriched by commerce, and
fertile fields cultivated by the hands of freemen, adorn those very spots,
where, at the time of my travels, I found only impenetrable forests, and inun-
dated lands” (I.li). Samuel Johnson, on the other hand, although he ventures
no further than the geographic periphery of the British Isles, sees only “mat-
ter incapable of form or usefulness” heaping itself up around him at a fright-
ful pace. In fact, when Johnson’s imaginations do turn to the “New
Continent,” he becomes positively terrified, admitting to himself that Scottish
“spots of wildness” cannot evoke anything like the terror encountered in the
vast and threatening “deserts of America” (Johnson 1775, 27). Where
Johnson sees want and lack in natural spaces peripheral to European centers
of commerce, Humboldt sees potential.
And yet, a study of Personal Narrative that stresses only “commerce, and
fertile fields” would be incomplete. After all, the overwhelming power of
“impenetrable forests and inundated lands” is just as crucial to the portrait
Humboldt paints of tropical America. In a number of memorable passages,
Personal Narrative foregrounds the capacity of vegetable excess to resist col-
onization, impede productive enterprise, and overwhelm European modes of
psychic and social life. Thus, while he might never have characterized South
American vegetation as “sullen” or “useless,” Humboldt’s teeming New
World spaces do evoke a kind of Johnsonian anxiety. Like the Western Isles,
tropical nature threatens to degrade or fully overwhelm the coherence of the
European subject. My analysis calls attention to passages in Personal Narra-
tive that stress the dangers tropical fecundity posed to European identity and
modes of civilization; I go on to explore Humboldt’s related worry that South
American vegetable and visual overload will exert a destabilizing effect on
his own aesthetic sensibility and on his ability to create a coherent textual
representation of the New Continent. Investigating the instabilities experi-
enced by the expatriates and colonists that populate Personal Narrative
promises to draw out tensions latent in Humboldt’s own treatment of tropical
landscape and to illuminate significant epistemological shifts often precipi-
tated by and worked out within travel narratives during the period.
2. Humboldt’s innovation in gathering demographic and economic information can be

seen most clearly in his monographs on Mexico and Cuba. See, for instance, his Political
Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain (Humboldt 1811).
Threats to the European Subject 223
“Man no longer appears as the center of the

creation:” Excess Verdure and the Traveling
Observer
Early in Personal Narrative, Humboldt suggests that the “moment of leaving
Europe” is transformational: the traveler passes into a fundamentally differ-
ent realm, “entering in some sort on a new state of existence” (I.31),3 one of
the most distinctive features of which is the “luxuriousness of the vegetation”
(V.441). In Humboldt’s lengthy work, a complex and often contradictory
relationship between vegetable (hyper)fecundity and the traveling observer
emerges. On the one hand, tropical excess is viewed positively: it is power-
ful, moving, and unprecedented in Humboldt’s experience. On the other
hand, such vigorous plant life is often a serious impediment both to the
observer’s ability to perceive nature accurately and to the efforts of colonists
to preserve a coherent European identity.
For instance, Humboldt worries that even his trained vision may not be a
reliable servant in South America. In spite of his prodigious capacities as a
careful observer, record-keeper, and statistician, spaces that are “overloaded
with plants” impede observational accuracy. Humboldt’s description of the
banks of the Río Cedeño suggests the irony inherent in observing and
describing South American verdure – that is, plant life itself presents the sin-
gle greatest hindrance to the study of plant geography in the tropics. In a
place where tree trunks are concealed “under a thick carpet of verdure” and
“lianas” climb from the ground to the tree tops in a “continual interlacing of
parasite plants, the botanist is often led to confound the flowers, the fruits,
and leaves, which belong to different species” (III.36–37). That an experi-
enced botanist cannot see the tree trunks for the forest, so to speak, suggests
the power of tropical fecundity to disrupt even an expert’s sense of nature’s
deep structure.
Humboldt faces similar problems as a human demographer attempting to
quantify the extent of agriculture – and thus the size of the population – in
South America. While in Europe the extent of cultivation corresponds in a
predictable way to population size, even the “most populous regions in equi-
noctial America still [retain] a savage aspect” (III.15–16). Here “[s]pontane-
3. Ann McClintock sees psychologically significant boundary crossings as a common

feature of European travel narratives. Furthermore, explorers regularly code the “danger-
ous thresholds of their known worlds” in gendered terms: the “threshold” is an erotically
charged space that generates a set of ritual and fetishistic practices on the part of the trav-
eler (and travel writer) which “[betray] acute paranoia and a profound, if not pathological,
sense of male anxiety and boundary loss.” Although I do not address the role gender plays
in Humboldt’s text (and significant work remains to be done in this regard), my analysis of
Personal Narrative substantiates McClintock’s suggestion that passing into the tropics gen-
erates acute anxiety at the possibility of “boundary loss”—in this case national and cul-
tural boundaries are at stake (McClintock 1995, 24).
ous plants…predominate by their quantity over cultivated plants, and
determine alone the appearance of the landscape.” Here man does not inhabit
the landscape as “an absolute master, who changes at his will the surface of
the soil, but as a transient guest” (III.15–16).
One senses two competing value systems at play in such passages, where
Humboldt praises the verdant fecundity of tropical nature even as he signals
that such a fertility can impede accurate interpretation. On one hand – as
Engelhard Weigl has noted – Humboldt stood in the tradition of Buffon and
the Forsters in favoring the beauty of a tamed and civilized nature (Weigl,
2001, no pagination), tended by what Forster called “the moderate care of
rational beings” (Forster, 1778, 99-100). As Johnson did, such a value system
privileges order, visibility and productivity. Yet Humboldt also subscribed to
an emerging counter-discourse about nature – one associated, but not co-
extensive, with the discourse of Romanticism. This discourse asserted the
value of wild untamed spaces, sublime scenes, and unsymmetrical or obscure
natural landscapes. Kristian Köchy (Köchy, 1997 and 2002) and others have
sketched Humboldt’s complex relationship to the discourse of German
Romanticism and Williams’s translation can certainly be said to engage with
the epistemology and language choices of a certain strand of British romanti-
cism.4 This delineation of the “sublime” gave aesthetic value to scenes that
were complex, threatening, or difficult to interpret.
It is clear that these two philosophical inclinations come into tension in
Personal Narrative. The conflict manifests itself in Humboldt’s simultaneous
attraction to (on aesthetic grounds) and rejection of (on pragmatic grounds)
the visually provocative, but dense, messy, and seemingly uninhabited South
American landscape. As we have already seen, these contradictory impulses
crystallize around the (apparent) absence of human activity in spaces where
plants “determine alone the appearance of the landscape.” Humboldt finds
himself deeply moved by places where “[m]an no longer appears as the cen-
ter of the creation,” thrilling at views in which it is only “the conflict of the
elements, which characterizes…the aspect of Nature.” Yet in the very same
paragraph, Humboldt also laments the melancholy impression conveyed by
“[a] country without population.” Unpopulated but obviously arable terrain
“appears to the people of cultivated Europe like a city abandoned by it’s [sic]
inhabitants” (III.512). While it is normal and even desirable to respond with
4. On Williams, see note #1. For the nineteenth-century British reader, the key entries in
this genealogy of Romantic aesthetic language would have included Edmund Burke’s influ-
ential differentiation of the sublime (“whatever is in any sort terrible, or is conversant about
terrible objects”) from the beautiful; Samuel Johnson’s analogous opposition between the
“awefully vast” and the “elegantly little”; and Kant’s more internally oriented categories
(the sublime results from a thing’s “limitlessness, yet with a superadded thought of its total-
ity,” while the beautiful is primarily a “question of the form of the object” (Burke 1757, 36;
Johnson 1759, 61; Kant 1790, 90 [SS 23]).
deliciously “strange and sad” feelings to places where humans could never
thrive anyway (the ocean or desert, for instance), it is distressing to “seek in
vain the traces of the power of man” in a place that is “adorned with eternal
verdure” and should therefore be habitable and productive (V.290-91). The
text seems caught between lamenting and romanticizing the absence of
human civilization in the tropics.
“[N]ational remembrances are insensibly effaced”:

Tropical Threats to the European Subject
If vegetable profusion could obscure the presence of civilization in Central
and South America, it also had the power to transform its character. In addi-
tion to attributing the culture and personality of indigenous South Americans
to the influence of climate, Humboldt repeatedly implies that European colo-
nists – even those who have only recently emigrated – are in danger of losing
their distinctive culture if they remain in the tropics. Living in the presence of
so much vegetation seems to mark colonists with a “wild and uncultivated”
character “which belongs to nature, the primitive type of which has not been
altered by art” (III.15–16), overwhelming even settlers with strong European
traditions. In fact, cultural continuity seems only to be retained in parts of
South America where the climate is temperate (II.290). Those colonists “set-
tled in a zone, where the climate, the productions, the aspect of the sky, and
the scenery of the landscape, differ altogether from those of Europe,” repeat-
edly fail to preserve familiar modes of life.
Even when these settlers make conscious efforts to retain familiar habits,
they don’t succeed for long. For instance, Humboldt is particularly affected
by abortive attempts to build community through acts of naming:
The colonist vainly bestows on mountains, rivers, and vallies [sic], those
names, which call to his remembrance the sites of the mother country; these
names soon lose their attraction, and have no meaning with the generations
that succeed. Under the influence of an exotic nature, habits are generated,
that are adapted to new wants; national remembrances are insensibly effaced;
and those that remain, like phantoms of the imagination, have neither ‘a local
habitation, nor a name.’ (II.287)
For subsequent generations of settlers, place names fail to index European
experiences and attitudes; rather, they serve only as a vague and melancholy
reminder of loss.5
For Humboldt, a series of encounters dramatize the power of tropical ver-
dure to denationalize European settlers. While traveling on the Río Apure, for
instance, the Prussian scientist encounters a man who claims recent Spanish
heritage. Although the man has pretensions to culture, Humboldt suggests
that he has lost all ability to think outside the moment, failing even to “[con-
struct] an ajoupa of palm-leaves” to prepare for the inevitable tropical rains.
Humboldt’s penchant for sarcasm shows through as he chides this man who
presumes to “[call] his wife and his daughter, who were as naked as himself,
donna Isabella, and donna Manuela” (IV.430). That night, as Humboldt had
feared, a heavy rainstorm soaks the party. He records that as it “rained in tor-
rents on our hammocks, and the instruments we had landed, don Ignacio con-
gratulated us on our good fortune in not sleeping on the strand, but finding
ourselves in his domain, among Whites and persons of rank” (IV.432).
Clearly annoyed and bemused, Humboldt concludes that it is a “singu-
lar…spectacle, to find in that vast solitude a man, who believes himself of
European race” but who “knows no other shelter than the shade of a tree”
(IV.432–33). The account suggests that for Humboldt, even in circumstances
where the “idea” of European heritage has been preserved, its constitutive
characteristics seemed to have been lost.
Humboldt’s encounters with expatriates from northern Europe make it
clear that Spanish colonists are not the only ones who become subject to an
erasure of identity in the tropics. Language retention and loss figure promi-
nently during encounters in which Humboldt meets a Frenchman who had
“forgotten his native language” (V.677) and later a fellow Prussian who has
no interest in “the sight of a man who could talk to him of his country” – he
can, in fact, neither remember German nor “explain himself clearly in Span-
ish.” Of the encounter, Humboldt drolly notes that “our conversation was not
very animated” (VII.441).
To these portraits of stateless expatriates, we can add Humboldt’s own
experiences as a European exposed to the torrid zone. Humboldt frequently
notes the power of the tropics to affect a traveler’s memory and state of mind.
For instance, Humboldt writes that the “climate of the Indies” made an
impression “so great, so powerful…that after an abode of a few months we
seemed to have lived there during a long succession of years” (III.354). This
distortion of time is tied to the erasure of familiar memories in the face of
excessive stimuli: tropical verdure, acting “upon our imagination by it’s [sic]
mass, the contrast of it’s [sic] forms, and the glow of it’s [sic] colours,” has
the power to “weaken antecedent impressions” in the mind of the traveler
(III.355). Europe is easily forgotten and even a return to Paris or Berlin may
not fully renationalize the traveler: Humboldt’s impressions left him with a
5. The anxiety registered in this passage about the health and sustainability of temperate
cultures in tropical climates should be placed in the broader context of the discourse of
“seasoning” and acclimatization that characterized European writing about the tropics in
general and the Americas in particular. To name just one instance, Karen Ordahl Kupper-
man has documented long-running apprehension about the detrimental physical effects of
hot climates—and the cultural price to be paid for acclimatizing—in the writings of
English colonists in Virginia and the West Indies (Kupperman 1984, 213–40).
melancholy longing for the tropics – and a “vague desire to revisit that spot”
(III.255) – years after his return to Europe.6
It is in relation to recent attempts at European settlement that the torrid
zone threatens its most forceful – and worrisome – disruptions.7 Humboldt’s
Personal Narrative suggests that, like the Prussian who could speak neither
German nor Spanish, European colonists quickly lose their way between two
worlds. Comparing South American settlements unfavorably to Greek and
Phoenician colonies in antiquity, Humboldt suggests that these ancient set-
tlers managed to combine the old and the new so as to create a vibrant “intel-
lectual culture” that even “excited the envy of the mother countries” (II.292).
This is not the case in the New World, where European colonists fail to forge
a unique and superior alloy; instead, they forget European traditions and fail
to embrace those of America, foolishly “[disdaining] whatever relates to the
conquered people.” Humboldt describes the stateless and cultureless colonist
in this way:
Placed between the remembrances of the mother country, and those of the
country where he first drew his breath, he considers both with equal indiffer-
ence; and in a climate where the equality of seasons renders the succession of
years almost imperceptible, he abandons himself to the enjoyments of the
present moments, and scarcely casts back a look on the times that are past.
(II.291-292)
In this way, national disidentification brings with it temporal dislocation
and stasis, effectively removing tropical colonies from the teleological
regime of progress that would dominate nineteenth-century views of history.
“[The traveler]…can scarcely distinguish what most

excites his admiration:” Aesthetic Overload and
Textual Excess in “Personal Narrative”
Late in his travel account, Humboldt pauses to consider the difficulty of pre-
serving written records in Central and South America. In the torrid zone,
teeming insects
devour paper, pasteboard, parchment, with frightful rapidity, destroying
records and libraries. Whole provinces of Spanish America do not afford one
written document, that dates a hundred years back. What improvement can
the civilization of nations acquire, if nothing link the present with the past, if
6. Of course, Aimé Bonpland’s eventual return to South America is a significant subtext

in such a discussion of Humboldt’s statements about the pull of the torrid zone.
7. Humboldt expresses the relationship using the following syllogism: “The forms of
plants determine the physiognomy of nature; and this physiognomy influences the moral
dispositions of nations” (V.52).
the depositaries of human knowledge must be repeatedly renewed, if the
records of genius and reason cannot be transmitted to posterity? (V.116)”
In this passage, the tropics are again a place where the past is quickly lost
and future improvement is therefore unachievable. It is striking, though, that
Humboldt’s statement about the impermanence of writing appears only after
the (English) reader has waded through nearly three thousand pages of text
that has successfully survived the tropics. Although in several dramatic
moments Humboldt and Bonpland’s records and collections are in danger of
decay or loss, the text of Personal Narrative is its own proof that writing
about the tropics can survive. However, Humboldt’s emphasis here on the
power of the torrid zone to destroy writing – to literally consume the traces of
human discourse – calls attention to the risks he sees as inherent in commit-
ting representations of the region to paper.
In fact, it is the psychic, rather than the physical, act of writing that seems
to be most under siege in South America. Personal Narrative repeatedly reg-
isters anxieties about all stages of writing – observation, cognition, and
inscription – on a continent where instability and overwhelming fecundity
combine to resist representation. Considering a similar problem, Oliver
Lubrich has noted the ways in which Personal Narrative foregrounds its own
generic instability. Through a careful study of its grammar and structure,
Lubrich argues that the text “[undermines] the conventional format of the
travelogue” because all the categories which normally “lend the text coher-
ence and make it readable for the recipient” – including the subject, the
object, the addressee, and the text itself – “are charged with multiple mean-
ings and become thus destabilized.” By refusing to operate on familiar
generic terrain, Personal Narrative resists established interpretive schemas
and “de-authorizes imperial forms of colonial writing” in the process.8 Build-
ing on Lubrich’s provocative analysis, I wish to suggest that excessive inputs
precipitate a crisis of representation in Personal Narrative.
Before doing so, however, it is important to briefly review the characteris-
tics of Humboldt’s distinctive philosophical method. Because the develop-
ment and intricacies of Humboldt’s approach have been dealt with expertly
and extensively elsewhere,9 I cite here only the preface tothe English transla-
tion of Personal Narrative. Working with Humboldt’s detailed input (Bier-
8. Lubrich views the destabilizing character of Humboldt’s text positively, suggesting
that it creates a discourse in which “there are no ‘identities’ and ‘differences’ which can be
defined unequivocally from a privileged perspective” (Lubrich 2003, no pagination).
9. In the rich scholarship on the subject, Humboldt’s philosophical method has been
given a variety of names: see Laura Dassow Walls on Humboldt’s “rational empiricism”
(Walls 1995, 69−70); Susan Faye Cannon on “Humboldtian science” (Cannon 1978, 82);
Mary Louise Pratt on “planetary consciousness” and “transculturation” in Humboldt’s
work (Pratt 1992); and Ottmar Ette on Humboldt and the idea of “Weltbewusstsein” (Ette
2002). ltbewusstsein. Alexander von Humboldt und das unvollendete Projekt einer anderen
Moderne. Velbrück Wissenschaft, 2002.
man 1986, 11-12), Helen Maria Williams states the Purssian observer’s
philosophy in terms that would have been familiar to an English readership:
“[t]he appropriate character of [Humoldt’s] writing is the faculty he possesses
of raising the mind to general ideas, withou neglecting individual facts”
(I.ix). Operating, as it does, within the binary of the general and the particu-
lar, Williams’s statement may have reminded her readers of Samuel
Johnson’s assertion that “[s]ublimity is produced by aggregation, and little-
ness by dispersion. Great thoughts are always general, and consist in posi-
tions not limited by exceptions, and in descriptions not descending to
minuteness” (Johnson 1779-1781, 594). Yet in supplementing Williams’
description with Johnson’s statement, the possible tensions between part and
whole inherent in such an espistemology already begin to show themselves.
For while Johnson’s “sublime” can only be achieved through the “aggrega-
tion” of information and effects, this very act of amassing data risks pushing
the whole system towards incoherency and “dispersion.”
Humboldt is acutely aware of this tension between the general and partic-
ular in his own work. While he wants to fuse “individual facts” into “general
ideas” in his writing, he also recognizes that the huge volume of information
his writings must present to achieve this end may itself threaten his goal; in
fact, Humboldt commented on the struggle for balance between generality
and minuteness in the work of other scientific travelers. At a time when sci-
entists had more and more analytical tools at their disposal, traveling natural-
ists were producing increasingly cumbersome and difficult texts:
itineraries have partly lost that unity of composition, and that simplicity,
which characterized those former ages. It is now become scarcely possible to
connect so many different materials with the narration of events; and that part
which we may call dramatic gives way to dissertations merely descriptive.
(I.xli-xlii)”
These epistemological and aesthetic tensions between dispersion and
aggregation are brought into particularly stark relief in narratives about the
tropics, where the traveler is faced with an unprecedented variety and volume
of potentially sublime sensory input.
Humboldt recognizes that he cannot follow the generic conventions that
placed the human traveler at the center of the narrative. As a result, he fears
he cannot help but violate a crucial convention of travel narrative: the gener-
ation of a writer-centered text. Because “the unity of composition can be
strictly observed only when the traveler describes what has passed under his
own eye…It is the man himself that we continually desire to see in contact
with the objects that surround him” (I.xli). One thinks here, perhaps, of
Mungo Park’s Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa – cited at several
points in Personal Narrative – in which Park’s adventures drive the episodic
and often sentimental narrative forward. Humboldt is aware of this expecta-
tion to keep the narrative centered on himself, but he also recognizes the
power of the tropics to disrupt first-person, narrator-based accounts.
For instance, Humboldt addresses this question of narrative focus and lin-
earity while writing about how the view from the summit of Tenerife might
best be represented. He argues that, paradoxically, if he were to place himself
and his responses to nature at the center of his travel account, the result
would not be a clear narrative trajectory, but rather an incoherent series of
expressions of wonder in the face of too many varied sensory inputs:
It is a difficult task, to describe those sensations, which act with so much the
more force as they have something undefined, produced by the immensity of
the space as well as by the greatness, the novelty, and the multitude of the
objects, amidst which we find ourselves transported. When a traveler attempts
to furnish descriptions of the loftiest summits of the globe, the cataracts of the
great rivers, the tortuous vallies [sic] of the Andes, he is exposed to the danger
of fatiguing his readers by the monotonous expression of his admiration.
(I.180-181)10
Faced with a “multitude of objects” and aware that he couldn’t make his
experiences in the Americas into a coherent linear narrative even if he wanted
to, Humboldt opts instead for the massive comparative and analytical project
that we now recognize as “Humboldtian science.” In practical terms, this
decision allows Humboldt to organize certain portions of Personal Narrative
according to scientific theme or the availability of comparative data—a strat-
egy that permits the lengthy digressions and labyrinthine footnotes character-
istic of his writing. Although this kind of heterogeneous and comparative
approach makes sense in light of Humboldt’s emerging philosophical system,
it does seem at odds with his previous aesthetic privileging of the “man him-
self…in contact with the objects that surround him” as the proper subject of
the travel narrative (I.xli). Humboldt does often manage to remain – by sheer
force of personality – at the center of a more-or-less linear text. But this
apparent contradiction is perhaps the point: Personal Narrative travels
uncomfortably between the poles of vivid, first-person incident and compara-
tive, descriptive analysis of “the peculiar character that distinguishes each
zone” (I.181). The “multitude of objects” presented by tropical nature precip-
itates this tension and helps generate Personal Narrative’s often contradic-
tory form.
10. For a similar case, see Vol. 5, where Humboldt compares the melancholy effect of a
place lacking the visible signs of human culture to the effect his own work may be having
on the reader: “I paint the impression produced by the monotonous aspect of those solitary
regions. May this monotony not be found to extend itself to the journal of our navigation,
and tire the reader accustomed to the description of the scenes and historical memorials of
the ancient continent!” (V.290–91)
There is another way in which Humboldt’s text fails to fulfill the expecta-
tions of the metropolitan reader. After all, not all late-eighteenth-century
travel narratives possessed a dynamic narrator who engaged in a series of
exciting incidents: a journey might, instead, be expected to produce a series
of aesthetic impressions in the picturesque style. To name just one example
from a thriving genre, Ann Radcliffe’s A Journey Made in the Summer of
1794…presents a series of discrete, carefully framed picturesque scenes cali-
brated to produce a specific aesthetic effect. This effect – what one critic has
referred to as the “subject-centered picturesque” – stresses the use of mediat-
ing devices like a coach window or a “Claude glass” in order to establish dis-
tance between the “single and unique beholder” of the scene and the
landscape itself. Mediation and distance allow the writer to describe the scen-
ery even while carefully managing its effect on the written text. (Kuczynski
1998, 247). Humboldt is clearly familiar with this scene-based picturesque
style, producing it admirably on several occasions – as when he skillfully
uses the drifting clouds on Tenerife (I.82–83) or the mouth of the Cueva del
Guacharo (III.127–28) to frame those two picturesque scenes.
But this analytical and aesthetic tool is also strained to the breaking point
“on a vast continent, where everything is gigantic.” Humboldt quickly
encounters difficulty containing nature within the well-marked borders of the
picturesque scene. Instead, multiple worthy scenes present themselves at
every turn. Humboldt addresses this threat to picturesque description directly,
noting that if a traveler in the tropics “feel strongly the beauty of picturesque
scenery, he can scarcely define the various emotions, which crowd upon his
mind; he can scarcely distinguish what most excites his admiration” (III.36).
Humboldt is left with an unsolvable selection problem: if he describes every
interesting scene to his readers, the written text will break under its own
weight, descending into incoherence. On the other hand, if he fails to fully
describe all the worthy scenes he encounters, his depiction of the aesthetic
character of South America will be incomplete and therefore inaccurate.
Because tropical excess affects the way Humboldt “pictures” South America,
it also influences the final written form of Personal Narrative. Indeed, the
naturalist’s full, thirty-volume travel record signals the degree to which only
heterogeneity and supplementarity seem appropriate for representing the
masses of sensory input to which Humboldt has been sensitized in his aes-
thetic and scientific training.
In some interesting cases, the representational practices of the societies
Humboldt encounters in Central and South America reflect and inform his
own difficulties in creating coherent and manageable representations. For
instance, Humboldt criticizes the failure of Spanish and Portuguese colonists
to construct “memorials” to help them preserve their cultural identity against
an onslaught of tropical impressions. This “absence of memorials…[has]
something painful to the traveler, who finds himself deprived of the most
delightful enjoyments of the imagination”; more importantly, a lack of
remembrances makes it extremely difficult to “bind the colonist to the soil on
which he dwells” (II.287).
While European settlers fail to retain memorializing traditions, cultures
native to South America seem to recognize and even embrace the futility of
creating lasting monuments in the “torrid zone.” In fact, according to Hum-
boldt, some tribes incorporate the annihilation of individual subjectivity and
cultural memory – the very idea that so terrorizes Johnson and Humboldt –
into their cultural practices. The Tamanacs, for instance, practice a set of
death rituals that center on erasing “remembrances:” when a tribe member
dies, the families “lay waste the fields of the deceased, and cut down the trees
which he has planted. They say, ‘that the sight of objects, which belonged to
their relations, makes them melancholy.’ They like better to efface than to
preserve remembrances” (V.626). Given Humboldt’s repeated observations
that tropical plant life has the power to conceal or destroy civilization and
rupture links between past and present, his interest in Tamanac practice
makes a kind of sense: the tribe seems to feel that the only reasonable and
sustainable representational strategy available to them in the face of tropical
excess is not the preservation of human culture, but rather the preemptive
erasure of the traces that add up to a human life.
Humboldt ultimately retreats from the radical implications of Tamanac
ritual, returning the reader to a quantitative and mercantilist frame by noting
that such burial practices “are very detrimental to agriculture” and that the
monks therefore oppose them (V.626). However, his interest in the scene
calls attention to questions of representational coherence and textual perma-
nence and must be read against the power of the tropics to disrupt or even
“devour” representation “with frightful rapidity.” This incident, taken
together with the other passages I have examined in this section, suggests that
Humboldt himself hadn’t solved the problem of how best to process and rep-
resent tropical nature. Hyper-fecundity and aesthetic overload present them-
selves as serious obstacles both to the progress of civilization in the “torrid
zone” and to the production of coherent textual representations of the region.
Conclusion
In Personal Narrative, Humboldt implies that tropical profusion (in terms of
information and sense impressions) makes it difficult to deploy Western
descriptive modes in writing about that region. Although his dedication to a
liberal, mercantilist economic system—and to the productive potential of
Central and South America – remains clearly in place,11 Humboldt’s recogni-
tion that tropical profusion has power to destabilize his text often threatens
this rationalistic and progressive vision in subtle ways. Sensory overload pre-
cipitates moments of doubt that manifest themselves as uncertainty about the
ability of the European subject to preserve identity and the capacity of the
European writer to reconcile the generic conventions of travel narrative with
the actuality of the tropics.
In other work, I have attempted to sketch these difficulties as expressed
by Humboldt in his work and to connect them to broader epistemological
shifts occurring in response to similar instances of information overload in
other areas of nineteenth-century life. In this regard, Personal Narrative
serves an important function in British intellectual culture by calling early
attention to the challenges inherent in representing a nature that is unstable,
mutable, and resists efforts to control its excesses or to make them produc-
tive. Furthermore, I suggest the question of proliferation (vegetable and oth-
erwise) is a fundamental issue in nineteenth-century aesthetics. As Harriet
Martineau observed in 1838, the knowledgeable traveler was inevitably put
under strain by the number of “views” he or she was required to process: she
laments that “[t]he wearied mind soon finds itself overwhelmed by the multi-
tude of unconnected or contradictory particulars” (Martineau 1838, 16). As
the reading public grew, and as the quantity of published travel narratives
increased, the epistemological stresses and strains affecting the informed
traveler rapidly became the stresses and strains of the informed reader. Hum-
boldt’s struggle to represent the tropics while working within the generic
boundaries of the travel narrative may therefore serve more broadly as a
guide to analyzing other nineteenth-century efforts to deal with complexity.
Bibliography
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Alexander von Humboldts über seine amerikanische Forschungsreise.”
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Anden und Mexico, Teil I: Texte. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag: 9–26.
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Cannon, Susan Faye. 1978. Science in Culture: The Early Victorian Period.
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11. Humboldt’s belief in the achievement of progress through economic development can
be seen clearly late in Personal Narrative. Humboldt expresses hope for a future relation-
ship between Europe and the Americas in terms that sound familiar even today: he antici-
pates that a “noble rivalship in civilization, and the arts of industry and commerce, far from
impoverishing the ancient continent, which has been so often prognosticated, at the
expense of the new, will augment the wants of the consumer, the mass of productive labor,
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Trans. Jason Wilson. New York: Penguin Books: xxxv–lxiv.
CHAPTER 20 Configuraciones de lo
real maravilloso
Rocío Oviedo
El encuentro con el Nuevo Mundo desde su comienzo instaura la utopía
americana. La mirada del descubridor refleja sobre la tierra que contempla el
bagaje ideológico y cultural que lleva consigo. El caso americano, único en la
historia, permite la combinación de la realidad y lo imaginario, de la historia
y la utopía. El propio Colón descubre el Nuevo Mundo en virtud de un
espíritu profético:
En las apostillas o notas marginales que ha ido escribiendo en sus dos libros
de cabecera – la Historia rerum de Eneas Silvio Piccolomini (...) y los Trata-
dos del cardenal Pedro de Aylli – se han vertido brasas muy esclarecedoras
sobre el ‘fuego’ interno en que se abrasaba el inventor del viaje a las Indias.1
Los tres escritores encuentran su punto de unión geográfico en la isla de
Cuba, tradicionalmente lugar de confluencia de un eximio grupo de antropól-
ogos, viajeros y descubridores. En sus relaciones se hacen presentes las apre-
ciaciones histórico políticas, por supuesto, pero también las literarias. La
crítica establece esta conexiónal afirmar que Cuba tuvo tres grandes descu-
bridores: Colón, Humboldt, y Fernando Ortiz.2 Es decir, un descubridor, un
científico y un escritor. En este caso se trata de establecer la conexión que, a
través de la lectura, consideré que ligaba el pensamiento de Colón, Hum-
boldt, y Carpentier.
1. Juan Pérez de Tudela: Mirabilis in altis. Estudio crítico sobre el origen y significado del
proyecto descubridor de Cristóbal Colón. Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones
Cient´ficias, 1983, p.26. El subrayado es mío. Más adelante especifica los contenidos
proféticos y providencialistas de Colón incluyendo la experiencia de la relevación “en las
que el dictado del cielo sobre el futuro se hace palpable en el acontecer físico” y añade que
para Colón “La verdadera ciencia se encierra en los profetas, de los cuales Isaías es el
príncipe,” p. 84. En este último aspecto es donde reside la diferencia fundamental entre
Colón y Humboldt.
2. Rodrigo Quesada Monge: Humboldt, Bolívar y Marx. Encuentros y desencuentros nece-
sarios. Santiago de Chile. Escáner cultural. Revista Virtual. Año 2 .Número 20. 12 de
Agosto al 12 de Septiembre de 2000.
237
Existen determinadas coincidencias, incluso biográficas, que aproximan
las figuras de Colón y Humboldt. Entre ellas el trato de favor que a ambos
mediando siglos tan diversos, otorgaron los reyes españoles: ambos son
extranjeros que reciben del gobierno español una serie de prebendas que
hasta el momento ningún extranjero había obtenido, como reconoce Hum-
boldt.
Me entregaron dos pasaportes: uno del Secretario de Estado; el otro, del Con-
sejo de Indias. Nunca se habían hecho mayores concesiones a un viajero al
darle autorización, ni nunca el Gobierno español había mostrado tanta confi-
anza a un extranjero.3
El otro punto de contacto es el tipo de escrito que redactan puesto que se
encuentra a medio camino de lo histórico y lo literario, como fuera habitual
en las narraciones de viajes. Pero aún se aproximan más en el contenido de
sus obras puesto que ambos adoptan como encuadre esencial el descu-
brimiento. Un descubrimiento signado por el asombro. El asombro, esa
capacidad de admiración que más adelante denominaría Carpentier con el
concepto de lo real maravilloso. Si Colón descubre nuevas tierras, la serie de
expediciones llevadas a cabo por Alexander von Humboldt en el continente
americano contienen a su vez rasgos que podríamos caracterizar así mismo
de descubrimiento puesto que su carácter científico y su relación con el mov-
imiento ilustrado nos lo muestran como una mirada nueva y diferente sobre
América. En Humboldt tan importante será descubrir como describir.
Colón y Humboldt comparten este doble proceso de descubrimiento y
descripción. Colón lo hace para mostrar a través de la pluma lo que contem-
pla la mirada, en realidad casi con una función de otorgar nombre a lo
desconocido, una función enunciativa. Ya el propio Cortés, como indicaba
Carpentier explica al emperador que no hay palabras para describir “las gran-
dezas y particularidades de ella”. “Luego para entender, interpretar este
nuevo mundo hacia falta un vocabulario nuevo al hombre, pero además (...)
una óptica nueva.”4 Humboldt, por su parte, lleva a cabo este mismo proceso
desde un concepto diferente: su cientificismo ilustrado indaga más profunda-
mente en la naturaleza y averigua causas o explica consecuencias. Pero el
producto, es decir, el resultado escrito, en definitiva, salvando las distancias
de estilo, carácter y época, a menudo será semejante.
Es interesante advertir otro punto de relación que el sabio alemán5 aplica a
todo el descubrimiento colombino: su tan conocida metáfora de la red y el
tejido, como haces de relaciones que conectan el método historiográfico y
científico. Teoría que lleva a la práctica incluso para explicar las conexiones
3. Humboldt: Del Orinoco al Amazonas. Viaje a las regiones equinocciales del nuevo con-
tinente. Madrid, Guadarrama, 1982,p.5
4. Carpentier: “Razón de ser: Lo barroco y lo real maravilloso” en Ensayos, La Habana,
Editorial Letras cubanas, 1984,p. 123
Configuraciones de lo real maravilloso 239
fluviales en el Orinoco y el Amazonas. Una ciencia de tipo relacional, que
avala el hecho de que “la filosofía, la ciencia y la literatura intercambian con-
tinuamente sus saberes” como indica Ottmar Ette.6 Y en las propias palabras
de Humboldt, una ciencia que, gracias a sus combinaciones de saberes, prop-
icia el progreso. Un ejemplo claro lo sitúa en el Renacimiento, en el que ape-
nas en medio siglo se produce un cambio radical gracias a la combinación de
diferentes conocimientos “Behaim, Colón, Vespucci, Gama y Magallanes
eran contemporáneos de Regiomontanus, de Pablo Toscanelli, de Rodrigo
Faleiro y de otros astrónomos célebres que comunicaban sus conocimientos a
los navegantes y geógrafos de sus tiempos.”7
Conceptos de la red y el tejido que propician los paralelismos históricos
que nos llevan del ayer al hoy. El concepto humboldtiano se orienta nueva-
mente al concepto renacentista de la historia como “magistra vital”, puesto
que el pasado sirve de ejemplo para la actualidad y para el futuro:
estos lugares tienen un encanto (...) y renuevan recuerdos que están ligados a
los principales nombres de la monarquía española, Cristóbal Colón y Hernán
Cortés”. La maravilla y el asombro es así mismo lo que destaca del segundo
viaje de Colón con el recuerdo de aquel rey misterioso que solo hablaba con
sus subditos por signos. Finalmente establece la relación con la actualidad y
fijándose en el cuarto viaje en el que Colón encontró piraguas de mejicanos
“cargados de ricos productos y mercancías de Yucatán” y en el descu-
brimiento clandestino de Cortés de las costas de México -tras un más que
probable conocimiento previo - concluye: “El Imperio de Moctezuma fue
aniquilado por un puñado de hombres que, desde el extremo occidental de la
isla de Cuba, desembarcaron en las costas del Yucatán. Y en nuestros días,
tres siglos después el mismo Yucatán, parte de la Confederación nueva de los
Estados libres de Méjico, casi amenaza con conquistar la costa occidental de
Cuba.8
5. Al igual que Colón, Humboldt es hijo de su época. Es en 1804 cuando vuelve a

Burdeos y luego a París cuando se torna más americanista.Y llega a tardar casi treinta años
en publicar su viaje. Para redactar su texto emprende un trabajo colosal a través de la his-
toriografía española e hispanoamericana que le convierte en un verdadero especialista en
los problemas del descubrimiento y de la colonización del Nuevo Mundo por los españoles
y los portugueses.
6. Añade que el sistema jerarquizado del pensamiento occidental cuya descripción
hicieran Guattari y Deleuze, quienes “destacan lo difícl que resulta desarrollar “al mismo
tiempo”, lógicas relacionales, descentradas, proliferantes y rizomáticas” es seguido por
Humboldt, quien “no tenía en mente erradicar una lógica binaria, centralizadora y jerar-
quizante, sino ensancharla y abrirla hacia formas relacionales para desarrollar así un
nuevo tipo de saber transdisciplinario (...) Su lógica relacional y rizomática no quería
excluir otras lógicas capaces de brindar soluciones y explicaciones; más bien quería
incluirlas” Ottmar Ette, “El cosmos de Alejandro de Humboldt” en Alexander von Hum-
boldt, Ensayo político de la isla de Cuba (1826). Alicante, Publicaciones de la Universidad
de Alicante, 2004,p. 31.
7. Cristóbal Colón y el descubrimiento de América, p. 17
8. Humboldt: Ensayo político sobre la isla de Cuba (1826), p. 200-201
Afirmación que nos remite a Carpentier quien, al explicar cómo surge su
concepto de lo real maravilloso, muestra paralelismos claros con este con-
cepto de las redes expuesto por Humboldt, puesto que el concepto surge tam-
bién de un haz de relaciones:
una primera noción de lo real maravilloso me vino a la mente cuando, a fines
del año 1943, tuve la suerte de poder visitar el reino de Henri-Christophe (...)”
es decir, Haití o Ciudad del Cabo, donde estuvo el palacio de Paulina
Bonaparte. “Mi encuentro con Paulina Bonaparte, ahí, tan lejos de Córcega,
fue, para mí, como una revelación. Vi la posibilidad de establecer ciertos sin-
cronismos posibles, americanos, recurrentes, por encima del tiempo, relacio-
nando esto con aquello, el ayer con el presente.9
Por su parte coinciden Colón y Humboldt10 al lograr convencer de sus
proyectos o lograr transmitir sus ideas a otras personalidades que serán deci-
sivas en el destino de América: Colón influirá en el sentido utópico y paradis-
íaco del Nuevo Continente que tan relevante será en Fray Bartolomé de Las
Casas, Humboldt en Bolívar hasta el punto de convencer a éste de la
capacidad de América para alcanzar la emancipación,
así se lo hizo saber al joven Bolívar en París a su regreso de América. Bolívar
tenía entonces veintiún años. Humboldt tampoco pudo imaginar, cuando ese
joven le preguntaba su opinión sobre las posibilidades de emancipación de la
América hispana, que él iba a ser uno de los ejes de la misma. Simpatizaba
con Bolívar y sus ideales, pero no veía en él sino a un joven soñador sin
fuerza ni posibilidades para lograr realizarlos.
Sin embargo, la experiencia de Humboldt, continúa Zea, “le sirvió de
estímulo para emprender la gran tarea a la que dedicó Bolivar su vida.”11
Gerhard Masur confirma nuevamente que el encuentro de Bolívar con
Humboldt señaló una etapa fundamental de su vida: “posiblemente fue
incluso lo que hizo que reconociera cuál era la meta a la que quería llegar, y
con ella su destino personal.”12
9. Carpentier: “De lo real maravilloso americano” en “Tientos y diferencias” Ensayos.
Cuba, Ed. Letras Cubanas, 1984,p. 74-75
10. Otras coincidencias entre ambos tienen que ver con su defensa de la sociedad con la
que se encuentran: su valoración de los avances a nivel social, científico o político, nos lo
descubren en una semejanza con el propio Colón: Su criterio sobre las culturas americanas
y sobre la esclavitud responden a este concepto. En su Ensayo político sobre la isla de Cuba
(1826), explica que la esclavitud es el mal mayor que aflige a la humanidad. Insta a la
búsqueda de soluciones y señala que existe un plan activo de manumisión “Se ha apoyado
tanto la manumisión, favorecida por sabias leyes, que actualmente hay más de 130.000
hombres de color libres. La administración colonial encontrará los medios para mejorara la
suerte de los negros discutiendo la situación concreta de cada clase y recompensando la
inteligencia, el amor al trabajo y las virtudes.” Y añade “No se valora suficientemente la
sabiduría de las leyes que en las nuevas repúblicas de América española, desde su origen,
se han ocupado seriamente de la extinción total de la esclavitud.”
11. Zea, Leopoldo, “Humboldt y el otro descubrimiento” en El mundo que encontró Hum-
boldt. Mexico, FCE, 1999,p.12
12. Masur, Gerhard. Simón Bolívar. Caracas, Venezuela: Grijalbo. 1987.
La anécdota se ofrece como un ejemplo más del paralelismo entre Colón
y Humboldt y es el elemento que nos permite ejemplificar con claridad la rel-
ación con lo literario y, específicamente, con el concepto de lo real maravil-
loso. Menos mediatizado por el obligado cientificismo de humboldtiano en
virtud de la época que le corresponde vivir, surge de forma espontánea en
Colón y es mucho más medida en Humboldt,13 pese a dicha contención, recu-
erda Patricia Casasa, que su “Narración de viajes está llena de informes y
detalles curiosos sobre los indios, los misioneros y los colonos europeos a
quienes interrogaba sobre cualquier cosa que le intrigara; aunque también
está lleno de relatos sobres sus emociones, como la que experimentó en su
encuentro con el jaguar. Así de amenas deben haber sido sus conferencias,
salpicadas de humor y burla moderadas hacia él mismo y por ello causó furor
entre la sociedad novohispana, europea e incluso norteamericana.”14
Caracteres coincidentes con lo real maravilloso en el campo de la anéc-
dota podemos establecer varios como la descripción valorativa de los fenó-
menos cotidianos, la contemplación de la naturaleza en sentido trascendente,
un relativo ecologismo, la aparición de la maravilla, o bien del horror y final-
mente la hipérbole.
El paralelismo con la narración del Diario de Colón se puede establecer
mediante el cotejo del tipo de anécdotas que nos relatan. Por un lado la con-
templación de “fenómenos cotidianos” semejantes en ambos, que finalmente
se revisten de novedad y añaden un sentido personalista que orienta al final
hacia lo real maravilloso:
una golondrina vino a posarse en el mastelero. Estaba tan cansada, que se dejó
cazar fácilmente. Era una golondrina campestre. ¿Qué puede mover a un
pájaro a marcharse tan lejos en aquella estación y con aquella calma atmos-
férica? 15
El informe del tercer viaje de Colón, como indica Sambrano Urdaneta
contiene en sí rasgos que más adelante Carpentier caracterizará con el nom-
bre de lo real maravilloso. Especialmente el lugar que el propio descubridor
13. a anécdota surge incluso respecto a la correspondencia, señala Charles Minguet en el

prefacio a las Cartas americanas de Humboldt que poco antes de su muerte, Humboldt hizo
publicar en el periódico un anuncio en que rogaba a sus corresponsales que no le escribie-
sen más, pues recibía unas 1600 a 2000 piezas, de la más variada índole e incluso ofrec-
imientos para distraerle y divertirle. “intento de nuevo (...) contribuir a que se ocupen
menos de mí en ambos continentes y que no se utilice mi casa como buzón; así podría con-
sagrarme a gusto y con toda tranquilidad a mis propias investigaciones, pese a la dismi-
nución de mis fuerzas físicas e intelectuales. Ójala este pedido de socorro, al que me he
resuelto con remordimientos y demasiado tarde, no sea interpretado como una señal de
hostilidad” Cartas americanas, Prólogo de Charles Minguet. Caracas, Ayacucho, 1980,
p.IX.
14. Patricia Casasa García: “Latinoamérica y Humboldt. Confrontaciones y mestizajes”
en Leopoldo Zea y Mario Magallón Compiladores : El mundo que encontró Humboldt. Méx-
ico, FCE, 1999, p.21.
15. Del Orinoco al Amazonas, op. cit. p.9
titula de Los Jardines y que más adelante son descritos como lugares paradis-
íacos por el propio Humboldt. La belleza de lo contemplado se acompaña de
datos científicos ilustrados con un concepto armónico que escapa al propio
hecho descrito:
Es la Isla de Pinos, llamada por Colón El Evangelista, y después por otros
marinos del siglo XVI, Isla de Santa María (...) Los auténticos _Jardines de la
Reina, más próximos a Cabo Cruz, están separados del archipiélago que voy a
describir por un mar libre de 35 leguas de longitud. El mismo Colón los
denominó así en el mes de mayo de 1494, cuando en su segundo viaje luchó
durante 58 días contra corrientes y vientos, entre la Isla de Pinos y el cabo ori-
ental de Cuba. Describe los islotes de este archipiélago como ‘verdes, llenos
de arboledas y graciosos’. En efecto, una parte de estos pretendidos jardines
es muy agradable. El navegante ve cambiar la escena a cada momento y el
verdor de algunos islotes parece tanto más bello cuando contrasta con otros
cayos que no ofrecen más que arenas blancas y áridas. La superficie de estas
arenas, calentadas por los rayos solares, parece ondulante como la superficie
de un líquido. Por el contacto de capas de aire de desigual temperatura, pro-
duce fenómenos variados de suspensión y espejismo desde las 10.00 h. de la
mañana hasta las 16.00 de la tarde. En estos lugares desiertos, el astro del día
anima el paisaje y hiere con sus rayos, dando movilidad a los objetos, la lla-
nura polvorienta, los troncos de los árboles y las rocas que avanzan en el mar
formando cabos. Desde que sale el sol, estas masas inertes parecen suspend-
erse en el aire. Sobre la vecina playa, la arena ofrece el espectáculo engañoso
de una capa de agua suavemente agitada por el viento. Una estela de nubes es
suficiente para depositar en el suelo troncos de árboles y roquedos suspendi-
dos, para dejar inmóvil la superficie ondulante de llanuras y disipar esta fasci-
nación que los poetas árabes, persas e hindúes han cantado ‘como los dulces
engaños de la soledad del desierto.16
Coincidente es así mismo en ambos lo que podríamos titular como sentido
ecologista: Dice Humboldt que Colón supo entrar en diálogo con la Natu-
raleza, “para aprehenderla con audacias de empirista, sentirla con corazón de
naturalista y pintarla con inspiración y pluma de poeta.” En cambio, Her-
nando, biógrafo e hijo de Colón, dice que “el plan del Gran Viaje es el fruto
de una convergencia de datos múltiples - naturales, de autoridades científicas
y de experiencias marineras- sintetizadas por una mente privilegiada.” La
visión del Almirante que nos ofrece Carpentier es radicalmente diferente.
Este sentido paradisíaco y utópico, ecológico nos lleva al concepto
armónico de la naturaleza. En su comentario sobre Colón afirma Humboldt
que las Antillas eran lugares frecuentados por los pescadores. Y se detiene en
el sistema de pesca que aparece en el Diario, basado en la utilización del pez
16. Alejandro de Humboldt, Ensayo político sobre la isla de Cuba (1826). Alicante, Publi-
caciones d ela Universidad de Alicante, 2004,p. 194- 195. 9,
pescador o revés para capturar las grandes tortugas marinas. Mediante una
cuerda muy larga atada a la cola del pez “El pez pescador con un disco aplas-
tado en la cabeza cubierto de chupones, se fijaba al caparazón de las tortugas
marinas que frecuentan los canales estrechos y tortuosos de los Jardinillos.
‘El revés – dice Cristóbal Colón – antes se dejaría hacer pedazos que soltar
voluntariamente el cuerpo al que está adherido.’ Los indios retiraban con la
misma cuerda al pez pescador y a la tortuga. Cuando Gómara y el sabio sec-
retario del emperador Carlos V. Pedro Martir de Anglería, difundieron este
hecho en Europa, escuchado de labios de compañeros de Colón, la gente lo
tomó como una “historieta de viajes”. En efecto hay una apariencia de hecho
fantástico en la narración de Anglería.17
Mantiene un sentido ecologista similar al de Colón, y al que posterior-
mente presentará fray Bartolomé de las Casas, con una firme convicción en la
bondad de la naturaleza. Un claro acento de repulsa llena las líneas que refi-
eren la masacre de alcatraces, ese “pelícano oscuro del tamaño del cisne de
Bufón.” El ser humano civilizado rompe el espacio paradisíaco “el suelo
estaba cubierto de pájaros heridos que se debatían entre la vida y la muerte.
Hasta nuestra llegada, una paz profunda reinaba en este pequeño rincón de la
tierra. Ahora todo parecía decir ‘el hombre ha pasado por aquí.’”18
Este mismo contenido paradisíaco era el que surgía en las cartas y los dia-
rios de Colón, hasta el punto de que Juan Pérez de Tudela titula como “cos-
mografía paradisial” el encuentro del Nuevo Mundo: “No en su Tercer Viaje,
sino ya al regresar del Primero proclamó Colón que venía del Paraíso Terre-
nal. Y en virtud precisamente de esta certificación, no de otro hallazgo
alguno, se atrevió a asegurar que había encontrado el Fin del Oriente o
extremo de Asia.”19 Este sentido paradisíaco es recogido y reafirmado por
Humboldt y es base esencial para la afirmación de lo real maravilloso:
De este modo lo paradisíaco se transforma en pensamiento utópico en el que
se desdobla la maravilla. Lo real maravilloso americano se gesta de este modo
desde su aparición para el mundo occidental: “Aquí lo insólito es cotidiano,
siempre fue cotidiano. Los libros de caballerías se escribieron en Europa, pero
se vivieron en América.” Humboldt dará también cuenta de la posibilidad que
lo extraordinario tiene en el Nuevo Mundo. El dato científico, la hora, la tem-
peratura, las mediciones, no hacen sino corroborar lo previamente afirmado
por Carpentier: “Aquella noche observé un fenómeno muy interesante, pero
17. Humboldt Ensayo político sobre la isla de Cuba (1826) op. cit. p 197. Y de nuevo hace
su aparición la teoría de las redes, cuando añade que es un modo de pesca similar en cos-
tumbres a otros que tienen lugar en China o en Africa e incluso en México de manera que
pueblos “que jamás tuvieron comunicación entre sí manifiestan analogías evidentes en los
medios propios para hacerse con los animales”
18. Ensayo político sobre la isla de Cuba, op. cit. p. 200
19. Juan Pérez de Tudela: Mirabilis in altis. Estudio crítico sobre el origen y significado del
proyecto descubridor de Cristóbal Colón. Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cien-
tificias, 1983. p. 417
que no trataré de interpretar. Eran algo más de las doce y media; el viento
soplaba débilmente del Este, y el termómetro marcaba 23,2 grados. La Luna
llena se hallaba muy alta en el firmamento. De pronto, se formó al lado del
astro, 45 minutos antes de su paso por el meridiano, un vasto arco que repre-
sentaba todos los colores del espectro, pero que era de aspecto inquietante. Se
extendía por encima de la Luna; la banda con los colores del iris mediría una
anchura de 2 grados, y su extremo parecía estar de 80 a 85 grados sobre el
horizonte marítimo. El cielo aparecía completamente sereno, sin la menor
señal de lluvia; pero lo que más me llamó la atención fue que aquel fenó-
meno, semejante en absoluto a un arco iris, no se hallaba frente a la Luna. El
arco siguió inmóvil unos ocho o diez minutos (...) ene l momento en que tra-
taba de comprobar si era visible por reflexión en el espejo del sextante,
empezó a correrse hacia abajo, por encima de la Luna y Júpiter (...) Eran las
12 h.54 m. (hora solar) cuando el extremo del arco desapareció bajo el hori-
zonte.”20 ¿Cuál sería la explicación, los marinos lo tildaron de meteoro, y sin
embargo, Humboldt rechaza la explicación lógica al añadir que Arago al estu-
diar el dibujo del arco que figura en el diario de Viaje, afirmó que la luna
reflejada en el agua no podría haber originado un arco semejante y la rapidez
de su movimiento también hace inexplicable el suceso. (2 de diciembre).
Frente a la maravilla otro modo de asombro es el horror, como ocurre en
su viaje al volcán del Pichincha “creo que no hay imagen para describir algo
más triste, más lúgubre y más aterrador que lo que vimos. La boca del volcán
forma un agujero circular de más de una legua de circunferencia, cuyos bor-
des, tallados a pico, están cubiertos de nieve en lo alto; el interior es de un
negro intenso, pero el hueco es tan inmenso, que se disitnguen las cimas de
muchas montañas ubicadas ahí dentro.” Tras su visita tiene lugar “un temblor
de tierra muy fuerte en Quito. Los Indios lo atribuyeron a los polvos que yo
había echado en el volcán.”21
La hipérbole, que se ha señalado así mismo como retórica propia de lo
real maravilloso, aparece también con frecuencia: “La erupción del volcán
duró siete años, y el manuscrito de Zalpa pretende que la lluvia de cenizas en
Lican era tan abundante, que durante siete años se hizo la noche perpetua.
Cuando se mira la cantidad de materias volcánicas que se encuentran en la
llanura de Tapia, alrededor de la enorme montaña que se desmoronó (...) se
puede creer que la exageración no es tan desproporcionada.”22
20. Del Orinoco al amazonas, p. 338

21. Del Orinoco al amazonas. Cartas americanas. Compilación, prólogo, notas y
cronología Charles Minguet. Caracas, Ayacucho, 1980,p.95
22. Cartas americanas, op. cit. p.97
La Firma De Colon
Por último para completar este recorrido en el triángulo que desarrollan
Colon, Humboldt y Carpentier nos vamos a referir a otro de los contenidos
que interfieren en el concepto de la utopía colombina, punto de intersección y
de inflexión de lo real maraavilloso. Ya Humboldt argüía la devoción del
Almirante que lleva a cabo en su firma de tal manera que recomienda a su
hijo utilizar la misma que él usó. La X...S referida a Christus y M...A resfer-
ida María Sancta. Y añade” La última letra de las desinencias está colocada
por encima de X, M, Y, como algebraicamente se coloca un “exponente”.
Para llegar al misteriosos número de las siete letras, la S de Maria Sancta se
encuentra encima de toda la firma cifrada del Almirante (p. 293: Alejandro
Humboldt, Descubrimiento de América.
Sentido providencialista que conlleva el Christopherens y que subraya,
como indica Juan Pérez de Tudela la conversión de Colón “la imagen legada
por la historiografía nos propone la de alguien que sólo en la travesía de las
Indias hubiera encontrado su camino de Damasco” y añade “Colón, no desde
su victoria, sino a partir de la maravilla que un dia mostró el océano, ha
comenzado la carrera especulativa que le convertirá en Cristóferens”. En la
carta prólogo al Libro de las Profecías su objeto será convencer a los Reyes
“de que el descubrimiento de las Indias, seguido de la predicación del Evan-
gelio en ellas, ha traido a cumplimiento los vaticinios de la Escritura – Viejo
y Nuevo Testamento con lo que se anuncia el próximo acabamiento del
mundo, tan pronto como 155 años (...) Ante de eso (...) ha de realizarse (...) la
conquista de Jerusalén en el mundo cristiano.”23
Sin embargo la visión de lo real maravilloso se viste de espejo deformante
en Carpentier para hacernos contemplar la acción que se desarrolla de un
modo desafortunado. Es la picaresca la que reviste la acción de Colón. Si
Colón y Humboldt posan su mirada sobre la naturaleza americana y de ahí
deviene el sentido utópico, la mirada crítica de Carpentier lo hace sobre la
figura de Colón,24 y sirve de diapasón frente a la maravilla americana. Porque
la escritura de Carpentier es barroca y por tanto se sirve de la antítesis y del
contraste: “América, continente de simbiosis, de mutaciones, de vibraciones,
de mestizajes, fue barroca desde siempre.”
Pese a esta desemejanza entre la crónica literaria y la crónica histórica
podemos hacer nuestras estas palabras de Carpentier que resumen el sentido
utópico de la visión colombina y humboldtiana:
23. Cristobal Colón, una historia nueva del descubrimiento. Pamplona. Liber eds. p. 13
24. El valor que Humboldt otorga a Colón viene acompañado por una serie de
consideraciones científicas, mientras que en el caso de Carpentier la valoración
de la figura colombina es sentimental, es decir, se mueve en el terreno de la
subjetividad.
por la virginidad del paisaje, por la formación, por la ontología, por la presen-
cia fáustica del indio y del negro, por la revelación que constituyó su reciente
descubrimiento, por los fecundos mestizajes que propició, América está muy
lejos de haber agotado su caudal de mitologías.¿Pero qué es la historia de
América toda sino una crónica de lo real maravillosos?25
25. Carpentier: “De lo real maravilloso americano”op. cit. p.79

CHAPTER 21 The Birth of the Two
Cultures
Laura Dassow Walls
Alexander von Humboldt presents a paradox for Americans: at once ubiqui-
tous in American culture of his own day, soon after his death in 1859 he sank
out of sight. By the twentieth century, outside of specialist studies he gener-
ally appears only in the occasional footnote, where he is not infrequently con-
fused with his brother Wilhelm. Thus scholars who wish today to write of
Humboldt to an American audience must begin by establishing, first, who he
was, and second, that despite his “obscurity” he was in fact important enough
to deserve rediscovery and reconsideration; that, indeed, any study of nine-
teenth-century American literature and culture, let alone of science, is radi-
cally incomplete if it fails to include an understanding of Humboldt’s
centrality to the self-fashioning of the United States. The fact that he has so
largely disappeared from scholarly and popular memory in a country that
once claimed him so fervently appears as a puzzle. His absolute absence sug-
gests more an active excision than a mere lapse—not merely a forgetting but
an erasure. This essay suggests one part of the answer: Humboldt champi-
oned aesthetic forms that emerged from the particulars of nature, and scien-
tific forms that embraced, rather than excluded, the subjectivity of the
observer. This put him on a collision course with the emergent concept of
“objectivity,” such that Humboldt’s bold, experimental texts were absorbed,
reshaped, and in large part silenced by the split we have come to know as
“the Two Cultures.”
The boundary between what could and could not count as science was
erected by Immanual Kant in 1786, in his Metaphysical Foundations of Natu-
ral Science. Doctrines of nature could count as science only if their underly-
ing natural laws were cognized a priori, and were not simply generalizations
after the fact, “not mere laws of experience.” (4) Kant’s difficulty lay with the
word “nature,” that is, the manifold of existing things. To erect his boundary,
247
Kant separated natural science from natural history, saying of the latter that
whether it consisted of a description of nature (eg. taxonomy) or a history of
nature (ie. “a systematic presentation of natural things in different times and
in different places”), neither could be derived according to the internal princi-
ple by which the manifold objects of nature cohere into a whole (3-4). Since
it could not be derived according to an internal principle, natural history did
not make the cut. Newton’s Principia exemplified science; Humboldt’s Cos-
mos did not.
In Cosmos, Humboldt defends himself from this judgment by stating, a bit
sarcastically, that his purpose is not “to reduce all sensible phenomena to a
small number of abstract principles, based on reason only.” His “physical his-
tory of the universe” does not “pretend to rise to the perilous abstraction of a
purely rational science of nature” – rather, “devoid” of such “profoundness,”
he attempts only a “rational empiricism, a contemplation of the universe”
based “upon the results of the facts registered by science, and tested by the
operations of the intellect” (Cosmos I: 49). Deprived of the unity provided by
Kant’s required “internal principle,” Humboldt points instead to the unity of
“historical composition”: accidental individualities and essential variations
simply cannot be “deduced from ideas alone” (Cosmos I:49-50). In short, one
can't sit in a Königsburg salon and deduce what tropical South America looks
like: one must get up and go there. So Kant can have his principles; Hum-
boldt will take everything left over, which is, pretty much, everything: and he
will comprehend it in his (ahem) “science of the Cosmos” (Cosmos I: 55).
Humboldt thus insists that his enterprise is historical: both civil history
and the description of the universe must be derived empirically, from facts on
the ground, with an eye to understanding the physical and moral forces that
interconnect nature into “one great whole...animated by the breath of life”
(Cosmos I: 24). Humboldt’s assumption that civil and natural history are cog-
nate has two interesting consequences: first, nature describes a narrative. Its
present appearance cannot be understood “without pursuing, through count-
less ages, the history of the past,” for present and past are “reciprocally incor-
porated, as it were, with one another,” just like languages, whose present-day
idioms developed slowly over time. Even so do volcanic domes and lava
flows excite our imagination by awakening an association with the past:
“Their form is their history” (Cosmos I: 72). Second, just as an etymologist is
needed to read the history of language, so does the history of nature need to
be actively read, interpreted. Nature’s text has been open to all humanity
across all human time, available for the reading, but the work of learning to
read that text has taken eons, and will never exhaust itself. This is the work
“of observation and intellect” (Cosmos 1:23), of eye and mind, in which
Humboldt will be a participant observer.
The Birth of the Two Cultures 249
Humboldt tried to indicate both the scope and history of that work in Cos-
mos. The title was carefully chosen: Humboldt knew it was audacious, but
encouraged by his friends, he stuck with it. Briefly put, “Cosmos” referred to
the universe as a “harmoniously ordered whole” (Cosmos I: 24). Key to
Humboldt’s use of the ancient Greek word was its double references, both to
what Henry David Thoreau (a close reader of Humboldt) called “hard matter
and rocks in place,” or the physical universe as it exists apart from humanity,
and to the beauty and order of that universe, which are ideas intrinsic to
humanity.1 In short, the universe exists without us, but it exists as a Cosmos
only through our minds. Humboldt acknowledges that most “cultivated lan-
guages” reflect a contrast between nature and mind, but insists that we must
not therefore be led to separate the two, lest doing so reduce science to “a
mere aggregation of empirical specialties.” Humboldt’s point is key: our only
access to the world is through the mind, and so “does the external world
blend almost unconsciously to ourselves with our ideas and feelings” (Cos-
mos I: 76). The world is known to us only through our mind, and our mind is
known to us only as we engage the world: the two form a phenomenal unity.
Only in the dance of world and mind, object and subject, does the Cosmos
come into being.
In presenting the Cosmos, then, Humboldt writes a two-volume introduc-
tion reflecting what he calls this “two-fold aspect.”2 The first part, volume I,
describes nature “objectively, as an actual phenomenon” (Cosmos II: 62): fol-
lowing a lengthy prolegomena on the nature of science, Humboldt surveys
the heavens and the earth, all things from stars and nebula to the earth as a
planetary body, its geography and meteorology, and life forms from plants
and animals to the races of man. Once he reaches the threshold of mind,
Humboldt concludes Volume I and begins Volume II, where he takes up
nature “subjectively, as it is reflected in the feelings of mankind” (Cosmos II:
62): from modes of representing nature in poetry, painting, and gardening, to
1. Thoreau’s deep debt to Humboldt is detailed in Walls, Seeing New World: Henry David
Thoreau and Nineteenth-Century Natural Science (Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wis-
consin Press, 1995), 94-166. In this text I propose that Thoreau’s interest in natural science
led him to an emergent form of romanticism, “empirical holism,” that approached the great
whole of nature not as a transcendent unity best apprehended by thought (as in mainstream
romanticism, or “rational holism”), nor as a gigantic mechanism best understood by predic-
tive law, but as a “republic of particulars” best approached through study of the intercon-
nections of its individual, constituent parts—an approach pioneered by Humboldt. I argue
that the character of Thoreau’s involvement in science distinguished him as “a Humbold-
tian empirical naturalist” who sought to join poetry, philosophy, science and society into a
harmonized, emergent whole (4). Through this study I have come to see Humboldt as of
particular importance to nineteenth-century American culture more widely, a crucial ele-
ment in the wider picture of America’s coming to be.
2. Cosmos was published in German in 5 volumes from 1845-1862, and immediately
translated into English; the standard translation is by Elise Otté, published in London
(1849-58) and republished in New York (1850-70). The first two volumes were of broad
popular interest, and were international bestsellers; the following volumes were much more
technical. The final German volume has never been translated into English.
a history of feeling for nature from the ancients Greeks, Hebrews, and Indi-
ans through Goethe, to a history of the aids to comprehending the Cosmos
provided by science, exploration, and instrumentation. These volumes cli-
maxed Humboldt’s long lifetime of work, in which, as Mary Louise Pratt has
argued, he sought “to reframe bourgeois subjectivity, heading off its sunder-
ing of objectivist and subjectivist strategies, science and sentiment, informa-
tion and experience.” (119) So one could say, as has often been said, that
Humboldt’s two-fold attention joined poetry and science, championing aes-
thetic forms that were attentive to the particulars of nature, and scientific
forms that would embrace rather than exclude the subjectivity of the scientist.
I would suggest, further, that Humboldt’s project was aesthetic before it
was scientific – but his was an aesthetic that, uniquely, was completed in sci-
ence. For Humboldt, human experience of nature ideally inscribed a sort of
hermeneutic spiral: the initiating move is pleasure in Nature’s beauty, an
openness to sensual delight that in turn opens the creative imagination.
Rather than passive enjoyment, the creative imagination seeks active connec-
tion, reaching from the particulars to ever-higher generalizations, initiating
the quest for knowledge. Rather than quelling pleasure, knowledge actually
enhances it, and so the spiral is engaged. Poetry plays into science which
plays “reciprocally” into poetry; “austere reason” (Cosmos I: 78) investi-
gates, creative imagination prompts new discoveries, and in their concert the
Cosmos grows ever larger.
As for society, Humboldt’s spiral implies, and requires, a free play of the
human faculties, a play easily discouraged by oppressive governments. In his
optimistic viewpoint, while such governments may prevail for a time, the
course of the Cosmos is ultimately against them, since freedom is the ulti-
mate condition of nature. Hence Humboldt’s aesthetic science has a deep
moral and political direction: “The principle of individual and political free-
dom is implanted in the ineradicable conviction of the equal rights of one
sole human race. Thus...mankind presents itself to our contemplation as one
great fraternity and as one independent unity, striving for the attainment of
one aim – the free development of moral vigor.” His narrative of the Cosmos
becomes a narrative of the advances and setbacks experienced across history
by this “powerful progressive movement” which “elevates and animates cos-
mical life,” for despotic governments, though they may prevail temporarily,
must finally give way to liberty, equality, and the “fraternity” of humankind
(Cosmos II: 199). Humboldt’s attempt to write the Cosmos as a popular book
witnesses his conviction that the knowledge gained by science “is the com-
mon property of mankind” (Cosmos I: 77), not of a cultured elite.
Three consequences follow from Humboldt’s populist aesthetic of knowl-
edge: first, science is above all else an act of writing: everything Humboldt
did in South America would have lost to the Cosmos if his notes and collec-
tions had failed to arrive in Europe and if he had failed in his heroic feat of
publishing the thirty volumes of his results. Second, Humboldt’s subjectivity
is always present in the text as a shaping intelligence, the active “reader” and
interpreter who is distilling from the universe the order and beauty of the
Cosmos. Third, Humboldt’s science is, therefore, a form of literature, present
in and responsive to the literary demands of its time. These consequences
seem straightforward enough, but they do make of Humboldt something of
an anomaly, since science writing has only recently, and controversially, been
accepted as a literary form. Critical treatments of Humboldt reflect his anom-
alous position. He is said to combine French Enlightenment materialism with
German Romantic idealism (see Dettelbach), to be a “transitional” figure
from the Enlightenment to Romanticism, or to have “fallen between the two
stools” of literature and science, neither literary nor scientific enough to
claim a part in mainstream traditions. Critics particularly note that Hum-
boldt’s narrative clarity was compromised by the weight of his factual knowl-
edge. Scott Slovic remarks that his prose is “smothered” under floods of
information; Nigel Leask also notes that Humboldt’s Personal Narrative is
choked by his so-called “general considerations,” “like some virulent tropical
parasite smothering its host” (Leask 295). Judged as a literary figure, Hum-
boldt has been found wanting.
The fact that Humboldt does not fit our categories has had the unfortunate
effect of marginalizing him. His potential British and American readers today
are inheritors of the very Romantic tradition Humboldt resisted, and by read-
ing him from within that tradition, he can be called, at best, only a limited
success. For this is the very tradition that definitively split literature from sci-
ence, subjective from objective, the lonely, soul-searching artist from the
self-effacing collectivity of science. As Lorraine Daston has written, by the
mid-nineteenth century, “subjectivity became synonymous with the individ-
ual and solitude; objectivity, with the collective and conviviality” (118). Is
Humboldt, then, a hybrid? Does he destabilize the conventional categories?
Or is he simply a failed writer and an obsolete scientist?
Framing the question in these terms foregrounds the role played by
“objectivity” in Humboldt’s work. As both Daston and Peter Galison have
written, “objectivity” is now a fighting word, hopelessly confused, meaning,
variously, the empirical, the rational, the “really real,” and/or the merely
bloodless (Daston 110, Galison, “Judgment” 327). Both these historians of
science write helpfully about the historical formation of objectivity, and
while I will have a little more to say about Daston in a few moments, here I
would like to concentrate on Galison's thumbnail genealogy. Galison identi-
fies three stages in the history of objectivity from Goethe's day to our own.
Pre-1800, the concept of “truth to nature” existed, but it had little to do with
objectivity in its modern sense, a sense that was first articulated by Col-
eridge. Rather, it called for “a set of practices” performed by a natural philos-
opher who idealized and corrected “the unreliable appearances of the given”-
-who revealed the essence behind appearance. The most familiar example
would be Goethe, chasing his Ur-plant across Italy, certain that behind each
and every particular plant must be one essential plant that enfolded them all.
For as Goethe wrote in 1792:
[A]n anatomical archetype [Typus] will be suggested here, a general picture
containing the forms of all animals as potential, one which will guide us to an
orderly description of each animal. . . . The mere idea of an archetype in gen-
eral implies that no particular animal can be used as our point of comparison;
the particular can never serve as a pattern [Muster] for the whole. (quoted in
Galison, Objectivity 17).
Such knowledge required massive intervention by a very active mind.
Goethe understood that in learning to see objects, he was really learning to
see himself by grasping the idea that subtended all appearances, including his
own. Herein, however, lay the great and obvious danger that such a mind
would, in fact, reveal only itself. According to Galison, to counter such a
temptation a second set of practices arose around 1830 that valued, instead,
self-abnegation, self-denial. “Instead of truth to nature, these scientists
aspired to let nature 'speak for itself' through a set of instruments that mini-
mized intervention, hamstrung interpretation, and blocked artistic license”
(Galison, Judgment 328). As Galison documents, such practitioners aspired
to be as transparent and as replaceable as the machines they employed. This
“mechanical” objectivity, after dominating scientific representation for a cen-
tury, was displaced around the 1920s by a third view, a “judgmental” objec-
tivity, which employed the expert judgment of trained and skilled
practitioners to interpret phenomena under the belief that “the expertly
trained eye can often sort phenomena more quickly and effectively than the
rote application of a mechanical protocol” (Objectivity 20). This is the regime
we are still in, though Galison cautions against the belief that earlier genera-
tions were “mistaken” and we have finally and permanently got it right; our
practices, too, may be rooted in the conventions of academic science.
Where, in this well-documented scheme, might Humboldt fit? A writer
like Joan Steigerwald sees him in the Goethean metaphysical tradition, read-
ing behind “the myriad species of plants” to a few groups of “Urformen or
original forms” (317). Yet she acknowledges that Humboldt “developed his
studies in a unique way,” seeking not essential forms but collective impres-
sions produced by vegetation in interaction with physical environment and
registered by the discerning eye of the landscape painter. By emphasizing the
role of perception, Humboldt opens the possibility that the same materials
might take different inquiries in different directions (319). While I would
agree that Humboldt bears traces of his Weimar classicism, I would argue
that his emphasis on the multiple interactions among the triad of subject,
object, and environment fractures and disperses the pre-Romantic ideal of
“truth to nature.” Humboldt is not a younger Goethe seeking the metaphysi-
cal “Real” in the jungles of South America.
Yet neither does Humboldt fit entirely comfortably with the dominant
regime of his maturity, what Galison, as we have seen, calls “mechanical”
objectivity. The hallmark of this viewpoint was the death of the viewer, that
“willing, desiring, intending, and schematizing self”; since the self was
implicated, the solution was, first, to rigorously exclude the self, and then to
silence it. Both Galison and Daston quote Coleridge, whose statement in his
1817 Biographia Literaria was foundational:
Now the sum of all that is merely objective we will henceforth call nature,
confining the term to its passive and material sense, as comprising all the phe-
nomena by which its existence is made known to us. On the other hand the
sum of all that is SUBJECTIVE, we may comprehend in the name SELF or INTEL-
LIGENCE. Both conceptions are in necessary antithesis. Intelligence is con-
ceived of as exclusively representative, nature as exclusively represented; the
one conscious, the other as without consciousness. (Quoted in Daston 113).
These words, of course, were a creative misunderstanding of Kant, cheer-
fully plagiarized from Schelling. At a stroke they separate objective from
subjective in order to restore them to each other through the Transcendental
caveat that the objective world was available to us only through our subjec-
tivity. Thus far Humboldt has already taken us, but he hesitated to take the
next step, which demanded that the active, shaping self must be repressed
“for us to be open to knowledge” (Galison, Objectivity 27). In this condition,
the desire to know forces upon us the responsibility to be “objective,” to get
out of the way and let the facts speak for themselves. It is true that Humboldt
will pointedly recommend an apparently similar move, as when, in Cosmos,
he suggests the reader lay aside his “subjective,” terrestrial interests to see the
universe from a stellar point of view (I: 83); but Humboldt does so in the
spirit of old-fashioned disinterestedness, the necessary capacity to set aside
personal involvement to make fair-minded aesthetic or moral judgments.
Rather than ventriloquizing nature, his nature speaks through many layers of
instruments and interpreters. By contrast, the true Romantic goes farther and
demands more: the utter death of the self. No mediation can be allowed lest it
distort the voice of nature. George Levine, in his cleverly-titled Dying to
Know, quotes the Victorian physicist John Tyndall's popular essay on the
lofty virtue of self-renunciation, “this loyal surrender of himself to Nature
and to fact”: “When prejudice is put under foot and the stains of personal bias
have been washed away -- when a man consents to lay aside his vanity and to
become Nature’s organ -- his elevation is the instant consequence of his
humility” (4). Where Tyndall speaks of an elevating self-denial, the metaphor
is stronger in a writer like Thomas Carlyle, who recommends “Selbst-
Tödung” in a religious fable of death and resurrection. As Levine writes,
“Except it die, it cannot know.”(5)
I have not read every word Humboldt wrote, but I dare say that nowhere
in Humboldt will one find anything like Tyndall's paean to humility. Yes, one
does find an insistence on the necessary role of objectivity to the work of the
scientist, as when Humboldt cautions that the astronomer “who measures
patiently, year after year, the meridian altitude and the relative distance of
stars,” or “the botanist who counts the divisions of the calyx, or the number
of stamens in a flower,” do not feel their imaginations warmed by their
tedious and laborious work--that, in fact, “is the very guarantee of the preci-
sion” of their labors. Yet the measurements of the one and the detail of the
other “alike aid in preparing the way for the attainment of higher views of the
laws of the universe” (Cosmos I: 39). The imagination may give us wings,
but as Bacon long ago had stressed, without the weight of labor, the imagina-
tion soars only into empty and fruitless space. That is the necessity of our
knowing anything real, and Humboldt scoffs at those who foster the “preju-
dice” that the exacting labor of science “must necessarily chill the feelings”
and dull the pleasure of the student of nature. Every step in the journey
toward knowledge has its pleasures; even the tedium of measurement has its
savor of keen anticipation (Cosmos I: 40-41). The way upward may be pre-
pared by cool reason, but it is completed by passionate imagination. This is
not a self “washed away,” but a self invoked.
As science works upwards from fact to joy, so poetry and painting must
work downwards from the spontaneous joy we feel in nature to the analysis
of Nature’s individual objects and forces (Cosmos 1: 27). Pastoral romance,
opines Humboldt the literary critic, is “cold and wearisome”: “individuality
of observation can alone lead to a truthful representation of nature” (Cosmos
II: 68). This is the basis for Humboldt’s entire aesthetic, what I have called
his “empirical holism:” “Descriptions of nature,” he reiterates, “may be
defined with sufficient sharpness and scientific accuracy, without on that
account being deprived of the vivifying breath of imagination.” The poet
familiar with the resources of poetic tradition and his native language, who
uses those resources to describe his own first-hand impressions, will not fail
to impress his readers: “for, in describing the boundlessness of nature, and
not the limited circuit of his own mind, he is enabled to leave to others unfet-
tered freedom of feeling” (Cosmos II:81). While the goal might be unfettered
freedom, that goal cannot be confused with the process, which demands hard
and disciplined work whether one works with language, paint, or scientific
instruments. I
I believe that Humboldt’s attention to the “busy-ness” of scientific labor –
the astronomer measuring, the botanist counting – pervades all his writing
and undercuts the kind of Romantic or mechanical objectivity that demands
the death of the author. The descriptive, scientific sections of Cosmos are per-
meated with the language of comparison and measurement, of “aspects” and
impressions. Observations are tied to specific observers and studded with
footnotes. I would argue, though I don't have the space to demonstrate this
here, that this is characteristic of all of Humboldt’s popular writing. In this
sense he is, perhaps surprisingly, not writing a narrative of nature after all,
but a narrative of science, to use terms adopted from the linguist Greg Myers.
That is, science writing deploys two basic strategies: in the “narrative of
nature,” the plant or animal or phenomenon is the subject, the narrative is
chronological, and the syntax and vocabulary emphasize Nature’s externality
to scientific process. On the other hand, the narrative of science follows the
argument of the scientist, arranging time into a series of parallel events all
supporting the claim, and emphasizing in “syntax and vocabulary the struc-
ture of the discipline” (Myers 142). What's striking here is that today the nar-
rative of science characterizes professional science writing, while the
narrative of nature is the common popular form of science writing--in which,
in other words, following the ideology of objectivity, the agency of the work-
ing scientist is suppressed so that nature appears to speak directly to us. Hum-
boldt, therefore, defies the generic division between popular and professional
science writing. I would speculate that by foregrounding the agency of the
scientist, including himself, Humboldt is experimenting with a genre of pop-
ular science writing that defied the emerging ideology of scientific authority,
including the demand that the scientist himself “die” out of the text, and so, at
least in Anglo-America, came to be widely rejected as unscientific.
If my suggestion is correct, it complicates the frequent assertion that
Humboldt’s writing is “disembodied” or, in Lorraine Daston's terms, “aper-
spectival,” taking this to mean the ideal which by eliminating all personal
idiosyncracies created Thomas Nagel’s oxymoronic “view from nowhere.”
Yes, Humboldt does wish to set aside his personal idiosyncracies. Critics
often complain about the impersonality of his so-called Personal Narrative.
And yes, he does aspire to the view from the mountaintop--literally so, if
there are any mountains in the neighborhood. (So, by the way, did Goethe.)
However, Humboldt’s reluctance to structure his argument chronologically
would be appropriate if he aspired to a narrative of science rather than nature;
furthermore, while he may not chatter on about his autobiography, he does
constantly refer to particular incidents in his experience and, whenever he
deems it relevant, doesn't hesitate to insert his personal impressions about a
region or a phenomenon. For example, Humboldt completes his scientific
account of earthquakes by describing how they feel. “A moment destroys the
illusion of a whole life,” he writes; “we no longer trust the ground on which
we stand.” Animals feel anxious too: Orinoco crocodiles “leave the trembling
bed of the river, and run with loud cries into the adjacent forests” (Cosmos I:
215-16). Since the impression nature makes on the human being is part of
Humboldt’s Cosmos, his account of the Cosmos would be incomplete with-
out recording, as points of relevant data, his own impressions. Sometimes
these “impressions” even interfere with the process of science, as when his
patient stellar measurements cannot be completed because the ferocious
attacks of Orinoco insects make it impossible to steady the instruments.
Taken as science writing, then, Humboldt’s popular works, while they do
repress his personal ego, consistently value the impressionistic and call atten-
tion to the agency of the active, measuring, noticing, collecting scientist.
When he consciously attempts to move that agency into the background, as in
Views of Nature, the resulting prose, as critics have remarked, is dizzying,
dramatic, hyper-kinetic (see Slovik, and Pratt 121-25). It leaps across scale
levels from a bee on the hand to a view of the world, across continents and
oceans and centuries. Instead of a view from nowhere, his gymnastic prose
offers a view from everywhere: Humboldt paints a view of Nature “in the
universality of her relations,” lest by isolating facts he gives currency to
“false ideas.” The ties which unite the most varied phenomena – plants, ani-
mals, soil, rocks, air, mankind – can be discovered “only when we have
acquired the habit of viewing the globe as a great whole,” such that the least
thing or the greatest is visible as a nexus of natural forces (PN I: 104-5). The
result, as Pratt remarks, is a prose that can be exhausting to read: as Hum-
boldt works hard, so does he expect his reader to work too.
Another result, ironically, undercuts one of his most important goals: that
his vision and his working methods be shared. Humboldt does not, that is,
claim that his is a transcendent genius, caught in rare visionary moments and
available only to the privileged few. (Compare nineteenth-century stereo-
types of Newton, and in our own time, of Einstein.) Contemplation of the
Cosmos is “the property of all mankind,” and he strives to write for both his
fellow elite and for those who will never measure a meridian altitude. This
means he must worry about how best to “remove the scaffolding” of observa-
tion, experiments, and calculations so that general views may be made avail-
able to all (Cosmos I: 46-48). In effect, he must teach the reader how to read
not only Nature, but Humboldt: “to recognize unity in the vast diversity of
phenomena, and by the exercise of thought and the combination of observa-
tions, to discern the constancy of phenomena in the midst of apparent
changes.” Descents to “very special facts” are occasionally necessary, he
warns, but only thus can actual connections be traced and the whole of nature
be approached (Cosmos I: 61). In part, of course, Humboldt succeeded bril-
liantly. In the United States, some of his readers went on to change the face of
American landscape painting, American literature, and the North American
continent itself. Yet in adopting his methodology, the great man himself dis-
appeared. His signature was not his own unique organizing consciousness,
but the power of any organizing consciousness. Thus Humboldt could never
point to a flock of disciples all claiming allegiance to their famous leader, a
fact noted by one of his most famous protégés, Louis Agassiz, in his memo-
rial address of 1869: “Every school-boy is familiar with his methods now, but
he does not know that Humboldt is his teacher. The fertilizing power of a
great mind is truly wonderful; but as we travel farther from the source, it is
hidden from us by the very abundance and productiveness it has caused”
(Agassiz 5-6).
Yet for a while at least, everyone knew Humboldt’s name, and here lies
the irony. His planetary consciousness was predicated on the hope that every-
one could participate. His was a collectivist, populist vision that can be traced
right back to his enthusiasm for the French Revolution. As he showed, creat-
ing the Cosmos was a project of the whole human race. Yet even as demo-
cratic, populist America absorbed his ideals and celebrated his name, it
became a truism that Humboldt was so great, so expansive, such a virtuoso of
all knowledge, that no one could ever replace him. In seeking to avoid tran-
scendence, Humboldt brought it on himself, and so made himself curiously
irrelevant to later generations. Who could follow in such footsteps? His pro-
gram was fragmented, bureaucratized, mechanized, professionalized, and as
Agassiz remarked, the new armies that grew up using his maps and his meth-
ods forgot his very name.
To summarize and conclude: objectivity was born out of the cauldron of
German-Anglo idealism, and with it, the disciplined disarticulation of objec-
tive and subjective that led to the crystallization of science and literature as
antithetical intellectual realms. We know this and brand it with our own tru-
ism, the “Two Cultures,” the unforgettable term coined in a forgettable lec-
ture by C.P. Snow that ever since has named both a fact and, for some, a
discontent. Recently, more and more voices have called for a consilience of
the humanities and the sciences, for while the disciplinary limits they desig-
nate have been powerfully productive, the realities of the 21st century defy
those limits, and we are still groping for a language and a methodology by
which mind can be restored to nature. Two hundred years ago, Humboldt was
working out a different trajectory, a bold and experimental form of discourse
that articulated subject and object together and that bound the arts and sci-
ences in a mutual spiral of beauty and knowledge, discipline and freedom.
Yet modernism, as it developed, absorbed and reshaped Humboldt’s project
into its own, and in its terms, Humboldt appears to us as a curiosity, a fasci-
nating, larger-then-life figure who fits poorly into our historiographies and
so, despite his evident importance, seems marginal to all but the most special-
ized scholarly inquiries. For those of us who seek consilience today, the ques-
tion might be: Is some version of Humboldt’s aesthetic science retrievable?
Or is he simply an anomaly, an intellectual platypus? It would be still another
irony if the man who rejected mere curiosities, who saw every object and
every phenomenon as a nexus in the web of being, should become no more
than a curiosity himself.
Bibliography
Agassiz, Louis. Address Delivered on the Centennial Anniversary of the
Birth of Alexander von Humboldt. Boston: Boston Society of Natural
History, 1869.
Daston, Lorraine. “Objectivity and the Escape from Perspective.” In The Sci-
ence Studies Reader, ed. Mario Biogioli. New York: Routledge, 1999:
110-123.
Galison, Peter. “Judgment against Objectivity.” In Picturing Science, Produc-
ing Art, ed. Caroline A. Jones and Peter Galison. New York: Routledge,
1998: 327-59.
—. “Objectivity is Romantic.” In Jerome Friedman et al., The Humanities
and the Sciences, ACLS Occasional Paper No. 47. New York: American
Council of Learned Societies, 1999, 15-56.
Humboldt, Alexander. Cosmos: A Sketch of the Physical Description of the
Universe. 2 vols. Trans. Elise Otté. (1850). Facsimile ed. Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999.
Kant, Immanuel. Metaphysical Foundations of Natural Science. 1786. Trans.
by James Ellington. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970.
Leask, Nigel. Curiosity and the Aesthetics of Travel Writing, 1770-1840.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.
Levine, George. Dying to Know: Scientific Epistemology and Narrative in
Victorian England. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002.
Myers, Greg. Writing Biology: Texts in the Social Construction of Scientific
Knowledge. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990.
Slovik, Scott. “Alexander von Humboldt’s Comparative Method of Land-
scape Description.” Decodings: The Newsletter of the Society for Litera-
ture and Science, 1990.
Steigerwald, Joan. “Goethe’s Morphology: Urphänomene and Aesthetic
Appraisal,” Journal of the History of Biology 35.2 (Summer 2002): 291-
328.
CHAPTER 22 Científico y Poeta
Luisa V. De Castillo
Introducción
En su obra Cosmos Humboldt afirma:
para que esta obra sea digna de la bellísima expresión de Cosmos, que sig-
nifica el orden en el Universo y la magnificencia en el orden, es necesario que
abrace y describa el gran Todo; es preciso clasificar y coordinar los fenó-
menos, penetrar el juego de las fuerzas que los producen, y pintar en fin, con
animado lenguaje, una viviente imagen de la realidad, que comprende desde
las profundidades del espacio ocupadas por las nebulosas más remotas, la
zona de las estrellas, de que es una parte nuestro sistema solar, la esfera ter-
restre con su envoltura gaseosa y líquida, con su forma, su temperamento y su
tensión magnética, hasta los seres dotados de vida que la acción fecundante
de la luz desarrolla en su superficie.1
Humboldt afirma que para abarcar toda la naturaleza como un Todo, es
necesario contemplarla bajo dos aspectos, el científico y el literario. Después
de haber observado los fenómenos en su realidad objetiva, con sus contornos
fijos y todo el rigor de la ciencia, expresarlos en una forma literaria, que
refleje los sentimientos de la humanidad. En el segundo tomo de su obra Cos-
mos, con el título de Estímulos para el Estudio de la Naturaleza se ocupa
especialmente del aspecto estético de su concepción Total.
Como científico estaba dentro de la corriente del positivismo de la cien-
cia, que renuncia a todo lo trascendente, que se reduce a la averiguación y
comprobación de las leyes dadas por la experiencia, y ello no sólo para los
fenómenos físicos, sino también para los puramente espirituales, para el
mundo de lo social y moral.
1. Alejandro de Humboldt. Cosmos.o ensayo de una descripción física del globo. (
Madrid: Edit. Vicente García T. 1851-1852 ) .
259
Los dos medios que posee el hombre para la descripción de la Naturaleza
son las expresiones estéticas y la pintura...Al efecto afirma Hanno Beck:
“inseparablemente ligados a estos resultados científicos de Humboldt se
encuentra el ideal clásico humanista y una teoría del arte cuyo realismo se
revela tanto en el estilo como en el dibujo.”2 Aspiraba a una comprensión
científica, que con la ayuda de la imagen real, vendría a ser profundizada y
enriquecida. Principalmente le interesaba hallar objetivos visuales, de los que
se servía como un pincel fino, a fin de conformar los cuadros en una forma
atractiva y a la vez fiel a la naturaleza.
Su obra Cuadros de la Naturaleza es un testimonio abierto por primera
vez de una nueva literatura, en la que la topografía está mezclada con consid-
eraciones de carácter científico e histórico. En su Ensayo de una Geografía
de las Plantas nos habla de ese mundo tropical que le causó un gran asombro.
Trata de representar cómo influye esa naturaleza sobre el carácter y el sen-
timiento de los pueblos y lo expresa por medio de la forma literaria y la pin-
tura...El nombre de “selva” primitivo, dice Humboldt, corresponde sólo a los
trópicos, porque se trata de un territorio impenetrable en el que no se puede
abrir camino con el hacha, pues existen árboles hasta de 12 pies de diámetro.
Existen en el Orinoco y en el Amazonas. Debe su exuberancia maravillosa a
la influencia combinada de la humedad y el calor. Una característica es la
multiplicidad de especies y los ríos con sus innumerables afluentes que son
los únicos caminos del país, navegando en un tronco de árbol tallado for-
mando una canoa. La prueba de la impenetrabilidad la proporciona el jaguar,
el gran tigre de América.
Admiraba las descripciones de la Naturaleza de Buffon y Bernardin de
Saint Pierre, que son capaces de procurar al alma los goces más nobles,
además de atestiguar cómo la historia del hombre y de la civilización se rela-
ciona con las ciencias naturales, pues si el comienzo de la civilización es
determinado por sus condiciones físicas, al menos el carácter de un pueblo, el
humor sombrío o alegre del hombre dependen principalmente de sus condi-
ciones climatológicas. Tenía el convencimiento de la influencia del mundo
físico sobre el moral, esa correlación misteriosa entre lo sensible y lo
sobrenatural, dan al estudio de la naturaleza, contemplada con elevación, un
rasgo muy particular, aún muy poco apreciado. Su interés era la presentación
artística de la vegetación. Había realizado estudios sobre la técnica del gra-
bado en cobre y sus trabajos fueron expuestos en Berlín en 1786 y 1788. Pos-
teriormente recibió clases de dibujo en París con Francois Gerard, a fin de
que los dibujos y pinturas presentaran una imagen veraz sobre las formas,
colores, y las texturas de las plantas estudiadas científicamente.
2. Hanno Beck. El Arte descubre un continente..( Berlín: Exposición del Instituto

