195 ,

Risk Factors and Causal Processes

in Juvenile Delinquency:
Research and Implications for Prevention

LIANE PENA ALAMPAY

Ateneo de Manila University

This paper presents the child/adolescent and family risk factors

and causal processes which have been empirically established in
both foreign and local literature as leading to juvenile delinquency.
It discusses insights and implications derived from these studies
for local initiatives to prevent juvenile delinquency.

An ounce ofprevention is worth a pound of cure. This maxim has

borne fruit in the fields of medicine and public health, where
scientific advancements in the last century have brought about
the prevention of a host of diseases in many parts of the world.
Social scientists in the last three decades have likewise applied
the concept of prevention in the realm of social and behavioral
problems. The core idea in preventive intervention is to take
action early on in an individual's development so as to avert or
limit undesirable problems in his or her future and society at
large. This strategy is compelling given the basic assumption
that the prevention of problems is more cost-effective than
treatment. In the field of psychology, in particular, there are
limitations in the extent and quality of services, and the number
of skilled professionals, who can address growing health,
behavioral, and social problems (Levine & Perkins, 1997).

Juvenile delinquency is one such problem that has garnered

deep and incalculable human and social cost. The Department of

PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY (2006), Vol 39 No 1, pp. 195-228.

I 196

Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) has reported what they

call an "alarming" rise in the numbers of Filipino children in
conflict with the law (CICL) in the last year, which totaled 8,600
nationwide (Philippine Daily Inquirer, May 27,2005). While expenses
incurred by the justice system in the detention and rehabilitation
of these CICL can be determined in monetary terms, the loss of
property and lives, the negative emotional consequences in both
the victims and the CICL, the abuses experienced by the children
within the justice system, and the overall costs to the development,
well-being, and future prospects of the child are immeasurable.
Serious involvement in delinquent behavior reduces a youth's
educational and employment opportunities, such that his or her
prospects for a productive life become limited. Moreover,
delinquency may trigger a series of increasingly harmful
experiences (e.g., abuse, detention), negatively affecting the youth's
self-concept and future expectations, and resulting in his or her
separation from family and friends. Preventing juvenile
delinquency is urgent and necessary if youth are to be given the
opportunity to develop according to their fullest potential.

Prevention and juvenile delinquency defined

Prevention of juvenile delinquency specifically involves:

1) identifying the factors that place a child or youth at greater
risk for engaging in delinquent activities; 2) differentiating
individuals with varying degrees of vulnerability, given these
identified factors; and 3) intervening to minimize or remove the
risk, so as to offset the potential for delinquency. Knowing the
relevant risk factors and causal processes makes prevention
efforts more systematic and effective. Without use of such
knowledge, programs may ameliorate the problem of delinquency
in the short-term, but not tackle its roots nor interrupt the chain
of events leading to delinquency. Addressing the root causes of
delinquency also more likely results in changes that are
sustainable and have greater impact in the lives of children and
their families.
 197

Delinquency is foremost a legal term; a juvenile delinquent

or CICL is defined as a person who at the time of the commission
of an offense is over 9 but under 18 years of age (P.O. 603 or
Child and Youth Welfare Code). However, much of the research
that has considered the causes of delinquency make use of
psychological and sociological frameworks. Given the low
probability of adjudication, scientists have also argued that criteria
which define delinquent behaviors per se, independent of their
legal consequences, are needed (Lorian, Tolan, & Wahler, 1987).
In the psychological literature, "delinquency" has been used
interchangeably with "antisocial behavior" and refers to a
continuum of behaviors which transgresses social norms in ways
that could result in serious disciplinary (e.g., school suspension)
or adjudicatory (i.e., legal conviction) consequences. Included along
the continuum is behavior that is simply socially unacceptable
or transgresses social norms (e.g., vandalism), status offenses
(i.e., illegal/problematic by virtue of the age of the offender, such
as underage drinking or sexual activity), and criminal acts
(i.e., illegal regardless of offendor's age, such as murder). The
notion of a continuum conveys that these acts are progressive
and hierarchical with increasingly negative consequences for
the person and the community. Rather than considering juvenile
delinquency as simply present or absent in a person, therefore,
it must be recognized as something which one does, and
something that is done more or less (Lorion, Tolan, & Wahler,
1987). In this view, there are degrees of risk for engaging in
delinquent behaviors, which are based on multiple individual
and environmental factors.