Iberoamericano, 1961).
Científico y Poeta 261
En sus nociones sobre la fisonomía de los vegetales destaca que entre las
sensaciones múltiples que el hombre experimenta investigando los misterios
de la naturaleza, o midiendo con su imaginación, los vastos espacios de la
creación orgánica, no existe más profunda ni más poderosa, que la que hace
nacer en él la abundancia de la vida universalmente difundida. En su estudio
sobre los seres animados dice que hasta en los polos helados, el aire resuena
con el canto de los pájaros y el zumbido de los insectos. Las capas inferiores
de la atmósfera, donde flotan vapores condensados, así como las capas supe-
riores, puras, etéreas, son la morada de seres animados.3
Cuando se sabe abrazar la naturaleza con una sola mirada y hacer abstrac-
ción de los fenómenos locales, se ve cómo el poder de la vida orgánica crece
del polo al ecuador, en proporción del poder vivificante. Pero en esta multi-
tud de producciones, en cada zona son reservadas bellezas especiales: en los
trópicos, la multiplicidad y grandeza de formas vegetales; en el Norte, el
aspecto de las praderas y el despertar periódico de la Naturaleza al primer
soplo de la primavera...Además de las ventajas que le son propias, cada zona
tiene una fisonomía distintiva particular. El azul del cielo, la luz, la neblina
lejana, la forma de los animales, la exuberancia de los vegetales, el esplendor
del follaje, el contorno de las montañas, todos estos elementos determinan la
impresión general de un país. Los vegetales hablan a nuestra imaginación por
su fijeza y tamaño.
Humboldt, El Poeta y El Científico

Consecuente con sus observaciones científicas y literarias, en la Zona Tórr-
ida, describe la longitud Oeste del primer meridiano suramericana de 4h.
15´18´´, de París. Admira la pureza , belleza y esplendor del cielo bajo el
fulgor de Venus, que presenta halos luminosos, con los colores del arco iris;
continúa con la bóveda estrellada del Sur: el Sagitario, la Corona Austral, la
Cruz del Sur, el Triángulo Austral, el Altar y el Centauro, que puede medirse
con el Orión. Entonces afirma: “Observo una altura que me hace gemir y
transpirar.”
En la noche del 4 al 5 de julio de 1799 vieron por primera vez Humboldt y
Bonpland la Cruz del Sur. Humboldt exclama:
aquella noche vi cumplirse uno de los sueños de mi temprana juventud...Salú-
dase una estrella en la soledad de los mares como a un amigo de quien se
hubiera estado largo tiempo separado...Teniendo más o menos las dos grandes
estrellas que marcan el tope y el pie de la Cruz, la misma ascensión recta,
resulta que la constelación está casi perpendicular en el momento en que pasa
por el meridiano. Esta circunstancia es conocida por todos los pueblos que
3. Humboldt. Cuadros de la Naturaleza, (Barcelona: Edit. Iberia S.A. 1961)

habitan más allá del trópico en el hemisferio austral... Cuántas veces hemos
oído decir a nuestro guías en las sabanas de Venezuela, “Es media noche; la
Cruz empieza a ladearse.4
El primer país visitado por ambos científicos fue Venezuela. Al llegar a
las playas de Cumaná le escribe a su hermano Guillermo: ¡Qué país posee el
rey católico! ¡Qué árboles¡ Cocoteros de 50 a 60 pies de altura con llamilletes
de un pie de altura de flores de un rojo vivo magnífico, del tamaño de una
mano, plátanos y una masa de árboles con hojas monstruosas, de las que no
sabemos nada. ¡Qué numerosas son las plantas más pequeñas aún no exami-
nadas y qué colores poseen los pájaros, los peces, hasta los cangrejos! !Hasta
ahora nos hemos paseado como locos; en los tres primeros días no pudimos
decidir nada, porque se rechaza un tema para interesarse por otro!5
FIGURE 22-1.
Humboldt descubre nuevamente a América para la ciencia, para la liter-

atura y para el arte. El exotismo, exuberancia y grandeza del paisaje ameri-
cano se convierten en la meta de ese romanticismo científico que se
caracteriza por el afán de conquistar lo desconocido y el infinito, por las
ansias de realizar un proyecto fabuloso, una identificación con la naturaleza,
por la alegría y la tristeza de vivir, por el deseo de comprender mejor el des-
4. Humboldt, Viaje a las Regiones Equinocciales del Nuevo Continente. (Buenos Aires:
MEN, Imprenta Löpez. T.1, 257.)
5. Humboldt, Cartas Americanas, ( Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacuho, 15 ).
tino del hombre, el disfrute de lo exótico y el mismo tiempo la nostalgia del
pasado. Estos rasgos se observan en las memorias de nuestro viajero.
El Nuevo Mundo le ofrece por primera vez la variedad de paisajes de los
trópicos. El prestigio de la imaginación, sin la cual no puede haber obra
humana verdaderamente grande – afirma Humboldt – da singular atractivo a
las obras de Colón, y Vespucio, de Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, Antonio de
Montesinos, Juan de castellanos Bernal Díaz del Castillo, Clavigero y
muchos otros cronistas. Y él mismo, en ese Nuevo Mundo confirmó el cono-
cimiento teórico de la documentación histórica, con la tradición oral y princi-
palmente con la vivencia personal, orientado por su gran cultura. Es el
primero en señalar la importancia de los viajes en la evolución de las ideas y
la presencia fecundante del exotismo en la vida artística del viejo continente.
FIGURE 22-2.
Dentro de su narración literaria, que fluye paralela junto al carácter cientí-

fico, hace un estudio de la geografía, de los trescientos años de la adminis-
tración hispánica, de los rasgos presentes todavía en la historia de los pueblos
y ciudades hispanoamericanas, la religión, les leyes, las costumbres e ideas,
caracteres estos que constituyen nuestra identidad nacional. También, desde
el punto de vista científico, fue el pionero de la geografía botánica, ciencias
geológicas, sismología, paleon-tología, climatología, mineralogía ciencias
del mar, espeleología y otras ramas interdisciplinarias, enriquecidas en el
continente americano. Y posteriormente en 1829, en su viaje a Rusia.
Al ilustre viajero le parece que cada nuevo país que visita y explora es aún
más bello que el que ha descrito anteriormente y le duele no encontrar pala-
bras para expresar las dulces sensaciones que experimenta. El arte hace más
vivas las impresiones y añade grandeza y fidelidad a las imágenes. Compa-
rando el viejo y el nuevo continente agrega que en el viajo mundo son los
pueblos y los matices de civilización los que le dan al cuadro su principal
carácter; en el nuevo, el hombre y sus producciones desaparecen, por decirlo
así, en medio de una gigantesca y salvaje naturaleza.
Junto a las investigaciones científicas nos da una visión futura sobre los
acontecimientos políticos y sociales que se iban a producir en la América his-
pana. Estas apreciaciones las transcribió en su Diario, obra maestra y menos
conocida, donde se observa una gran diferencia sobre algunos conceptos
emitidos en su Viaje a las Regiones Equinocciales. El viajero alemán tuvo
siempre una clara percepción sobre la verdadera situación política y social de
los países por él visitados. Refleja un pleno conocimiento de los movimientos
en contra de la autoridad española y así hizo un agudo análisis de los cabildos
americanos y de cómo habían evolucionado desde los primeros tiempos de la
conquista y la fundación de las primeras ciudades. Se sorprendió también
nuestro sabio al llegar a Caracas en 1800, que tenía una población de 40.000
personas, de que no tenía imprenta, y por ende, de la dificultad de la difusión
masiva del pensamiento y de la cultura.
Las Maravillas de su Odisea Americana
Venezuela tuvo el excepcional privilegio de ser el primer país que visitó el
sabio universal en su grandioso periplo, cuyos resultados científicos iban a
conmocionar en breve los conocimientos tenidos hasta entonces en muchas
ciencias. Fue éste el Viaje a las Regiones Equinocciales del Nuevo Conti-
nente hecho en 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802, 1803 y 1804, visitando Venezuela,
Cuba, Colombia, Ecuador, Perú, México y los Estados Unidos de América,
realizado con el sabio botánico francés Aimé Bonpland, hoy reconocido este
último, como el primer europeo que captó en toda su profundidad la energía y
capacidad del hombre que iba a iniciar la independencia de la América his-
pana: el Libertador Simón Bolívar, en ese entonces, 1805, un joven de apenas
22 años.
Este singular privilegio de Venezuela de ser la primera tierra americana
pisada por Humboldt, significó que una excepcional cantidad de plantas, ani-
males, minerales y fenómenos geológicos de todo tipo, fueran observados por
primera vez en Venezuela, país del cual guardó siempre un especial afecto
por haber sido su pórtico de acceso al Nuevo Mundo.
Con lujo de detalles y una hermosísima prosa, Humboldt describe las
maravillas de nuestro país con una exactitud que hoy, después de 200 años de
su visita, asombra por su equilibrio y exactitud. Con su aguda observación
nos presenta la emoción poética que llena su espíritu al observar por primera
vez los animales, plantas, montañas, las rocas, los minerales, el sistema marí-
timo y fluvial, la bóveda celeste de los trópicos y otros rasgos jamás soñados
en la Europa de la Ilustración y la cultura.
FIGURE 22-3.
En el Oriente de Venezuela visita el valle de Caripe y la “cueva El Guá-

charo” donde habitaba el famoso pájaro, que da su nombre a la gruta, con sus
originales estalactitas y estalagmitas, que compara el sabio con el Tártaro de
los griegos. Observa los ritos religiosos de los indígenas. Estos acostumbra-
ban celebrar sus ceremonias en el atrio de la cueva. Van allí y consultan a los
piaches, que consideraban todopoderosos y que intervenían ante los espíritus
malignos que habitan en la oscuridad. Les hablan de sus desgracias y sus
enfermedades y sobre los antepasados que han muerto, que según ellos habi-
tan en el fondo de la cueva. Entonces Humboldt concluye que las religiones
de los pueblos tienen mucho en común. Las leyendas griegas también nos
hablan de la triste mansión de los muertos, situada en las profundidades de la
tierra, adonde se llega a través de varias entradas o cavernas. Allí todo es
llanto y desesperación y las almas de los malos llegan al Tártaro conducidas
por el barquero Caronte. Allí también estaban las arpías, con sus rostros de
viejas, sus garras y sus cuerpos de buitres.
El periplo jubiloso de Humboldt y Bonpland continúa en Cumaná, Nueva
Barcelona, el Fortín del Morro, La Guaira y la ciudad de Caracas. Con la
poesía del virtuoso de las letras y la visión del Geógrafo, describe la bellaza
en el ascenso de las cordilleras y el panorama de la serena Caracas colonial,
rodeada de haciendas y de paz, pero ya agitada por los movimientos revolu-
cionarios, adonde llega por el antiguo camino de los españoles, que describe
poéticamente: “El camino de La Guaira al valle de Caracas es infinitamente
más hermoso que el de Honda a Santa Fe, y el de Guayaquil a Quito... ofrece
una magnífica perspectiva... se descubre el horizonte de más de 22 leguas de
radio; es deslumbrante la masa de luz que refleja el litoral blanco y árido...
con sus cocoteros y sus bajeles que entran y salen del puerto... regueros de
nubes, fuertemente iluminadas en su parte superior, parecen descansar como
islotes movedizos, sobre la superficie inmensa del océano... Descúbranse de
tiempo en tiempo los árboles y las habitaciones al través de las aberturas que
dejan las nubes empujadas por el viento... Del lado opuesto se descubren los
llanos infinitos.6
FIGURE 22-4.
Continúa por los valles de Aragua la visita del célebre Samán de Güere,
que describe como una especie de mimosa cuyos brazos tortuosos forman
una capa hemisférica de 576 pies de circunferencia., con 60 pies de alto y 9
de diámetro... Los brazos se extienden como un hermoso parasol y se incli-
nan todos hacia el suelo... Señala que era venerado por sus habitantes... Al
final de su vida, en 1858, el anciano contempló la imagen del árbol, se echó a
llorar y enternecido exclamó: ese hermoso árbol, está lo mismo que lo vi hace
sesenta años, ninguna de sus ramas se ha doblado...continúa hacia las fuentes
termales de Mariara y de las Trincheras, el Lago de Valencia y Puerto
Cabello, cuya serena maravilla natural y acogedora impresionó vivamente a
los viajeros como uno de los mejores puertos de ambos continentes. Se
desplazan luego hacia el llano adentro, se detienen en varios pueblos y llegan
a los llanos, que asombran a los viajeros por su inmensidad. Allí observa las
grandes manadas de ganado vacuno y caballar y se emocionan con los peces
“tembladores”, las temibles anguilas eléctricas de los caños y pantanos...
6. Humboldt. Viaje... T..ll , 285.
Pasan por San Fernado de Apure y finalmente se internan en las inmen-
sidades del soberbio Orinoco. El 5 de abril de 1800, Humboldt y Bonpland se
encuentran en la confluencia del río Apure y el Orinoco. Una inmensa llanura
de agua se extendía ante sus ojos, como si fuera un lago. Blanqueaban las
olas levantándose a varios pies de altura, por el conflicto de la corriente con
la brisa. Apenas se distinguían en las concavidades de las olas algunos
inmensos cocodrilos. El horizonte estaba limitado por una fila de selvas y
vastas playas abrasadas por el sol, aparentaban charcas de aguas durmientes.
Humboldt señala la soledad y grandeza peculiares del curso del Orinoco... En
ese sitio la anchura del río es de 3714 metros de ancho y durante el período
de las lluvias alcanza a 10.753 metros. Se encontraron con los indios caribes.
El cacique remontaba el río en su piragua para participar en la famosa pesca
de los huevos de tortuga. Los indios estaban desnudos y armados con arcos y
flechas, sus cuerpos cubiertos de onoto, que les daba un color rojizo a su piel.
Eran hombres de una estatura atlética. El viento los condujo a la boca de la
Tortuga, isla donde se efectuaba la pesca de los huevos. Allí acampaban en
sus chozas techadas con hojas de palmera. Hundían en el suelo una larga pér-
tiga y sondeando con ella, descubrían donde estaban los huevos, al tocar la
tierra movediza. Humboldt nombra dos clases de tortuga: la Terekai y la
Arrau. Extraían la parte aceitosa y la colocaban en botijas o jarras. La piragua
de Humboldt consistía en un tronco de árbol ahuecado de 40 pies de largo y 3
de ancho. Allí llevaban su pequeño zoológico.
Los grandes cuadrúpedos de estas regiones, tigres, dantas y váquiros,
practicaron aberturas en el seño de esta selva, por ahí salían a beber al río y
como temían poco la aproximación de una canoa, se tenía el gusto de verlos
costear libremente la ribera, hasta que desaparecían en la selva: Confieso que
tales escenas, que a menudo se repiten, han conservado siem-pre el mayor
atractivo para mí. El placer que se experimenta no se debe sólo al interés que
pone el naturalista en los objetos de sus estudios, sino que depende de un sen-
timiento común a todos los hombres educados en los hábitos de la civiliza-
ción. Véase uno en contacto con un mundo nuevo, con una naturaleza salvaje
e indómita: ya es el jaguar, hermosa pantera de América, que aparece en la
ribera; ya el paují, de plumas negras y cabeza empenachada...Sucédanse unos
tras otros, animales de las clases más diferentes. Es como el paraíso, decía
nuestro patrón. Todo, en efecto, recuerda aquí ese estado del mundo primi-
tivo...La Edad de Oro ha cesado, y en este paraíso de las selvas americanas,
como en otra parte cualquiera, una triste y larga experiencia ha enseñado a
todos los seres que raras veces se hallan unidas la dulzura con la fuerza.7
El río Orinoco al dirigirse de sur a norte, se ve atravesado por una ser-
ranía de montes graníticos. Constreñido en dos puntos de su curso, se rompe
7. Humboldt. Viaje.... T V, 293.

con estruendo contra unas rocas que forman gradas y diques transversales,
formando así los llamados raudales de Atures y Maipures. Forman un tor-
rente espumoso de una milla de anchura, en el centro se elevan rocas de color
ferruginoso, como fortalezas en ruinas, en medio de islotes con árboles fron-
dosos. No se trata de una sola catarata como la del Niágara o el Tequedama.
Eran diferentes cascadas de diversas formas y tamaños, movimientos tumul-
tuosos del agua, provenientes de las disposiciones del terreno, que formaban
chorros y remolinos, islotes y escollos. Para transportar la piragua se tiraban a
tierra 23 indios, la colocaban sobre troncos de árboles a manera de rodillos y
así la arrastraban hasta el fin de los raudales durante cuatro días. Allí diseca-
ron las plantas y Humboldt redactó parte de su Diario. Para Humboldt estos
lugares resultaron imponentes: Ni el salto de Tequendama, cerca de Santa Fe
de Bogotá, ni las grandes escenas de las cordilleras han podido atenuar la
impresión que en mí había producido la primitiva vista de Atures y
Maipures.8
FIGURE 22-5.
Se embarcaron el 6 de mayo en el caño Pimichín para seguir hasta el Río

Negro. La comunicación entre el Río Negro y el Orinoco por el Casiquiare
era conocida por los misioneros desde hacía 50 años. El propósito de ilustre
8. Humboldt. Viaje... 101-102.
científico era determinar, por medio de observaciones astronómicas, el curso
del Casiquiare, desde su bifurcación en el Orinoco hasta su entrada en el Río
Negro, comprobando así su comunicación con el Amazonas. El Río Negro
era de gran importancia para España y Portugal, porque ofrecía un camino
fácil a la potencia lusitana para introducirse en las misiones españolas.
Después de todo lo que habíamos soportado hasta ese momento, pienso que
se me permitirá hablar de la satisfacción que sentimos al alcanzar los aflu-
entes del Amazonas, de haber pasado el istmo que separa dos sistemas de
ríos, de estar seguro de llenar el fin más importante de nuestro viaje que era el
de determinar astronómicamente el curso de este brazo del Orinoco que cae
en el Río Negro, y cuya existencia, después de medio siglo, fue probada y
negada alternativamente. El propósito que se persigue por mucho tiempo,
parece aumentar en interés a medida que se acerca su realización.”9
FIGURE 22-6.
Luego de no pocas dificultades, los viajeros regresan haciendo centenares

de kilómetros por la interminable y magnífica vía fluvial que se extiende
desde el caño Casiquiare hasta el Orinoco, para finalizar la grandiosa expe-
dición en territorio venezolano. Llegan a Angostura, hoy Ciudad Bolívar, y
vuelven a la ciudad de Cumaná. Habían hecho en 75 días, por los cinco
grandes ríos Apure, Orinoco, Atabapo, río Negro y Casiquiare un viaje de
500 leguas.
Siguen su viaje a Cuba, donde modifican el plan de su odisea. Llegan a
Cartagena, remontan el río Magdalena, hasta Honda y Bogotá, donde gozan
de un recibimiento excepcional del Virrey y del sabio científico José Celes-
9. Humboldt . Viaje...156.
tino Mutis. En Popayán continúan sus observaciones magnéticas, como era
su costumbre, en todos los sitios importantes y aumentan sus colecciones
mineralógicas. Continúan por la cordillera, por el paso de Quindío, de suelo
resbaladizo, cubierto de fango, en el que las mulas habían sido sustituidas por
seres humanos para hacer el transporte, pues los indígenas llevaban a los
blancos en sus espaldas, sentados éstos cómodamente en sillas ajustadas a sus
cuerpos. Estos seres humanos eran llamados “caballitos,” lo que le produjo a
Humboldt una gran indignación y se negó a ser transportado en las espaldas
de los pobres indios y mestizos... Contrató entonces 12 bueyes para llevar su
equipaje y siguieron a pie por toda la ruta, en algunos tramos hundidos hasta
las rodillas y con los pies destrozados. Humboldt refleja así un hombre de
una gigantesca dimensión humana, el que consideraba a sus congéneres
como a sus hermanos, el que se conmovía ante cualquier acto generoso, el
que levantaba su voz de protesta ante una actitud injusta, el que sufría por las
escenas de esclavitud presenciada en la plaza de Cumaná. Ascienden el
páramo de Pasto, llegan a Ibarra (2 de enero de 1802). Allí se encuentran con
el joven naturalista Francisco José Caldas, con quien sigue hasta Quito,
ciudad de 35 mil habitantes, donde conoció al patriota Carlos Montúfar,
quien los acompaña en su viaje a los Estados Unidos y el de regreso a
Europa.
FIGURE 22-7.
Siguen ambos viajeros hasta Quito, allí realizaron en 9 meses una extensa
investigación geográfica. Afirma que la cordillera de los Andes se divide en
muchos brazos separados entre sí por valles longitudinales formando una sola
masa erizada de cimas volcánicas colocadas en doble fila, las cimas más ele-
vadas forman la cordillera como una doble cresta; cúspides colosales y cubi-
ertas de hielos permanentes, que sirvieron de referencias en las
investigaciones practicadas por académicos franceses para la medida del polo
ecuatorial. La comisión, integrada principalmente por La Condamine,
Bouger y Godin, estuvo encargada en 1736 de determinar la magnitud y
forma de la tierra. El resultado de sus operaciones en el Ecuador se publicó
en 1749.
FIGURE 22-8.
FIGURE 22-9.
Después de dos intentos, llegaron a escalar el volcán Pichincha, a 14.940

pies de altura sobre el nivel del mar, el Antisana (16 de mayo) el Cotopaxi
(28 de abril). Tomaron la topografía de estos volcanes barométrica y
geométricamente y las formaciones mineralógicas. Posteriormente el ascenso
del Chimborazo, que marca el punto más alto de su investigación geográfica
en las cumbres andinas y se consideraba en esa época como la cumbre de
mayor altura del globo terráqueo., 18.096 pies.10
En Perú estudia detenidamente la cultura Inca, admira las ruinas, las
pirámides, los canales, las riquezas de oro y plata, la organización de sus
habitantes. En Lima permanecen cerca de dos meses. Vía Guayaquil se diri-
gen hacia México, y llegan a las playas de Acapulco el 22 de marzo de 1803.
En México hace un estudio de la corteza terrestre, como lo había hecho en
los otros sitios visitados; concluye que: en todos los climas la corteza pétrea
del globo presenta al viajero el mismo aspecto, reconociendo con emoción
sincera, en medio de un nuevo mundo, las rocas de su país natal... La super-
posición de las rocas secundarias sigue las mismas leyes en las regiones más
distantes una de otra; por todas partes, en fin, atestiguan los monumentos
igual proceso en las revoluciones que han cambiado progresivamente la
superficie del globo.11
En el Virreinato de la Nueva España visita alrededor de 50 sitios difer-
entes: accidentes del la naturaleza, montañas, volcanes pueblos y ciudades.
Hace un profundo estudio del Virreinato en todos los órdenes de la cultura,
entendida en su más amplia acepción. Afirma que México debe contarse sin
duda alguna entre las más hermosas ciudades que los europeos han fundado
en ambos hemisferios.12 Enumera los edificios e instituciones más impor-
tantes de la ciudad, muchos de los cuales no existían en las otras ciudades
hispanoamericanas: la Catedral, la Casa de la Moneda, los Conventos, los
Hospicios para niños y ancianos, la Acordada, cárcel bastante espaciosa, la
Escuela de Minas, el Jardín Botánico, la Universidad, la Biblioteca Pública,
la Academia de Bellas Artes, la estatua ecuestre de Carlos lV. Contempla los
antiguos monumentos mexicanos, las pirámides de Teotihuacan. Presenta al
virrey Iturrigaray las Tablas Geográficas Políticas del Reino de la Nueva
España Estudian el Popocatépetl y el Iztaccihuatl. En Estados Unidos deja
Humboldt el primer manuscrito de su viaje por sur América.
La Literatura y La Naturaleza
Humboldt tenía el convencimiento de que la obra debía reunir, junto al valor
científico, la forma literaria, por ello en su obra convergen los dos factores.
Estudia también los primitivos mitos de los pueblos y considera que son la
raíz de las primeras nociones cosmográficas y físicas: Los hechos de la histo-
ria y de la geografía primitiva no son sólo ficciones ingeniosas, puesto que
10. Hanno Beck. Amerikanische Reise (Stuttgart: Thienemanns Verlag. 1985)

11. Alejandro de Humboldt. Sitios de la Cordilleras y Monumentos de los Pueblos
Indígenas de América (Buenos Aires: Solar/Hachette. 1968).
12. Alejandro de Humboldt. Ensayo Político sobre el Reino de la Nueva España. (México.
Editorial Porrúa, 15. 1984).
reflejan las opiniones formadas acerca del mundo real.13 Estudia también las
descripciones de la naturaleza en las antiguas literaturas. Cómo influye en
ellas el sentimiento de la naturaleza, cómo se refleja la vida interior y la
emoción que la visión del mundo físico le impone a la imaginación del poeta,
aún sin que éste tenga clara conciencia de ello. Analiza la literatura indú, que
demuestra una profunda reflexión sobre las leyes de la naturaleza, una ten-
dencia contemplativa, fondo de su poesía. Estudia los Vedas, el más antiguo
monumento de los pueblos de Asia Oriental, también el Ramayana, el Maha-
barata y los Puranas.
Recuerda que las naciones semíticas y arameas presentan el testimonio
del sentimiento profundo de la naturaleza, expresado con grandeza y esplen-
dor en las leyendas pastoriles, los himnos sagrados y los cantos líricos en los
tiempos del rey David. Siente que la poesía hebrea ofrece elevación y profun-
didad. Según Humboldt, uno de los caracteres distintivos de la poesía de la
Naturaleza entre los hebreos, es que, reflejo del monoteísmo, abraza siempre
el mundo en una imponente unidad, comprendiendo a la vez el globo terrestre
y los luminosos espacios del cielo. El Salmo 103 es por sí solo un bosquejo
del universo y un canto a Jehová. El libro de Job, con las descripciones de los
accidentes meteorológicos en la región de las nubes, con sus caprichosos jue-
gos de luz, la formación del granizo y el trueno, constituye la obra más aca-
bada de la poesía hebrea. También Goethe califica el Libro de Ruth, como el
poema más delicioso de la epopeya y el idilio. Estudia los griegos y romanos:
Platón, Aristóteles, Virgilio, Horacio, Tibulo, Julio César, Tito Livio, Tácito,
quienes reflejan sus concepciones sobre el orden que preside el Universo...
En Virgilio observa un conocimiento profundo de la Naturaleza, en los
armónicos colores de los cuadros de su epopeya: la calma del mar y la tran-
quilidad de la noche. Se familiariza también con la literatura árabe, la rena-
centista, la contemporánea, buscando la huella de las descripciones animadas
de las escenas de la naturaleza y cómo ha de influir en diferentes pueblos y
épocas distintas... Estudia la literatura del siglo de Oro: Calderón, Cervantes,
Lope de Vega... Los románticos, desde la segunda mitad del siglo XVlll: en
los que la inteligente contemplación de los fenómenos no ha sido sofocada
bajo el peso material de la ciencia, como Rousseau, Klopstock, Schiller,
Goethe, Byron.”14 La Naturaleza es para ellos la expresión de una obre creada
y ordenada, la expresión viviente de un Dios por todas partes presente en la
manifestación de un mundo sensible.”15
El Nuevo Mundo ofrece por primera vez la variedad de paisajes de los
trópicos, que ha producido un continuo éxtasis constante en todos los Cronis-
13. Alejandro de Humboldt. Cristóbal colón y el Descubrimiento de América. (Caracas:
Monte Avila Editores. 1992)
14. Humboldt. Cosmos.201.
15. Idem.
tas de Indias, cuya lectura le es familiar al científico alemán. Del Almirante
Cristóbal Colón se desprende la expresión de ver las regionestropicales como
una constante primavera: Las tierras de ellas son altas y en ellas hay muchas
sierras y montañas altísimas... Todas son hermosísimas de mil hechuras y
todas andables y llenas de árboles de mil maneras y altas, y parece que llegan
al cielo; y tengo por dicho que jamás pierden la hoja según lo que pude com-
prender, que los vi tan bellos y tan hermosos como los vi por mayo en
España.16
En su obra Cuadros de la Naturaleza Humboldt hace un hermoso contrate
en dos escenas de la vida de los animales en la selva. Son cuadros admrables
de sorprendente verdad. La primera es producto de una vivencia personal en
la noche, en la época de las aguas bajas, cerca de la confluencia del río Apure
con el Orinoco. Es una escena nocturna, cuando pernoctaron cerca de la
playa. La segunda es al mediodía, cuando el sol está en el cenit. Con su
dominio del lenguaje hace sentir al lector las profundas y conmovedoras
escenas de ambos paisajes: la algarabía del reino animal al aproximarse la
tormenta y por contraste, la naturaleza en plena quietud aparente. El hombre
rodeado de vibraciones, de sonidos que anuncian un mundo de fuerzas
orgánicas en movimiento, la vida se agita imperceptiblemente, pero se hace
escuchar para el poeta y el científico, es como una de las mil voces que la nat-
uraleza dirige al alma piadosa y sensible del hombre.
Otra escena en Santa Bárbara del río Arichuna: pasaron la noche en una
playa aarenosa. La luna dominaba el horizonte. Encendieron una fogata para
preservarse de los ataques del jaguar. Reinaba un profundo silencio y a las
once comenzó un profundo griterío. Aullidos de los monos aulladores, ron-
quidos del mono dormilón, gritos entrecortados del tigre de América, un
enjambre de loros y otras gallináceas. Si se pregunta a los indios qué es lo
que produce ese tumulto continuo durante la noche, responden riéndose que
los animales quieren ver la luna... Los gritos se tornaban cada vez más escan-
dalosos en los aguaceros.
Sobre el arte en Humboldt apunta Hanno Beck: Con sus creaciones los
pintores no sólo nos ofrecieron obras de arte, sino que también hicieron un
aporte importante a la fisonomía de las regiones tropicales, siguiendo los lin-
eamientos de Humboldt. El arte así no se ve degradado, sino que gana una
nueva dimensión.17
La tesis del científico prusiano era que la obra artística debía ser un vivo
y fiel reflejo del mundo natural, conceptos estos aplicados al arte pictórico y
a la literatura. Por eso Humboldt descubre nuevamente a América, no sólo
16. Isaac Pardo. Estudios de las Elegías de Varones Ilustres de Indias. (Caracas. Instituto
de filología Andrés Bello. 1961)
17. Hanno Beck et al, El Arte Descubre un Continente. (Berlín: Exposición del Instituto
Ibero-Americano. Patrimonio Cultural Prusiano. 1978)
para la ciencia, sino también para la literatura y el arte, las descripciones y
dibujos de Humboldt son un poema de admiración y amor a la naturaleza
americana, lo que produjo una corriente de científicos y artistas que vinieron
a América, en busca de una tierra de promisión. Entre ellos bastaría mencio-
nar a Karl Moritz, quien realizó magníficas colecciones de Venezuela, depos-
itadas en los museos de Viena, Berlín y Leipzig. A German Karsten, ilustre
botánico y geólogo. A Karl Apun, botánico, naturalista, Augusto Fendler,
quien exploró la Guayana. Anton Goering, notable naturalista y fino artista,
visitó Brasil, México, Uruguay y Venezuela. A Ferdinand Bellerman, quien
nos dejó un documento valiosísimo sobre la Venezuela en hermosas imá-
genes plásticas. Adolfo Ernt, fundador el positivismo en Venezuela. Todo
esto es un legado de Humboldt, de universal y permanente vigencia. Entre
sus múltiples lecciones está su labor conservacionista y amante de la natu-
raleza, que paradójicamente la moderna tecnología está destruyendo a paso
agigantado, junto con la acción depredadora del hombre. El mayor homenaje
que podemos tributarle al sabio alemán es crear conciencia en las genera-
ciones futuras de la importancia de la conservación de nuestros ríos, nuestra
flora, nuestros bosques y nuestra fauna, sólo así demostraremos que somos
capaces de valorar y aprender el grandioso mensaje que nos legó el ilustre
sabio.
Humboldt concluye: Las estrellas resplandecientes alegran y entusiasman,
y sin embargo, todo gira en el firmamento en figuras matemáticas.
Bibliografía
América. Conferencia en la Asociación Cultural Humboldt. Boletín No. 5
1969. Caracas.
Humboldt o el Segundo Descubridor de América., Boletín de la Asociación
Cultural Humboldt No. 6. 1970. Caracas.
Baldó, José Ignacio. Bicentenario del Nacimiento de Alejandro de Humboldt.
Boletín de La Asociación Cultural Humboldt. 1969. Caracas.
Beck, Hanno. Alexander von Humboldt. Wiesbaden: Steinaer Verlag, 1978.
El Arte descubre un continente Artistas Alemanes en Latinoamérica.
Berlín. 1961.
Alexander von Humboldt. Amerikanische Reise. Thieneman. Edition Erd-
man. Stuttgart. 1985.
El último de los grandes. Alexander von Humboldt. Contornos de un genio.
Inter Nationes. Bonn. 1999.
De Bellard Pietri, Eugenio. Cumaná, puerta de entrada de Humboldt al
Nuevo Continente. Casa de la Cultura de Cumaná. Boletín de la Asoci-
ación Cultural Humboldt. No. 11. Caracas. 1976.
Dupuy, Walter. Alejandro de Humboldt, genio de la síntesis y análisis en el
siglo XlX. Conferencia en la Asociación Cultural Humboldt Cara-
cas.1969.
Ernst, Adolfo. Discurso pronunciado en la Sociedad de Ciencias, Físicas y
Naturales el 14 de septiembre de 1869. Reproducido por las Academias-
Nacionales. Palacio de las Academias. Caracas. 1969.
Faak, Margot. Alexander von Humboldt, Lateinamérica am Vorabend del
Unabhäng gigkeits-revolution. Berlín. 1982.
Furet, Francois. Penser la Revolution Francaise. Edition. Galimat. París.
1978.
Gerbi, Antonello. La disputa del Nuevo Mundo. Historia de una Polémica.
1750 1900. México. E.C.E..1900.
Gumilla, Joseph. Histoire naturelle et géographique de lÓrinoque. Marseille
1758.
Hampson, Norman. Historia Social de la Revolución Francesa. Alizanza
Edittorial. París. 1984.
Henríquez Ureña, Pedro. Las Corrientes Literarias de la América Hispánica.
Segunda edición en español. México. 1954.
Humboldt, Alejandro. Cosmos o ensayo de una descripción física del globo.
Traducción por Francisco Díaz Quintero. Edit. Vicente García. Madrid.
1851.
—.Viaje a las regiones equinocciales del Nuevo Continente. Imprenta López.
Buenos Aires.1956.
—.Ensayo Político sobre la Isla de Cuba... Publicaciones del Archivo Nacio-
nal de Cuba. Introducción de Fernando Ortiz... La Habana. 1960.
—.Essai Politique sur le royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne. Edic. Castellana
Ensayo Político sobre el Reino de la Nueva España. Edit. Porrúa. Méx-
ico. 1966.
—.Sitios de las Cordilleras y Monumentos de los pueblos indígenas de
América. Estudio preliminar de Fernando Márquez Miranda. París. s/ f.
Relación Historique... Copia facsimilar de la 1ª de París. 1799., 1800,
1801, 1802, 1803,1804. Stuttgart. 1970
—.Cristóbal Colón y el Descubrimiento de América. Monte Avila Editores.
Caracas. 1992.
—.Cartas Americanas. Biblioteca Ayacucho. Compilación, prólogo y notas
de Charles Minguet. Trad. Marta Traba. Caracas. 1980.
Kahle, Günter. Simón Bolívar y los alemanes. Inter Nationes. Bonn. 1960.
Labastida, Jaime. Humboldt, ese desconocido. Secretaría de Educación
Pública. México. 1975.
Lancini V. Abdém Ramón. Alejandro de Humboldt en el Oriente de Venezu-
ela. Publicaciones Lagoven. Caracas. 1988.
Alejandro de Humboldt. Semblanza del viajero se Siberia. Lagoven. Caracas.
1989.
Loschner. Renate. Artistas Alemanes en Latinoamérica. Exposición del
Instituto Iberoamericano. Berlín. 1987.
Meyer-Abich, Adolf y Cedric Hentschel. Alejandro de Humboldt. Sobre la
síntesis de la literatura y ciencia natural en Humboldt. Inter Nationes.
Bad Godesberg. 1969.
Minguet, Charles. Alexandre de Humboldt, historien et géographe de lÁme-
rique Espagnole (1799- 1804). Institut des Hautes Etudes de l Ámerique
Latine. París. 1969
Moheit, Ulrike. Alexander von Humboldt. Briefe aus Amérika. 1799-1804.
Akademie Verlag. Berlín. 1993.
Nazoa, Aquiles. Caracas Física y Espiritual. Edit. Panapo. Caracas. 1987.
Panhorst, Karl Heinrich. Simón Bolívar und Alexander von Humboldt.
Iberoamérika Archiiv. 40 année. Berlín.s/f.
Pereira, Carlos. Humboldt en América. Edit. América. Madrid. 1982. Picón
Salas, Mariano. Tiempo de Humboldt. Revista nacional de Cultura. Nno.
55. Año Vl. Caracas. 1943.
Röhl, Eduardo. Exploradores Famosos de la Naturaleza Venezolana. Tip. El
Compás. Caracas. 1948..
Fauna Descriptiva de Venezuela. Tip. Americana. Caracas. 1949. Biografía
de A lejandro de Humboldt. En la obra Viaje a las Regiones Equinoc-
ciales”. Edición MEN. Caracas 1956.
Urbani Patat, Francisco. Contribuciones geológicas en las obras venezolanis-
tas de Alejandro de Humboldt. Exposición de VEBAOEL PDVSA.
Essen.
Veracoechea de Castillo, Luisa. La Huella del Sabio. El Municipio Foráneo
Alejandro de Humboldt. Academia Nacional de la Historia. Caracas,
1995.
Alejandro de Humboldt en Venezuela. Segundo Centenario de su Viaje a
América. Cuadernos PDVSA. ( Petróleos de Venezuela). Caracas. 1998.
Dos Centurias del Viaje de Alejandro de Humboldt a los Estados Unidos de
América. Asociación Cultural Humboldt. Caracas. 2004.
La Cultura germánica y don Andrés Bello. Ediciones La Casa de Hanno
Beck. Amerikanische Reise, Bello. Colección Anauco. Caracas. 2000.
Part IV
Life and Travels
CHAPTER 23 A French Perspective
Pierre Laszlo
Alexander von Humboldt was a Francophile. Humboldt’s Francophilia was
induced by the French Revolution. It promised a new historical era and the
young German aristocrat was swayed by the prospect of a leap in the quality
of life for mankind.
His affection for France cannot be dissociated from his having been nur-
tured, culturally speaking, in the values of eighteenth-century Enlightenment.
Humboldt was very much part in the continuity of the group of intellectuals
who wrote the Encyclopédie. His own biography, his widespread interests,
his skill at writing all make him a kindred spirit to Denis Diderot’s.
Moreover, Humboldt was familiar with France. He lived for a number of
years in Paris. Actually, that is an understatement: Humboldt lived in Paris
for several decades. We tend to forget it, associating a German with Ger-
many. However, Humboldt first arrived in Paris in 1797 at the age of 28.
There, he met Aimé Bonpland and together they left for South America in
1799. Returning to Europe in 1804, he settled again in Paris. This is where he
wrote his Voyage aux régions équinoxiales du nouveau Continent (publica-
tion, begun in 1805, would take a full 20 years). In 1828, Humboldt left for
his exploration trip of Russia and Central Asia. Only in 1847, a full half-a-
century after his arrival in Paris, did Humboldt leave the capital of France for
his native Berlin. He continued to find Paris an irresistible attraction, and he
continued to split his time between the two cities.
In Paris Humboldt was fully integrated within the local intelligentsia. He
had numerous French friends. Among many other stories, one may recall that
in 1808, when François Arago was released from captivity in Algiers (he had
been arrested by the Spaniards as a spy, and the subsequent events are from a
picaresque novel), he was greeted in Marseilles by Humboldt who had rushed
to meet his friend after he was liberated from his ordeal.
281
282 Life and Travels
I shall offer here a commentary on a brief text which Humboldt wrote in
French, the Essai sur la géographie des plantes. It originated with a presenta-
tion Humboldt made to the Institut de France on January 7th, 1805 (17
Nivôse de l’an 13). It was not printed before 1806 and probably not published
until 1807. Only 38 pages long, this printed lecture has all the charm of Hum-
boldt’s writings, but it suffers from his inability to frame his thoughts in an
organized, Cartesian manner, which Arago pointed out to him: “Tu ne sais
pas construire; tes livres sont comme des tableaux sans cadre.” (“You don’t
know how to build; your books are like unframed pictures”).
What does the Essai consist of? The explicit intent, expressed by the title
is a disquisition on the geographic distribution of diverse plant species. More
interesting yet, are the actual contents.They consist of an attempt at an ency-
clopædic excursion through the whole of knowledge.
Typical of educated Europeans in his generation, Alexander von Hum-
boldt was nurtured on the Encyclopédie. Its volumes had a precious feature,
subversive of authorities, primarily of the Church. This was the presence of
the numerous cross-references—renvois, in French.
One might initially have looked-up some notion, a word perhaps. This
was a mere hook. One might have been induced, in the process of reading
that entry, to look-up another. The editors thus had built a network of
intended connections.
I will submit here that Humboldt acquired his Wanderlust in part from
reading the Encyclopédie. Cross-referencing gave him an ease at crisscross-
ing existing knowledge. From there, to seek connections between geographic
areas, to visit faraway populations and to observe biological organisms over
the whole planet, are but logical outcomes of such wide-ranging curiosity.
The Essai’ sur la géographie des plantes embodies an isomorphism, from
the printed page, to the landscape traversed on horseback, or on foot. To
Humboldt, to write about his South American travels is restitution. He gives
back his personal exhilaration, being privileged to witness so many exotic
scenes. His is the appetite for the life of the nomad. There is no intrinsic dif-
ference between the personal observations he made in natural history, and
institutionalized knowledge, in its various branches. It is all a matter of writ-
ing and of reading.
Critical analysis of such an encyclopedic romp can do no better, I submit,
than use as its tool a more or less contemporary attempt at organizing the
whole of human knowledge. Thus, it should come as no surprise if my look-
ing glass, in this examination of the Essai, is provided by André-Marie
Ampère’s classification of the sciences. Even though it appeared in print
almost four decades after the appearance of Humboldt’s Essai, it helps the
modern reader to recapture what Humboldt and Ampère had in mind, when
A French Perspective 283
they independently envisaged the totality of knowledge, with a view to both
organize it along its lines of forces and to circumscribe it.
The Essai: Summary of its Contents

The Preface to the Essai is all the more interesting that, given the small size
of the Essai, it is of disproportionate length. The Preface is almost eight
pages long, as against a little over 21 pages for the Essai. It starts with the
rhetoric of modesty: the author, who might have instead published a narrative
of his travels and thus drawn attention to himself, pales in comparison to the
importance of his topic. He wished to present an overall picture of the planet.
A sentence in the Preface makes it clear, both that Humboldt carried the
project of writing such an essay for many years, and that George Förster, an
associate of Captain Cook’s, had encouraged him to do so.
In the very first sentence of the Essai proper, Humboldt dissociates him-
self from botanists: as a group, their research is too specialized, he writes:
“Researches by botanists are generally directed towards objects which com-
prise a very small part of their science.” Accordingly, the Essai turns out to
offer a plea for the equivalent, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, of
pluridisciplinarity.
How does Humboldt achieve it? By transposing to the library the experi-
ence of the explorer. Instead of physical travel through varied territory,
encompassing mountains, deserts, cultivated land, forests, rivers and lakes,
the scientist will hop from specialty to specialty. As an Ariadne’s thread, he
will have his chosen theme, the geography of plants in this case. Hence,
Humboldt evokes in succession, systematic botany, historical botany, and the
historical sciences, general physics, (the word “physics” under his pen
demands however, an explanation), agronomy, paleontology, astronomy,
anthropology, imitation arts including painting, poetry, psychology and
chemistry. Thus, the Essai could also be described as a rambling walk
through the sciences.
General Physics in the Essai

That we are on the right track in using Ampère’s text to read Humboldt’s
Essai becomes obvious as soon as one looks up the expression physique
générale. When Humboldt wrote his lecture, geology was still in its prehis-
tory. As writes Ampère, “the distinction between general physics and geol-
ogy is sufficiently determined in that the former considers bodies in general,
while the latter studies them only to they extent they belong to the terrestrial
globe.” (1.97). Such a meaning of general physics was current in Humboldt’s
time. It is fleshed out by Ampère who, in his comments (1.98) refers to a
number of phenomena belonging with general physics, not with geology:
alignment of the compass needle with the magnetic pole – lifting of a column
of mercury by the atmospheric pressure – water evaporation and rain – pres-
ence of layers in the soil. Meteorology, for Ampère, belongs with such gen-
eral physics.
General physics, in other words, had a very different meaning from
today’s. To Humboldt, as well as to Ampère, it referred to inanimate natural
history, to the physical phenomena in nature. To us, general physics has
become almost exclusively laboratory physics. It is interesting that the
expression still retained its meaning from Early Modern times at the begin-
ning of the nineteenth century, even though experimental science was already
a couple of centuries-old.
Indeed, laboratory science is totally excluded from the Essai, which reads
like a lyrical ode to natural history. Moreover, Humboldt and Bonpland
engaged on their trip to Latin America right at the time of the first triumphs
of the Industrial revolution in Europe. Their travels can be interpreted as a
symbolic gesture. When European society was undergoing a qualitative
mutation, the two friends were seeking a passeist retreat into the nomadic
existence of hunters-gatherers among the American Indians of South Amer-
ica. It is paradoxical, when European factories became transformed qualita-
tively and quantitatively by steam power, for the Essai to have mechanical
philosophy as its blind spot.
Descriptive Botany in the Essai

Humboldt starts the Essai with an attack on the myopia of botanists. “They
occupy themselves near exclusively,” he writes, “with the discovery of new
plant species, study of their external structure, of their distinguishing charac-
teristics, and of the analogies which group them into classes and families.”
He goes on to define the main axes of plant geography, a science which
would study plants in terms of their local associations in the different cli-
mates. Clearly, Humboldt has our discipline of ecology in mind.
Even though Humboldt pours scorn on descriptive botany, he resorts to it
repeatedly. He gives plants their accepted Latin linnean names, and these
keep recurring, litany-like, throughout the text of the Essai.
The influence of Goethe is obvious. Humboldt seeks among plants the
Ur-Pflanzen, the primitive form from which all such organisms ultimately
derive. He writes (p. 31) that “In the variety of plants which cover the general
framework of our planet, one easily recognizes a few general forms to which
most of the others reduce themselves,” and he goes on enumerating 15 such
groups. Earlier on (p. 20), in a paragraph which interrupts the narrative and
descriptive flow, Humboldt wrote: “It is this science [he means plant geogra-
phy] which examines whether one can recognize a few primitive forms
among the immense variety of plant forms; and which examines whether the
diversity of species should be considered as the effect of a degeneration
which has rendered constant, with the passing of time, species which had
appeared accidentally.”
When Ampère gets to botany, he distinguishes the four branches of phy-
tography, plant anatomy, phytonomy and plant physiology. The first identi-
fies with Humboldt’s géographie des plantes: “From immediate observation
of plants,” wrote Ampère, “results knowledge of their external characteris-
tics, of the nature of the soils they exist in, of the climates they inhabit and of
the elevations above the sea level where they are found “ (1.104).
Geology in the Essai

On reading p. 19 of the Essai, with the sentence “geology bases itself on the
analogous structure in coastlines, in the bottom of the Ocean and on the iden-
tity of animals inhabiting them,” the reader rubs his eyes. Not only is the
word “geology” used, much before Lyell had published his masterpiece and
thus started that science, one also has the eerie feeling of a preview of Alfred
Wegener’s work which more than a century later would establish the reality
of continental drift. Indeed, a couple of sentences later, Humboldt writes of
the “separation between Africa and South America (having) occurred before
development of organized beings.”
To return to the word géologie, it was introduced in volume 1 of the Ency-
clopédie, in 1751, in its Explication du système des connaissances humaines
(Discours préliminaire). This was a forerunner to both Humboldt’s and
Ampère’s efforts at an overview of the sciences as a whole.
Geology provides the Essai with some of its most incisive insights, some
of its most daring and ultimately very successful generalizations. There is the
vision (p. 23) of the accretion of the planet: “If the most impressive phenom-
ena of geology tell us that the whole mantle of the planet was yesteryear in a
liquid state” he writes, and then goes on with, “if stratification and the differ-
ences between rocks show us that mountain formation and the crystallization
of vast masses around a joint core did not occur simultaneously over the
whole surface of the globe.” And he then speculates that the attendant heat
release as the earth cooled, might have determined the local climate.
But geology also provides Humboldt’s pen with some of its best–chosen
particulars, as in the sentence where he refers to (p. 17) “the great catastrophy
which opened the Gibraltar Straits and dug the bed of the Mediterranean.”
Agronomy in the Essai

In writing about agriculture, Humboldt uses an archeological perspective. He
goes from man in the state of nature to the agriculturalist, from the nomad to
the settled cultivator. He watched the former, the Indian who in-between the
valleys of the Orinoco and the Amazon (p. 24) depends on a few plants, very
few plants, for his survival (p. 24).
He then enumerates plants essential to mankind which have been accli-
mated to all parts of the planet. These are predominantly cereals and fruit
trees. In so doing, man replaces biodiversity, Humboldt writes (p. 28), with a
monotonic uniformity. He earlier penned an impassioned paragraph about the
hegemony of heather, responsible for turning much of northern Germany into
a wasteland comparable to the desert in Lybia (p. 17). Now, he comes up with
a parallel indictment of cultivated plants which also stifle competition and
replace diversity with uniformity.
When Ampère writes on agriculture (1. 120), he emphasizes that he con-
siders it in its wider meaning; distancing himself from other authors who
restrict agriculture to cultivation of cereals (1. 121). However, Ampère
defines another four related sciences. He names geoponics (1. 108) the art of
the gardener, looking after plants, whether in the wild or in the garden. He
terms agricultural cerdoristics what we would now call agro-industrial man-
agement (1. 109), while to him (as to us) agronomy concerns the means by
which to agricultural goods and yields are improved. Finally, in this chapter,
plant physiology is for Ampère the set of causal explanations for all the
empirical knowledge about plant cultivation.
Paleontology in the Essai

“To solve the great problem of plant migration,” writes Humboldt (p. 22)
“plant geography goes inside the globe. There, it consults antique monuments
which nature has left behind in the petrifications, in the fossil woods and the
layers of coal, tombs for the first vegetation on our planet.” Humboldt goes
on to mention animal remains also; before he raises again the question of the
changes in the climate which account for such observations.
Ampère is clearly at a loss as to where to put such a science. He names
oryxionomy the science of digging the earth and he relates it primarily to met-
allurgy, i.e., to the extraction of metals from their ores. When writing this part
of his treatise (1. 94), Ampère was clearly forgetting that soil does not consist
exclusively of minerals, it also contains organic remains.
Astronomy in the Essai

To Humboldt, the geography of plants beckons astronomical knowledge. The
link is climactic change. However, he cannot put his finger on it. Could there
have been a change, in the distant geological past, in the axis of rotation of
the Earth? Could there have been a modified configuration of celestial bod-
ies? Has there occurred a great change in the intensity of light from the sun?
As he writes on p. 23, “the present state of our astronomical knowledge” does
not allow a choice between these various hypotheses.
Most interestingly, Ampère identifies four sciences having to do with the
cosmos. There is uranography, i.e., “all what the view of the sky offers to
immediate observation.” (1. 57). Basically, this is the map of the sky with the
fixed stars. Humboldt refers explicitly to such a sight and, in doing so, is
guilty of prejudice. He makes a mistake from lack of imagination, surprising
on his part. He writes of the (p. 34), “earth unfolding to his eyes a show as
varied as the azure canopy of the sky, which does not hide from him any of its
constellations.” By equating the visible with the existing constellations,
Humboldt is guilty of a definite lapse in imagination. To Ampère, returning
to his classification of the sciences, heliostatics (1. 58) corresponds closely to
the conjectures of Humboldt’s. This is the planetary science concerning itself,
in Ampère’s words, with “real motion of the earth about its axis, of the Earth
and of the planets around the Sun, while assuming the latter motionless in the
center of the planetary system.” Astronomy deals with Kepler’s laws of
motion and with similar empirical laws, induced from observations. (1. 58)
Celestial mechanics deals with theory of motion, as devised by Newton. (1.
59)
History in the Essai

At its core, history is a constant presence in the Essai. Humboldt presents
himself as the spokesman for a collective anamnesis on the part of Europe-
ans: we should recall, he writes (p. 26) that we owe walnuts and peaches to
Persia, apricots to Armenia, cherries and horse chestnuts to Asia Minor, half-
a-dozen other fruit trees to Syria. He refers to Hesiod and Homer for testi-
mony to the ancient colonization by olive trees in Greece. Conversely, in the
time of Cato, Romans were still ignorant of cherries, peaches and blackber-
ries. He sketches a history of the vine: born on the shores of the Caspian, it
came first to Greece, afterwards to Sicily. The populations in the area of
Marseilles brought vines to southern France, Romans implanted them along
the Rhine river. In another agricultural history, the Roman dictator Lucullus
brought back, as part of his public triumph, a single cherry tree, after his vic-
tory over Mithridates. Less than a century later, cherry trees were common in
France, Germany and England (p. 27).
To Humboldt, history as it unfolds is not only a narrative of migrations. It
is also an equally astounding report on invariants and permanences. Is it not
so that the potato flower is identically the same in the Andes as it is in Sibe-
rian plains (p. 27)? Barley which fed the horses of Achilles is the same cereal
feeding us today. The ibis found in Egyptian catacombs, contemporary with
the building of the pyramids, is the same bird still to be found on the banks of
the Nile (p. 27).
This won’t come as a surprise, Humboldt follows the thought of Jean-
Jacques Rousseau in his Discours sur l’origine de l’inégalité. To both writ-
ers, mankind went from the nomadic state to the agricultural state. Primitive
man was a hunter-gatherer (p. 24). One can infer from the paragraphs on p.
25 et seq. that human history begins with gardening and agriculture. A latter
reference to history emphasizes strife and war. Their causes, for Humboldt,
are the fight for valuable plants and their resources. Quinquina, the source of
quinine, is an example of a useful medicinal plant.
Here, to help us understand Humboldt’s thought, I have to quote Ampère
at some length:
It has often been said that societies are like individuals. They are born, they
slowly develop. They have neighborhood interactions, they live at peace or at
war with the neighboring societies. They are impelled by the feelings and the
passions of individuals, which become the feelings and the passions of the
crowd. Societies get old, and they die. In order to study such societal lives,
one has to start by observing the facts. Indeed, the mere narrative or the sim-
ple exposition of facts concerning the life of societies is the science (…)
which I term chronography.
Imitation Arts in the Essai

Humboldt refers to painting in particular. Images brought back from the trop-
ics will be treasured by Europeans, he explains, for their depiction of plant
forms more awesome, more admirable, bigger and more colorful, far more
diverse than anything that can be seen in Europe. Nature, near the equator, is
more profuse, more inventive, more awesome. It is the province of the artist
to convey those impressions.
Ampère terms terpnography the science based on the study of art master-
pieces. Besides immediate observation of an artifact, one ought to study as
well the intentions of the artist, compared with the actual production; which
is the purpose of what Ampère terms terpnognosy. Technesthetics, of which
terpnography and terpnognosy are but two parts, denotes the whole sphere of
human perception of art; as Ampère writes, it refers to “everything which in
the arts has to do with feeling.”
To come back to Humboldt’s piece, let us give some attention to the
occurrence of the word painter in his text. After noting the identity of the oak
species crowning the heights of the Tenochtitlan valley with those found
along the 45th parallel, Humboldt asserts that (p. 17) “the painter who would
travel through those parts of the countries located under the tropics for study-
ing the character of the flora, would not encounter the beauty and the variety
of forms displayed by equinoctial plants.” Clearly, he himself identifies with
the painter in this sentence. Why does he refer to the painter, when elsewhere
he mentions the traveller, as on p. 21 (d’autres voyageurs)? Why does he
refer to the painter, when elsewhere as on p. 27 he mentions the observer
(l’observateur)? Why does he refer to the painter when elsewhere (p. 28) he
identifies himself with the botanist in his excursions (le botaniste dans ses
excursions)? The answer is from aesthetics, as noted on p. 30: “a person sen-
sitive to the beauties of nature” (l’homme sensible aux beautés de la nature).
A few sentences down, he writes that “the mere aspect of nature, the sight of
fields and of forests, are causes for enjoyment” (Le simple aspect de la
nature, la vue des champs et des bois, causent une jouissance). Note in pass-
ing that here, Humboldt identifies nature with nature humanized through cul-
tivation.
Psychology in the Essai

Here and there, Humboldt uses adjectives to characterize human types. They
partake of a jaundiced view of man, in the tradition of Jean-Jacques Rous-
seau. Man may have been good originally in the state of nature, but civiliza-
tion has corrupted him. The Essai sur la géographie des plantes reads as a
forerunner to Tristes Tropiques by Claude Lévi-Strauss.
There is the traveller, as exemplified by Humboldt and by his companion
Bonpland. He is termed l’homme inquiet et laborieux (p. 27), which might be
rendered as the worried and hard-working man. Such a pessimistic note is
reiterated toward the end of the book, where Humboldt refers to the Euro-
pean, “a man isolated on an aridic shore.” (p. 34) There is (p. 29) the Amerin-
dian, dwelling on the shores of Rio-Negro or Cassiquiare, who is termed
aussi mélancolique que méfiant: as melancholy as he is distrustful.
Humboldt’s deep sadness whenever he mentions the human animal con-
trasts with his enthusiastic depiction of the world of plants, in their majesty,
beauty and empire over the whole of the natural world.
Circulators
But how does Humboldt contrive to move from one science to another in his
Essai? Does he use a single rhetorical tool or a set of devices to effect such
textual switches? A scrutiny is worthwhile.
Consider fossils, as the entry point for paleontology. The switch occurs on
p. 22 of the Essai. Humboldt has just denounced “the error from those geolo-
gists who reconstruct the entire globe on the model of the hills nearest to
them.” The next paragraph asserts, in a non sequitur, that the solution to the
problem of plant migration is to be sought inside the Earth. The circulator, in
this case, is the return to the nagging question of plant migration. Humboldt
the traveller has observed that plants also travel. Why do they do so? At this
point, Humboldt concludes from the evidence of fossilized plants, that
marked changes in climate have taken place during what we now term the
geological past. He then conjectures astronomical changes, maybe another
configuration in the stars, maybe the tumbling of the rotation axis of the
Earth.
Another transition is needed, when the Essai changes its focus from geol-
ogy to agriculture. Humboldt accomplishes it in three segments. First, he
characterizes geology as a fictional medium, as (I quote) something which
“offers to the imagination of man a field as rich as it is worth cultivating.” (p.
24). Next, he contrasts plants and animals in that the latter, not the former, are
capable of motion. Hence, and this is the third part of his switch, how come
plants are endowed with an apparent mobility?
Enumeration of factors such as winds, currents and birds precedes men-
tion of the main actor, man, responsible for the dispersion of plants. Hum-
boldt, then and only then, deftly changes the topic to plant cultivation.
To return to changes in climate and to their cause, astronomical or terres-
trial, who is to decide whether such a perturbation indeed occurred? L’imagi-
nation de l’homme, he answers (p. 24). This re-centers on man his
meditation. Has not man been, Humboldt writes on p. 24, the prevailing
cause of plant migration. This is the circulator ushering in agriculture (p. 25).
After a couple of pages devoted to examples of cultivated plants and to clas-
sical authors documenting their ancient dwellings, Humboldt recapitulates
this whole section on p. 27 with the mention of “a sequence of events having
spread the human race on the whole surface of the globe,” in other words, to
a history of human migrations.
In order to connect agriculture to political history, Humboldt uses psy-
chology as a link. “The influence of food, (which can be) more or less of a
stimulant, on the type and on the intensity of passions, the history of voyages
and of wars waged for disputing productions from the world of plants: those
are topics which connect the geography of plants to political and moral his-
tory of mankind” (pp. 29-30). Humboldt then goes on to relate the aspect of
plants on taste and the imagination, which circulator serves to introduce
descriptive poetry and imitative arts, such as painting and sculpture (p. 30). A
few pages later, the author returns to such arts as the resource by which Euro-
peans can experience the splendid view of plants from the Equator, from the
“equinoctial regions” which Humboldt has explored and which has left him
with such indelible impressions.
Conclusion
The Essai sur la géographie des plantes belongs in a class of texts, belle-let-
trist essays written by scientists with a talent for literature, which also
include, just to quote a few which followed and which might have been influ-
enced by Humboldt’s. Some of the writings by Humphry Davy not to men-
tion novels of ideas such as Adelbert von Chamisso’s Peter Schlemihl (1814),
and of course Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein (1818). A common thread run-
ning through these texts is the pre-Romantic notion of the lonely individual
roaming the wilderness in bewilderment. If scientific curiosity and the urge
to observe the wonders of natural history draw the scholar in an endless
exploration of the planet, they also remove him from the society of his fellow
human beings. The geography of plants bestows not only admiration for
biodiversity, it also brings with it the desolation of removal and exile.
Bibliography
Ampère, André-Marie. Essai sur la Philosophie des sciences, ou exposition
analytique d'une classification naturelle de toutes les connaissances
humaines. Paris: Bachelier, 1838.
Buttimer, Anne. Geography and the Human Spirit. Baltimore: The Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1993.
Geiger, L. Goethe’s Briefwechsel mit Wilhelm und Alexander v. Humboldt.
Berlin: Eschienen bei Hans Bondy, 1909.
Humboldt, Alexander von. Essai sur la géographie des plantes. Vol. XIII -
1805. Paris: Levrault, Schoell et Co., 1807.
Sorre, Max. “Alexandre de Humboldt (1769-1859).” Cahiers de l'Institut des
Hautes Etudes de l'Amérique Latine 1 (wd): 23 pp.
CHAPTER 24 Maler, Legacy and
Mexico
Claudine Leysinger
Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859), the “brilliant adventurer,” and “the
most prominent citizen of the world,” as a recent Spiegel magazine article
dubbed him,1 left an important mark on subsequent German travelers in Latin
America. His determination, endurance, rigor, and thoroughness were a yard-
stick for all explorers who headed to the New World after him. In this paper, I
will compare the work of Humboldt and Teobert Maler (1842-1917), who,
like his famous predecessor, re-discovered parts of the Americas and made
them more tangible for a European audience through his travel narratives and
illustrations. By comparing their Mexico expeditions, their methodologies,
their views of this country, especially their ethnological remarks on the native
people, and the role of nature description and illustration in their oeuvres, I
will demonstrate how Maler’s observations on Mexico fit into the Humbold-
tian tradition established by Vues des cordillères des peoples indigènes de
l’Amérique, his Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, his travel dia-
ries, published as Reise auf dem Río Magdalena, durch die Anden und Mex-
ico, and to a lesser degree, Kosmos. Even in areas where Maler’s approach
differed most from Humboldt’s, notably in his archaeological observations,
which reflect advancements made in archaeology during Maler’s time, as
well as his close interest in this field and better preparation for conducting
fieldwork, certain comments prove surprisingly similar. Despite the decades
of important scientific developments that followed Humboldt’s publications
and a change towards more specialized knowledge, his legacy lived on in the
work of Teobert Maler.
Alexander von Humboldt’s ninety years of life coincided with a very
active and fascinating time in German cultural history, a cultural flowering
which produced intellectual giants like Goethe, Schiller, Lessing, and Kant.
1. Matthias Matussek, “Der geniale Abenteurer,” Der Spiegel, September 13, 2004.
293
His epoch was also an agitated period in European history, witnessing the
French revolution, the Napoleonic wars, the 1848 revolutions, and the con-
servative reactions to these. During his lifetime, French, English, and Spanish
captains (Bougainville, Cook, Malaspina) were exploring many parts of the
world not yet known to Europeans. And such illustrated people as Goethe
and Frederick the Great frequented his home when he was still a boy. Alex-
ander was born in Berlin on September 14, 1769, into an educated, noble
Prussian family. His father was a decorated officer of Frederick II of Prussia,
while his mother came from a bourgeois family of Huguenot descent. He was
schooled according to the enlightened ideas of the time, which stressed toler-
ance, universality of knowledge, and humanism. Humboldt indeed was a
product of his time; his later achievements reflect this universal education
and position him within the tradition of the eighteenth-century cultivated
traveler.2
Even though Humboldt’s mother had planned a career as public servant
for her younger son, Alexander managed to pursue his own interest – the
study of travel literature, geography, botany, geology, and eventually mining.3
While pursuing a higher education, Humboldt traveled to many different
places and learnt under many renowned people of the time. He studied bot-
any, for example, with the young but already famous botanist Karl Ludwig
Willdenow in Berlin in the late 1780s. Willdenow was in part responsible for
awakening Humboldt’s fascination for the foreign. After seeing his collection
of exotic plants, Humboldt was seized by the desire to travel to the places
from where they originated. Later, Humboldt enrolled in the University of
Göttingen, which had a highly vibrant and innovative academic culture, and
studied with influential scholars like Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, one of
the founders of the discipline of anthropology. At Göttingen he also became
acquainted with Georg Foster’s work, which was based on his function as sci-
entific observer of James Cook’s second Pacific voyage, and he saw the eth-
nological objects and specimens of the fauna and flora Foster brought back to
enrich Blumenbach’s ethnological collection.4 Humboldt developed a real
friendship with Foster and accompanied him on a journey to Holland,
England, and France.5
In 1796 Humboldt announced his interest in a voyage to the West Indies,
meaning not only the Caribbean islands but also the adjoining mainland
countries.6 Yet, this trip required several more years of preparation. In the
2. See Beck, Alexander von Humboldt, 1:1-8; O. de Bopp, “Alemania en la época de

Humboldt,”13-28.
3. Beck, Alexander von Humboldt, 1:36-37.
4. Gascoigne, “Blumenbach, Banks, and the Beginnings,” 86-88.
5. Beck, Alexander von Humboldt, 1:25.
6. Ibid., 1:86.
Maler, Legacy and Mexico 295
meantime he aborted a planned journey to Egypt, French captain Thomas
Nicolas Baudin requested his company on a tour around the world, which
didn’t materialize either, and he met his future companion Aimé Bonpland,
with whom he traveled to Marseille and eventually Spain. In Spain, he real-
ized his dream of a longer expedition, managing to get an audience with the
royal family, who eventually gave him the permission to travel to the Span-
ish-American colonies. Finally, in June of 1799, he left Europe aboard the
ship Pizarro, en route to Havana and the West Indies via Tenerife.7 His great
travel and exploration plans had materialized, and he was about to conduct
the largest inland exploration of the Spanish-American colonies Vague —
seems disconnected from the list of things you mentioned earlier in the para-
graph (getting married, traveling elsewhere, etc.), which started in Cuba, led
him to present-day Venezuela and Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and eventually
Mexico and the United States.
The time of Humboldt’s America exploration coincided with the last
years of Spanish rule in Latin America. Already the first decade of the 19th
century witnessed independence movements in present-day Argentina and
Venezuela. And in the 1820s most Latin American countries had achieved
their independence. When Humboldt visited Mexico, it was still known as
Viceroyalty of New Spain, and Viceroy Iturrigaray, was the King of Spain’s
representative. After 1821, most of the Viceroyalty of New Spain became
Mexico, an independent country that was shaken by many civil wars and lost
big parts of its territory before reaching the 20th century.
Teobert Maler was born roughly 70 years after Humboldt on January 12,
1842, in Rome. He came from a well-established, educated bourgeois family,
and his father, Friedrich Maler, was a major in the army and the grand duke
of Baden’s chargé d’affaires at the Vatican. During his stay as diplomat in
Rome, Friedrich Maler acquired art and antiquities for the Grand Duke of
Baden’s collection.8 After he was relieved from office in July 1843, the Mal-
ers returned to the Grand Duchy of Baden, and on their way to Germany,
Teobert’s mother suddenly fell ill and died.9 According to his autobiographi-
cal manuscript, Leben meiner Jugend, Maler had a very unhappy childhood,
since his “father was a gloomy, distrustful, and miserly man, whose mean
attributes even grew into a certain degree of insanity.”10 Unlike Humboldt,
whose primary schooling was done at home and fostered by his parents,
Maler grew up in a less propitious environment; according to his memoirs,
7. Ibid., 1:132; 137.

8. Schneider, “Die Erwerbung der antiken Sammlung.”
9. See Noack, “Friedrich Maler zum Gedächtnis,” 36; Graham, “III. Teobert Maler: Eine
Lebensskizze,” XVII-XIX; Kutscher, “Teobert Maler (1842-1917),” 9-10.
10. Teobert Maler, Leben meiner Jugend [ca. 1868], TS, Band A73 Teobert Maler, Ham-
burg Museum für Völkerkunde, 1.
his father didn’t give him enough money to buy the necessary books to study,
and thus his advancement in school was mostly due to his own effort.11 After
completing his general schooling in Baden-Baden, Maler studied engineering
and architecture at the Polytechnic school of Karlsruhe.12
Maler’s studies and youth were not as driven by a yearning for foreign
countries, but he nonetheless traveled to Munich and Vienna in 1862 and
decided to go to Mexico when he was only twenty-two years, suggesting at
least some fancy for adventures. In November 1864, he enlisted as a cadet in
the pioneer company of the Austro-Belgian volunteer corps, created by Max-
imilian of Habsburg, whom the French had recently installed as emperor of
Mexico. This episode in Mexican history, known as the Second Empire, is
worth a brief parenthesis. The Second Empire was created by French
Emperor Napoleon III and supported by Mexican conservatives, after the
French had won a military intervention in Mexico. This intervention had
started as a punitive expedition by France, Britain, and Spain, who sent their
gunboats to Mexico to force the government of the republican president
Benito Juárez to service the debt payments, which it had ceased to pay. But
once Britain and Spain realized that the French had ulterior motives, that, in
fact, they wanted to colonize Mexico in order to start creating a Latin League
that would include the Mediterranean countries and the former Iberian pos-
sessions in the New World, they quickly withdrew from this joint venture.
The French expeditionary force defeated the Mexican republican army, and
Napoleon III placed a pair of puppets on the Mexican throne, Maximilian of
Habsburg and his wife, Charlotte, the daughter of the King of Belgium. Ini-
tially, Maximilian and Charlotte enjoyed French military backing and British
economic support, but Emperor Maximilian quickly understood that he had
to become more independent. Thus, he created a corps of Belgian and Aus-
trian volunteers to help him pacify the country, which was torn by guerrilla
warfare that pitted the remnants of the republican army against Maximilian’s
army.
Teobert Maler joined this volunteer corps in November 1864, and he dis-
embarked with his company about a month later in the port of Veracruz,
Mexico. From January 1865 to June 1867 he fought many battles for
Emperor Maximilian in today’s states of Veracruz and Puebla against the
republican insurgents. But he nevertheless had time to start appreciating the
country he was in. According to his memoirs, he soon developed a fascina-
tion for the ancient Mexican civilizations. After having seen the ruins of El
Tajín, near Papantla, Veracruz, he asked General Thun, who was in charge of
the volunteer corps, if he could get a leave of absence to buy books in Mexico
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid.
City to study Náhuatl, an ancient Mexican language. He wasn’t granted this
leave, but instead he was transferred to a quieter company on duty at the cas-
tle of Chapultepec in Mexico City, where he took advantage of peaceful
hours to learn this language.13
The Second Empire, this bizarre interlude in Mexican history, ended
quickly after domestic and international pressure forced Napoleon III to with-
draw troops and financial support in 1867. Maximilian decided not to abdi-
cate, even though the republican forces had reconquered much of Mexico.
But his army of relatively untrained Mexican draftees and a few remaining
Austrian troops could not withstand the increasing pressure by the republican
forces. In the end, Maximilian and his two leading generals were executed by
a republican firing squad on June 19, 1867. Unlike most of his peers from the
volunteer corps, Maler decided to remain in Mexico after the fall of the Sec-
ond Empire. He initially went into hiding, but once things were a bit calmer,
he started exploring the country – first the center-north and then the south.
The reports of these trips, some of which were published in European jour-
nals, constitute the first travel writings Maler produced.
Humboldt’s and Maler’s Mexico expeditions were of a very different
nature, but both developed a keen interest in Mexico in a somewhat fortu-
itous way. Humboldt planned to cross Mexico from Acapulco to Veracruz
fairly quickly in order to reach Europe as soon as possible, because his col-
lections and instruments couldn’t bear much more time on the road, as he
mentioned in his Political Essay, but the vómito negro that raged in the
coastal regions of Veracruz prevented him from reaching that city.14 He ended
up staying almost a full year in the viceroyalty of New Spain, visiting mines,
spending time in Mexico City archives, accompanying the viceroy Iturriga-
ray on his yearly visit to the desagüe (drain) of Huehuetoca, climbing several
volcanoes, establishing the height of these volcanoes, constructing a profile
of the Mexican landscape from Acapulco to Veracruz, and more generally
inquiring into the reasons why there was such a difference in cultural
advancement between the viceroyalty of New Spain and the regions of South
America he had just visited.15 So, despite his initial plans, in the end he spent
enough time in Mexico to gather information for an influential treatise on
New Spain.
Maler’s fascination with Mexico also seems a bit accidental in the sense
that initially he attempted to pursue a military career, and it led him to Mex-
ico as a soldier of Maximilian’s volunteer corps. Before enlisting in this
corps, he wanted to join the franctireurs who formed up in Altona, near Ham-
13. Maler, Leben meiner Jugend, 22.
14. Humboldt, Aus A. Humboldts Versuch, 9:IX.
15. Humboldt, Aus A. Humboldts Versuch; Humboldt, Reise auf dem Río Magdalena;
Beck, Alexander Humboldts Amerikanische Reise.
burg, during the Danish-German war that ensued over the Schleswig-Hol-
stein question. But he arrived too late and soon afterwards decided to join the
volunteer corps to go to Mexico.16 His initial interest in this country may have
been fortuitous, but when Maler, aged forty-three, returned to Mexico to con-
duct his extensive Yucatan explorations after a seven-year sojourn in Europe,
he had a clear idea of what he wanted to accomplish. Indeed, he had a very
ambitious project in mind: he wished to survey the Maya region, dedicating
the following thirty-two years of his life to the discovery, description, and
photographic depiction of Maya ruins. He displayed a narrower interest in the
country than Humboldt, for he was mainly fascinated by the ancient pre-His-
panic civilizations. Even though he included more general political or cul-
tural observations in his writings, the mainstays of his oeuvre were
archaeology, anthropology, and the study of ancient Mexican history.
Whereas Humboldt’s visit to the viceroyalty of New Spain constituted
only the last (long) leg of these expeditions, Mexico played a much more
central role in Maler’s life and work. But their writings seem to suggest a dif-
ferent story. Humboldt’s Political Essay comprised six volumes, and it cov-
ered everything from a physical description of the viceroyalty, to an account
of the inhabitants and the different races, a statistical report on the different
intendancies, a sketch on the state of farming and mining, and his views on
the state revenue as well as the military defense of the kingdom. In addition,
he also prepared an illustrated volume on New World landscapes and ancient
monuments, the Vues des cordilleras. Maler on the other hand, encountered
greater difficulties in getting his work published. Although a considerable
amount of his archaeological writings and photographs were published dur-
ing his lifetime, his posthumous publications are more copious. And his pub-
lications were less diverse than Humboldt’s, all pertaining to a greater or
lesser degree to the description of ancient ruins. Only his earliest texts con-
tain a more general travel narrative, with discussions of Mexican politics,
ethnological observations on indigenous women’s customs, and many per-
sonal anecdotes.
Having compared the histories, purposes, scopes and outcomes of their
expeditions in Mexico, I would like to turn to Humboldt’s legacy in Maler’s
work. The most obvious elements are the scientific rigor and method both
used. Humboldt explained in Kosmos that the basis of all knowledge was
observation and experimentation. He proposed to then use this data as foun-
dation to establish empirical laws through analogy and induction.17 Much like
his predecessor, Maler too used a very methodic approach in his observations
and depictions of the different ruins he explored. His many accounts reveal
16. Maler, Leben meiner Jugend, 2.