Objectives and methods

This paper presents the risk factors and causal processes
which have been empirically established as leading to the
incidence of juvenile delinquency via an integration of both
foreign and local literature. While the causes of delinquency are
manifold, this review specifically focuses on child and adolescent-
198

centered and family-centered factors. Second, it discusses insights

and implications derived from these studies for prevention
initiatives.

To attain this objective, the author reviewed the state-of-the-

art in current psychological literature on the development of
antisocial behavior, conduct disorder, aggression, and delinquency.
As these issues have become high priority for numerous
organizations in several countries, a number of government and
non-government Internet sites (e.g., Save the Children, U.S. Office
of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention) were also
accessed for information and reference materials.

Relevant local materials were also reviewed, whether published.

(books, journal publications) or unpublished (theses/dissertations,
technical reports of. government and non-government projects),
in the areas of aggression, delinquency, CICL, and street
children. However, there is a dearth of Philippine research that
considers the psychological processes leading to delinquency; most
describe the static "profile" and description of the Filipino CICL.
Still, inferences about risk factors and processes were drawn
from these local profiles and statistics. Much of this focal data
came from the National Police Commission (or NAPOLCOM, 1996),
the Philippine Action for Youthful Offenders (or PAYO, 1995), the
National Council for Social Development (or NCSD, 1994), and
the Department of Social Welfare and Development-Bureau of
Child and Youth Welfare (orI2SWD-BCYW, 1993). These data were
reported in the University of the Philippines-Center for Integrative
and Development Studies (UP-CIDS) 2003 report on street children
in conflict with the law, and the UNICEF-AKAP (Adhikain Para sa
Karapatang Pambata) 1998 situation analysis on CICL.

Theoretical framework

The overarching theoretical perspective in the prevention

framework is the idea that persons develop within a complex
system of relationships, and is affected by multiple levels of the
 , 199

surrounding environment (Trickett, 1997; Bronfenbrenner & Moms,

1998). This is known as a contextual or ecological perspectiue of
development. In this view, the environment is conceptualized in
terms of a series of multiple, interrelated systems comprised of:
1) the family, school, and peers, or relationships in the child's
immediate environment; 2) settings that do not directly involve
the child, but which affect him nonetheless, such as parents'
employment and social support networks; and 3) macro
environments comprising the variables of culture, social class,
government policies, and the like, which shape the child's values,
belief systems, and life opportunities. These systems influence
the child's development in complex ways, for good and ill. The
person is not passively shaped by these environments, however.
A central tenet in this perspective is that children are active
producers of their own development, influencing their
environments inasmuch as they are influenced.

Thus, juvenile delinquency is not the outcome of a single

cause. Rather, it results from multiple risk factors in both the
child and his or her environment that interact with each other.
The following section presents such factors that can be considered
conditions that put the child at increased risk for juvenile
delinquency. Any of these risks can be a potential target for
preventive interventions.

RISK FACTORS AND CAUSAL PROCESSES

IN JUVENILE DELINQUENCY

Child-centered factors
Neuropsychological functioning and prenatal risk. Among the
most well-established findings in research on delinquency is the
link between the child's neuropsychological functioning and
antisocial behavior. Neuropsychological functioning refers to the
structures and processes of the nervous system that influence a
person's personality, behavior, and cognitive abilities (Moffitt,
200

1993). Several researchers have found that problems or deficits in

neuropsychological processes strongly predict early, chronic, and
aggressive antisocial behavior (Moffitt, 1993; Wasserman, Keenan,
Tremblay, Coie, Herrenkobl, Loeber & Petechuk, 2003; Kashani,
Jones, Bumby & Thomas, 1999; Holmes, Slaughter & Kashani,
2001). According to these authors, neuropsychological impairment
is indicated by inattentiveness, impulsivity, hyperactivity, or a
general difficulty in controlling emotions and behaviors. It is also
associated with mild to moderate cognitive deficits in the verbal
domain, such as in reading. As infants, children with even subtle
neurological difficulties may be described as having a "difficult"
temperamental disposition, characterized by high distress and
irritability, poor adaptability, social withdrawal, and difficulty in
maintaining a regular schedule. Needless to say, caring for such
infants and children is challenging, and they are often deemed
"unmanageable" by parents and teachers.