17. Humboldt, Kosmos, 1:66.
an astute observer who paid attention to every little detail. This meticulous
way of studying the ancient ruins made him a real expert and careful observa-
tion often led to intuitive conclusions: frequently he discovered new build-
ings in an archaeological site out of a hunch and located new sites because of
his painstaking way of searching for them. He used to establish a base at one
of the ruins and then look for further archaeological remains by advancing
into the surrounding territory in a star-like manner. He was aware that thanks
to such a thorough system, his “excursions turned out truly grandiose.”18
Similarly to Humboldt, Maler displayed much endurance. He didn’t
shrink from moving stelae to take the best possible photograph of them, and
once he was done, he returned the stone slabs, so that everything was where it
belonged. Thanks to his determination to conduct a thorough expedition in a
very inhospitable climate and to defy the dangers of getting infected with
malaria or other tropical maladies, he helped advance the research in Maya
questions a great deal. His many hundreds of photographs, descriptions, and
maps of Maya ruins were of greatest importance for the development of
Maya archaeology, and his photographs were particularly useful in support-
ing the efforts to decipher the Maya glyphs.19 However, although Maler gave
his own readings of the purpose of ancient sites and of the people depicted on
stelae, he mostly refrained from offering general interpretations of the Maya
civilization. He often wrote that specialists would have to interpret the phe-
nomena he observed. In this sense, he didn’t fully follow through Humboldt’s
scientific approach.
Both Humboldt and Maler made critical remarks concerning social ine-
quality and the position of the indigenous people. In his diaries, Humboldt
commented that the misery and destitution in the streets of Mexico exceeded
any he had seen before, and he decried the inequality of fortunes between
those of European and those of indigenous descent.20 Maler, too, pointed out
the poverty and marginalization of the indigenous people, but unlike Hum-
boldt, who identified several causes for the neediness of Mexican Indians,
among them one that located the roots in the despotic nature of the Aztec
government,21 Maler blamed a somewhat more recent cause: the repressive
rule of the Spaniards. In fact, he was very much influenced by the “black leg-
end” that explained the conquest as a struggle between barbarous Spaniards –
the cruel conquistadors – against the good savages.
18. Teobert Maler to Consul Otto Rosenkranz, 15 November 1893, Rosenkranz Collec-
tion, Lippisches Landesmuseum, Detmold.
19. See the articles of two important archaeologists who praise Maler’s work. Graham,
“III. Teobert Maler”; Kutscher, “Teobert Maler (1842-1917).”
20. Humboldt, Reise auf dem Río Magdalena, 323.
21. Ibid.
Humboldt and Maler both approved of the indigenous people as work-
force. In fact, Humboldt was an early defender of the Indians against claims
made by anti-American writers like “[Abbé] Raynal, [De] Pauw and so many
other incidentally respectable men, who have complained about the degener-
ation of our species in the hot zones.”22 When describing the work performed
by the tenateros – the laborers in the silver mines, who transported 112 to 125
kg of ore on their backs, carrying them up a staircase of over 1,800 steps,
eight to ten times a day, thus climbing around 32,000 steps – Humboldt made
it clear that he considered these people very industrious and that he didn’t
agree with others who “accused the Indian race of weakness.”23 On the con-
trary, he actually viewed the Indians as much stronger and strenuous than the
Europeans: “What a contrast! Daily it is spoken of the energy of the white
race and the weakness of the indios. The latter make 8 to 10 trips with
weight, and we, we crawl when we climb up once from the shafts of the
Valenciana mine, without weight and well-fed.”24 When making these obser-
vations about the Mexican mine workers, Humboldt also connected the Indi-
ans’ plight to the outcome of the conquest: “Unlucky descendants of a race
that was deprived of its property. Where are examples of an entire nation that
has lost all of its property?”25 Likewise, Maler saw the indigenous people as
Mexico’s major workforce and the main producers of food; he argued that the
only reason the indigenous people survived is because they “feed the Span-
iards, and it is not the Spaniards who feed the Indians.”26 He blamed the
Spaniards for the Indians’ ignorance, considering that they should have made
available to them an education in their native languages.27
To better situate Humboldt’s and Maler’s remarks on Mexico’s Indians, a
quick summary of the history of European accounts on indigenous people is
useful here. Ever since Europeans met natives of the New World, the topic of
the otherness of the inhabitants of the Americas has been of interest. Europe-
ans positioned themselves as civilized and described the indigenous people of
the recently discovered continents as barbarous. Enlightenment thinkers,
however, proposed new ways of looking at indigenous people: they began to
consider the relativity of their own cultural standpoints and did no longer
judge the other from the accustomed Eurocentric stance. Jean-Jacques Rous-
seau’s seminal work Discours sur l’inégalité parmi les hommes, written in
1754, emphasized the dialectics between nature and culture rather than divine
providence in the history of mankind. There, he described the “natural man,”
22. Humboldt, Aus A. Humboldts Versuch, 9:45.

23. Humboldt, Reise auf dem Río Magdalena, 368.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid., 312.
27. Ibid., 306.
his vision of mankind before living in society and before being corrupted by
jealousy and greed. He thought that the natural man was beyond good and
evil, full of benevolence and mercy. Towards the end of the eighteenth cen-
tury, the image of the noble savage, which resembles Rousseau’s natural
man, became popular among European romantics. Savage was no longer
equal to barbarous, and native people from far-away places in the New
World, who had not been corrupted by an interaction with the Europeans,
were increasingly seen as authentic and noble rather than degenerated and
barbarous.28
Humboldt and Maler’s remarks on the indigenous people fit into this
Enlightenment tradition. Humboldt viewed the Indians as “primitive people”
or savages who had not achieved the same level of culture as the conquista-
dors. But this comment was meant as an explanation for the outcome of the
conquest. He argued that the ancient Mexicans were “on the first step of civi-
lization,” while the Spaniards were already “very advanced in the arts” and
thus considered their encounter as an “unequal dispute.”29 In addition, Hum-
boldt did not represent all Americans as equal. On the contrary, he high-
lighted the multiplicity of traits and characteristics among the natives of the
American race.30 In fact, he corrected the wrong conviction prevailing among
Europeans that people of brown skin all look alike.31 He emphasized the vari-
ety of languages spoken by the American people and the diversity of geo-
graphical locations, in which they settled, ranging from tropical forests to
mountain ranges. These comments reveal a greater consciousness of the mul-
tiplicity of humankind, and thus echo the relativist stance of Enlightenment
thinkers.
Maler also made distinctions between natives, but these were based on the
degree of purity of the indigenous people. The less corrupted they had been
by the Spanish, both in blood and culture, the more highly he thought of
them. When referring to his porters and workers, he often used negative
words:
When my work in Yaxchilan was finished, my men were completely discour-
aged with regard to undertaking further explorations and ardently longed to
return to Tenosique. Such is the character of these people that even for the
highest wages and with the best treatment, they cannot be induced to continue
at one pursuit for any length of time. My success in having secured their ser-
vices for seven months may be regarded as the utmost that can be accom-
plished.32
28. See also Bitterli’s synthetic work, Die ‘Wilden’ und die ‘Zivilisierten’,” 232-7.
29. Humboldt, Aus A. Humboldts Versuch, 9:54.
30. Humboldt, Sites des cordilleras, 6.
31. Ibid., 56.
32. Maler, “Researches in the Central Portion,” 1903:198.
He also described these same workers as “the three vagabonds [he] had
brought from Tenosique, who were many degrees inferior to the Indians in
every respect,”33 which suggests that he did not consider them as pure Indians
but viewed them as “half-breed,” which he despised for having been cor-
rupted by the Spaniards. Only the indigenous people who were pure and
maintained their traditional lifestyles awakened his passion. This distinction
becomes clearest when he writes about indigenous women. While he praised
pureblood, traditional Indians for their natural, authentic beauty and thought
them “friendly and modest,” he described the mestizas as fake and affected –
women who hid behind make-up and fashion novelties.34 Thus, Maler’s
vision of the indigenous people differs from Humboldt’s in that he equals
savagery to goodness and despises those who have adapted their lifestyles to
that of the Spanish. His view echoes the image of the noble savage that pre-
vailed in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
Moreover, Maler admired the ancient Indians most, those who had
achieved a great civilization and built all the ruins he surveyed with such
assiduity. But he did not show the same esteem for the descendants of these
civilizations, especially the semi-nomadic Indians who populated the regions
around the Usumacinta river. In the following quote, Maler wonders why this
beautiful landscape no longer fosters great civilizations:
In all my journeyings on the treacherous waters of the Usumatsintla between
El Cayo and Saiyaxché, I have been forcibly struck by the extraordinary con-
trast between the lavish beauty of nature and the extreme degradation of the
remnants of humanity existing there. Luxuriant vegetation of emerald hue
bends in flower-laden branches to the water’s edge, overarched by a sky of
purest azure; brilliant-hued butterflies and humming birds with metallic sheen
fly from flower to flower; gorgeous birds build their nests in every tree; even
the snakes and iguanodons are graceful and beautiful; but humankind pro-
duces no such splendid forms as are to be seen in the Caucasus or in Asiatic
Turkey. It is long since a respectable, stationary population inhabited these
fruitful shores, and the dubious elements sunk in sloth, filth, and every possi-
ble vice, whose miserable habitations are met with here and there, are con-
stantly shifting since they acquire no fixed property rights.35
Much like Humboldt, who saw part of the reason for the Indians’ hard
labor in their having lost all their property, Maler considered the Indians’ lost
property as cause for their destitution – a both in terms of intellectual and
material culture. This quote also reveals an understanding that the surround-
ing environment plays a key role in fostering cultural development. Maler
33. Maler, “Explorations of the Upper Usumacinta,” 1908, 2:61.

34. Teobert Maler, “Reise des Hauptmann Maler von México nach Tehuantepec 1876,”
TS, Band A73 Teobert Maler, Hamburg Museum für Völkerkunde.
35. Maler, “Explorations of the Upper Usumacinta,” 1908, 1:4.
thus saw the connectedness of nature and culture that had already been
referred to by Rousseau. A beautiful landscape, according to the above quote
by Maler, should positively influence the inhabitants of the region and foster
their cultural achievements.
Humboldt, too, saw the close relationship between nature and culture. In
Sites des cordilleras, he argues that in Equatorial America the mountain peo-
ple, or peuples montagnards, achieved the greatest civilization since they had
to struggle to survive in a hostile environment, and they prevailed.36 Through-
out his writings, Humboldt emphasized nature’s influence on culture. Richard
Konetzke argues that for Humboldt “nature” included “human life and thus
history.” History was embedded in and connected to nature, and the histo-
rian’s task was “to recognize the natural conditions of human cultural life and
show ‘the influence of the physical world on the moral.’”37 Humboldt’s
understanding of the connection between nature and history is perhaps clear-
est in his introduction to Vues des cordilleras that “there is no doubt that the
climate, the shape of the soil, the facet of a smiling or savage nature influence
the progress of the arts and the style that distinguishes their productions. […]
In order to understand the origin of the arts, one has to study the nature of the
site that saw them arise.”38
Humboldt and Maler used drawings or photographs of the monuments
they described to make the objects more palpable and to accentuate their con-
nection to the beautiful landscapes in which they were situated. The drawings
Humboldt commissioned based on his sketches for the Vues des cordilleras
gave Europeans a glimpse of things most would never have had a chance to
see in reality. Humboldt also encouraged contemporary German landscape
painters to travel to the tropics, which according to Humboldt offered ideal
subjects. Johann Moritz Rugendas, whom Humboldt had met in Paris, fol-
lowed the German scientist’s advice and traveled to South America, painting
many of the sites Humboldt mentioned in his oeuvre.39 In Kosmos, Humboldt
reveals why he considered landscape painting such an important genre: “Like
a lively description of nature, landscape painting too is appropriate to
increase the love of the study of nature. Both show us the outside world in all
its rich diversity; both are able […] to tie the sensual to the non-sensual.”40
Thus, for Humboldt, landscape painting was a way of connecting to nature,
perceiving and understanding it, and it taught one about the different physi-
ognomies of nature. Similarly, the representations of ancient monuments
helped viewers to understand more fully the civilizations that built them and,
36. Humboldt, Sites des cordilleras, 12.

37. Konetzke, “Alexander Humboldt,” 537; Humboldt qtd. in Konetzke.
38. Humboldt, Vues des cordillères, 3.
39. Diener, “Humboldt und die Kunst,” 147.
40. Humboldt, Kosmos, 2:76.
for that reason, the New World as well. This juxtaposition of nature and mon-
uments helped viewers to see “the origin of the arts,”41 as Humboldt put it.
Maler went one step further with the photographs that accompanied his
archaeological texts. They no longer served only as illustrations of the text,
but became a fully integrated element, crucial for the interpretation of the
ancient monument. If the details of a façade were clearly visible in a photo-
graph, then Maler refrained from giving an exhaustive account of the monu-
ment—he would just refer to the photograph. In his oeuvre, text and image
went hand in hand, and since his images were photographs of extremely good
quality and sharpness, they were indeed useful for the study of ancient Mexi-
can cultures. In his texts he hints at how he spared no pains to obtain the per-
fect picture, which included building a scaffolding in order to take a picture
from a better angle, splashing the frescoes with water or moving stone slabs
into the sun to obtain a starker contrast, as well as cutting down trees and
shrubs to get a better view. Maler’s photographs accomplished what Hum-
boldt encouraged landscape painters to pursue: a realistic picture of exotic
landscapes and monuments for a European audience. And the recently dis-
covered photographic method was much more apt to produce a realistic por-
trait of nature than landscape painting, but this was, of course, a kind of
staged realism too.
Despite similarities in style, method, and attitude, Humboldt and Maler
differed, most obviously in their archaeological work. Of course, archaeology
was Maler’s pet subject, while it played a less central role in Humboldt’s oeu-
vre, although he dedicated the greatest amount of space to renderings of
archaeological monuments in his Vues des cordilleras. Yet surveying Mex-
ico’s ancient monuments was definitely not a priority for Humboldt while in
Mexico. In fact, he only visited Cholula, a pyramid in the proximity of the
city of Puebla, but thanks to the research he conducted while in Europe, he
also wrote about several more he hadn’t seen. Notwithstanding it is intriguing
to compare Humboldt’s perception of ancient buildings with Maler’s much
later work, given how much advancement had been made in the field of
archaeology in the interim.
It is surprising that a traveler of the importance and erudition of Alex-
ander von Humboldt only visited Cholula and not even Teotihuacán, Xochi-
calco or Mitla – all three well-known ruins at the time. Ignacio Bernal
attributes this to the fortuity of his Mexico expedition; Humboldt did not plan
to stay in Mexico for long, and consequently he had not prepared himself suf-
ficiently to explore Mexico’s cultural remains more thoroughly. In fact, most
of his erudition on things Mexican was due to the post-voyage study of the
sixteenth-century Spanish chroniclers, conquistadors, and subsequent schol-

ars.42 Humboldt openly acknowledged in his Vues des cordilleras that he did
not visit Xochicalco because “he was unaware of the existence of the hill of
Xochicalco” and thus relied on Mr. Alzate’s account of these monuments.43
Since so many of his accounts of ancient monuments were based on descrip-
tions made by earlier travelers and scholars, they reflect the state of archaeol-
ogy of the time in which his sources were written, rather than proposing
novel observations and theories. Not surprisingly, Humboldt copied mis-
takes. In the case of Xochicalco, for example, he described crocodiles spit-
ting out water represented on the walls of the pyramids,44 when in fact, these
bas-reliefs depicted the feathered serpent, Quetzalcóatl or Kukulcán, a myth-
ological being of great importance all over Mesoamerica.
Maler, on the other hand, not only benefited from the greater amount of
scholarship done in Mexican archaeology since Humboldt’s publications, but
he also read the relevant books before starting his in-depth explorations in
Mexico. Of course, Maler also focused more narrowly on the study of pre-
Hispanic culture. Moreover, his professional training as architect helped him
a great deal in the specifications of the ruins, in which he included informa-
tion on the layout, construction, size, shape, and decoration. Often he also
ventured an interpretation or explanation of the objects he portrayed, and thus
did not just simply repeat what archaeologists before him had already
observed, but added both greater detail and original theories.
The description of Mitla nicely illustrates the different traditions to which
Humboldt and Maler belong – more universal vs. more specified knowledge,
respectively, which also positions Humboldt more fully in the Enlightenment
and Maler in the nineteenth century. Humboldt based his account on the
Mexican architect Don Luis Martin’s plan and account of these Zapotec
ruins, thus further exposing his lack of dedication to the exploration of ruins.
Maler’s narrative, in contrast, reveals his personal impressions and analysis,
making his presence there very realistic. He is also more careful with his por-
trayal of the ruins. While describing what he called the main palace, he noted
that it was not clear whether this building really functioned as such, or
whether, since all other buildings were “so terribly destroyed, it appeared to
us as the most important.”45 Humboldt, on the other hand, simply referred to
it as the main palace, as if its central role were unquestionable.
Humboldt also exposes himself as Enlightenment thinker in that he classi-
fied ancient Mexican buildings comparing them to other ancient civilizations,
42. Bernal, “Humboldt y la arqueología mexicana,” 124-5.

44. Ibid., 39. In his notes on Humboldt’s Vues des cordillères, Maler makes a mocking
comment on Humboldt’s drawing of Xochicalco. He calls it a “ridiculously bad drawing.”
Notizbücher, Nachlass Maler, Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut, Berlin.
45. Maler, “Reise des Hauptmann Maler,” 21.
most often those of Greece and Egypt. He considered Mitla, for example “of
a very remarkable elegance,” unlike all “the [other] barbarous monuments
that only offered a purely historical interest,”46 and compared the decorative
mosaics of the main palace to the “vases of Great-Greece and [to] other orna-
ments that can be found spread over almost the entire ancient continent.”47
However, he didn’t consider these ruins an indicator of a “very advanced civ-
ilization.”48 On the contrary, he saw this archaeological site, like others he
described, as evidence of the “dawn of art,” citing the columns found in Mitla
as corroboration of this, since they lacked capitals and were thus of a brutish
style.49
Maler also mentioned the columns of Mitla, but his analysis of them was
of a less comparative nature. He looked at them within their own Mexican
context, without drawing comparisons to other civilizations. He observed that
columns were all sculpted out of one stone, that “they [had] neither foot nor
head, but [that] they [swelled] lightly and [tapered] at the top.”50 Unlike
Humboldt, who described this Zapotec site rather dryly, Maler’s narrative
description led the reader through Mitla’s buildings, which produced a very
vivid effect, while giving details on the thickness of the stucco, the mosaics,
and his reflections on the manner of construction.51
Humboldt’s comparative approach to examining New World civilizations
was also driven by the desire to point out antecedents and maybe direct links
between Old World and New World cultures. He was very much aware of the
different theories that tried to explain the origins of the civilizations of the
New World. In his Political Essay he came closest to seeing a link between
the Mongols and the ancient Toltecs, which he regarded as the first civilized
culture of central Mexico, the ones who had invented the art of hieroglyphic
writing, the calendar, and the pyramids.52 According to Humboldt, the ancient
Toltecs shared common ancestors with the Hiongu – a Mongol tribe that had
migrated towards northern Siberia and from there to the New World.53 Here
Humboldt was far ahead of contemporary and even later scholars, who
advanced all kinds of theories arguing that only more recent descendants of
the lost tribes of Israel or the Greeks could have constructed the pyramids of
the New World, since its current inhabitants were all savages.54

47. Humboldt, Sites des Cordillères, 267.
48. Ibid.
49. Ibid., 265.
50. Maler, “Reise des Hauptmann Maler,” 21.
51. Ibid., 21-4.
52. Humboldt, Pittoreske Ansichten, 32-33.
53. Humboldt, Aus A. Humboldts Versuch, 51.
54. Bonor Villarejo, “Introducción,” en Stephens, Viaje a Yucatán, 1:15.
Maler too proposed an endogenous explanation to the puzzle of the pyra-
mids in the New World: he thought that the Aztecs, Mayas, Zapotecs, and
other nations had built the pyramids themselves. And he proposed a compar-
ative linguistic study of the Aztec and the Mongol language in order to figure
out whether they shared a common antecedent. Much like Humboldt, he
speculated that the Aztec people might have descended from an ancient
ancestor of the Mongol tribes. Thus, both located early ancestors of New
World Indians in Asia, and both viewed New World Natives as having
reached a sufficiently developed stage that allowed them to have constructed
the pyramids themselves. Yet, Humboldt and Maler differed in their appreci-
ation of these monuments. While Humboldt judged them as barbarous and as
of purely historical interest (always comparing them to ancient Greek build-
ings), Maler always admired the beauty and architectural perfection of these
buildings.
Maler’s writing was in keeping with the Humboldtian tradition of theoret-
ical speculation deduced from careful empirical observation. Despite the dif-
ferences in their backgrounds, how they got involved in Mexico, their
attitudes toward it, and the political, cultural, and scientific changes that
came between them, one can map many similarities in observation and atti-
tudes between the two. This serves as testimony to Humboldt’s progressive,
innovative, and detailed ways of looking at the New World. And this is even
more stunning since they belonged to two different types of explorers.
Whereas Humboldt still largely represents the traditional Enlightenment trav-
eler with universal interests and broad education, who tried to paint a global
picture and emphasized the unity of what he observed, Maler belongs to the
category of explorers who devoted his time to the pursuit of a more narrow
and specific field of knowledge. Humboldt and Maler thus stand for two dif-
ferent stages in the history of explorations. In addition, Maler proposed new
approaches to Mexico by exclusively focusing on pre-Hispanic vestiges. Not
only did he help shift the center of European attention in Mexico from a natu-
ral and geological interest to a more cultural one—a trend that has lasted to
this day – but he also introduced a narrower focus that is typical of more spe-
cialized knowledge – another process that would not be reversed. Yet, it
speaks to Humboldt’s depth of knowledge and his keen ability of observation
that there are so many parallels between an early and a late nineteenth-cen-
tury traveler.
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———. Vues des cordillères et monuments des peuples indigènes de
l’Amérique. Nanterre, France: Éditions Erasme, 1989.
Kirchhoff, Paul. “La aportación de Humboldt al estudio de las antiguas civili-
zaciones americanas: un modelo y un programa.” In Ensayos sobre Hum-
boldt. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1962.
Konetzke, Richard. “Alexander von Humboldt als Geschichtsschreiber
Amerikas.” In Historische Zeitschrift. 188 (August 1959): 526-65.
Kutscher, Gerdt. “Teobert Maler (1842-1917).” In Monumenta Americana
IV: Bauten der Maya aufgenommen in den Jahren 1886 bis 1905 und
beschrieben von Teobert Maler. Edited by Gerdt Kutscher. Berlin: Gebr.
Mann Verlag, 1971.
Maler, Teobert. “Mémoire sur l’état de Chiapa (Mexique).” In Revue d’Eth-
nographie. III:1883, 295-342.
———. “Researches in the Central Portion of the Usumatsintla Valley:
Reports of Explorations for the Museum--Part Second.” Memoirs of the
Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard
University. II, no. 2 (1903): 83-208.
———. “Explorations of the Upper Usumatsintla and Adjacent Region:
Altar de Sacrificios; Seibal; Itsimté-Sácluk; Cankuen.” Memoirs of the
Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard
University. IV, no. 1 (1908): 3-51.
———. “Explorations in the Department of Peten Guatemala and Adjacent
Region: Topoxté; Yaxhá; Benque Viejo; Naranjo--Reports of Explora-
tions for the Museum.” Memoirs of the Peabody Museum of American
Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University. IV, no. 2 (1908): 55-
127.
Mentz de Boege, Brígida von. “Das Mexicobild der Deutschen im 19. Jahr-
hundert (1821-1861) im Spiegel der ersten populären Zeitschriften.”
Ph.D. Diss., Ludwig-Maximilian-Universität, 1975.
Noack, Friedrich. “Friedrich Maler zum Gedächtnis.” Die Pyramide:
Wochenschrift zum Karlsruher Tagblatt. February 27, 1927.
O. de Bopp, Marianne. “Alemania en la época de Humboldt.” In Ensayos
sobre Humboldt. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Méx-
ico, 1962.
CHAPTER 25 Una Mirada Recíproca
Sandra Rebok
El objeto de este estudio es analizar un aspecto de la vida de Humboldt que,
hasta hace poco, apenas había sido estudiado en la investigación realizada a
nivel internacional sobre este famoso científico y viajero: su vinculación con
España durante toda su vida a consecuencia de su estancia de cinco meses en
la Península Ibérica, que comenzó en la primavera de 1799. Esta relación con
España se refiere al especial significado que este país tuvo en su proyecto
americano, que preparó e inició desde allí, a la imagen que el científico creó
y difundió de este territorio y, finalmente, a la historia de la su acogida en las
distintas aspectos de la sociedad española de su época.
En el transcurso de esta investigación sobre la mutua percepción y
recepción entre el viajero alemán y España1, ambas funciones de este proceso
fueron analizadas separadamente. Respecto a la mirada del famoso prusiano
hacia este país, se distingue entre su visión de la España coetánea para él por
un lado, y su visión histórica de este país por el otro, condicionada esta
última por su intenso estudio de la historia colonial española. Con respecto a
la recepción de Humboldt en España, este fenómeno será reconstruido a
través de las distintas miradas existentes en el interior de la sociedad
española, de lo que por inducción se compondrá una visión generalizada.
Muestras de estos enfoques son su representación en la prensa española, la
presentación de distintos modi de recepción dentro del mundo científico e
intelectual, así como la historia de la edición y recepción de sus escritos en la
sociedad española. A continuación se analizará la influencia de Humboldt en
distintas instituciones científicas de España, y finalmente será tratada la per-
1. El presente trabajo fue realizado en el marco del Proyecto BHA2000-1230 Plan

Nacional I+D+I (2000-2003), con una beca de la fundación Alexander von Humboldt
(Bonn), y a continuación con una Beca I3P del CSIC (MCYT).Este articulo es un resumen
de una investigación más amplia que recientemente fue presentada como tesis doctoral.
Está prevista la próxima publicación de la tesis tanto en alemán como en español.
311
cepción de su persona en el sector político de este país, que comenzando a
partir de su primer contacto con la corte española en el año 1799, y pasando
durante el absolutismo por tiempos de desconfianza política hacia él debido a
sus convicciones liberales, llegaría en sus años tardíos a la concesión de con-
decoraciones por parte del gobierno liberal de Isabel II.
El marco temporal de este análisis comienza con la llegada del famoso
viajero a España en 1799 y, mientras en el caso de Humboldt este proceso se
extiende durante toda su vida, o sea, hasta el año 1859, en el caso de España
el enfoque principal también está puesto en este período, pero además se
extiende hasta finales del siglo XIX, y en algunos aspectos incluso hasta los
primeros años del siglo XX, a fin de poder incluir también la percepción de él
en las primeras décadas después de su muerte.
Uno de los aspectos novedosos de esta investigación es el hecho de que
mientras el enfoque tradicional de las prácticas de percepción se limita por lo
general a una visión unilateral, en este trabajo fue estudiado la reciprocidad
de este proceso, es decir, fueron analizadas ambas miradas.
Es conocido que el proceso de percepción representa una aproximación a
una cultura ajena, que parte del propio punto de vista del autor e incluye a
éste de una manera más o menos consciente. Por lo tanto, el resultado es que
la percepción constituye una conexión específica entre la influencia de la pro-
pia cultura y las condiciones de la cultura ajena. Todo este proceso además
está condicionado por los intereses particulares o personales del espectador:
tanto los aspectos que uno percibe como los que pasan desapercibidos ofre-
cen tanta información sobre lo ajeno como sobre lo propio. Por lo tanto, el
inicio a partir de una situación específica, en conexión con una aproximación
a lo ajeno, guiado por los propios intereses, lleva al fenómeno de que cada
mirada al otro, cada proceso de percepción es un caso único.
Como ya ha sido anunciado, en esta investigación se aplica esta teoría a
las recíprocas estrategias de percepción entre el viajero y científico Alejandro
de Humboldt, por un lado, y España como unidad político-cultural por el
otro. Un aspecto particular de este análisis es el hecho de que por una parte se
trata de la mirada de una única persona, y por otra, de la de una sociedad
compuesta de distintas facetas, pero que finalmente está constituida por un
conjunto de personas que se mueven supuestamente en el mismo marco
socio-político e ideológico, y que están involucradas en las mismas condi-
ciones históricas. Interesante de ver en este último caso, fue el hecho que se
pudieran detectar corrientes e intereses muy diferentes dentro de las diversas
realidades de este país. Esto resulta muy evidente al contrastar la recepción
política con la recepción científica de Humboldt, además de las diferencias
entre los sectores conservadores y los liberales, así como finalmente en la
Una Mirada Recíproca 313
representación oficial, es decir, por parte del gobierno, comparada con la no
oficial.
Por lo tanto, al analizar una percepción colectiva por un grupo siempre
hay que diferenciar entre una estrategia de recepción individual y la oficial,
dirigida por el gobierno. Además, también en el sentido individual se han
podido demostrar grandes diferencias, ya que según la propia orientación
resultaron distintas miradas a Humboldt, por lo que para este análisis surgió
la necesidad de analizar la visión particular de algunas personas.
A continuación serán resumidos brevemente los resultados del análisis de
los aspectos antes mencionados.
La mirada de Humboldt hacia España

Como ha sido inicialmente expuesto, en relación con la mirada de Humboldt
hacia España se observa la diferencia entre su visión de la realidad española,
tal como se le presentó durante su estancia, y su visión de las condiciones
históricas del país, es decir, su pasado colonial. Para ambos temas se llevó a
cabo una búsqueda exhaustiva de sus comentarios o juicios sobre las distintas
facetas de este país, así como sobre temas relacionados con ello.
Imagen de la España de su época
Respecto a la imagen de la España coetánea para él, en general hay que
adelantar que se encuentran pocas referencias a este país en las obras de
Humboldt. Los escasos comentarios que se han podido hallar provienen
sobre todo de su correspondencia privada. Así podemos tomar de la siguiente
carta, dirigida el 1.6.1799 al Barón Philipp de Forell, el embajador de Sajonia
(Puig-Samper 1999, 330-332), pocos días antes de su partida desde La
Coruña, una idea de lo que podría haber sido la primera impresión general
que Humboldt tuvo de este país (Jahn/Lange 1973, 477):
(...) tous ces petits traveaux mónt fait oublier les mauvaises auberges, le
manque de comestibles et línsipide Compagnie dúne jeune Officier (...)
Quelle pauvreté et quelle industrie des habitans! Láisence nést pas toujours
le fruit du travail.
Un tema sobre el que resultó posible hallar varios comentarios fue las par-
ticularidades del paisaje español. Una de estas observaciones se encuentra ya
en un texto publicado en 1809 por Alexandre Laborde en su obra Itinéraire
descriptif de lÉspagne, que dice (Humboldt, CXLVJJ):
Aucun pays de l’Europe ne présente une configuration aussi singulière que
celle de l’Espagne. C’est sa forme extraordinaire qui explique l’aridité du sol
dans l’intérieur des Castilles, la force de l’évaporation, le manque de rivière,
et celle différence de température que nous observons entre Madrid et Naples,
deux villes situées sous le même degré de latitude.
Principalmente le entusiasmó el paisaje tropical alrededor de Valencia,
con sus temperaturas agradables y sus palmeras, como comenta en una carta
del 28.2.1799 y otra fechada el 20.4.1799 (Jahn/Lange 1973, 649; 662), pero
también en el único articulo que le dedicó a su estancia en España y que fue
publicado en el año 1825 en la revista alemana Hertha.2
Más entusiasmo incluso le provocaron las Islas Canarias, y en particular
Tenerife, donde pasó seis días antes de continuar el viaje hacia América (19.-
25.6.1799). Esta isla canaria parece haber sido para él el primer avance de
aquel mundo trópico, que anhelaba encontrar en el Nuevo Continente. Por lo
tanto dedicó mucho espacio a la descripción de este mundo tanto en sus car-
tas como en su narración de viaje, la famosa Relation Historique, donde le
concedió un capítulo entero (Humboldt 1991, 115-241).
Otro tema al que Humboldt hace alusión en varios contextos son los
logros y los progresos de la ciencia española, destacando sobre todo el interés
científico de este país por sus colonias. Así, por ejemplo, en una carta del
8.11.1803 hace el siguiente comentario dirigido a Manuel Espinosa y Tello,
el hermano del director del Depósito Hidrográfico, sobre el enorme avance
de la marina española en la astronomía náutica (Moheit 1993, 253):
(...) la posterioridad más remota agradecerá a los marinos españoles los
inmensos e importantes trabajos que han sabido acopiar en los últimos 20
años, yo a lo menos no conozco otra nación que hubiese adelantado más la
Astronomía naútica en publicando más mapas exactos en tan corto tiempo.
También en su estudio sobre México se encuentra un comentario muy hal-
agador para España (Humboldt 1997, 151):
Depuis la fin du règne de Charles III et depuis celui de Charles IV, l’étude des
sciences naturelles a fait de grands progrès non seulement au Mexique, mais
en général dans toutes les colonies espagnoles. Aucun gouvernement
européen n’a sacrifié des sommes plus considérables pour avancer la connais-
sance des végétaux, que le gouvernement espagnol. Trois expéditions bota-
niques, celle du Pérou, de la Nouvelle-Grenade et de la Nouvelle-Espagne,
dirigées par messieurs Ruíz et Pavón, par don José Celestino Mutis et par
MM. Sessé et Mociño, ont coûté à l’État près de deux millions de francs.
Incluso, independientemente de su tajante crítica general hacia el sistema
colonial, al contrastar la política del gobierno español en sus colonias con las
de otras naciones europeas, destaca los aspectos positivos, sobre todo en rel-
ación con el trato que se les daba a los esclavos (Humboldt 1998, 192). Lo
que hay que tener presente, al evaluar este tipo de comentarios, es su pro-
2. Este artículo fue recientemente traducido al español (Puig-Samper/Rebok 2002)
fundo agradecimiento a la corona española por haberle posibilitado esta
expedición por territorio español. Además de esta lealtad, Humboldt se auto-
definía en primer lugar como científico y ello le llevaba a no inmiscuirse
demasiado en los asuntos políticos de otros países.
Lamentablemente, no se encuentran apenas referencias a la población
española, a diferencia del caso de su hermano Wilhelm von Humboldt quien,
a resultas del viaje por España que realizó pocos meses después, nos dejó
muy interesantes descripciones de la sociedad española de aquella época
(Humboldt, Wilhelm 1998). Alexander al contrario, solamente en el caso de
Tenerife incluyó el factor humano en su descripción general.
Preocupación por el pasado español3
A continuación se analizó su preocupación por los documentos que dejaron
los primeros cronistas españoles sobre la realidad americana y el significado
que Humboldt les concedió para su propio trabajo sobre América. Sobre todo
en sus obras Examen critique, Vues del Cordilleras y el Cosmos Humboldt
elaboró sus reflexiones sobre estos documentos tan valiosos para la recon-
strucción del estudio del Nuevo Continente.
Como dice el propio Humboldt en su obra Examen critique (Humboldt
1836-39, X-XI):
(...) jài trouvé un charme particulier à la lecture des ouvrages qui renferment
les récits des Conquistadores. Des investigations faites dans quelques
archives en Amérique et dans les bibliothèques de différents parties de
lÉurope, mònt facilité létude dúne branche négligée de la litérature espag-
nole.
En sus obras se encuentran muchas referencias a varios cronistas, pero
sobre todo al jesuita José de Acosta y su obra Historia Natural y Moral de las
Indias. Interesante en este contexto es el hecho que sobre el estado de la
investigación de ellos postula (Humboldt 1836-39, 5-6):
Lorsquón se livre à l’étude des premiers historiens de la conquête, et que l’on
compare leurs ouvrages, surtout ceux dÀcosta, d’Oviedo et de Garcia, aux
recherches des voyageurs modernes, on este surpris de trouver souvent le
germe des vérités physiques les plus importantes dans les écrivains espagnols
du seixième siecle.
Con esta alta apreciación de la temprana producción literaria o pre-cientí-
fica española, Humboldt dio a estos documentos un valor que no tenían en
aquella época, ya que generalmente eran más bien considerados como “cuen-
tos de frailes.” De esta manera rescató del olvido las contribuciones españo-
las a la investigación del Nuevo Mundo y ayudó al prestigio científico de este
país, generalmente no muy apreciado en aquella época.
3. Sobre este aspecto se publicó un trabajo preliminar: (Rebok, 2001).
La mirada española hacia Humboldt

Respecto a la recepción de Humboldt en España, la situación se presenta con
una mayor complejidad; por consiguiente se imponía la necesidad de analizar
las distintas facetas de la sociedad de una manera separada. Con estas mira-
das, realizadas desde ángulos muy distintos, se puede construir una imagen
general de este famoso prusiano.
Percepción de Humboldt en la prensa española4
El método aplicado a fin de captar la percepción de Humboldt por parte de la
prensa española consistió en una revisión de una gran cantidad de publica-
ciones periódicas en búsqueda5 de todo tipo de comentarios sobre o de Hum-
boldt, y en consecuencia, un análisis subsiguiente del contenido y carácter de
estas referencias sobre él así como del tipo de escritos que acerca de Hum-
boldt se publicaron. Debido a la situación política de aquella época, aquí se
diferencia entre la prensa moderada que se imprimía dentro de España, y la
prensa liberal que se publicaba por el exilio español en Londres.
Resumiendo, es lícito decir que, en general, se ha podido encontrar una
gran cantidad de referencias de todo tipo a Humboldt, tanto en la prensa lib-
eral como en la moderada. Estas se clasifican en: referencias concretas, den-
tro de un determinado contexto científico, en que se mencionan sus
resultados científicos; informaciones o noticias generales sobre sus activ-
idades; y elogios al gran sabio y a sus méritos, a menudo sin vínculo cientí-
fico concreto.
Respecto a la diferencia entre la prensa liberal y la moderada, básica-
mente se ha podido detectar que solamente en la prensa del exilio se encuent-
ran comentarios sobre los aspectos políticos de sus obras; que únicamente en
la prensa publicada en España se hacen continuas referencias a la ayuda que
se le había prestado por parte del gobierno español; y, finalmente, que exclu-
4. Una primera versión preliminar de esta investigación está ya publicada (Rebok,

2000). Además existe una versión posterior en alemán (Rebok, 2002).
5. Se trata de las revistas: La Abeja, Barcelona; El Álbum Pintoresco Universal; La
Alhambra, Granada; Anales de historia natural, Madrid; Anales de la Sociedad Española de
Historia Natural, Madrid; Boletín de la Sociedad Geográfia de Madrid, Madrid; Crónica
Científica y Literaria, Madrid; Diario de Barcelona, Barcelona; El Europeo, Barcelona; El
Español, London; El Español Constitucional o Miscelánea de Política, Ciencias y Artes,
London; Guardia Nacional. Eco de la razón, Barcelona; El Instructor o repertorio de histo-
ria, bellas letras y artes, London; Memorial Literario o Biblioteca Periódica de Ciencias y
Artes, Madrid; Memorias de Agricultura y Artes, Barcelona; Memorias de la Real Academia
de ciencias naturales y artes de Barcelona, Barcelona; Mercurio de España, Madrid; Min-
erva o Revisor General, Madrid; El Museo de Familias, Barcelona; Museo Universal, Madrid;
Museo Universal de Ciencias y Artes, London; Ocios de españoles emigrados, London; Sema-
nario de Agricultura y Artes para párrocos, Madrid; Semanario Pintoresco Español, Madrid;
Variedades de Ciencias, Literatura y Artes, Madrid; Variedades o Mensajero de Londres, Lon-
don.
sivamente en estas publicaciones se hallan comentarios sobre sus actividades
científicas anteriores a su expedición americana.
Recepción de sus obras en los círculos intelectuales y científicos de
España
A continuación se analiza la percepción de Humboldt en la obra de algunos
representantes del mundo científico e intelectual español. De esta manera se
realizó una búsqueda de todo tipo de comentarios sobre el famoso prusiano
en los escritos de: Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo (1856-1912), personaje
destacado de la erudición española; Marcos Jiménez de la Espada (1831-
1898), miembro de la famosa Comisión Científica del Pacífico que España
promovió a mediados el siglo XIX (1862-1865); Ramón de La Sagra (1797-
1871), importante naturalista que dedicó toda su actividad científica a la
exploración y al estudio de Cuba; José Rodríguez Ferrer (1815-1889), otro
viajero por Cuba, procedente del ámbito militar y mucho menos conocido; y,
finalmente, Ramón de Manjarrés y de Bofarull (1827-1918) y José Rodríguez
Carracido (1856-1928), ambos escritores eruditos españoles a quienes no
unía con Humboldt un campo de expedición e investigación común, a difer-
encia de los dos casos anteriores.
No obstante, es necesario resaltar que lo importante en este análisis no fue
determinado por las personas en sí, toda vez que éstas más bien sirvieron para
exponer, por una parte, diferentes lecturas de Humboldt, y por otra, distintas
formas de referirse a él. Por lo tanto, analizando el tipo de referencia a su per-
sona, se pudo establecer la siguiente clasificación de tipos de recepciones, sin
que uno de estos grupos se redujeran necesariamente a una única persona.
Este análisis demostró, más bien al contrario, que a veces se pueden encon-
trar diversas formas de ver la realidad multifacética del famoso prusiano y
sus obras en la misma persona; así mismo, también se ha constatado la exist-
encia en algunos casos de una evolución, a lo largo de la vida de las personas
mencionadas, de su postura ante este mito de la ciencia. Se pueden distinguir
grupos de personas con:
Una postura explícitamente crítica, principalmente hacia su ideología lib-
eral y su supuesto apoyo hacia los movimientos independentistas en América;
pero también motivada por la convicción de que a Humboldt se le habían atri-
buido diversos méritos que, supuestamente, pertenecían a científicos
españoles.”
Una postura explícitamente positiva, donde destacan las referencias elogio-
sas a sus obras y, además, una tendencia que alaba al científico expresamente
por haber revalorizado la ciencia española y por haber proporcionado una
imagen positiva de este país, que se diferencia mucho de la difundida por la
Leyenda Negra.
Una postura meramente científica, donde se engloban las actividades refer-
idas exclusivamente a los contenidos científicos de la labor humboldtiana, sin
que sean utilizados para otros fines ni de contenido político ni de pura ala-
banza personal.
Una postura orientada implícitamente a la obra de Humboldt, donde se
encuentran principalmente aquellos que realizaron expediciones por regiones
que el prusiano había visitado anteriormente y que adoptaron sus métodos o
conclusiones sin hacer una referencia explícita a las obras de Humboldt.
Traducciones y ediciones en español

Dado que una recepción de las obras de Humboldt en España requiere funda-
mentalmente la traducción de las mismas al español, en este análisis se
incluye también la historia de las ediciones de los distintos trabajos y el difer-
ente impacto que estas obras tuvieron en España. Lamentablemente, por
cuestiones de espacio, no puede ser desplegada aquí la historia editorial com-
pleta de las obra humboldtiana en España, en razón de la complejidad de la
misma. Así mismo se encuentra ésta marcada en parte por una aparente des-
organización, dándose la existencia simultánea de varias ediciones de algunas
obras, proyectos de edición inconclusos, traductores que se mantienen en el
anonimato y otras irregularidades. Existen no obstante dos aspectos que
quizás pueden sorprender en este contexto: por un lado se da el hecho de que
la primera obra de Humboldt publicada en España no tenía relación alguna
con su viaje americano, al tratarse de su trabajo sobre el Galvanismo (1803),
que había sido publicado en su versión alemana pocos años antes (1799). Por
el otro, se da la circunstancia de que la obra que podía haber interesado más
en España – su estudio sobre el pasado colonial Examen critique, traducido
bajo el titulo más prometedor Cristobal Colón y el descubrimiento de
América (1892) – es una de las obras que más tardaron en traducirse y menos
impacto han tenido.
Resumiendo, en esta parte del presente estudio se puede constatar que los
criterios para la realización de una edición española eran de naturaleza dis-
tinta: por una parte, naturalmente, se trataba de aquellas elaboraciones que
científicamente resultaban más interesantes, es decir, abarcaban un terreno
amplio – y en menor medida los trabajos especializados – así como aquellos
trabajos que en el ámbito internacional causaban más repercusión. Además se
puede decir que, de nuevo con la excepción de su trabajo sobre el galva-
nismo, el interés de España se refería sobre todo a su famoso proyecto ameri-
cano. Pero, por otra parte, como se comentará con mayor detalle más
adelante, también existían intereses políticos e ideológicos detrás, tanto en lo
que se refiere a la elección de las obras, como al tiempo transcurrido hasta su
publicación en cada caso. Así, en la edición de sus escritos en España se
puede observar un vínculo claro con el contexto político correspondiente o el
grado de libertad político-científica subyacente.
Percepción en las instituciones científicas
Prosigue el trabajo con un estudio de la influencia y la importancia que Hum-
boldt tuvo en distintas instituciones científicas de España. En este punto es
preciso diferenciar básicamente entre aquellas instituciones, con las que ya
durante su estancia en España había mantenido contacto – el Real Jardín
Botánico y el Real Gabinete de Historia Natural de Madrid – y otras que
posteriormente se refirieron a Humboldt o publicaron trabajos de o sobre él,
debido a la posición que entre tanto había conseguido el sabio dentro de la
esfera científica en el ámbito internacional.
Respecto a las primeras instituciones, el vínculo con las mismas había
quedado oficialmente establecido desde el principio, ya que en su pasaporte,
expedido por el Rey Carlos IV, figura expresamente la consigna de enviar a
España objetos de historia natural con el fin de enriquecer las colecciones de
dichos sitios (Puig-Samper 1999, 340-341). En este caso se puede destacar
que durante toda su expedición el prusiano se había preocupado de enviar
diversas colecciones mineralógicas, de semillas, etc., desde América a estas
instituciones, sin que apenas recibiera contestación de las mismas. Y ello a
pesar de que, por parte del Real Jardín Botánico (Puerto Sarmiento 1988,
138), ya en el año 1799 hubiera sido nombrado corresponsal.
En el segundo caso se incluyen instituciones como la Sociedad Española
de Historia Natural, la Real Sociedad Geográfica, la Academia de Medicina
de Madrid, donde fue nombrado corresponsal en 1811, como atestiguan las
actas de la Real Academia de Medicina (Madrid, 24.1.1811), y la Real Aca-
demia de Ciencias Exactas, Físicas y Naturales de Madrid que ya en el
primer año de su existencia, en 1847, le nombró académico corresponsal
extranjero (Lorente 1848, 21). Analizando la manera de ver a Humboldt por
parte de estas instituciones se advierten claramente dos aspectos: en primer
lugar, que el interés por este viajero aumentó considerablemente con el sig-
nificado que éste tuvo posteriormente para la ciencia ya en el ámbito interna-
cional, y que además se caracteriza más bien por el mérito concedido que por
un verdadero estudio del contenido de sus trabajos o el interés de estudiar
aspectos específicos de su obra o persona. El segundo aspecto a tener en con-
sideración se refiere a que su recepción en las instituciones español – al igual
que en otros casos – estaba muy vinculada con el contexto político español
existente en las diferentes etapas y la mirada oficial al famoso científico pru-
siano.
Percepción política de Humboldt

El último capítulo de este apartado se dedica a la percepción de su persona
dentro del sector político de España, incluyendo desde su primer contacto
con la corte española en 1799, pasando por los oprobiosos años del despótico
reinado de Fernando VII, cuando se manifestó una cierta desconfianza hacia
él debido a sus ideas políticas, hasta el cambio de su recepción bajo el rein-
ado más moderado de Isabel II, cuando se le reconoció finalmente su mérito
concediéndole diversas condecoraciones.
Así, hubo pues distintas fases en las que se manifiestaron diferentes mira-
das hacia Humboldt: como ya fue mencionado, durante su estancia en España
se le valoró como científico – joven pero ya con bastante experiencia y con
un interesante proyecto a desarrollar – para el cual se le había prestado todo
tipo de ayuda. Sin embargo, tras su vuelta a Europa no se le tributó ningún
reconocimiento por parte del gobierno español, lo que parcialmente se puede
explicar por la tumultuosa situación política que España estaba viviendo en
estos años debido a la ocupación francesa. Durante el reinado absolutista de
Fernando VII, en el año 1830, surgió una nueva posibilidad de realizar un
viaje por España – propuesto por el ministro español de San Petersburgo Juan
Miguel Paéz de la Cadena – pero que finalmente no se pudo llevar a cabo,
debido a una postura negativa o desconfiada en otros círculos diplomáticos
de España – como la del representante español en Berlín, Luis Fernández de
Córdova – que se opusieron a este proyecto, haciendo referencia al supuesto
apoyo de Humboldt al movimiento independentista de las colonias ameri-
canas (Bleiberg 1959).
Y, finalmente, con el reinado de Isabel II, que se caracteriza por una
política bastante más moderada, cambió también la mirada hacia el prusiano
hasta tal punto, que finalmente en el año 1845, por parte de esta reina le fue
concedida la Gran Cruz de Carlos III, una distinguida condecoración y uno
de los mayores reconocimientos políticos que desde 1771 habían sido entre-
gados a personas por especiales méritos en relación con la Corte española
(Puig-Samper/Rebok 2004).
Por lo tanto, en el caso de la percepción política se ve más claramente
cómo ésta se encontraba estrechamente vinculada a los intereses de los
respectivos gobiernos.
Conclusión
En la conclusión de esta investigación se llevó a cabo una comparación de
estos dos procesos respecto a las diferencias y paralelismos que se manifi-
estan, así como a las condiciones a las que están sometidos ambos casos. De
esta manera se discute de nuevo el proceso de la recepción, la subjetividad de
la percepción y finalmente su dependencia de la particular constelación
política, histórica y cultural de cada situación.
Analizando estos dos procesos de una manera separada y contrastándolos
después, se hacen evidentes tanto los factores comunes como las divergen-
cias: las diferencias se manifiestan en que, por parte española, el interés con-
staba de muchas facetas diferentes, en algunas ocasiones incluso antagónicas.
Además, en este caso la crítica podía ser expresada de una manera mucho
más libre; en el caso de Humboldt, al contrario queda oculto lo que podía
haber sido su posible crítica u opinión negativa. Los paralelismos consisten
en el hecho de que en ambos casos se trata de un enfrentamiento con algo
nuevo, sobre el que anteriormente no se disponía de mucho material.
Además, en ambos casos la percepción estaba muy vinculada a los propios
intereses. Finalmente, en los dos casos la aproximación al otro estaba deter-
minada además por las condiciones externas: respecto a España, debido a la
postura liberal de Humboldt, sobre todo en relación a la independencia de las
colonias españolas; y, en relación a Humboldt, éste veía a su recorrido por
este país más bien como una preparación para su viaje al Nuevo Continente,
toda vez que el enfoque principal de su proyecto de investigación estaba
dirigido hacia América. Bajo condiciones distintas, las estrategias de repre-
sentación indudablemente hubieran sido diferentes en ambos casos.
Con este estudio además se ha podido demostrar que la percepción recíp-
roca está marcada por una compleja red de condiciones: por el lado de
España hay que mencionar en primer lugar el contexto político-histórico-
social de cada época, así como la posición o la importancia de Humboldt den-
tro del desarrollo de la ciencia internacional que se modificaba debido a la
fama que acumuló durante los años. Por parte del famoso científico se puede
resumir que su visión de España – o por lo menos la que manifestaba en sus
diversos escritos – estaba muy vinculada a su lealtad hacia el gobierno
español, debido al permiso obtenido para realizar esta expedición por el terri-
torio colonial español; además de cierta precaución para no hacer evidente la
crítica, a fin de evitar problemas tanto durante su expedición como posterior-
mente. Al margen de ello, también influía allí su autodefinición como natu-
ralista en primer lugar, lo que hacía que su enfoque estuviera dirigido
principalmente a las ciencias y no a la situación política en la que se encon-
traba. Y, finalmente, su profundo estudio de las primeras crónicas españolas
sobre América, y sobre todo el valor que les atribuía, amplió su mirada hacia
España.
Otro aspecto interesante en esta investigación es el hecho de que aunque
Humboldt no concedía mucho espacio al estudio y la descripción de la
población de España, en cierto sentido se puede hablar de un elemento
antropológico dentro de su mirada. Me refiero a la mirada desde el exterior,
que percibe aspectos que desde el interior no son vistos o percibidos de otra
manera. Este fue sobre todo el caso relacionado con su valoración de las pri-
meras crónicas españolas, independientemente de que en esta época dichos
documentos se hallaban en el olvido.
En conclusión, se puede afirmar que el papel clave de España en el
proyecto americano de Humboldt no se ha de reducir solamente a la
preparación administrativa y científica de este proyecto; la relación del pru-
siano con España se caracteriza más bien por una influencia mutua y una
intensa cooperación a lo largo de toda su vida. Esto se manifiesta, entre otros
factores, en la relevante presencia de Humboldt dentro de la discusión cientí-
fica en España, así como en su ocupación con investigaciones realizadas por
españoles, además de su inspiración por las fuentes históricas.
Otro resultado derivado de este trabajo es la demostración de que la histo-
ria de la recepción y representación de Humboldt en España es fundamental-
mente distinta de la de otros países. Un análisis de su percepción en
Alemania, Francia o en los países americanos llevaría a resultados bastante
diferentes.
Por lo tanto, con esto se confirma la hipótesis de la que se partió en esta
investigación: que la percepción del otro depende en gran medida de la
posición de lo propio, es decir, de la propia orientación y de sus intereses.
Finalmente, también se pudo ver que Humboldt no solamente creó una
imagen especifica de América, sino también de España, aunque esta imagen
hasta ahora ha sido mucho menos investigada en este país que en los estados
americanos. Sin embargo, un estudio de esta cuestión demuestra que esta
visión innovadora de España – y en muchos sentidos bastante positiva – fue
percibida en los círculos españoles: fundamentalmente, su valoración de la
ciencia española y su distanciamiento de los discursos negativos sobre
España, tan habituales en la Europa de la época.
Y por último, esto también se puede considerar como una prueba del
hecho de que la percepción es un proceso bilateral que está sometido además
a una evolución. Es decir, la representación positiva de algunos aspectos de la
realidad española, por parte de Humboldt, llevó a una recepción positiva de
su persona en este país.
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CHAPTER 26 Recording civilization
Georgia de Havenon
When Alexander von Humboldt returned to Paris in 1804 from his five year
South American expedition he was lionized by society and academia alike.
Two important serendipitous factors contributed to the success of Humboldt’s
voyage and the publications that followed. A visit to the Spanish court
resulted in the explorer’s having been granted permission to travel to all of
the Spanish colonies in the Americas, especially significant as no French
expeditions had taken place in the interior of South America since La Con-
damine in 1735. With this consent, Humboldt was able to realize his belief
that in order to “discover the direction of the chains of mountains, and their
geological constitution, the climate of each zone, and its influence on the
forms and the habits of organized beings” (PN I, p. vii), he could expand his
voyage from previous maritime voyages along coastlines and could travel to
the interior of the regions, thus greatly enlarging the known information
about the Americas.
The alluringly exotic illustrated volume of his journey, Vues des Cordil-
léres, was published as a folio edition in France in 1810; subsequently it was
published in other languages and in more affordable formats (fig. 26-1). This,
and the publication between 1814 and 1829 of Personal Narrative of a Jour-
ney to the Equinoctial Regions of the New Continent, further enhanced Hum-
boldt’s reputation as a scientist/explorer. These publications helped fuel the
quest for knowledge and exploration of the New World that was still largely
undocumented, especially in terms of scientific data. As Mary Louise Pratt
has commented, “Humboldt experimented with nonspecialized forms of writ-
ing in which he sought to mitigate the dullness of scientific detail by meshing
it with the aesthetic, while still seeking to preserve the authority of science
over the ‘merely personal’” (Pratt, 590) (fig. 26-2).
325
FIGURE 26-1. Frontispiece, Vues des Cordilléres. Paris: F. Schoell, 1810
FIGURE 26-2. Two illustrations from Vues des Cordilléres, Hill in the Puebla Valley,
Mexico, Plate 34 and Boat on the Guayaquil River, Plate 63
Humboldt did not travel to Bolivia, but in Vues des Cordilléres he wrote
of the pre-Columbian site of Tiwanaku on the altiplano near the shores of
Lake Titicaca (fig. 26-3). Although Humboldt only briefly mentioned Tiwan-
Recording civilization 327
aku, he invested the site with a mysterious conception as the cradle of an
ancient civilization, referring to its characterization established in the 16th
century by Cieza de Leon (fig. 26-4). Modern scholarship has substantiated
that Tiwanaku, which flourished between 500-1000, was one of the seminal
pre-Columbian cultures. It is virtually unique in the Andes for having exam-
ples of freestanding sculpture. Tiwanaku, like much of the architecture of the
Americas, is not at first glance spectacular (fig. 26-5). Humboldt recognized
this phenomena, but also the importance of New World monuments when he
explained in the Vues (fig. 26-6), and I quote: “American architecture, we
cannot too often repeat, can cause no astonishment, either by the magnitude
of its works, or the elegance of their form, but it is highly interesting, as it
throws light on the history of the primitive civilization of the inhabitants of
the mountains of the new continent” (Humboldt, 1810-[1813], 199).
FIGURE 26-3. Peruvian Monument at Canar, Plate 17, Vues des Cordilléres
FIGURE 26-4. Inca-Chungana, Plate 19, Vues des Cordilléres
FIGURE 26-5. Ponce Monolith and Gateway of the Sun, Tiwanaku

FIGURE 26-6. Kalassaya wall, Tiwanaku
Since Vues des Cordilléres was first published in France and Humboldt
lived in Paris from 1804-1827, it was not surprising that his voyage was a
catalyst for subsequent French exploration and cataloging of the New World
(fig. 26-7). This paper will explore the Humboldtian legacy as it relates to
three Frenchmen who visited Tiwanaku over the next century: Alcide
d’Orbigny who was in Bolivia from 1826-1834, Léonce Angrand who was
there in 1848, and Georges Courty, who was there in 1903. One of Hum-
boldt’s priorities was “the great problem of the physical description of the
globe.” In the early 19th century, the way in which cultures of the New World
were approached changed from Humboldt’s general paradigm of travel ori-
ented, scientific literature to paradigms reflecting the more specialized disci-
plines of ethnology, anthropology and archaeology. Each of these traveler’s
approaches to the site of Tiwanaku will be analyzed in terms of their chang-
ing perspectives, the development of new specialized disciplines, and the
evolution of more pronounced nationalist, colonial responses.
A new era of exploration became possible for the French through an alli-
ance with Spain via the Bourbon connection of Carlos IV who reigned from
1788-1808. In tandem with a scientific priority to order the diversity of the
populations of the world, the new freedom of access made travel to the
Americas desirable. In 1825, the administration of the French Museum of
Natural History deemed Peru and Chile the top priorities on their list of
places warranting investigation (Rivale, 363). In 1826, Le Baron de Ferussac
announced the formation of the French Musée du Trocadero that was
“intended to give shelter to the various monuments of the skills of the sau-
vage (savages) or the semi-civilized, monuments that become more rare
every day…” (Hamy, 145). A core collection was hastily assembled at the
Trocadero, including New World material from the explorations of
d’Orbigny and Angrand. Whereas the motives for Humboldt’s journey were
primarily scientific, the rush to create an encyclopedic museum that took
place in the following decades was, in part, the result of the prevailing desire
to preserve Old World dominance by amassing an accurate inventory of the
world from which to garner knowledge of all the disparate, unindustrialized
races (Condominas 187; Riviale, 6 & 7). Amassing this inventory was an
important motive for all three expeditions.
FIGURE 26-7. Mt. Chimborazo, Plate 25, Vues des Cordilléres
Based on a study he had made of mollusks, Alcide d’Orbigny (fig. 26-8)

was chosen in 1825 at the age of 24 by the administration of the Natural His-
tory Museum to lead a scientific expedition to the New World. During the
ensuing year which d’Orbigny used to prepare for the voyage, he visited
Humboldt who sent him off with introductions and one of his coveted barom-
eters. In the year of d’Orbigny’s departure, the Natural History Museum of
Paris published the first edition of a handbook for travelers. This publication
mandated the collection of craniums, in order to classify all the human types
of the world. At that time, the only cranial examples from the New World in
France were those donated by Alexander von Humboldt after his voyage.
D’Orbigny’s initial objective was to collect cranial types, but he found it dif-
ficult to locate pristine examples because most of the graves he visited had
already been robbed of their contents.
FIGURE 26-8. Portrait of Alcide d’Orbigny
In 1833, towards the end of his extensive South American voyage (fig.
26-9), d’Orbigny went to Tiwanaku and produced drawings of the monu-
ments and the iconography carved on them that became, for many years, the
most important references to the site. D’Orbigny was the first to speculate on
the symbolism of the Gateway of the Sun, the major monument at Tiwanaku,
relating the central figure to a religious or political genesis of power. After
his return to France, d’Orbigny worked from 1835 to 1847 on publishing
Voyage dans l’Amérique meridionale, an 11 volume record of his trip. He
deemed Tiwanaku the cradle of Andean civilization, recognizing as Hum-
boldt had before him, the antiquity of the site (fig. 26-10)(d’Orbigny, [2000],
335).
Returning to France with 400 previously unknown species, d’Orbigny
was awarded numerous medals and was appointed to the first chair of paleon-
tology at the Museum of Natural History; however, seven attempts to become
a member of the revered Scientific Academy were unsuccessful (Boone,
391). Of the three voyages to be discussed in this paper, Alcide d’Orbigny’s
was the most similar to Humboldt’s in terms of its multi-faceted elements
combining science, nature, and commentary (figs. 26-11, 26-12, 26-13).
Unfortunately, d’Orbigny never attained the renown of his predecessor, most
likely because of less rigorous scholarship, a less entrepreneurial nature, and
the changing mores of the scientific community. The younger scientist had
been so inspired by his German mentor that in 1839 he dedicated his book,
“l’Homme Americain” to Humboldt, citing him as “the genius that Europe
has proclaimed the example and model of a ‘philosopher/voyager’”
(d’Orbigny, 1836, dedication page).
FIGURE 26-9. Drawing of the Gateway of the Sun, Alcide d’Orbigny
Léonce Angrand was sent to Peru in 1848 for slightly more than one year
as the vice-consul in charge of commercial relations between France and
Peru (fig. 26-14). The internal discord in Bolivia at that time negatively
impacted commerce and gave Angrand an opportunity to satisfy his interest
in recording ancient monuments. Although his upbringing was similar to
Humboldt’s, having come from a well to do family and traveled at a young
age, he lacked Humboldt’s extensive education in the sciences. The most
likely post chronicle references about Tiwanaku he would have read before
embarking were those by Humboldt and d’Orbigny (fig. 26-15).
Angrand’s reputation rests largely upon the many objects he transported
to France that become the basis of the new Musée Trocadero, later the Musée
de l’Homme and now to be the Musée du Quai Branly (fig. 26-16). As Eliza-
beth Williams has suggested, from the 19th century on the French saw them-
selves as “cultural arbiters of universal history” (Williams, 127), justifying
their relentless acquisition of objects.
FIGURE 26-10. Head of a Colossal Statue and Details from the Gateway of the Sun,
Alcide d’Orbigny
FIGURE 26-11. Men in a reed boat, Alcide d’Orbigny

FIGURE 26-12. Aymara Indians, La Paz, Alcide d’Orbigny
FIGURE 26-13. left: Michoacan dolls, from Vues des Cordilléres (detail); right:
Indians from the Province of Chiquitos, Alcide d’Orbigny (detail)
FIGURE 26-14. Gateway of the Sun, Tiwanaku by Léonce Angrand
FIGURE 26-15. Tiwanaku, December 26, 1848 by Léonce Angrand

FIGURE 26-16. Rear view of the Gateway of the Sun, Léonce Angrand
Rendered in a style of photographic precision far superior to d’Orbigny’s

rather inaccurate examples, Angrand’s drawings were unfortunately not
widely published. Today these drawings and Angrand’s papers reside in the
Biblioteque Nationale de Paris and are valuable records of the site. Angrand
viewed the New World from a perspective that was more anthropological
than that of his two predecessors. One might even say Angrand was capti-
vated by anthropology as many of his drawings are of indigenous people per-
forming every day chores or engaged in activities such as dancing (figs. 26-
18, 26-19). A romantic subjectivity pervades Angrand’s anthropological
work, his was an aesthetic intertwined with the human subject, an approach
that differed from the way Humboldt represented native peoples (fig. 26-20).
The Mission Scientifique Française à Tiahuanaco was organized by the
French government in 1903 (fig. 26-21). It is certainly safe to assume that
before embarking, the members involved would have been aware of Hum-
boldt, especially since he transported artifacts to France that were housed in
institutions in Paris. The mission is often referred to by the name of its spon-
sor, Le Comte Georges de Créqui-Montfort, who spent only five days in
Tiwanaku. Because the principal archaeologist of the mission, Adrien de
Mortillet, returned shortly thereafter to France due to ill health, George
Courty volunteered to finish the mission’s work. Courty stayed three months,
after which his return to France was also precipitated by ill health. Mortillet’s
absence from the excavations was disastrous. Courty did not have any trained
assistants, and he almost certainly had a surreptitious plan to amass artifacts
that would then be shipped to France to further glorify its hegemony. The
Sintich brothers, local photographers working in La Paz, were engaged to
formally record the results and these photographic images are in many ways
the most complete records extant of the excavations (fig. 26-22). One of only
two known copies, the album from which these images were taken is pres-
ently in the collection of the Art Reference Library of The Brooklyn Museum
of Art and has recently become accessible on the Internet.
FIGURE 26-17. Monolithic gateway at Tiwanaku, Léonce Angrand
Créqui-Montfort refers to Courty’s “researches,” a hint as to how the

work was perceived (Créqui-Montfort, 532) (fig. 26-23). In accordance with
the developments of formalized disciplines of anthropology and archaeology,
the Count de Créqui-Montfort described the Mission as a “study of men of
the High-Plateaus, of their languages and their environment both past and
present”; the scant published reports of the expedition deal with these
themes. In a review of an exhibition of the material taken to France by the
French Mission, the author Leon Lejeal refers to the grand success of the
exhibition and to the brilliant debut of Courty in his new research. He men-
tions Courty’s reaction to his geological background which mutated into an
archaeological bent, “Creusez et vous trouverez!” or “Excavate and you will
discover!” (Lejeal, 325), no doubt an excellent assessment of the objective of
the expedition. In contrast to Lejeal’s glowing assessment of the mission,
modern scholars have described it with such words as “destructive”, “acquis-
itive” (Kolata 1993, 149), or “deplorable” and “devastating” (Ponce San-
guinés 1995, 112).
FIGURE 26-18. left: Alcaldes at the Fiesta of the Conception, Léonce Angrand; right:
detail from the Gateway of the Sun, Léonce Angrand
FIGURE 26-19. Scenes of local women, Léonce Angrand

FIGURE 26-20. Balsa boat, Léonce Angrand
FIGURE 26-21. Members of the French Scientific Mission, 1903

FIGURE 26-22. left: Statue discovered by the French Mission; right: Grand staircase,
Tiwanaku
FIGURE 26-23. Discoveries of the French Mission, three small rooms to the west of
the “grands alignments”
Similar destruction from earlier excavations in the New World had argued
compellingly for the establishment of more stringent parameters governing
archaeological access (fig. 26-24). In response, new methodologies of guard-
ianship of patrimony were established by the host countries and are still in
effect today. During the second half of the 19th century, Mexico and Peru
passed legislation protecting their patrimony from export (Riviale, 95). This
legislation was in clear conflict with the French Mission of 1903 that set off
with a goal of recording the origins of Tiwanakan civilization in conjunction
with a certain competitive expectation that the already large French collec-
tions of New World material would be augmented by carrying on the tradi-
tion of grand collecting of ethnographic specimens (Hamy, 285).
FIGURE 26-24. Rear view of the Gateway of the Sun, the French Mission
The French Scientific Mission of 1903 has to be judged a failure (fig. 26-
25). Nonetheless, its impact on future expeditions and attitudes of inhabitants
in countries in which expeditions were sponsored and took place was pro-
found. When Courty attempted to leave Bolivia nefariously with excavated
objects and ship them to France via Antofagasta in Chile, The Geographic
Society of La Paz became aware of his plan and demanded that all the crates
be returned to La Paz where the material was divided under the auspices of
officials from both France and Bolivia (Ponce Sanguinés, 115). Shortly after
Courty’s return to Paris, the French Government handed down an official
reprimand to Courty for his surreptitious actions, a reprimand that suggested
a changed attitude. In reaction to the damages of this mismanaged expedition,
legislation was passed in 1906 by the Bolivian senate stating that Tiwanaku
was the property of the state. It prohibited removal of objects from the ruins,
unauthorized excavating, and the destruction of the monument by indigenous
people (Ponce Sanguinés, 110). In terms of the French involvement in
Bolivia, this was the distressing end of an era, one that consistently felt the
echo of Humboldt’s influence in its grand scheme of exploration, yet was
seemingly not yet fully equipped, from both the French and the indigenous
standpoint, to take on the responsibilities of new models of the investigative
process.
FIGURE 26-25. Gateway of the Sun. French Mission

CHAPTER 27 Witkiewicz and the Course
of Mid-Eastern History
Daniel Gerould
In January, 1812 Alexander von Humboldt wrote to his Russian friend, Gen-
eral Rennenkampf in St. Petersburg, about the invitation extended by Czar
Alexander I to explore the Ural Mountains and the ranges of Mongolia, to
offer advice about mining, and collect scientific data for the Russians.
Humboldt explained that what he now had in mind was a journey of
exploration to Russia lasting seven or eight years that would also take him to
Bukhara, Kabul, and Tibet. Politics intervened – in the form of the war
between France and Russia and its aftermath – and that trip did not take
place.
When his long awaited dream did materialize in 1829, Humboldt was
sixty years old and the expedition was scaled down to six months travel that
took him and his party through the Ural Mountains and Siberia to China and
on the return to the Caspian Sea.
During that trip, at Orsk he met a handsome young man forty years his
junior who would fulfill his dream by penetrating to Bukhara and Kabul. It
was Humboldt who launched the short, extraordinary, and tragic career of
that young man, thus becoming indirectly responsible for a major diplomatic
confrontation that took place ten years later between Britain and Russia. The
young man was Jan Witkiewicz, and my paper tells the story of his meeting
with Humboldt and its consequences.
Jan Witkiewicz’s Road to Orsk

Born in 1809 in Samogitia, Zmudz, Jan Witkiewicz was a well-to-do young
nobleman in Polish Lithuania. The Witkiewicz family of small landowners
was a large one; Jan was one of ten children. In 1824 as a student at the Pol-
ish gymnasium in Kroze (some 100 miles from Vilnius), he was one of the
343
344 Introduction
founders of a semi-clandestine patriotic student association, the Black Broth-
ers. In the early 1820s, twenty-five years after the final partition of Poland,
secret societies started to spring up at Polish educational institutions, espe-
cially at Vilnius University.
The Black Brothers were essentially a social group devoted to playful
games, discussions, and songs that occasionally took on a patriotic tone
alarming to the Russian forces of occupation. One month after the establish-
ment of the group, on the basis of information provided by another student,
Jan Witkiewicz – along with five other members – was arrested by the Czar-
ist secret police and accused of anti-Russian political activity.
FIGURE 27-1. Jan Witkiewicz in a Czarist army uniform. A lost portrait attributed to
Walenty Wankowicz. Reproduced in Jan Reychman, Peleryna, ciupaga i znak tajemny, Cracow,
1976
After a thorough investigation was launched from St. Petersburg, both the
students at Vilnius University and those at the secondary school at Kroze
were tried by a military court. The university students, including the twenty-
four-year-old poet Adam Mickiewicz, received relatively light sentences of
banishment to Russia (where Mickiewicz was treated as a celebrity); but, in
an attempt to make a frightening example of the high school students, Jan
Witkiewicz was condemned to death at the age of fifteen.
Witkiewicz and the Course of Mid-Eastern History 345
Because of his youth Witkiewicz’s sentence was commuted to life impris-
onment. He lost all rights to his property and was stripped of his title of nobil-
ity. He was to be sent in exile to serve one year at a fortress at the foot of the
Ural Mountains and then to remain for life an ordinary conscript in the Rus-
sian army without the right to promotion and subject to punishment by flog-
ging.
The young Polish prisoners were sent to Moscow by wagon (and obliged
to pay for the trip). Then from Moscow they were transported on foot and in
manacles (weighing twenty-pounds), each to a different place of exile along
the so called Orenburg line, which consisted of a number of military posts
along the eastern border of the Russian empire clustered around the Orenburg
fortress. The entire journey of 1500 miles took seven months. Witkiewicz’s
destination was the Orsk fortress. To the south lay wild, dangerous, and
uncharted territory full of Kazakh and Uzbek tribes, where the Russian colo-
nizers dared not penetrate too deeply.
The barracks at Orsk were primitive with long rows of wooden platforms
serving as bunks. Military service for an ordinary conscript like Jan Witk-
iewicz meant endless mind-deadening drill and inhumanly strict discipline,
any slight breach of which could result in flogging.
Jan Witkiewicz had good luck in having as the fortress’s commander a
humane and educated officer, Colonel Isayev, who was highly impressed
with the boy’s energy and determination in finding time to study the totally
unknown languages, history, and ethnography of the peoples of Central Asia.
Isayev took Witkiewicz under his wing, made him a tutor to his children, and
used him as an interpreter in negotiations with the nomadic Kazakh tribes.
Well-educated and highly motivated, the Polish political prisoners had intel-
lectual abilities the Russian colonizers badly needed, and they did not hesi-
tate to make use of them.
After a year at the fortress, Witkiewicz was allowed to live in private
quarters outside the barracks. Required to pay for his room and board (which
included a servant), he received money from his family for his upkeep. Now
relieved of the drudgery of camp life, Witkiewicz diligently pursued his study
of the Central Asian languages (including local dialects) as well as Persian,
and mastered the geography, customs and manners of the entire area.
It is possible that Jan Witkiewicz was plotting his escape through the
steppes and then to Persia and India, but it is more likely that he was already
planning a career with the Russians. For that to be possible, however, he
needed to move up the ladder and gain freedom of movement.
In 1828 the general governor of Orenburg supported the request of the
Polish exiles from Kroze that, in reward for their good behavior, they be
transferred to active service and sent to the Turkish-Balkan front where a war
346 Introduction
was raging. Distinction on the field of battle would mean restoration of their
titles of nobility and property as well as their receiving the rank and pay of
officers. The Russian Minister of Military Affairs had to decide the issue and
then the Czar must give his approval. Nothing came of this matter until Hum-
boldt appeared on the scene and intervened. Were it not for his meeting with
Humboldt, Witkiewicz might well have spent the rest of his life in Orsk.
Humboldt’s Road to Orenburg

Humboldt’s long deferred trip to Russia (conceived as early as 1794) finally
became a reality in 1829. A member of the Russian Academy of Sciences
since 1818, Humboldt held a high opinion of Russian science and maintained
contact with a large number of Russian scientists.
When he reached St. Petersburg, he was feted everywhere and dined with
the imperial family almost everyday. “Everywhere I go they offer me money
like hay and anticipate every wish,” he wrote. Humboldt received twenty
thousand rubles for the trip; over seven thousand remained unspent, which he
requested be used to facilitate the research of two young Russian scholars,
Helmersen and Hofman.
Even though the trip had been scaled down from his earlier grandiose
dreams, the twenty-five-week journey in 1829 took Humboldt across nearly
every part of European Russia.
Because the Russian surveillance of their guest was so thorough, we
know that the Humboldt party (starting from Berlin) covered 11,500 miles –
500 miles on rivers with 53 river crossings – and that they stayed at 568 dif-
ferent accommodations and were transported by 12,250 horses.
These Russian documents indicate that the police kept a vigilant eye on
Humboldt’s every movement. His itinerary was prearranged in every detail,
and throughout the entire trip Humboldt and his party were provided with
German or French speaking guides and monitors, entertained by pre-chosen
local officials, scholars, and mining engineers. Nothing was left to chance.
Secret reports were submitted covering all of Humboldt’s activities. I
should like to quote from the surveillance letter of the mayor of a small town
in Siberia, which reads as though it came from the pen of Gogol.
To the Governor General:
A few days ago a certain German, named Humboldt, arrived here, a slim fel-
low of unimpressive stature, but since he presented a letter from Your Excel-
lency asking me to be polite to him and extend him all possible assistance…I
followed your orders and treated the German accordingly…However, I take
the liberty to inform Your Excellency that this man seems to me a highly sus-
picious and even dangerous type. I disliked him from the start, he’s been com-
plaining and turning up his nose at my food that I offered him from the
goodness of my heart He wouldn’t even touch a delicious cordial of my own
concoction…thus treating slightingly my person and my hospitality…More-
over, he clearly disdained the most respected citizens and civil servants of our
town and allegedly called them idiots. On the other hand, he’s always been
seen in the company of those political criminals, the Poles, who have been
sent to our town for resettlement and placed under my steadfast supervision…
I humbly ask Your Excellency’s forgiveness for my being so bold…but these
relations with the political criminals could not escape my attention, all the
more so that in recent days after a long meeting that he held with those Poles,
they all went out at night to a nearby mountain and from a case that they were
carrying with them took out some implement resembling a long pipe, which
to my mind…looked like a large cannon, placed said cannon on a tripod-
shaped gun-carriage pointing at our town, and then every person in the com-
pany took his turn by coming over to it and taking aim at the town. Seeing a
danger to the inhabitants of our town, for whose safety I am responsible and
taking into account that all the structures are wooden, I have immediately
ordered the internal guard, consisting of six soldiers and one junior officer, to
have arms at the ready and keep a constant watch on the activities of this Ger-
man. If the incendiary plans of this individual should prove a menace to us,
we would gladly give our lives for Our Czar and Holy Russia.
FIGURE 27-2. Jan Witkiewicz in an Eastern costume. As Fig. 1

348 Introduction
Known throughout the world as an impassioned opponent of slavery, for
the trip to Russia Humboldt was required by the Czarist authorities to limit
his public comments to scientific matters. After all, serfdom was the law of
the land, and political prisoners in manacles were widely visible. Humboldt
had been obliged to write to the Russian Minister of Finances, “It will be well
understood that we confine ourselves to observations of an inanimate nature,
and avoid everything connected with the government or the conditions of the
poorer classes.” But, as we shall see, Humboldt made efforts to help both
Polish exiles and Russian victims of autocracy.
It was on September 19, 1829 on the return loop of his trek through the
Urals and Siberia that the Humboldt expedition reached Orsk. Humboldt pro-
ceeded the same day to Orenburg, but his companions, the geologist Rose
and the botanist Ehrenberg, remained at Orsk to collect samples and data, and
Witkiewicz accompanied them. Members of the group rejoined Humboldt at
Orenburg where they stayed six days from September 20 to 26 before leaving
for the Caspian Sea.
Humboldt was deeply impressed with the handsome young Pole’s knowl-
edge of the geography, ethnography, and languages of the area, and he pitied
Witkiewicz’s fate. He was also astounded by the fact that Witkiewicz – an
exile in a distant outpost – had in his possession one of his works: volume
three of “Essai politique sur la Nouvelle Espagne.”
Back in St. Petersburg on November 13, Humboldt intervened with the
Czar on behalf of Witkiewicz and the other Poles. It is possible that Hum-
boldt met with the Czar and spoke directly to him on this matter; it is certain
that he wrote to the Czar twice to help Witkiewicz. Humboldt’s letters to
Nicholas I – one dated November 26, 1829, one undated – were responsible
for getting the Polish conscripts promoted to the rank of junior officers.
Now as a second lieutenant, Witkiewicz was granted the all-essential free-
dom of movement previously denied him, as well as immediate opportunities
for advancement.
Highly ambitious and a personal friend of the Czar’s, Major General
Vasilii Perovsky, the new Governor General of the province of Orenburg, had
his own program for expanding Russian influence in Central Asia. In need of
a clever secret agent, Perovsky appointed Lieutenant Witkiewicz to his per-
sonal staff as adjutant, claiming that the young Pole knew more about the
region than any other officer past or present and that his negotiating skills
were indispensable.
Lt. Witkiewicz was now widely used for gathering intelligence among the
Muslim tribes along the frontier between Russia and Kazakhstan. He traveled
freely throughout the entire region, often wearing native garb, sometimes in
disguise. In 1835 he penetrated by unknown routes as far as the emirate of
Bukhara – an unheard of exploit – sounding out the emir’s possible support
for Russia and preparing extensive maps for future use.
Interested in the regional independence movements, at home among the
local tribes, and accepted by their leaders, Witkiewicz was sometimes sus-
pected of being a double agent; for this was a time of romantic Byronic
attachments to the political causes and struggles for independence of captive
nations and people. Here is an eyewitness account:
With clean-shaven head, dressed in Tartar clothing, he used to mount a camel
and penetrate the steppes in the company of Bashkirian caravans…During his
reconnaissance trips in the steppes he would appear in various Asiatic cos-
tumes, and in keeping with Koran would join in prayers many times a day,
saying them in the language of the region he happened to be in so faultlessly
that he was considered as one of them.
If Witkiewicz had wished to flee, he obviously could have done so. In
fact, he was even granted a leave to visit his family in Lithuania at Christmas
in 1835; he went in December with his Kirghiz servant and in January
returned to his post in Orenburg, realizing his career lay with Russia.
Jan Witkiewicz becomes a Player in the Great Game

as the Result of Meeting Humboldt
At the time of Humboldt’s trip, Russia was in the process of becoming an
expansive empire and the dominant power in Central Asia. Russia’s rise to
great power status alarmed Great Britain, concerned for its own commercial
supremacy in the region and for the security of its Indian colonies, and
caused intense rivalry in Anglo-Russian relations. From its base in India Brit-
ain sought to extend its control into Afghanistan and to oppose the intrusion
of Russian influence there. This imperial struggle, involving conspiratorial
moves in a shadowy battle of wits, was called by the British “The Great
Game,” and it would eventually lead to one of the worst catastrophes ever to
befall a British army. For a brief but crucial period the obscure Polish politi-
cal prisoner Jan Witkiewicz became a major Russian player in “The Great
Game.”
At this time Afghanistan was divided into different feudal centers – Herat,
Kabul, Kandahar, and Peshavar – each ruled over by a different leader. Dost
Muhammad, the Emir of Kabul – an intelligent and farsighted statesman –
began the struggle for the reunification of the Afghan territories, a move
encouraged by the Russians and opposed by the British as a threat to their
Indian frontiers.
Acting on the basis of Witkiewicz’s observations and advice, Perovsky
decided to counter the British actively. The unification of Afghanistan and its
350 Introduction
alliance with Persia now became the main object of Russia’s diplomacy in
Central Asia. When the Persians laid siege to Herat, the Russians supported
them. Because of his enormous skill as a linguist and diplomat, Witkiewicz at
the age of twenty-seven was made head of the Russian mission to Kabul. He
first went to Teheran to confer with Count Simonich, the Russian Minister to
Persia.
On his way to Kabul on November 1, 1837 he was spotted in eastern Per-
sia by Major Henry Rawlinson, who became suspicious of his activities and
rushed back to Teheran some 700 miles away to inform the British legation
about meeting an enigmatic Russian who was en route to Kabul. Since Sep-
tember the British already had their secret agent at the court of Dost Moham-
med in Kabul in the person of Captain Alexander Burnes, (who had come up
from India posing as head of the British trading mission.
As Witkiewicz rode into Kabul on December 19, 1837, he was the first
ever Russian representative in Afghanistan. In the high style of “the Great
Game,” Lt. Witkiewicz was invited by his rival, Captain Burnes, to Christ-
mas dinner, where the Pole made a most favorable impression both because
of his fluency in Turkish, Persian, and French as well as in many Central
Asian languages and also because of his diplomatic skills and gentlemanly
behavior.
In Kabul Witkiewicz succeeded in winning over Dost Mohammad and in
advancing the Persian-Kandahar alliance that would unite Afghanistan and
Persia in an anti-British coalition and check British expansion in Central
Asia. But finally, as war seemed close to breaking out between the two great
powers, the British Prime Minister Palmerston insisted that Simonich and
Witkiewicz be withdrawn and that the Russians declare that they did not have
the authority to negotiate the Persian-Kandahar pact in the Czar’s name.
Unwilling to risk a war with Britain, the Russians backed off. Witkiewicz
– a pawn in the game – was recalled to St. Petersburg, where he was pro-
moted to rank of captain, warmly received in military and diplomatic circles,
and declared in line for the award of an order and transfer to the guards.
But a week after his return, on May 8,1839 Captain Witkiewicz was found
dead in his hotel room. The official account was that he shot himself after
having destroyed all his Afghanistan notes.
His suicide could have been motivated by his feeling that he had been
repudiated by the Russian Foreign Minister Nesselrode as “an adventurer”
and his brilliant strategy for an anti-British coalition scuttled at the last
minute.
Or Witkiewicz might have been driven to suicide by shame and guilt
because a fellow Polish exile called him a traitor for serving the Russian
empire while Poland remained captive. On the other hand, he could equally
well have been attempting to foment trouble between Russia and Britain so
that Poland would have the opportunity – in the resulting chaos – to regain its
independence.
Other theories hold that Witkiewicz was recalled to St. Petersburg to be
murdered on the orders of the Russian government as a player who knew too
much or because of his alleged double-dealing with the British.
FIGURE 27-3. Jan Witkiewicz. Pencil sketch in the Tatras Museum, Zakopane.
Photograph by K. Goradowska.
The mystery of Witkiewicz’s death remains unsolved. Was he a hero or a

traitor, a devious agent or a disillusioned one? Was he a suicide or the victim
of a political murder? Why and in what circumstances did all the documents
relating to his life and activities disappear without a trace?
Jan Witkiewicz was a product of the age of Romanticism, a hero in quest
of great adventure as well as the victim of diplomatic intrigues. In this he
resembled his British counterpart, Burnes, who was the also a master of lan-
guages and disguises. For his services to Britain, Burnes was knighted, but
along with his brother, Sir Alexander was murdered in Kabul by the insurgent
352 Introduction
crowd in November 1841 at the start of a disastrous war in which the British
lost some 20,000 troops.
Because of his views on Russian autocracy, hatred of all forms of oppres-
sion, and compassion for its victims, Humboldt had identified strongly with
the fate of the young Polish exiles deprived of liberty to move about or to
express themselves freely. The Witkiewicz episode was one he did not want
to talk about later on. “The Russian journey,” Humboldt wrote, “has changed
my outlook on life more than any of my explorations. It made me more seri-
ous and conscious of my age. ”Humboldt’s responses to his Russian journey
were varied. The scientific accomplishments of the trip were immensely grat-
ifying: all across Russia observation stations on earth magnetism were estab-
lished. Extensive studies on Russia’s geology resulted; diamonds were
discovered in the Urals; and thousands of mineral and rock specimens were
collected.
We know, however, that he followed the subsequent destiny of Jan Witk-
iewicz. He was regularly informed by various people he had met in Russia
about the young Pole’s exploits. Witkiewicz’s enterprise, valor, brains, and
charisma were human qualities that Humboldt prized highly. In the Preface to
the first volume of the three that constitute his great work on Central Asia
published in 1843, Humboldt recalls Witkiewicz, mentions how talented he
was, and laments his tragic fate.
Always generous to others, and yet a skillful courtier, Humboldt main-
tained his good relations with the Russian authorities and at the same time
succeeded in helping not only Witkiewicz and his fellow Poles, but others as
well, including many Russians. But that is another story.
CHAPTER 28 Influencia en los
artículos de Bello
Alister Ramírez Márquez
El presente estudio trata con mayor amplitud la influencia de Humboldt en
los delineamientos de la crítica literaria que Bello publicó en “Biblioteca
Americana” (1823) y “Repertorio Americano” (1826-27). “Biblioteca Amer-
icana” y “El Repertorio Americano” fueron publicadas en Londres por una
Sociedad de Americanos. Sus redactores principales fueron Andrés Bello
(1781-1865) y el colombiano Juan García del Río(1794-1856)1. Otros miem-
bros colaboradores eran: Agustín Gutiérrez Moreno, Luis López Méndez, y
P. Cotez, quien trabajó para Francisco Miranda en la redacción de “El Colom-
biano”. La responsabilidad económica no recaía ni en Bello ni en García del
Río, sino en la de un grupo de americanos y españoles que estaban interesa-
dos, en la difusión de sus propios escritos, pero también en la emancipación
cultural y política de las nuevas naciones hispanoamericanas.
Humboldt y Bello
La llegada del explorador alemán y del médico naturalista a Caracas causó
curiosidad y admiración. Fueron acogidos con el beneplácito de las autori-
dades españolas en la Capitanía General. Humboldt se convirtió en partícipe
de las tertulias caraqueñas y allí conoció a Andrés Bello. Desde el primer
encuentro hubo simpatía entre ambos. Sin duda Bello estaba en una etapa
fundamental de su formación, y quería absorber conocimientos de primera
mano. Aristídes Rojas comenta: “Ninguna ocasión más brillante para un
1. Juan García del Río: escritor nacido en Cartagena, Colombia y fallecido en Ciudad de
México. Fue secretario del general José de San Martín, en Argentina, de Simón Bolívar en
Perú, de Santa Cruz en Bolivia, y de Juan José Flórez en Ecuador. Fundó en Valparaíso “El
Argos de Chile”. Se fue a vivir a Inglaterra en 1822 y estableció amistad con Bello y los
españoles exiliados. En Bogotá publicó sus “Meditaciones colombianas” (1829). En 1843
trabajó en “El Mercurio” en Chile. Véase el estudio de Miguel Antonio Caro. “Escritos de
don Andrés Bello”. Introducción y notas de Carlos Valderrama Andrade. Bogotá: Instituto
Caro y Cuervo, 1981, pág. 42-43.
353
joven entusiasta, tan ávido de instrucción, como Bello, que la amistad del
viajero naturalista”2. En efecto, Bello formó parte de la expedición vene-
zolana de Alejandro de Humboldt y Aimé Bonpland (1800)3. Asimismo, el
alemán conservó su aprecio por el venezolano. En su relación de las “Provin-
cias de la Capitanía General de Venezuela” destacó los datos recogidos por
Bello: “según las evaluaciones parciales hechas por tres personalidades ilus-
tradas de la localidad, don Andrés Bello, don Luis López Méndez y don
Manuel Palacio Fajardo [...]”4 El encuentro entre el barón alemán y el apren-
diz caraqueño tuvo gran trascendencia en la perspectiva americanista de
Bello. Es notable la publicación de varios artículos científicos y traducciones
de los escritos de Humboldt en las dos revistas ya mencionadas, que fundó y
editó Bello en Londres: “Biblioteca Americana y El Repertorio Americano”.
Algunos ejemplos de la obra humboldtiana que el caraqueño estudió fueron:
“Paisaje de la naturaleza, Viaje a las regiones equinocciales, Relación
histórica, Ensayo político de la Nueva España y Atlas Geográfico”. En “El
Censor Americano” (3 de septiembre de 1820) se publicó la versión que hizo
Bello de la “Relación histórica” de Humboldt y Bonpland: “Topografía de la
provincia de Cumaná, San Fernando, Arenas, Turimiquire, valle de Capire y
cueva de Guácharo”5. En “Biblioteca Americana” (tomo I, 1823) Bello pub-
licó un artículo, “Palmas americanas,” basado en los “Viajes de Humboldt y
Bonpland”.
Cesia Ziona Hirshbein subraya la influencia de Humboldt sobre el trabajo
de Bello:
“[...] tanto su visión de la naturaleza que expresa en su poesía, como en sus
ensayos, traducciones y fundamentalmente en su obra de divulgación cientí-
fica para los países recién fundados por la emancipación americana: Cos-
mografía. Ambos sabios americanistas, a su estilo, se relacionaron, y
debemos decir en la obra de Bello es apreciable la huella de Humboldt, pero
que igualmente Humboldt siempre se interesó por la obra de Bello [...] Vidas
tan distintas las de Alejandro de Humboldt y Andrés Bello. El primero que
prefirió siempre los palpables placeres de la experiencia aventurera y el otro
2. Véase nota en “Obras Completas” de Bello, tomo 24. Caracas: Ministerio de Edu-
cación, 1951, pág. 271.
3. Humboldt y Aimé tenían como misión ascender a la silla del Ávila, cima del monte de
Caracas. Permanecieron en Venezuela desde noviembre de 1799 hasta enero de 1800.
Véase escritos de Bello sobre Humboldt como “Viaje a las regiones equinocciales del
Nuevo Continente por Alejandro de Humboldt y Amado Bonpland” en “Obra completa de
don Andrés Bello”. Caracas: Fundación de Casa Bello, 1986, volúmen XX, págs. 271-279.
Para profundizar en los viajes del barón alemán al Nuevo Mundo, véase el libro de Jaime
Labastida. “Humboldt, ciudadano universal”. México, D.F: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1999.
En el capítulo tercero de mi estudio se establece la influencia de Humboldt en los escritos
de Bello, y en particular los artículos publicados por Bello en “Biblioteca Americana”
durante su etapa de Londres.
4. Alejandro de Humboldt y A. Bonpland. “Relation Historique”, tome troisi 鑪 e.
5. Véase “Obras Completas”, tomo 24, pág. 271-2.
Influencia en los artículos de Bello 355
los placeres del pensamiento y la secretas aventuras del espíritu [...] Toda
colaboración es misteriosa, porque eran muy distintos los dos y las vicisitudes
y el tiempo sirvieron para que el uno supiera del otro y fueran ambos poetas
en el sentido más amplio de la palabra6.
En efecto, el interés, estudio y admiración de Bello por la naturaleza serán
fundamentales para realizar sus escritos literarios. Un ejemplo es “Poesías de
José María Heredia.” Este ensayo fue publicado en “Repertorio Americano”
en el tomo segundo de enero de 1827. En el tomo primero de octubre de
1826, Bello ya había anunciado en la sección de notas bibliográficas la apar-
ición de este libro: “producciones de un joven habanero, en las cuales, a vuel-
tas de algunos descuidos de lenguaje, se descubre una fantasía vivaz y rica,
un corazón afectuoso, y otras eminentes calidades poéticas”7.
Bello comenta la edición de 1825, preparada y publicada en Nueva York
por el mismo Heredia (1803-1839)8. Se refiere a la juventud del poeta
cubano. Con sólo veintitrés años, su pluma es precoz e inquieta: “aunque
imita a menudo, hay, por lo común, bastante originalidad en sus fantasías y
conceptos; y le vemos trasladar a sus versos con felicidad las impresiones de
aquella naturaleza majestuosa del ecuador, tan digna de ser contemplada,
estudiada y cantada”9. Conviene observar que Bello es conocedor de esa
misma naturaleza, no sólo por las imágenes que ha plasmado estéticamente
en sus “Silvas”, sino, como ya se ha indicado previamente, por experiencia
personal en Caracas durante sus excursiones como ayudante de Humboldt.
De hecho en el “Boletín Bibliográfico de Repertorio Americano” de abril de
1927 (tomo tercero), Bello hizo una reseña de una traducción al español de
“Viaje a las regiones equinocciales del nuevo continente hecho en 1799 hasta
1804” por A. Humboldt y A. Bonpland, redactado por A. de Humboldt, con
mapas geográficos y físicos. El libro del barón alemán fue publicado en París
en 1826. En verdad, Bello es uno de los pocos redactores de la revista que
puede leer una obra de esta naturaleza y ofrecer juicios acertados: se queja de
la mala traducción al español: “ […] y nos dolemos de que no haya empren-
dido esta obra algún traductor dotado de las cualidades necesarias para su
empeño, que además del cabal conocimiento de los dos idiomas, requiere
cierta familiaridad con el lenguaje técnico de las ciencias físicas, y nociones
más que medianas de historia natural”10. ¿Quién más que un estudioso como
6. Cesia Ziona Hirshbein. “Andrés Bello (1785) y Humboldt (1769-1859)”,
www.humboldt200.cl/bello, 2002
7. “Obras completas”, tomo IX, pág. 234.
8. José María Heredia. Nació en Santiago de Cuba y murió en México. Poseía un íntimo
convencimiento de su frustración y de su fracaso lo cual lo acercó más al Romanticismo.
Véanse los estudios de Pedro Manuel González. “Historia y crítica de la literatura hispan-
oamericana, tomo II, del Romanticismo al Modernismo”. Barcelona: Grupo Editorial Gri-
jalbo, 1991, págs. 129-134. Véase también el prólogo de Arturo Uslar Pietri. “Obras
Completas. Temas de crítica literaria”, tomo IX, pág. XXII.
9. “Obras Completas”, tomo IX, pág. 235.
Bello puede tener los conocimientos científicos generales para señalar sin
arrogancia los problemas de una traducción?; y prosigue Bello:
“Por falta de estos indispensables requisitos está plagada de errores de traduc-
ción, señalándose a menudo los objetos con denominaciones bárbaras e inin-
teligibles. He aquí unos pocos ejemplos que nos han saltado a los ojos en
menos de treinta páginas del tomo I, y aún no son todos. A las hojas pintadas
llama el traductor peludas; a los cocos, cocoteros […] ; a las tunas o cactos,
raquetas y cacteros […]; a la culebra de cascabel (serpent à sonnettes), serpi-
ente de campanillas […] ; a las palmas, palmeros”11.
En tal sentido, suena la voz precisa del Bello que se preocupa por escoger
el vocablo correcto del idioma. Siempre está presente el pensamiento
sistemático de un catalogador que reclama un lenguaje propio para denomi-
nar las especies del Nuevo Mundo. Asimismo tanto Humlboldt como Bello
reflejan en sus obras la concepción de la naturaleza como un todo. El alemán
afirma que: “Para que esta obra se digna de la bellísima expresión de Cos-
mos, que significa el orden del universo, y la magnificencia en el orden, es
necesario que abrace y describa el gran todo”12. Por su lado, Bello dice: “[...]
todas las verdades nos tocan, desde las que formulan el rumbo de los mundos
en el piélago del espacio; desde las que determinan las agencias maravillosas
de que dependen el movimiento y la vida en el universo de la materia [...]”13
Luisa Veracoechea de Castillo afirma:
Ambos creían en la educación integral del ser humano. Humboldt lleva a
Europa la más grande obra de divulgación cultural, de independencia en el
vivir, en el saber en sí mismo. Bello realiza en el continente americano la obra
de mayor trascendencia. Los encuentros en la Caracas colonial son el preludio
de la obra humboldtiana en Bello. Ambos sabios le dejaron a la humanidad el
legado de sus obras inmortales [...]14
Es así como Bello sostiene que la literatura obedece a un proceso con-
tinuo de creación, lo cual es consecuente con su concepto de un cuerpo
sistemático e integrado que se moviliza a través de distintas épocas; por
ejemplo de ello son los distintos géneros en diversos períodos. De hecho
establece relaciones importantes entre la Edad Media y la Moderna para mos-
trar el lazo íntimo que vincula épocas diferentes. Sin duda, Bello mostró una
posición equilibrada tanto en sus estudios filosóficos como en sus ensayos
10. “Repertorio Americano”, tomo III, pág. 297.

11. Ibid.
12. Andrés Bello. “Obras Completas. Cosmografía y otros escritos”. Caracas: La Casa de
Bello, 1981, tomo 24 pág 16. Véanse también las alusiones a la obra de Humboldt, págs.
67, 79, 98, 157, 211, 212, 213, 656 y 665.
13. Andrés Bello. “Discurso pronunciado en la Universidad de Chile el día 17 de septi-
embre de 1843. “Obras Completas”. Caracas: La Casa de Bello, pág. 29.
14. Luisa Veracoehea de Castillo. “Alejandro de Humboldt y Andrés Bello” “El asombro”
(1999): 93-97.
críticos, que fue producto de una visión universal heredada de Humboldt, y
desarrollada a través de sus lecturas, reflexiones y experiencia personal.
El paisaje americano a través de los ojos de

Humboldt: Ilustraciones publicadas por Bello en
Biblioteca
Las escasas ilustraciones en “Biblioteca”, una del ñandú o avestruz de
América y la otra de una vista del Chimborazo desde la mesa de Tapia por D.
Harding, muestran paisajes, plantas y animales exóticos americanos. Estas
refuerzan no sólo la imagen de una naturaleza exuberante que aún tienen los
europeos del Nuevo Mundo sino que también funciona como un espejo para
los propios habitantes de los estados americanos. Los textos y las ilustra-
ciones que se publican en la revista tienen un doble objetivo: informar y a la
vez ayudar a los lectores americanos para que se reconozcan en su propio
mundo. Cabe precisar que la imagen de América es mediada a través de los
ojos civilizadores de Europa. De hecho Alejandro de Humboldt viajó durante
cinco años por el territorio que comprende Venezuela, Ecuador, Perú, Colom-
bia, Cuba y México, que en ese tiempo formaban parte del imperio español.
Humboldt desembarcó en Cumaná, capital de la Nueva Andalucía en Vene-
zuela, el 16 de julio de 1799, procedente de España y con amplias recomen-
daciones del rey Carlos IV. Bello conoció a Humboldt en Caracas hacia
finales de 1799 y lo acompañó en varios de sus recorridos por la capital. Es
fundamental reconocer la huella que Humboldt dejó en Bello, tanto en la
visión de la naturaleza que Bello expresa en su poesía, como en sus ensayos,
traducciones y principalmente en sus artículos de divulgación científica, en
los cuales se destaca la gran admiración e influencia de los trabajos de Hum-
boldt15.
Un día cotidiano de Humboldt por tierras

venezolanas
Al llegar a la Capitanía General de Venezuela el aristócrata alemán iba acom-
pañado de un grupo selecto de pintores europeos que dibujaban con precisión
científica la flora y la fauna. Asimismo, Humboldt también enviaba las plan-
tas secas a los ilustradores más famosos de la época en el Viejo Continente
para que hicieran un dibujo fiel del modelo original. Jaime Labastida, al
comentar el método de trabajo de Humboldt, advierte:
15. Véase escritos de Bello sobre Humboldt como “Viaje a las regiones equinocciales del
Nuevo Continente, por Alejandro de Humboldt y Amado Bonpland” en “Obra completa de
don Andrés Bello”. Caracas: Fundación de Casa Bello, 1986, volúmen XX, págs. 271-279.
“Podemos comentar cualquier otro día de trabajo, otro más de las jornadas
científicas de Humboldt en América. En cada caso, desde luego, cambiará el
objeto y el lugar será otro; el instrumento usado será otro también. Pero Hum-
boldt no se apartará nunca de su rutina. Telescopio, péndulo, sextante,
microscopio, barómetro, termómetro, cianómetro o hidrómetro le permitirán,
antes que nada, determinar con exactitud los datos. Esto quiere decir, por lo
tanto, que los datos que Humboldt ofrece no son nunca los datos brutos de los
sentidos […] Se trata, quiero subrayarlo así, al mismo tiempo, de una obra
que jamás abandona su propósito científico, por un lado (o sea que es rigu-
rosa); pero, por otro lado, se trata de una obra de arte: bella plástica, estética-
mente impecable, con grabados realizados por los mejores artistas de Europa,
en el mejor papel, con las mejores tintas, en los mejores talleres de Roma,
París o Berlín. Es un trabajo editorial de primer orden, hecho a lo largo de casi
30 años y que arruina al barón prusiano”16.
Aunque los redactores de “Biblioteca” continúan dentro de la línea del
grabado paisajista, tan popular, en Inglaterra en las primeras décadas del
siglo XIX, prefieren las cordilleras y los ríos americanos en vez de las senti-
mentales escenas en las campiñas inglesas. Pues bien, las ilustraciones en la
revista fueron realizadas por ingleses; los temas son recogidos de los diarios
y los dibujos de los viajeros europeos, pero la técnica sigue siendo parte de la
tradición del grabado en la literatura inglesa de finales del siglo XVIII y prin-
cipios del XIX17.
No cabe duda que en la primera etapa literaria de Bello recibió formación
bajo la influencia neoclásica del siglo XVIII español. De igual forma, ciertas
circunstancias históricas de la segunda mitad del Siglo de las Luces, como las
políticas borbónicas del despotismo ilustrado español y el contacto directo
con Humboldt, repercutieron directa e indirectamente en la educación y
evolución del pensamiento crítico de Bello. Su conocimiento de latín, inglés
y francés lo pusieron en contacto, a través de su trabajo en la “Gazeta” de
Caracas, con la información más reciente que llegaba de Europa a la capi-
tanía venezolana. El aprendizaje de los idiomas lo prepararon también para
realizar sus estudios críticos de las obras de los autores sobresalientes del
romanticismo europeo, en particular de la lengua inglesa.
16. Jaime Labastida. “Humboldt, ciudadano universal”. México, D.F: Siglo Veintiuno
Editores, 1999, págs. 31-32.
17. Para estudiar las técnicas de grabado europeo de finales del siglo XVIII y principios
del XIX, que se usaban para representar el Nuevo Mundo, véanse los grabados de las car-
tas geográficas, por ejemplo, del istmo de Panamá hecha por el mismo Humboldt, o las
impresiones en su libro “Sitios de las cordilleras y monumentos de los pueblos indígenas
de América”, en una edición en español de 1878, publicada por la Imprenta y Librería de
Gaspar Editores. Además, véanse las ilustraciones de especies animales y vegetales en los
estudios sobre Humboldt que hizo Jaime Labastida. “Humboldt, ese desconocido”. México:
Secretaría de Educación Pública, 1975, y en “Humboldt, ciudadano universal; con una
antología de los textos de Alejandro de Humboldt”. México, D.F: Siglo Veintiuno Editores,
1999.
Bibliography
Alexander, David S. Affecting Moments: Prints of English Literature Made
in the Age of Romantic Sensibility. 1755-1800. New York: New York
University Press, 1993.
Álvarez O., Federico. Labor periodística de Andrés Bello. Caracas: Univer-
sidad Central Venezuela, 1981.
Arciniégas, Germán. América tierra firme. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamer-
icana, 1966.
El pensamiento vivo de Andrés Bello. Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada, S.A.,
1946.
Bello y la América Latina. Cuarto Congreso del Bicentenario, Caracas: Fun-
dación de la Casa Andrés Bello, 1982.
Bocaz, Luis. Andrés Bello. Una biografía cultural. Bogotá: Convenio Andrés
Bello, 2000.
Brown, David B., Noon Patrick Crossing the Channel. British and French
Painting in the Age of Romanticism. London: Tate Publishing, 2003.
Caro, Miguel Antonio. Escritos sobre don Andrés Bello. (Edición, introduc-
ción y notas de Carlos Valderrama Andrade). Bogotá, Instituto Caro y
Cuervo, 1981.
Cussen, Antonio. Bello and Bolívar. Poetry and Politics in the Spanish Amer-
ican Revolution. New York: Cambridge UP, 1992
Crema, Eduardo. Andrés Bello a través del Romanticismo. Caracas: Ministe-
rio de Educación de Venezuela, 1956.
Estudios sobre Andrés Bello. Caracas: La Casa de Bello, 1987.
Los dramas psíquicos y estéticos de Andrés Bello. Caracas: Presidencia de la
República, 1973.
Ercilla y Zúñiga, Alonso de. La Araucana (Introducción y notas por Isaías
Lerner) Madrid: Ediciones Cátedra, 1993.
Goic, Cedomil. Historia y crítica de la literatura. Del Romanticismo al Mod-
ernismo. Barcelona: Editorial Crítica, 1990.
Grases, Pedro. Andrés Bello. Obra Literaria. Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacucho,
1979.
El tiempo de Bello en Londres y otros ensayos. Caracas: Ediciones Ministe-
rio de Educación, 1962.
España honra a don Andrés Bello. Caracas: Presidencia de la República,
1972.
Labastida, Jaime. Humboldt, ciudadano universal. México, D.F.: Siglo Vein-
tiuno Editores, 1999.
Subero, Efraín. Las ideas estéticas de Andrés Bello: Bello y la situación
actual de la cultura latinoamericana. Caracas: La Casa de Bello, 1994.
Obras de Andrés Bello:
Biblioteca Americana. Londres: Imprenta de don G. Marchant, 1823.
Filosofía del entendimiento (Introducción de José Gaos). México: Fondo de
Cultura Económica, 1948.
Obras Completas. Caracas: Ministerio de Educación, 1951, 24 volúmenes.
Tomo V. Estudios gramaticales. Prólogo por Ángel Rosenblat, "Las ideas
ortográficas de Bello". 1951.
Tomo IX. Temas de crítica literaria. Prólogo de Arturo Uslar Pietri, "Los
temas del pensamiento crítico de Bello", y "Advertencia editorial", de la
Comisión Editora. Caracas, 1956.
Tomo XV. Temas jurídicos y sociales. Prólogo de Rafael Caldera.
Obras completas. Caracas: Fundación de Casa Bello 1981-1986, 26
volúmenes. 1986.
Repertorio Americano. Londres: Librería de Bossange, Barthes I Lowell,
1826-27.
Artículos
Arciniegas, Germán. “Bello, republicano” El Tiempo. Lecturas Dominicales
(1981): 3-4.
Cacua Prada, Antonio. “Andrés Bello, periodista” Revista del Convenio
Andrés Bello 14 (1981): 28-34.
Gómez Hoyos, Rafael. “Andrés Bello, periodista” El Tiempo. Lecturas
Dominicales (1981): 5.
Gómez, Miguel. "Selected writing of Andrés Bello" Hispanic Review 67
(1999): 285-87. "La Silvas americanas de Andrés Bello": una relectura
genealógica" Hispanic Review 66 (1998): 181-96.
Hirshbein, Cesia. “Andrés Bello (1785) y Humboldt (1769-1859)”
www.humboldt200.cl/bello, 2002.
Puerta Florez, Ismael. “Bello y la escondida senda de historiador” Páginas
Andresinas (1991): 23-34.
Torres Quintero, Rafael. “Andrés Bello y su lucha contra el colonialismo cul-
tural en Hispanoamérica” Revista del Convenio Andrés Bello 14 (1982):
27-30.
"Bicentenario del nacimiento de don Andrés Bello" Boletín de la Academia
Colombiana 31 (1981): 1-4.
“Modernidad en la gramática de don Andrés Bello” Boletín del Instituto Caro
y Cuervo 1 (1993): 143-157.
Veracochea de Castillo, Luisa. “Alejandro de Humboldt y Andrés Bello” El
asombro (1999): 93-97.
Ibid.
CHAPTER 29 A Humboldtian
Explorer in New York1
Aaron Sachs
In April, 1818, Secretary of State John Quincy Adams received a bizarre
handbill in the mail, from a man called John Cleves Symmes, Jr., of Ohio. It
was addressed “TO ALL THE WORLD!” In it, Symmes declared that “the
earth is hollow, and habitable within…and that it is open at the poles 12 or 16
degrees.” Thus was born the Symmes Theory of Concentric Spheres.
“I pledge my life in support of this truth,” Symmes wrote, “and am ready
to explore the hollow, if the world will support and aid me in the undertak-
ing…I ask one hundred brave companions, well equipped, to start from Sibe-
ria in the fall season, with Reindeer and slays, on the ice of the frozen sea; I
engage we find warm and rich land, stocked with thrifty vegetables and ani-
mals if not men, on reaching one degree northward of latitude 82; we will
return in the succeeding spring.” Symmes also took the opportunity to
announce his forthcoming “Treatise, on the principles of matter, wherein I
show proofs of the above positions [and] account for various phenomena.”
And, finally, Symmes listed his three “protectors:” the famous physical
chemist Sir Humphry Davy; Samuel L. Mitchill of the New York Lyceum of
Natural History; and “Baron Alex. de Humboldt.”2
It’s becoming more common to talk about Humboldt’s influence on vari-
ous aspects of American culture in the mid-19th century: you can find it in
mainstream writers like Emerson and Thoreau; artists like Frederic Church;
the work of the U.S. Army Corps of Topographical Engineers; and the devel-
opment of German-American communities and institutions. My own work
has to do with Humboldt’s influence on American explorers, and here I want
to focus on one in particular – someone closely associated with Symmes –
1. This paper is adapted from my Ph. D. dissertation, “The Humboldt Current: Avant-
Garde Exploration and Environmental Thought in 19th-Century America,” filed in 2004, at
Yale University, in the American Studies program. The book version is forthcoming in
2006, to be published by Viking Penguin.
361
whose career suggests that Humboldt was already an incredibly strong influ-
ence in the 18-teens, 20s, and 30s. This paper, then, lines up with research
done by other scholars on Humboldtian elements in the early-19th-century
careers of people like George Catlin, Washington Irving, and Albert Gall-
atin.3
Now Symmes, of course, was a total quack. Even Humboldt, normally so
generous and open-minded in his treatment of aspiring scientists, wound up
making fun of him: the infamous “hollow sphere,” Humboldt wrote, in the
first volume of Cosmos, “has by degrees been peopled with plants and ani-
mals, and...it was further imagined that an ever-uniform temperature reigned
in these internal regions...Near the north pole, at 82 latitude, whence the polar
light emanates, was an enormous opening, through which a descent might be
made into the hollow sphere, and Sir Humphrey Davy and myself were even
publicly and frequently invited by Captain Symmes to enter upon this subter-
ranean expedition: so powerful is the morbid inclination of men to fill
unknown spaces with shapes of wonder.”4 Yet Humboldt himself had fed
Symmes’ fire through his early publications by providing isothermal evi-
dence that the equatorial regions were not always the hottest on the planet.
One of Symmes’ most learned boosters even cited Humboldt’s description of
fish being erupted from a volcano as possible evidence for Symmes’ idea that
another world existed inside the earth’s core. Certainly, the Captain’s conten-
tion that there were open polar seas rather than ice caps was based not on his
2. The handbill, now in the National Archives, is reproduced in Herman J. Viola and
Carolyn Margolis, eds., The U.S. Exploring Expedition, 1838-1842 (Washington, D.C.:
Smithsonian Institution Press, 1985), p. 10.
On Symmes in general, see Elmore Symmes, “John Cleves Symmes, The Theorist,” an arti-
cle in three installments in the Southern Bivouac, New Series 2 (February, March, and
April 1887), pp. 555-66, 621-31, and 682-93; Paul Collins, “Symmes Hole,” in Banvard’s
Folly: Thirteen Tales of People Who Didn’t Change the World (New York: Picador, 2001),
pp. 54-70; P. Clark, “The Symmes Theory of the Earth” Atlantic Monthly 31 (April 1873),
pp. 471-80; E.F. Madden, “Symmes and His Theory,” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 65
(October 1882), pp. 740-4; John Wells Peck, “Symmes’ Theory,” Ohio Archaeological and
Historical Publications 18 (1909), pp. 28-42; and Reginald Horsman, “Captain Symmes’s
Journey to the Center of the Earth,” Timeline (Sept./Oct. 2000), pp. 2-13.
3. See, for instance: Laura Dassow Walls, Seeing New Worlds: Henry David Thoreau and
Nineteenth-Century Natural Science (Madison: U. Wisconsin Press, 1995), pp. 76-166;
Kevin J. Avery, Church’s Great Picture: The Heart of the Andes (New York: Metropolitan
Museum of Art, 1993), pp. 12-22; Kent Mathewson, “Humboldt and the Development of
North American Geography,” paper delivered in Washington, D.C., June 4, 2004, at the
conference “Alexander von Humboldt and North America,”; Andreas Daum, “Celebrating
Humanism in St. Louis: the Origins of the Humboldt Statue in Tower Grove Park, 1859-
1878,” Gateway Heritage 15 (Fall 1994), pp. 48-58; Ingo Schwarz, “‘Shelter for a Reason-
able Freedom’ or Cartesian Vortex: Aspects of Alexander von Humboldt’s Relation to the
United States,” Debate y Perspectivas 1 (2000), pp. 169-70; Schwarz, “The Second Discov-
erer of the New World and the First American Literary Ambassador to the Old World: Alex-
ander von Humboldt and Washington Irving,” Acta Historica Leopoldina 27 (1997), pp. 89-
97; Michael Anthony Wadyko, “Alexander von Humboldt and 19th-Century Ideas on the
Origin of American Indians,” Ph.D. Dissertation, W. Virginia U., 2000.
4. Humboldt, Cosmos, Vol. 1 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), p. 171.
A Humboldtian Explorer in New York 363
imagination but on his compulsive reading of exploration narratives, many of
which did mention that there were whales and seals and birds and even signs
of vegetable life at the highest latitudes attained, and that the ocean was in
fact more navigable once you passed through the thickest ice fields between
about 60 and 65 degrees North or South.5
Indeed, Symmes actually achieved a degree of fame in the 1820s, and
when his disciple J.N. Reynolds started lecturing about exploration and glo-
bal dynamics in New York City, his ideas were warmly embraced by the
intellectual community. The Yale chemist Benjamin Silliman, a devoted
Humboldtian and probably America’s leading scientist, noted publicly that
“Mr. Reynolds…handled his subject like an accomplished scholar,” and Silli-
man even invited Reynolds to his home in New Haven on a number of occa-
sions. Reynolds’s candle-lit lectures at New York’s Tammany Hall in May
and June of 1826 were the sensation of the season; they attracted many o
New York’s self-styled intellectual sophisticates. Here’s a writer from the
New York “Mirror” talking about himself in the third person:6
A gentleman of this city, who, never having heard the theory of the concentric
spheres properly explained, had always viewed it as the wild chimera of a
half-disordered imagination, lately attended one of Reynolds’ lectures. He
went, as he himself confessed, in hopes of hearing something sufficiently
absurd to give good exercise to his risibles; but soon felt more inclined to lis-
ten than to laugh, and by the time the discourse was finished, became a thor-
ough believer in what he had lately derided. Such sudden conversions,
perhaps, are not the most permanent; but they are sufficient to prove that the
above theory is more worthy of investigation than of ridicule.”
5. Humboldt’s most widely read study of isotherms is “Des Lignes Isothermes et de la

Distribution de la Chaleur sur le Globe [On Isothermic Lines and the Distribution of Heat
on the Planet],” in Mémoires de Physique et de Chimie de la Société d’Arcueil 3 (1817), pp.
462-602.
The Symmes supporter who cited Humboldt is James McBride, “Symmes’s Theory of Con-
centric Spheres” (Cincinnati: Morgan, Lodge, and Fisher, 1826), p. 105. Belief in the Open
Polar Seas lasted well into the 19th century: see Edward L. Towle, “The Myth of the Open
Polar Sea,” “Proceedings of the Tenth International Congress of the History of Science”
(Paris, 1965), Vol. 1, pp. 1037-41. J.N. Reynolds discusses the possibility of an open sea in
the Antarctic in his official report of 1828 to Navy Secretary Samuel Southard, “Pacific Ocean
and South Seas”, reprinted in 1835 as House Document 105, 23rd Congress, 2nd Session, p.
26. Of the sealers he interviewed who had been South of 70º, Reynolds noted: “They all agree
that… the greatest impediment to navigation from ice will be found from 62º to 68º S.” Also see
his “Remarks on a Review of Symmes’ Theory, which appeared in the American Quarterly
Review” (Washington, D.C.: Gales and Seaton, 1827), p. 40.
Edmund Fanning, in Voyages Round the World (New York: Collins and Hannay, 1833), pp.
473-4, notes: “The report of all (within the author’s knowledge) that have passed beyond
the 68th degree is, that above this degree of latitude, the sea was found to be mainly clear of
ice, and the climate becoming more mild, with prevailing winds from the southward. “The
report of that persevering navigator, Weddel, who has sailed farther south than any other
navigator has been known to do, is this, viz., to the latitude of 74º 15’ S., he states, that at
this position the weather was mild as summer, the wind at the time being from the south,
while the sea was clear in that quarter, as far as the eye could discern from the masthead.”
Of course, there were also listeners who were content to respond with rid-
icule. Reynolds had become increasingly popular in part because he had
aligned himself with New England’s whaling and sealing industries and had
begun lobbying for an expedition directed toward the South Pole, leaving the
North to the British and to Captain Symmes, with whom he had broken.
Symmes in fact felt so betrayed by Reynolds that he challenged him to a duel.
Reynolds refused, but one newspaper editor suggested that the U.S. govern-
ment could step in and resolve the dispute: all Congress had to do was “grant
two appropriations, one to Reynolds for the antarctic regions, another to
Symmes for the arctic regions, furnish them with cannons, and let them fight
their duel” through the earth’s hollow core, using “snow-balls as ammuni-
tion.”7
Reynolds simply ignored such abuse and continued laying down the core
principles of his science, based squarely on Humboldt’s cosmopolitan empir-
icism: we don’t know what’s out there and how it all fits together, Reynolds
argued, so we’d better join the universal effort to collect facts, make contact
with other nations, and start figuring out the best ways of living in harmony
with nature. “Inquiries concerning the figure of the earth we inhabit, are
among the noblest speculations of the human mind. They enlarge our views,
and frequently bring remote parts of the earth into a knowledge and inter-
change with each other.” In the end, the proposed expedition could help us
6. New York National Advocate, May 28, 1828, cited in Elmore Symmes, p. 565; New-
York Mirror 3 (June 17, 1826), p. 375. For more coverage of Reynolds and Symmes in New
York, also see the Mirror of April 15 (p. 303) and May 27 (pp. 350-1). Silliman quote is
from the New England Palladium and Commercial Advertiser, June 16, 1826, p. 1; also see
Philip I. Mitterling, America in the Antarctic to 1840 (Urbana: U. Illinois Press, 1959), p.
86. For more on Silliman and Reynolds, also see Reynolds, Address on the Subject of a Sur-
veying and Exploring Expedition to the Pacific Ocean and South Seas. Delivered in the Hall
of Representatives on the Evening of April 3, 1836 (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1836),
pp. 112-15. For more on Silliman and Humboldt, see Benjamin Silliman, A Visit to Europe
in 1851, Vol. 2 (New York: George P. Putnam, 1853), pp. 317-22. For background on Rey-
nolds, the best source is an unpublished biography, the typescript of which is in the Special
Collections at the Princeton University Library: Richard G. Woodbridge III, J.N. Reynolds
– American. Woodbridge has made snippets of his research more readily available in Wood-
bridge, “J.N. Reynolds: Father of American Exploration,” Princeton University Library
Chronicle 45 (Winter 1984), and Woodbridge, Condensed Biography of J.N. Reynolds –
American, typescript (Princeton, 1995), New York Public Library. There’s also an important
cache of Reynolds’s letters in the Samuel L. Southard Papers, Special Collections, Prince-
ton University Library. Other Reynolds sources include: Kenneth J. Bertrand, Americans in
Antarctica, 1775-1948 (New York: American Geographical Society, 1971), pp. 144-97;
Robert F. Almy, “J. N. Reynolds: A Brief Biography with Particular Reference to Poe and
Symmes,” Colophon 2 (New Series) (Winter 1937), pp. 227-45; Aubrey Starke, “Poe’s
Friend Reynolds,” American Literature 11 (May 1939), pp. 152-9; William Coyle, ed., Ohio
Authors and Their Books (Cleveland: World Publishing Co., 1962), pp. 523-5; and Henry
Howe, “The Romantic History of Jeremiah N. Reynolds,” in Howe, Historical Collections of
Ohio in Two Volumes: An Encyclopedia of the State (Columbus: Henry Howe and Son,
1889), Vol. I, pp. 430-2. Most scholars refer to Reynolds as Jeremiah, but he always
referred to himself by his initials, and there is good reason to believe that his real name was
probably James Neilson Reynolds.
7. Elmore Symmes, p. 623.
acquire “much useful information in the hydrography and geography of the
Antarctic regions; as well as many important and interesting observations on
the atmospherical, magnetical, and electrical phenomena, which cannot fail
materially to advance the science of Meteorology; and also in many valuable
collections of objects in natural history, which inhabit a part of the globe,
where few researches have yet been made in this branch of science.”8
A little later in his career, Reynolds made his Humboldtian program of
research even clearer: he wished “to collect, preserve, and arrange” speci-
mens from all over the globe, “from the minute madrapore to the huge sper-
maceti,” and figure out how they connected to each other and to “man in his
physical and mental powers, in his manners, habits, disposition, and social
and political relations”; scientists should feel duty-bound “to examine vege-
tation, from the hundred mosses of the rocks, throughout all the classes of
shrub, flower, and tree, up to the monarch of the forest,” all in relation to “the
phenomena of winds and tides, of heat and cold, of light and darkness.” And,
indeed, in lobbying for the scientific exploration of the South Seas through-
out the 1820s and 30s, Reynolds frequently cited Humboldt explicitly, and
between 1829 and 1834 he actually got to follow in Humboldt’s footsteps –
sailing along the South American coast taking temperature and pressure read-
ings and also climbing some Andean volcanoes.9
I want to say a little more about his experiences in South America, but
first let me just explain my own background understanding of Humboldt’s
significance in the realms of environmental history and colonial politics. I
think Humboldt was clearly the first ecologist, and I also consider him a
fairly radical critic of colonialism and defender of native cultures. This per-
spective flies in the face of a fair amount of scholarly literature, and espe-
cially Mary Louise Pratt’s scathing critique of Humboldt in her now-
canonical book, “Imperial Eyes.” But I’ve tried to establish my own position
in an article that came out last December in a special environmental issue of
the journal History and Theory.10
And this perspective on Humboldt has in turn led me to re-evaluate the
scholarly assumption that all 19th-century American explorers were essen-
tially agents of empire and the exploitation of peoples and resources.11 I think
people like J.N. Reynolds went out into the world eager to question their
assumptions and expose themselves to new perspectives and especially to the
8. Reynolds, “Remarks on a Review of Symmes’ Theory”, pp. 42 and 69

9. Reynolds, “Address”, p. 72. For a couple of direct citations of Humboldt, see Rey-
nolds, Voyage of the United States Frigate Potomac, under the command of Commodore
John Downes, during the Circumnavigation of the Globe, in the years 1831, 1832, 1833,
and 1834 (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1835), pp. 438 and 445.
10. Aaron Sachs, “The Ultimate ‘Other’: Post-Colonialism and Alexander von Humboldt’s
Ecological Relationship with Nature,” History and Theory 42, Theme Issue on the Environ-
ment (Dec. 2003), pp. 111-35.
power of Nature. And I think Reynolds’s responses to South America and the
South Seas bear this out.
For one thing, Reynolds followed Humboldt in quite simply celebrating
“the Titan scale upon which nature has operated, and is continuing to operate
in these regions.” Also, despite having very little scientific training, he did
with islands, reefs, rocks, winds, currents, and marine mammals what Hum-
boldt had done with mean temperatures and vegetation patterns. His efforts to
collate data even led him to perhaps the first American statement of concern
about the limits of natural-resource extraction: he calculated in 1828 that
American whalers were killing some 10,000 whales a year, and thus decimat-
ing certain whaling grounds. Fascinatingly, he became America’s foremost
proponent of scientific exploration, but at the same time he railed against
capitalist expansion: “what place is exempt,” he asked, “what creature safe,
from the intrusion of man! Boast as he may of his humanity, he is in a state of
perpetual warfare with every living thing which can satisfy his wants or pam-
per his appetite, for luxuries; and his path, almost the world over, may be
tracked by blood.”12
Perhaps most importantly though, Reynolds followed Humboldt in
attacking colonial governments – including that of the United States – for
their brutal exploitation of native peoples. When Reynolds returned from his
expedition in 1834 to find that President Jackson had forced through the
Indian Removal Bill in 1830, he felt it was his duty to point out that through-
out the world, “the kind reception and hospitality of the natives have been
requited by acts of rapine, cruelty, and oppression.” Indeed, Reynolds hoped
that by pointing out the admirable qualities of native peoples around the
globe, he might elicit more sympathy among his fellow-citizens for “the
much wronged and oppressed aborigines of our own country.” Taking his cue
directly from Humboldt’s writings, Reynolds even compared the United
States’ treatment of Indians to that of Spain, and made explicit the systematic
connection between resource extraction and violent repression: “From
whence issued those immense streams of wealth which flowed from the colo-
nies into the lap of the mother country, during the three hundred years of her
tyranny and dominion, but from the poor and subjugated Indian? Who can
reflect, without horror, on the destruction of eight millions of these wretched
beings, who, in Peru alone, perished under the cruel and unjust exactions of
the Mita?”13
11. See, for instance, John L. Allen “Where We Are and How We Got There: Surveying
the Record of Exploration Studies,” in Edward C. Carter III, ed., Surveying the Record:
North American Scientific Exploration to 1930 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Soci-
ety, 1999), pp. 3-18.
12. Reynolds, “Leaves from an Unpublished Journal,” New-York Mirror 15 (April 21,
1838), pp. 340-1; Reynolds, “Pacific Ocean and South Seas”, p. 3.
13. Reynolds, Voyage of the United States Frigate ‘Potomac’, pp. 81, 105, and 478.
Reynolds’s own experiences among native peoples in Peru, and especially
Chile, had convinced him for good that it was only on frontiers that you could
judge the true character of your civilization. Reynolds knew that the Indian
Removal Bill had passed only by the skin of its teeth – a the vote in Congress
was 103-97 – and he felt sure that if the people’s representatives had better
understood the possibility of white-Indian consort and cooperation, they
never would have passed such an abominable law. So in his speeches and the
narratives he wrote of his expedition, Reynolds consistently evoked his own
finding that native peoples tended to be not warlike brutes, nor merely noble
savages, but members of reasonable, complicated, generally peaceful com-
munities.
The Araucanians had a particularly savage reputation, and the first chief
Reynolds meets, whom he at first describes as “warlike” and “splenetic,”
paces and mutters when he hears that Reynolds wants to explore in his area –
but then Reynolds suddenly realizes, with the help of his interpreter, that
Uaiquimilla’s rage is “related to the former wars of his people with the Span-
iards, and his belief that we, like them, were come to search for gold and sil-
ver.”14 So the violence of these Indians is not some sort of natural
characteristic, but a moral response to a political situation, and it is now
incumbent on the invading white man to prove that he is not like the Spanish
gold seekers – or even, say, like American sealers, intent upon extracting
valuable natural resources from distant lands.
The rest of Reynolds’ experience among the fierce Araucanians turns out
to be essentially a pastoral gambol. You thought they were savage hunters?
No – their “farms displayed a perfection of agriculture that would have done
credit to a civilized people.” Native communities feed him dinners of lamb
and green peas, and in the morning the entire village comes to see if he has
slept well in the humble bed they have provided. And besides being hospita-
ble, they seem amazingly savvy in the political realm: “These people…not
only kept aloof from the colonial contests, but, what is better and more won-
derful, they have continued almost from time immemorial at peace with all
their neighbors. They lived comfortably on the fruits of their industry.” The
Araucanians were even “well clothed: indeed we had not seen an Indian
poorly clad since crossing the river Imperial.” It is only the touch of Empire,
in other words, that turns Indians into warring savages.15
In 1834, when he got back to the United States, Reynolds stopped briefly
in Boston and deposited his collections with the Boston Society of Natural
History. But then he settled back in New York and continued lecturing and
writing on scientific exploration. There were articles about him in periodicals
14. Reynolds, “Rough Notes of Rough Adventures,” Southern Literary Messenger 9
(December 1843), p. 709.
15. Ibid., pp. 711-12.
like the New-Yorker describing the apartments where he lived and did his
work (one on Astor Place, for instance), with books and Congressional
reports scattered all around him.16 In 1835, he received an honorary degree
from Columbia (a small college just north of CUNY), which put him in the
company of many other Humboldtians, including Gallatin and Irving.17 He
corresponded with Poe, and Poe stole passages from his work to use in his
own imaginative writings, especially his only novel, The Narrative of Arthur
Gordon Pym (and it is worth noting here that Poe’s final book, Eureka, was
dedicated to Humboldt “with very profound respect”).18 In 1839, when Her-
man Melville was just 19 and still hadn’t even set out on his own South Seas
adventures, Reynolds published Mocha Dick, about an aggressive white
whale that swam the Humboldt Current near the Isle of Mocha just off the
Chilean coast.19 And from various lecterns in New York, Reynolds became
the foremost proponent of what eventually became the famous United States
Exploring Expedition (often called simply the Ex Ex, or the Wilkes Expedi-
tion, of 1838-42), which confirmed the existence of the Antarctic continent.
Because of various political conflicts and controversies during the prepara-
tions for the expedition, however – Reynolds attacked Wilkes for, among
other things, failing to stock the ships’ libraries with a complete set of Hum-
boldt’s writings – Reynolds himself got left off the expedition, and quickly
faded into obscurity.20
It’s my opinion that Reynolds did more than anyone except Humboldt
himself to establish the significance of scientific exploration in American
culture in the 19th century. This conference represented an important effort to
begin restoring Humboldt’s legacy – and it seems to me that a huge amount
of work also remains to be done to recapture Reynolds’s significance.
16. See J.F. Otis, “Current Calamosities,” Southern Literary Messenger 5 (April 1839), pp.
254-6; reprinted in the New-Yorker 7 (April 27, 1839), p. 100.
17. On the 1835 Commencement, see the Columbia University Annual Commencement
Scrapbook, 1830-1849, in the Columbiana Archives, Columbia University. The scrapbook
also has a clipping from the New York Evening Post of October 8, 1835. Also see Minutes of
the Trustees of Columbia College, Vol. 3, Part 2 (May 6, 1828, to December 4, 1837), p.
1618 (typescript in the Columbiana Archives). I am grateful for the skillful assistance of
Jocelyn Wilk, Assistant Director of the University Archives and Columbiana Library. For
the honorees, see the Columbia University Alumni Register, 1754-1931” (New York: Colum-
bia U. Press, 1932), pp. 594, 723, and 1182-3. Also see Reynolds’ letter to Columbia Pres-
ident William A. Duer, dated October 13, 1835, New York, in the College Papers, Special
Manuscript Division, Columbia University.
18. Poe, “Eureka”, in James A. Harrison, ed., The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe,
Vol. 16 (New York: AMS Press, 1965), pp. 179-315, quote on p. 181. Also see Almy;
Starke; Robert Lee Rhea, “Some Observations on Poe’s Origins,” University of Texas Bulle-
tin, Studies in English 10 (July 8, 1930), pp. 135-46; J.O. Bailey, “Sources for Poe’s
“Arthur Gordon Pym”, ‘Hans Pfaal,’ and Other Pieces,” PMLA 57 (June 1942), pp. 513-35;
Keith Huntress, “Another Source for Poe’s ‘Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym,’” American
Literature 16 (March 1944), pp. 19-25; and Randel Helms, “Another Source for Poe’s
‘Arthur Gordon Pym,’” American Literature 41 (January 1970), pp. 572-5.
19. “Mocha Dick: Or The White Whale of the Pacific: A Leaf from a Manuscript Journal,”
Knickerbocker 13 (May 1839), pp. 377-92.
20. See William Stanton, The Great United States Exploring Expedition of 1838-1842
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), esp. pp. 8-72; William H. Goetzmann,
New Lands, New Men: America and the Second Great Age of Discovery (Austin: Texas State
Historical Association, 1995; originally published 1986), pp. 273-97; and Nathaniel Phil-
brick, Sea of Glory: America’s Voyage of Discovery, The U.S. Exploring Expedition, 1838-
1842 (New York: Viking, 2003), esp. pp. 3-41. For the reference to Humboldt, see Rey-
nolds, Exploring Expedition Correspondence, undated pamphlet, copy consulted at Bei-
necke Library, Yale University, Letter 6, July 28, 1837, New-York, pp. 39-41.
CHAPTER 30 Influences of ‘Kosmos’
in ‘Earth and Man’
Philip K. Wilson
In January and February 1849, a newly emigrated European natural philoso-
pher, Arnold Guyot, delivered a series of twelve lectures before the Lowell
Institute in Boston. These “enormously popular” lectures introduced several
hundred listeners to a new depth of geographical understanding.1 For in these
lectures, Guyot expanded the view of geography from a descriptive gazetteer
of places and chronology of discovery to an all encompassing view of geog-
raphy as “the mutual [inter]actions of . . . different portions of physical nature
upon each other . . . the perpetual play of which . . . might be called the life of
the globe.”2
Although the newly arrived Guyot was, beyond his investigations into
glacial motion, still a relatively unknown figure in the world of science, his
lectures attracted many New England savants including Edward Everett,
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Horace Mann, Ben-
jamin Pierce, George Ticknor, and Cornelius Conway Felton, the Elliot Pro-
1. Antonello Gerbi, The Dispute of the New World: A History of a Polemic, 1750-1900
(Pittsburgh, PA; University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973), p. 525.
2. Arnold Guyot, Earth and Man: Lectures on Comparative Physical Geography, in its
Relation to the History of Mankind, 2nd ed., rev., (Boston: Gould, Kendall and Lincoln,
1849), p. 21. For relatively recent assessments of Guyot, see especially Edith Ferrell,
“Arnold Henry Guyot 1807-1884,” Geographers: Biobibliographical Studies 5 (1981): 63-
71; George Kish, “Carl Ritter’s Influence on American Geography,” in Karl Lenz (ed) Carl
Ritter – Geltung und Deutung (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1981), pp. 205-211; Philip K. Wil-
son, “Arnold Guyot and the Pestalozzian Approach to Geology Education: A Model for
21st-Century College Science?,” Eclogae Geologicae Helvetiae 92 (1999): 321-325; and
Richard J. Schneider, “’Climate Does Thus React on Man’: Wildness and Geographical
Determinism in Thoreau’s ‘Walking,” in Richard J. Schneider (ed) Thoreau’s Sense of Place:
Essays in American Environmental Writing (Iowa City, IA: University of Iowa, 20000), pp.
45-60. Philip K. Wilson is currently preparing a book-length scientific biography of Guyot,
tentatively entitled Glaciers, God, and Geography: Neuchâtel’s Arnold Guyot (1808-1884) at
Princeton. Guyot is also featured in the collaborative work that Robert H. Silliman and
Philip K. Wilson are preparing, tentatively entitled, Naturalists from Neuchâtel: The Agas-
siz Circle in American Science.
371
fessor of Greek Language and Literature who worked with Guyot to translate
the lectures, delivered in French, into English for readers of the Boston Daily
Traveler newspaper. These translations were gathered later that year into the
book titled, Earth and Man: Lectures on Comparative Physical Geography,
in its Relation to the History of Mankind.
As a brief testimony of Earth and Man’s immediate success, I turn to a
few contemporary commentators. American Congregational mission admin-
istrator Rufus Anderson regarded it as “among the most valuable works pro-
duced in the age to which we belong.”3 Benjamin Pierce, Harvard’s Perkins
Professor of Astronomy and Mathematics, claimed that Guyot “set himself to
work at the foundation of an almost new science, with the ability and simplic-
ity of a true master; he has developed profound and original views . . . in the
most attractive and eloquent . . . language.” The new publication, he contin-
ued, shows Guyot’s “ingenious investigations, sustained by faithful and con-
scientious research,” to be “an invaluable addition to science; while the vivid
and picturesque earnestness of their utterance, cannot fail to charm the least
learned of his readers.”4
Given Guyot’s Swiss heritage, one might expect his geohistorical view to
have taken the form of a vast paysage or landscape. The Swiss portrait of
nature was, after all, an archetype of the Romantic vision. Guyot’s pursuits,
however, extended far beyond the aesthetic, metaphysical appreciation of the
earth so common among Romantic period writings. Having studied both his-
tory and geography, Guyot combined these two fields in his vision of the
earth as a primary document and argued that the earth held special signifi-
cance to everything that had been connected to it throughout its history.
Interrogations and interpretations of the earth depended upon the observ-
ers’ viewpoint and refinements in the observer’s instrumentation; both cate-
gories that typified the Humboldtian scientific traveler of Guyot’s era.5 By
considering the earth as an interpretable document, Guyot, like Humboldt,
began to shift the paradigm of earth studies from the subjective theoretical
realm to one which perceived the earth as a measurable object. This paper
examines how Guyot promoted reading the earth primarily within a Hum-
boldtian context. A brief background of Guyot shows that he developed
views consistent with Humboldt in explaining the earth as a diverse, yet
interconnected organic whole. Guyot’s explicit reliance upon Humboldtian
3. Rufus Anderson to Arnold Guyot, July 11, 1849, Princeton Historical Society.
4. “Advertisement,” in Guyot, Earth and Man, p. 3.
5. For a generalization of Humboltian science, see Susan Faye Cannon, “Humboldtian
Science,” in her Science in Culture: The Early Victorian Period (New York: Dawson and
Science History Publications, 1978), pp. 73-110, and Anne Marie Claire Godlewska,
“From Enlightenment Vision to Modern Science? Humboldt’s Visual Thinking,” in David
N. Livingstone and Charles W.J. Withers (eds) Geography and Enlightenment (Chicago:
University of Chicago, 1999), pp. 236-275.
Influences of ‘Kosmos’ in ‘Earth and Man’ 373
methods of observation and measurement as physiographical explanations of
the world around him is examined, although one key distinction between
their world views is acknowledged. Curiously, Guyot’s elaboration upon this
physiographical distinction points to another similarity between his views
and those of Humboldt on the issue of slavery. Finally, Earth and Man is
argued to be one of the best known U.S. popularizations of the physical geog-
raphy sections that Humboldt addressed in Kosmos.
Arnold Guyot’s Berlin Influences

Prior to migrating to the States, Guyot had gained renown for his University
of Berlin studies on the morphology and temperatures of lakes and for his
post-doctoral scientific investigations demonstrating that the earth and its
coverings co-existed in a dynamic relationship.6 Spending six weeks studying
the Central Alps with Louis Agassiz during the summer of 1838 had pro-
vided Guyot with new insight into his Helvetic homeland.7 As he reported to
the Geological Society of France in the following September, Guyot had
uncovered some key findings regarding glacial structure and motion.8 His
explanations were consistent with a view that all nature experienced an ongo-
ing conflict between progress and regress over time. Like glaciers, the earth
itself had developed according to struggles between opposing physical
forces. If the earth appeared to be a static organism, it was only because the
counterpoised forces had reached some temporary state of resolution or equi-
librium.9
Guyot’s explanation of nature’s eternal struggle resonated with much of
the natural philosophy and theology he had studied in Berlin. Guyot matricu-
lated at the University of Berlin in 1829 intending to study theology, but soon
turned his interest toward natural philosophy (i.e., science).10 While in Berlin,
Guyot was directly exposed to the Naturphilosophe influence of the Univer-
6. Guyot’s 1835 doctoral dissertation, De Naturali Lacuum Divisione, is dedicated to

Humboldt and Ritter.
7. James D. Dana, “Memoir of Arnold Guyot 1807-1884,” Biographical Memoirs of the
National Academy of Sciences 2 (1886): 321.
8. Guyot’s talk, “Observations sur Les Glaciers des Alpes,” before the Société
Géologique de France in Porrentruy was noted in the Bulletin de la Société Géologique 9
(1838): 407. Guyot gained geological renown in Switzerland for his studies on the morphol-
ogy and temperatures of the lakes of Neuchâtel and Morat, and for uncovering the laws of
glacial motion. In the US, his extensive and comparative hypsometrical measurements
allowed him to produce accurate topographical maps of the Appalachian, Allegheny and
Catskill Mountain ranges. In addition, through the support of Joseph Henry, then Secretary
of the Smithsonian Institution, Guyot established fifty weather stations in New York state –
modeled upon the earlier stations he designed in Switzerland – from which he gathered
standardized climatological data. As James Roger Fleming discussed in Meteorology in
America, 1800-1870 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), pp. 117-122,
Guyot’s stations expanded into the Government Signal System, now known as the U.S.
Weather Bureau.
sity’s elite. Many of these individuals focused Guyot’s thinking of the strug-
gles represented in history and geography in terms of progressive
evolution.Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel analyzed the progressive migra-
tion across the globe in terms of the intermingling of the folksongs of one
nation with another. Leopold Ranke reinforced the idea of progress in the
content of nation building. Heinrich Steffans encouraged Guyot to look at
natural history and geography in terms of moral and physical evolution.
Johann Neander, who approached theological history through biography,
viewed progress as the result of divine influence upon individual human life.
But an even greater influence upon Guyot’s progressive view of geohis-
tory came through the ideas of the Berlin geographer and pedagogue, Carl
Ritter. The earth, according to Ritter, had been divinely provisioned as “the
school of man; its highest function being to assist him in his training, and to
prepare him for the discharge of the noblest duties of life.”11 It was a
dynamic, living organism, that contained regions of text like a book within
which the history of all life forms could be found and upon which the history
of mankind’s progress could be read.
Guyot focused primarily upon the regional development of the continents.
Peculiar characteristics “lead US to suspect the existence of a general law,”
he surmised. The continents “disclose an arrangement which cannot be with-
out purpose . . . [and it is] our duty to seek to comprehend it.”12 “[S]cience
may attempt to comprehend . . . the destinies of nations, by examining with
care the theatre, seemingly arranged by History for the realization of the new
social order, towards which humanity is tending with hope.”13 Guyot hoped
9. After orally sharing his discoveries with the natural philosophy community in Septem-
ber 1838, Guyot was persuaded by Agassiz to contribute his findings into the collective
pool of knowledge that Agassiz was assembling. These findings were published as Études
sur les Glaciers in 1840, with Agassiz receiving recognition for what, in actuality, was a col-
lective effort. This work secured Agassiz’s recognition as the glacial evangelist of Ice Age
geology. The extent to which Guyot and others received due recognition for their respective
discoveries during their lifetimes remains unresolved. It is clear, however, that Guyot
remained faithful to the agreement made with his lifelong friend and countryman. Only
after considerable persuasion did Guyot publish the true account of the discoverers’
respective findings in “Observations sur Les Glaciers des Alpes en 1838,” Bulletin de la
Société des Sciences Naturalles de Neuchâtel 13 (1883): 156-169, long after Agassiz’s death.
10. William Libbey, Jr., Memoir of Arnold Guyot,” Third Annual Report from the E.M.
Museum of Geology & Archeology (Princeton: The Princeton Press, 1884), p. 16.
11. Cark Ritter, “The External Features of the Earth in their Influence on the Course of
History,” a paper delivered before the Royal Academy of Berlin, translated by William
Leonhard Gage in Gage’s edited Geographical Studies of the late Professor Carl Ritter of
Berlin (Cincinnati and New York: Van Antwerp, Bragg & Co., 1861), p. 314. Ritter’s influ-
ences upon geographical thinking are developed nicely in Hanno Beck, Carl Ritter Genius
of Geography: On His Life and Work (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1979), Manfred Büttner (ed)
Carl Ritter: Zur Europäisch-Amerikanischen Geographie an der Wende vom 18. zum 19.
Jahrhundert (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1980), Karl Lenz (ed) Carl Ritter – Geltung
und Deutung (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1981), and Carl Ritter: Werk und Wirken (Gotha:
VEB Hermann Haack, 1983).
12. Guyot, Earth and Man, p. 48.
to “disclose” this “hidden influence” which the arrangements of and life on
the continents “exercise upon the life of man.”14
Humboldt’s Influence upon Guyot

Guyot’s thinking was also profoundly influenced by Alexander von Hum-
boldt. No one during Guyot’s formative years had personally observed more
of the total earth and its inhabitants than the polymathic naturalist, explorer,
and bio-geographer, Humboldt. Guyot arrived in Berlin shortly after Hum-
boldt had gained wide acclaim from delivering what became the foundation
for his magnum physiographical opus, Kosmos published two decades later.
Humboldt was a regular attendee at Ritter’s lectures on geography – lectures
that Guyot also attended as a student.15 Guyot paid tribute to Humboldt in
many of his own writings and employed Humboldtian empirical skills in his
physiographical explorations and measurements throughout Europe and
North America.16
Guyot adopted Humboldt and Ritter’s expressed belief in Zusammenhang
– or a literal “hanging togetherness” of all things. In organicist terms, the
earth must be viewed as a whole, dynamic, developing organism comprising
Nature, man, and moral and intellectual life all interconnected or “hanging
together.” Humboldt’s brother, Wilhelm, acknowledged that it was Alexander
who had brought “for the first time true harmony” into the study and measure
of the universe. This interconnectedness implied a “grand harmony,” but a
harmony that could be discussed in terms of unifying many diverse geo-
graphical parts.17
Unity, for these comparative physiographical geographers, frequently
implied uncovering laws of nature. As Guyot stated in his regionalized dis-
cussion of the continents, a “comparison of the characteristic[s]” of these
landforms leads to “certain features of resemblance” that suggest the “exist-
ence of a general law” accounting for all landforms across the globe.18 Such
similarities, he noted, included the finding that “the southern points of all the
continents [were] high and rocky . . . extremities of mountain belts,” that east
of each of these southern points one finds a large island or groups of islands,

15. The Life and Times of Alexander von Humboldt (New York: Rudd and Carleton, 1859),
pp. 426-427.
16. Upon Humboldt’s death, Guyot was invited to speak in New York at the American
Geographical and Statistical Society’s Tribute to the Memory of Humboldt. His remarks
were later published in Journal of the American Geographical and Statistical Society 1
(1859): 242-245.
17. Margarita Bowen, Empiricism and Geographical Thought: From Francis Bacon to
Alexander von Humboldt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 215.
and that a “deep bend” is found along the western sides of these southern
continents.19
Guyot’s fixation upon terrestrial distinctions was greatly enhanced
through Humboldt’s new views of the New World. Indeed, Guyot embedded
Humboldts’ findings within a system of geographical ordering that he delin-
eated as the three Laws of Contrasts:20
• Contrasts between the Continental (Northern) Hemisphere and the Oceanic (Southern)
Hemisphere.
• Contrasts between the Old and New Worlds.
• Contrasts between the 3 Northern and 3 Southern Continents.
In regard to the first contrast, Guyot shared Humboldt’s views that the
seas held significant influence upon the distribution of temperatures, rain and
winds over land. As to the second contrast, here relying heavily upon both
Ritter and Humboldt, Guyot developed general distinctions between Old and
New world geography. He characterized the Old World as being more of a
continental mass, elongated by countries East to West, most of which experi-
enced similar temperate climates. In contrast, most parts of the New World
were, he argued, relatively closer to the vast oceans, elongated North to
South, and they experienced a gradual transition in climates, temperate and
tropical, across the long axis. Guyot also compared the “assemblages” of
physical characteristics on the Northern versus the Southern continents, sug-
gesting what he called “three double worlds” of varying habitation.21 Histori-
cal contrasts between northern/southern, temperate/topical regions of the Old
World were, he argued, “reproduced in the New World more
strongly...between North America with its temperate climate, its Protestant
and progressive people, and South America, with its tropical climate, its
Catholic and stationary inhabitants.”22
In the words of historian Susan Faye Cannon, “Any romantic can climb a
mountain; the Humboltian wanted to use its height as a laboratory for observ-
ing extreme conditions of existence.”23 Many of Guyot’s early investigations
of nature and his Earth and Man lectures show his alignment with the Hum-
boldtian, empirically-based Naturforscher (students of nature) who relied
upon direct observation, measurement and experimentation of the physio-
graphical world around them. He found the isothermal lines that Humboldt
had introduced to be visually helpful to his own mapping of geographical
spaces. He also found a great “usefulness” of employing continental “pro-
files” based upon the altitude of specific regions to add another visual dimen-
19. Guyot, Earth and Man, pp. 36-37.
23. Cannon, Science in Culture, p. 78.
sion to geographical knowledge. Although a “few thousand feet of
height...are nothing to the mass of the globe,” he argued, they “change
entirely the aspect and the character of a country.”24 Thus learning the altitude
of a place was a “necessary complement” to knowing its geographical place-
ment in order to fully appreciate its habitability.
Humboldt had closely related his hypsometric measurements of altitude
with plant biogeography. His identification of similar plant assemblages in
similar topographical spaces exalted him to the level, in historian Janet
Browne’s view, of the “statesman...of the vegetable world.”25 But, as evi-
denced in the title of his work, Earth and Man, Guyot focused more upon the
importance of altitude and climate to human assemblages.
In his 1849 Earth and Man, Guyot placed human history within the
earth’s geological past. In this way, the progressive development of the earth
since the origin of mankind was mutually dependent upon the progressive
development of humanity. Humans and nature were thought to “share the
same destiny.” By working towards an in-depth understanding of nature,
humans began to better appreciate the necessity of their care and conserva-
tion of nature. Humans’ social responsibility for nature was, in essence, a
form of self preservation. It was a dynamic, living organism that contained
regions of text like a book within which the history of all life forms could be
found and upon which the history of mankind’s progress could be read.
Key Distinction between Guyot and Humboldt

For a discussion of man, however, Guyot found Humboldt’s 1820s lectures
and his later Kosmos to be incomplete. Only two of Hulmboldt’s 61 lectures
in 1827 had been devoted to ethnography.26 Although Kosmos clearly docu-
mented the “intellectual advancement of man,” Humboldt left the place of
human geography over the course of history as “unresolved.”27 To advance
these ideas further, Guyot relied upon the input of the Berlin geographer, Carl
Ritter – the individual whom he claimed actually “put a soul into the material
body of Humboldt’s Cosmos.”28 According to Ritter, “It is a strong faith that
our globe, like the totality of creation, is a great organism, the work of an all-
wise Divine Intelligence, an admirable structure, all the parts of which are
purposely shaped and arranged, are mutually dependent, and by the will of
the Maker fulfil, like organs, specific functions which combine themselves
25. Janet Browne, The Secular Ark: Studies in the History of Biogeography (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1983), p. 52.
26. The New Englander 70 (1860): 293.
27. Bowen, Empiricism and Geographical Thought, p. 246.
28. Arnold Guyot, “Carl Ritter: An Address to the Society,” Journal of the American Geo-
graphical and Statistical Society 2 (1860), Pt. I, 62-63.
into a common life.”29 Through Ritter, Guyot began to perceive that the
dynamic progressive forces associated with structural changes on the earth
and in man were processes that were employed by the creator since the cre-
ation of the globe. In striking distinction from Humboldt, Guyot argued that a
complete understanding of the interconnectedness of earth and man was
interpretable only within a teleological context – one which would also pro-
vide an enhanced understanding of the Creator.
Ritter has argued that the progressive development of human civilization
was dependent upon the diversity of physical terrestrial features. Similarly,
Guyot’s dual investigations into history and geography led him to conclude
that when we “glance upon the annals of Nations” we find that “the civiliza-
tions representing the highest degrees of culture...at different periods of his-
tory, do not succeed each other in the same places, but pass from...one
continent to another, following a certain order.”30 This arrangement of and
life on the continents he deemed the geographical march of history. Asia,
Europe, and North America represented what he claimed to be “the three
grand stages of humanity in its march through the ages.”31 By virtue of the
physical structure and qualities, each continent contributed towards particular
developmental stages in mankind’s “education.” Asia was the “cradle where
man passed his infancy, under the authority of law, and where he learned his
dependence upon a sovereign master.” Europe provided the “school where
his youth was trained, where he waxed in strength and knowledge, grew to
man, and learned at once his liberty and moral responsibility.” America,
according to Guyot, served as “the theatre” of man’s activity “during the
period of manhood; the land where he applies and practices all he has
learned, brings into action all the forces he has acquired, and where he is still
to learn that the entire development of his being and his own happiness, are
only possible by willing obedience to the laws of his Maker.”32
Guyot’s argument appeased many progressive-minded U.S. readers who
envisioned grandiose future developments within their own country. Support-
ing the Manifest Destiny thinking that resonated with many of his Lowell
Lecture listeners, Guyot argued, that history and geography have worked for
America “not to give birth and grow [in]to a new civilization, but to receive
29. Guyot, Carl Ritter, p. 48.
32. Guyot, Earth and Man, p. 327. Curiously, Guyot omitted Africa in this grand march.
Ritter had described Asia as the sunrise, Africa, as the noon, and Europe as the sunset of
this progress, with North America representing a new sunrise. For Ritter, who had written
extensively on this continent, as being in the “consistent midday” position of the grand
march. This position was attributed to its “smoothness of outline as well as the uniformity
of climate” which enticed its inhabitants to “slumber and to shun outside contacts.” Pre-
ston E. James and Geoffrey J. Martin, All Possible Worlds: A History of Geographical Ideas,
2nd ed., (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1981), p. 129.
one ready-made, and to furnish forth for man, whose education the Old
World has completed...the scene most worthy of his [future] activity. It is
here that all the peoples of Europe may meet together, with room enough to
move in; may commingle their efforts and their gifts; and carry out, upon a
scale of grandeur hitherto unknown the life-giving principle of modern time –
the principle of free association.”33 “Will any one believe that...[it] was only
an accidental occurrence” that “Luther drew the Bible forth from the dust of
libraries...at the moment when Columbus discovered the New World.”34
Similar Abolitionist Perspectives

Although Humboldt did not share Guyot’s views about this progressive
march or, more especially, the role of the Creator, it was this part of Guyot’s
work that brings out a strikingly similar viewpoint between these two geohis-
torians. Earth and Man garnered the support of several leading Boston aboli-
tionists including Charles Sumner, a leader among US political opponents to
slavery; George Hillard, Sumner’s one-time law partner who had also written
on geography and history, though more from a view of commerce that was
evident in Guyot’s work;35 and Edward Kirk, the Congregationalist minister
who would later travel with Guyot in the Southern States.36 Boston publishers
Gould, Kendall and Lincoln, included these abolitionists’ views as testimo-
nial support in the preliminary pages of several editions of this work. What
was the special appeal of this work among these abolitionists? Guyot had,
after all, only recently arrived in the States and was still a relatively unknown
figure in the world of science. Moreover, his close friend and previous Acad-
emy of Neuchatel colleague, Louis Agassiz, had already offered support to
polygenist thinking, noting that negroes descended from a different ancestral
lineage than whites – a view that garnered Agassiz considerable support from
Southern slave owners.37 Indeed, many may have assumed that Guyot, whose
work also received Agassiz’s strong endorsement, held similar but, as of yet,
unspoken beliefs. Such assumptions, however, would have been false.
Perhaps the abolitionists supporting Guyot coincidentally represented a
sampling of the Boston’s intelligentsia whose words any publisher would
have been all too happy to cull from in order to enhance book sales. Alterna-
34. Guyot, Earth and Man, p, 322.
35. George S. Hillard, The Connection Between Geography and History (Boston: William
D. Ticknor, 1846).
36. David O. Mears, Life of Edward Norris Kirk, D.D. (Boston: Lockwood, Brooks, and Co.,
1877), pp. 257-269.
37. Louis Agassiz’s “Sketch of the Natural Provinces of the Animal World and their Rela-
tion to the Different Types of Man,” previously published in 1845 as “Notice sur la Géogra-
phie des Animaux” in “Revue Suisse” appeared as a prefatory essay in J.C. Nott and G.R.
Gliddon, Types of Mankind (London: Trübner, 1854), pp. lviii-lxxvi.
tively, perhaps these men were selected as local supporters of Manifest Des-
tiny – a theme that had attracted proselytizers on both sides of the slavery
issue.38 Many in the U.S. held high hopes that their young nation would con-
tinue to look into her own soil and substance for something more than agri-
cultural almanac wisdom. Fulfilling such a plan required devotion to the
study of both earth and man. In their view, Guyot had arrived at precisely the
right time, with a new scientific outlook, that would accelerate the fulfillment
of their destined quest.
All of this may have been true, but perhaps the abolitionists also envi-
sioned Guyot as offering something more to United States’ readers. His
appeal to abolitionist ideology is evident through the narrative he crafted,
particularly regarding the interconnectedness between the earth and its inhab-
itants. To further explore this appeal, I turn briefly to two different focal
points.
As one point, Guyot’s endorsement of the progressive geographical
march of history turned his readers’ attention specifically to North America.
But in the minds of many, the despicable, savage nature of slavery would for-
ever impede the United States from reaching its geohistorically determined
destiny. As another point, interspersed among his Humboldtian descriptions
of continents, oceans, and climates, Guyot crafted his narrative with meta-
phors that vividly involved the image of slavery. As such, the work of this
newcomer held a timely appeal for his North American audiences.
History, Guyot noted, had unfolded according a pattern of distinct human
races, all descended from one common ancestor, but diversely distributed
throughout the globe. Similar to the forces underlying continent develop-
ments, the forces of history, too, may have been universal, but they were not
universally distributed. The balmy tropics, he argued, were inhabited by
inward looking beings who, isolated from other cultures, were forced to look
only upon their own earthly surrounds to discern intellectual and spiritual
meaning. Being isolated, they had “nothing to temper or correct them,” and
thus they remained a stationary culture for thousands of years. Change may
have affected the natural history of these lands, but tropical humans remained
as savage and uncivilized as they had since the beginning of man. Guyot also
sought evidence of a progressive march across continents in terms of moving
towards advanced stages of moral and intellectual character.
Looking further into the specifics of this moral progressiveness, we find
Guyot’s heavy reliance upon the rhetoric of slavery. For example: When man,
“a child still” is “brought into the presence” of the “massive forms” and
38. For recent overviews that discuss slavery within Manifest Destiny thinking, see Tho-
mas R. Hietala, Manifest Design: American Exceptionalism & Empire (Ithaca: Cornell Uni-
versity Press, 1985, revised edition 2003), and Anders Stephanson, Manifest Destiny:
American Expansion and the Empire of Right (New York: Hill and Wang, 1995).
“physical vigor” of nature, he “must have felt himself, not merely a depen-
dent, but a slave.” The river, the sun – “everything becomes to him an object
of worship. He acknowledges the powers of nature as his gods, to whose
mercy he feels himself to be committed, and accepts for his supreme rule the
inflexible law that governs the heavenly bodies. He is falling from the world
of liberty into that of necessity.”39 “During long centuries of these first ages,
man has...learned...that he depends on the will of a master, but that master is
an inexorable despot, devoid of love. He can only fear him, if he obeys him,
it is as a slave; he loves him not, nor adores him, for love presupposes lib-
erty.”40
Guyot’s physical geography was, in essence, comparative geography. In
regards to man’s enslavement to nature, he argued that in the tropics, the “life
of the body over masters that of the soul; the physical instincts of our nature
[over] those of higher faculties; passion, sentiment, [and] imagination pre-
dominate over intellect and reason.” Here, man is “conquered” by nature – he
“submits to the yoke, and becomes again the animal man, in proportion as he
abandons himself to these influences, forgetful of his high moral destina-
tion.”41 This enslavement was contrasted to life in the temperate regions
where “physical nature is not a tyrant, but a useful helper” and the “soul
[rules] over the body” as man does over nature.42 People within these regions
have experienced what he called a “great emancipation from the dominion of
nature.”43
I find that many times Guyot appears to have been talking about the free-
dom from enslavement in a specific religious context. That is, the freedom
offered by turning to Christ, more specifically a Protestant perspective of
Christ. The “physical man,” Guyot argued, “is not the true man...but a begin-
ning. There is another, new-born, but destined to grow up in him, and to
unfold the moral and religious nature until he attains the perfect stature of his
master and pattern, who is Christ.”44 Living with Christ, there is “no more
idolatry, no more servitude; for he liberates man from the yoke of evil that
restrains the freedom of his moral being.”45
The “progress, whereto at present all civilized society aspires,” Guyot
claimed, is shown “by the beautiful formula, drawn from the gospel, but so
shamelessly perverted by the false friends of progress...in words that are the
motto of the present age – Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.” Liberty to “unfold

all the living forces, and all the good tendencies of man.” Equality of “rights
lying in the moral nature of man.” Fraternity, “which is the law of the gos-
pel...that unites and makes alive; a free people...unobstructed [in their] indi-
vidual growth...[yet maintaining a] diversity in [their] unity.”46
However, this gospel-based freedom is also tied in to the U.S. fulfilling
her destiny in the great march. Just how America will reach her goal, Guyot
argued, “will be in proportion as man shall be faithful to the law of his moral
nature, which is the divine law itself.”47 Moving from the rhetorical to the lit-
eral, Guyot admonished slavery. Fulfillment of the divine destiny in the U.S.
will only be achieved, he argued, “when slavery, that fatal heritage of another
age, which the Union still drags after it, as the convict drags his chain and
ball, shall have disappeared from this free soil, freed in the name of liberty
and Christian brotherhood, as it has disappeared from the fundamental princi-
ples of its law.”48 Slavery was a “taint” in the United States that “continued to
betray the nature of the continent and the period of human progress to which
[the United States] belongs.”49
For Guyot, slavery was the lingering impediment that kept the U.S. from
fulfilling her divinely inspired geohistorical destiny. He was confident that, in
due course, freedom would win over slavery. He was a visionary, promoting
scriptural and scientific reasons for reforming the racial injustices. Yet, at
least in Earth and Man, Guyot does not appear to have been as agitated about
a pressing need to immediately free the slaves as were abolitionists like Sum-
ner, and Hillard, and Kirk and Humboldt. Rather, he was a believer in gradual
processes. Destiny was of critical concern to this devout Calvinist. However,
he appreciated that change over time, progress over the earth and in man
moved, we might say, with glacial swiftness. His belief about this rate of
change was consistent with what he observed in determining the laws of gla-
cial motion. Although more of a gradualist in this thinking, his sentiment was
similar to that of the immediatist thinking of Humboldt. “Without doubt,”
Humboldt argued, slavery was the “greatest of all the evils which have
afflicted mankind.” Humboldt has criticized the savagery of slavery he found
in Cuba and in New Spain, but he directed his greatest ridicule against the
slavery perpetuated within that country that proclaimed freedom as its cor-
nerstone – the United States.
Curiously, Humboldt and Guyot’s writings both faced unwanted abridge-
ments in the hands of others. Humboldt’s findings on slavery in Cuba were
first published in French (1826) and Spanish (1827); the first English transla-
tion appearing in 1856. In the English version, the pro-slavery Southern
translator, J.S. Thrasher, omitted any reference to slavery in attempt to down-
play Humboldt’s characterization of its savage brutality. Humboldt’s indigna-
tion with Thrasher’s treatment played out in a number of New York
newspapers until the end of Humboldt’s life (1859).50
In an 1850 British publication of Guyot’s Earth and Man, an editor
expunged “every sentence favourable” to the United States.51 It seems that
three-quarters of a century after the American Revolution had not quelled all
of England’s animosity towards the States. Although the editor sought to
popularize much of Guyot’s new view of geography, he prevented readers
from encountering Guyot’s argument that the New World, and especially the
United States, was the ultimate seat of humankind’s perfection.
Guyot, who was otherwise generally reserved and reticent in his manner-
isms, launched an attack against this publication in the revised U.S. edition of
Earth and Man also published in 1850. This “mutilated edition,” Guyot
argued, included many passages “not advanced by the author.” Moreover, in
other places, “over thirty pages of the original edition...have been sup-
pressed” which were “essential to the continuity of the argument” as well as
“containing [the] conclusions” about the United States that Guyot had previ-
ously drawn.52
‘Earth and Man’ popularizes ‘Kosmos’

Although new and original to many U.S. readers, Guyot’s Earth and Man
popularized a geohistorical view that had been central to German Romantic
idealism. Employing the ethos of Humboldt, Guyot guided his readers both
across the globe and through history. Like Humboldt, he took his argument
one step further than many of the romantics, venturing from the realm of the
speculative to that of a measurable reality. Guyot evoked Ritter’s belief that
Humboldt “endowed with the spirit of antiquity and with a mathematical
method, passed through the entire domain of physics...astronomy, geology,
and...physiology” whereupon he convincingly “employed his method as the
measuring rod of the world.”53 For Guyot, the Totalorganisation of the Cos-
mos was physically observable within the earth and in its inhabitants. Civili-
zation became perfected in proportion to developmental advances. The
“physical domain” of the civilized nations of each continent expanded its
50. For a documented overview of Humboldt and slavery, see Philip S. Foner (ed), Alex-
ander von Humboldt on Slavery in the United States (Berlin: Humboldt-Universität zu Ber-
lin, n.d.)
51. “E. Gover, Sen.” published this so called “Revised” edition. Review of Earth and
Man, The Princeton Magazine” 1 (1850): 335.
52. Guyot, Earth and Man, Preface to the Second Edition, p. 8.
53. Carl Ritter, Introductory Essay to General Comparative Geography (Erdkunde), Will-
iam Leonhard Gage, trans., Geographical Studies of the late Professor Carl Ritter of Berlin
(Cincinnati and New York: Van Antwerp, Bragg & Co., 1861), p. 128.
extent and population accordingly. Physical development of both the earth
and humanity corresponded to moral development. Progress occurred,
according to divine guidance, in precisely the regions that allowed for the
passage of both the geographical and the human soul.
The popularity of Earth and Man prompted at least thirty one printings in
the U.S. into the twentieth century, as well as five British editions, and for-
eign translations in German (1851, 1873) and French (1888). Although it
may be virtually unknown today, Guyot’s Earth and Man was the National
Geographic of its age. Contemporaries had argued that Humboldt’s Kosmos
and Ritter’s Erdkunde would “together be handed down to posterity as an
enduring monument of the extent to which the knowledge of nature, and
especially of its relation to man, had been carried into the nineteenth cen-
tury.”54 To “define the relative value” of Humboldt and Ritter was “needless,”
contemporaries argued, since their works complemented each other, adding
to a grand and complete summation of knowledge of the natural world. Per-
haps the lasting appeal of Guyot’s Earth and Man was primarily due to the
author’s ability to extract key components from both Humboldt and Ritter
and to synthesize them into what one contemporary reviewer claimed to be
the “most clear, attractive, and simple introduction to one of the most useful
and grand studies to which the human mind can be devoted.”55
54. The New Englander, p. 280. Ritter’s “Die Erdkunde im Verhältniss zur Natur und zur
Geschichte des Menschen” appeared in German in 19 volumes between 1822 and 1859.
55. The Methodist Magazine (New York) 3rd Series, 9 (1849): 501.
Part V
Knowledge and Worldview
CHAPTER 31 Rousseau’s Anticipation
of Plant Geography
Alexandra Cook
Points of connection between Rousseau and

Humboldt1
Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Alexander von Humboldt shared a deep appreci-
ation of magnificent, abundant nature. Rousseau has often been identified as
one of the founders of the so-called romantic feeling for nature: “I feel ecsta-
sies and inexpressible raptures in merging myself so to speak with the system
of beings, in identifying myself with all of nature” (Rousseau 1959, 1065-6).
Humboldt writes to to Don Antonio Joseph Cavanilles (Spanish ecclesiastic
and botanist [1745-1804]), from Mexico on 22 April 1803, “…in our own
experience we have never enjoyed such energy as in contemplating the beau-
ties and magnificence that nature offers here. Its grandeur, its infinite and
new productions electrify us, they transport us with joy and make us so to
speak invulnerable” (Humboldt 1869, 162).2
Rousseau believes that plants could not be fully appreciated if examined
from motives of greed or physical self-interest. In Rêveries du promeneur
1. Some links have been made between Humboldt and Rousseau; as Hermand (1996)
points out, Goethe and Humboldt are often invoked together with Rousseau as proponents
of the natural or English gardens on the Continent. The naturalistic Elysium garden in Julie
prepared the popular ground for a new style in gardening. Minguet’s study (1969, 29, 65)
points to direct and indirect Rousseauean influences on Humboldt. But I believe the con-
nections are even more extensive, marking Rousseau’s botany as transitional between the
classificatory impulse of the seventeenth and eighteenth-century botanists and the ecologi-
cal science of Humboldt and his successors. I have yet to locate any scholarship linking
Rousseau’s botanical work as such with that of Humboldt.
2. “…d’après notre propre expérience…jamais nous n’avons joui d’autant de forces
qu’en contemplant les beautés et la magnificence qu’offre ici la nature. Sa grandeur, ses
productions inifinies et nouvelles nous electrisaient, elles nous transportaient de joie et
nous rendait pour ainsi dire invulnerables.”All translations mine, unless otherwise indi-
cated.
387
388 Knowledge and Worldview
solitaire he writes, “as soon as we mingle a motive of interest or vanity with
[botany]…as soon as we want to learn in order to instruct, as soon as we look
for flowers only in order to become an author or professor, all this sweet
charm vanishes. We no longer see in plants anything but the instruments of
our passions. We no longer find any genuine pleasure in their study…”
(Rousseau 1959, 1069).
In Cosmos Humboldt explores the effect of nature upon the human spirit,
expressing himself in a way that Rousseau could have appreciated:
In speaking of vegetal forms, I think of the emotion that their appearance can
produce, not at all of the assistance that one can derive from them for the
study of botany…. In this exuberant nature, what should fix our gaze…is the
picturesque union of the great and noble plant forms that cover the western
part of the course of the Orinoco and wooded shores of the Amazon and Hua-
llaga rivers… (emphasis added; Humboldt 2000, 423-4).
Humboldt explicitly recognized Rousseau‘s appreciation of nature; Hum-
boldt praises Rousseau for his descriptions of Swiss landscapes in Julie, ou la
nouvelle Heloïse. “…I recall here the entrancing eloquence of Rousseau, the
picturesque descriptions of Clarens and la Meillerie on the shores of lake
Geneva.” These compared favorably in Humboldt’s view, with “the immortal
poetry of Klopstock, Schiller, Goethe [and] Byron” (Humboldt 2000, 399).
Three particular features of Rousseau’s botanical thought are, I argue,
central to Humboldt’s geographical perspective on plants: (1)the observation
that climate and other features of habitat play a crucial role in whether plants
flourish or languish; (2)that transplantation therefore leads to changes, even
degeneration (a phenomenon already well-established in the botanical litera-
ture of Rousseau’s day); and (3) the conclusion that the best way to study
nature is to observe it in situ. Rousseau’s criticism of Linnaeus in his Confes-
sions sums up this position: “he [Linnaeus] studied botany too much in her-
baria and gardens and not enough in nature itself” (Rousseau 1959, 643).3
Humboldt, perhaps more than any naturalist of his era, demonstrated the
validity of Rousseau’s criticism of Linnaeus. Inspired from a young age by
tropical vegetation – the dragon tree of the Berlin botanical garden and his
father’s collection of exotic trees at Schloss Tegel – as well as by the paint-
ings of the Ganges by William Hodges (who accompanied Cook’s second
world voyage and traveled in India and Russia) and Bernardin de Saint
Pierre’s Paul et Virginie, he set out to explore nature as no European before
him had ever done (Humboldt 2000, 346).
3. It should be noted that Rousseau is no mere rote classifier, pace Starobiniski (1971,
279); his perception of the importance of habitat, as well as his other botanical activities,
described briefly below, demonstrate that he saw plants situated within the larger natural
and global context. See also Cook 2003b, 108.
Rousseau’s Anticipation of Plant Geography 389
Humboldt and Rousseau both argued that organisms should be studied in
their native habitats, and for the same reasons: plants in their native habitats
are (1) free, and therefore (2) vigorous: “The ideas of vigor and liberty are
also inseparable in the profusion of nature...(Humboldt 2000, 425). The plant
in its native habitat has not been changed or diminished by transplantation to
a foreign clime. We now understand, as beneficiaries of Darwin’s investiga-
tions, that organisms adapt themselves to their habitats through generations
of natural selection.4 Before Darwin, Rousseau and Humboldt were already
aware of the intimate connection between geography (understood as climate
and habitat) and plant life.
It likewise follows from the principles laid down by Rousseau and Hum-
boldt that naturalists must travel in order to compile a complete inventory of
nature because organisms cannot be understood if torn from their habitats,
transplanted or observed as dead specimens.
Finally, both men abhorred slavery, a topic that I do not have the scope to
explore here.5
In what follows I discuss those aspects of Rousseau’s botanical views and
undertakings that illuminate the ways in which he may have influenced Hum-
boldt. Given limitations of space, I do not attempt any extensive elaboration
of Humboldt’s theory of the geography of plants. I shall merely note that
Humboldt held that similar (but not the same) plant species appear in climati-
cally similar zones, such that species akin to European ones (e.g. from the
same genera) can be found in elevated regions of the torrid zones, but not in
the same ratios. The species in the torrid zones always differ from those in
the temperate zones because the “distribution of heat” is different over the
course of the seasons (Humboldt 1816, 8-9).6
Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Jean-Jacques (1712-1778) encountered the chemistry of plants as a young
man; this encounter had two modes: (1) the herbalist-pharmaceutical variety
of botany practiced in the household of Mme de Warens, and (2) the aca-
4. This view echoes that of Michel de Montaigne who analogizes wild peoples to wild
plants, neither as yet ‘bastardized’ by civilization; they are products of nature acting “by
herself and in her own way” (Montaigne 1958, 109).
5. See his condemnations of slavery in Book I, ch. 4 of Du Contrat Social (Rousseau
1964, 355-8) and in Julie (Rousseau 1997, 339-40).
6. Humboldt does not consider himself the originator of the idea; rather, he attributes the
notion even to primitive peoples, such as the Orinoco, and finds the germ of the idea
already in Tournefort’s “Relation d’un voyage au Levant” (Paris, 1717) and in the disserta-
tions (186 in all) of Carolus Linnaeus, “Amœnitates academicae,” 10 vols. (Stockholm,
Leiden, Erlangen and Amsterdam, 1749-1790). Terms such as “alpine plants” and “plants
of hot countries” in ordinary language “prove that men’s attention has been constantly fixed
on the distribution of plants and their relations with air temperature, the elevation of the
soil, and the nature of the terrain they inhabit” (Humboldt 1816, 1-2).
demic variety Rousseau later pursued with his patron, Dupin de Francueil
(Rousseau 1959, 180-1, 293). He later wrote that “[i]t must certainly be that I
was born for this art,” that is, botany (Rousseau 1959, 181). In 1762 Emile
and Du Contrat Social were condemned as subversive and Rousseau had to
flee France, going first to Switzerland. While in Switzerland, he became
acquainted with a physician who taught him the rudiments of Linnaean bot-
any. He later studied with a close associate of the great Swiss botanist, Albre-
cht von Haller, Abraham Gagnebin of La Ferrière in the Swiss Jura. In 1765
Rousseau likewise had to leave Switzerland (ejected from the Île St. Pierre in
the lake of Bienne by the Senate of Bern), and his next port of call was
England, where he was a guest of David Hume. Rousseau soon fell out with
Hume, and left London with all its social pressures; he spent much of his time
botanizing in the English countryside with Margaret Cavendish Harley
Bentinck, Duchess of Portland (1715-1785), through whom he became
acquainted with English botanists such as John Ray.
Rousseau left a number of writings on botany, all published posthu-
mously; he worked on a dictionary of terms of usage in botany, which he
never finished7 and corresponded with several botanists, among them leading
Linnaean botanists in France: Antoine Gouan and Marc-Antoine-Louis
Claret de Latourrette, as well as Carolus Linnaeus himself. At the same time,
Rousseau was well-acquainted with the French botanists who followed Ber-
nard de Jussieu’s natural family system (as opposed to the artificial sexual
system of Linneaus). He herborized with Jussieu’s nephew, Antoine-Laurent,
as well as with André Thouin, both of the Jardin du roi, Paris; he also visited
the garden of the Trianon at Versailles, which housed more species (many
exotic) than any other garden in France (Cook 2003b). He read the largely
Latin botanical literature starting with Theophrastus and ending with Reg-
nault; he owned many botany books, and took notes from texts on South
American flora.8
Rousseau’s most famous botanical work is his so-called Lettres élémen-
taires sur la botanique, eight letters framed as a botany course for a friend’s
young daughter. These were read with interest by, among others, Johann
Wolfgang von Goethe. Rousseau also made herbaria in various formats, some
intended to be portable, one even miniature, to serve as an introduction to
7. The Dictionnaire des termes d’usage en botanique may have been composed as late as
1777-78 when Rousseau had access during the winter to the Abbé de Pramont’s copy of
Nicolas Regnault, La Botanique mise à la portée de tout le monde (Paris, 1774); Rousseau
returned the Abbé’s copy by a letter of 31 April 1778 (Rousseau 2000, 249). This conclu-
sion is based on an analysis of the entries, many of which he appear to follow Regnault,
Michel Adanson or Joseph Pitton de Tournefort. See Kobayishi 2003, 19.
8. Cook 2002 and Cook 2003a. See also the notes to Rousseau’s botanical writings,
which document his extensive reading in upwards of seventy botanical sources (Rousseau
2000, 298- 333). Since compiling these notes, I have located references to additional works
that Rousseau owned and/or consulted. This material is in preparation for publication.
botany; several of these survive, notably in collections at the Musée Jean-
Jacques Rousseau, Montmorency, the Zentralbibliothek Zürich and the
Musée des arts décoratifs, Paris; these make a striking impression, presenting
specimens in dramatic ways, as in Fig. 31-2.9 There is only one plant on the
page, framed by thin lines in ink. It is carefully attached with bands rather
than with glue or wax. The entire impression is one of elegance and concern
for the preservation of the specimen.
FIGURE 31-1. L’homme de la nature.
Colored lithograph by C. de Last, after Mayer, Vues de différentes habitations de Jean-Jacquen

Rousseau, 1819.
Rousseau studied methods of plant preservation and herbarium fabrica-
tion, and devoted one of his eight letters on botany to Mme Delessert to a
thorough discussion of this exacting practice (Rousseau 2000, 159-63). Rous-
seau demonstrates his interest in plant habitat and habit in the notes he
included with the specimens in his herbaria, a practice he may have adopted
from his correspondent, the jurist and botanist, Marc-Antoine-Louis Claret de
Latourrette. For example, the note accompanying the specimen in Fig. 31-2
9. I am currently preparing an article on Rousseau’s herbaria, a topic that has received

very little scholarly attention.
reads: “This plant flowers only at the end of autumn. Its pretty flax-gray
flower that emerges directly from the earth, with neither stem nor leaves,
makes a charming effect in the meadows, which are sometimes completely
covered with it. The top and the fruits do not appear until the following year,
such that the flower and the leaf never appear at the same time” (Dufour
1906, 263).
FIGURE 31-2. Colchicum autumnale
From the herbarium of 100 plants and one alga prepared by Rousseau for Julie Willading-Boy de
la Tour, 1772 (Rousseau 2000, 136). Permission to photograph courtesy of the Handschriften-
abteilung, Zentralbibliothek Zürich.
Latourrette, founder of the botanical garden of the Veterinary School of
Lyon, created a personal herbarium of considerable scientific significance,
containing seven thousand plants, four thousand indigenous to the Lyon
region (Magnin 1885, 49). Rousseau visited his correspondent in Lyon and
no doubt saw his herbarium, as suggested by the description of “his rich col-
lection [that] gathers in a small space almost all the productions of nature”
(Rousseau 2000, 225). Magnin points out that Latourrette’s ecological notes
were unusual for his day: “at this time, the majority of naturalists attached lit-
tle significance to these detailed reports of localities, stations, etc.” (Magnin
1885, 50).10
Rousseau’s awareness of the intimate relation between plant and habitat is
likewise evident in his critique of acclimatization of so-called exotic plants in
Europe, describing them as “exiled and denatured in the gardens of the curi-
ous” (Rousseau 2000, 248). In his Dictionnaire des termes d’usage en bota-
nique, he writes, “[p]lants transported out of their climate are subject to
variation….Some plants that are perennials in hot counties become annuals
among us, and this is not the sole alteration that they undergo in our gardens.”
He concludes: “Hence the exotic Botany studied in Europe provides often
very false observations” (Rousseau 2000, 129). “Exotic botany,” the practice
of acclimatizing non-native plants to Europe had been taking place since at
least Antiquity; it gained considerable momentum during the Renaissance in
conjunction with European voyages of exploration; by the eighteenth century
it had become a matter of state scientific and economic policy in Britain and
France (Cook 2002).
Transplantation schemes were taken to extremes by Linnaeus, who devel-
oped his “faulty hypothesis” that held it would be possible to transplant tea,
cotton and other non-European species to northern Europe.11 Yet Linnaeus
himself was aware of the phenomenon of degenerate transplants, and advo-
cated special scientific “gardens of paradise” where they could receive the
best possible cultivation (Mueller-Wille 1999, 189-90).
The degenerate transplant was already attested in the literature by 1727, if
not earlier; the Dutch botanist Hermann Boerhaave put the matter thus:
“…when they [exotics] are transplanted from other Climates, they change in
this foreign soil, if therefore one wants to depict them one represents the
same plant under the form of several different ones…” (Boerhaave 1727,
n.p.).12 The Dutch-Austrian botanist Nicolaus-Joseph Jacquin wrote, “I must
warn botanists that plants in hothouses will often have a habit of growth
which differs greatly from that in the wild. Some are beautiful in nature and
unseemly in cultivation, with others it is the other way around” (Jacquin
1971, F20).
Rousseau gave these views wider currency by incorporating them in pop-
ular works such as Emile and Julie. Rousseau’s general thesis is that what
nature does is best, and what man does in imitation of nature (e.g. Emile’s
10. “…à cette époque, la plupart des naturalistes attachaient peu d’importance a ces con-
stations minutieuses de localités, de stations, etc.”
11. Koerner 1994, 144-169, and Koerner 1999, ch. 6.
12. “…lorsqu’elles sont transplantées dans d’autres Climats, elles changent de naturel
dans ce fond étranger, si alors on veut les dépeindre, on répresente la même plante sous la
figure de plusieurs différentes…”
education and Julie’s Elysium) is good. When man disturbs or alters the
course of nature, he does ill: “Everything is good, coming from the hands of
the author of all things: everything degenerates in the hands of man. He
forces one soil to nourish the productions of another, one tree to carry the
fruits of another. He mixes and confounds the climates, the elements, [and]
the seasons” (Rousseau 1969, 245). In Julie Rousseau creates Elysium, his
answer to the French geometric garden with its imported contents. Elysium
appears completely natural, but is in fact entirely the product of art. In Ely-
sium St Preux reports, “I thought I was looking at the wildest, most solitary
place in nature” (Rousseau 1999, 387). Elysium avoids degenerate horticul-
ture, using only local vegetation: “I did not find exotic plants and products of
the Indies, I found the local ones arranged and combined in a manner that
yielded a cheerier and pleasanter effect…A thousand wild flowers shone
there, among which the eye was surprised to detect a few garden varieties,
which seemed to grow naturally with the others” (Rousseau 1999, 388).
Rousseau’s writings on botany reflect these general views. In a letter to
Chrétien-Guillaume de Lamoignon de Malesherbes of 19 December 1771
Rousseau writes, “the long habit of rummaging through the countryside has
made me familiar with the majority of indigenous plants. It is only in gardens
and among exotic productions where I find myself in unknown territory.”
Further on in the same letter he comments, “in my view the greatest charm of
botany is to be able to study and know the nature around one rather than
nature as it is in the Indies” (Rousseau 2000, 231). This idea was congenial to
Goethe, who commented, “he [Rousseau] takes examples from the immedi-
ate vicinity, speaking only of indigenous plants, and not presuming to con-
sider exotic ones, even those known and cultivated domestically” (Goethe
1989, 158; Goethe 1955, 158-9).13 Goethe suggests Rousseau does this in
order to communicate effectively with women in the eight letters, but this
hardly seems the case given his repeated references to studying and enjoying
indigenous nature, most notably in Julie, and his characterizations of trans-
plants as “exiled and denatured” (Rousseau 2000, 248).
This should not be taken to suggest, however, that Rousseau rejected the
study of exotic nature, but he thought this study should be conducted to its
own habitat, and that exotic plants should not be exported, trafficked or trans-
planted, for these exercises yield only profits, not knowledge or spiritual ben-
efits. Like Humboldt, Rousseau took a particular interest in the flora of South
America and the Caribbean, although he never traveled there; he took notes
13. “Denn da er an Frauenzimmer zu reden hat, versteht er…auf Gebrauch, Nutzen and
Schaden hinzuweisen, und dies um so schicklicher and leichter, da er, alle Beispiele zu
seiner Lehre aus der Umgebung nehmend, nur von dem Einheimischen spricht und auf die
exotsichen Pflanzen, wie sie auch gekannt sein und gepflegt werden mögen, keine
Ansprüche macht.”
from Jacquin’s Selectarum stirpium Americanarum (Vienna 1763), and he
owned a copy of Fusée Aublet’s Histoire des plantes de la guiane françoise,
4 vols. (Paris 1775). He may have even been personally acquainted with
Aublet, the first European to explore French Guiana since he acquired one of
Aublet’s herbaria in May 1778; specimens from this herbarium can be seen in
the Rousseau collection at the Musée Jacquemart-Andre, at the Abbaye de
Chaalis, outside Paris.
Rousseau applauded voyages of exploration such as those of Cook, and
read travel accounts, as is clear from the lengthy notes to the Discours sur
l’origine de l’inegalité: “The accounts of voyagers are full of examples of the
force and vigor of men of barbarous Nations and Savages” (Rousseau 1964,
198). In a letter to the Duchess of Portland of 23 January 1772 he wrote of
Cook’s second Endeavour voyage, “I learn that animated by his success
[Daniel Solander] is going to brave new perils in order to extend the inven-
tory of riches of the human species…O great and worthy enterprise! What
would have I not given to be able to follow in his footsteps…” (Rousseau
2000, 189).
Like most Enlightenment philosophers, Rousseau was intrigued by the
potential of voyages of exploration for advancing the understanding of nature
and man. Particularly appealing was the possibility of finding the most prim-
itive of men still living in the state of nature: Caribs, Tahitians, or even the
“forest-man” of the East Indies, the orang-hutan. Rousseau cites a wealth of
examples available to him at the time of writing the Discours sur l’origine de
l’inegalité. He was no more sanguine, however, about the transplantation or
acclimatization of people, than he was about exotic botany, writing in a note
to the Discours: “It is an extremely remarkable thing that, for the many years
that Europeans torment themselves in order to bring the Savages from vari-
ous countries to their manner of living, they still have not been able to win
over a single one of them….Nothing can overcome the invincible repugnance
they [the Savages] have against…living in our way” (Rousseau 1964, 220).
Rousseau’s mediators: Goethe and Bernardin de

Saint Pierre
Humboldt no doubt knew Rousseau already from his youth; as Minguet
argues, Goethe and the Sturm und Drang are unimaginable without Rousseau
(Minguet 1969, 65). Humboldt likewise knew the works of Rousseau’s disci-
ple, Bernardin de Saint Pierre; Bernardin had served as an army engineer in
Mauritius, the French colony then known as the Île de France. His account of
that experience, Voyage à l’Île de France, made him known to Rousseau,
with whom he botanized in the 1770’s. Indeed, it is to Bernardin that we owe
the sole written description of Rousseau’s attempt to render in symbols what
others unsuccessfully tried to do in words (Bernardin 1799, 2: 78-9).
Bernardin’s Paul et Virginie was one of Humboldt’s favorite works and
accompanied him to the tropics, while Bernardin’s Études de la nature was “a
work which, among a large number of inexact ideas concerning the nature of
the earth, includes some profound and ingenious views about the forms, rela-
tions and habits of plants” (Humboldt 1816, 2).14 Humboldt attributes the
notion of the geography of plants to a number of precursors, including Ber-
nardin: “The same name [that of the geography of plants] is found in the
Studies of Nature of Bernardin de Saint Pierre, a work of the imagination, it is
true, but one of a lively and brilliant imagination” (Humboldt 2000, 334; see
also Bernardin 1799, I: 43).15
Bernardin’s Études were influenced by his conversations with Rousseau;
Bernardin shares with Rousseau a teleological, theistic perspective on nature
that is not Humboldt’s. Yet Bernardin could also be an acute and exact
observer, using quantitative observations to make his case for God the benef-
icent Creator, and nature, which makes nothing in vain. For example, he mea-
sured the angle of inclination the branches form with the stem to illustrate the
marvelous adaptation of mountain vegetation to damp environments. Bernar-
din found this angle consistently to be thirty degrees, “the same with that
which is formed, in a flat country, by the course of many rivulets and smaller
rivers, with the great rivers into which they discharge themselves…The same
Wisdom has regulated the level of the branches in trees, and the course of the
stream through the plains” (Bernardin 1799, II: 124).
While all German intellectuals of the late eighteenth century can be
assumed to have read Rousseau, another important figure could have medi-
ated the connection between Rousseau and Humboldt, namely, the poet and
statesman, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe.
Goethe’s view of Rousseau

Rousseau enjoyed great popularity among German Aufklärer in the late eigh-
teenth century; Goethe read Rousseau’s posthumous works soon after their
appearance in 1782, when he was starting his career as Privy Councillor in
the Duchy of Sachse-Weimar, with forestry as one of his portfolios. His offi-
cial duties set him on the path of nature study, and he claims Rousseau played
a pivotal role in making that path accessible and attractive. In the history of
14. “…ouvrage qui, parmi un grand nombre d’idées inexactes sur la physique du globe,
renferme quelques vues profondes et ingénieuses sur les formes, les rapports et les habi-
tudes des végétaux” (Humboldt 1816, 2).
15. “Le même nom [géographie des plantes] se retrouve dans les “Études de la nature” de
Bernardin de Saint Pierre, œuvre d’imagination il est vrai, mais d’une imagination vive et
brillante.”
his botanical studies Goethe spends several pages discussing Rousseau’s bot-
any, citing him as a critical influence:
His method of narrowing down the plant world lends itself to the classifica-
tion of plants according to families...and since I too at that time had been led
to conclusions of this kind, I was all the more forcibly impressed by his pre-
sentation.
And just as young students prefer young teachers, so also does the dilettante
like to learn from the dilettante. This would of course be questionable...if
experience did not show that dilettantes contribute a geat deal to sci-
ence....(Goethe 1989, 158-9).16
Goethe and von Humboldt became acquainted in late 1794 through Alex-
ander’s older brother Wilhelm; Goethe alludes to his cordial relations with
the brothers in a letter of December 1794 (Goethe 1964, 191). Goethe was
serving as a Privy Councillor to the Duke of Sachse-Weimar, while Hum-
boldt was still an official on the fast track in the Prussian Ministry of Mines.
They remained in contact from this time onwards and were particularly close
in the mid-1790s when they studied anatomy together in Jena under J. Ch.
Loder (Minguet 1969, 49). On 18 June 1795 Goethe writes of wishing to visit
Ilmenau (where he had ministerial obligations in the mining sector) with
Humboldt. Goethe expresses to Humboldt the hope of seeing him from time
to time, and having the opportunity to “become ever more familiar with what
you think and do” (Goethe 1964, 198).17
Despite their mutual interests, the profound differences in their way of
working and thinking about the natural world soon became apparent; in a let-
ter of 18 June 1795 Goethe wrote to Humboldt: “Since your observations
proceed from the element, mine from the form, we cannot therefore move
quickly enough to meet each other in the middle” (Goethe 1964, 197-8).18
Humboldt studied nature into the minutest details, employing quantitative
measures whenever possible, while Goethe sought to grasp the Phänomen in
its essence. Humboldt nonetheless shared with Goethe the view that nature is
ultimately one great whole.
Goethe continued to take an interest in Humboldt’s work. Writing to
Sulpiz Boisserée on 14 June 1816, Goethe comments, “Alex. Von Humboldt
16. “Seine methode das Pflanzenreich ins Engere zu bringen, neigt sich, wie wir oben
gesehen haben, offenbar zur Einteilung nach Familien; und da ich in jener Zeit auch schon
zu Betrachtungen dieser Art hingeleitet war, so machte sein Vortrag auf mich einen desto
größeren Eindruck.
Und so wie die jungen Studierenden sich auch am liebsten an junge Lehrer halten, so mag
der Dilettant gern vom Dilettanten lernen. Dieses wäre freilich…bedenklich, wenn nicht
die Erfahrung gäbe, daß Dilettanten zum Vorteil der Wissenschaft vieles beigetragen
[haben]” (Goethe 1955, 159).
17. “mit dem, was Sie denken und tun, immer bekannter zu werden.”
18. “Da Ihre Beobachtungen vom Element, die meinigen von der Gestalt ausgehen, so
können wir nicht genug eilen, uns in der Mitte zu begegnen.”
has sent me a short but extremely significant work: on the laws that are
observed in the distribution of plant forms, which has, despite all distraction,
once again set me on the long trod and familiar nature path…” (Goethe 1965,
358; see also Humboldt 1816). As a sign of his regard, Humboldt dedicated
the first volume of the German translation of the Relation historique du voy-
age aux régions équinoxiales du nouveau continent to Goethe. Upon receiv-
ing the second volume of the Relation historique, Goethe wrote to Humboldt:
“...I must add that among the most pleasant memories of an earlier time the
cohabitation with you and your brother remains a bright spot...” (Goethe
1965, 505-6).19 Finally, Goethe commented to Eckermann, 11 December
1826: “What a man he is! I have known him so long, and nevertheless I am
astonished by him anew. One could say he does not have his equal in infor-
mation and lively knowledge. And a many-sidedness, which I have also
never seen before. Wherever one turns, he is everywhere at home and show-
ers us with spiritual gifts” (Goethe 1984, 109; Moheit 1999, 246).20
Goethe could have conveyed his regard for Rousseau’s botany to Hum-
boldt during their scientific labors in Jena or at any other time. My point is
that Goethe attributed his own inspiration to study botany to a very large
extent to Rousseau, and it would be only natural for him to relay that enthusi-
asm to Humboldt.
Humboldt’s View of Rousseau

Humboldt considered Rousseau to have evoked the beauty of nature for his
readers in a peculiarly effective way. Had Humboldt seen Rousseau’s her-
baria, he might have expressed a similar opinion of them as well; these were,
however, all in private hands at the time, and there is no evidence that Hum-
boldt was even aware of their existence. Goethe refers to them in the account
of his botanical studies, but concludes, quite erroneously, that Rousseau
“probably had neither the skill nor the perseverance to give much attention to
the preservation of plants on his many excursions…” (Goethe 1989, 159). In
Cosmos, Humboldt writes:
If I recall here the entrancing eleoquence of Rousseau, the picturesque
descriptions of Clarens and la Meillerie on the shores of lake Geneva [in
Julie], it is in the main writings of this zealous, but unschooled, herborizer,
19. “Wie ich denn hinzusetzen muss, dass unter den angenehmsten Erinnerungen
früherer Zeit mir das Zusammenleben mit Ihnen und Ihren Herrn Brueder ein lichtester
Punkt bleibt: denn wie viele hoffnungs- und tatenreiche Anfänge habe ich denn in mein-
men Leben so folgereich fortsetzen und glanzreich wachsen sehen?”
20. “Was ist das für ein Mann! – Ich kenne ihn so lange, und doch bin ich von neuem über
ihn im Erstaunen. Man kann sagen, er hat an Kenntnissen und lebendigem Wissen nicht
seinesgleichen. Und eine Vielseitigkeit, wie sie mir gleichfalls noch nicht vorgekommen
ist! Wohin man rührt, er ist überall zu Hause und überschuettet uns mit geistigen Scha-
etzen.”
writings that are twenty years in advance of the Epochs of nature of Buffon,
in which enthusiasm [for nature] overwhelms [the reader] as much as in the
immortal poetry of Klopstock, Schiller, Goethe [and] Byron[,] and manifests
itself especially in the precision and originality of the language. A writer can,
without having had the direct results of science in view, inspire a lively taste
for the study of nature, by the appeal of his poetic descriptions, even when
they concern very circumscribed and well-known places (Humboldt 2000,
399).21
While it would appear that for Humboldt, Rousseau is a mere herborizer,
a plant collector – zealous, but possessing little or no scientific knowlege,
this assessment in Humboldt’s masterpiece tells only part of the story, for
Rousseau’s influence is apparent in many aspects of Humboldt’s life and
work: (1) his desire ca. 1795 to lead a peaceable life in a naturally idyllic set-
ting such as that of lake Lucerne (Minguet 1969, 96); (2) his emotional
response to the beauty and magnificence of nature (cited in the introduction
to this paper), and (3) his advocacy, above all, of studying plants in their
native habitat.
More telling are Humboldt’s comments about the relative value of trans-
planted plants versus herbarium specimens. Hothouses, he writes, are “hospi-
tals for languishing plants,” offering “a weakened reflection” of “the
spectacle, of which we cannot think without sighing after those countries
where the life force flows with greater abundance” (Humboldt, 2000, 424).
Herbaria are preferable to such weakened transplants: “The ideas of vigor
and liberty are inseparable also in the profusion of nature, and to the eyes of
the zealous botanist who has traveled the world, the plants cut on the Cordil-
leres or on the plains of India and dried in a herbarium often have more worth
than the same living species that have grown up in one of our European hot-
houses” (Humboldt 2000, 424).
Humboldt agrees therefore with Rousseau that hothouses can only show
us degenerate plants, exiled and denatured from their native climes. Some-
what surprisingly, he privileges herbaria specimens over these hothouse
degenerates. On the other hand, transplants may preserve enough of their
original grandeur that they can move the hearts of sad Europeans dwelling
under gray skies surrounded by a relatively impoverished vegetation. “But
even if the general impression is diminished, this inferiority [of hothouse
21. “Si je rappelle ici l’éloquence entraînante de Rousseau, les descriptions pittoresques
de Clarens et de la Meillerie sur les bords du lac de Geneve, c’est que dans les principaux
écrits de cet herborisateur peu instruit mais zélé, écrits qui ont devancé de vingt années les
“Époques de la nature” de Buffon, l’enthousiasme déborde aussi bien que dans les immor-
telles poésies de Klopstock, de Schiller, de Goethe, de Byron, et se manifeste surtout par la
précision et l’originalité du langage. Un écrivain peut, sans avoir eu en vue les résultats
directs de la science, inspirer un goût vif pour l’étude de la nature, par l’attrait de ses
descriptions poétiques, alors même qu’elles portent sur des lieux très circonscrits et bien
connus.”
plants] is compensated for by the domination that reality exercises every-
where on our senses” (Humboldt 2000, 424). “It is one of the most beautiful
fruits of European civilization that today it is possible for man, in the less
favored countries, to taste, thanks to collections of exotic plants, the magic of
landscape painting…” (Humboldt 2000, 430).
We thus return at the end of volume II, chapter 3 of Cosmos to Rousseau’s
gratitude for nature’s ability to move men: “…the earth offers man in the har-
mony of the three realms a spectacle filled with life, interest, and charm, the
only spectacle in the world of which his eyes and his heart never weary”
(Rousseau 1959, 1062).
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Hunter. 2nd ed. 3 vols. London. Eighteenth Century Collections online.
Gale Group.
Boerhaave, Hermann. 1727. Préface au lecteur. In Sébastien Vaillant, Botani-
con Parisiense. Leiden & Amsterdam: Jean & Herman Verbeek & Balth-
azar Lakeman.
Cook, Alexandra. 2002. Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Exotic Botany. Eigh-
teenth-Century Life special issue, Exoticism and the Culture of Explora-
tion. Ed. R. Maccubbin and C. Knellwolf. 26 (3): 181-201.
—. 2003a. Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s copy of Albrecht von Haller’s Historia
stirpium indigenarum Helvetiae inchoata (1768). Archives of Natural
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—. 2003b. Jean-Jacques Rousseau et les réseaux d’échange botanique. In
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Dufour, Théophile. 1906. Petit herbier pour Mademoiselle Julie Boy de la
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Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von. 1955. Der Verfasser teilt die Geschichte
seiner botanischen Studien mit. In Werke, vol. 13, ed. D. Kuhn and R.
Wankmüller, 148-68. Hamburg: Christian Wegner Verlag.
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von. 1964. Briefe. Vol. 2. Ed. Karl Robert Man-
delkow. Hamburg: Christian Wegner Verlag.
—. 1965. Briefe. Vol. 3. Ed. Bodo Morawe. Hamburg: Christian Wegner
Verlag.
—. 1984. Conversations with Eckermann. Trans. J. Oxenford. San Francisco:
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—. 1989. Goethe’s Botanical Writings. Trans. B. Mueller. Reprint ed. Wood-
bridge, CT: Ox Bow.
Hermand, Jost. 1996. Rousseau, Goethe, Humboldt: Ihr Einfluß auf späteren
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46 (3): 270-86.
Humboldt, Alexander von. 1869. Correspondance scientifique et littéraire
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—. 2000. Cosmos: Essai d’une description du monde. Vol. 1. Ed. J. Grange.
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—. 1816. Sur les lois que l’on observe dans la distribution des formes
végétales. Paris: Feugueray (extract of the Mémoire read at Institut de
France, 29 January 1816).
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cle. Paris: Gallimard.
CHAPTER 32 A German minerologist
visits Peru
Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy
Humboldt and Mining

Alexander von Humboldt became interested in mining in his youth. His first
book, Mineralogical Observations on Some Basalts in the Rhine Basin, was
published in 1790 when he was just 21. In 1791-92 Humboldt studied in the
renowned Mining Academy of Freiburg, under the supervision of Professor
Abraham Gottlob Werner, and was named “Asesor cum voto” in the Prussian
Department of Mines in 1792. In 1793 Humboldt began his work as Superin-
tendent of Mines in Franconia, and was appointed the following year as
Counsellor on Mines. In 1795 Humboldt was appointed as Minister of Mines,
the highest echelon below that of Prime Minister.1
His years in the Freiburg Academy placed Humboldt in direct contact
with mining deposits, as it was usual for the theoretical lessons to be supple-
mented with practical work. Therefore, like the miners, students had to make
their way on workdays to the mineshafts at six in the morning, where they
had to work all morning helping a miner. Lessons were given in the after-
noon. Professor Werner required his students to prepare monographs on spe-
cific topics, and stimulated them to collect minerals. Humboldt was
influenced in the Academy by the theories of Lavoisier – who turned chemis-
try into a modern, quantitative natural science – which he would later dissem-
inate in his journeys.2
International scientists gathered at Freiburg under Professor Werner’s
guidance during the time Humboldt was there; such as Spaniards, Portuguese
and Norwegians, and other foreigners. By the late eighteenth century the
1. Alejandro de Humboldt, 1769-1969. InterNationes. Bad Godesberg, 1969, p. 162.

2. Ibid. p. 25.
403
Academy had clearly become the most important centre in Europe in the min-
ing sciences.3
Humboldt’s strong knowledge of mining was obviously of great help to
him during his journey across America, not just when carrying out his geo-
logic and especially his vulcanological studies, but also in purely practical
terms – like when his advice on some mining deposits was requested during
his stay in the Viceroyalty of Mexico. A man of his time, Humboldt also
made some inventions, which were designed to assist miners in their surveys
and extractive tasks. For instance, he invented an “inextinguishable lamp”
and a “respiratory machine.” The lamp was a forerunner of the famed Davy
lamp, and the second was a predecessor of modern gas masks.4
Hualgayoc: A Second Potosí?

Humboldt entered Peru in 1802 from the north through the province of
Cajamarca finally arriving at the silver mines of Hualgayoc. In his own
words, “the mountain Hualgayoc somewhat recalls the effect of the dolomitic
cones, or rather the cracked crest of Montserrat in Catalonia, which I had the
opportunity to visit…the mountain reveals a hundred galleries that crisscross
it in all directions…the people call these apertures “the windows of Hual-
gayoc.’”5 (see plate 1) The previous visit Humboldt had made to the Quito
Audiencia allowed him to compare these apertures with those on the slopes
of the Pichincha volcano, which were also called the “windowlets of Pichin-
cha.”6 It has been stressed that Humboldt used to record the shape of the
mountains that called his attention, making a precise drawing of them.7
At the mines of Hualgayoc Humboldt was impressed by the ruggedness of
the landscape and the isolation of the town of Muicupampa, which lies at
3,620 metres above sea level, and where a population of 3,000-4,000 people
lived “in a wasteland, without vegetation.”8 The weather was also annoying
for him, as he noted that “the weather in Muicupampa is unpleasant.” Else-
where Humboldt pointed out that “the weather in these towns is horrible … at
night the thermometer remains at 0.2º, and at 7 or 8 hours (in the morning) is
still at 1º…it rarely goes over 8º at noon. Of course there are no trees nor nat-
3. Ibid. p. 26.
4. Ibid.p. 27. For further information on his inventions see: Douglas Botting. Humboldt y
el Cosmos. Vida, obra y viajes de un hombre universal. (1769-1859). Ediciones del Serbal.
Barcelona, 1995. pp.32, 33.
5. Estuardo Núñez y George Petersen. Alexander von Humboldt en el Perú. Diario de
viaje y otros escritos. Banco Central de Reserva. Lima, 2002. pp.101,102.
6. Ibid. p. 102.
7. Jaime Labastida. “Una jornada de trabajo de Alexander von Humboldt: su método
científico.” Leopoldo Zea y Hernán Taboada (compiladores) Humboldt y la Modernidad.
F.C.E. México, 2001. p.55.
8. Nuñez y Petersen. Alexander p.102
A German minerologist visits Peru 405
ural greenery.”9 One gets the impression that the combination of altitude and
low temperatures affected Humboldt10 and maybe discouraged him to explore
other mines located even higher as Pasco or Huancavelica. However, the
German traveller ascertained that despite the manifest aridity of the land, the
mines of Hualgayoc were not lacking in supplies at all insofar as goods were
constantly brought from Jaén, Chota, Chachapoyas, and Cajamarca.11 But the
commercial network provisioning Hualgayoc was actually far larger. For
instance, the customs records (Libros de Aduana) at Cajamarca registered the
arrival of fish from Lambayeque, coca from Chachapoyas, sweets from
Cajamarca and Lambayeque, brandy (aguardiente) from Ica through Callao-
Pacasmayo or Callao-Huanchaco sea route; and from Lima yerba mate, tex-
tiles and imported goods from Castille, and hardware.12
During his stay, Humboldt also noticed that whereas Hualgayoc and
Fuentestiana held a great amount of water, in the mine of Purgatorio (Purga-
tory) on the contrary there was a complete lack of it.13 This mine had been
given that name due “to the heat inside it, which is considerable in regard to
the altitude of the region as it comes to 19ºC, whereas outdoors it is 5ºC.”14
Hence the workmen carried out their tasks clothes-less, and considered the
heat in Purgatorio to be stifling.
The mines of Hualgayoc had been discovered in 1771 by Don Rodrigo de
Torres y Ocaña and Don Juan José de Casanova in the ranch of Apán, some
fourteen leagues from Cajamarca.15 By 1776 there were 96 running mills
(ingenios corrientes). The mines attracted many peninsulars who came not
only from the Basque region, as usually happen in the colonial mining cen-
ters, but also from Catalonia, Asturias, Jaén, Toledo, Galicia, Andalusia,
becoming mine owners. Labour, on the other hand, had a multi ethnical com-
position, including mestizos, zambos, mulattoes, and Indians from the neigh-
boring provinces of Cajamarca, Huamachuco, Pataz, and Conchucos16.
9. Ibid. p. 65
10. He was, for example, unable to reach the sumit of Chimborazo, in Quito. See: Wolf
Lepenies. “Alexander von Humboldt: su pasado y su presente.” Leopoldo Zea y Hernán
Taboada (compiladores) Humboldt y la Modernidad. F.C.E. México, 2001. p.65. Not sur-
prisingly Humboldt underlined the fact that Muicupampa was 700 mts. higher than Quito.
Núñez y Petersen. Alexander. p.132.
11. Núñez y Petersen. Alexander. p.65.
12. Archivo General de la Nación, Lima. Libros de Aduana de Cajamarca.
13. Nuñez y Petersen. Alexander. p. 104.
14. Ibid. p. 145.
15. Joaquín Ramón Iturralde. “Relación Descriptiva del cerro de Hualgayoc descubierto
con poderosas vetas de plata en la provincia de Cajamarca, con noticias exactas de su fatal
estado, 1776.” Fernando Silva Santisteban, Waldemar Espinosa Soriano, Rogger Ravines
(compiladores). Historia de Cajamarca. Siglos XVI-XVIII. I.N.C. Cajamarca, 1986. p.316.
16. Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy. “Vivir y morir en el mineral de Hualgayoc a fines de la colo-
nia.” Jahrbuch für Geschichte...Lateinamerika. No.30 (1993). pp. 81, 86.
Hualgayoc had not been granted mita labourers, as was the case of the
mines of Huancavelica and Potosi, and thus had to extensively rely on free
workers. Even so, a project was prepared by the Bishop of Trujillo, Don Bal-
tazar Jaime Martínez de Compañón, which intended to transfer settlers to the
areas surrounding the mines, who would be given patches of land in
exchange for their working in the mines.17 It was estimated that about one
thousand settlers were required, who according to José Ignacio de Lequanda
would have to settle permanently in the mines.18 This project was an answer
to the constant complaints made by the mine owners regarding the lack of
labourers, or the temporary condition of many of the workmen.19
Humboldt was a sharp critic of the mining techniques used in colonial
Peru. For him, the mines were worked following the whim of the owners and
without the supervision of a technician acquainted with the subject.20 On one
occasion he remarked that Peru was a country “where the government is not
concerned by technology.” Some work methods alarmed him, as when he
found that in some mines the counterforts, columns and props holding up the
roof had been removed, therefore causing their collapse.21 Humboldt was also
surprised to find that instead of installing carts or rollers (rodillos) to haul the
mineral, the workmen carried it in baskets and sacks on their back, along nar-
row and dangerous corridors22 (see plate 2). He was likewise astonished to
find that inside the mine the mineral was not moved through the ventilation
shafts but along galleries, and that no carts were used23 (see plate 3). Hum-
boldt also was intrigued by the fact that iron hammers, so widely spread
throughout Europe, were not used in the Andes. He wrote: “the wedges are
inserted with a dreadful instrument called a comba, a mace weighing between
28 and 30 pounds, [which is] too heavy to guide, [and] slow because two or
three successive blows cannot be given… It is somewhat understandable,
with such miserable tools, no piecework, and almost no supervision, why a
gallery [made] at an ass’s pace has, for example, cost 500-800 pesos, and
even 1,200 pesos.”24
But who were the miners who worked the deposits of Hualgayoc with
methods described as inefficient? During his stay, Humboldt had the opportu-
17. Ibid. p. 77. See also Carlos Contreras. Los Mineros y el Rey. Los Andes del norte: Hual-
gayoc 1770-1825. IEP. Lima, 1995. pp.98,99.
18. José Ignacio de Lequanda. “Descripción de la provincia de Caxamarca.” Mercurio
Peruano (1792), tomo X. p.210.
19. Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón y Bujanda. “Sobre el ruinoso estado de las minas
de Hualgayoc y modo de restablecerlas.” Historia de Cajamarca. Siglos XVI-XVIII. I.N.C.
Cajamarca, 1986. p.213.
21. Ibid. p. 60.
22. Ibid. p. 58.
24. Ibid. p. 64.
nity to establish contact with some of them. His host seems to have been Don
Joaquín de Arvayza, whom he described as “a very wealthy man, and with an
open and energetic character.”25 Arvayza had been born in Cajamarca, but his
father came from Spain. Humboldt also mentioned three other families of
miners in Hualgayoc: the Espinach, the Casanova, and the Bueno.
The Arvayza and the Bueno were kin. Thus Tomás Bueno y Ravines was
a native of Cajamarca who had mining interests in Hualgayoc. Melchora
Torres y Sánchez, his first wife, bore him no children. After widowing, Don
Tomás married a second time with Ana María Arvayza y Escalante, the legit-
imate daughter of the wealthy miner Joaquín de Arvayza. He had a son with
his second wife, Jose Antonio, who was to be his heir.26 Endogamy seems to
have been wide spread among the mining guild in order to increase properties
and fortunes.
As for the Espinach, the reference obviously meant Don Miguel Espin-
ach, clearly one of the most important and influential individuals in Hual-
gayoc. A native of Catalonia, Espinach combined his mining activities with
those of a supplier. He had also held several positions of authority, such as
Mining Deputy for Hualgayoc, mayor of Cajamarca, and subdelegate of the
Partido of Chota. He was a man who wielded power. In 1798 Espinach
owned 7 mines, and had 18 employees and 167 labourers. He had smelted
343,830 silver marks (close to 20 pr cent of the total output of Hualgayoc) in
29 years dedicated to mining (1775-1803), thus amassing a sizable fortune.27
The Casanovas were another family mentioned by Humboldt. He clearly
meant the family formed by Don Juan José Casanova, a native of Pamplona,
Spain, and the discoverer of the mine, who died in 1791. At his death
Rudecindo, his son, took over the mining firm. He married Doña Isabel
Estrada and had no legitimate children. But he did have two illegitimate ones:
Blas and Casimiro, born in his illicit liaison with Doña Juana Urrutia.
Rudecindo left each of his sons 20 mine varas in the Purgatorio lode in Hual-
gayoc.28
According to Humboldt, the Espinach, Casanova and Bueno “seize every-
thing and labour to destroy one another. Lawsuits are filed and whoever can
sacrifice the most wins.” The German traveller even noted that whereas in
Saxony a miner was distinguished by his moral qualities, in Peru “this class is
the most profligate and licentious.” The truth is that colonial miners com-
prised all kinds: some, like the Count of the Real Confianza even boasted
25. Ibid. p. 57.

26. Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy. “Hijos naturales ‘sin impedimento alguno.’ La ilegitimidad
en el mineral de Hualgayoc, Cajamarca. (1780-1845)” Scarlett O’Phelan e Yves Saint-
Geours. (comp.) El Norte en la Historia Regional. Cipca/Ifea. Lima, 1996. p.227.
27. Carlos Contreras. Los mineros y el Rey. p.45.
28. Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy. “Hijos Naturales...” p.232.
their titles of nobility, and in fact Don Juan José de Casanova himself was
related with the Marquises of Casa Boza.29 On the other hand, it is true that
there were miners who were “adventurers,” like those described by Tandeter
in his study on Potosí.30 However, Humboldt did have a better opinion of
Mexican families involved in mining activity, as the Fagoada or the Alamán,
whom, in his own words, were “well illustrated and phylantropists.”31
Despite all of the limitations noted by Humboldt in terms of mining in
Peru, he concluded that with a more enlightened government Hualgayoc
would be a second Potosí, “as in fact its minerals are richer than those of
Potosí itself, more stable in their yield than those of Huantajaya, and their
extraction is simpler than at Yauricocha.”32 His enthusiastic prediction would
not, however, be fulfilled. Hualgayoc entered a period of stagnation shortly
after his visit, and Cerro de Pasco became the major mining centre through-
out the nineteenth century.
Pasco, the Worst Managed Mines in Spanish America

The mines of Pasco were discovered in 1630. In 1758 a new gallery was
opened – an undertaking that was finished in 1760 with the extraction of
some 50,000-89,000 marks. The productivity of the mine rose to 122,000 sil-
ver marks in 1780, and by then Pasco was considered “the most valuable of
the mines.”33 In the 1790s the output level increased remarkably, reaching for
example 291,254 marks in 1794. It was precisely in this period that the pro-
tectionist policies the Bourbon project had for mining came into effect, and
crystallised in the establishment of the Tribunal de Minería and the Banco de
Rescates.
Unlike Hualgayoc, Humboldt did not visit the mines of Pasco. However,
he noted that “thanks to the mineralogical collection of Baron Nordenflicht,
and his many plans and descriptions of mines, I am perfectly able to form a
geognostic idea of the mining site of Pasco.”34 Again, the inefficiency of the
production system of Pasco astounded and worried Humboldt. For instance,
he noticed that the abundant waters present in Pasco were extracted, “not by
means of hydraulic wheels or malacatas – as is done in Mexico – but with
pumps powered by the arm of a man; … draining the mines is thus exceed-
29. Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy. “Vivir y morir...” p.77.
30. Enrique Tandeter. Coacción y mercado. La minería de la plata en el Potosí colonial,
1692-1826. Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos Bartolomé de las Casas. Cuzco, 1992.
p.186.
31. Salvador Méndez Reyes. “Humboldt y las elites de origen colonial. Algunas notas
acerca de su relación con Alamán y los Fagoaga.” Leopoldo Zea y Mario Magallán. (com-
piladores) El Mundo que encontró Humboldt. F.C.E. México, 1999. pp.76, 77.
32. John Fisher, Minas y Mineros. p.53.
33. Nuñez y Petersen. Alexander. p.133.
34. Ibid. p. 136.
ingly costly … The mine of Yauricocha would yield the same amount of sil-
ver as Guanajuato if hydraulic machines or steam pumps were built in it…”35
The truth is that although there were plans to manufacture hydraulic
machines, these came to nothing. Thus in 1793 the Hualgayoc miner Don
Tomás Bueno hired the services of Don Ignacio Martorell, to build a “bronze
machine to drain said mines” for 3,000 pesos. Humboldt later mentioned
Martorell as “a mason who has himself called a maths professor, who prom-
ised the miners to make the water disappear through tin siphons.”36 For him,
the experiment was a complete failure. This incident shows that although
there were plans to modernise the production process in mining, the problem
here lay in the scant preparation of those who acted as technicians, and had
not received proper training. It should not be forgotten that although the
Bourbons had a plan to establish a Colegio de Minería in Perú, it did not
open, unlike Mexico, where since 1792 it benefited the miners and the min-
ing industry of New Spain. At the colegio students were taught mineralogy,
metallurgy and other subjects less specialized, such as French and Mathemat-
ics. Among the board of teachers there were distinguished professors, as
Andrés del Río, who did study with Humboldt in Freiburg.37
The Distressing Accident of the Mine of Santa

Bárbara, in Huancavelica
While Humboldt was in Peru, the famed mine of Santa Bárbara was com-
pletely abandoned due to the collapse that had taken place in the Brocal min-
ing claim. For the German traveller, “greed and neglect were the causes of
this distressing accident.” According to Humboldt’s account, the intendant of
Huancavelica removed the pillars which supported the ceiling of the mine in
order to increase productivity, thus causing its collapse. Humboldt once more
blamed this on the deficient training of Peruvian miners. He said: “the proce-
dure had consequences that any educated miner would easily have guessed:
with the support gone, the rock yielded to pressure, the roof caved in, and this
collapse affected most of the upper claim, namely, the Brocal, and therefore
work had to be stopped.”38 Entangled in the affair, the intendant defended
himself arguing that he had removed the pillars after consulting with master
miners. In other words, the incompetence pointed out by Humboldt had some
validity.
35. Ibid. p. 131.

37. David Brading. Mineros y Comerciantes en el México borbónico, 1763-1810. F.C.E.
México, 1975. p.227.
Humboldt fully agreed with Nordenflicht in that it was false that the mine
of Santa Bárbara was worked out when it collapsed. What happened was that
the miners in charge of excavating the deposit had no knowledge of subterra-
nean geometry, and had therefore been digging where the mineral was least
abundant. In any case, his recommendation was that the collapsed mine
should not be cleared as this would require extensive resources, and the gal-
lery system was so poorly laid out that no benefit could be had in this state.39
Humboldt and the Expedition of Baron Nordenflicht

In order to place the journey of Humboldt to Peru in its proper context, a ref-
erence must be made to the mineralogical expedition under Baron Nordenfli-
cht that preceded him. Although Humboldt arrived at Peru twelve years after
the Baron, the connections are clear. It was not just that he lived in Lima in
the Baron’s house, using the laboratory the Tribunal de Minería had assem-
bled for his host; Nordenflicht also became his closest interlocutor in matters
regarding the extractive activity. Undoubtly the Baron’s experience in Peru
predisposed Humboldt’s opinion in several matters. It will be useful, there-
fore, to have a brief look at the Baron’s expedition in Peruvian soil.
In October 1790, after leaving Potosí, Nordenflicht reached Huancavel-
ica, where he joined Helms, who had been busy replacing the not-too-effi-
cient furnaces of Almadén used to process the mercury, with a smaller
number of the modern furnaces from Idria.40 But when Nordenflicht arrived
at Huancavelica, Helms and his work were paralysed due to an astounding
increase in the cost of the exploitation; this was because in order to benefit
with the operation, the intendant had supplied the building materials at exor-
bitant prices.41
FIGURE 32-1.
39. Núñez y Petersen. Alexander. pp.141, 142.

40. John Fisher. Minas y Mineros. p.131.
41. Ibid.
In early 1791 Nordenflicht, already established in Lima, presented a
report to the viceroy where he requested that the mines of Huancavelica be
closed for two years, while a central shaft and lateral galleries were built that
would allow the work to be done safely and efficiently. The Baron also
explicitly noted in his report that he had no intention of returning to Huan-
cavelica, and suggested that Friedrich Mothes, another member of his expedi-
tion, should relieve him at the command of the mine.
Although Mothes remained in Huancavelica until late 1792, he did not
receive the official permission to begin modernising the mine. He would
shortly thereafter be entrusted with the excavation of a shaft in Hualgayoc,
where the Saxon technician arrived in September 1794. For Fisher, Mothes
was “the most able of Nordenflicht’s assistants, after Helms.”42
The presence of Mothes in Hualgayoc was controversial, and it split the
miners into two sides—those who strongly resented the contempt Mothes had
for the local technical traditions, and those who showed an interest for the
proposed innovations, which could increase their profits. But the sector that
resisted Mothes included two of the most prominent miners: Miguel de
Espinach and Rudecindo Casanova. Both doggedly opposed the appointment
of Mothes as Perito Facultativo y Director del Mineral.43
FIGURE 32-2.
It is therefore very likely that in the many conversations he must have had
with Humboldt, Nordenflicht acquainted him with the opposition against
Mothes, and the campaign made to discredit him and the new techniques the
Baron and his mission were trying to implement, organised by the above-
mentioned miners of Hualgayoc. This would explain the acid comments
Humboldt made in his journal, specifically against Espinach and Casanova,
the main detractors of Mothes, and therefore of Thaddeus von Nordenflicht.
42. Ibid. Capítulo IV.
43. Carlos Contreras. Los mineros y el Rey. pp.132,133.
It could be said, therefore, that in many occasions Humboldt saw things
through Nordenflicht’s eyes.
The Peruvian miners somehow felt that first Nordenflicht, and then Hum-
boldt, had arrived to convince them of the superiority the European tech-
niques had in processing the metal.44 Even Viceroy Gil de Taboada
commented that Nordenflicht had not realised that Peruvian minerals were
different from those found in Germany, and therefore required a different
treatment.45 Helms, in turn, did not hesitate in pointing out that the members
of the Mining Tribunal “lacked any mineralogical knowledge whatsoever.” In
other words, they were ignoramuses.
FIGURE 32-3.
However, the evidence suggests that although Born’s barrel method

helped save time and lowered the number of labourers required to extract the
silver, it was not necessarily better than the traditional patio system, and even
worse, it did not lower the consumption of quicksilver (see plate 4). Some-
thing similar happened in Mexico, were Sonneschmidt had to admit – in his
famed treatise on amalgamation – that “with ten years of work I have been
unable to introduce, either Born’s refining process or any other method pref-
erable to that of the patio.”46 Not surprisingly the Spanish minerologist
Fausto Elhuyar and Sonneschmidt concluded—in the Mexican case – that
Born’s method was not adequate for the type of extractive silver industry that
had developed in Spanish America, where the mining centres were scattered
and isolated; where good timber and iron were hard to come by; and where
miners had shown a preference for the existing systems over the risks
entailed by innovations of uncertain results.47 There was even the extended
opinion that Born’s method was only a slightly variation from the cazo
44. John Fisher. Minas y Mineros. p.134.
45. Ibid. p.139.
46. Ibid. p.141.
47. John Fisher. Minas y mineros. p.151.
method invented by the Peruvian Alonso de Barba in the XVIIth century.48
The poor reception given to the barrel technique comes through clearly in the
bitter remarks made by Humboldt: “during my stay in the Andean Cordillera,
I only saw two mining districts where Mr. Born’s method of amalgamation in
barrels was followed with some success, to wit, Tallenga and the Real de
Recuay, in the Partido of Cajatambo.”49 His visit to the Peruvian mines was
therefore, not very stimulating.
Miners and Military

In coming in contact with the miners, Humboldt was able to ascertain the
importance the military career was acquiring in Spanish America. The estab-
lishment of a regular army, subject to permanent training, was one of the
goals of the Bourbon project: ports had to be watched guarded, frontiers had
to be garrisoned, the plebeians had to be controlled, and the cities safe-
guarded. Even so, it was only in the 1760s that the reorganisation of the army
and militia came into effect in Spanish America. In Peru, the presence of
Viceroy Amat was crucial for the implementation of the military reforms.
FIGURE 32-4.
For the Bourbons, nobility and the army were no longer mutually exclu-
sive. The data Juan Marchena presents on the social composition of the vet-
eran officer corps in the Spanish American army is most revealing in this
regard.50 For example, whereas in 1740-49 only 12.5 percent of the veteran
corps were nobles, in 1770-79 the number of nobles included in the army had
risen substantially to 51.6 percent. This means that numerous individuals of
48. David Brading. Mineros y Comerciantes. p.227.

50. Juan Marchena Fernández, “The Social World of the Military in Peru and New Gran-
ada”. J. Fisher, A. Kuethe, and A. McFarlane (eds.) Reform and Insurrection in Bourbon
New Granada and Peru, Louisiana State University Press, 1990, p. 57.
noble origins decided to follow the military career. Humboldt was astonished
to find, during his Peruvian sojourn, that even in the provinces merchants had
become colonels, captains and sergeant-majors. Members of notable families,
on the other hand, aspired to the rank of colonel or brigadier.51
During his stay in Cajamarca, Humboldt lodged in the house of Don San-
tiago Pizarro, a well-known miner in Hualgayoc. Don Santiago was a legiti-
mate son of Matías Pizarro, a native of the Canary Islands, and of Petronila
Rodríguez, who was born in Contumazá, Cajamarca. He must have been a
wealthy man, because when he married Manuela Guerrero, he contributed
with the Hacienda Galindo, for which he paid 36,000 pesos in cash. He also
owned land, mills where minerals were ground and several houses.52 Hum-
boldt must have stayed in one of these houses.
While being in Cajamarca, Humboldt was under the impression that there
were miners like Colonel Don Tomás Bueno or the Subdelegate Eduardo
Pimentel, who were “conceited with the militia regiments and all the officers
in the high command.”53 In the specific case of his host, the above-mentioned
Santiago Pizarro, Humboldt notes that he had offered to “give 25,000 pesos
to the king if he made him a colonel in the army.”54 According to Humboldt’s
estimates, “there were over 1,200 civilians dressed as officers, honouring one
another, but the soldiers only have wooden rifles, are not trained and surely
do not have 4,000 weapons.”55 In his opinion, all this paraphernalia was noth-
ing more than “a ridiculous comedy, harmful in the present state of public
service because the jurisdictional exceptions rose with the military commis-
sions.”56
But there was more. Humboldt noted that although in their present condi-
tion the militias would not be overly useful nor would they have any signifi-
cant role, they could become an imminent danger for the king of Spain
should their discipline and weaponry be improved. He was not mistaken in
this regard. With the development of a regular army, properly equipped and
trained, the Bourbons sowed the seeds of their own destruction, as was
clearly shown years later, during the wars of independence.
51. Ibid., p. 59.

52. Scarlett O’Phelan, “Hijos naturales…” p. 234.
53. Núñez y Petersen, Alexander. p. 71.
54. Ibid. p.71.
55. Ibid.
56. Ibid.
CHAPTER 33 Mexican Reception of
‘Political Essay’1
Richard Weiner
Introduction
One might argue that historians’ neglect of Carlos Díaz Dufoo’s 1918 work,
México y los capitales extranjeros (Mexico and Foreign Capital), is justified.
After all, it did not achieve its goal of stemming economic nationalism and
persuading policymakers to create a more favorable climate for foreign capi-
tal. But his book was significant in another way. It was the first comprehen-
sive critique of Mexico’s legendary wealth, that is, the popular narrative that
Mexico was immensely prosperous because of its rich and abundant natural
resources. He attacked the legend because he maintained that it erroneously
led Mexicans to believe that foreign capital was unnecessary, and even harm-
ful. His criticism, which influenced contemporaries, was a historic event
since the legend had a very long record. Díaz Dufoo dated its origin back to
Alexander von Humboldt’s extremely influential late-colonial-era work,
Ensayo Político sobre el reino de la Nueva España (Political Essay on the
Kingdom of New Spain). Interestingly, Díaz Dufoo’s attack was not based on
new knowledge about Mexico’s natural resources, but rather his distinct con-
ception of wealth, which emphasized capital investment above all else.
Despite his criticisms, his appraisal of the Mexican economy was very opti-
mistic. Thus, while he challenged the legend he did not undermine the idea of
Mexico’s economic greatness, which was associated with it. He maintained
that a different force was needed to achieve that prominence, however. In the
legend God’s creation, that is, Mother Nature was the source of Mexico’s
grandeur. But Díaz Dufoo maintained that Mother Nature was deficient.
Instead, he placed his faith in man, who could overcome the obstacles posed
1. I would like to thank Carlos Marichal, Tom Pasananti, and Paolo Riguzzi for their
insightful comments on an earlier version of this paper.
415
by nature and generate wealth via modern technologies, which were financed
with heavy doses of foreign capital.
Díaz Dufoo was well aware that his positive portrayal of foreign capital
countered the revolutionary nationalism of the contemporary era. In fact, his
book was published on the heels of the 1917 Constitution, which manifested
some of the nationalist sentiments of the era by strengthening national sover-
eignty by limiting foreign capital’s property rights. Not only the content of
his work, but also the fact that he had been a member of the old científico
political clique (he had been a prominent journalist and a national politician),
which had wielded significant influence during the long reign of Porfirio
Díaz’s long (1876-1910), put him at odds with nationalist revolutionaries.
After all, revolutionists, who asserted that científicos had sold out the nation
to foreign interests prior to the 1910 Revolution, had branded científicos trai-
tors.
Díaz Dufoo’s Critique of the Humboldtian Legend

Díaz Dufoo referred to the conception of wealth associated with the legend as
“spontaneous.” That is, the popular legend conceived of Mother Nature as the
autonomous generator of riches, especially in the “mining” and “agricultural”
sectors. Stressing this point he asserted that “public opinion” perceived Mex-
ico’s mineral wealth as “exceptional, marvelous, spontaneous and free . . . it
was [like] a lottery, in which not one but all entered the game and all won the
prize.2 He recounted a colonial-era tale that captured this attitude: precious
metals were so abundant and accessible that they could be easily picked up
by hand. Underscoring this overflowing wealth that Mother Nature provided,
another fable claimed that there were such abundant riches that Spaniards felt
that it was only “dignified” to collect gold; they left the “silver” leftovers for
“Indians and slaves.”3 Díaz Dufoo had a parallel assessment about Mexicans’
notions of the nation’s oil wealth. He quoted Manuel Flores, a contemporary
who held a similar opinion. Flores maintained that “legends had been created
about the [oil] industry,” which suggested that little labor brought immense
profits, for Mother Nature did all the work. First, where the oil existed was
determined with “mathematical precision.” Second, a hole was made in the
correct spot, and gushing “torrents” of oil came forth.4
Díaz Dufoo spoke of this natural-resource-based notion of Mexico’s
wealth as a “fantastic concept” and maintained that Mexicans needed to be
“awoken” from this “dream.”5 He especially lamented the negative views
2. Díaz Dufoo, México, 170.
3. Ibid., 154.
4. Ibid., 186.
5. Ibid., 154.
Mexican Reception of ‘Political Essay’ 417
about foreign investment that stemmed from this surreal state. The legend of
immense and spontaneous natural resource wealth erroneously implied that
foreign capital was unnecessary to generate riches. But there was another
unfair charge against foreign capital, which he suggested was especially
strong during the revolutionary era he lived in: the legend encouraged the
wrongheaded idea that foreign capital robbed Mexico of its wealth. Díaz
Dufoo made this point several times, and put it this way on one occasion:
“The exaggerated concept of our wealth has as a corollary, namely, the ill will
of foreigners, who egotistically take our riches and use them for their own
benefit without contributing to the wealth of the nation.”6 For him, these were
gross misconceptions. He especially regretted their impact on policy. In a
chapter metaphorically entitled “the chicken with the golden eggs” he
explained the consequences. After discussing nationalist policies he stated
that “never has the fable of the chicken with the golden eggs been invoked
more absolutely.”7 Apparently Mexico was the fowl and the golden eggs
were her valuable resources. Foreigners would not be permitted to confiscate
them. Thus, the legend inspired economic nationalism and anti-foreign poli-
cies. (Díaz Dufoo spilled much ink combating this predatory depiction of for-
eign capital.8)
Díaz Dufoo located the source of the contemporary legend in Alexander
von Humboldt’s late-colonial multi-volume Ensayo politico. Diaz Dufoo did
not fully explain how Humboldt had started the legend, however. All he
stated was that Humboldt’s text had caused Mexicans to look at their nation
with rosy “tinted glasses.”9 Since Humboldt’s extensive discussion of Mex-
ico’s natural resources was so well known perhaps Díaz Dufoo thought his
reference to Humboldt was self explanatory.10 Indeed, Díaz Dufoo cited and
quoted a recent work entitled Humboldt en América that underscored Hum-
boldt’s impact in Mexico, which was by Mexican writer Carlos Pereyra.11
More importantly, throughout the nineteenth century, Mexican writers had
quoted and discussed Humboldt’s writings about Mexico’s resources exten-
sively. Humboldt, whose physiocratic conception of wealth underscored soil
quality, emphasized the centrality of nature in creating wealth.12 In keeping
with his assessment, leading post-independence thinkers, such as Liberal José
Mora and Conservative Lucas Alamán, called for population growth in order
6. Ibid., 214, 298, 326.
7. Ibid., 436.
8. Especially see chapter 12, which was entitled “what foreign capital has brought,”
365-98.
9. Ibid., 153.
10. On the impact of Humboldt’s work in Mexico see Bernecker, “el mito”; Miranda,
Humboldt; and Weiner, “Mexico’s Economic Decline.”
12. For a discussion of Humboldt’s conception of wealth see Weiner, “Redefining Mexico’s
Riches.”
to exploit the nation’s untapped riches.13 Consequently, Díaz Dufoo’s claim

that Humboldt’s work played a pivotal role in the dissemination of the legend
had merit.14
Given Díaz Dufoo’s assertions about the negative impact that mispercep-
tions associated with the legend had on policy, it is unsurprising that he spent
much of his book debunking the legend. Of course, he was by no means the
first to question Mexico’s natural resource wealth. And his book fully
acknowledged his forerunners. In fact, he cited dozens of authors (mostly
nineteenth century Mexicans) to sustain his critique.15 But his criticism was
not merely a rehashing of old arguments. Most of the authors Díaz Dufoo
cited were analyzing specific aspects of the economy rather than attempting
to dispel general perceptions. True, a few (most notably científico Justo
Sierra16) explicitly attacked the myth of Mexico’s natural-resource-based
wealth. Nevertheless, Díaz Dufoo made a novel contribution, for he cre-
atively wove all these writings together and thereby made the first sustained
and comprehensive attack on the legend. By stressing Mexico’s deficiencies
he provided a revisionist interpretation of the economy. He countered con-
temporary conventional wisdom, for, as scholar Paolo Riguzzi has shown,
during Porfirio Díaz’s reign (1876-1910) many (especially national and for-
eign promoters) depicted Mexico as very prosperous.17
Díaz Dufoo’s revisionism was evident in his depiction of Mexico’s natu-
ral resources, for he portrayed nature as a hindrance to economic progress.
He recounted a colonial-era story that emphasized how Mexico’s mountain-
ous topography was a severe obstacle to commerce. The tale, in which a
Spaniard crumbled up a flat sheet of paper to portray Mexico’s bumpy ter-
rain, underscored how difficult it was to transport goods.18 Rainfall also
posed a dilemma. Not only was it insufficient for agriculture, but it also was
irregular, which meant that both torrential rain and dry spells cause problems.
From the perspective of Díaz Dufoo’s human-centered notion of wealth, cli-
mate was another obstacle, for in some areas Mexico’s extreme climates
inhibited population growth. Adding to his incisive critique, Díaz Dufoo
directly challenged two tenets of the legend: Mexico’s rich soil and subsoil.
He countered the popular idea that Mexico’s soil was especially fertile and
13. Mora, México; and Alamán, Documentos, 16-17.

14. While all scholars agree that Humboldt played a pivotal role, some depart from Díaz
Dufoo by locating the origins of the legend in the age of the Spanish Conquest. Especially
see Cosío Villegas, “La riqueza.”
15. For an account of this broader nineteenth century critique see Weiner, “Mexico’s
Nineteenth Century Economic Decline.”
16. Díaz Dufoo extensively quoted Justo Sierra’s 1885 work entitled México social y polit-
ico”
17. Riguzzi, “México próspero.”.
maintained that Mexico’s minerals (especially precious metals) had little
value in their natural state, for they were impure.19
In Díaz Dufoo’s description, Mexico’s natural resources by no means
autonomously created wealth. They did play a role, however. He frequently
called natural resources “latent” wealth or “potential” wealth.20 But to turn
this “latent” wealth into concrete riches the most significant factor was capi-
tal investment. He made this point over and over again. Díaz Dufoo showed
that key sectors of the economy (agriculture, mining, oil, and manufacturing)
all needed significant capital investment if they were to prosper. He lamented
the fact that only a fraction of Mexico’s land was currently utilized for agri-
culture and maintained that irrigation and transportation needed to be greatly
expanded if Mexico was to utilize more of its territory for growing crops. He
used Humboldt’s discussion of the Valencia mine as the exception that
proved the rule that greater investment was needed in the mining sector. The
Valencia mine had been so productive, Díaz Dufoo maintained, precisely
because significant amounts of capital had been invested in it.21 An obstacle
faced by the contemporary mining sector was a lack of coal, which was
needed in the refining process (wood sources, i.e., forests, had already been
depleted). Mexico had coal, but it was in the North and transport was so
expensive that it was sold mostly to the USA instead of being consumed
internally. (A shortage of coal also impeded the progress of Mexican manu-
facturing.) The transportation problem not only affected coal, but also oil. Oil
reserves existed; but even if they were exploited a transport system to ship
them to the coast did not.22
He complemented this empirical argument with a foray into theory, in
which he took on some major economic theorists.23 He summarized theories
about wealth creation by influential economists, including Pablo Leroy Beau-
lieu, John Stuart Mill, Charles Gide, and Alfred Marshall. Díaz Dufoo noted
that these economists stressed three main forces that worked together to gen-
erate wealth: the natural environment, human labor, and capital. Of the three,
Díaz Dufoo maintained that economists generally agreed that the natural
environment was most important and capital least important. He countered
this position by maintaining that capital was most significant. He supported
his assertion with many historical examples taken from different parts of the
globe, which were based on the scholarship of numerous researchers. Even if
his approach might have been more precise and focused, he nevertheless did
19. For Díaz Dufoo’s critique of Mexico’s resources especially see chapter 5, which was
entitled “Our Natural Wealth.”
20. For example, a subheading on page 69 was entitled “Potential Wealth and Public Mis-
ery.”
21. Ibid., 176.
22. Ibid., chapter 6, 151-194.
23. He critiqued economic theorists in chapter 2.
effectively use examples to make his case. He argued that capital was more
significant than labor in numerous ways. Capital was a magnet for human
populations, and thus actually was the dominant of the two. For example,
areas that were uninhabitable for health reasons could be made more health-
ful via investment, which resulted in migrations to the region. Similarly,
areas that were uninhabited for lack of economic opportunity became popu-
lated after industries moved in. But capital not only created labor, but also
replaced it via mechanization. Shifting to the relative importance of capital
and the natural environment, he provided examples that showed capital was
more significant than soil in agriculture (via dry farming which enabled culti-
vation in areas it had previously been impossible) and mineral deposits in
mining (via the use of carbon). He especially highlighted capital’s impor-
tance in the “big industries,” which had arisen since the “first quarter of the
past century,” such as the textile and iron industries.24
Unequivocally, capital was the most significant factor in generating
wealth, according to Díaz Dufoo. In fact, stating that wealth was a modern
phenomenon which dated back only to the second half of the nineteenth cen-
tury (perhaps he selected this date since capital investment increased signifi-
cantly after this period), he suggested that without capital wealth could not
even exist.25 For him, capital was an all-powerful force that not only gener-
ated wealth, but also transformed the global economic landscape. He called
this transformation the “law of progress: the economy of power – has pre-
sided over the industrial evolution of societies: from the small industry, with
tools and machines of little value, to the large industry, with expensive instal-
lations, factories of vast size and concentration of business operations.”26 In
other words, the age of economies of scale, with massive production,
immense capital investment, and scores of workers, had dawned. Owing to
his unwavering belief in progress, he predicted that increased economic con-
centration was on the horizon. Ironically, aspects of Díaz Dufoo’s economic
vision resonated with Marx’s (of course, Díaz Dufoo did not make the associ-
ation). Both believed in the inevitability of material progress, which mani-
fested itself in increasing concentration and industrialization.
This notion of inevitable progress was evident in Díaz Dufoo’s predic-
tions about Mexico’s economic future. He described Mexico as one of the
“new countries,” which had significant latent wealth in resources, thus much
economic potential. All that was needed to realize that potential were large
doses of capital, more specifically, foreign capital, for “new” countries
lacked their own capital reserves. He cited Francisco Bulnes’ El porvenir de
las naciones latinoamericanas to bolster his predictions for Mexico’s promis-
24. Ibid., 34.
25. Ibid., 46.
26. Ibid., 50.
ing future, maintaining that even the prominent científico Bulnes, who was
somewhat of a pessimist, acknowledged that Mexico could achieve economic
grandeur almost on par with the wealthiest nations.27
Díaz Dufoo maintained that capital investment would transform Mexico’s
agricultural and extractive industries. His discussion of Humboldt in this con-
text is telling about how economic attitudes changed over time. Díaz Dufoo
cited a section of Ensayo Político that asserted that northern Mexico could
not support agriculture owing to the arid climate. Díaz Dufoo maintained that
this region, which was now the U.S. Southwest, had been transformed from
deserts into gardens via capital investment.28 For Humboldt, Mother Nature
was the basis of wealth, thus where she was deficient the economy was
unproductive. But Díaz Dufoo, who wrote during an era in which technology
reached unprecedented heights, believed that humans could overcome the
limits imposed by nature.
Given Díaz Dufoo’s infatuation with industries that required extensive
capital and technology, it is unsurprising that his vision of Mexico broke with
the international division of labor. True, he underscored the need for capital
and technology in Mexico’s agricultural and extractive industries. But he also
emphasized the importance of creating manufacturing industries in Mexico,
as his lengthy promotions of protectionism and attacks on free trade and the
international division of labor demonstrated.29
Mexican reception of ‘México y Los Capitales

Extranjeros’
During the Revolutionary period in which he lived, Díaz Dufoo’s text had to
fight an uphill ideological battle. He boldly attacked the conventional wis-
dom of the era, severely criticizing nationalism and indigenism. Again and
again, he criticized nationalist policies, contending that they would scare
away foreign capital and lead to economic ruin. What made matters worse,
said Díaz Dufoo, was that during the age of WWI there was already a short-
age of capital, for Europe was reinvesting in its own reconstruction and thus
had little money to invest in Mexico. Consequently, the main source of for-
eign capital, he predicted, would be the United States.30 His message was
clear: create an environment which would be conducive to foreign capital, for
it was essential for Mexico’s industrialization. Unsurprisingly, his book
harshly attacked the economic vision of revolutionary ideologue Fernando
27. Ibid., 151. For an analysis Of Bulnes’ book see Weiner, “Mexico and the International
Division of labor.”
28. Díaz Dufoo, México, 84-6.
29. Ibid., 340-6, 501-5.
30. He re-emphasized these themes in chapter 15, the concluding chapter of his book.
González Roa. Díaz Dufoo maintained that the revolutionist eschewed econ-
omies of scale and modern technology and instead championed small-scale
crafts-style production. Díaz Dufoo depicted this as an antiquated vision
which would deny Mexico of its rightful industrial grandeur. 31 His charge
against indigenism, that is, the popular ideological movement to return to
pre-Hispanic traditions and economies which emerged during the Revolution,
was consistently implied. After all, his modernizing vision had no sympathy
or use for indigenous production methods or culture. And his heavy criticism
of indigenous workers and high praise of laborers from Europe and the
United States made this implicit attack explicit.32
Given his strident attack on the conventional wisdom of his era, little
wonder that in the preface to a later edition of the book he confessed that in
1918 he had feared that the government would not allow his text to be pub-
lished.33 Obviously, his fears proved unfounded. But even if his book was not
forbidden, it was harshly attacked in the press. Before condemning his book,
Fernando González Roa summarized its contents, asserting that the book
worshipped “industrialism” as Mexico’s “salvation” and also championed
“protecting capitalism.” González Roa maintained Díaz Dufoo’s “thesis” was
a “grave error” that needed to be countered so it would not “wrongly sway
public opinion.”34 Ironically, according to Díaz Dufoo, González Roa’s attack
brought his book much publicity, for the headline on the long series of news-
paper articles in which González Roa put forth his counter-position featured
Díaz Dufoo’s name.35
Notoriety did translate into influence on policy, however. Indeed, during
the revolutionary period of the 1920s and 1930s nationalist and indigenist
policies prevailed. This was especially the case during the Cardénas adminis-
tration (1934-40), for not only did the president expropriate foreign oil inter-
ests, but also significantly expanded indigenous communal lands. Even if
Díaz Dufoo’s book did not impact policy, it appears that it did influence per-
ceptions of Mexico’s natural resource wealth. The eminent Mexican econo-
mist and social critic Daniel Cosío Villegas was the most clear-cut case in
31. Ibid., 530-35.
32. Ibid., 195-204.
33. The second revised edition was titled Comunismo contra capitalismo.
34. Fernando González Roa, “La reconstrucción de México: A proposito de la obra del
señor Carlos Díaz Dufoo,” Diario Oficial, 9 November 1918, 679-85.
35. Díaz Dufoo’s claim that the first edition quickly sold out lent support to his assertion
that González Roa inadvertently popularized his book. Díaz Dufoo, Comunismo, 5-7.
González Roa published a series of about 25 articles that featured Díaz Dufoo’s name in the
headline. (However, only the first article critiqued Díaz Dufoo’s book. The rest put forth
González Roa’s alternative economic vision.) They were originally published over a period
of several months in El Economista, beginning October 1918. They were all reprinted in
Diario Oficial, and appeared from November 1918 through December 1919 (In 1918: Nov.
9, 16, 23, 30; Dec. 7 In 1919: Jan. 18, 25; March 8, 18, 22, 27, 29; April 21, 25, 28; May 3,
7, 9, 17; Oct. 21; Nov. 1, 4, 15, 24; Dec. 2, 11, 15).
point. Not only did he repeat Díaz Dufoo’s critique of the legend, but also
credited Díaz Dufoo as being the originator of the analysis.36 Secretary of
education José Vasconcelos wrote descriptions of Mexico’s deficient natural
environment that bore resemblances to Díaz Dufoo’s portrayal, although Vas-
concelos did not credit Díaz Dufoo.37
Díaz Dufoo thought that there would be more sympathy for the policy
implications of his book after the Cardénas presidency ended. Indeed, he jus-
tified the publication of a second edition in 1941, in part, on his observation
that the conventional wisdom of the 1920s and 1930s was finally being ques-
tioned and “new ideas” were emerging.38 His judgment was perceptive, for
despite the persistence of economic nationalism, policies during the “Mexi-
can miracle” (a label selected for the 1940-70 period because of consistent
high economic growth rates) were more in keeping with his prescriptions.
His vision of economies of scale based on substantial investment finally
became a reality, as industrialization (the significant growth of the manufac-
turing sector) and “green revolution” (large-scale capital-intensive agri-busi-
ness) that characterized the era attests to. Mexico’s economic grandeur based
on man’s improvement upon deficient nature, which Díaz Dufoo had pre-
dicted, seemed to have finally been achieved. Díaz Dufoo was a forerunner to
this new trend in thought.
Nevertheless, there were dissenters to the new orthodoxy. In 1939, at the
onset of the “miracle,” Cosío Villegas’ critique of Díaz Dufoo was a kind of
warning against the new mentality. Cosío Villegas agreed with, and even
praised Díaz Dufoo’s somber account of Mexico’s natural resource wealth.
But Cosío Villegas stated that Díaz Dufoo was too optimistic about the power
of capital to generate wealth. For Cosío Villegas, the limits imposed by
nature could not totally be overcome by the volition of man. He, for example,
maintained that Mexico’s lack of coal would hamper industrialization. By
questioning imported technology’s ability to successfully adapt to local con-
ditions, he also problematized technology transfer, which was yet another
way to challenge Díaz Dufoo’s depiction of almighty capital. Based largely
on the nation’s limited natural resources, Cosío Villegas had much more
modest predictions for Mexico’s economic future.39 Despite the fact that he
challenged new dogma, I found no commentary on his article.
In 1950 U.S. scholar Frank Tannenbaum took Cosío Villegas’s critique a
step further.40 Like Cosío Villegas, Tannenbaum maintained that Mexico’s
36. See Cosío Villegas’ works “La riqueza” and “El territorio”.
37. In order to challenge racial explanations for Mexico’s economic woes, Vasconcelos
emphasized the ways that Mexico’s physical environment posed an obstacle to economic
development. See Vasconcelos, “The Latin American Basis of Mexican Civilization.”
38. Díaz Dufoo, Comunismo, 7.
39. Cosío Villegas, “La riqueza.”
40. Tannenbaum, Mexico.
natural resources were extremely limited. He backed this assertion with an
in-depth description of Mexico’s natural environment. Also in keeping with
Cosío Villegas, he did not conceive of technology as a tool that could free
Mexico from the limitations posed by nature. His forecast of Mexico’s eco-
nomic future was more modest than Cosío Villegas’s, however. Tannenbaum
maintained that Mexico’s economic future lay in indigenous economic tradi-
tions: a small-scale agricultural economy, with production mostly for auto-
consumption. Mexican reception of his work departed significantly from the
silence that surrounded Cosío Villegas’s article, for many scathing critiques
were written that chastised his book. In fact, an entire issue of the significant
journal Problemas agrícolas e industriales de México critiqued his book.41
One can only speculate about why his book provoked such a strong reac-
tion and Cosío Villegas’s article did not. Even if Tannenbaum was an estab-
lished long-time friend to Mexico, he was still a foreigner, which might have
been a factor that accounted for the loud and critical response to his work.
But I think three other issues which centered on the distinct nature and timing
of his critique was more important. First, Tannenbaum’s critique (a full
monograph) was much more developed than Cosío Villegas’s. Second, Tan-
nenbaum’s challenge to accepted dogma was more radical than Cosío Ville-
gas’s. (Indeed, even Cosío Villegas, who defended Tannenbaum’s work,
admitted that it perhaps underestimated Mexico’s economic potential.42)
Finally, Tannenbaum’s work came out a decade after Cosío Villegas’s. Per-
haps by 1950 the Mexican elite, enamored with their own economic grandeur
after a decade of impressive economic growth, would not tolerate a naysayer.
In about three decades the ideological tables had turned completely. In 1918
Díaz Dufoo had been chastised for his grand modernizing anti-indigenous
economic vision. But by 1950 Díaz Dufoo’s idea had become hegemonic and
the small-scale Indianist position had been marginalized.
Conclusions
Carlos Díaz Dufoo’s 1918 work, México y los capitales extranjeros, was the
first comprehensive critique of Mexico’s legendary wealth, a colonial-era
narrative that had conceived of Mexico as immensely prosperous owing to its
rich and abundant natural resources, which had been popularized by Hum-
boldt’s Ensayo Político. Rather than a consequence of more complete or per-
fect knowledge about Mexico’s extant natural resources, Díaz Dufoo’s
critique was largely the product of distinct economic sensibilities that can be
dated back to the latter part of the nineteenth century that spilled over into the
twentieth century, even if political motivations were also a factor. The turn of
41. Problemas agrícolas e industriales de México 4: 3 (1951).
42. Cosío Villegas, “Tannenbaum.”
the twentieth century was an epoch marked by economies of scale, mass pro-
duction, sophisticated technological processes, unprecedented levels of
investment, and ballooning global trade. From Díaz Dufoo’s late-nineteenth-
century perspective, capital, not natural resources, was the most important
generator of wealth. But not only was his concept of what generated wealth a
departure from earlier analyses, but also his notion of what constituted riches.
Veering from raw resources associated with the legend, his conception of
riches stressed processed industrial products. Despite these distinctions, his
economic vision was in keeping with the legend in that he, too, envisioned a
Mexico of economic grandeur, albeit of a different type. In the context of the
Mexican Revolution, with its nationalist and Indianist elements, there was lit-
tle sympathy for his economic vision, but many aspects of it were embraced
about two decades later, when the era of the “Mexican miracle” began.
Bibliography
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City: Editorial Jus, 1945.
Bernecker, Walther. “El mito de la riqueza mexicana.” In Alejando de Hum-
boldt: una nueva vision del mundo, 95-103. Mexico City: UNAM, 2003.
Bulnes, Francisco. El porvenir de las naciones latinoamericanas ante las
recientes conquistas de Europa y Norteamerica. 1899. Reprint, Mexico
City: El Pensamiento Vivo de América.
Cosío Villegas, Daniel. “El México de Tannenbaum.” Problemas Agrícolas e
Industriales de México 3: 4 (1951): 157-161.
______. “La riqueza legendaria de México.” El Trimestre Económico 6: 1
(April, 1940): 58-83.
______. Sociología mexicana. I. El territorio. Mexico City: Editorial Mayab,
1924.
Díaz Dufoo, Carlos. Comunismo contra capitalismo. 2nd ed. Mexico City:
Ediciones Botas, 1941.
______. México y los capitales extranjeros. Mexico City and Paris: Bouret,
1918.
Humboldt, Alejandro de. Ensayo Político sobre el reino de la Nueva España.
1822. 6th ed., Mexico City: Editorial Porrúa, 2002.
Miranda, José. Humboldt y Mexico. Mexico City: UNAM, 1962.
Mora, José María Luis. México y sus revoluciones. 1836. 3 vols. Mexico
City: Porrúa, 1986.
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Tannenbaum, Frank. Mexico: the Struggle for Peace and Bread. New York:
Knopf, 1950.
Vasconcelos, José. “The Latin American Basis of Mexican Civilization.” In
Aspects of Mexican Civilization, Manuel Gamio and José Vasconcelos,
3-102. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1926.
Weiner, Richard. “Redefining Mexico’s Riches: Representations of Wealth in
Alexander von Humboldt’s ‘Political Essay on the Kingdom of New
Spain.’” In Travels, Travelers, and Travel Writing to and from Mexico,
Latin America, and the Caribbean. Morelia: Universidad Michoacana de
San Nicolás de Hidalgo, forthcoming.
______. “Mexico’s Nineteenth Century Economic Decline: A Cultural Per-
spective.” Signos Históricos 12 (July-December 2004): forthcoming.
______. “Blurred Boundaries: Porfirian Mexico and the International Divi-
sion of Labor.” Unpublished Paper, 2004.
CHAPTER 34 The Mexican Mining
Bubble that Burst1
Ivani Vassoler
Similar to the 17th century “Tulipmania” in Holland when tulip bulbs
became a top commodity causing a speculative fever that, in the end, ruined
thousands of Dutch investors,2 Mexico, in the first decades of the 19th cen-
tury, became a hot spot for Europeans eager to reap huge profits from Mexi-
can silver mines. Yet the mine-investing rush quickly proved to be much less
profitable than European investors assumed, and foreign companies with-
drew from Mexico, thus souring the newly independent country’s relation-
ship with international investors. While the episode undoubtedly created a
bumpy start for an emerging nation desperately in need of capital to finance
its development, much less clear, however, is why it happened. As the expec-
tations of high investment returns went unfulfilled, financiers in Europe
alleged the one mostly to blame was Alexander von Humboldt (Kellner 1963,
110) for his assessment of the Mexican mines’ potential, described in details
in his Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain (1811). The accusations
therefore raise questions as to what really prompted the cash. Did Humboldt
exaggerate the quality and abundance of minerals in Mexico and their poten-
tial for huge profits, or were his writings misinterpreted, and possibly dis-
torted, by financial experts? Was the crash, in the end, just the product of
investors’ greed?
1. During colonial times Mexico, was for the Spanish Crown, simply New Spain. In this
article New Spain and Mexico will be employed interchangeably for the sake and clarity of
my arguments.
2. According to one estimation, (The Netherlands Flower Bulb Information Center) the
market frenzy allowed traders of tulip bulbs to earn 60,000 florins (approximately US$
44,000) in a month. This was an astronomical sum that made people desperate to cash in on
the speculative bulb market. Local governments tried to outlaw the commerce, but they
were unsuccessful. As profits rose, family jewels were traded and small businesses were
sold, so the revenues could be invested in the tulip business. In 1637, when a group of mer-
chants was unable to get the high prices for the bulbs, the market crashed, leading inves-
tors to bankruptcy.
427
Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859) spent a year in Mexico, between
1803 and 1804 during a five-year journey of discovery in the Americas. The
trip included extended visits to Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru and Cuba, and a
three-week stay in the United States. In 1799 he set off on his expedition to
Latin America, at that time under control of the Spanish Crown, from which
Humboldt received full support to travel to the region. The Spanish king Car-
los IV issued Humboldt and his companion, Aimé Bonpland,3 a carte
blanche-style letter of recommendation, which allowed the two explorers to
travel all over the Spanish territories in the New World, with complete free-
dom to conduct research, make inquiries and collect materials as they wished.
Aware of the existence of extensive mineral reservoirs in the Spanish-con-
trolled colonies in the Americas, the king’s expectation was that Humboldt’s
expertise in mineralogy would contribute to an increase of gold and silver
production, which in turn would provide fresh resources to the Crown’s
dilapidated treasury.4
Humboldt was, in fact, highly qualified to examine the conditions of the
mineral sector in Mexico and possibly that of any other country at that time.
He studied geology in Saxony (now Germany) at the Mining Academy in the
University of Freiberg, an influential silver-mining community, where a min-
ing code was developed in the early 14th century.5 Studying in a mine-
focused town under the guidance of professor Abraham G. Werner,6 Hum-
boldt acquired conceptual and practical knowledge that he later employed in
his research and publications. In Freiberg, Humboldt met a miner scholar
from Spain, Andres Del Rio7, who was influential in Humboldt’s decision to
visit Latin America. After his studies in Freiberg, Humboldt started a career
3. Born in La Rochelle, France, in 1773; died in Santa Anna, Uruguay, in 1858. He

studied medicine and was also a botanist. During the expedition, in company of Humboldt,
Bonpland collected and classified about 6,000 plants, which he later described in details
in Plantes Equinoxiales (Paris 1810). In Buenos Aires, he was appointed professor of natu-
ral history, a position he left to explore other parts of South America. In Paraguay he was
arrested, in 1821, accused of being a spy and spent 10 years in jail. Once free, he moved to
Santa Anna. Experts consider his principal scientific work to be Nova Genera et Species
Plantarum (Paris, 1815). See Appletons (2001).
4. Increased revenue was a major objective of the Spanish Crown. As explained by Keen
(1992, 129) “a major purpose to which that revenue was applied was the strengthening of
the sea and land defenses of the empire.”
5. As cited in the Encyclopedia Britannica.
6. Born in 1750; died in 1817. German geologist, who in the last part of the 18th century
was the most notable figure in the investigation of rocks and minerals. He was the first to
classify minerals systematically. Under his direction, the mining academy at Freiberg
became one of the leading schools in Germany (Columbia 2001).
7. Born in 1764; died in 1849. Studied chemistry and mineralogy at Freiberg, where he
befriended Humboldt. In 1794 he went to Mexico and taught at the newly founded Colégio
Nacional de Mineria. Del Rio’s course in mineralogy is considered the first formal instruc-
tion in the subject in the New World. His book Manual de Geologia is the first textbook of
mineralogy to be published in the Americas (Watson 2004). Del Rio is also famous for the
discovery of vanadium, a metallic chemical element used in the strengthening of steel.
The Mexican Mining Bubble that Burst 429
in mineralogy in his native country, first as an advisor to the Mining and
Smelting Department in Berlin, and later as director general of mines in Fran-
conia. Yet, a career as a government official was not what inspired Humboldt.
Taking advantage of a substantial family inheritance, which he shared with
his famous brother Wilhelm,8 Humboldt prepared what would be forever rec-
ognized as a pioneering and one of the most fruitful voyages of exploration
and discovery ever made in Latin America (Kellner 1963).
In the company of his friend Bonpland, and carrying almost four dozen
scientific instruments, Humboldt touched land for the first time in the New
World on July 15, 1799. The first stop on their scientific journey and personal
adventure was Cumana, Venezuela. Their travels led them to Mexico, where
they arrived on March 23, 1803. During the year in Mexico, which the Span-
ish Crown had named “New Spain”, Humboldt explored mountains, rivers
and volcanoes, examined the ruins of ancient civilizations, observed the traits
and attitudes of the native population, analyzed the country’s geography and,
its natural environment, and dedicated considerable time to the study of Mex-
ican mines. In Mexico City, Humboldt contacted his old colleague from
Freiberg, Andres Del Rio, then director of the National Mining School (Colé-
gio Nacional de Mineria) and author of a manuscript that later, with Hum-
boldt’s contribution, would become the first textbook of geology in the
Americas. Their partnership deepened Humboldt’s interest in the mineral
conditions in Mexico. The results of his meticulous research are presented in
Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, a firsthand description of the
Mexican mining industry. His work, as a compilation of research and vivid
descriptions of the working conditions, has never been supplanted. Past and
present, those studying Mexico’s economy in the 18th and 19th centuries in
one way or another rely on Humboldt’s work and his findings.
Humboldt arrived in Mexico a few years before the end of a colonial era
that was financially based, almost exclusively, on the mining industry (Rod-
riguez O. 1980). Soon after the Conquista,9 the production of silver became
an unmatched influence on the lives of those residing in New Spain and
beyond it. The 3,000 mines scattered throughout the territory, employing
around 15,000 men, had a demographic impact, as people moved close to the
places of work. Distribution of population also affected agriculture and cattle
raising; in the mining towns, personal incomes grew, thus creating markets
for other industries (Florescano and Gil Sanches 1980). Writing about the
“silver boom” at that time, Mexican historian Lucas Alamán y Escalada
8. Born in 1767; died in 1835. A philosopher and philologist deeply involved in the
reform of Prussian education. His goal was to promote a school system capable of molding
citizens who would be able to think for themselves (Wertz 1993).
9. Officially started with the arrival of the first Spaniards in Mexico (1519), under the
command of Hernán Cortez.
(1849) observed that “without mining neither agriculture, internal trade nor
industrious occupation of any kind prospers; population decreases or at any
rate is stationary; consumption falls and annihilation of foreign trade fol-
lows.” So influential was the mining industry in New Spain that even reli-
gious life felt its impact, as Franciscans used to say “where is no silver, there
is no bible” (Florescano and Gil Sanches 1980, 557-8). For Spain, the pre-
cious metals produced by the colonies in the Americas were a much-needed
source of income as the Spanish Crown was sinking into massive debt as a
result of its military adventures and interest payments to European bankers
(Lira 1974).
Beginning with the discovery of the first mines in Zacatecas (1546), Gua-
najuato (1554), Durango (1563) and subsequently several others, New Spain
in 1800 was the world’s number one producer of silver, responsible for more
than two-thirds of the global output (Lira 1974). The Spanish Crown allo-
cated the great wealth that resulted from holding the monopoly on silver pro-
duction to the interests of Spain, which meant very little of that considerable
income circulated in New Spain. In what is very revealing of the disastrous
economic policies of Spain in the colonies, the Spanish rulers imposed a 10
per cent tax on all silver extracted, and at the same time it monopolized the
sale of mercury, which was employed in the amalgamation process of silver
ore. Loaded with innumerable regulations and facing constant bureaucracy,
the Mexican miners operated without the freedom to invest in their opera-
tions and prosper. As expected, the monopolistic system, worsened by mis-
management, curtailed the efficiency and productivity of New Spain’s
mining sector. The situation was aggravated by labor shortages caused by
epidemics among natives, who were victims of poor working conditions, and
sickened by the effects of mercury exposure (Lira 1974).
The antiquated Mexican mines did not escape Humboldt’s attentive eyes.
His writings stress the shortcomings of the mining methods, including the
absence of machines, and that bags of ore weighing between 150 and 350
pounds were lifted to the surface by ropes; in other cases, the ore was brought
to the surface by workers who had to climb ladders of about 1,800 steps. His
narrative details the difficult experiences of 5,000 men who mixed mercury
and pounded metal while working bare feet, and condemns the practice of
extracting water from the mines using animal traction. His views on the back-
wardness of the Mexican mines were, however, tempered by his estimations
that productivity could be increased threefold through a variety of technical
improvements and more efficient means of pumping out water.10
During the year Humboldt spent in New Spain, the country’s mining sec-
tor produced $4,620,000 sterling pounds of silver. He estimated that under
better conditions, production would increase. He stressed the comparative
advantage of Mexican mines for their location at lesser heights and in a tem-
perate climate, contrasting to the higher elevation of Peruvian mines that
operated in cold weather. According to him, silver production at Guanajuato
mines alone (Central Mexico) was much higher than at the famous mines of
Potosi (now Bolivia). Humboldt also recognized the superiority of the Mexi-
can mines when compared to those in Himmelsfurst, Saxony’s richest mine at
that time (Humboldt 1811). Despite his critical view of mining conditions,
Humboldt left New Spain in 1804 convinced that Europeans knew little, if
anything, about the wealth of the New World. His faith in the Mexican mines
may have awakened the interest of European investors, until then oblivious to
the Americas’ potential (Kellner 1963). But did his enthusiasm cloud his
assessments to a point of misleading investors?
From Mexico, Humboldt travel to Havana, Cuba, and from there to Wash-
ington as a guest of honor of president Thomas Jefferson. He left the United
States for Europe and never returned to the Americas. Several years later, his
Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain was published in France, and
subsequently in London, in 1811. In that same year, New Spain was engulfed
in a major upheaval that would culminate 10 years later with a declaration of
independence.11 The end of colonial rule in 1821 was preceded by more than
a decade of a bloody revolt that, in addition to giving birth to a new country,
also doomed the Spanish Crown and hurt the mining industry in Mexico. As
the War of Independence progressed, thousands of workers joined the rebel
armies against the Spaniards, causing crippling labor shortages. The instabil-
ity and insecurity that prevailed in the country basically paralyzed all eco-
nomic activities; lack of mercury and tools, and the absence of workers led to
the abandonment of a great number of mines, causing a dramatic drop in sil-
ver production (Cue Canovas 1995).
At the end of its struggles, Mexico emerged as an independent country,
but its economy was in ruins, and the mining sector in crisis.12 Nation-build-
ing would require capital that only foreigners could provide, and this was a
route that the fresh Mexican ruling elite decided to take. Thus, in 1822, about
a year after the independence, Lucas Alamán y Escalada, Mexican minister
10. In his writings, Humboldt also made reference to Mexico’s poverty and socioeconomic
inequalities. In Political Essay (1811, 103) he observes that “Mexico is a country of ine-
quality. Nowhere perhaps exist a more frightful inequality in the distribution of wealth, of
civilization, of cultivation of the soil, and of the population. The Mexican Indians, seen in
the mass, present a picture of profound misery. Relegated to the less fertile districts, indo-
lent by nature and even more so by their political situation, they live only for the day. It is
almost impossible to find among them men who enjoy a moderate fortune.”
11. The War of Independence officially started on the night of September 15 1810 with
the Grito de Dolores, the clamor for national liberation led by the Roman Catholic priest
Miguel Hidalgo, a resident of Dolores, Guanajato.
12. According to Rodriguez O. (1980), in 1820 the greatest mining region, Guanajato,
produced silver worth of $22,000,000 pesos, while in 1801 this value was calculated at
$47,000,000 pesos.
of foreign affairs, and a miner, recruited a French company to invest in silver
production in Mexico (Kellner 1963). Jumping for the first time as a sover-
eign nation into the changing waters of the international economy, Mexico
experienced firsthand the volatility of the international markets. With an ini-
tial capital of $240,000 pounds, having Alamán as chairman of the board, and
in possession of several mines close to Guanajuato, the Franco-Mexican
Association simply failed.13 Its remnants were transferred to London under
the name United-Mexican Association, inaugurating a 25-year period in
which foreign investments in Mexican mines would be made essentially by
the British. Between 1825 and 1850, a half-dozen British mining companies
were established in Mexico. They all collapsed. Because foreign companies
started operations in Mexico after the War of Independence, weren’t Euro-
pean investors aware of the poor conditions of the country’s mines and the
destruction caused by the prolonged warfare? If investors relied on Hum-
boldt’s writings to make their financial decisions, as they said they did, was
there nobody to alert them to the fact that his famous book was based on a
field study conducted before the armed conflict that so greatly damaged the
mining sector?
While it is plausible to assume that Humboldt’s expertise, fame, notable
book and faith in the Mexican mines did persuade investors to place their
hopes in Mexico’s silver production, one could argue that the very same rea-
sons would be enough to convince investors to act with moderation.
Although it is true that Humboldt believed there were mineral riches in Mex-
ico, he also publicly exposed the industry’s great shortcomings, and the need
for sound technical improvements. He never spoke of quick, easy huge prof-
its. Rather, he stressed the superiority of the Mexican mines when compared
to others that he knew elsewhere, and the potential for increases in silver pro-
duction in Mexico provided the mines underwent a process of modernization.
Yet, investors apparently took his words as a guarantee of huge profits. Some
of them were apparently ignorant of the ruined Mexican mines and the cli-
mate of chaos that prevailed in Mexico in the aftermath of war, while others
were simply unscrupulous traders pursuing quick, easy money. In the end
they all invested in Mexican mines, through a handful of British firms, which
in their inflated prospectuses recommended investors read Humboldt’s Politi-
cal Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain (Cornish 2004).
13. Kellner (1963, 107) observes that the Franco-Mexican Company offered the position
of chairman of the board to Humboldt, who declined the offer with the following statement:
“My disinclination for public affairs has been the reason for my repeated refusal of the hon-
orable offers…You know how much I have been provoked by the mere idea of lending my
name to the direction of the mining company…With this mental attitude for which I am
known, with this innate horror for everything appertaining to the alleged mysteries of diplo-
macy, how could I be tempted to deviate from a position to which I have adhered for a long
time and which seems the only one tenable for a man of letters living in a foreign country.”
Employing Humboldt and his writings as involuntary tools of their mar-
keting strategies, the firms promoted Mexico as a land of almost inextin-
guishable mining resources. Their public relations campaigns were
reinforced by English diplomat Henry George Ward who, after visiting the
town of Durango in 1826, declared that the Mexican mines would have a
great future with the influx of foreign capitals.14 And John Taylor, the well-
known English mining engineer who founded the British Real del Monte
(one of the firms with operations in Mexico) published a document in 1825 –
“Statements respecting the profits of mining in Mexico” – in which he con-
tended that with prudent administration, profits of between 30 and 50 percent
might be secured from the Mexican venture. Yet, Taylor went further to say
that…
The collateral evidence to support the probabilities of such expectation is to
be derived from the great amounts of profit formerly acquired and the state-
ments of the proportion of costs in working mines to the actual amount of
value of return. Many particulars of this kind are before the public and partic-
ularly in the works of Baron Humboldt: they have I know, excited ridicule of
some, and have been treated seriously by others as exaggerations brought
forth to tempt the unwary. The fact of enormous profit in many cases rests
upon very good evidence; supposing that there were also very numerous cases
of loss, that will only prove what I am all along ready to admit that mining to
be profitable must be attended with skill and care…My inference from the
whole is that mining in neither a certain source of immeasurable wealth, to be
obtained by everyone who was lucky enough to get a share in any mine, in
any place and under any kind of arrangement, nor is mining as it seems now
the fashion, all a bubble, cheat and delusion…In Mexico, the number of unoc-
cupied mines is still very great, but though that is the case, it is not capital
alone that will work them. A great quantity of skill, experience and of labor
also is required, and therefore, as the number both of able managers and expe-
rienced workmen is limited, so must be the extent of prudent enterprise.15
It is somewhat intriguing that with his experience and critical view, the
sensible Taylor did not foresee the upcoming disaster. His company, British
Real del Monte, lost in Mexico the astronomical sum, at that time, of
$5,000,000 pounds. The prospect of 50-percent profits proved to be
extremely unrealistic. In the beginning, and taken by the notion of a highly
profitable New World, Europeans and particularly the British embarked on a
risky financial enterprise, thus contributing to a market frenzy when the
shares’ prices skyrocketed. Yet, as one company’s failure led to another,
stocks’ values collapsed, ruining investors. As the Mexican mining bubble
burst, foreign investors turned their anger against Humboldt, who received
14. Great Britain officially recognized Mexico as an independent nation in 1825.
15. As cited by Kellner (1963, 109-110).
the allegations with a great deal of indignation (Kellner 1963). In the face of
the accusations, Humboldt found defenders who stressed that the Mexican
mining bubble and the subsequent market failure were attributable to a wave
of speculation. In 1830, the British publication Quarterly Mining Review
summarized the events as follows:16
By fraud and trickery and by putting in practice every art in which gamblers
and swindlers are conversant, and in which several persons in elevated ranks
in society were strongly suspected of being concerned, the trafficking in
shares was carried to such extent as it can only be paralleled by the once
famous, or rather infamous, tulipmania of Holland.
But since not all investors were speculators, it seems more appropriate to
examine their ruin and the British firms’ debacle as a result of sheer igno-
rance and investors’ bad timing, the latter being a consequence of the former.
To begin with, soon after gaining the independence, Mexico was plagued by
political instability. The new Mexican government was coping with constant
internal strife, illustrated by the fact that between 1821 and 1950 only one
president, Guadalupe Victoria, completed his term, in 1828. In the two subse-
quent decades the country was ruled by 20 governments and about 100 cabi-
nets (Rodriguez O. 1980). Compounding the problem, foreigners did not
know how to deal with the heavy bureaucracy the country had inherited from
the colonial administration. Tasting freedom for the first time, Mexican
workers were restive, and several labor disputes ensued. In addition, the War
of Independence heavily damaged the country’s infrastructure, leading to
delivery delays, a situation worsened by poor communication systems. It is
well known, for instance, that several steam engines that were shipped from
England to Mexico were never used because they were stranded on precari-
ous roads, unable to reach the mining areas (Rodriguez O. 1980). Facing high
costs of necessary imports, and operating in red, the companies refused to
sink more money into the enterprises, leading to their demise.
Humboldt was influential, but it takes more than a book to attract foreign
capital to a country. Once the foreign investors arrive, it certainly takes more
than enthusiasm and optimism to transform investments into profitable enter-
prises. It does not require a great stretch of imagination to conclude that
Humboldt’s comprehensive description of New Spain’s mineral deposits and
his positive assessment of the mines’ potential did in fact awaken the interest
of Europeans in the New World. To assume, however, that he was responsible
for the wave of speculation and the debacle that ensued is another story
entirely. Lack of knowledge, bad timing and poor management played a huge
role in the firms’ failures, which made Mexico’s first contact with the agents
of the international economy an unpleasant experience. In any, and to some
16. Ibidem
extent ironic case, Humboldt’s faith in the Mexican mines was vindicated in
the end. As the 19th century progressed and Mexico settled down, silver pro-
duction became a quite lucrative business for companies and individuals.
References:
Alamán y Escalada, Lucas. 1849. Historia de Méjico (5 vol., 1849-1852),
Mexico.
Appletons Encyclopedia. 2001. http://www.famousamericans.net/aimebonp-
land/
Columbia. 2001. The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition.
Cornish.2004. “Cornish Miners in Latin America (1812-1848) and the Devel-
opment of an International Labour Market”. <http.//www.ex.ac.uk/cor-
nishlatin>
Cue Canovas, Augustin. 1995. Historia Social y Económica de México 1521-
1854, Mexico: Trillas Ed.
Freiberg, 2004. Encyclopedia Britannica.
Florescano, Enrique and Isabel Gil Sanchez. 1980. Historia General de Méx-
ico, vol I. Mexico: El Colegio de México.
Humboldt, Alexander von. 1811. Political Essay on the Kingdom of New
Spain, IV volumes. London.
Keen, Benjamin. 1992. A History of Latin America, Boston and Toronto:
Houghton Mifflin Co.
Kellner, L. 1963. Alexander von Humboldt, New York: Oxford University
Press.
Lira, Andres. 1974. México Tu Historia, El Gobierno Virreinal. Mexico: Sal-
vat Mexicana Ed
Rodriguez O, Jamie. 1980. “Down From Colonialism: Mexico 19th Century
Crisis”. Historical Text Archive
Quarterly Mining Review. 1830. Great Britain.
Watson, W.P. 2004. http://www.polybiblio.com/watbooks/2482.html
Wertz, Marianna. 1993. “Humboldt”, The American Almanac; The New Fed-
eralist.
CHAPTER 35 Writing In and Out of
Time
Ann C. Colley
When Charles Darwin set sail on the Beagle, one of the prized possessions he
carried with him was Alexander von Humboldt’s Personal Narrative. The
volumes were a parting gift from his university tutor, John Henslow, who rec-
ognized his student’s admiration for the renowned natural historian.1 On bot-
any field trips, Henslow had listened to Darwin read aloud the “most glorious
passages” from Humboldt’s narrative.2 Furthermore, the tutor had known of
Darwin’s attempts to emulate his hero by arranging an expedition to the
Canary Islands. Although Darwin never succeeded in organizing this trip, he
was eventually able to follow Humboldt’s trail by joining Captain FitzRoy on
his 1832 voyage to South America. At many points during his subsequent
journeys, on land or by sea, Darwin used Humboldt’s narrative as a guide.
Consequently, when the Beagle approached Teneriffe, the place where
Humboldt had once landed on the Canary Islands, Darwin turned to the Per-
sonal Narrative to help him understand what he was seeing for the first time.
He opened its pages and repeated to himself its “sublime” portraits of the
unfolding tropical landscape.3 Later, recognizing that perception often
depends upon preconceived ideas, Darwin proudly admitted that many of his
thoughts and points of view were molded by Humboldt’s observations.4 In a
1. Henslow inscribed his gift with the following words: "J. S. Henslow to his friend C.
Darwin on his departure from England upon a voyage round the world. 21 Sept. 1831."
2. Janet Browne in her biography of Charles Darwin writes that Darwin "insisted on
reading out what he called the most glorious passages from the book [Humboldt's Personal
Narrative] during botany field trips" (Browne 1995, 134).
3. In a 18 May 1832 letter to Henslow, Darwin wrote: "At Santa Cruz, whilst looking
amongst the clouds for the Peak and repeating to myself Humboldts [sic] sublime descrip-
tion, it was announced we must perform 12 days strict quarantine" (Burkhardt and Smith
1985, 1: 236). As a result of this quarantine, Darwin never did get to visit Teneriffe.
4. In a letter home, Darwin explained: "I formerly admired Humboldt, I now almost
adore him; he alone gives any notion, of the feelings which are raised in the mind on first
entering the Tropics..." (Burkhardt and Smith 1985, 1: 237).
437
sense, Humboldt’s commentary helped Darwin navigate his emerging narra-
tive (Voyage of the Beagle).
Given that Humboldt and Darwin were both naturalists, one might
assume that Humboldt served primarily as a model of a scientist who thinks
meticulously and energetically about what lies before him. Indeed, Darwin
did respect these qualities and esteemed Humboldt’s mastery of a wide range
of data, but, for him, these virtues were not exclusively compelling. Darwin
was also drawn to the emotional and aesthetic tenor of Humboldt’s observa-
tions. He identified with Humboldt’s sense of awe and confusion upon enter-
ing a new land where ‘a civilized man has seldom trod’ (Browne and Neve
1989, 376). Darwin was also captivated by Humboldt’s sensitivity to vast
landscapes that stretch beyond the vanishing point – to spaces where the
imagination can wander; to the scattered sublime and aesthetic moments that,
at times, not only soften the measured timbre of Humboldt’s prose but also
alleviate the burden of the factual details weighing down his Personal Narra-
tive.5
In a letter to Henslow, Darwin remarked on Humboldt’s ‘sublime descrip-
tions’ (Burkhardt and Smith 1985, 1: 236) and, in so doing, participated in a
culture all-too-ready to seek the rugged, dangerous, and massive elements in
a landscape. Just as Humboldt’s text paid tribute to the sublime, Darwin’s
own narrative indulged in the idiom and took its cue from the prescriptive
qualities of grandeur, gloom, and peril that occasionally found their way into
Humboldt’s pages. As a result, in his travels, Darwin looked at a sky and
remarked that its “profundity” is “everything Humboldt had ever described”
(Browne 1995, 290). And when Darwin wrote of “ominous” scenes that por-
tray a “savage magnificence” (Engel 1962, 281 & 211), or when he thought
of what a “sublime spectacle” it is “to watch the shadows of night” (Browne
and Neve 1989, 298), he was responding not only to an accepted perspective
but also to passages in Humboldt’s narrative that spoke of the hazardous
gloom spawned by the shadows of mountains that stretch over the surface of
the ocean.6 Both Humboldt’s and Darwin’s appreciation for the sublime was
also made more acute by their travels that brought them face to face with the
immense and exhilarating forces within the earth’s crust – the earthquakes,
the volcanoes – and with the violent tempests in the air, all of which evoked a
sense of danger, pleasure, and power.
5. For examples of the sublime moments in Humboldt's Personal Narrative, see: Will-
iams 1818, 1: 75, 1:95, 1: 102, 1: 155-56, 1: 176, 1: 181, 1: 185, 3: 88, and 3: 106.
6. The passage from Humboldt's Personal Narrative reads: "The black mountains of
Graciosa appeared like perpendicular walls of five or six hundred feet. Their shadows,
thrown over the surface of the ocean, gave a gloomy aspect to the scenery. Rocks of basalt,
emerged from the bosom of the water, wore the resemblance of the ruins of some vast edi-
fice Y. Every thing which surrounded us seemed to indicate destruction and sterility Y"
(Williams 1818, 1: 95).
Writing In and Out of Time 439
Both also occasionally participated in a specifically painterly sublime.
Appreciative of Humboldt’s artistic eye that ‘never wearied admiring the
beauty of the nights,’ and that admired the way the moon, ‘at intervals,’ shot
across the sky’s vapors and exposed its disk on a firmament of the darkest
blue (Williams 1818, 1: 156), Darwin, thinking back to Humboldt’s descrip-
tive passages, also wrote about the light of the moon or the tint of the setting
sun upon the mountains. Like Humboldt, Darwin noted how the transparency
of the air rendered gradations of color. Both were interested in art (Humboldt
actually more than Darwin), so that, periodically, upon viewing a prospect,
each saw a framed copper engraving, a painting, a mezzotint, a da Vinci or a
Claude Lorrain landscape. Both displayed a sensitivity to the way light cre-
ates delicate shades as well as a telling contrast between an object’s form and
its color.7
Yet, for all these parallels and for all the admiration that Darwin had for
Humboldt, each narrative has its own distinctive ambience. A page from
Humboldt cannot be confused with one from Darwin’s narrative. Just what is
this basic difference? One way to isolate the essential difference between the
two is to think of the way each writer places the sublime moments within his
text. The context, not the particulars of the aesthetic event, makes the differ-
ence. Basically, the distinction depends upon Humboldt’s and Darwin’s idio-
syncratic relationship to time. Humboldt, who is primarily interested in
discovering a universal set of scientific data, surrounds his sublime episodes
with a narrative that is not concerned with time; whereas, Darwin, who is
continuously struck by the mutability of his surroundings, positions his in a
landscape mapped by his acute consciousness of the process of time.
Because of Humboldt’s perspective, the sublime and aesthetic episodes
do not strike the reader as being an absolutely integral part of the text. They
seem almost extraneous (a peripheral bonus) to the narrative. Perhaps they
even function as an interruption, for the reader has the sense that they do not
properly belong to the general argument. Humboldt is so intent upon observ-
ing phenomena and then determining the relations that tie them together, and
on finding what he terms their “marks of resemblance” (Williams 1818, 3:
160) to phenomena elsewhere, that the sublime instant soon disappears in his
desire to view “the Globe as a great whole” (Williams 1818, 1: 233). Wanting
to compare what he had learned on his travels with what recurs in a universal
7. Darwin in his The Voyage of the Beagle wrote: "The view was striking: it may aptly be
compared to a framed engraving, where the frame represents the breakers, the marginal
paper the smooth lagoon, and the drawing the island itself" (Engel 1962, 406). See also
Darwin's correspondence in which he describes a view as being "more gorgeous than even
Claude [Lorrain] ever imagined" (Burkhardt and Smith 1985, 3: 233). Humboldt's Personal
Narrative also contains references to paintings. In volume three, he writes: "This singular
view reminded us of the back-ground of the fanciful landscape which Leonardo da Vinci
has decorated his famous portrait of Gioconda" (Williams 1818, 3: 22).
geography and wishing to find the relationship of these facts to what exists in
different countries, to recall similar occurrences elsewhere, Humboldt moves,
one might say laterally, through his landscape, in a narrative that is not so
much embedded in time as seeking a more comprehensive, static vision. He
looks at the Mexican fields and simultaneously recalls the most beautiful
parts of France to create a parallel rather than a chronological perspective.
The result is that Humboldt moves out of time and holds his surroundings
still. As he admitted, he is not involved in things “successively observed”
(Williams 1818, 1: 40).
One striking example of this orientation can be found in a passage from
the Personal Narrative when Humboldt climbs Silla, the mountain just out-
side Caracas. Although he offers a vivid, and even humorous, account of his
difficult ascent and descent, the reader soon learns that Humboldt’s intention
is not to tell an adventure story that reveals itself sequentially, but rather to
discover the resemblances between what he finds there with what has been
known in other countries. He constantly interrupts his progress up the moun-
tain not only to record data (temperature, flora, rocks, and atmospheric pres-
sure) but also, through the course of several pages, to move in parallel
directions that reveal and note resemblances between the facts he is gathering
and what he can trace in similar climates as far away as Asia. He is no longer
moving in time and being struck with “the new impressions…at every step’
(Williams 181, 3: 160), but is pulling away to construct a map or a chart that,
in effect, immobilizes the landscape in order to uncover more universal laws
that do not alter their perspective, step by step. Everything seems removed
from time; immediate, specific place becomes less important. Another
instance of this approach can be found in Humboldt’s observations of water-
courses. Rather than following their path down the mountain slopes and
through valleys, he stops the motion and concentrates, instead, on water-
courses everywhere else that have parallel patterns. The result is similar to
what happens when he interrupts his ascent of Silla. The chronology of the
water’s course disappears under the pressure of links and connections to
other places throughout the world.
Humboldt’s impulse is quite different from what Darwin’s was to be, in
spite of their shared sensibility, for when Darwin, in his narrative, chose to
describe the way water falls and moves, he emphasized the flow and the
sequence of its path. Unlike Humboldt, Darwin unfolded its course through
time. A passage from his narrative captures this view:
The sound [the rushing water over the stones] spoke eloquently to the geolo-
gist; the thousands and thousands of stones, which, striking against each
other, made the one dull uniform sound, were all hurrying in one direction. It
was like thinking on time, where the minute that now glides past is irrecover-
able. So it was with these stones…(Engel 1962, 318).
The phrase “thinking on time” from the above quotation is a telling one: it
describes Darwin’s acute sense of the ‘never ceasing mutability of the crust
of this our world’ (Browne and Neve 1989, 356) – a perspective that was
encouraged by his avid interest in geology and his reading of Charles Lyell’s
Principles of Geology while on board the Beagle, preoccupations that, of
course, later encouraged Darwin to engage evolutionary theories.
Throughout the Voyage of the Beagle, Darwin’s sense of metamorphic
action is pervasive: he tells his story through time. Darwin looked at a land-
scape and saw history; he peered into the past of his surroundings, and
thought of the forces that once upheaved the mountains and might, in the
future, wear them down. Nothing is static in his narrative; change is mea-
sured by the passing of minutes. For Darwin there was no resting place in
charts and maps as there had been for Humboldt; there is only mutability,
sequence, and traces of what has gone by. Darwin cannot escape the pres-
sures of ‘all-powerful time’ (Browne and Neve 1989, 211). In this context,
then, the sublime moment is not one to be set aside, as Humboldt had done in
his Personal Narrative, in favor of an agendum to establish patterns and har-
monies of the cosmos. The sublime episode, in Darwin’s narrative, is not a
distraction from his main aim, rather it is part of the continuum of experi-
ence. It is, therefore, neither extraneous nor parenthetical. It is part of the
unfolding and, therefore, integral to the sequential thrust of his narrative. It
does not threaten his perspective; rather, the precarious balance of the sub-
lime moment that depicts a scene on the brink of alteration and disaster, very
much supports a narrative dedicated to the idea of mutability.
Although both shared a sensibility that allowed them to appreciate soli-
tude, a mysterious grandeur, delicate tones of color, and skies that resemble
mezzotint engravings, the context into which each placed these qualities and
perspectives alters the importance of the sublime or aesthetic moment and
reveals a basic difference between the narratives of these two writers.
Through these differences one better understands the more stationary, time-
less nature of Humboldt’s studies that reject sequence in order to establish
columns of data. And, certainly, one grasps better the time-oriented character
of Darwin’s narrative.
Ironically, several years later, as if recognizing Darwin’s inclination to
integrate the sublime moment into the scientific narrative, Humboldt finally
admitted the importance of such moments for scientific discovery. In his sec-
ond volume of Cosmos, Humboldt praised Darwin’s “extremely beautiful
descriptions of Tahiti” and spoke of the “animating influence of the descrip-
tive element” in “encouraging the scientific study of nature, and enlarging its
domain” (Otté 1851, 2:80). Thinking not only of Darwin’s remarkable
descriptions but also of those of other naturalists, as well as of scenes ren-
dered in landscape painting, Humboldt suggested that there can be a valuable
connection between the aesthetic and the scientific, the sensual and the intel-
lectual; both are capable of recording the distinct and harmonious physiog-
nomy of nature. In fact, so convinced was Humboldt of this possibility that
he envisioned Panoramic buildings “erected in our large cities,” that should
contain “alternating pictures of landscapes of different geographical latitudes
and from different zones of elevation.” Through these structures Humboldt
believed that “the conception of the natural unity” and the “feeling of harmo-
nious accord pervading the universe” could not “fail to increase in vividness
among men, in proportion as the means are multiplied by which the phenom-
enon of nature may be more characteristically and visibly manifested” (Otté
1851, 2: 98).
However, even after recognizing that the sublime is not necessarily anti-
thetical to the scientific endeavor, Humboldt still maintains his distance from
Darwin’s style of thought. As his remarks about the panorama reveal, Hum-
boldt continues to be more interested in the harmonies of nature and its com-
prehensive laws than he is in the kind of thinking that helped create theories
of evolution and structured itself in terms of sequence rather than pattern. For
Humboldt time and the mutability of the earth remain less of a factor than
they are for Darwin. Whatever the differences, though, the respective narra-
tives’ sublime moments reveal an aesthetic quality, belonging both to Hum-
boldt and Darwin, that frequently gets either forgotten or neglected. Both
were drawn to the sublime and the aesthetic. The two scientists shared a tacit
agreement: that these episodes are major elements in their work and in their
attitude towards nature.
Bibliography
Browne, Janet. 1995. Charles Darwin. Volume 1. New York: Alfred A.
Knopf.
Browne, Janet and Michael Neve, eds. 1989. Voyage of the Beagle. London:
Penguin Books.
Burkhardt, Frederick and Sydney Smith, eds. 1985. The Correspondence of
Charles Darwin. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Engel, Leonard, ed. 1962. The Voyage of the Beagle. New York: Anchor
Books.
Otté, E. C., trans. Cosmos: A sketch of a Physical Description of the Uni-
verse. Alexander von Humboldt. 1851. Volume 2. New York: Harper &
Brothers.
Williams, Helen Maria, trans. Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoc-
tial Regions of the New Continent, during the Years 1799-1804. Alex-
ander de Humboldt and Aime Bonpland; with Maps, Plans, etc. Written
in French by Alexander de Humboldt. 1818. London: Hurst, Ries, Orme,
and Brown. Reprint. New York: AMS Press Inc., 1966.
CHAPTER 36 Scientific Instruments in
‘Cartas Americanas’
Ann de Leon
Most of my astronomical instruments, clocks, barometers, thermometers,
hydrometers, electrometers, eudiometers, magnetometers, compasses… have
arrived with no problem and are in constant use -Alexander von Humboldt,
Cartas Americanas1
As noted by Charles Minguet’s Cartas Americanas, Humboldt’s corre-
spondence was prodigious, encompassing more than 35,000 letters. This feat
is quite impressive if seen in the light of Humboldt’s arduous and vast scien-
tific investigations and travels. In reading these letters we may begin to map
out the different enunciatory roles that Humboldt created for his diverse read-
ership: constructing himself both as knowing subject and skilled scientist
possessing top of the line scientific instruments obtained from Europe. Ironi-
cally after Humboldt’s return from the jungles and forests of the New World
he suffered from rheumatism in his arm making his letter writing skills even
more strenuous. Essentially, his letters reflect his stoic self-fashioning
through his narratives that at times become like small essays, or as places to
preserve his scientific data, praise his patrons, or request funds or scientific
instruments for his enterprise.
In Cartas Americanas, like Amerigo Vespucci before him, Alexander von
Humboldt represents himself as a man of observation and inquiry, a natural
historian and explorer of the Enlightenment period who will be willing to
undergo many hardships and suffering in order to gain the pleasures of
knowledge. Overwhelmed by the abundant nature surrounding him and in the
spirit of the sublime, these observations take over his study of the locals.
Although Humboldt briefly mentions the locals, he gradually becomes more
interested in the effect that such magnificent landscapes and ways of living
1. All quotations from Humboldt are taken from Charles Minguet’s edition of: De Hum-
boldt, Alejandro, 1980. Cartas Americanas. Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacucho. Translations of
the quotes are mine.
445
will have on the colonists. America represents for him an abundant natural
laboratory. In his letters, Humboldt takes a proud tone, highlighting the hard-
ships he undertakes in the name of science; even if it means that his body
must be subjected to the dangers of animals, disease, and potentially corrupt-
ing foods.2 His “martyred body” becomes, like his scientific instruments a
probe into the natural world. In this paper, I wish to explore how Humboldt
constructs himself as a knowing subject through representations of his marty-
red body. His martyred body appears to become an organic extension of his
scientific instruments and in turn, his scientific instruments become an exten-
sion of the subject. By exploring the categories between self (Humboldt) and
tools (instruments) I will argue that Humboldt at times blurs the lines
between subject and object to the point where both his body and his tools
become integral probes in the pursuit of scientific knowledge.
When reading Cartas Americanas we experience both the joy and ecstasy
produced by Humboldt’s urgent writing to communicate to his readers,
friends, patrons, and fellow scientists the amazing beauty of the dense natural
landscapes he confronts. As Nancy Stepan would later write about the Brazil-
ian landscape, America was also viewed by Humboldt as a magnificent “orgy
of unimaginable forms.” These seductive yet threatening landscapes become
for Humboldt abundant natural laboratories to probe with his scientific
instruments, places were he will subject his body to a variety threats, disease,
and natural catastrophes through his diligent and painstaking scientific work.
As Humboldt notes in a proud tone “my most ardent and desired wish has
been fulfilled” demonstrating the pleasures of gaining knowledge.
In his letters it is clear that Humboldt wants to show us the hardships that
he undertakes in the name of science and the pursuit of knowledge. Hum-
boldt appears to even take ecstatic pride in representations of his martyred
body as he engages new worlds: “surrounded by tigers and ferocious croco-
diles, my body martyred by the formidable mosquito and ant bites, not hav-
ing ingested in three months any food other than water, bananas, fish and
yucca.” Note how the mosquito bites become “formidable,” and how a lack
of a proper European diet becomes “a great but momentary suffering” and
hence does not become a threat to his European identity as posited by other
European contemporaries on the threats of the corruptible American diet such
as de Pauw. On the contrary, for Humboldt, the American landscape and its
food products only pose a temporary threat to his body and identity which he
will easily recuperate once he returns to Europe.
What emerges then, as noted by Janet Whatley, is more than just a Natural
History of America, but an approach that is both: “improvisational and
2. It would be interesting to explore views on food and identity making or unmaking dur-
ing Humboldt’s time. For more on incorporation studies, food and identity see Trudy Eden.
Scientific Instruments in ‘Cartas Americanas’ 447
empirical, allowing expression of astonishment at the splendor nature”
(Whatley 1990, xxvi). While Michel de Certeau has noted in The Writing of
History, with respect to the writing of natural histories, these works encom-
passed a cornucopia of themes:
From the baroque spectacle of the flora and fauna to their edibility; from
primitive festivals to their utopian and moral exemplariness; and finally from
exotic language to its intelligibility, the same dynamic unfolds. It is that of
utility- or, rather, that of production, at least insofar as this voyage which
increases the initial investment is, analogically, a productive labor, ‘a labor
that produces capital’(de Certeau 1988, 224).
Humboldt’s own personal investment though, is of a different nature, it is
more than just viewing the Natural landscape as a potential gold mine or
resource for the Enlightenment period as suggested by Mary Louise Pratt in
Imperial Eyes. Humboldt’s project was one of scientific camaraderie, a per-
sonal and arduous life threatening engagement with being a citizen of the
world and learning about the natural world at spectacularly breathtaking
heights. While Humboldt’s senses and appetites are overwhelmed, Humboldt
manages in his narratives to both maintain his cool composure and remain a
European subject, whose body can at times become permeable to external
influences that could in his travels temporarily affect his identity. As Hum-
boldt notes in one letter, he becomes afraid of “desespañolizarse” (de-hispan-
ize himself), thus noting his permeability to change in both his identity and
nationality.
The importance of scientific instruments to Humboldt’s enterprise cannot
be over emphasized. Essentially his scientific instruments become a neces-
sary extension of his self as a knowing subject and tools to pursue his scien-
tific projects and observations of the natural and physical world. Planning his
trips in Europe, Humboldt was even subjected to dangers when seeking to
acquire more instruments. Humboldt placed his scientific inquiries for the
good of all mankind and the progress of civilization in the face of wars and
other inhumane events noting that his stoic self-fashioning was essential to
his character: “but one must act like a man and not give into pain.”
Although I do not engage with questions of pain sensation3 and the trans-
formation of the senses while Humboldt conducted his scientific experi-
ments, it would be interesting to further pursue this phenomenon of the
transformation of Humboldt’s written and experiencial personae as he pain-
fully and ecstatically engaged with the world. Perhaps a look at Humboldt’s
narrative self-fashioning as a stoic and “manly” individual compared to por-
3. Perhaps it might be relevant to look at the work on pain by Elaine Scarry and Susan
Sontag.
traits representing him as a handsome young man would be fruitful. The cate-
gories of stoic beauty, narcissism, and pain could be further explored.4
The production of knowledge by Humboldt was enabled by his almost
“extreme-sports-enthusiast”5 attitude towards his work where the use of cali-
brated instruments were not enough, but required the martyrdom of his body
and literally his pain sensors. Humboldt subjected himself physically to
altered states of being which are reflected in his writings. He not only studied
nature, but he felt nature as well, be it subjecting his body to high altitudes
which caused bleeding of his eyes and nose, or being literally shocked by
electric eels.
His was a pilgrimage of knowledge, with the permission of his various
patrons and hosts where he received “royal permission to penetrate all
regions with my instruments.” Proper scientific discoveries and data, and
hence civility and progress were linked to societies with European tools,
proper tools, calibrated tools in the hands of skilled men like Humboldt.
Humboldt demonstrates the fluidity between himself as subject and a deeper
connection to his object of inquiry through his tools, a holistic project
between self (his body), world (cosmos and nature) and the medium between
them scientific instruments and his martyred body. This holistic sense is
made all the more present when he narrates the poetics of his scientific obser-
vations within the context of the sublime. His scientific instruments acquire a
poetic quality as he notes in his “primarily astronomical and chemical obser-
vations (concerning the quality of air, temperature of the water etc.)” “the
nights were sovereign: the moonlight over that pure and sweet sky enabling
me to read over the sextant” “the sea shone every night” and “the birds came
to find us” “How to describe the purity, beauty, and splendor of the sky here
where often I read with a magnifying glass by the light of Venus the vernier
of my small sextant? Here, Venus plays the role of the moon. Having large
luminous halos, 2 degrees in diameter, with the most beautiful colors of the
rainbow…here I observe it at a height that makes me sigh.”
The natural landscape and stargazing are seductive and awe inspiring. The
stars are both useful for astronomical observations but also tinged with the
medieval poetics of astrology in the belief that stars can influence the fate of
one’s destiny or body.6 Humboldt’s work becomes poetic by the light of
Venus, engaging moments that with each new discovery and adventure
become delights for the senses: “What a spectacle!” “What joy” he exclaims
when he travels to the bottom of a volcanic crater, further than any other nat-
4. This wonderful suggestion was proposed by Dr. Mauricio Font at the conference,
“Alexander von Humboldt: From the Americas to the Cosmos.”
5. I would like to credit the term “enthusiast of extreme experience” as suggested by an
audience member during the presentation of my talk.
6. See Cañizares-Esguerra.
uralist has. Oh, but what a pain as well when he describes the sulfuric vapors
expelled from the crater, dangerous vapors that “bore right through our
clothes and hands.” Pain and pleasure, danger and discovery, and “above us,
the vault of the deep blue sky.”
In his passionate thirst for knowledge, perhaps Humboldt’s greatest crime
was the multiplicity of subjects and themes of study he undertook in his the-
ater of nature. In his correspondences Humboldt struggles to both write a let-
ter and hopes not to simply enumerate all the objects he comes across, or
collects without presenting some scientific authority or data. Letters act as a
presence for the body, but also to report the current state of his scientific
instruments. For example, Humboldt reports to his friends how “my instru-
ments used for anatomy, chemistry and physical studies have not been
altered” and that he has been working during his travels at sea “on the chemi-
cal composition of the air, its transparency, humidity, also on the temperature
of sea water, its density…my Ramsden and Troughton sextants and the chro-
nometer of Louis Berthoud (that excellent instrument that gives me the longi-
tude of Santa Cruz) have enabled me to determine it with great precision” but
as always he complains about questions of urgency and time in his reporting
and the anxiety of loss of data. It becomes clear why he includes many of his
tables and measurements, thus transforming the letter into a type of scientific
publication and introducing in his correspondence a community of readers
such as instrument makers as well as the basic realities of field research: “the
heat causes one to burn ones fingers when one touches their instruments
made of metal exposed to the sun.” As he notes, “one requires a superhuman
patience to make astronomical observations with precision and with love in
such heat, and despite this crushing heat, my activities have not diminished.”
For Humboldt the pursuit for knowledge is one of patience, and diligence.
Humboldt is very adamant about precise science, noting that any minor error
can ruin a navigation route where maps are concerned and hence his role as a
revisionist. At times though Humboldt approaches humility in science, call-
ing himself simply an apprentice of nature “please note that I am simply an
apprentice of astronomy and that I have only just learnt how to use these
instruments for two years; that I have undertaken this voyage at my expense
and that such expedition, made by one person, who far from being rich, but
carried out by his own personal enjoyment and learning, cannot be compared
to those carried out by governments, equipped by royalty, in which whole
groups of sages have been reunited with the objective of investigating all
branches of science.” What is certain though is that he constructs himself as
obsessive in his pursuits, working with such zeal that while watching a solar
eclipse he noted that when wanting to revise his own calculations “I have
burnt my face in such a manner doing this observations, that it has been nec-
essary for me to stay in bed for two days and take medications. My eyes suf-
fer a lot.”
The urgency of the preservation of his observations, data, and what scien-
tific instruments he uses becomes more obvious when he states how he has to
write many copies of the same letter for fear of the potential loss of knowl-
edge “letters are often lost” and he urges his readers to communicate his find-
ings, thus highlighting the importance of the dissemination of knowledge and
scientific camaraderie. Humboldt takes his science seriously and takes pride
in the accuracy of his methods and calibration of his instruments noting that
“there is nothing more dangerous for the exact sciences than to drown good
observations among a multitude of mediocre individuals.” Humboldt must
also recognize the limits of his research when advocating the necessity in
innovation of instruments for his research as he notes concerning magnetic
declinations: “I have not found one instrument that would enable me to mea-
sure them with an approximation of 40 minutes.” Humboldt exposes propos-
als for future projects and a community of scientific correspondence thus
highlighting his support for a younger future generation of scientific elites. I
would like to end my paper here noting Humboldt’s greater vision of scien-
tific inquiry through an extension of his body, not just through scientific
instruments, but through his advocating the extended body politic of a
younger generation of scientists.
Bibliography
Canizares-Esguerra, Jorge, 2001. How To Write the History of the New
World. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press.
—. 1999. “New World, New Stars: Patriotic Astrology and the Invention of
Spanish and Creole Bodies in Colonial Spanish America, 1600-1650,”
American Historical Review 104: 33-68.
De Certeau, Michel. 1988. The Writing of History, translated by Tom Conley.
New York Columbia University Press.
De Humboldt, Alejandro, 1980. Cartas Americanas. Caracas: Biblioteca
Ayacucho.
De Lery, Jean, 1990. History Of A Voyage To The Land Of Brazil translated
by Janet Whatley. University of California Press.
Eden, Trudy A., 1999. Makes like, makes unlike: food, health, and identity in
the early Chesapeake. Thesis (Ph. D.), Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univer-
sity.
Pratt, Mary Louise, 1992. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transcultura-
tion. London; New York : Routledge.
Scarry, Elaine, 1985. The Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of the
World. New York and Oxford; Oxford University Press.
Sontag, Susan. 2003. Regarding the Pain of Others. New York:Farrar, Straus
and Giroux.
Stepan, Nancy, 2001. Picturing Tropical Nature. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Uni-
versity Press.
Vespucci, Amerigo, (1451-1512) 1986. Cartas de Viaje. Madrid: Alianza
Editor.
CHAPTER 37 Trailblazer for Ecology
Dietland Muller-Schwarze
This paper has two aims. First, it highlights Alexander von Humboldt’s con-
cern with complex natural processes, going far beyond his time’s the descrip-
tive science. He was a farsighted forerunner of today’s Ecology and
Environmental Science. Secondly, the “Personal Narrative” is incomplete,
ending with the landing in Colombia. I present some examples from Hum-
boldt’s remaining diaries that cover the years 1801 to 1804 of his “Amerika-
nische Reise”. Margot Faak (1986, 1990) has translated the mostly French
entries into German. They cover the journey through Columbia to Lima; the
sea voyages to Guayaquil and Acapulco; the Mexican explorations; Hum-
boldt’s stay in Cuba; and the final sailing to Philadelphia to see President Jef-
ferson in Washington.
Humboldt’s Ambitions
Before leaving Spain, Humboldt wrote on June 5, 1799 in his cabin on the
corvette Pizarro: “I will collect plants and animals, measure heat, elasticity,
magnetic and electric content of the atmosphere, …determine geographic
longitudes and latitudes, measure mountains - but all of this is not the pur-
pose of my travel. My real, only purpose is to investigate the mutual interac-
tions (“Zusammen- und Ineinander-Weben”) of all forces of Nature, the
influence of inanimate nature on the living animal and plant creation.” After
his travels he wrote:
I was passionately devoted to botany and certain parts of zoology, and I flat-
tered myself that our investigations might add some new species to those
already known, both in the animal and vegetable kingdoms; but preferring the
connection of facts which have been long observed, to the knowledge of insu-
lated facts, although new, the discovery of an unknown genus seemed to me
far less interesting than an observation on the geographical relations of the
453
vegetable world, on the migrations of the social plants and the limit of the
height which their different tribes attain on the flanks of the Cordilleres. (PN,
p. X).
Humboldt focused on discovery of new species of animals and plants;
determining elevations, geographical coordinates, magnetism, electric
charges in the air, ocean and river currents; connectedness of abiotic and
biotic factors; notably plant distribution and plant geography; effect of land-
scape, especially vegetation, on people; use and conservation of natural
resources; and well-being of people, based on resources and their living and
working conditions.
Early Preparations in Freiberg (Fig. 37-1)and elsewhere
FIGURE 37-1. Freiberg in Saxony, a mining town where A.v. Humboldt studied at the
Mining Academy and held his first post.
In his 1793 “Florae Fribergensis specimen” Humboldt postulates a new form

of plant geography; he wants to go beyond descriptive taxonomy and nomen-
clature. When Humboldt works as Prussian mining inspector, his detailed
reports from Bavaria, Bohemia and Poland foreshadow his later vast scope of
the “Amerikanische Reise”. Effects of altitude and topography on climate
and vegetation intrigue him in the Swiss and French Alps in 1795 and will for
a lifetime.
Humboldt’s Methods
In our investigations we have considered each phenomenon under different
aspects, and classed our remarks according to the relations they bear to each
Trailblazer for Ecology 455
other. To afford an idea of the method we have followed, I will here add a suc-
cinct enumeration of the materials with which we were furnished for describ-
ing the volcanos [sic] of Antisana and Pichincha (Fig. 37-2), as well as that of
Jorullo: the latter, during the night of the 20th of September, 1795, rose from
the earth one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight French feet above the
surrounding plains of Mexico. The position of these singular mountains in
longitude and latitude was ascertained by astronomical observations. We took
the heights of the different parts by the aid of the barometer, and determined
the dip of the needle and the intensity of the magnetic forces. Our collections
contain the plants which are spread over the flanks of these volcanos, and
specimens of different rocks which, superposed one upon another, constitute
their external coat. We are enabled to indicate, by measures sufficiently exact,
the height above the level of the ocean, at which we found each group of
plants, and each volcanic rock. Our journals furnish us with a series of obser-
vations on the humidity, the temperature, the electricity, and the degree of
transparency of the air on the brinks of the craters of Pichincha and Jorullo;
they also contain topographical plans and geological profiles of these moun-
tains, founded in part on the measure of vertical bases, and on angles of alti-
tude. (PN, I, XIII).
FIGURE 37-2. Top: Cotopaxi, considered by Humboldt the most beautiful of the
Andean peaks. Bottom: Pichincha, as seen today from Quito airport. Humboldt
climbed Pichincha several times and studied its volcanic activity.
Humboldt’s methods were to describe; measure; compare and contrast;

experiment. He tries to see causation of observed facts. For example, he tries
to explain fever-producing “Miasma” by peculiar local soil and rocks.
Finally, in addition to facts and details he espoused a holistic approach, con-
sidering landscapes, describing them in “nature paintings”.
Compare and Contrast
One of his most global comparisons is: “In the Old World, nations and the
distinctions of their civilization form the principal points in the picture; in the
New World, man and his productions almost disappear amidst the stupendous
display of wild and gigantic nature.”(PN, XXI). Early on in Venezuela, Hum-
boldt compares elevations and plants at the Silla mountain chain near Caracas
to the Alps of Switzerland, mentioning specifically Rhododendron. (PN I,
427).
He compares the Lake of Valencia to the Lake of Geneva (PN, II, 2), and
the Llanos of Venezuela to steppes in North Germany, Hungary, Russia, etc.
(PN II, 85). Humboldt compares the new to the familiar:
The alpine vegetation is very beautiful. Nothing but shrubs of 1.4 to 2.9
meters height, everything similar to myrtle and juniper, a grand character of
the regions I ascended, the Brathys juniperina, decussata...the Lysianthus
grandiflorus, the Segesbekia, the Alsonia theiformis, the Espeletia (the Fraile-
jón), the Castilleja, Lobelia, Wintera granadensis, Weinmannia pinnata, Erio-
caulon, Hippia, Dichondra, Melastomen with yellow and purple blossoms, the
Rotmannia, and numerous other syngenesists on a grassy carpet of cryptog-
ams, of Lichen paschalis...on black humus soil as that of the Swiss Alps. (RM
II, 38).
When climbing Cotopaxi (Fig. 37-2) (RM II, 76ff) he describes, compares
and contrasts the vegetation: At 3,000 meters elevation: Barnadesia, Duranta,
Berberis, Aralia, Vallea, alder, some Melastomae und Calzeolariae (p. 77).
Lower, at 2,500 meters: Crotons, Iraca alata, “Signs of Warmth.” “In 30 min-
utes one descends from the climate of Bogotá to that of Cumaná. Nowhere
else one can observe more on the geography of plants!” (RM II, 77).
Humboldt compares mountains and rivers. On July 25, 1801 he is
impressed by the view of Tolima: “They offer a great vista, these peaks
steeped in the snow of the North, while palms and bananas form the fore-
ground”(RM I, 37). When descending Cotopaxi, Humboldt remarks: “Coto-
paxi, the most beautiful cone in the world”(RM II, 75). He generalizes that
narrows in valleys always follow a wider section: at Gotthard, Maipures, and
here in Guáitara Valley: Water accumulates and forms a lake, the accumu-
lated water masses become strong enough to break the dam. A narrows
(Angostura) is formed, and the drained lake becomes a plain around the river-
bed.” (RM II, 163). Furthermore, he compares wind, temperature, and “salu-
brity” of the 3 rivers Orinoco, Amazon, and Magdalena (PN II, 315).
The party climbs Chimborazo (Fig. 37-3) on June 23, 1802 (RM II, 100).
Comparing the Paramo vegetation (Fig. 37-4) of Chimborazo to that of other
Andean peaks, he finds it wanting: “But unfortunately, the Chimborazo is
also the plant-poorest of all Nevados we visited, unfortunate not only for us
who had already seen the alpine plants of the other volcanoes, but also per se
by the low species richness that its green areas offer.” “Nothing but grasses, a
few Chacuri (“Staehelina”), Swertia quadricornis, Saxifrages, Gentian ... a
meager vegetation, not matching the beauty of this colossus” (RM II, 108).
FIGURE 37-3. Chimborazo. Humboldt reached his highest altitude here, developed his
model of altutudinal plant zones, and considered the Paramo vegetation at Chimborazo
impoverished.
FIGURE 37-4. Paramo flowers at Cotopaxi.
He even takes a comparative approach to languages and compares Pareni

and Maypure tongues (near the Orinoco’s Maypure Falls) and speculates
about their relationships, based on shared words and “analogies.” Pareni
might be a mixture of two languages, he suggests. (PN II, 303).
Experimental Analysis
During the sea voyage, Humboldt experiments on swim bladder and fin phys-
iology of Flying Fish by stimulating nerves that innervate pectoral fins (the
rays spread in response) and calculates the force for flying. (PN. I, 131). In
Venezuela, electric fishes provide an opportunity for self-experiments: Bonp-
land and Humboldt get shocked many times. The “experimental” horses are
driven into the lake with the electric eels: “In less than five minutes two of
our horses were drowned. The eel being five feet long, and pressing itself
against the belly of the horses, makes a discharge along the whole extent of
his electric organ. It attacks at once the heart, the intestines, and the caelic
fold of the abdominal nerves.” (PN II, 113).
The “cow tree” (Palo de vaca), Chrysophyllum cainito, of Venezuela has
potable milk. Humboldt finds it nourishing, senses a “balsamic odor”, and
does chemical tests. But he does not ask what the tree may have the milk for
(PN II, 4).
Humboldt wonders how baby turtles find their pools and experiments on
orientation and homing. His helpers take little turtles in a bag from the river,
place them with their tails to the river: they find back. “I confess, that this
experiment, of which Father Gumilla speaks, does not always succeed
equally well: yet in general it does appear that at great distances from the
shore, and even in an island, these little animals feel with extreme delicacy in
what direction the most humid air prevails.” (PN II, 193). These tortuguillos
emerge at night, because they fear the heat of the sun, the Indians tell Hum-
boldt. “Reflecting on the almost uninterrupted layer of eggs that extends
along the beach, and on the thousands of little turtles that seek the water as
soon as they are hatched, it is difficult to admit that the many turtles which
have made their nests in the same spot, can distinguish their own young, and
lead them, like the crocodiles, to the lakes in the vicinity of the Orinoco. It is
certain, however, that the animal passes the first years of its life in pools
where the water is shallow, and does not return to the bed of the great river
till it is full-grown. How then do the tortuguillas find these pools? Are they
led thither by female turtles, which adopt the young as by chance? (PN II,
193).
Humboldt was the first to witness a “poison-master” preparing curare
from the bark of the liana Chondrodendrum tomentosum and tested the
effects of curare: He placed curare on the crural nerve of frogs found no
change of irritability. But “Galvanic experiments succeeded upon birds, some
minutes after I had killed them with a poisoned arrow.” (PN II, 445).
Humboldt examines coastal mangrove forests as possible sources of
fever-causing miasma. West of the mouth of the Rio Capaya on the north
coast of Venezuela he noted: “This spot is one of the most unhealthy of the
whole coast.” To find an explanation for the “extreme insalubrity of the air”
he conducted experiments on decomposition of mangrove wood and roots.
He found that mollusks and insects abound in the mangrove. In Caracas, he
experiments with mangrove branches and roots he puts in water: “The infu-
sion in warm water had a brown color and an astringent taste. It contained a
mixture of extractive matter and tannin.” He further describes how mangrove
grows seaward, and dies in back, extending land while the mangrove belt
does not increase in width. He conducts various decomposition experiments
in sun, and in closed glass vessels. He did not observe the formation of sulfur
compounds. (PN I, 371ff).
Holistic Views
Upon arrival in Colombia, Humboldt investigates geography and environ-
mental relations of plants, an approach he was the first to suggest and pursue.
He complains: “Some botanists have explored the coastal areas and seen
nothing but plants” (RM I,1). Including humans, Humboldt notes: “The
forms of plants determine the physiognomy of nature; and this physiognomy
influences the moral disposition of nations.” (PN II, 257) And “A savage’s
state is primarily modified by the Nature of the climate and soil he inhabits. It
is these modifications alone that distinguish the first inhabitants of Greece
from shepherd Bedouins, and from Canadian Indians.” (FB 54). And “The
influence of food, more or less stimulating the character and energy of pas-
sions, naval history, and wars undertaken for the dispute of produce of the
vegetable kingdom; these link all the Geography of Plants to the political and
moral history of man.” (FB 55).
On esthetics:
Man’s sensitivity to the beauty of Nature also explains the influence vegeta-
tion’s appearance has on the taste and imagination of people. Man would be
advised to examine what the character of vegetation consists of, and the vari-
ety of sensations vegetation produces in the soul of those who contemplate it.
These considerations are all the more important because they touch upon the
means by which the arts of imitation and descriptive poetry act on us. The
simple appearance of Nature, the sight of fields and woods, cause a rejoicing
that differs essentially from the impression a particular study of the structure
of an organized being provides. Here it is the detail that interests us and
excites our curiosity; there, it is the whole, whole masses, that agitate our
imagination. What more differing impressions between the appearance of a
vast prairie bordered by a few trees, and the appearance of a thick and somber
wood mixed of oak and fir trees? What is the moral cause of these sensations?
Are they produced by Nature, by the grandeur of masses, the contour of
forms, or the haven of plants? How can this haven, this view of Nature more
or less rich, more or less pleasant, influence the mores and, primarily, the sen-
sitivities of peoples? (FB55).
Humboldt’s Results
To what extent did Humboldt succeed in his synthesis? What were the
results? About 60 years before E. Haeckel coined the word ecology, Hum-
boldt examined ecological processes. His examples of ecological conserva-
tion are most relevant for today. At the Venezuelan coast, intense pearl
fishing had depleted the pearl oyster stocks. They were harvested all year,
with no protection. One boat collected 35,000 oysters in two to three weeks.
10,000 shells had no pearls. “At present, Spanish America furnishes no other
pearls for trade than those of the Gulf of Panama, and the mouth of the Rio de
la Hacha”(PN I, 193).
The chicks of the cave-breeding guácharos or oilbirds (Steatornis carip-
ensis) of the goatsucker family are killed for their fat. Humboldt visits the
Cave of Guacharo in the valley of Caripe in the Sierra del Guácharo (PN I,
255ff). “A mine of fat,” he notes. Once per year, in midsummer, the Indians
harvest “bird butter” (“Manteca, or aceite, of the guácharo”). They kill sev-
eral thousand chicks. They render the fat at the entrance to the cave by boil-
ing. The preservation of the guacharo is unplanned: The Indians fear to go
deep into the cavern. With Humboldt, they did not go beyond 472 meters.
Other, narrow caves also exist. Humboldt follows a 28 to 32 feet wide river
into cave. After his visit to the cave, he generalizes on the origins of caves
(PN I, 263). As usual, he measures the temperature of the cave as 18.7
degrees centigrade in September. Outside, the hottest temperature of the year
was19.5 degrees centigrade (PN I,271).
Humboldt described the Indians’ harvest of river turtle eggs for oil on an
island in the Orinoco near the missions of Uruana below the Great Cataracts
of Apure and Maypure. He worried about the lack of prudent management
under the Franciscan monks who succeeded the Jesuits in the Orinoco Mis-
sions: “The Jesuits did not suffer the whole beach to be searched; they left a
part untouched, from the fear from seeing the breed of arrau turtles, if not
destroyed, at least considerably diminished. The whole beach is now dug up
without reserve; and accordingly it seems to be perceived that the gathering is
less productive from year to year.” (PN II,189).
In the Páramo (mountain vegetation), normally spectacled bears feed on
the pineapple-like achupalla (Pourretia sp.). Achupalla that livestock has
moderately eaten tips from, produces best cogollo (fresh growth). Because
heavy rains and later frost destroyed food plants, particularly maize, in Pastos
Province, people had to eat these achupallas. “The people live like bears.
They roam through the Páramos and chop off the tops of Pourretia. The heart
of the achupulla resembles palmiche, the young palm leaves.” The achapullas
were decimated, and “the bears retaliate:” “they attack cattle” in an ecologi-
cal chain reaction. (RM I,168).
The shrinking of the Lake of Valencia in Venezuela concerned Humboldt:
The basin presents several other phenomena, and suggests questions, the
solution of which is interesting alike to physical science and to the well-being
of the inhabitants. What are the causes of the diminution of the waters of the
lake? Is this diminution more rapid now than in former ages? Can we presume
that an equilibrium between the water flowing in and the waters lost will be
shortly re-established, or may we apprehend that the lake will entirely disap-
pear? (PN. II, 5).
He saw forests as important for the lake’s level: Cutting down forests
leads to 1) lack of fuel; 2) erosion; 3) lack of water. Finally, reduction of Lake
of Valencia results. (PN, II, 9). And:
Several parts of the vast forests that surround the mountain, had taken
fire…The inhabitants set fire to the forests, to improve the pasturage, and to
destroy shrubs that choke the grass. Enormous conflagrations, too, are caused
by the carelessness of the Indians, who neglect, when they travel, o extinguish
the fires by which they have dressed their food. These accidents contribute to
diminish the number of old trees in the road from Cumana to Cumanacoa; and
the inhabitants observe justly, that, in several parts of their province, the dry-
ness has increased, not only because every year the frequency of earthquakes
causes more crevices in the soil, but also because it is now less thickly
wooded than it was at the time of the conquest (PN I, 210).
Humboldt inspects the Royal Water Drainage at Mexico City more than
once, and with the greatest interest. He finds that the draining of Mexico City
made soil and water more saline, the soil less fertile, and the air drier. Water
plants shallow water and liberate hydrogen sulfide that one can smell in Mex-
ico City. He was very critical of the layout, planning, execution, and the
human cost of the Royal Draining Works. (RM II, 256).
Humboldt even engaged in what we now call Chemical Ecology and con-
sider a rather modern scientific discipline. On chemical diversity of plants he
observes:
We see that specimens of sugar and tannin extracted from plants, not of the
same family, present numerous differences: while the comparative analysis of
sugar, gum, and starch; the discovery of the radical of the prussic acid (the
effects of which are so powerful on the organization), and many other phe-
nomena of vegetable chemistry, clearly prove that substances composed of
identical elements, few in number and proportional in quantity, exhibit the
most heterogeneous properties, on account of that particular mode of combi-
nation which corpuscular chemistry calls the arrangement of the particles.
(PNI, 214/215).
This discussion started with the medicinal properties of the Cinchona tree.
“Geophagy” in different regions of the world fascinated Humboldt:
Women at Rio Magdalena, who make pottery, regularly ate clay, even though
not pregnant. Blacks in Guinea eat yellowish earth called caouac. Slaves
taken to America continue this habit, even though the soil in the West Indies
is not as good. (PN II, 497). Workmen in the sandstone quarries of the Kiff-
hauser, Germany, “spread a very fine clay upon their bread, instead of butter,
which they call “stein”-butter (stone butter)” (PNII, 502). As for geophagy
counteracting hunger, Humboldt compares different cultures’ coping with
hunger: “We visited the Mission of Uruana on our return from the Rio Negro,
and saw with our own eyes those heaps of earth which the Ottomacs eat, and
which have become the subject of such lively discussion in Europe.” Hum-
boldt’s footnote: On chemicals common to animals and plants: “the chemical
principles that were believed to be peculiar to animals are found in plants; a
common chain links together all organic nature.” He lists wax in pollen, the
varnish of leaves, “and the whitish dust of our plums and grapes, the inhabit-
ants of the Andes of Quindiu made tapers with the thick layer of wax that
covers the trunk of the palm-tree”(PN, II, 50).
This earth is a greasy kind of clay, which, in seasons of scarcity, the natives
use to assuage the cravings of hunger; it having been proved by their experi-
ence as well as by physiological researches, that want of food can be more
easily borne by filling the cavity of the stomach with some substance, even
although it may be in itself very nearly or totally innutritious. The Indian
hunters of North America, for the same purpose, tie boards tightly across the
abdomen; and most savage races are found to have recourse to expedients that
answer the same end. (PN II, 196).
Humboldt notes that not all clays are alike. Earth eaters are selective. At
the Orinoco, near Falls of Maypure, he noted:
During the period of these inundations, which last two or three months, the
Ottomacs swallow a prodigious quantity of earth. We found heaps of earth-
balls in their huts, piled up in pyramids three or four feet high. These balls
were five or six inches in diameter. The earth which the Ottomacs eat, is very
fine and unctuous clay, of a yellowish grey colour; and, when being slightly
baked at the fire, the hardened crust has a tint inclining to red, owing to the
oxide of iron which is mingled with it.... The Ottomacs do not eat every kind
of clay indifferently; they choose the alluvial beds or strata, which contain the
most unctuous earth, and the smoothest to the touch. (PN II, 495).
Finally, an entry in March 1803 deals with landscape odor:
In the morning (of the 22) we were 9 miles from the coast and perceived a
pleasant earth odor that excited the attention of our dog Cachi (the pigs are the
animals on board that notice the vicinity of land from the greatest distance;
but what a snout nature has given them! When approaching the narrows of
San Bernadino, where aromatic plants fill the air with their scent, the pigs
become restless and sniff toward the side of the land, even when still 30 to 40
miles distant). This earthy smell completely resembles the pleasant odor one
perceives after a minor thunderstorm rain in spring in Europe… (RM II, 200).
Other ecological questions
Among a myriad of ecological questions, Humboldt asked, for example, what
caused “black water” (aquas negras) so typical for many rivers? The mis-
sionaries told him “waters are coloured by washing the roots of the sarsapa-
rilla.” (PN II, 323).
Humboldt ordered vegetation into plant zones and successions: “In the
northern part of temperate zone, the cryptogamous plants are the first that
cover the stony crust of the globe.” Lichens and mosses, “succeeded by
gramina and other phanerogamous plants.” On the island of Teneriffe Hum-
boldt distinguished five zones of plants from sea level to the mountains:
vines, laurels, pines, retama (Spartium nubigenum, a 9-foot “beautiful
shrub”, with odoriferous flowers; goatherds decorate their hats with it), and
grasses. (PN I, 115). Humboldt saw single trees outside “palmar” or “pinar”
(stands of palms or pines) as “colonists”, i.e. pioneers (PN II, 408).
Humboldt noted that plants are peculiar to regions: “...1st, that the New
World possesses spices, aromatics and very active vegetable poisons, pecu-
liar to itself, and differing specifically from those of the Old World; 2ndly,
that the primitive distribution of species in the torrid zone cannot be
explained by the influence of climate solely,..Analogy of climates is often
found in the two continents, without identity of productions.” (PN II, 320).
Humboldt was less systematically interested in animals as he was in geol-
ogy, mining and plants. Especially in his Views of Nature, Humboldt tries to
convey to the general reader the impressions animals and their nocturnal
sounds made on the travelers. For instance, “On the Casiquiare the tigers roar
from the trees” (PNI, 74). He mentions poisonous snakes, jaguars in passing
(PN I, 189); habits of caymans feeding on capybaras (PN II, 156); nocturnal
noises in the tropical forest may indicate disturbances; Humboldt speculates
on causes of animal calls and interactions of species (PNII,163); describes
piranhas in relation to danger to people (PNII,167); and dissected a manatee
(PN II,169). Many of the collected animals did not survive the shipping. We
have mostly his drawings of animals such as fish or monkeys. He describes
two tortoise species in the Orinoco: The “arraus” are social, and “terekays”
more solitary when laying eggs. “Terekay” tastes good and is much pursued
in Spanish Guiana (PN II, 187).
Humboldt. notes the lack of fish in mountain streams. “All these moun-
tain streams are very devoid of organic creatures, of the fish only Pescado
Negro” (Faak I, 156). Río Pita at Cotopaxi has no fish. Humboldt asks why.
The temperature seems sufficient. But sulfur in water from Cotopaxi erup-
tions may be the culprit? Only the “Preñadilla,” a two- to three-inch fish,
exists in slow stretches of small streams. “Did Quito have fish 3000 years
ago? Did alone the “Preñadillas” survive? (RM II, 55). He knew of only two
fish species in the high plain of Bogota: “Capitán” and “Guapucha.” The
Highlands of Popayán and Pasto only have “Pescado Negro.”
On Cotopaxi: “The highest point we reached is “Suniguaicu” in the south-
east of the volcano with 2263 toises [4390m] elevation, where the corrected
barometer at 10 am stood at 6 degrees Reaumur [4.8 degrees] by 201.3 lines
[402.6 mm]. We spent the rest of the day hunting deer of which there are
many and very big ones. I saw no difference to the European deer.” (RM II,
84).
Humboldt describes fossil elephant bones at “Campo de Gigantes” near
Bogotá:
The disorder the animal parts are found in proves that the animal did not graze
there (as in Burgtonna), but that it was washed up there, almost as in the cave
of Gailenreuth. Is there another spot on Earth where there are elephant bones
in 2633 m (1357 toises)? The bones were mixed with those of calves and
humans from Indio cemeteries, and horns of cattle. We have sent beautiful
pieces of these elephants to Cuvier in Paris (RM I, 42).
What Humboldt could not know
Frequently Humboldt describes valleys where people contract what was
then called the “three-day recurring fever.” Still before the age of microbiol-
ogy, he postulates “Miasma” as cause. Today we know he talked about
malaria. He speculated about rocks and soils that might be at the root of the
“miasma,” e.g. in the valley between Popayán and Pasto:
The natives of the valley suffer from Carate (rash), “hot fever,” tercianas, do
not reach a high age, and the village Patía is still more enclosed in a bowl than
the rest of the valley. Winds are very rare. No vegetation, therefore no decom-
position in the valley, hence difficult to understand the miasmas. Air still,
therefore, since chemical, miasma forming mixtures form more easily in still
than moving air, particularly facilitated by solar radiation that reverberates
great heat (RM I, 150).
On evolution, he is cautious, as there were few links known between fos-
sils of different ages. Speaking of fossils, he deems them:
The characteristic forms of plants and animals presented on the current sur-
face of the globe do not appear to have been subjected to any changes since
those ancient times. The ibis buried in the catacombs of Egypt, a bird whose
antiquity goes almost as far back as the pyramids, is identical to that which
fishes on the shores of the Nile today; its identity evidently proves that the
enormous casts of fossil animals held in the bosom of the earth, not belonging
to the variety of current species, in fact belong to a very different order of
things than we currently live under, far too ancient for our traditions to
include them. (FB 54).
Humboldt’s Humanism
In the mangrove on Cayo Buenito, on the South coast of Cuba, an event dis-
turbs Humboldt: “On Cayo Buenito was a dense forest of laurel-like Rhizo-
phora mangrove, the soil-stabilizing Avicenna nitida, small-leaved
euphorbias, syngenesists, and a beautiful, succulent, grey-green (fol[iis] inca-
nis) Tournefortia which spread a pleasant fragrance. Numerous pelicans had
nested on the trees. A sloppy nest of a few twigs, in keeping with the stupid-
ity, carelessness of large aquatic birds. The sailors, angry not to find lobsters,
climbed the trees and fought with the pelicans, who defended themselves
with their enormous, 22cm (“8 Zoll”) long baggy bill. When we left the
island, bleeding and mutilated pelicans were writhing all over the trees. The
adults croaked around the boat, bewailing their young. So man leaves every-
where the traces of his destructiveness, causing misery wherever he sets his
foot. (RM I, 44).
Other Quotes from the Log of Amerikanische Reise (transl. & edited by
M. Faak)
The highlight of this “missing part of the Narrative” is the exploration of
the “Avenue of the Volcanoes” in mostly Ecuador, followed by Humboldt’s
work in Mexico, where, among other things, he measured the height of the
Popocatepetl (Fig. 35-5), but did not climb it.
Humboldt marvels at the unique physiognomic character of the Paramo.
He finds the shrubs and flowers not comparable to any alpine vegetation in
temperate zones (RM I, p. 439).
At the foot of Cotopaxi he measures and draws the Inca palace at Callo.
(RM I, 440). It was a way station (Caravanserei, hotellerie) on the 20 feet
wide Inca Trail that went 12,440 feet high. “I have drawn three pictures of the
palace,” (RM I, 79. l. 23). The house is a large square the sides of which are
98 feet long” … “These windows are in the style of the doors, wider at the
bottom than at the top.” “The inner ones are closed, ‘blind windows,’ and
seem to have served only as recesses to store things. Between the windows,
and above them, protrudes a cylindrical rock. This seems to be the only deco-
ration on this edifice.” (RM I, 80) Humboldt stayed at the Hazienda San
Augustín de Callo, which was built onto the old Inca palace. Today, Hazienda
San Augustín de Callo (Fig. 35-6) is a tourist lodge that emphasizes the Hum-
boldt legacy.
FIGURE 37-5. Popocatépetl. Humboldt did not visit Popocatépetl, but measured its
height from Mexico City. The pines are Pinus hartwegii.
In Chapter 5 of Faak’s 2nd volume, entitled “In Quito,” Humboldt mar-

vels at Cotopaxi: “Cotopaxi – this is a perfect cone, the most beautiful of all
Nevados.“(RM II, 81). Below Cotopaxi, near Machachi, Humboldt describes
a slow ridge which separates the waters of the Pacific Ocean from those of
the Atlantic Ocean: “This little dam separates the waters of the Pacific Ocean
from those that flow into the Atlantic.” (RM I, 78).
On April 28, 1802 they climb Cotopaxi, “to study the streams or stretches
of volcanic matter from close up. It had snowed heavily during the night from
the 27th to the 28th, so that we met with snow below 3705 m (‘1900 toises’)
which hampered our botanical research very much.” “Poor Joseph [presum-
ably José de la Cruz] who carried the barometer, suffered endlessly. He
walked barefoot for 3 hrs on snow and never lost his good humor.” (RM II,
83) Further south, Humboldt stays with a catholic priest in Penibe near
Riobamba: “Nothing is in this land as commonplace as married catholic
priests. His predecessor had lost his job, because he had let made undergar-
ments for his girlfriend from church vestments; this one introduced without
hesitation one of his sons (This not for publication).” (RM II, 98). Humboldt
visits the Cerro del Azufre (Sulfur mountain) ¼ mile South of Tixán and rec-
ommends more efficient operation of the mine. He notes: “Strange arrival in
Tixán. More than 30 barefoot farm workers greeted us. The priest hard of
hearing with the French Disease (a consequence of Syphilis).” (RM II, 112).
Similarly, a priest’s assistant in Ayabaca on the border of Ecuador with Peru
complains about his French disease (Syphilis) upon meeting on 2 August
1802, “within less then 3 minutes.” (RM II,132)
The “swimming mailman:” At Río Huancabamba (where it is called Río
Chamaya) the mailman ties letters, his pants and knife in a turban on his
head, and then swims 36 miles downriver from Pomahuaca to Tomependa. A
piece of Ceiba wood on his chest makes him lighter. “This is the way Indios
of the Province of Jaén travel, in their own water vehicle.” “In the Orinoco or
Río Apure the caimans do not permit this navigation.” (RM II,143)
(In Mexico, Humboldt emphasizes mines and mountains. On 20 Nov.
1803 he measures Popocatépetl and Iztaccihuatl from the roof of Mexico
City’s mining academy (RM I, 337).
FIGURE 37-6. San Augustín de Callo, Humboldt’s headquarters at Cotopaxi. Today a

tourist lodge, the hazienda is built onto the old Callo Palace of the Incas. Humboldt
measured and described in detail the Inca Palace.
Personal feelings
When sailing to Mexico, after crossing the equator: “When will we see again
the southern hemisphere? My southern constellations sink with every step. It
seems I become poorer from day to day. The idea to cross the equator during
the night arouses in me very melancholy feelings.” (RM II, 190) At the end
of his 5-year “Reise,” Humboldt fears for his life. Near the southeast coast of
the United States a storm batters their ship from May 2 to 13, 1804. Hum-
boldt thinks about death and loss of the results of his expedition: “I have
never been more concerned with my impending death than in the early morn-
ing of May 9. I felt very excited. To see myself go under on the eve of so
many joys, to see perish with me all fruits of my labors, to be responsible for
the death of two people who accompanied me, on a trip to Philadelphia which
was not even necessary (although it was undertaken to save our manuscripts
and collections from the perfidious Spanish politics)…On the other hand, I
consoled myself to have lived a more fortunate life than most mortals.” (RM
II, 300ff)
In summary, Humboldt prefigured Ecology, and was even broader than
that since he included humans as both affected by Nature and shapers of land-
scapes.
FIGURE 37-7. The Humboldt family’s Tegel Castle in Berlin. Top: The mansion.
Bottom: The family cemetery, A.v. Humboldt’s final resting place. The column is in
honor of A.v. Humboldt
CHAPTER 38 Ancient and modern
forms of slavery
Irene Prüfer Leske
“I believe that the older certain books are, the more valuable they become.”
Paul Auster
In this presentation I intend to examine modern forms of enslavement and
consider how enslavement has been transmuted over the last two hundred
years from overtly physical forms to covertly psychological one. I will con-
sider the work and writings of Alexander von Humboldt, and compare and
contrast his findings on the issue of slavery in the 18th and 19th century to
those of today’s researchers. It is my contention that slavery is alive and well
in the 21st century and exists in the heartland of the so called free world.
Enslavement is a contravention of fundamental human rights, yet the tenta-
cles of slavery continue to maintain their reach, even into the minds of free
people. I hope to show that as corporate and institutional powers seek to find
ever more sophisticated means to keep their workers docile and co-operative
– even in our own high technology, pluralistic societies – a new form of
enslavement has emerged. I present this paper as both an academic concerned
with the historical and contemporary enslavement experience and as an
“expert by experience,” as someone who has survived a form of attempted
enslavement within the workplace.
In 2004 we commemorate the bicentenary of the meeting between Alex-
ander von Humboldt and President Thomas Jefferson of the United States of
America. We are also celebrating the last visit by Alexander von Humboldt to
Havana, Cuba, from March to April 1804, where, with the authorization of
the Spanish Crown, he observed (in 1799, 1800 and 1804) the society of one
of the “Spanish Sugar Colonies.” This is where, according to Humboldt
(1826, 44), by 1825 the slave population of the island had a total of 260,000
and by 1877 a total of 200,000 (Zeuske 2002, 136). Coincidently, 2004 has
also been proclaimed by the United Nations as the year against slavery.
469
Since the beginning of 2004, in recognition of the bicentenary, a number
of new editions and translations of Humboldt’s work have been published in
both Germany and Spain. For instance, in collaboration with a colleague I
have been responsible for the publication of two new translations in Spain,
the first translation is from French to German (Humboldt 2004a) and the sec-
ond is the Spanish translation (Humboldt 2004c) of the Essai politique sur
l’Ile de Cuba, a work written and published originally in French by Alex-
ander von Humboldt (1826). In particular, the last chapter “About Slavery”
represents, in a singular and bold manner, an analysis of this issue and repre-
sents one of the major calls for the defence of human rights to be made at this
time. Humboldt gave special importance to this chapter in his work about
Cuba and in spite of this it was not included in the English translation by the
North-American pro-slavery politician, John Thrasher. Humboldt’s displea-
sure is clearly evident, for when Thrasher sent his version to Humboldt in
1855, Humboldt declared firmly that the translation was a “manipulation” of
his work (Beck 1992: 263 / Ortiz 1930 / cf. Prüfer 1998; 2001) and that he
considered this missing chapter as the most important one of the entire Essay
about Cuba. Our translations also present, by the inclusion of a statistical
index, numerous examples of the transcendental interest Humboldt showed
about human exploitation. The attention given to the term “slaves” with 87
mentions of the word is the most utilized word in relationship to groups of
persons or indexed entries of named individuals. Indeed Humboldt (2004c,
175) confessed, 200 years ago, that: “Leaving America I continue feeling the
same horror for slavery as in Europe.”1
The Historical Environment

In 1769, the Chamber of Representatives of Massachusetts had already vigor-
ously expressed their condemnation of “the unnatural and unwarrantable cus-
tom of enslaving mankind” (Walsh 1819, 312) and by 1807 the abolition of
the slave trade of black people occurred in both London and Washington.
These beneficial measures were first also adopted by Denmark, the Northern
States of the USA and Great Britain and then by the rest of Europe.
In 1814 and 1815 Treaties were signed by Spain and Portugal to enable
the continuation of slavery.
In 1865 came the definitive abolition of slavery in USA.
Other nations, such as Spain, maintained and defended (through the use of
their colonial system), both the slave trade and slavery in general until much
later. Spain for instance maintained its support for slavery until 13th of Feb-
ruary 1880.
1. All translations from the original French Essai politique sur l’Ile de Cuba or other cites
form Spanish to English are made by the author of this paper.
Ancient and modern forms of slavery 471
Between 1880 to 1886 a transition period took place in, the so called patr-
onato. The slaves, patrocinados, were given an identity card with their first
name, age, their physical description and were declared free.
1886 saw the final abolition of slavery in the Spanish colonies. This is
why Humboldt, in the writing of his Essai politique sur l’Ile de Cuba, was
involved in one of the most critical debates about the perverse nature of the
colonial system and the obvious and contradictory failure to apply the aboli-
tion laws outside of the Western world. Unfortunately, Humboldt did not live
to see the abolition of slavery in the Spanish colonies, as he died in 1856.
It’s evident that the slavery phenomenon has political, economic and
sociological facets and Humboldt’s Political Essay reveals this through the
use of these three sciences in a notably modern and interdisciplinary way
united in a holistic manner. Further, we can add to these disciplines, judicial
and ethical ones.
Analysis of slavery forms described by Humboldt
L’esclavage est sans doute
le plus grand de tous les maux qui ont affligé l’humanité.
Alexander von Humboldt
With this statement Alexander von Humboldt begins the last chapter of
his Essai politique sur l’Ile de Cuba.
Humboldt (1826, 102) denounces at the beginning of the above men-
tioned essay “cynicism and obscuration” by the “intelligent writers” who
invented such terms as “’black peasants,’ ‘black vassalage’ and ‘patriarchal
protection’ and in doing so intended to hide the barbaric nature of the institu-
tions by the ingenious fiction of language.” He discovers at the same time,
that this terminology is used as a means by which slavery in general is
excused. Further, the “excesses of humanity” promoted by so called “civi-
lized” European nations “by illusory parallels or copious sophisms” that were
used to reinforce their argument is well demonstrated by their comparison of
contemporary slavery with that of ancient Roman and Greek civilizations.
The motivation for using this terminology and the historical antecedents was
to promote the case of slavery by tranquillizing only those who are the
“secret sharecroppers of the slave trade whose intention is to benefit from the
misfortune of the black race. In doing so they needed to find a means to reject
their own emotional responses which could overcome and surprise them.”
It is important to note that the chapter “About Slavery” (Humboldt 1826,
101–114) is closely related to the one about “Population” (Humboldt 1826,
43-64) in the same Essay. Humboldt compares the situation of black slaves
with the “situation of the serfs in the Middle Ages and with the oppressive
state under which some classes in North or East Europe suffered.” The chap-
ter denounces the following forms of submission:
• The permanent condition of slavery based on barbaric laws and institutions with the
use of excessive force on some individuals in discriminatory ways.
• The use of threats and aberrant corrective measures, for example forcing people to
drink boiling soap; or to drink a solution of Glauber salt with a very small spoon and
through the excessive use of whips.
• The selling of slaves in the Spanish colonies for a price of between 200 and 380 Pias-
ters, for instance in 1825 the price of slave on the Island of Cuba was 450 Piasters.
• Treating slaves like animals: for instance the slaves were branded with a hot iron to
distinguish them from others.
• Unlimited punishments, harsh and excessive work.
• No consideration of the need to provide prescriptive measures to ensure the quality
and quantity of the nourishment provided.
• Absolute delimiting of liberty: The slave was not allowed free movement, without per-
mission, they were only allowed to move the maximum distance of one league and a
half from the plantation.
• Being exposed to the excessive and aggressive exercise of absolute authority which
could be conducted with impunity.
• The maintenance of the illusory possibility that slaves could refer for judgment in
defense of the few legal rights they possessed.
• The disproportionate numerical difference between female and male slaves (between
1777 to 1816 1:1.9 /1.7; in the sugar-mills 1:4) and the consequent celibacy imposed
upon slaves in most of the plantations (Humboldt 1826, 58).
However, without clearly distinguishing between different forms of sla-

very, Humboldt perceives some differences between the familial and psycho-
logical situation of slaves working in a rich house in Havana and the ones
working independently and paying a day-wage to his Landlord; the slave who
lived alone without any family in the midst of a big town and the one work-
ing in a sugar mill and who had the support and care of his own wife. He also
distinguishes between the nature of house-work carried out in a town house,
the work in a coffee plantation and extremely hard work carried out in a
sugar-mill and suffering from the high temperatures of the manufacturing
process. Zeuske (2002, 133–139), however, gives a detailed analysis of these
different forms of Cuban slavery employment.
In Humboldt’s work he claims that enslaved people have the right to be
treated with sensibility, emotion, intelligence and wisdom. Therefore he was
able to support authorities who at least showed a favourable disposition for
the progressive improvement of the situation of slaves. But this “philan-
thropy,” according to Humboldt, “cannot only consist in giving ‘a bit more
codfish and a bit less punishment. The authentic improvement of the serving
class has to be extended to the totally of men, in both its moral and physical
dimensions.’”
Further, Humboldt dismisses the justification of the existence of slavery
from an economic point of view. Defenders of the colonies often cited the
argument that: “Without slaves there can’t be colonies.” Humboldt countered
this by referring to the opinion of Arango who pointed out that the colonies
could have existed without slaves, only with less success and with reduced
production. He proves by statistical analysis “that those who repeat unceas-
ingly that only black people can cultivate sugar” (Humboldt 1826: 79), are
wrong. He also cites the Representación del ayuntamiento, Consulado y
Sociedad patriótica del 20 de Julio de 1811, in opposition to His Majesty the
King of Spain: “To take slaves from one Continent to another was an evil
contrary to moral principals.”
According to the numerous statistics presented throughout the whole
essay, Humboldt counted more than 80.000 slaves in the most important
towns of the Island of Cuba, “because of the attraction of luxury for landlords
and the possibility of obtaining greater profits through the work of the subju-
gated.” Humboldt considered this situation to be a great threat to a harmoni-
ous society, and if the proportion of free men to slaves continued in such an
unsustainable manner, then, there could be violence, not only in the Island of
Cuba but also in the whole Antilles, where he estimated there were a total of
1.150.000 slaves. He warns that a social explosion in these colonies could
only be prevented by direct action by government and the legislative, other-
wise a peaceful change could not be expected. Without entering into the his-
torical debate about Humboldt’s significance in a political and ideological
sense, I observe that he proposes, in a liberal manner, that colonial legislation
should be changed by addressing the following objectives (Humboldt 1826,
104-105):
• Colonial legislative support for the passing of new laws to limit barbaric excesses.
• To limit to a small number, the black men and women working in the sugar-mills.
• To accord liberty for each slave who has served fifteen years and to every black
women who has brought four or five children to the world.
• To give liberty to all slaves on condition that they have to work a certain number of
days on the plantation.
• To give the slaves a part of the net product so that they would become more concerned
in the development of the agricultural economy.
• To fix within the budget of public expenses a sum destined to the ‘manumission’ of
slaves and the improvement of their future.
• He believed it was necessary that “local authorities have a strong will …,” “to control
events and to open up the potential for progress, using the instruments of law and order
with a moral purpose.”
• He acknowledged sensibility and the sentiment of human dignity and the importance
of the influence of those people who have a firm moral consideration.
Analysis of modern forms of slavery

Slavery has been always related to the exploitation of men and women’s
labour. Slavery in the Spanish Colonies to which Humboldt refers in his
Political Essay on the Island of Cuba was officially abolished in 1886 after
the establishment of the transitional status of the patronatos between 1880
and 1186.
It is not my focus to develop the history of the post-slavery epoch as a
continuation of historical research as for example Saco (1937), but it is of
great interest to discover and describe modern forms of Slavery in our own
times.
I think it would be valuable to consider the development of new forms
slavery that have emerged in modern Spain, a country that centuries ago had
been one of the most significant nations to engage in the exploitation of black
people to enhance the economic development of its colonies.
However, I want to point out that the following examples are not intended
to be exhaustive, and of course, are not only related to Spain, existing in
plenty of other affected countries. I have not restricted the forms of slavery to
a strict definition but have subsumed the examples under the following com-
mon forms:
• Abuse of absolute authority with the total submission of the victim
• Work-exploitation
• Humiliation of the human being in different ways: physical and / or psychological
maltreatment, defamation, etc.
• Discrimination and exclusion of the victim from family and / or society
• No consideration of fundamental laws
• Defenselessness of victims
• Impunity of perpetrators and authorities
• Severe moral and physical consequences
Sexual exploitation
In spite of the abolition of slavery in 19th century in the Western world,
Antonio Salas (2004) has proved with his research that in the 21st century in
Spain the slave-trade from Africa continues. Today that does not mean the
colonies, but within the state of Spain itself, a nation with a democratic con-
stitution which this year is celebrating its 25th anniversary.
The author believes it is necessary to denounce this form of exploitation
that is not only common in Spain but also in the whole of Europe. Whilst
using a pseudonym, the author received e-mails with the most horrifying
threats and declarations that there are judges and lawyers who are using “sex
services” and thereby taking advantage of the calamitous circumstances of
these slaves, mainly women, and this in the 21st century in our so called “civ-
ilized society.”
Each criminal network responsible for the sexual exploitation of women
and minors commonly has income of about 3 million euros (Salas 2004,
159). The characteristics of this exploitation and the making of sex slaves are
as follows:
• The rape, forcible removal and transportation of woman and/or minors from Africa or
Asia and their transportation to Europe.
• Obliging women to become prostitutes and work for their procurer and to give him all
or the main part of the money she is earning.
• In the contract between prostitute and procurer the women are required to totally sub-
mit, with body and soul, to the buyer giving him the right to kill, not only the woman,
but also her family in the place of origin. In many contracts appears the clause “The
value of my life is equivalent to the sum I owe my pimp” (Salas 2004, 19).
• Selling the prostitute to another procurer gaining a considerable sum through this
transaction.
The consequences in most cases are severe physical harm (for instance
AIDS) and psychological problems such as depression, anxiety and other
problems as for example the ability to form relationships with a partner.
This modern form of slavery involving especially young women and girls
includes rape, kidnapping and prostitution under the strict vigilance of a pro-
curer demanding the women’s total submission, body and soul.
Exploitation as home-slaves of Sudan tribes

In the same way, but from a personal perspective, Mende Nazer (2004), from
the Nubian tribe of Sudan tales of her experiences as a slave. She denounces
another form of slavery of the 21st century, affecting thousands of minors,
boys and girls, from Sudan tribes. They are transported to rich households of
Arabian people first and than eventually sold on to other “free” European
countries, ironically including those with a long tradition of democracy, for
example England.
The journey into slavery of the minors is as follows:
• The Arabian militias attack the Nubian tribes, kill the adults, rape the minors, abduct-
ing them from their families, and selling them as slaves.
• Deprived of their liberty and isolated from the exterior world, brought up without any
love and humane treatment, these minors and adolescents are working until they are
physically exhausted, receive punishments, are humiliated and suffer sexual harass-
ment.
• They are sold to other houses including representatives of Diplomatic missions of so
called ‘free countries’.
The consequences of this treatment and trade are severe physical and psy-
chological problems. There are no definitive figures for the number of chil-
dren who die under these harsh working conditions, or by committing
suicide, whilst others by attempting suicide cause long lasting consequences.
Sexual tourism and the exploitation of children

Another significant form of enslavement arises from the need to service the
sexual tourism industry and which includes the abuse of minors in countries
such as Latin America and Asia. The United Nations Organization for Chil-
dren (UNICEF) estimates in its last report that about 1,200,000 minors have
been trafficked for this purpose.
Other forms of slavery: Holocaust Nazi, conjugal

slaves, and domestic violence.
From the beginning of slavery in the Middle Ages (and even in earlier
epochs, such as the ancient Greek civilization) until modern times, slavery
has maintained as its first objective the dehumanization of the enslaved peo-
ple. The process involves their conversion into objects or animals and is
accompanied by discriminatory practices intended to demonstrate their infe-
riority in comparison to other human beings. The main purpose of this dehu-
manization is to accrue economic benefit or to demonstrate the power of the
enslaver.
That’s how the Jewish people were treated when they were subjected to
mass death during the Nazi holocaust in the 1930’s and 40’s as they were
considered to be “an inferior race by a superior race.” Even today it remains a
means to justify the torture and disappearance, for political reasons, of “per-
sons who were opposed to the military dictatorship” in South American
countries. Further, it is the reason why the great majority of Afghan women
are considered to be “inferior to men” and have been enslaved by their hus-
bands as “conjugal slaves” and that’s why, in the first nine months of 2004
more than 40 women in Spain have been killed by their partners, the majority
as a consequence of denouncing their husbands for domestic violence.
Mobbing
You will recall that earlier in this presentation I pointed out that slavery was
denounced by Alexander von Humboldt as “the most important evil which
afflicts humanity” (Humboldt 1826: 103). To this day this truth remains.
Modern forms of enslavement are directed at people of “another race” or
“color,” “tribe” or “sex,” “other political ideas” or simply for having “other
ideas” or even worse, when “they attempt to point out that the enterprise or
institution is failing to meet its obligations as prescribed.”
So there exists a covert form of enslavement of people, where those
apparently equal to others and whose only apparent defect is the pronounce-
ment of their own ideas and convictions in front of others which are counter
to those held by the governing party or institution or powerful people.
The famous Spanish psychologist, Piñuel (2003: 205) has denounced psy-
chological harassment in the work-place or mobbing as an “evil in the
world.” Recent research in 2004 by this psychologist showed that mobbing
(www.leymann.se/English) affects not less than 22 percent of employees of
the Public Treasury in Spain. Further, according to the Spanish psychologist
Buendía, 44 percent of employees and professors at the University of Murcia
in Spain, also experienced mobbing. Also Alberto Reig Tapia (“El País” 27th
of June 2004) denounced practices of abuse of authority specially in the Uni-
versity. Institutions of the State in all Europe (Di Martino 2003), especially in
Educational Centers and the Public Health Institutions are affected as out-
lined below:
• The psychological maltreatment of colleagues of inferior, equal or superior status in
the work-place has as a primordial objective the social destruction of the person, to
make impossible their effectiveness, chances of promotion and ultimately to exclude
them form the work-place and is made up of:
• Continuous unjustified criticism, defamation and injury.
• Humiliating treatment, ridicule and interruption in communication with her / him lead-
ing to social exclusion.
• Discriminatory treatment, especially in applying statutes and workplace regulations.
When the victim comes forward to complain the administration of or the
enterprise have been known to initiate disciplinary measures which it can be
argued represents an official continuation of the harassment. In effect the
harassment is tolerated and those responsible protected by the administration
and ultimately harassment is practiced by the administration itself. This kind
of harassment is known as “institutional mobbing.”
All this provokes in the victim self doubt, insecurity, serious physical and
psychological consequences which are often disputed by the administration
and considered to be “inventions.” The overall intention is to make the victim
feel culpable and thereby provoking the “voluntary” self-exclusion of the vic-
tim from her / his work-place (cf. Prüfer 2003).
There are similarities to be found between domestic violence and psycho-
logical harassment in the work-place. The physically and psychologically
aggressive treatment often is considered by victims and pursuers as “normal”
behavior. In Spain there is a famous expression by a Spanish woman victim
of domestic violence to the judge trying her case: “My husband beats me as
often as normal.”
At the very moment when domestic violence or violence in the work-
place is being denounced, we are also seeing the beginning of the latest phase
of violence: husbands killing their wives and the institutions or enterprises
initiating unjustified disciplinary measures as a means of intensifying the
depression and social destruction of the victim.
However, the difference between the two forms of violence is that nor-
mally the perpetrator of domestic violence is often caught and condemned or
commits suicide as a form of self-justice, while perpetrators and protectors of
psychological violence in the work-place normally escape punishment
because they are both judge and jury and take part in the disciplinary mea-
sures. In Spain, there exists a legal vacuum to confront this sort of violence or
slavery. However, due to our “advanced civilization” where physical violence
is forbidden and yet can be easily realized, slavery and violence, including
both physical and psychological forms, as Humboldt already distinguished,
has become more and more purely psychological. I will cite two voices that
have been raised against toxic “neo-management” (Piñuel 2004) and institu-
tions:
In the case of harassment in the work-place, the person loses the place which
she/he is occupying in the workplace society, her/his liberty and also her/his
anthropological identity as a person. Nobody can be humiliated, even less at
her/his work-place, because she/he can’t escape because of her/his own eco-
nomic necessity. Limiting the possibilities of work signifies a means of creat-
ing violence against human dignity – promotion, realization, security or social
justice, generating a sort of P-S-Y-C-H-O-L-O-G-I-C-A-L S-L-A-V-E-R-Y
leaving the person without any defences, life-purpose, worth-while duty, and
without a sense of the society she/he belongs to. (López / Vázquez, 2003:17)
Every day the perpetrators are generating an authentic coup d’état, because,
from their egocentric power centers, which are held unlawfully, they see
themselves as above the law, imposing instead a form of power based on
social control, typical of feudal states, demanding from the victim a form of
enslavement. And they are able to do so because they are practically immune.
This is unacceptable and paradoxical because it is developing an illegal sys-
tem which is transforming this type of violence into a permanent violation of
law. Thus, mobbing represents an enormous step back in the effort of human-
ity to go ahead to a just, free, pluralistic and pacific society. Fortunately, the
ethic of Human Rights and the collective power of the harassed will make it
impossible to return to a middle-ages. (Blanco Barea, 2003:248)
Analysis of differences and similarities of ancient and

new forms of slavery
Humboldt lived in a position of almost total economic and ideological liberty.
There existed only a certain dependence on the Spanish Kingdom who per-
mitted his research in their Colonies by providing Letters of Recommenda-
tion. So Humboldt could denounce the human condition of the slaves in the
Essay in question.
If we contrast ancient and modern forms of slavery, we observe the fol-
lowing similarities:
Treatment of human beings as animals in the following ways:
• Work-exploitation until removal from the work-place
• Inhuman work and life-conditions
• Discrimination
• Without any or with very small remuneration
• Physical and psychological maltreatment, aberrant and inhuman punishments
• Buying and selling and reselling of slaves
• Restriction and complete invalidation of liberty
• The victims can’t have relationships with their families nor with friends.
• They are unable to dedicate any time to their own life and their own personal develop-
ment.
• Laws of fundamental rights are not respected.
• Hiding the truth and the impossibility of referring to justice: discriminatory treatment
and being defenceless before the laws, where these exist.
• Humiliating psychological treatment
• Overseers treat slaves with cynicism, they laugh at them and lie.
• Culpabalization of victims
• Banalization and ridiculization of the terror to which victims are submitted.
The first and most important realization, is that today, there exist various
forms of enslavement and an enormous variety of slavery, compared to the
Humboldtian age, two Centuries ago. However, in our epoch, we can look
back to the 19th Century when slavery was officially abolished. And during
the 20th Century, especially after 1940 and the Nazi Holocaust, when a great
number of States signed UNO and other diverse Treaties and International
Conventions defending Human Rights. All of these conventions prohibit
inhuman practices and the partial and/or absolute subjugation under the
direction of managers, Juntas and even entire Governments. Nevertheless, we
can observe a proven tendency to tolerate covert slavery in Europe and the
so-called “Free World” especially those forms with the objective of enabling
sexual exploitation (especially of minors). On the other hand, in the last
twenty years we have seen the development of new forms of psychological
slavery within a much more sophisticated system. However, these new forms
of slavery, in spite of the presence of the aforementioned international Con-
ventions and Organizations, are tolerated, protected and even generated by
the responsible institutions themselves and that’s why there is silence, even
by judges in the most consolidated democracies. This situation, equal to the
Humboldtian times (when the agenda was to bring in legislation intending to
protect slaves from abuse), makes victims absolutely defenseless.
The hypocritical attitudes of democratic Governments which signed the
Conventions and Treaties in favor of Human Rights and against slavery find
expression in their self-promotion of defending Human Rights, whilst, at the
same time, by the back door they protect and tolerate inhuman treatments.
They do this by treating victims cynically or don’t recognize them as victims
at all, as the representatives of institutions will never recognize their respon-
sibility for crimes committed in their name, as Fernández (2003) indicates in
his scientific study about Uruguayan post dictatorial society.
It is important to state, that the transition of physical slavery to psycho-
logical slavery has been driven by changing social attitudes to the acceptabil-
ity of physical punishment of human beings and the easy identification of
visible injuries and death. The recognition of psychological maltreatment
depends on exact instruments for its verification. In the last fifty years these
instruments have improved enormously and are able to certificate depression
and post-traumatic stress, for example, abuse at work is known to be one of
the related causes. (Test Leymann/Test Cisneros I-V). Nevertheless, judges in
Spain, normally without any knowledge or experience of the issues, generally
refuse to accept psychological findings that show work related harm when
determining compensation claims.
In the economic and employment field range of considerations we can
make the statement that in Europe and the Western world in general, work-
places in the service industries have become attractive to Africans, Asians
and East-Europeans workers. However, here too we can see that the same
serious forms of exploitation exist, as with older forms of slavery, as unscru-
pulous employers take advantage of the immigrant workers illegal status. On
the other hand, due to the specialization of work and the increasing impor-
tance of higher academic education of the so called “civilized” population,
there is hard fought competition for academic and employee work-places,
which provides motivation and opportunities for mobbing-activities which
are completely unrelated to real work-place concerns.
Humboldt confirmed in his political study about Cuba that slaves were
forced to succumb to the absolute feudalism of their superiors producing in
the individual, physical and psychological illness. At the same time he
denounced the resulting impunity of those superiors and landlords. Today’s
studies confirm that human beings still rest in absolute dependence to superi-
ors and institutions producing physical and psychological consequences with
very difficult or nearly impossible to recover from. In the 1980’s, Leymann
(1993/2002, 121) studied suicide related to harassment at the work-place in
Sweden and discovered that in 1986, the cases of suicide were greater than
those of working accidents (at a ratio of 100 to 65).
Conclusions
It’s evident that slavery in our official post-slavery era is more virulent than
before. We can say the phenomenon is more severe because of its more and
more covert character. The principles of International Rights recognized by
the Statue of the Military Tribunal of Nuremberg which have been confirmed
by the General Assembly of the UNO in Resolution 95 (I) of 11th of Decem-
ber 1946 listed as crimes against humanity: “assassination, extermination,
reduction to slavery, deportation and every other inhuman act against every
civil population ….” But not only are international rights violated but also
fundamental national constitutional rights.
Slavery and the consideration of Human Rights continue today to have a
great importance in political life, because of the judicial hypocrisy of many
democratic governments. 200 years after the analysis of slavery in Cuba, by
Humboldt.
As was acknowledged in 2004, by the General Secretary of Amnesty
International who declared, there is a state of “Crisis of Human Rights” that
can be attributed to the huge propagation of slavery, especially of women of
the third world and Eastern Europe who are recruited as prostitutes in modern
Europe with potentially epidemic consequences for HIV/AIDS, domestic
violence and harassment in the work-place.
With the statement of judicial hypocrisy of democratic states we can
extend this declaration to a “crisis of democracy” and the “crisis of the objec-
tive application of rights and laws.”
I am ashamed to say that according to the UNO in the 21st century there
are 250 million persons living in conditions which can be called as slavery,
and not only in far away Continents such as Asia and Africa. This is a direct
historical continuation of the experience of approximately 13 million Afri-
cans who were forced to undertake the voyage of slavery from Africa to the
American continent several centuries ago (cf. Prüfer 2001, 230) and that was
so forcefully denounced by Alexander von Humboldt. Without any compro-
mising his position to political, ideological ideas or relationships, Humboldt
saw as a unique solution the application of an ethical and moral code to the
said obvious crisis in 18th and 19th century. His ideas are as relevant today as
they were two hundred years ago.
Whilst during Humboldtian times, politicians discussed the abolition of
institutionalized slavery hiding their pro-slavery position behind economic
and sociological pretexts, today’s democratic governments commit with
absolute impunity the most evil violations of fundamental rights predicating
“the final point (punto final)” and “to forget” when according to judicial, psy-
chological and sociological studies it is absolutely illegal (Fernández 2003 /
López Garrido) and impossible to overcome the collective memory.
In conclusion I believe institutional slavery in Humboldtian times can be
demonstrated to have been substituted by forms of covert institutional slavery
that can only exist because they are tolerated and protected by institutions.
This change occurred during the transitional post-slavery epoch when slaves
in Cuba were accorded the status of free men, with the crucial difference of
being given a devalued social status, by being forbidden to use the term
“Don” (a title of distinction) and the right to use their second family name. So
while slaves during the years 1880 to 1886 were recognized to be equal by
the judicial system, they were not protected from the humiliation of being
regarded as second class people (Scott / Zeuske 2004, 539), a subtler form of
branding.
That is why I am defining “slavery” as all abuses of power and humilia-
tion and claim the:
• Overt recognition that victims of slavery are caused physical and / or psychological
damage.
• To get through to the truth, to end the impunity and the abuse of power.
• The means reaching these goals require the necessary consciousness of victims who
have to recognize the cause of their misfortune and this is also true of those who are
abusing power.
This project is also affecting individuals who have to work in prevention
with their children and in self-aid organizations and associations. In the
words of Alexander von Humboldt that means a major reconsideration of our
morality as it affects our immediate surroundings as a means of achieving a
global abolition of slavery in all terms and forms.
Writing my paper in Europe and going to America I felt a similar horror
as Humboldt when writing his Chapter “About Slavery,” recognizing the
confirmation of my hypothesis that there exist only few fundamental varia-
tions in human treatment by powerful men comparing with the Humboldtian
era.
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CHAPTER 39 Gradations of Suffering
and Privation
Evelyn Powell Jennings
Few foreigners have studied the island of Cuba in greater detail or with
greater impact than Alexander von Humboldt. He arrived in Cuba for the first
time in December of 1800 and spent the next three months researching the
island and its people at a moment of deep structural change. When Humboldt
arrived Cuba was being transformed by a revolution in plantation production
that brought an influx of enslaved people from Africa to produce export com-
modities like sugar and coffee. Welcomed by the Havana planter elite, Hum-
boldt spent several months exploring parts of Western Cuba, visiting
plantations, and gathering data. His friends in high places, most notably,
Francisco de Arango y Parreño, continued to collect data for Humboldt while
he traveled in South America and when he returned to Europe. Conferring
with high government officials and scientists he compiled and evaluated sta-
tistics on the island’s changing population both urban and rural, on imports
and exports, and on government revenues and colonial policy. The efforts and
resources of his many contacts allowed Humboldt to include statistics up to
1820 in his published writings on the island’s political economy, demogra-
phy, geography, and climate.1
Perhaps most striking and enduring were his observations on the institu-
tion of slavery on the island. As he stated in the final chapter of his Political
Essay on the Island of Cuba, “The Nature of Slavery,” his goal was to “bring
the facts to light and clarify the concepts by means of comparisons and statis-
tical overviews.” As a vocal opponent of slavery who witnessed the “tor-
ments and debasements of human nature” perpetrated within the slave system
1. Luis Martínez Fernández, “Introduction,” in Alexander von Humboldt, 2001, The
Island of Cuba. Princeton: Marcus Weiner Publishers, 5. In the text of the Political Essay
Humboldt mentions having visited “only the vicinity of Havana, the beautiful valley of
Güines, and the coast between Batabanó and Trinidad.” 78. On Humboldt’s relationship
with Arango y Parreño see Frank Argote-Freyre, “Humboldt and Arango y Parreño: A Dia-
logue,” in The Island of Cuba, 273-280.
485
he felt a duty to bring information on the difficult lives of slaves to “the atten-
tion of those who can ameliorate them.”2 The statistics he gathered have
formed part of the foundation of virtually every major scholarly effort to
describe nineteenth century Cuban slavery. In addition, his comparative
framework for interpreting the institution has structured the debates about the
nature of enslavement in Cuba to the present day.
Humboldt was not unique in employing either quantitative or comparative
methods to the study of slavery in Cuba or elsewhere in the Americas. What
made his contribution singular were the comprehensiveness and the perspi-
cacity of his observations on the nature of slavery in Cuba. This paper seeks
to trace the impact of Humboldt’s “Essay” on the historiography of nine-
teenth century Cuban slavery. The foundational texts in the field have relied
and continued to rely on his data, observations, and interpretations. His work
was at the heart of the field of comparative slavery studies as pioneered by
Frank Tannenbaum’s Slave and Citizen3 in the 1940s, which advanced the
notion that the slave regime in Cuba favored the pursuit of freedom to a
degree unknown elsewhere in the Americas. Questions arising from Hum-
boldt’s assertion of the relative openness of Cuban slavery oriented research
for decades in the twentieth century and have recently resurfaced in studies of
slavery in Cuba and other Spanish-American colonies.
Humboldt opens the Essay with the observation that the political impor-
tance of Cuba lies in “the geographical position of the city and harbor of
Havana.”4 From the late sixteenth century to the end of the eighteenth century
colonial Cuba’s economy and society were based on Havana’s role as the
Caribbean hub of Spanish imperial trade and service, the embarkation point
for the treasure fleets’ return voyage to Spain. Enslaved people, mostly Afri-
cans and their descendents, worked in all aspects of the imperial service
economy from the 1500s onward but they never accounted for a majority of
Cuba’s population. It was not until the 1700s that revolutionary warfare in the
Caribbean had the effect of reorienting both colonial policy and private entre-
preneurship more sharply toward plantation agriculture and slave ownership.
Humboldt noted that before the British occupation of Havana in 1762 dur-
ing the Seven Years’ War, Cuba contributed little in the way of agricultural
products to Spanish imperial trade. The production of sugar on the island had
begun a slow expansion before the 1760s, in part as a reaction to the Spanish
Crown’s establishment of the royal monopoly in tobacco. Yet further expan-
2. Alexander von Humboldt, 2001, “The Nature of Slavery,” Shelley L. Frisch, trans. In
The Island of Cuba, 255.
3. Frank Tannenbaum, 1947, Slave and Citizen. The Negro in the Americas. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf.
4. Humboldt, Island of Cuba, 75.
Gradations of Suffering and Privation 487
sion was constrained in large measure by the Crown’s restrictions on slave
imports.5
Humboldt’s contention that from the day the British evacuated Havana in
July of 1763 “we may trace the first efforts of a new-born industry” may
overstate the importance of the occupation to the genesis of the sugar boom
in Cuba. But he clearly recognized the importance of the shifts in colonial
policy that sought to both rebuild Havana’s defenses and increase revenues
by encouraging the slave trade and sugar expansion after 1763. He noted,
“[t]he construction of new fortifications on a gigantic scale, placed large
sums of money in immediate circulation, and the slave-trade which was sub-
sequently thrown open, increased the number of hands on the sugar planta-
tions.”6 According to official records, legal imports through the city of
Havana rose to almost 8,000 slaves between December of 1763 and the end
of 1765.7 Of this group, more than half (4,359) were purchased by the Crown
for work in the fortifications. State demand for enslaved laborers for defense
works probably brought even more slaves to Havana than the planters’
demand for sugar workers in the late 1760s.8 Humboldt’s astute observation
about the importance of state investments and capital to sugar plantation
expansion and Cuba’s subsequent growth and prosperity has been explored in
greater detail and confirmed by twentieth century historians of Cuban devel-
opment.9
5. This point was clearly recognized by planters who petitioned the Crown for access to
more slaves and by colonial officials who surveyed the island after the occupation. See
Archivo Histórico Nacional [hereafter AHN], Estado, legajo. 3025, exp.[expediente] 4,
Report of the visita of Alejandro O’Reilly dated 12 April 1764.
6. Humboldt, The Island of Cuba, 168-169. Restrictions on the slave trade to Cuba were
loosened in 1764 to procure more enslaved labor for defense projects. Free trade in slaves
was allowed by the Spanish Crown in 1789.
7. Archivo General de Indias [hereafter AGI], Santo Domingo [SD], legajo 2129, “Estado
que manifiesta los gastos, y costos causados en las Reales Obras de Fortificación. . .” 31-
XII-1772; Pablo Tornero Tinajero, 1996. Crecimiento económico y transformaciones socials.
Esclavos, hacendados y comerciantes en la Cuba colonial (1760-1840), Madrid: Ministerio
de Trabajo y Seguridad Social, 37; and Gloria García, 1986. “El mercado de fuerza de tra-
bajo en Cuba: El comercio esclavista (1760-1789),” in La esclavitud en Cuba, La Habana:
Editorial Academia, 135.
8. J.R. McNeill, 1985. Atlantic Empires of France and Spain, Louisbourg and Havana
1700-1763, Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 167 for the evi-
dence behind his estimate of 4,000 African slaves imported under the British occupation.
9. The most thorough treatment of Cuban economic development in the nineteenth cen-
tury is still Manuel Moreno Fraginals, 2001 [1978], El ingenio complejo económico social
cubano del azúcar, Barcelona: Editorial Crítica, although Moreno gives greater credit to the
Cuban bourgeoisie in initiating sugar expansion. See also Sherry Johnson, 1997. “’La
Guerra Contra los Habitantes de los Arrabales’: Changing Patterns of Land Use and Land
Tenancy in and Around Havana, 1763-1800,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 77:2,
181-209; Franklin W. Knight, 1977. “Origins of Wealth and Sugar Revolution in Cuba,
1750-1850,” American Historical Review, 57:2, 231-253, especially p. 242. For a summary
of this scholarship on revenues from defense spending in Cuba see Alan J. Kuethe, 1992.
“Havana in the Eighteenth Century,” in Franklin W. Knight and Peggy K. Liss, eds., Atlan-
tic Port Cities, Economy, Culture, and Society in the Atlantic World, 1650-1850 Knoxville:
University of Tennessee Press, 14-25.
In his list of factors important to Cuba’s economic growth at the end of
the eighteenth century Humboldt also included “the destruction of the French
colony of St. Domingo, and the consequent increase in the value of sugar; the
improvements in machinery and furnaces, due in great part to the refugees
from Haiti;” although he seemed to give equal weight to all these factors.10
Data on the increase in the number of sugar mills in the jurisdiction of
Havana shows an increase from 43 mills in 1741 to 534 mills in 1817. The
average increase in the number of mills in Havana rose from 3 or 4 per year
in the mid-eighteenth century to a peak of 20 per year between 1796 and
1800. The timing suggests that the collapse of Saint Domingue’s sugar indus-
try provided the greatest impetus to sugar expansion in Cuba.11
Humboldt arrived in Cuba, therefore, at the crest of the first significant
boom in plantation slavery on the island. It is not surprising then that he was
keen to document patterns of slave imports to the island and the dramatic
demographic changes that resulted from those imports. Humboldt’s contacts
among the Spanish colonial bureaucrats and the Havana planter elite afforded
him access to some of the official data on plantation production, slave
imports, and commodity exports. With the Spanish Crown’s declaration of
free trade in slaves to Cuba in 1789 officials of the royal navy in the port of
Havana began collecting shipping statistics. Humboldt’s figures coincide
closely with the manuscript records of these statistics suggesting that he had
direct access to the original documents that are now housed in the Archivo
General de Indias in Seville.12
The import series figures from 1790 to 1820 published by Humboldt
based on the Havana customs house returns have provided the foundation for
scholars’ estimates of slave imports to Cuba into the twentieth century. One
of the first histories of Cuban slavery published in English by Hubert Aimes
included research in the colonial Spanish archives, but Aimes relied heavily
on Humboldt’s statistics to discuss slave imports.13 Fernando Ortiz’s Los
negros esclavos remains a foundational text in the Cuban historiography of
slavery. His discussion of slave imports between 1789 and 1820 is derived
directly from Aimes, and thereby from Humboldt as well.14 Works in English
in the second half of the twentieth century have all begun with Humboldt’s
figures to discuss slave importations into Cuba between 1790 and 1820.15 The
careful research of such scholars as Herbert Klein and David Eltis, among
10. Humboldt, The Island of Cuba, 169.
11. Tornero y Tinajero, Crecimiento económico, 158.
12. Herbert Klein, 1978, The Middle Passage, Princeton: Princeton University Press,
212.
13. Hubert H. S. Aimes, 1907, A History of Slavery in Cuba, 1511-1868, New York and
London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 36, 56, 62, 94, 113, 243.
14. Fernando Ortiz, 1975 [1916], Los negros esclavos, La Habana: Editorial de Ciencias
Sociales, 97-102.
others, has modified Humboldt’s work, but his estimates remain the starting
point for such research.16 One notable exception to this pattern is Manuel
Moreno Fraginals’ El ingenio which discusses the slave trade to Cuba
between 1792 and 1820 referring almost exclusively to documents of
Havana’s royal trading company housed in the Archivo Nacional de Cuba.17
Humboldt’s research into official population statistics has also been influ-
ential in later scholarship on the effects of the growing importations of Afri-
can slaves on Cuban demography. The first official censuses of the Cuban
population were undertaken in the 1770s as part of imperial reform efforts in
the wake of the British occupation. The counts of 1774, 1775, and 1791 were
the earliest official statistics available to Humboldt. He contended that the
two made in the 1770s “were made with great negligence and a large part of
the population was omitted.”18 Historian G. Douglas Inglis is one of the few
scholars to undertake a detailed analysis of both the archival originals of the
eighteenth century population counts and the main secondary sources which
later used the censuses’ figures.19 While Inglis acknowledges the possibility
of official counting errors, his analysis reveals a potentially more serious
problem – the compounding of errors that often results from secondary
authors’ reliance on the figures of other secondary sources like Humboldt.
The original manuscript census cited 171,628 persons as the population of
Cuba in 1775. Humboldt cited two different figures for the population of
Cuba in 1775 within six pages, 170,862 and 170,370.20 The first is probably a
transposition error but the second is more mysterious. The lower figure is
then picked up and published in works by nineteenth century abolitionist
writer, David Turnbull and twentieth century historian, Hugh Thomas.21
Another concern is calculation errors in tables that can skew figures, a
problem which bedevils researchers who must both compile and check data if
they aspire to any degree of accuracy in reproducing the data. For instance,
15. For instance, Arthur F. Corwin, 1967, Spain and the Abolition of Slavery in Cuba,
1817-1866, Austin and London: University of Texas Press, 15-16, 35; Klein, Middle Pas-
sage, 212-214; David Murray, 2002 [1980], Odious Commerce, 17-19. For a critique of
Humboldt’s estimates as too low for the period prior to 1763 see J. R. McNeill, Atlantic
Empires, 166-170.
16. Humboldt, The Island of Cuba, 138-140; Herbert Klein, The Middle Passage, 214;
and David Eltis, 1987. “The Nineteenth Century Transatlantic Slave Trade: An Annual
Time Series of Imports into the Americas Broken Down by Region,” Hispanic American
Historical Review, 67:1, 120-130.
17. Moreno Fraginals, El ingenio, 213-219.
19. Gordon Douglas Inglis, 1979. “Historical Demography of Colonial Cuba, 1492-1780,”
Ph.D. Dissertation, Texas Christian University, 102-110.
20. Humboldt, The Island of Cuba, 122 and 127.
21. Inglis, “Historical Demography,” 104-105. Inglis cites David Turnbull, 1840. Travels
in the West, London: Longman, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longman, 230; and Hugh Tho-
mas, 1971. Cuba, The Pursuit of Freedom, New York: Harper & Row, 12, footnote 1, and
65, footnote 23.
Humboldt’s data on the breakdown by gender, race, and status of the popula-
tion of Havana and its suburbs in 1810 has three errors of addition in one
table amounting to a difference about 100 persons in each error. A footnote to
this data by Humboldt’s English translator, J. S. Thrasher offers a similar
table supposedly from the census of 1846 which does not match the figures in
the published census of that year and that contains five serious errors of addi-
tion, one amounting to over 100,000 persons.22 Clearly Humboldt’s admon-
ishment not “to employ numerical elements, without having first examined
them, and ascertained the extent of their errors” applies to his own work and
the work of those who followed him.23
Regardless of errors of arithmetic or data compilation Humboldt’s
research on the changing structure of Cuban population in comparative con-
text has been enormously influential for later scholarship not only on Cuba
but on slavery in the Americas generally. For instance, Humboldt took sev-
eral important lessons from the cataclysm of the slave rebellion in Saint
Domingue just nine years before his visit to Cuba in 1800 which framed his
discussion of the composition of Cuba’s population by race and status. He
began his chapter on the population of Cuba comparing the relative sizes of
the white, free colored, and slave populations of Cuba, Jamaica and the
English Antilles, and the United States. He found the Cuban population to be
roughly equal to that of all the English Caribbean islands, almost double that
of Jamaica. Yet as he noted, “[t]he relative proportion of the inhabitants,
according to race and state of civil liberty, presents the most extraordinary
contrasts in those countries where slavery has taken great root.”24 According
to Humboldt, whites in the Antilles had not taken the possibility of slave
insurrection seriously enough and continued to view any concession to
greater humanity or justice toward their slaves as “cowardice.” He warned of
another “bloody catastrophe” as a “necessary consequence of circumstances”
if some ameliorative action were not quickly taken by the political elites in
the Caribbean.25
Humboldt looked to the large free population of Cuba, both whites and
people of color (64 percent of the total population according to his figures) as
a potentially hopeful sign that “[t]he island of Cuba may free herself better
than the other islands from the common shipwreck.” There were higher pro-
portions of both whites and free people of color than slaves in the population
22. Humboldt, The Island of Cuba, 82 (Humboldt’s table) and 234, footnote 6 (Thrasher’s
table). Cuadro estadístico de la siempre fiel isla de Cuba correspondiente al año 1846, 1847,
La Habana: Imprenta del Gobierno y Capitanía General, 53 for the published census fig-
ures.
23. Humboldt, The Island of Cuba, 131. The quote is in the context of discussing prob-
lems with the official Cuban censuses of 1811 and 1817.
25. Ibid., 123-124.
Cuba (46:18:36), in stark contrast to Jamaica (6:9:85) and to the US
(81:3:15).26 For Humboldt the reasons for the significantly larger free popula-
tion of color were unique to Cuba and his enumeration of those reasons is
worth quoting at length:
In no part of the world, where slavery exists, is manumission so frequent as in
the island of Cuba; for Spanish legislation, directly the reverse of French and
English, favors in an extraordinary degree the attainment of freedom, placing
no obstacle in its way, nor making it in any manner onerous. The right which
every slave has of seeking a new master, or purchasing his liberty, if he can
pay the amount of his cost; the religious sentiment that induces many persons
in good circumstances to concede by will freedom to a certain number of
negroes; the custom of retaining a number of both sexes for domestic service,
and the affections that necessarily arise from this familiar intercourse with the
whites; and the facilities allowed to slave-workmen to labor for their own
account, by paying a certain stipulated sum to their masters, are the principal
causes why so many blacks acquire their freedom in the towns...The position
of the free negroes in Cuba is much better than it is elsewhere, even among
those nations which have for ages flattered themselves as being most
advanced in civilization.27
Most of these practices that favored freedom derived from Spanish prac-
tice and law codified in the thirteenth century Siete Partidas. Humboldt does
not discuss Spanish law in detail here except to contrast it with a particularly
harsh code in eighteenth century Martinique which condemned freed people
to reenslavement if they offered asylum to an escaped slave.28
In the English language edition of Humboldt’s Ensayo politico, however,
his translator, Thrasher expands on Humboldt’s mention of the practice of
coartación, or self-purchase by installments. Coartación was well estab-
lished in Cuba custom from the sixteenth century onward but it only began
appearing in modern Spanish law in the eighteenth century.29 Slaves who
were hired out were allowed to retain a portion of their earnings and apply it
in installments toward the eventual purchase of their freedom. Once the ini-
tial payment had been made the slave’s price could not be changed. Those
who had problems with their owners could appeal to the annually appointed
syndic for redress. Thrasher also mentions that many coartados (those slaves
whose enslavement had been “cut” by partial payment of their price) would
26. Ibid., 123.

27. Ibid., 136.
28. Ibid.,137 and 239 footnote #2.
29. Some examples from the sixteenth century appear in María Teresa de Rojas, 1956,
“Algunos datos sobre los negros esclavos y horros en la Habana del siglo XVI,” in Miscelá-
nea de estudios dedicados a Fernando Ortiz por sus discípulos, colegas y amigos. . ., La
Habana: Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País, 1275-1287. On its first mention in
metropolitan law, Klein, Slavery in the Americas,196.
redeem themselves up to $50 or $100 shy of their purchase price no matter
how much wealth they subsequently acquired. Thrasher, who was an ardent
pro-slavery advocate hoping to effect the annexation of Cuba to the US,
attributed this last practice to some possible “unobserved peculiarities of the
negro mind” which from affection, interests, idiosyncrasy, or “intuitive
desire” endeavored to retain some “immediate and tangible superior to whose
opinion he can look with respect, and from whom he can claim protection in
calamity.” Some coartados may have sought to retain the benefits of some
measure of maintenance or medical care from their owners while enjoying
the relative freedom of movement, employment, and accumulation of
wealth.30 On the other hand, Thrasher does not mention as a possible deter-
rent the fact that as completely freed persons of color, said coartados, would
have been liable for tribute payments to the Crown and militia service.
Still the main elements of Humboldt’s description of manumission in
Cuba, and Thrasher’s note on coartación, resurface in virtually every subse-
quent discussion of the topic – its distinctly urban manifestation, its preva-
lence among domestic servants and skilled workers, the Iberian legal and
religious tradition favoring freedom, an economy that supported hiring out
and allowed slaves to retain a portion of their earnings and to apply it in
installments toward their freedom, and the resultant large free population of
color. One example is the classic scholarly work on coartación, Hubert
Aimes’ 1909 article, “Coartación: A Spanish Institution for the Advance-
ment of Slaves into Freedmen.” Although Aimes did not rely heavily on
Humboldt’s and Thrasher’s evidence in this article he did take up their sug-
gestion that such practices or, at least the extent of such practices, were
unique to Cuba. Here Aimes pointed out the long history of the practice of
self-purchase in installments in Cuba before it was codified in the nineteenth
century.31 Aimes argued, in error, that coartación had no precedent in Roman
or Spanish law, and was, therefore, unique to Cuba, “carried thence to other
West India islands.32 There were, in fact, both Roman and Spanish legal pre-
cedents for coartación.33 Aimes was correct, however, that self-purchase
arose in contexts with “an unelastic supply of laborers,” and a growing
demand for labor, especially skilled workers. A customary or legal context
which allowed slaves to accumulate and retain property was also important
for the development of self-purchase by installments, yet more recent
30. Ibid., 238-239, footnote #1.

31. Hubert H. S. Aimes, 1909, “Coartación: A Spanish Institution for the Advancement of
Slaves into Freedmen,” Yale Review, 17, 412-431.
32. Ibid., 412.
33. Jerry R. Craddock, John J. Nitti, and Juan D. Temprano, eds. 1987, The Text and Con-
cordance of Las Siete Partidas de Alfonso X [microfiche based on edition of the Real Aca-
demia de la Historia, 1807], Madison: The Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, Ltd.,
Partida III, Título II, Ley VIII.
research has shown that neither these conditions nor the development of self-
purchase customs like “coartación” were unique to Cuba.34 Aimes was also
careful to point out that “coartación” was not always practiced with equal
enthusiasm over time. He distinguished the period from 1821 to 1840, after
Spain signed treaties with Britain to abolish the trans-Atlantic slave trade, as
one in which slave property was closely guarded by slave owners, constrain-
ing manumission.35
Among Cuban historians, the work of Fernando Ortiz has probably been
the most cited on the subjects of urban slavery and manumission. In his chap-
ter on urban slavery, in Los negros esclavos, Ortiz reproduced the following
quote from Humboldt on the “gradations of suffering” faced by slaves in
rural or urban settings and different occupations.36
What a world of difference there is between a slave who serves in the house
of a rich man in Havana or Kingston, Jamaica, or who works for himself and
simply pays his master a daily sum, and a slave laboring on a sugar plantation.
A measure of the hierarchy of human deprivation can be seen in the threats
leveled against disobedient blacks. The “calesero” is threatened with [the]
“cafetal”, the slave working in the cafetal fears transfer to sugar planting. In
this latter situation, the Negro who is married and lives in a separate hut and,
with all the characteristic tenderness of Africans, finds comfort in the lap of
his needy family at the end of his workday, has an immeasurably better lot
than the isolated slave who gets lost in the crowd. This disparity of situation is
altogether unfamiliar to anyone who has not personally seen the Antilles.37
In spite of Humboldt’s relatively brief tour in Cuba he clearly understood
the importance of such factors as rural or urban setting, type of work, degree
of autonomy, and possibilities for family life in shaping the experiences of
slaves in the Americas. All of these factors have been fruitfully explored in
twentieth century scholarship on slavery in the Americas.38
Ortiz’s discussion of the relatively open nature of urban slavery which
follows Humboldt’s observations, has had a considerable impact on slavery
scholarship in the twentieth century. Ortiz concluded that the condition of the
34. On coartación in eighteenth and nineteenth century Cuba see Herbert Klein, 1967,
Slavery in the Americas,Chicago: University of Chicago Press, especially 196-200 and
Laird Bergad, Fe Iglesias García, and María del Carmen Barcia, 1995, The Cuban Slave
Market, 1790-1880, New York: Cambridge University Press, 133-141. These authors also
argue that the practice of coartación was unique to Cuba, but other studies have found evi-
dence that it existed in other American slave societies. See for instance, Edgar J. Mc
Manus, 2001 [1966]. A History of Negro Slavery in New York, Syracuse: Syracuse University
Press, 8-13; or Douglas Cole Libby and Clothilde Andrade Paiva, 2000, “Manumission
Practices in Late Eighteenth Century Brazilian Slave Parish: São José d’El Rey in 1795,”
Slavery & Abolition, 21:1 (April) 96-127.
35. Aimes, “Coartación,” 427-430.
36. Ortiz, Los negros esclavos, 283-284.
38. Ortiz, Los negros esclavos, 195.
[Cuban] urban slave approximated more closely that of the owner, than [that]
of the rural slave. . .”39 This relatively sanguine view of the lives and possibil-
ities for freedom among Cuban slaves, especially urban slaves, was brought
to bear on the discussion of comparative race relations in the Americas in
Tannenbaum’s Slave and Citizen. He saw manumission as “the crucial ele-
ment in slavery; it implies the judgment of the moral status of the slave, and
foreshadows his role in case of freedom.”40 While Humboldt recognized a
hierarchy of suffering based on occupation and other conditions of life, Tan-
nenbaum focused on access to manumission as the key element in determin-
ing the gradations of oppression under enslavement. “There were, briefly
speaking, three slave systems in the Western Hemisphere. The British, Amer-
ican, Dutch, and Danish were at one extreme, and the Spanish and Portu-
guese at the other. In between these two fell the French.”41 Much of his
argument rests on Iberian traditions that favored manumission – the medieval
Castilian legal code, the Siete Partidas which reflected a long history of sla-
very and slave trading on the Iberian peninsula and a religious tradition that
officially recognized the humanity and spiritual personality of the slave. Tan-
nenbaum contrasted this open Iberian system of law and custom with that of
the Anglo-American colonies that had no modern tradition of slavery in their
metropolis, no slave law, and whose religious institutions showed little con-
cern for their African slaves.42 Although Tannenbaum’s book was not a
detailed monograph, he did use a number of examples from the various colo-
nies he discussed. For the Iberian colonies, examples from Cuba and Brazil
(and to a lesser extent, Mexico) were used most often to illustrate the ease
and frequency of manumission in those colonies. In particular Tannenbaum
cited the custom of coartación as a widespread practice that ameliorated the
experience of slavery for the slave, especially in Cuba. His discussion relies
heavily on both Humboldt and Ortiz.43 Echoing Ortiz’s optimism, Tannen-
baum went so far as to conclude that, “slavery under both law and custom
had, for all practical purposes, become a contractual arrangement between
the master and his bondsman.”44
This optimistic argument for the singularity of Cuba in the openness of its
colonial society to manumission was further elaborated by Herbert Klein in
his book, Slavery in the Americas. Here Klein expanded the discussion of the
legal and religious precedents and customs that, he argued, created a more
39. For a recent review of the slavery studies literature see David Brion Davis, April
2000, “Looking at Slavery from Broader Perspectives,” American Historical Review, 105:2,
452-466.
40. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, 69.
41. Ibid., 65, footnote # 153.
42. Ibid., 49-91.
43. Ibid., 54-56, see footnotes # 124-130.
44. Ibid., 55.
open and fluid system with regard to the pursuit of freedom and social mobil-
ity for Africans and their descendants in the Americas. He also sought to dis-
cuss, in more depth than Tannenbaum had, the dimension of social and
economic factors in the explanation of the widespread access to manumission
in Cuba. In Klein’s discussion it was the combination of the legal and reli-
gious codes and practices and a diversified economy on the island that gave
slaves in Cuba more possibilities to pursue freedom.45 Because Cuba came
late to large-scale sugar production for export on plantations, the island first
developed an economy that offered many opportunities for slaves to accumu-
late wealth, especially in the thriving port of Havana.
Humboldt had recognized that, in spite of the explosive growth in sugar
production, sugar had not yet taken complete hold of the Cuban economy in
1820 since almost two-thirds of the population was free and only one-sixth of
the enslaved population worked on sugar plantations.46 Klein amplified this
point by showing the diversity of both rural and urban occupations worked
by slaves – in livestock ranching, tobacco plots, small mixed farms, in urban
manufacturing, military service, urban construction, entertainment, domestic
service, etc. According to Klein, the opportunities to gain skills and live more
independently enriched the lives of slaves, increasing their chances of
achieving freedom and sustaining themselves when free.47 Like Humboldt,
Klein’s comparative framework was based on the sharp contrast between
Cuba and the Anglo-American colonies, in this instance, Virginia. There the
plantation so dominated economic life that the opportunities for slaves to
acquire skills and earn money were severely restricted. Following Humboldt,
both Tannenbaum and Klein, saw the proof of the unique historical context of
Cuba’s colonial society in the ease and frequency of manumission there and
in the resulting large free population of color compared to other colonies with
slaves. The open attitude toward free people of color meant that “there was
no sharp break between slave and free, or between colored and white freed-
men.” Especially in the cities, all groups performed the same kind of work
and often shared the same social existence in urban areas.”48 Klein went so
far as to argue that by the nineteenth century, the relatively open attitudes and
practices developed over the preceding centuries regarding slavery, “had
45. Herbert Klein, 1967, Slavery in the Americas. A Comparative Study of Virginia and
Cuba. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 127-164. Although the first three parts of this
book deal with the institutional, legal, and religious precedents, structures, and customs
with regard to slavery, Part IV deals with the diversified economy in Cuba and the thriving
urban economy of Havana as conducive to the pursuit of freedom by slaves. This tends to
be minimized by Klein’s critics who focus on his argument about legal and religious tradi-
tions. Tannenbaum briefly mentions the urban economy as an important part of the climate
that favored freedom, citing Ortiz. Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen¸ 58.
46. Humboldt, The Island of Cuba, 124-125.
47. This point is summarized on page 163, Klein, Slavery in the Americas.
come to be accepted as legitimate and morally operative by the majority of
Cuban whites.”49
This extrapolation of openness, from the period of the urban service econ-
omy to that of the plantation economy, was challenged by a number of schol-
ars especially during the 1970s. Franklin Knight argued that generalizations
about the nature of slavery over large spans of time based on legal codes or
cultural traditions “can be of only limited value in understanding or compar-
ing the nature of slave plantation societies in tropical America.”50 Instead, he
favored comparisons based on equivalent stages of economic and social
growth. In his analysis, plantation societies showed remarkable similarities
wherever they appeared regardless of the cultural heritage of the site.51
A substantial bibliography has developed documenting a “hardening” of
the slave regime in Cuba as sugar production expanded, but there is some dis-
agreement about the dating of it. Knight and others looked to the 1790s as the
moment when the demands for enslaved labor in the expanding sugar sector
began to outweigh the urban service economy of the earlier colonial period,
bringing with it harsher work regimes and less tolerance of manumission and
freed people.52 Aimes and Klein, following more closely Humboldt’s obser-
vations about the diversity of slave experience in Cuba in the early 1800s,
date a real shift in official attitudes toward free people of color to the after-
math of the Escalera rebellion in the 1840s.53
Scholarly emphasis on the harshness and rigidity of slave systems has
shifted somewhat over the last several decades to a greater focus on the diver-
sity of slaves’ experiences and on the agency of slaves in shaping their lives
through their own economic activities, recourse to legal channels for redress
48. Ibid., 194-211. The beginning of this section of the book relies heavily on Humboldt,
Ortiz, and the Aimes article to discuss coartación adding further information on the nine-
teenth century and the socio-economic positions of free people of color. More recent work
has corroborated this more open, service economy and large free population of color at least
through the eighteenth century, M. Moreno Fraginals, 1986, “Peculiaridades de la esclavi-
tud en Cuba,” Islas, 85, 3-12.
49. Klein, Slavery in the Americas, 85.
50. Franklin Knight, 1970, Slave Society in Cuba during the Nineteenth Century, Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 193. Knight specifically treats the historiography on com-
parative race relations to date, including Tannenbaum and Klein in his introduction, xiii-
xix. See also p. 132, footnote # 22.
51. Ibid., 194.
52. On changing sexual mores and marriage patterns see Verena Martínez-Alier, 1989
[1974], Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineteenth Century Cuba, Ann Arbor; University of
Michigan Press. On increased repression, especially of the free colored population see
Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, 1971, Social Control in Slave Plantation Societies. A Comparison
of St. Domingue and Cuba, Baltimore: John Hopkins Press; Robert Paquette, 1988, Sugar
Is Made with Blood, Middletown: Wesleyan University Press; and Pedro Deschamps Cha-
peaux, 1971, El negro en la economía habanera del Siglo XIX, La Habana: Unión de Escri-
tores y Artistas de Cuba.
53. Aimes, “Coartación,” 427-430 and Klein, Slavery in the Americas, 199. Still Klein
maintained that sugar did not dominate Cuban society until after emancipation in 1886, p.
150.
of grievances, cultural expressions and the like.54 One example in North
American historiography is Rebecca Scott’s study of the emancipation pro-
cess in nineteenth century Cuba which placed the enslaved themselves at the
center of the process as they exploited changes in metropolitan law, pursued
manumission, and negotiated the terms of their working lives with their
enslavers.55
There has also been a call for more research on slavery outside the planta-
tion sector to better capture the full range of the slave experience in the
Americas.56 Studies of slavery in frontier areas have been a particularly rich
source of evidence for the diversity of slaves’experiences in the Americas.57
A recent example in Cuban slavery studies is María Elena Díaz’s book on the
royal slaves of El Cobre in eastern Cuba. Díaz describes a group of slaves liv-
ing more like peasants than plantation slaves. The cobreros vigorously
defended their autonomy and culture against both private entrpreneurs and
colonial bureaucrats, ultimately taking their petitions directly to the King in
Madrid and winning their freedom.58
The growing body of work documenting the many gradations of experi-
ence under the slave systems of the Americas and the ingenuity and tenacity
of slaves all over the region in pursuing freedom and dignity through what-
ever openings those systems allowed has brought scholars back to a new
appreciation of the work of Frank Tannenbaum.59 The appreciations look to
his suggestions about the importance of different colonial systems in shaping
the slave experience, to his broader point (often obscured by those who have
rejected his thesis about these differences) about the centrality of slavery and
of Africans to the creation of the New World. Thomas Holt’s essay based on
a talk given at a Michigan State University symposium on the Comparative
54. See for the Anglo-American colonies such works as, Barry Higman, 1984, Slave Popu-
lations of the British Caribbean, 1807-1834, Baltimore and London, Johns Hopkins Univer-
sity Press; Daniel H.Usner, Jr., 1992, Indians, Settlers, and Slaves in a Frontier Exchange
Economy. (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press; Ira Berlin, Many
Thousands Gone, 1998, (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press. Some of
this bibliography is also summarized in John Thornton, Africa and Africans in the Making
of the Atlantic World, 170-177, which discusses the historical circumstances of the “peas-
ant breach” in some Atlantic slave systems.
55. Rebecca J. Scott, 1985, Slave Emancipation in Cuba, The Transition to Free Labor,
1860-1899, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985.
56. See for instance, Verene Shepherd, ed. 2002, Slavery Without Sugar, Gainesville: Uni-
versity of Florida Press.
57. The literature on the Spanish empire is particularly strong in this regard. See for
example, Frederick P. Bowser, 1974, The African Slave in Colonial Peru, 1524-1650, Stan-
ford: Stanford University Press; Patrick J. Carroll, 1991, Blacks in Colonial Veracruz. Race,
Ethnicity and Regional Development Austin: University of Texas Press; Colin Palmer, 1976,
Slaves of the White God, Blacks in Mexico, 1570-1650, Cambridge and London: Harvard
University Press; William Frederick Sharp, 1976, Slavery on the Spanish Frontier. The
Colombian Chocó, 1680-1810, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
58. María Elena Díaz, 2000, The Virgin, the King, and the Royal Slaves of El Cobre, Stan-
ford: Stanford University Press.
History of Black People in Diaspora in the mid-1990s uses Tannenbaum as a
springboard to an even broader understanding of the value of comparative
study of the African diaspora.60 An upcoming workshop on Comparative sla-
very in the Atlantic World organized by Harvard’s Atlantic History seminar
also will take the Tannebaum thesis as its focal point.
All of which brings us back to Humboldt. This conference is a testament
to a renewed interest in his work although this interest seems to be running
on a parallel rather than connecting track to the renewal of attention to Tan-
nenbaum. I hope this brief review has clarified the close connections between
those enterprises. Humboldt’s acute observations of Cuban slavery continue
to resonate in Cuban history and slavery studies more generally.61 The statis-
tics he compiled form the base of virtually all discussions of the momentous
changes taking place in Cuba from the 1760s to the 1820s. His descriptions
of the varied lives of slaves in Cuba captured well the diversity of slave expe-
rience on the island. As such his observations have informed much of the
study and theorizing about slavery in the Americas. He helped lay the
groundwork for an understanding of slavery as an institution and experience
both diverse, according to specific historical places and moments, and shared
by all the peoples of the Americas.
Humboldt’s profound understanding of one of the fundamental features of
American life was also infused with a deep moral revulsion against slavery as
“the greatest of all evils to have plagued mankind.”62 Yet, his revulsion did
not lead him to efface the many gradations of the conditions and experience
of slavery as a way to imagine its end. As he reminded us, “[t]o remedy the
evil. . . it is necessary to probe the sore; for there exists in social, as well as
59. One example is Jane Landers, 1999, Black Society in Spanish Florida, Urbana and
Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1-3. Landers notes that while Tannenbaum’s thesis
about the openness of Iberian systems to manumission and tolerance of free people of color
many not hold for areas of monocultural sugar production for export, it could have validity
in urban settings or even in areas with plantantions where slaves had access to urban insti-
tutions like St. Augustine and its hinterland. Not all are as convinced of the value of Tan-
nenbaum’s early explorations of the gradations of enslavement and possibilities for
freedom, see Díaz, The Virgin, the King, and the Royal Slaves of El Cobre, 352 footnote #10.
Díaz mentions Tannenbaum’s thesis as the “old cultural reductionistic thesis on Iberian
slavery” while describing her own study as one which shows the cobreros’ lives and commu-
nity as “a more fluid continuum between slavery and freedom.” (13). While her study is
certainly a much more nuanced conceptually and well documented than Tannenbaum’s
broad strokes in Slave and Citizen her evidence on the possibilities for pursuing freedom
through the Spanish legal system seem to uphold rather than negate Tannenbaum’s work.
60. Thomas Holt, 1999, “Slavery and Freedom in the Atlantic World: Reflections on the
Diasporan Framework,” in Darlene Clark Hines and Jacqueline McLeod, eds., Crossing
Boundaries: Comparative History of Black People in Diaspora, Bloomington: Indiana Uni-
versity Press.
61. Humboldt’s descriptions of urban slavery are still often the foundation of historical
summaries of eighteenth and nineteenth century Cuba, especially Havana. See for
instance, Philip A. Howard, 1998, Changing History. Afro-Cuban Cabildos and Societies of
Color in the Nineteenth Century, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1-20.
organic bodies, reparative forces, which when well directed, may triumph
over the most inveterate evils.”63 Unfortunately, such deep-rooted optimism
about the abilities of social bodies to purge and heal themselves has not been
entirely fulfilled.
63. Ibid., 125.

CHAPTER 40 Speaking of Nature
David Kenosian
Scholars have observed that Alexander von Humboldt depicted nature as
artistically as possible to appeal to a broad audience.1 But I will show here
that language is central to his epistemology of nature that guided his research
in key works such as Ansichten der Natur, Ideen zu einer Geographie der
Pflanzen, and his magnum opus, Kosmos. In a letter to Varnhagen von Ense,
he asserts that a book on nature should produce an impression like nature
itself (39).2 To this end, he sought to create in his images of nature
(“Naturgemälde”) an enhanced form of nature’s own language. Like his
brother Wilhelm, he considers how language enables the human subject to
render nature intelligible. Alexander in fact collected and published some of
his brother’s essays on language in Über die Verschiedenheit des menschli-
chen Sprachbaues. I will argue that they see nature in terms similar to those
expressed by Kant in section 42 of the Kritik der Urteilskraft:
The charms in natural beauty, which are to be found blended…so frequently
with form, belong either to the modifications of light…or of sound….For
those are the only sensations which permit not merely of a feeling of the
sense, but also of reflection upon the form of these modifications of sense,
and so embody as it were a language in which nature speaks to us and which
has the semblance of a higher meaning.3
The individual perceives nature, Kant seems to say, as if it were not so
much a passive object but as if it were a speaking subject.
1. See for example Cedric Hentschel, “Alexander von Humboldt’s Synthesis of Litera-
ture and Science,” Alexander von Humboldt 1769|1969, ed. Adolf Meyer-Abich, (Bonn,
Bad Godesberg: Inter Nationes, 1969), 111.
2. Humboldt to Varnhagen von Ense, Berlin 24 October 1834, Briefe Alexander von
Humboldts an Varnhagen von Ense, 23.
3. Immanuel Kant, Kritik der Urteilskraft, vol. 5 of Kants Gesammelte Schriften, ed.
Königliche Preußischen Akakdemie der Wissenschaften (Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1910-55),
302.
501
In the quote, nature is in effect the foreign; it is different from us, yet it is
capable of communicating with us. What makes it possible to have a dialogue
with nature? How do we determine the higher meaning to which Kant refers?
And how does language relate to Alexander Humboldt’s views on art? The
term that connects the different levels and stages of Humboldt’s work is a
Romantic notion of translation. For Humboldt, translation is a series of
potentiations that begin with ordinary experience and encompass conceptual-
ization. It can also be related to the idea of crossing the boundary between the
familiar and foreign so as to enjoy intellectual enrichment. The German verb
sich übersetzen means to cross a body of water and this is precisely what
Humboldt did on his journey to the Americas. The roots of another verb for
translating, übertragen, mean to carry across, an accurate term for the ship-
ment of data and natural samples that Humboldt sent back to Europe. The
prefix über- in both German terms for translation can also mean above and he
sought to elevate the data he collected into a systematic unity. He believed
that scientific views demanded a new kind of artistic writing that would
depict nature as a dynamic and harmonious whole. It is in his Ansichten der
Natur, his artistic treatment of the voyage, that he first fused science and art
in poetic images of South American landscapes or “Naturgemälde,” the term
he later uses in Kosmos for his depiction of nature as a whole.4 Thus, transla-
tion circumscribes a process of self-positing whereby the subject raises or
posits itself (sich setzen) and its object to a higher plane of knowledge.5
At its most basic level, Humboldt’s notion of translation designates the
conversion of our raw sense data into an image of nature. He cites Hegel’s
observation in the Philosophie der Geschichte that external phenomena are
translated (“übersetzt”) in our inner representations.6 Humboldt adds that
through this act, the external world is blended, almost unconsciously with our
thoughts and feelings. Hegel also links perception to feelings; he likens the
process of translating nature to the poet’s transformation of material supplied
by his emotions.7 In this account, then, language establishes continuity
among representation (“Vorstellung”), thought and verbal expression
(“Darstellung”).
To be sure, Alexander von Humboldt does not provide a language-based
theory of consciousness. Still, we can find one in his brother’s Über die Ver-
schiedenheit des menschlichen Sprachbaues. Individuals begin to become
4. See Alexander von Humboldt, Ansichten der Natur (Stuttgart and Tübingen: Cotta,
1849).
5. Antoine Berman, The Experience of the Foreign, trans. S. Heyvaert (Albany: State Uni-
versity of new York Press, 1992), 108.
6. Alexander von Humboldt, Kosmos, (Philadelphia: F. W. Thomas & Söhne, 1869), 34-
35. I will hereafter cite the text as Kosmos.
7. Georg Hegel, Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der Geschichte, vol. 5 of Sämtliche
Werke, 20 vols. (Stuttgart: Fromann, 1927-40), 25.
Speaking of Nature 503
aware of the world and of themselves as members of a community when they
hear the voice of others. When someone speaks to me, her thoughts and emo-
tions are conveyed by sound into my mind, just as nature enters our inner
world in Alexander von Humboldt’s discussion of Hegel.
The articulate sound is torn from the breast to awaken in an other individual
an echo returning to the ear. Man thereby at once discovers that around him
there are beings having the same inner needs, and thus capable of meeting the
manifold longing that resides in his feelings.8
In other words, when we interact with a conversation partner, we become
aware of a third entity, the community. Wilhelm argues that when we respond
to an interlocutor, we are in a sense limited because a linguistic community
impresses of mind upon its members a certain perspective (“Weltansicht”),
i.e. systems of lexical distinctions between objects and states. But it is not
only the community that is given through language: the dialogue makes us
conscious of another entity, nature. Humboldt maintains that historically,
nature is a third person that arises as a second opposition from the primary
one between the I and the you.9
Limitation does not, however, stifle the creative potential of language. I
use a shared vocabulary to express my unique experiences, innermost
thoughts and feelings. Hence, a dialogue between two individuals is an
exchange in which common terms are continually reinterpreted. Humboldt
likens this negotiation to a musical performance.
People do not understand each other …by mutually occasioning each other
(“sich gegenseitig bestimmen”) to produce exactly the same concept, they do
it by touching in each other the same link in the chain of their sensory ideas
and internal conceptualizations, by striking the same note on their mental
instruments whereupon matching but not identical concepts are engendered in
each.10
Communicability is ensured by a multi-faceted conception of harmony
rooted in the voice (“Stimme”). The expression of our ideas and feelings con-
tain the basis of outer consonance, the harmonizing impulse between speak-
ers.11 Humboldt explains that connected to the terms used by each speaker is
a demand for more presentation and development upon the listener “to supply
the missing element in accord with what is given.”12
The voice not only creates a harmony between speakers: it also creates an
inner consonance of language with the mental faculties within each speaker.
8. Wilhelm von Humboldt, vol. 7 Gesammelte Schriften, ed. Albert Leitzmann, 17 vols.,
(Berlin: Behr, 1903-36), 36-7.
9. Ibid., 104.
10. Ibid., 169-70.
11. Ibid., 180.
12. Ibid. 55.
Indeed, the voice is related to an affective state of mind (in this case “Stim-
mung”) and cognitive determination (“bestimmen”). Those are the two intel-
lectual processes which, according to Alexander von Humboldt, fuse with
our translation of empirical reality when we have an experience of nature.
Wilhelm notes that the highest level of reflective consciousness in language
is inseparable from what he calls the purest attunement (“Zusammenstim-
mung”) of all our mental capacities.13 Conceptualization is a reflexive lin-
guistic operation through which we give terms higher signification. Since
thought begins when we assign a word to a mental event, either in conversa-
tion or in silent thought, thinking is inseparable from speech. Thus, our facul-
ties operate as linguistic processes on ever higher levels. Sound deputizes the
unity of an object because it becomes the bearer of all of the impressions that
the object makes on our inner and outer sense.14 When we designate a thought
with sound, that sound returns to our ear as a representation that we gather
with similar ones to form a “manifold unity” and in this manner, we form
concepts from representations.15 The con-sonance within inflected languages
corresponds to the harmony among the faculties in the mind of the speakers.
We become conscious of our own activity at the highest level of thought
when we use inflected languages because inflections arise from the right rec-
ognition of the intuited.16 This recognition results when our power of reason
reveals the structural affinity between nature and language.17
What links Wilhelm’s notion of dialogue with Alexander’s understanding
of science is the idea of expressive force. For Wilhelm, the utterance is an
external manifestation of the mind’s continuous intellectual or linguistic
force (“Denkkraft” or “Sprachkraft”) while his brother sees natural phenom-
ena as finite forms produced by the ongoing interaction between animate and
inanimate forces. Alexander uses the term expressions of force
(“Kraftäußerungen”) to denote properties of matter as well as the cultural
achievements of nations.18 Similarly, Wilhelm von Humboldt describes the
relationship between articulation and cognition in physiological terms: Just
as thought seizes the mind, sound has a unique penetrating power that makes
our nerves tingle.19 Their common interest in force goes back to 1794 when
they collaborated on a series of experiments on animal electricity. Alexander
wanted to determine to what extent life processes are responses to forces that
13. Ibid., 157.

14. Wilhelm von Humboldt, Gesammelte Schriften 7: 53.
15. Wilhelm von Humboldt, 7: 66, cf. Michael Losonsky, “Introduction” to On Language
by Wilhelm von Humboldt, trans. Peter Heath (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge Univer-
sity Press, 1999) xvii.
16. Wilhelm von Humboldt, 7: 158; my emphasis.
17. Ibid., 61.
18. See for example Kosmos, 26.
19. Wilhelm von Humboldt, 7: 53.
cause irritation (“Reize”). He concluded that different kinds of irritation gen-
erated sensation, and in addition, specific feelings (”Stimmungen”).20 Thus,
irritation produce a sense of external reality and affective responses, the very
same effects brought about by language. Though Alexander did little zoolog-
ical research in South America, it is significant that his one major anatomical
study dealt with the respiratory and vocal organs of animals.21 Thus, he was
trying to understand how nature literally develops a voice.
More broadly, Alexander von Humboldt called for a language that would
mirror his conception of nature. He defined nature as a harmonious whole, a
unity in the manifold whose diversity could be explained by universal consti-
tutive forces (e.g. chemical and physical) operating under different local cir-
cumstances and in varying combinations.22 Humboldt’s ideal language was
one that would present nature as a totality while unifying the sciences. He
argues that the fragmentation of disciplines leads to linguistic confusion: too
many scientists use indeterminate terminology and incorrectly apply terms
from other disciplines, thereby creating false analogies.23 To use his brother’s
terminology, he envisioned a language that would bring harmony to the sci-
ences. Art, more specifically newer genres such as nature writing and poetry,
solved two problems raised by the fragmentation of the sciences. It not only
presented a livelier and clearer picture of nature than most scientific writing
but also, and perhaps more importantly, offered a holistic conception of
nature. He shares Schelling’s view that too many scientists see nature as a
“dead aggregate” of an indeterminate quantity of objects. Instead, researchers
should share with great artists the ability to understand how the part is mean-
ingfully and organically related to a dynamic whole.24 For Humboldt, the
writing which best presents this kind of insight could be found in accounts of
a few gifted travel writers such as Chateaubriand and Bernardin de St. Pierre
who fashioned a poetic language which related the individual species and
phenomena to the tropical world in its entirety.25
Humboldt’s choice of genres is surely not accidental as the journey is, I
contend, the controlling trope for the incorporation of new scientific knowl-
edge into an expanding though cohesive body of thought. We should recall
here that the journey is metaphorically signified by the term übersetzen and
that the prefix über- signifies a dual upward and outward movement. In Kos-
20. Adolf Meyer-Abich, Die Vollendung der Morphologie Goethes durch Alexander von
Humboldts (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 1970), 122.
21. Ilse Jahn, Dem Leben auf dem Spur. Die biologische Forschungen Alexander von
Humboldts (Leipzig, Jena, Berlin: Urania, 1969), 124.
22. Kosmos 7.
23. Ibid., 383.
24. See Friedrich Wilhelm von Schelling, “Philosophie der Kunst in vol. 1 of Werke, ed.
Wilhelm G. Jacobs, Jörg Jantzen und Walter Schieche (Stuttgart : Frommann-Holzborg,
1976-)1: 389.
25. Kosmos, 224.
mos, Humboldt links these two trajectories in the historical context of
Europe’s age of exploration. He argues that the new knowledge gained about
the earth corresponded to the growing understanding of the laws of natural
forces, the distribution of heat on the globe, and the variety of organisms.26
The insights gained by voyagers are intuitions which researchers were able in
time to merge into a concrete whole. Thus, he defines his own journey to
South America as a continuation of that historical development though on a
higher plane of knowledge. The expedition was a voyage into a foreign lan-
guage in which he encountered new expressions of nature that furthered the
activity of his mind much as the dialogue, according to his brother, stimulates
our faculties and feelings.27 More specifically, the natural wonders he
observed produced in him powerful emotions or “Stimmungen,” as his
brother would have it. He later determined (“bestimmen”) scientifically the
phenomena that so moved him. In a letter to Karoline von Wolzogen from
1806, Alexander observed that he had an unknown feeling of exuberance in
South America. Nevertheless, he came to realize that the awesome spectacles
he witnessed were part of a global whole, and he credited Goethe’s views of
nature for giving him “new organs” that enabled to come to that understand-
ing.28 Humboldt is saying here that German thought prepared him for his
work, conceivably because it attuned him to the natural world. In his discus-
sion of notions of world harmony, Leo Spitzer points out that the German
Romantic notion of “Stimmung” expresses the unity of feeling humans expe-
rience with their environment (i.e. other individuals or a landscape). Spitzer
relates “Stimmung” to “gestimmtsein,” a kind of attunement that “presup-
poses a whole of the soul in its richness and variability.”29
Humboldt himself thought that landscapes owe their unique character to
their plant cover (“Pflanzendecke”).30 The term “cover” denotes a surface as
well as an ensemble. The individual species is a unique manifestation of
inner forces: Humboldt shared Goethe’s view that each type has a specific
amount of energy. The species develops in response to environmental factors
and we can see in that notion of reciprocal relation a homology to Wilhelm
von Humboldt’s thoughts on inflected languages. In a sentence, the inflected
word is a particular form whose meaning depends on its relation to the rest of
the sentence. South American ecosystems were not so much unconnected
sentences for Alexander von Humboldt as they were poems. In his Ideen zu
26. Ibid., 311.

27. Ibid., 9.
28. Alexander von Humboldt, “Brief an Karoline von Wolzogen” 14. May 1806, in Alex-
ander von Humboldt, ed. Karl Bruhns 2 vols.(Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1872), 1: 417.
29. Leo Spitzer, Classical and Christian Ideas of World Harmony, ed. Anna Granville
Hatcher (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press), 5-6.
30. Kosmos 183, cf. Malcolm Nicholson, “Alexander von Humboldt, Humboldtian Sci-
ence and the Origin of the Study of Vegetation,” History of Science 25 (1987), 177.
einer Geographie der Pflanzen, his first major work published after his expe-
dition, he stated that the sensations produced by vegetation are closely linked
to the effects which imitative arts and descriptive poetry have upon us. In
contrast to the study of an individual species, he continues, the appreciation
of the plant cover (“Pflanzendecke”) gives us a sense of a whole that stirs our
imagination.31 Thus, in the context of his field work, he states that nature had
a powerful effect on his emotions, imagination, and intellect. These are the
very constituents of the aesthetic experience of nature in Wilhelm’s essay,
“Über die Einbildungskraft” from 1798. The essay deals with the transforma-
tion of real objects into an image (“Bild”) in the imagination of poets and
their audience. The imagination owes its special status in the arts because it
makes present what is absent, presents what is immaterial as a sensible
image, and enables us to transcend the experiential limits of time and space.32
Congruent with this, he compares the artist with a traveler who transports us
to a new world.33 Readers have the sense that they are in the midst of actual
nature but at the same time, elevated above it (“über sie erhoben”).34
In effect, Wilhelm has described his brother’s transformative reconstruc-
tion of South American nature poems, i.e. ecosystems, in his favorite text,
Ansichten der Natur. Like the artist in “Über die Einbildungskraft,” Alex-
ander strived to create images (“Bilder” and “Gemälde”) of the landscapes of
the Americas as he explained in the preface to the first edition. His images
are organized by category (steppes and desert, waterfalls, volcanoes and
mountains) and are unified compositions, which depict the dynamic interplay
of natural forces as they work in concert. One brief example from his account
of the waterfalls of the Orinoco will illustrate how he tried to capture the con-
stant interplay of natural forces with dynamic verbs.
Black cliffs emerge from the plains like ruins and fortresses. Every island,
every stone is decorated with luxuriant forest trees. Thick mist hovers eter-
nally over the surface of the water. The crowns of high palms reach up
through the steaming cloud of foam. When the damp haze refracts the rays of
the sun…colorful arches disappear and return.35
I wish to stress that images such as these present the various stages of his
research in condensed form. In Kosmos, he remarks that humans have always
constructed an internalized image of the world by following inner echoes
(“Anklänge), but only a long process of “Bildung” enabled us to analyze and
31. Alexander von Humboldt, Ideen zu einer Geographie der Pflanzen (Darmstadt: Wis-
senschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1963), 24.
32. Wilhelm von Humboldt, “Über die Einbildungskraft,” in Poesie und Einbildungskraft,
ed. Klaus Müller-Vollmer (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1967), 131.
33. Ibid., 133.
34. Ibid., 123.
35. Alexander von Humboldt, Ansichten der Natur, 275-6.
synthesize what historically was a feeling of the world’s unity. Likewise, the
florid descriptions are intended to convey his immediate sensory and emo-
tional response to nature’s expressions. He subsequently examined phenom-
ena in the field and we see in the quote examples of the disciplines that he
studied in South America: botany, meteorology, astronomy and geology.
Upon his return in Europe, Humboldt recreated the American wilds and situ-
ated his representations in ever broader contexts, i.e., as products of geo-
graphical and climatic factors unique to South America and as variations of
similar though contrasting topographical formations elsewhere in the in the
world. He included parts of his own Ideen zu einer Geographie der Pflanzen
in which he tried to trace the world’s plant life to seventeen basic types. He
felt justified in making grand comparisons because on the basis of his
research, he concluded the Andes Mountains contained a microcosm of the
earth’s ecosystems. To support his case, he presented statistics on altitude and
temperatures of ecosystems in the appendix to demonstrate under which geo-
graphical conditions organic forms develop into the variations that we see in
the “Naturgemälde.”
But we should not see the poetic images as mere adornments to an other-
wise dry treatise. Humboldt wrote the poetic images in Ansichten after he had
conducted empirical research and published the work in three editions at
times that span his scientific career (1808, 1826, and 1849): thus, he could
have conceivably removed the images in favor of a more descriptive or quan-
titative treatment. I would argue that there are epistemological reasons for his
decision to keep his “Naturgemälde.” Language gives thought grace and clar-
ity and at the same time, it furnishes representations of nature with the “enliv-
ing breath.” The breath is the medium though which his intellectual force is
projected as vocal expression. His artistic language is intended to give a sci-
entific accurate picture of South America but unlike the statistics, it also con-
veys a sense of nature’s creative power. For these reasons, art represented for
him a self-reflective medium that would enable him to consider the logical
connections of his conception of nature. In this light, it becomes more under-
standable that Humboldt published the third edition of Ansichten in 1849,
more than forty years after his expedition. The text was an example of the
kind of writing that Humboldt believed was necessary for the continued
growth and diffusion of scientific ideas. Whether intentionally or uninten-
tionally, Humboldt makes the case that his metascience is a potentiated travel
writing.
CHAPTER 41 Herschel, Humboldt and
Imperial Science
Christopher Carter
In science, the nineteenth century is known as the beginning of a systematic
approach to geophysics, an age when terrestrial magnetism, meteorology and
other worldwide phenomena were studied for the first time on a large scale.
International efforts to study the earth’s climate, tides and magnetic field
became common in the first half of this century, in large part because of the
impetus given to the field by the work of Alexander von Humboldt. Due to
Humboldt’s influence, a system of geomagnetic observatories soon covered
most of the European continent.1 But one prominent nation remained outside
of this system of observations. Despite Britain’s inherent interest in geomag-
netic studies (due to its maritime concerns) the laissez-faire attitudes of the
British political system weakened efforts to subsidize state funded scientific
projects. Not until the 1830s did Britain join with other European nations in
the geophysical arena. This cooperation was beneficial to the science, as it
brought not only Britain’s considerable scientific resources to bear on the
problem, but it also opened up Britain’s imperial holdings as new stations to
expand the observational system.
Humboldt’s 1836 letter to the Duke of Sussex (President of the Royal
Society), suggesting the establishment of geomagnetic observatories in Brit-
ish colonies, provides an initial point of reference for our investigations.2
However, while welcomed by the scientific community, Humboldt’s appeal
1. By 1835, continental geomagnetic stations were operating at Altona, Augsburg, Ber-
lin, Breda, Breslau, Copenhagen, Freiburg, Goettingen, Hanover, Leipzig, Marburg, Milan,
Munich, St. Petersburg, Stockholm and Upsala. William Whewell, History of the Inductive
Sciences. (London: John Parker & Son, 1857), III:50.
2. Alexander von Humboldt, “On the Advancement of the Knowledge of Terrestrial Mag-
netism, by the Establishment of Magnetic Stations and Corresponding Observations.” Lon-
don and Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine 9 (1836) 42-53. Specifically, Humboldt
suggested that stations be established in New Holland (Australia), Ceylon, Mauritius, the
Cape (“rendered illustrious by the labours of Sir John Herschel”), St. Helena, and North
America.
509
alone failed to inspire action on the part of the British government. Only a
domestic lobby composed of prominent British scientists could finally extract
pecuniary support from the British state in 1839. The success of this lobby
led to the launching of the “Magnetic Crusade,” a combination of an Antarc-
tic expedition with colonial observatories to study geophysical sciences.
Chief among the figures in the British lobby were Edward Sabine, Humphrey
Lloyd and John Herschel. The activities of the latter especially were essential
to the cause of Humboldtian science in the British empire.
Herschel and Universal Science

Like many scientists of his age, Herschel became interested in large scale,
global observations in the physical sciences. Unlike Humboldt or Sabine,
though, Herschel’s interest fit into an overall system of inductive universal-
ism which he had defined years before. In his Preliminary Discourse on the
Study of Natural Philosophy (1830) Herschel had expressed his belief in a
system of universal induction which required large numbers of global obser-
vations over long periods of time in order to work out universal physical the-
ories that applied to all of the particular observations by eliminating any
temporary variations.3 Tides, meteorology and geomagnetism provided ideal
tests for his system, as they required large numbers of observations from all
over the world in order to come up with a global theory that fit the phenom-
ena. The Magnetic Crusade offered the opportunity to put such a plan of
observation into action.
It is my thesis that Herschel’s contributions to the Magnetic Crusade were
integral and essential. His philosophical beliefs concerning inductive science
led him to add his own distinct and crucial additions to the plan of the Cru-
sade, especially in the form of fixed colonial observatories. In so doing, he
fulfilled the original intent of Humboldt’s observing plan and made it possi-
ble for scientific goals to be accomplished through the resources and struc-
ture of the British imperial system. Like the British empire, Herschel’s
science was cosmopolitan and universalist. While his political and social
connections were invaluable for the lobbying effort, he was not just its
‘celebrity spokesman,’ for Herschel had himself been harboring similar plans
for many years which finally saw fruition in the Crusade.
Herschel’s Role
Credit for Herschel’s contributions to the Crusade has not always been forth-
coming. Many historians have neglected Herschel’s importance to the scien-
tific shape of the project in favor of recognizing the importance of his
3. John Herschel, Preliminary Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy. (New York:
Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1966).
Herschel, Humboldt and Imperial Science 511
political connections. Herschel is sometimes portrayed as the public face who
represented the lobby while others were doing the real organizational work.
Jack Morrell and Arnold Thackray see Herschel as the “irreproachable
spokesman” for the interests behind the Crusade, but call Sabine and Lloyd
the “leading” figures in the lobby.4 John Cawood identifies Sabine as the true
“fanatic” motive force behind the lobby. While recognizing Herschel’s “sci-
entific interest in the geomagnetic project” he holds that Herschel’s “true
value to the magnetic lobby [was] in his prestige and position.”5 Cawood is
correct that Herschel’s position in society did give him (and the lobby) spe-
cial access to government officials, but to ignore Herschel’s scientific contri-
butions to the Crusade is to misrepresent his true role.
Herschel became the primary reason that the Crusade expanded beyond
an Antarctic expedition to include fixed stations for observations around the
world. After the publication of the Preliminary Discourse, Herschel had pur-
sued his inductive ideas. His interest in global geomagnetic observations can
be traced to this particular view of universal induction, which held that while
general propositions were by their nature only probable truths when applied
beyond the range of the instances from which they were derived, the more
frequently they were tested in other instances the more their probability
approached certainty.6 For terrestrial magnetism, Herschel proposed the need
for stations to acquire continuous observations because variations in the
earth’s magnetic field could only be detected over many years. He also held
that the data must be collected simultaneously at various stations, in order to
treat the variations globally. He believed that with enough data from particu-
lar points, a full theory of geomagnetism could be worked out for the whole
world. To Lloyd, Herschel wrote that:
The secular variation of the constant elements in a general theory of
Terr[estrial] Magnetism is one of indispensable importance and can only be
obtained by observations of extreme precision carried on for many years.
Were they known for every point on the globe we might of course by their aid
bring all ancient and modern obs[ervations] to one epoch.7
The proposal to establish the stations changed the very nature of the Cru-
sade, making it more than just another temporary magnetic survey. It also tied
the Crusade more closely to the British imperial system than an expedition
alone could have done. Eventually the Crusade was internationalized and
provided the basis for continuous physical observations around the world. All
4. Jack Morrell and Arnold Thackray. Gentlemen of Science. (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1981), 369, 359.
5. John Cawood, “The Magnetic Crusade: Science and Politics in early Victorian
England.” “Isis” 70 (1979), 507.
6. Herschel to Stewart, 1834. “John Herschel Letter.” South African Libraries 7 (1940),
138-54.
7. Herschel to Lloyd, November 5, 1838. (Royal Society).
of these elements of the final plan of the Crusade can be traced back to Her-
schel’s involvement.
Humboldt’s influence on Herschel and on the ideas behind the lobby dur-
ing this period is evident. Herschel later declared that no other man of science
was “more versatile in genius, more indefatigable in application to all kinds
of learning, more energetic in action, or more ardent in inquiry.”8 Humboldt’s
1836 letter clearly gave impetus to the ideas that lay behind the Magnetic
Crusade. Yet to call the British foray into colonial observing a “direct conse-
quence” of that letter (as Malin and Barraclough have done) ignores three
years of lobbying and development of the idea on the British side.9 Without
the inductive philosophy of Herschel and his commitment to global observ-
ing, the Crusade might have ended up being just another one-time scientific
expedition to the South Seas.
Herschel was certainly drawing upon a Humboldtian observational tradi-
tion in his plans for fixed stations.10 But as Cawood has pointed out, Hum-
boldt’s contribution was inspirational rather than practical.11 The difference
lay in Herschel’s ability to combine his own sociopolitical influence with his
philosophical beliefs. Herschel’s role in the Crusade was the key to bringing
about this system of stations in the British empire in 1839 where Humboldt
had failed in 1836. Herschel’s plan required continuous observations over a
long period of time, and thus the existence of permanent structures for obser-
vatories.
The events around the Magnetic Crusade were not the first time Herschel
had tried to put his system of observing into operation. He had been active in
plans to set up an extensive series of colonial geophysical observations for
some years before the Crusade. The years he spent in South Africa (1833-
1838) were a formative period for these actions. Here he particularly took an
interest in meteorology. One of his first actions when arriving at the Cape
was to make a series of meteorological observations.12 In 1835, he had writ-
ten to William Henry Smythe, recommending a new plan for hourly world-
wide meteorological observations on four predetermined days each year all
over the world. He was planning to participate from the Cape, and he hoped it
was undertaken in India, New South Wales, Mauritius, and in many other
8. Herschel, “Humboldt’s Kosmos.” Edinburgh Review 87 (January 1848), 91.

9. S.R.C. Malin and D.R. Barraclough, “Humboldt and the Earth’s Magnetic Field,”
Quarterly Journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 32:3 (1991), 279.
10. Steven Ruskin argues that Herschel followed the pattern of “Humboldtian traveling”
during his early days, and that his trip to the Cape of Good Hope can be seen in this light as
well. Steven Ruskin, John Herschel’s Cape Voyage. (Burlington: Ashgate, 2004), 12-36.
11. John Cawood, “Comments,” in Human Applications of Scientific Advance. (Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press, 1978), 146.
12. Herschel to Paine, August 26, 1836. (University of Texas, Austin).
localities.13 In 1837, he gained the cooperation of Adolph Quetelet for a series
of simultaneous meteorological observations between Europe and the Cape.14
While at the Cape, Herschel also collected meteorological observations
from around the world, receiving reports from India, Geneva, Guyana, Mau-
ritius, Turin, Albany, Port Arthur, Boston, Tasmania, Bermuda and Brussels.
In 1836 he became an honorary member of the British Meteorological Soci-
ety. He also intended for the system of observations to continue even after his
departure, publishing “Instructions for Making and Registering Meteorologi-
cal Observations at various Stations in South Africa” in 1838.15
Herschel also saw the tides as a field worthy of study, especially as his
friend William Whewell was making a study of them. Herschel assisted
Whewell by gathering tidal observations both at the Cape and from his
brother-in-law in Canton.16 Only in the field of geomagnetism did Herschel
fail to make any observations at the Cape. Writing to his aunt Caroline in
1836, he explained that while he had heard of Carl Gauss’ new method for
making geomagnetic observations, he lacked the necessary equipment to
carry them out in Africa.17
Herschel saw the value in setting up physical observatories around the
world for geophysical observations. In 1835 (a year before Humboldt’s letter
to the Royal Society) Herschel wrote extensively to Captain Francis Beau-
fort, the Royal Hydrographer, about the nature of such physical observato-
ries. Complaining about the proliferation of colonial astronomical
observatories, Herschel maintained that small, local observatories could con-
tribute little to astronomy. Rather, he believed that such establishments
should be converted to physical observatories to make observations concern-
ing magnetic intensity and direction, meteorology and the tides. Such obser-
vatories could also serve as centers to propagate accurate standards of
weights and measures in the colonies.18 These goals were some of those
which he had laid out for observing stations in the Preliminary Discourse in
1830.
13. Herschel; to Smythe, May 10, 1835. (Royal Society).

14. Herschel to Quetelet, June 15, 1837. (American Philosophical Society).
15. John Herschel, “Instructions for Making and Registering Meteorological Observations
in South Africa.” (Meteorological Committee of the South African Literary and Philosophi-
cal Institution, 1838).
16. Herschel to Stewart, November 25, 1835. David S. Evans, editor. Herschel at the Cape.
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1969); Herschel to Whewell, July 22, 1837 (Royal Soci-
ety).
17. Herschel to Caroline, March 8, 1836. Here Herschel apparently forgot an earlier
promise to Quetelet. Writing in 1831, Herschel had expressed interest in Quetelet’s new
magnetic observations, and vowed to “make a case of magnets a principal feature in my list
of apparatus,” should he travel again. Herschel to Quetelet, December 19, 1831. (Ameri-
can Philosophical Society).
18. Herschel to Beaufort, October 11, 1835. (Royal Society).
Although he was unable to make geomagnetic observations while in
Africa, Herschel did busy himself helping to set up colonial observatories
around the world to make geomagnetic, tidal and meteorological observa-
tions. Here he joined with Humboldt who had also urged the establishment of
observatories around the world for geomagnetic readings. Herschel differed
from Humboldt in that he believed that the observatories should focus on all
geophysical fields, not just geomagnetism.19 In 1836 Herschel played a role
in the establishment of a new observatory in Bombay. In 1837 he advised
George Gipps to set up a physical observatory in Australia for tidal, magnetic
and meteorological observations, rather than an astronomic one.20 Similarly
in mid-1838 he advised Captain Beaufort on establishing a physical observa-
tory on Mauritius.21
Herschel’s part in setting up observatories to provide the raw data for his
universal inductions brought him to change his mind about the individual
nature of scientific activity and the need for state involvement. In 1831, he
had argued that public funding for science was more than adequate.22 Now
realizing the value of the empire in the task of setting up colonial stations,
Herschel worked to bring state support into science. Such assistance not only
provided the necessary sites for observing stations, but also crucial coordina-
tion for simultaneous observing. Herschel saw the state as the patron of sci-
ence, but did not believe that it was necessarily required to back all scientific
ventures.
With the beginning of the lobby and a chance at state support for his
plans, Herschel reached one of the critical points in his scientific career. Up
to that point, he had helped to set up observatories around the world in a pri-
vate capacity by advising and writing letters of support. But his overall plan
of a more extensive global system of stations for the purpose of observing
seemed to be out of reach. In 1835 when he had laid out his plans for physical
observatories to Captain Beaufort, he had ended his letter by commenting
that “perhaps all of this is dreaming.”23 Writing to James Forbes in 1836, he
had expressed his desire to see a new class of physical observatories estab-
lished, but regretted that he had “not now the time to enter into” such a
project.24 His work in South Africa kept him too busy to become more
involved in physical observations, but on his return to England in the spring
of 1838, he was finally able to devote his time to it.
19. Herschel to Forbes, November 15, 1836. (St. Andrew’s University Library).
20. Herschel to Gipps, December 27, 1837. (Royal Society).
21. Herschel to Beaufort, June 29, 1838; Herschel to Beaufort, July 22, 1838. (Royal
Society).
22. Herschel to Hussey, August 2/3, 1831. (Royal Society).
23. Herschel to Beaufort, October 11, 1835. (Royal Society).
24. Herschel to Forbes, November 15, 1836. (St. Andrew’s University Library).
Thus Herschel already harbored a desire to create a system of global
observatories in the British colonies by the summer of 1838, before the lobby
for the Crusade even began. While in Africa, he came to accept the utility of
establishing observing stations in British colonies. Eventually he embraced
the involvement of the state in science as necessary when he looked to the
British colonial world to supply sites for observatories. Accepting that his
individual efforts were insufficient to set up enough stations to furnish the
observations which could provide inductive legitimacy, he decided to go
directly to the British Government. In the absence of the now dissolved
Board of Longitude, he appealed through another institution which had an
interest in geomagnetism, the Admiralty.
In an important letter of June 1838, shortly after his return from Africa,
Herschel laid out his proposal to his friend Captain Beaufort. Citing the
recent success of Humboldt’s continental geomagnetic stations, he proposed
the establishment of a similar system of observations “over the whole surface
of the globe, and especially of establishing permanent magnetic stations at
the Cape, in India, Australia and other points within the range of British
superintendence.” Herschel stressed the need for stations in addition to the
new voyages of discovery which had become common in recent years. He
particularly concentrated on the field of geomagnetism, arguing the impor-
tance of a knowledge of terrestrial magnetism and urging observations in
India and the Southern hemisphere, where less was known. These observa-
tions corresponded to regions of British colonial expansion.25
This letter is important because it shows that Herschel had already
reached the conclusion that a global system of observation points was neces-
sary to provide data, even before British scientists began to lobby for the
same objective. He even appealed to Humboldt to help him in his private
efforts to bring the British government on board. He hoped that Humboldt
would back his plan for a series of colonial observatories at the Cape, India,
Australia and Mauritius (or “in short as many stations as possible in the
English colonial possessions”) in correspondence with those in Europe.26
While Herschel felt he had every reason to hope that his suggestion might be
adopted, his private appeal came to nothing. But his failure to convince the
Admiralty to go along with his plan in the summer of 1838 provides a clue as
to why Herschel joined the lobby for the Magnetic Crusade that Fall.
Summary
In the lobby for the Crusade, Herschel’s philosophical system and his
influence helped to push the stations into an equal position with the expedi-
25. Herschel to Beaufort, June 29, 1838. (Royal Society).
26. Herschel to Humboldt, July 31, 1838. (Royal Society).
tion in the overall project. Twice he went out of his way to keep them there
even when the lobby was having troubles. He also served as a liaison
between the scientific lobby and the East India Company, which was inter-
ested in establishing its own colonial observing posts in the subcontinent.27
The addition of East India Company stations completed the worldwide scope
of the project.28
The establishment of the stations not only began the global data collection
for which Herschel had been pushing since the previous year, it also helped to
tie Britain into the existing international community of magnetic observato-
ries. Long after the Antarctic expedition was over, data continued to be gen-
erated by the stations in the British colonies. In the months after the launch of
the Crusade, Herschel worked to expand these stations beyond the few origi-
nally approved by the government. In July 1839, Sabine reported on one of
Herschel’s latest attempts for an observatory in Egypt. “You are aware that
we have written to the pasha of Egypt,” he exclaimed to Lloyd. “This is Her-
schel’s doing.”29
The expansion of the Crusade to include fixed observatories also tied the
scientific venture more closely to the imperial apparatus of the British state.
This element benefited the project both by helping to secure government sup-
port and extending the number of stations and the places where they could be
located. Government backing insured continued funding for the scientific
project, while the state gained prestige and scientific information on tides,
navigation and climate that could benefit imperial expansion. Indeed, the
Crusade fit nicely into the existing imperial policy on science. Already the
Admiralty was sponsoring geographical surveys of India; in the fall of 1838,
governors of British colonies were asked to begin keeping records on storms
and winds.30
That the idea for such an extensive system of stations originated with Her-
schel seems clear. Neither Lloyd nor Sabine had been willing to suggest such
a plan when the lobby began.31 The addition of the observatories to the Cru-
27. Herschel to Robertson, August 6, 1838. (Royal Society).

28. Lloyd to Sabine, November 30, 1839. (Public Record Office). Observatories were
established at Simla, Madras and Bombay. Whewell, III:50.
29. Sabine to Lloyd, July 5, 1839. (Royal Society). See Herschel to Northamp-
ton, August 1, 1839. (Royal Society): “Resolved - that the President be
requested to apply to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs for a letter intro-
ducing & recommending the magnetic circular of this society to the notice of
his highness the pasha of Egypt, to be delivered with that circular to his high-
ness.”
30. Circular to Governors of British Colonies, November 29, 1838. Matthew Maury.
Explanations and Sailing Directions to accompany the Wind and Current Charts. (Washing-
ton: Harris, 1858), 27.
31. Lloyd to Herschel, August 4, 1838; Sabine to Herschel, August 4, 1838. (Royal Soci-
ety)
sade was an act supported and defended by Herschel. Sabine later came to
see them as the more important half despite his affection for a naval expedi-
tion. Later he wrote to Lloyd:
I believe with you that the results of the system of fixed observatories will
eventually be even more important than those of the naval expedition, and
that, particularly, establishment of the observatories will constitute in the
view of our successors as of much more consequence than the expedition &
its results.32
Sabine now embraced the observatories despite their lower profile.33 Her-
schel was still operating in the same vein as he had been when he had helped
to set up meteorological observatories while in Africa, still looking for ways
to universalize induction to find physical theory. By setting up observatories
which could conduct global observations across significant periods of time,
Herschel thought that he could find a solution to deriving general, universal
laws from particular data. Herschel’s participation in the Magnetic Crusade
can be seen as a continuation of the work he had been doing for years before.
Inspired by his belief that universal knowledge was possible and that the
weaknesses of induction could be eliminated with enough physical data
spread out over time and place, he pursued the goal of founding stations
around the world for the purposes of simultaneous physical observations.
In a letter to François Arago of October 1839, Herschel spelled out his
reasons and motives for his participation in the Crusade. He saw this occa-
sion as a truly unique moment in the history of science to extend physical
observations on a global scale, an
opportunity such as may probably never again occur of fixing for future ages
– so to speak at a blow…the magnetic data…upon a scale which may be said
without exaggeration to embrace the whole globe and which shall spread over
a period sufficiently long to give complete room for the elimination of all that
is accidental and temporary. 34
Hoping to gain French assistance in setting up an observatory in Algiers,
Herschel described his recent successes. In addition to the stations set up by
the expedition, new stations had been founded in India. Applications had
been made for others at Aden and Singapore, and Herschel hoped that the
USA would soon become involved. Britain was now connected to an interna-
tional system of observing and Herschel’s dream of inductive certainty and
32. Sabine to Lloyd, December 20, 1839. (Royal Society).

33. “I am fully persuaded of myself, that except by three or four individuals the impor-
tance of the magnetic observatories is not yet known or felt in this country; and that that is
the reason why the branch of the magnetic researches has been so inadequately noticed.”
Sabine to Herschel, December 16, 1839. (Royal Society).
34. Herschel to Arago, October 30, 1839. (University of Texas, Austin).
its need for simultaneous, continuous observations around the world was
becoming a reality.
Herschel was still thinking on a global scale. While the Crusade may have
been sold to the British Government as a boon to navigation and commerce,
in many ways it represented science’s use of the apparatus of state for its own
ends. For Herschel, the Magnetic Crusade provided an opportunity to fulfill
the scientific quest which he had begun years earlier in his Preliminary Dis-
course with its proposal to use stations to collect worldwide data which could
be transmitted back to develop new theories. This plan had continued in his
1835 letter to Captain Beaufort concerning physical observatories and in his
1838 appeal to the Admiralty to set up observatories in British colonies.35 His
plans finally came to fruition through the fixed stations established by the
Magnetic Crusade, which set up the first of dozens of points around the world
connected back into Humboldt’s continental observatories in a single system.
As Whewell later summarized, “such a scheme, combining worldwide extent
with the singleness of action of an individual mind, [was] hitherto without
parallel.”36 Thus Herschel fulfilled Humboldt’s colonial plan while working
towards his own goals for a new universal inductive science.
35. Herschel was obviously impressed by his 1835 letter to Beaufort. As late as 1842 he
referred Wheatstone to it as a reference for the necessary qualities of physical observato-
ries. Herschel to Wheatstone, June 17, 1842. (Royal Society).
36. Whewell, III:51.
CHAPTER 42 Writing Science
Renata Schellenberg
Alexander von Humboldt begins his Ansichten der Natur with a rather curi-
ous disclaimer. In the preface to the first edition of the work he reveals to his
readers that the descriptions of his journey to South America may not contain
the authoritative truth about everything that he has seen. He admits that many
of the observations made by him of his travels were based on faulty scientific
criteria, because they were informed by personal perception, rather than by
fact alone and that, hence, they may lack some of the exactitude one associ-
ates with a purely methodical observation of nature. However, by conceding
his subjective approach to nature, Humboldt does not wish to discredit the
scientific merit of the work at hand, nor does he want to take way from the
principled and investigative way in which he conducted his journey. Instead,
he uses it to bolster a personal and deeply-rooted scientific notion of having
the experience of nature as the important criterium of making sense of the
world around him.
In order to maintain emphasis on the significance of subjective percep-
tion, Humboldt clearly separated the essays from their Erläuterungen, the
copious scientific explanations that accompanied each text and in which he
documented his research with an empirical eye and mathematical precision.1
The addition of these notes to the main body of essays make the scientific
value of his journey an incontestable fact, because the data is the solid proof
that Humboldt did conduct actual work on his journey, and that he was not
preoccupied with artistic observation alone. However, while the notes do pro-
vide an invaluable positivistic resource to future explorers and scientists
alike, Humboldt also makes a point of directing his readers not to consider
the notes the central aspect of the text itself. His great accomplishment in
1. Only unabridged editions of Ansichten Der Natur include the scientific addition. See
Hanno Beck’s edition: Ansichten der Natur: erster und zweiter Band (Darmstadt:
Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1987.
519
accumulating and systematizing the diverse data from his trip is to be under-
stood as serving a particular purpose, namely to support his “ästhetische
Behandlung”2 (aesthetic treatment) of nature, which, as he outlines, is the
preferred way in which he wants his work to be understood.
Thus, rather than instigating a need in his readers to adopt a scientific
mind set and a sophisticated usage of current terminology in order to compre-
hend his writings, Humboldt invites them to approach them as a readable
organic whole, encouraging them to trust (rather than question) the informa-
tion rendered and to see it as relevant, despite its apparent disparateness and
novelty. By prefacing his work in such a way, Humboldt garners a particular
type of accessibility for his text, one that is clearly not predetermined only by
intellectual preparedness or by elitist academic principles. Instead of enforc-
ing such regulated standards of perception, he engages with his readers in a
more companionable way, by connecting with them at a level of their general
curiosity and, more importantly, suspense. In addition to opening up the text
to an audience larger than the scientific community alone, the presence of
these qualities in the narrative benefit Humboldt, as the author, in other ways
as well, for they allow him to convey his experiences in a thoroughly authen-
tic manner, i.e. in the way he himself perceived them.
Rather than recontextualizing his travel experiences into proper scientific
form, whereby he would convert his observations into a clinical formulaic
expression, Humboldt is able to maintain a narrative vigour in his descrip-
tions that defies institutional categorization. He does this foremost by adopt-
ing a comparative mode of depiction. Rather than portraying new phenomena
with an explorer’s sense of their uniqueness, he makes a point of describing
them in terms that will not alienate the reader, but which will enable him/her
to envision them in comprehensible terms. Thus, in describing the steppes of
South America, he compares them to moorlands of Northern Europe in order
to render an image that his reader can easily identify with.3 The relational
terms in which he writes makes the text immensely readable, allowing Hum-
boldt to extrapolate his ideas even further, which in this case, means connect-
ing the South American llanos with Asian and African planes, which, as we
should point out, he, by this point, has not seen.4 By resorting to this type of
technique, and enticing his readers to consider such (unimaginable) things,
Humboldt clearly issues his own poetic licence, deviating from the course of
scientific truth, and embarking into his own sense of truthfulness.
2. Alexander von Humboldt, Ansichten der Natur ed. Adolf - Meyer - Abich (Stuttgart:
Reclam, 2003). This particular edition of Ansichten der Natur is used throughout the
present study.
3. Ansichten der Natur, 12.
4. Humboldt, Ansichten der Natur, 21.
Writing Science 521
It is important to emphasize that Humboldt recognizes his inexact grasp
of the truth. He repeatedly admits that his apprehension of reality within the
texts has obvious shortcomings, and thus, even though the experience is
authentic, the knowledge may not be. This is an entirely different tone than
that used by Humboldt in his role as scientist in the separate section contain-
ing the Erläuterungen and Zusätze, for there he evaluated phenomena with
scientific rigidity, mediating his understanding of them with the usage of
apparati and standard jargon. In the essays he is less rigorous in applying
such a standardized methodology, because he resorts to other, less precise
sources. Thus, while narrating his travels, he often relies on local folklore to
clarify the phenomena he encounters, departing entirely from any scholarly
mode of comprehension. He regularly includes the opinions and expertise of
his Dolmetscher (translator) into the text, allowing a local voice to formulate
his impressions, expose his own ignorance and translate the phenomena with
meaning into his writings. The presence of this “other” authority also
changes the feel of the text significantly, because the inclusion of this indige-
nous voice makes the landscape depicted seem authentically lived, rather
than merely visited by an outsider.
An instance of how Humboldt chooses to integrate the indigenous narra-
tive voice is, for example, his depiction of the Mapires, a type of body casket
that was found by his expedition in an ancient graveyard off the Orinoco.
Rather than researching the background of this site himself, he relays the leg-
end of the Guareca Indians to explain the origin of the skeletons found, opt-
ing to confine his understanding of the discovery to their folklore alone.
Although scientifically inexact, his technique proves to be extremely effec-
tive for his readers. Thus, the Guereca story is so charming and so vivid, that
upon hearing it in Germany a friend of Humboldt became so inspired that he
wrote a poem about the Aturen people, whose bones the site supposedly con-
tained.5
In addition to validating the culture and knowledge of the local people in
an obvious way, the inclusion of oral narrative truths into his reports should
also be read as Humboldt’s implicit criticism of the traditional means of epis-
temological communication as they were made available to him. Even before
departing for South America he encountered a lot of practical misinforma-
tion, as he travelled (and struggled) with inaccurate maps, flawed measure-
ments, and false guides throughout his trip through the European continent.
In the New World more geographical blunders quickly became apparent. In
travelling down the Orinoco Humboldt tactfully notes that one seeks the
Dorado Laguna in vain (“vergebens”6), for the available Arrowsmith map he
5. The title of the poem is “Der Aturen-Papagai”; Humboldt Ansichten der

Natur, 52.
had was wrong, and the 20 miles-long sea indicated on it, does not, in fact
exist. Humboldt’s indication of this mistake is fruitful, however, for it rein-
forces the inexact and unorthodox methodology he himself chose to adopt in
his writings. Thus, after citing Arrowsmith’s error, Humboldt is able to con-
tinue with his descriptions of the Orinoco with such adjectives as “fabelhaft,”
story/dream-like, and is able to cite the legends of the “Eingeborene,”7 the
natives, as the appropriate tone, and authoritative source of information for
the course of his travels.
After rejecting the stringent guidelines of the scientific jargon (which,
despite appearances of precision, has proven to be faulty) Humboldt is free to
adopt a descriptively analytical mode of writing. His descriptions of the
Orinoco become especially lyrical, as he employs a series of vague, and
highly unscientific, adjectives. The flowers are, in his view, blühende (flow-
ering), and they cover the water wiesenartig (like on a meadow). The water,
on the other hand, is strömend (streaming) and schäumend (bubbly). Exotic
flora is frequently described as herrlich (divine), malerisch (picture-like) and
sonderbar (odd). The conclusions he derives from his observations are simi-
larly vague and liable to more than one simple interpretation. Thus, rather
than using concrete verbs like beweisen (to prove) or zeigen (to show) to con-
clude a thought, Humboldt adopts a more suggestive vocabulary, alluding to
the fact that the images in his depictions might have a tentative impact, con-
vincing us (“überzeugen”8) or leading us to believe (“zu erkennen glauben”9)
a certain thing.
In order to embrace this sense of veracity that cannot be regulated by rules
of scientific convention, Humboldt’s modifies the tone of his prose as well.
Throughout the text he repeatedly reminds his reader that language is an
unreliable means of communicating everything that he has seen, and that, in
consequence, they should treat it as the tenuous medium it is. Thus, rather
than questioning the phenomena he depicts, he encourages the reader to ques-
tion the text that he writes and with which he seeks to express phenomena,
and to appropriate or disregard it as they see fit. He also quite clearly indi-
cates that his Naturschilderungen (depictions of nature) were not made with
the sole intention of educating his readers, but they are also meant to have an
effect. He also notes that in order for nature to have the largest Wirkung possi-
ble, it is first and foremost necessary that one be receptive and in harmony,
“Einklang”10 with their senses, and not their intellect.

7. Humboldt, Ansichten der Natur, 37-38.
Writing Science 523
In addition to highlighting the linguistic deficit he encounters in providing
truthful descriptions, he also points out many existing mistakes already in use
and in the language. For example, he speaks of the etymology of the river
Orinoco, claiming that its name must be a Sprachverwirrung,11 a linguistic
mistake, for the original explorers overlooked the generic word for “river”
which the natives used, and imposed the name “Orinoco” instead, which was
not at all in keeping with local tradition. The attention paid by him to the arti-
ficiality (and meaninglessness!) of the existing nomenclature encourages the
reader to disregard the language of the text further, forcing him/her to con-
sider it as a purely arbitrary means of communication, which is much in the
same vein as Humboldt himself sees the matter.
Humboldt himself takes up the issue of linguistic inadequacy in his essay
“Das nächtliche Tieleben im Urwalde,” an essay that purports to be about
nocturnal animal life in the jungle. What is significant about this particular
manuscript is that it is largely a theoretical essay in which Humboldt first and
foremost engages in a protracted discussion about language and scientific
discourse. He openly contends that language is a contrived medium that
alienates, or as he expresses it turns away, “abwenden,” natural phenomena
from its original meaning. In the same breath, he speaks of an imposed, but
limiting, “literarische Willkür,”12 literary arbitrariness, which, in describing
natural phenomena, quite blatantly disregards the multifariousness of the nat-
ural world, for the benefit of maintaining a standard and uniform scientific
expression.
In his essay he argues for a more flexible and a more fanciful linguistic
competence. Imagination is not contrary to intellect, and in order to do justice
to nature, so Humboldt implies, one must investigate and experiment with
different modes of depiction. In doing so, the writer of nature should not be
seen as violating the protocol and procedure of the scientific establishment,
but rather s/he should be seen as attempting to achieve a degree of Natur-
wahrheit, a truthfulness about nature, which as Humboldt indicates is the pur-
pose of all writing on nature: “Das unablässige Streben nach dieser Wahrheit
ist im Auffassen wie in der Wahl des bezeichnenden Ausdruckes der Zweck
aller Naturbeschreibungen.”13
To achieve an authenticity capable of corresponding to this desired “truth-
ful depiction” it is necessary to move away from abstract notions and pre-
scriptive theories of nature. Rather than embracing a predetermined view of
nature, absorbed from scientific studies and similar objective analyses, when
describing natural phenomena one should draw upon the subjective percep-

tion first, an act that Humboldt defines as “[das] Selbstbeobachtet” and “[das]
Selbsterlebte.”14 In his view, the individual’s percept of nature is a powerful
sensation that is more accurate than theory, for in recording one’s immediate
perception one brings the “Gegenwart der Erscheinung,”15 the presence of the
phenomenon, to the page with a trustworthiness and truthfulness that does
justice to the true incommensurability of the natural world.
In closing, it is important to point out several other things about Ansichten
der Natur and language. Like Kosmos, it was a work that was written by
Humboldt in German; those two texts being the only two seminal mono-
graphs that he chose to write in his native tongue. Having emphasized that, it
is also necessary to note that many of the celebrated works he chose to pub-
lish in French were based on information derived from his Tagebücher, jour-
nals that he wrote in German; which means that he was never really far from
his mother tongue in conducting and recording any of his research. Further-
more, whether it was due to its linguistic particularities or to some other alter-
nate reason, Ansichten der Natur seemed to occupy special prominence in
Humboldt’s personal recollection of his written work. Even after completing
his Lenbenswerk Kosmos in 1845 he fondly remembered this youthful collec-
tion of essays. In a letter to his friend Varnhagen, written in 1849, he referred
to Ansichten der Natur as his “Lieblingswerk,”16 proving that despite the pas-
sage of time and his other great successes that this particular view of nature
was never far from his mind nor from his method.

16. Alexander von Humboldt, Briefe von Alexander von Humboldt an Varnhagen von Ense
aus den Jahren 1827 bis 1858 (Leipzig: Brodhaus, 1860).
CHAPTER 43 Afectos Científicos
Italianos
Marisa Vannini de Gerulewicz
Cuando Alejandro de Humboldt salió de su nativa Alemania, poseído del
noble afán investigador, deseoso de alcanzar el más perfecto conocimiento de
la naturaleza a través de una acuciosa observación del entorno natural en
otras latitudes, llevaba consigo un extraordinario bagaje cultural: el inmenso
caudal de nociones de los hombres ilustrados de su tiempo, que abarcaba lo
antiguo y lo contemporáneo, las ciencias y las artes.
Junto con sus instrumentos de exploración y aparatos de medición, por-
taba otras herramientas, las intelectuales, que le permitirían encontrar, proce-
sar y dar forma a la importante y vasta información que recibiría en sus
viajes. Eran las herramientas del saber, todo un cúmulo de ideas, doctrinas,
teorías científicas y filosóficas, investigaciones y libros consultados e inter-
nalizados en largas horas de estudio y reflexión. Era su tesoro personal, un
acervo de sapiencia universal, nutrido por el diáfano pensamiento de los
grandes clásicos de la filosofía y la literatura grecolatinas, Aristóteles, Platón,
Homero, Heródoto, Plinio, Virgilio, Dante. Al mismo tiempo, llevaba en sí la
huella y la visión de los legendarios pioneros del quehacer científico:
geógrafos, matemáticos, físicos y astrónomos de la antigüedad, genios tute-
lares de la ciencia, que le brindaron inspiración y fueron norte de sus impor-
tantes pesquisas naturalistas.
También los avances de los sabios y teóricos de su tiempo con novedosas
doctrinas e hipótesis insólitas, formaban parte del compendio de conocimien-
tos de Humboldt, y determinaron en cierta forma el curso de sus investiga-
ciones. Bullía en él el ansia de aventuras y de superación tan propia del
espíritu romántico, que lo impulsaba a marchar hacia lo infinito y lo descono-
cido en busca de azares y hallazgos. Lo seducían también con igual fuerza los
impresionantes relatos de hiperbólicos cronistas y fantasiosos expedicionar-
ios, audaces viajeros que antes que él trazaron sendas en la selva, sortearon
525
ríos turbulentos, treparon escarpadas cumbres, develaron rutas ignotas, secre-
tas regiones hasta entonces inexploradas, tan sólo para dejar fiel memoria de
todo lo observado, portentosas y exaltadas crónicas, que incitaban a constatar
aquellos asombrosos prodigios y maravillas.
Tal vastedad de criterios, tal inquietud intelectual, eran de esperarse en un
hombre ilustrado del siglo XVIII, tiempo luminoso, pródigo en ansias de
saber, no sólo en forma teórica o escolástica, sino a través de experiencias,
viajes e incursiones por territorios prohibidos, secularmente tildados de peli-
grosos, morada de innumerables acechos, ardides, de males físicos y espiritu-
ales.
Entre las múltiples influencias, creencias, conocimientos e ideologías que
gravitaban sobre Humboldt, es preciso señalar un aspecto singular: su evi-
dente y entrañable vinculación con la cultura italiana. En su vida y en diver-
sos escritos se advierte un profundo afecto por Italia, su cautivante historia,
sus grandes autores.
Enamorado del arte renacentista y del modo de ser renacentista, el genial
viajero recorrió el norte de la península itálica entre 1795 y 1797, y continuó
manteniendo asidua correspondencia con científicos e intelectuales italianos.
La huella de esa Italia creadora y fabulosa, esa Italia clásica plena de historia
y saber, estaba viva en él como lo estuvo en muchos poetas y pensadores de
su tiempo: Schiller, Goethe, Byron, que hallaron prístina inspiración en la
savia de la memorable campiña toscana.
Encontramos claras manifestaciones del afecto de Humboldt por la cul-
tura italiana en su densa obra Viaje a las Regiones Equinocciales del Nuevo
Continente, hecho en 1799,1800, 1801 y 18041 en la cual, a pesar de su clara
orientación cientificista, resalta una prosa poética, un lenguaje depurado y
fino que nada envidia a los literatos de la época. Recuerda a Dante Alighieri
cuando alza los ojos hacia la Cruz del Sur resplandeciente en la bóveda
estrellada:
Io mi volsi a man destra e posi mente
All’altro polo e vidi quattro stelle
Non viste mai fuor ch’alla prima gente
Goder parea lo ciel di lor fiammelle,
O settentrional vedovo sito
Poi che privato se’ di mirar quelle!
Luego, ante la estremecedora fuerza telúrica del paisaje americano,
acosado por el calor y los desesperantes zancudos, cita los inhóspitos parajes
1. Para el presente trabajo hemos utilizado la siguiente edición: Humboldt, Alejandro

de, Viaje a las Regiones Equinocciales del Nuevo Continente, hecho en 1799, 1800, 1801,
1802 y 1804. Traducción de Lisandro Alvarado y Eduardo Rohl. Caracas Ed. ME. 1941-2.
(5 vols.)
Afectos Científicos Italianos 527
de la cittá dolente, descritos por el eximio poeta toscano en el Canto III del
Infierno:2
noi sem venuti al luogo ov’io ho detto
che tu vedrai le genti dolorose ...
En sus observaciones sobre la naturaleza tropical alude a las investiga-
ciones del geógrafo veneciano Adriano Balbi3, con quien compara sus pro-
pias conclusiones en cuanto a la topografía y orografía de las regiones
recorridas. Así mismo se refiere al astrónomo napolitano Francesco Fontana4,
cuya obra fue decisiva para los navegantes del siglo XVI. Entre las de otros
cronistas, cita ampliamente la discutida Historia del Mondo Nuovo del
milanés Girolamo Benzoni, haciéndose eco de la dolorosa sorpresa y rechazo
de Benzoni ante la trata de indios5.
Humboldt no duda en resaltar generosamente los viajes del audaz
geógrafo florentino Amerigo Vespucci, a quien tildará sin embargo de
“astuto,” (opinión compartida por muchos) al tomar para sí el mérito de dar
nombre a una tierra recién develada, en desmedro de su gran descubridor, el
ilustre almirante genovés, por quien el viajero germano revela sentir verdad-
era admiración.
A través de su recorrido por el lujuriante río Orinoco, maravillado ante la
variada fauna de la zona, el infatigable explorador llevará como guía y mae-
stro, “exacto y juicioso,” al “buen padre” Filippo Salvatore Gilii, agudo cron-
ista y explorador italiano originario de Legogne, de quien conocía el
excelente tratado sobre la naturaleza tropical: Saggio di Storia Americana6.
Y no sólo la Italia clásica influye en el pensamiento y la obra de Hum-
boldt. También los importantes intelectuales italianos de su misma época, con
sus originales indagaciones, teorías, avances y experimentos, lo llenaban de
entusiasmo y espoleaban su imaginación. De sus descubrimientos se vale
dignamente, sin escamotear méritos, sin restar brillos. Los cita a menudo en
sus escritos, recurre con sabia humildad a sus teorías y opiniones.
Eran afectos científicos, amigos intelectuales que también formaron parte
del interminable arsenal de conocimientos con los cuales Humboldt abordó
2. Viaje a las Regiones Equinocciales del Nuevo Continente, respectivamente Libro I, p.
206 y Libro IV, p. 58.
3. Fue Adriano Balbi (1782-1848) un destacado estadista que, sin pretender rivalizar
con los grandes maestros en las nuevas vías abiertas a los estudios geográficos, se dedicó a
sistematizar y divulgar con diligencia y precisión los conocimientos geográficos de la
época.
4. El astrónomo napolitano Francesco Fontana (1580-1656), estuvo entre los primeros
en utilizar el telescopio para la observación celeste, diseñando una carta lunar (1644 ) y
descubriendo la rotación del planeta Marte.
5. Humboldt tuvo que haber leído en italiano la obra del discutido y contestatario
milanés Girolamo Benzoni, (n.1519), cuya primera edición circuló por toda Europa a partir
de 1563, pues en ese idioma la cita amplia y textualmente.
6. El Padre Filippo Salvatore Gilii (1721-1789) sacerdote y misionero jesuita, transcur-
rió gran parte de su vida entre los indígenas del Orinoco.
esa difícil tarea que significó la observación de la avasallante naturaleza del
Nuevo Mundo.
Uno de sus más notorios afectos itálicos, constante presencia en viajes y
experiencias, fue el que nutrió por el destacado sabio Luigi Galvani7, con
base a cuyos aportes emprendió algunas investigaciones en las cuales lo nom-
bra reiteradamente, mientras en la descripción de sus propios experimentos y
en la redacción de sus ensayos emplea frecuentemente términos como galva-
nismo, fluido galvánico, galvanizado, y otras numerosas acotaciones y expre-
siones que reflejan el gran valor que le atribuía.
El prestigioso fisiólogo italiano, que mereció el honor más grande al que
puede aspirar un hombre de ciencia, dar su nombre a un fenómeno físico nat-
ural, era egresado de la antigua Universidad de Bolonia, su ciudad natal, en la
cual en 1762 presentó brillantemente su tesis médica sobre sistema óseo, lo
que le valió ser nombrado profesor de Anatomía. Su labor científica se
propagó rápidamente en toda Europa a partir de 1791, año de la publicación,
por parte de la Academia de Ciencias de Bolonia, de su obra De viribus elec-
tricitatis in motu musculari commentarius, en la que después de muchos y
rigurosos experimentos enuncia una teoría general, según la cual todos los
animales están dotados de una particular electricidad, inherente a su estruc-
tura, que se polariza en nervios y músculos. En esta teoría cada fibra repre-
senta en cierta forma una botella de Leyden8, en la cual los nervios son los
conductores, y el fluido que es atraído del interior de los músculos a los nerv-
ios, pasa después de aquellos a la superficie de los primeros, de forma tal que
a cada descarga de este dispositivo eléctrico orgánico, corresponde una con-
tracción.
El descubrimiento del insigne bononiense, punto de partida de la electro-
fisiología, de la cual derivan la electroterapia y la electrobiología modernas,
produjo gran revuelo, su nombre se popularizó, y se le celebra como descu-
7. Luigi Galvani, (1737-1798), descubridor del fenómeno de la electricidad animal

denominado por Humboldt galvanismo, que promovió diversas aplicaciones en las ciencias
médicas y físicas y ha llegado hasta nuestros días, extendiéndose a las técnicas del galva-
nizado aplicadas a metales, automóviles y techos de cinc galvanizados.
8. Botella de Leyden, uno de los condensadores más simples, descubierto alrededor de
1745, de forma independiente, por el físico holandés Pieter van Musschenbroek de la Uni-
versidad de Leyden y el físico alemán Ewald Georg von Kleist. Era una botella de cristal
llena de agua y cerrada, con un alambre o una aguja que traspasaba el tapón y estaba en
contacto con el agua. La botella se cargaba sujetándola con una mano y poniendo la parte
saliente del alambre en contacto con un dispositivo eléctrico. Cuando se interrumpía el
contacto entre el alambre y la fuente eléctrica y se tocaba el alambre con la mano, se pro-
ducía una descarga. La botella de Leyden actual está recubierta por una capa de estaño
tanto por la parte interior como por la exterior. El contacto eléctrico se realiza con una
barra de latón que atraviesa el tapón de la botella y que está en contacto con la capa inte-
rior de metal mediante una cadena. Se produce una descarga completa cuando se conectan
las dos capas por medio de un conductor. La botella de Leyden se utiliza todavía para
demostraciones y experimentos en los laboratorios. (adaptado de Enciclopedia Encarta
Microsoft, 2000)
bridor del fenómeno de la llamada “electricidad animal.” Su teoría desplazó
completamente la medieval doctrina del “espíritu animal,” que desde los anti-
guos había llegado hasta pensadores tan lúcidos como Galileo y Descartes. El
singular fenómeno que descubrió y que lo haría inmortal ocurrió, según
algunos, accidentalmente: aseguran que Galvani dictaba su clase de cirugía y
disección y al tocar con el bisturí el nervio del anca de una rana contenida en
un recipiente de metal, la extremidad del animal se contrajo. Otros hasta
aventuran que el científico preparaba un caldo de ranas, según una tradicional
receta boloñesa, cuando tocó con el cuchillo el músculo de la rana y se
produjo la contracción, a pesar de estar muerto el animal.
Producto de largas investigaciones y experimentos o acaso, secundado
por el azar, Galvani capturó el instante, supo ver ese destello súbito que le
señalaba el camino de un valioso hallazgo. Posteriormente, profundizando el
alcance de estos mismos experimentos galvánicos, otro notable italiano,
Alessandro Volta (1745–1827), comprobaría que dos metales al pasar a
través de un medio alcalino producen una descarga eléctrica, y construiría la
primera pila eléctrica.9 Pero Volta, en sus investigaciones, se apropió de
muchos de los hallazgos de Galvani, y al poco tiempo se formaron en Europa
dos irreconciliables facciones científicas: los defensores de la originalidad de
las invenciones de Galvani y los seguidores de Volta. Humboldt se adhirió a
los primeros y jamás dejó de admirar y defender el trabajo de Galvani, sin el
cual, obviamente, el de Volta no hubiese podido llegar a concretarse.
Constante promotor de su descubrimiento, creador, junto con el físico
francés Alibert, de la palabra “galvanismo” para denominarlo, fue su más
grande y fiel admirador y defensor y sostuvo tempranamente la veracidad e
importancia de los experimentos de Galvani en su obra Versuche über die
gereitzte Muskel und Nervenfaser, nebst Vermuthungen uber den chemischen
Process des Lebens in der Thier und Pflanzenwelt. (Ensayo sobre los múscu-
los y los nervios excitados y algunas consideraciones sobre el proceso
químico de la vida en animales y plantas). El texto, publicado a partir de
1792 en Berlín, presenta las propias experiencias científicas de Humboldt
basadas en las teorías galvanianas, realizadas en el Anfiteatro de Jena, utili-
zando ranas tal como lo hacía Galvani, y tomando como sujeto de experimen-
9. La pila de Volta, fabricada hacia 1800 por el físico italiano Alessandro Volta, fue el
primer generador de corriente eléctrica continua. Consiste en un cilindro o pila formado
por varios discos de metales diferentes, colocados alternativamente y separados por otros
discos de cartón empapados en una disolución de agua salada. Un hilo metálico que une el
último disco metálico con el primero conduce una corriente eléctrica. Volta construyó la
primera pila, según su propia descripción, preparando cierto número de discos de cobre y
de cinc junto con discos de cartón empapados en una disolución de agua salada. Después
apiló estos discos comenzando por cualquiera de los metálicos, por ejemplo uno de cobre, y
sobre éste uno de cinc, sobre el cual colocó uno de los discos mojados y después uno de
cobre, y así sucesivamente hasta formar una columna o “pila”. Al conectar unas tiras
metálicas a ambos extremos consiguió obtener chispas. (adaptado de Enciclopedia Encarta
Microsoft, 2000)
tación su propio cuerpo.10 Para mayor auspicio del científico italiano

Humboldt propició luego una edición en francés, Experiénces sur le Galva-
nisme, et en general sur l’irritation des fibres musculaires et nerveuses. Trad.
de l’allem. par Gruvel avec des additions par E.N. Jadelot. Paris, Fuchs,
1799, y más tarde otra en español: Experiencias acerca del Galvanismo y en
general sobre la irritación den las fibras musculares y nerviosas, traducido
del alemán al francés y publicado con algunas adiciones por J.F.N. Jadelot y
en castellano por D.A.D.I.M. Dos tomos, ocho láminas, Madrid, Imprenta de
la Administración del Real Arbitrio de Beneficencia, 1803. Estos estudios
humboldtianos confirmaron que las contracciones musculares pueden ser
obtenidas sin el uso de metales, según la doctrina galvaniana, y constituyeron
un importante medio de afirmación y divulgación de las teorías de Galvani.
Al año de la publicación del ensayo galvaniano, Humboldt suscribe junto
con Alibert (tan entusiasta de Galvani que había fundado en Francia una
“Societé Galvanique” y el periódico Journal du Galvanisme) un elogio de
Galvani, en el cual ambos aseguran que la aplicación del galvanismo en el
arte de curar daría lugar a mayores investigaciones y abriría caminos a la
curación de afecciones reumáticas, nerviosas, convulsiones y tétanos. Los
dos sabios recomiendan una más profunda atención a las teorías galvanianas,
y Humboldt insiste en su estudio y aplicación:
La doctrina del galvanismo no esparcirá más luz sobre la medicina
práctica, hasta que se le estudie debidamente con el fin de calcular
la excitabilidad de un nervio o músculo.
Además, en sus experimentos y observaciones Humboldt trabajó con-
stantemente con los varios y complicados dispositivos creados por el prolí-
fico profesor de Bolonia, empeñándose en optimizarlos, lo que continuó
haciendo aún después de la muerte del científico bononiense, ocurrida en
1798. En la Lista de instrumentos de física y astronomía que trae consigo en
su viaje al trópico (los cuales venía reuniendo desde 1797 y que afortunada-
mente, no siendo fáciles de reemplazar, le sirvieron hasta 1804), incluye los
“aparatos Gálvanicos,” que seguirá mencionando a lo largo de su recorrido.
Como dato anecdótico, recordaremos que eran muchos los instrumentos que
acompañaban a Humboldt, cuya compendiosa lista y somera descripción que
abarcan varias páginas del primer tomo del “Viaje...” cierra el naturalista con
la pintoresca frase:
y además, un gran número de útiles que necesitan los viajeros para reparar los
instrumentos que resultan deteriorados por las frecuentes caídas de las bestias
de carga.
10. Véase la amplia y detallada obra: Humboldt, Alexander von. Eine Wissenschaftliche
Biographie. Osnabruck, Ed. Otto Zeller 1969 (2 vol.)
En primer lugar estaba el galvanómetro, en esa época novedoso instru-
mento para la medida de pequeñas intensidades de corrientes eléctricas cuya
lectura se hace en unidades arbitrarias con medios ópticos, utilizado en el uso
práctico para averiguar si en un circuito pasa o no la corriente y establecer el
sentido de ella. Entre los varios tipos de galvanómetros (recordemos los gal-
vanómetros para corriente continua, que se diferencian en galvanómetros a
magneto móvil y a magneto fijo, y se utilizan para calcular la acción orienta-
dora del cuerpo magnético terrestre; los galvanómetros de corrientes vari-
ables, entre los cuales es el más común el galvanómetro balístico, para la
medición de corrientes de brevísima duración), es probable que Humboldt
haya utilizado especialmente el galvanómetro de cuerda, que consta de un
delgadísimo hilo de platino o cuarzo, tornado en conductor por medio de un
mínimo revestimiento de plata. Debió haber llevado consigo también otro
dispositivo galvánico usado en Italia y perfeccionado en Francia, donde su
construcción tuvo gran resonancia, para detectar los signos vitales, intentar
reanimar ahogados y asfixiados por medio de la electricidad galvánica (lo
que se logró en algunas oportunidades especialmente en casos de animales
cuales perros, gallinas, caballos y por breve tiempo también en humanos), y
más tarde para aplicar electroshock. La galvanoterapia o curación por medio
de aplicaciones de electricidad, tuvo cierto auge a principios del siglo XX y
logró comprobados éxitos, a veces espectaculares, especialmente en el campo
de la parálisis, la rehabilitación, la ayuda a enfermos mentales. Lamentable-
mente fue luego utilizada hasta el abuso, con los consiguientes errores y per-
juicios, ya que varios charlatanes pretendieron sanar con artefactos
galvánicos a sordos, mudos, ciegos y alcohólicos.
Hacia finales de siglo XIX los criterios del galvanismo fueron cuestiona-
dos por la medicina legal. ¿Se podía a través del galvanismo fijar un criterio
absoluto sobre la condición mortal? ¿Tenía el galvanismo el poder de
devolver la vida a personas en quienes parecía apagada? ¿Era lícito hacerlo?
Humboldt intervino en este sonado debate, sosteniendo que el galvanismo
puede servir a distinguir la muerte aparente de la verdadera, aunque no con
certeza absoluta. Vale recordar que en las guerras napoleónicas los médicos
cirujanos usaban un aparato galvánico que aplicado en el músculo bíceps del
brazo podía ayudar a resolver esta incógnita entre vida y muerte.
Humboldt, desde su juventud, había intentado hacer experimentos sobre
la “electricidad galvánica” como asevera en su Experiences sur la fibre irri-
table:11
Diariamente interesado, desde hace gran número de años, en los fenómenos
de la electricidad galvánica, entregado a ese entusiasmo que excita a investi-
11. Véase Humboldt: Expériences sur la fibre irritable, t.I, p. 74, lam. III, IV, V de la
edición alemana.
gar, pero que impide ver bien lo que se ha descubierto, había construido, sin
imaginármelo, verdaderas pilas colocando discos metálicos unos sobre otros
y haciéndolos alternar con trozos de carne muscular o con otras sustancias
húmedas.
Estos conocimientos lo impulsan, llegado a las tórridas tierras ecuatori-
ales, a buscar la forma de observar más de cerca las anguilas eléctricas o
gymnotus, tan populares en los ríos de las regiones cálidas, a los que califi-
caría de “aparatos eléctricos animados.” Y tiene lugar en los llanos de Vene-
zuela, el encuentro, la admiración de Humboldt con otro notable italiano
émulo de Galvani: Carlos del Pozo, hijo del noble siciliano Giuseppe del
Pozo y Onesto,12 con quien pudo discutir largamente temas científicos sobre
electricidad:13
Encontramos en Calabozo, en el corazón de los llanos una máquina eléctrica
de grandes discos, electróforos, baterías, electrómetros, un material casi tan
completo como el que poseen nuestros físicos en Europa. No habían sido
comprados en los Estados Unidos todos estos objetos: eran la obra de un hom-
bre que nunca había visto instrumento alguno, que a nadie podía consultar,
que no conocía los fenómenos de la electricidad más que por la lectura del
Tratado de Sigau de la Fond y de las Memorias de Franklin. El Sr. Carlos del
Pozo, que así se llamaba aquel estimable e ingenioso sujeto, había comenzado
a hacer máquinas eléctricas de cilindro empleando grandes frascos de vidrio a
los cuales había cortado el cuello. Desde algunos años tan sólo pudo
procurarse, por vía de Filadelfia, platillos para construir una máquina de dis-
cos y obtener efectos más considerables de la electricidad. Fácil es suponer
cuántas dificultades tuvo que vencer el Sr. del Pozo desde que cayeron en sus
manos las primeras obras sobre al electricidad, cuando resolvió animosa-
mente procurarse, por su propia industria, todo lo que veía descrito en los
libros ...
Acerca del gran interés de Humboldt por conocer y estudiar los gymnotus
o anguilas eléctricas que no logró conseguir de inmediato por la lentitud de
sus guías y acompañantes, (“nos las habían a menudo prometido, y siempre
dejaban fallida nuestra esperanza”, lamenta), y de la camaradería entre el
ítalo y el germano, el escritor venezolano Arístides Rojas narra en sus “Hum-
boldtianas” una divertida anécdota:14 Consigue del Pozo un gimnote al cual
logra atarle en la cola un alambre y ponerlo en comunicación con la puerta de
la sala, provista de aldaba, en la cual recibiría a Humboldt. Llega éste, toma
en mano la aldaba, toca a la puerta ... ¡y recibe al instante una descarga eléc-
12. Véase Vannini de Gerulewicz, Marisa. Italia y los italianos en la historia y en la cul-
tura de Venezuela, p. 175.
13. Viaje a las Regiones Equinocciales ...Tomo III, p.191-192 y Tomo V, p. 209.
14. Véase Arístides Rojas, Humboldtianas, Tomo I, p. 58.
trica que le derriba por tierra! Se levanta Humboldt repuesto del choque, y
efusiva y científicamente exclama:
¡Bien, muy bien, he conocido los efectos primero que la causa!
Sobre la sobrecogedora “fuerza galvánica” disertará Humboldt en su
ensayo Sobre los gymnotus y otros peces eléctricos (1819), pero la describe
anteriormente en su “Viaje ...” a lo largo de numerosas páginas, cuando entu-
siasmado y estremecido, presencia un “desigual combate” entre anguilas y
caballos, durante una pesca a caballo, organizada por indígenas en un caño
orinoquense. Y al ver a los gymnotus derrotados, fatigados y dispersos, con-
cluye que necesitan reponer la “fuerza galvánica perdida:”15
Decíannos los indios que iban a pescar con caballos...Con dificultad nos
dábamos cuenta de esta pesca extraordinaria, pero pronto vimos a nuestros
guías volver de la sabana, donde habían hecho una batida de caballos y de
mulas cerriles. Trajeron unos treinta que fueron obligados a entrar en el
charco. El ruido extraordinario producido por el pataleo de las caballos hace
salir del limo a los peces y los excita al combate. Estas anguilas amarillentas y
lívidas, parecidas a grandes serpientes acuáticas nadan en la superficie del
agua y se refugian bajo el vientre de los caballos y mulas, ofreciendo la lucha
entre animales de tan diferente organización el espectáculo más pintoresco.
Los indios, provistos de arpones y de cañas largas y delgadas, rodean estre-
chamente el charco, subiéndose algunos de ellos a los árboles cuyos brazos se
extienden horizontalmente por encima del agua. Con sus gritos salvajes y sus
prolongadas perchas impiden que se escapen los caballos llegando a la orilla
de la charca. Aturdidas las anguilas con el ruido, defiéndense por medio de
reiteradas descargas de sus baterías eléctricas y por largo tiempo aparentan
ganarse el triunfo. Sucumben varios caballos a la violencia de los invisibles
golpes recibidos acá y allá en los órganos más esenciales para la vida, y
embobados por la fuerza y la frecuencia de las conmociones, desaparecen
bajo el agua. Jadeantes otros, las crines erizadas, extraviados los ojos, y man-
ifestando su angustia, se enderezan y tratan de huir de la tempestad que les
sorprende. Los rechazan los indios hasta el medio del agua; pero un corto
número, con todo, logra engañar la activa vigilancia de los pescadores y se les
ve ganar la ribera, tropezar a cada paso y tenderse en la arena, transidos de
fatiga y adormecidos sus miembros por las conmociones eléctricas de los
Gymnotus. En menos de cinco minutos dos caballos se habían ahogado.
Estrechándose la anguila, que tiene cinco pies de largo, contra el vientre de
los caballos, lanza por toda la superficie de su órgano eléctrico una descarga
que ataca a un mismo tiempo el corazón, las vísceras, y el plexo celíaco de los
nervios abdominales. Es natural que los efectos experimentados por los cabal-
los sean más potentes que los que el mismo pez produce en el hombre, cuando
no toca a éste más que por una de las extremidades. Los caballos no son prob-
15. Viaje a las Regiones Equinocciales ...Tomo III, p.195 y siguientes.
ablemente matados, sino aturdidos. Se ahogan por estar en la imposibilidad de
levantarse a consecuencia de la prolongada lucha con los otros caballos y los
Gymnotus. No dudábamos que la pesca acabaría con la muerte sucesiva de
los animales en ella empleados, pero poco a poco disminuyó la impetuosidad
de aquel desigual combate con la dispersión de los Gymnotus fatigados.
Necesitan ellos un largo reposo y una alimentación abundante para reparar la
fuerza galvánica perdida...
También en su correspondencia americana, Humboldt menciona en su
“español prusiano” a Galvani y al nuevo fluido galvánico. En una carta a
Manuel de Guevara Vasconcelos, Capitán General y Gobernador de la Pro-
vincia, escribe desde Nueva Barcelona el 20 de agosto de 1800:16
En los llanos de Apure hemos hecho experiencias muy curiosas sobre la

fuerza de los tembladores, donde seis o siete mataron a dos caballos en pocos
minutos. El resultado de estas experiencias ha estado muy nuevo y contrario a
eso que se había pensado hasta ahora en Europa, por la falta de instrumentos
finos introducidos en estas Indias. Este pez no está cargado de electricidad
pero sí de este fluido nuevo, galvánico, del cual he entretenido a Uds. varias
veces y que he descrito en mi obra sobre los nervios y el principio de la vital-
idad.
Entre otros peces “eléctricos”, de los cuales, dice, se conocen siete, identi-
fica Humboldt al Torpedo Galvani, así llamado por la prioridad ese científico
en identificarlo y describirlo , y dedica otras páginas del “Viaje ...” a las par-
ticularidades de esta singular especie de la fauna fluvial, la cual utiliza “el
fluido galvánico” que genera su cuerpo como medio de defensa:17
Los polos heterogéneos de los órganos eléctricos dobles deben encontrarse en
cada órgano. Recientemente ha comprobado el Sr. Todd según experimentos
hechos en torpedos del Cabo de Buena Esperanza, que el animal continúa
produciendo fuertes conmociones cuando se extirpa uno de los órganos.
Por el contrario, se suspende toda acción eléctrica y este punto ya aclarado
por Galvani es de la mayor importancia, ora causando una fuerte tensión en el
cerebro, ora cortando los nervios que se distribuyen en los dobleces de los
órganos eléctricos. En este último caso, si se cortan los nervios sin lesionar el
cerebro, el Torpedo continúa viviendo y ejecutando todos los movimientos
musculares ...
...Aunque la fuerza del torpedo no sea comparable con la de los gymnotus, es
suficiente para causar sensaciones muy dolorosas... he observado el propio
fenómeno al galvanizar las ranas...
16. Viaje a las Regiones Equinocciales ... Tomo V. p. 209.

17. Viaje a las Regiones Equinocciales. Véase especialmente Tomo III, p.193.211.
Sobre el “torpedo Galvani” se publicaron en Italia y Europa numerosos
tratados fundamentados en los experimentos de Galvani y en las observa-
ciones de Humboldt relacionadas, como lo especifica, con las experiencias
del italiano.18
Es justo destacar que al tiempo que estudiaba los países explorados en sus
viajes, el gran berlinés actuaba como propagador y difusor de múltiples
avances científicos y de actividades relacionadas con éstos, divulgando el
saber contemporáneo, como en el caso de Galvani, cuyas teorías defendió en
Europa e introdujo en Sudámerica. Prolongaba así su valiosa obra y dejaba a
su paso la impronta de su sabiduría, la huella de nuevos progresos en el área
de las ciencias experimentales.
Es ésta, sin duda, una de las razones por las cuales la memoria del ilustre
viajero alemán resulta tan querida en América, donde abrió horizontes e ilu-
minó con el brillo del conocimiento los más lejanos confines. En efecto, las
diversas ediciones del Viaje a las Regiones Equinocciales traducidas a varias
ediciones, se convirtieron en vademecum y obligado texto de consulta de
jóvenes exploradores, afanosos naturalistas e investigadores quienes tras la
huella de Humboldt, buscando emular sus viajes y realizar expediciones
científicas, se adentraron por los mismos remotos caminos que él recorriera.
Uno de los esforzados seguidores de Humboldt será también italiano: Luigi
Stradelli, (1852-1926) geógrafo, explorador, escritor, y más tarde abnegado
apóstol y defensor de los indígenas de la región amazónica que lo denomina-
ban el hijo del gran serpiente, quien plasmaría sus experiencias en la obra
Expedición a las fuentes del río Orinoco. En ella no sólo cita a menudo las
observaciones de Humboldt en las cuales se apoya para investigar y clasificar
la geografía, flora y fauna de esa aún selvática región, sino que se atreve a
contrastar, a la luz de un siglo de progreso técnico y científico, algunas obser-
vaciones del naturalista alemán.19
Volviendo a su misma época, otro de los grandes afectos italianos de
Humboldt fue Agostino Codazzi (1793-1858), conocido en Sudamérica,
donde desarrolló su trabajo topográfico, como Agustín Codazzi.
Codazzi y Humboldt son sin duda muy parecidos, tienen gran afinidad, a
pesar de los años que los separan.20 Comparten el mismo afán por viajar y
explorar, el ansia de conocer, de investigar, como afirma Codazzi en sus
Memorias:21
18. Véase los ensayos contenidos en Luigi Galvani fra Biologia e Medicina. (Actas del
Congreso de Estudios Galvanianos). Bologna. Accademia delle Scienze. Universitá deglli
Studi 1999. Viaje a las Regiones Equinocciales ...Tomo III p. 192.
19. Stradelli, Ermanno: Expedición a las fuentes del Orinoco, p. 339, 379, 374, 384.
20. Los sabios a los cuales nos referimos, sin ser contemporáneos, compartieron algunas
décadas de vida: Galvani 1737-1798, Volta 1745-1827, Humboldt 1769-1859, Codazzi
1793-1859
21. Véase Codazzi, Agustín Las Memorias, p. 14.
...surcar mares lejanos, ver remotas regiones y las múltiples y grandes obras
de la naturaleza, de un extremo al otro de la tierra.
Este célebre geógrafo y cartógrafo nacido en Lugo, Ferrara, llegó a
Sudamérica avanzado ya el siglo XIX y combatió a las órdenes del célebre
corsario Aury, reclamando con éste la Independencia de La Florida. Cauti-
vado por los ideales de la emancipación sudamericana, al ganarse la amistad
y consideración de Simón Bolívar y otros generales patriotas se incorporó al
ejército del Libertador, en cuyas filas, gracias a la preparación militar adquir-
ida en academias italianas, tuvo destacada actuación como hábil artillero, y
detentó el grado de coronel. Finalizada la lucha por la Independencia, dejaría
de lado su actividad bélica para dedicarse a lo que realmente le apasionaba, la
investigación geográfica y cartográfica, y llevaría a cabo su singular obra: la
geografía y el atlas de las provincias venezolanas. Para la realización de este
magno proyecto, encontraría inspiración en los estudios y exploraciones de
Humboldt, a quien profesaba gran admiración y bajo cuya influencia multi-
disciplinaria y aura renacentista, no se limitó a la mera acotación de datos
geográficos, al trazado de mapas o planos, sino que imprimió a su obra alca-
nces mayores, relacionados con la sociología del entorno y la historia de cada
región. Quizás entusiasmado por su afinidad con el espíritu alemán de Hum-
boldt, se empeñaría igualmente el talentoso italiano en un interesante
proyecto social: traer habitantes de Alemania para colonizar una región de
Venezuela, en el Estado Aragua. Sus estudios geográficos y topográficos de
la misma le permitieron determinar que esa zona montañosa, de fértil suelo y
clima fresco, era ideal para que los colonos pudieran adaptarse perfecta-
mente, lo que en efecto ocurrió, en una pintoresca y población hoy día prós-
pero centro turístico, conocida como Colonia Tovar, por ser los terrenos
donación del Conde de Tovar, noble criollo de elevado espíritu y gran fidel-
idad al Libertador.
En 1840 viaja el geógrafo ítalo a París, para supervisar la edición de su
Atlas Físico y Político de la República de Venezuela, que saldría a la luz un
año después y recibiría entusiasta acogida por parte de la comunidad cientí-
fica parisina. Más tarde, aceptaría la invitación del gobierno colombiano para
realizar en aquel país una tarea similar, en la que estuvo trabajando infatiga-
blemente durante nueve años, brindando además una valiosa asesoría al gobi-
erno colombiano en el estudio del proyecto sobre el canal interoceánico de
Panamá, para proponer al Libertador la idea del Canal, enlazándose al estu-
dio de Humboldt Posibilidad de la comunicación de los dos Océanos por
América.
Humboldt ve continuada su obra en los esfuerzos del joven Codazzi. Lo
siente su discípulo y seguidor. Tuvo ocasión de leer y apreciar su copioso
aporte geográfico, presentado para su evaluación ante la Comisión de Exper-
tos que designara la Academia Francesa, aunque no pudo estampar su firma
en el elogioso informe que ésta pronunció pues había llegado a París con
posterioridad.
Emocionado y profundamente halagado ante los trabajos del geógrafo de
Lugo, Humboldt los valora como “nobles investigaciones.” En una hermosa
carta de congratulación, con fecha 20 de junio de 1841, le expresa con
jubiloso entusiasmo su reconocimiento. Le escribe con sinceridad, con cálido
afecto, felicitándole cordialmente por tan valiosa contribución al cono-
cimiento de la geografía de países sudamericanos como Colombia y Venezu-
ela. En el importante documento, publicado en los diarios locales de la época,
y reproducido por historiadores entre ellos Arístides Rojas,22 Humboldt men-
ciona con nostalgia sus propias experiencias, satisfecho de haber contribuido
a la labor del acucioso italiano. Con fraternales muestras de interés, manifi-
esta su apoyo a un trabajo científico tan relevante, en el cual se siente perpet-
uado:
Señor Coronel: no puedo ver partir a Ud. para ese país que me ha dejado tan
gratos recuerdos sin renovarle la expresión de mi grande y afectuosa consid-
eración. Los trabajos geográficos de Ud. abrazan una inmensa extensión de
tierra: y ofrecen a la vez los pormenores topográficos más exactos y medidas
de alturas tan importantes para la distribución de los climas, que hará época
en la historia de la ciencia. Dulce es para mi haber vivido bastante para ver
terminada una empresa vasta, que, ilustrando el nombre del coronel Codazzi,
contribuye a la gloria del gobierno que ha tenido la sabiduría de prote-
gerle...Loque yo intenté hacer en un viaje rápido, estableciendo un conjunto
de posiciones astronómicas e hipsométricas para Venezuela y la Nueva
Granada, ha hallado, señor, por las nobles investigaciones de usted, una con-
firmación y desarrollo que exceden a mis expectativas...
Hoy más que nunca en el mundo entero se reafirma la obra y la presencia
del genial expedicionario y naturalista alemán, prócer de la ciencia, que ha
trascendido las fronteras de su propio país y las del trópico sudamericano el
cual hizo suyo, recorriéndolo y estudiándolo incansablemente, para lograr la
universalidad, la intemporalidad, la permanente vigencia.
Y dentro de esa obra indeleble, que abrió rutas inexploradas para la cien-
cia en todo el mundo, está aún fresca la perdurable memoria de esos afectos
científicos italianos, que guardaba el gran naturalista con celo y fervor y que
formaron parte esencial del ámbito teórico cultural en el que se basaron sus
trascendentales investigaciones y experiencias.
22. Véase Arístides Rojas Humboldtianas, tomo III.

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Alexander von Humboldt: From the Americas to the

Book · August 1998

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

Bildner Center for Western Hemisphere Studies

TABLE 1-1. Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Humboldt Cantata (1828)

Tenor & Bass &

Text by Ludwig Rellstab

Duet and Chorus

José Gabriel Brauchy

Conquest in the name of faith

1. Eduardo Subirats. El continente vacío. La conquista del Nuevo Mundo y la conciencia

Emancipation in the Name of Reason

2. Eduardo Subirats. Después de la lluvia. Sobre la ambigua modernidad española.

3. Jaime Labastide. Humboldt, ciudadano universal. Ciudad de México: Siglo XXI,

1. Los treinta volúmenes empezaron a publicarse a partir de 1805. El último de los

8. Vistas de las cordilleras y monumentos de los pueblos indígenas de América, traduc-

20. Ver Munro S. Edmonson, El calendario mesoamericano, UNAM, México, 1995.

Humboldt and the Break from Eurocentrism

14. Ibid., p. 53.

22. Ibid., p. 24.

Romantic Anti-foundationalism and Schlegel’s

27. KA 12, p. 328.

Humboldt and the Breath of Life

28. KA 12, p. 307.

30. Ibid., p. 23.

César W. Astuhuamán Gonzáles

Los Asentamientos Inca Registrados por Humboldt

FIGURE 6-1. Mapa de Piura. Fuente: Vallejos 1925.

FIGURE 6-2. Plano de un sector de Chulucanas (Caxas). Fuente: Bonpland 1802.

Uno de los acompañantes de Humboldt, Carlos Montufar, reporta en su

Los Asentamientos Inca Registratdos en el Presente

FIGURE 6-3. Reconstrucción hipotética de Caxas. Dibujo: C. Campos 2003.

En la margen izquierda del río Rey Inca se localizan el portazgo, el acllahuasi

FIGURE 6-4. Foto del acllahuasi de Caxas. Fuente: Bleyleben 1970.

Planteamientos de Humboldt Acerca de la

1. See Minguet, Charles. Alejandro de Humboldt. Cartas americanas. Caracas, Biblioteca

Humboldt’s Informers in the ‘City of the Kings’

Lack of concern in the fate of fellowmen? Absence of

Odette Casamayor Cisneros

1. Zeuske, Michael, “¿Humboldteanización del mundo occidental ? La importancia del

5. Humboldt, Ensayo político sobre la isla de Cuba, La Habana, Fundación Fernando

16. Ortiz, Op. cit., p. 3.

17. Lezama Lima, “Confluencias,” Confluencias, La Habana, Letras Cubanas, 1988, p.

puede enmendarse sino muy lentamente.”19), el novelista salte en defensa de

26. Describe technical changes.

1769.28 Arango’s major investment was, however, in the state-of-the-art sugar

52. 9. Humboldt, Ensayo político (1998), 310-311.

Goethe, Hackert and landscape painting

Hackert’s ‘theoretical fragments’ and Humboldt’s

How much Hackert’s artistic principles correspond to what Goethe saw in

In the Ansischten der Natur, Humboldt seems to adopt Hackert’s idea

40. Goethe, “Hackert Biographie”, op.cit., p.617

FIGURE 13-1. Daniel Velasco-Schwarzenberger, “Island Landscape,” 1999

2. Daniel Velasco, “Island Landscape: Following in Humboldt’s Footsteps through

FIGURE 13-3. Mark Dion, installation in the Carnegie International exhibition,

FIGURE 13-4. Mark Dion, installation in the Carnegie International exhibition,

Jose Alejandro Restrepo