Neuropsychological problems have been associated with

disruptions in the prenatal development of the brain: Maternal
malnutrition and drug or alcohol abuse, or fetal exposure to toxic
agents, are some of the factors known to interfere with the
fetus's brain development (Moffitt, 1993; Kashani, Jones, Bumby
& Thomas, 1999; Holmes, Slaughter & Kashani, 2001). Associated
with the foregoing factors are premature birth and low birth
weight, which have also been identified as risk factors for behavior
problems and delinquency (Yoshikawa, 1994).

The brain continues to develop rapidly after birth and into

childhood. As with the fetus, malnutrition and exposure to toxins
in childhood are risk factors for neural impairment, as are a
lack of cognitive stimulation and the experience of physical abuse
and neglect.

As yet there is no local research indicating a link between

juvenile delinquency and neuropsychological problems. Existing
data on the psychological characteristics of CICL are scant and
have not been subject to deeper study. With respect to observed
 201

personality traits of the CICL upon admission to DSWD

rehabilitation centers, the NCSD (1994) reports that 38 percent of
the street children and 25 percent of non-street children were
assessed to have "negative" personality traits, whereas 28 percent
of the street children and 21 percent of non-street children were
assessed to have "positive" personality traits. Moreover, more than
50 percent of the CICL manifested "negative" attitudes.
Unfortunately, the report did not indicate what is meant by
"negative" and "positive" traits and attitudes.

According to Leones (1993), a smaller number of studies on the

personality profile of the Filipino CICL reveal a youth who displays
heightened feelings of anxiety, insecurity and apprehensiveness
coupled with strong exhibitionistic, autonomy and dominance needs.
He is also more hostile, distrustful, defiant, resentful, emotionally
unstable, and has lower self-esteem compared to non-delinquents.
In a study comparing CICL and non-delinquent youth, the former
were found to score significantly higher in impulsivity, or an inability
to regulate impulses, emotions, and behaviors (Mistades, Moreno,
& Palag, 2005). However, such data were taken from personality
tests and the respondents were not subjected to clinical evaluation.
Still, indications of hostility, defiance, emotional instability, and
impulsivity are suggestive of possible neuropsychological problems.

Cognitive abilities and school achievement. As a group, delinquent

youth have been found to have lower IQ levels and poorer language
skills relative to the general population. This disadvantage has
been found regardless of socioeconomic class and as early as the
preschool years, when years and type of schooling are not yet likely
to affect intelligence (Holmes, Slaughter & Kashani, 2001). Several
longitudinal studies have also established relationships between
low IQ, low verbal and reading ability, low school achievement in
childhood, and the development of antisocial behavior (yoshikawa,
1994). As previously suggested, cognitive deficits may arise from
neurological impairment. However, it is also possible that this is
brought about by genetic and environmental factors. Mental ability
202

is an inherited trait, and children with intellectual disadvantage

most likely have parents who can be similarly described.
Intellectual ability is also an outcome of environmental conditions
and opportunities, and pervasive poverty and lack of educational
and cognitively stimulating activities can be extremely detrimental.

IQ and verbal ability affect antisocial behavior by affecting

the child's school achievement. Such cognitive deficits place a
child at a disadvantage in school and social interactions; they
are more likely to experience rejection from positive peer groups
and have more difficult interactions with their teachers
(yoshikawa, 1994; Holmes, Slaughter & Kashani, 2000). If poor
mental abilities are coupled with neuropsychological impairment,
learning is further impeded by noncompliant and undercontrolled
behavior, hyperactivity, and short attention span.

Schools (including many public schools in the Philippines)

typically group children of commensurate academic skills in the
same classroom. Experts suggest that as children become
increasingly deficit in academic skills, they find themselves in
classroom environments with children of similar academic and
behavioral profiles. Here, friendships may emerge that support
problem behavior and further discourage academic engagement
(Dishion, Patterson, Stoolmiller & Skinner, 1991). This sequence
of events makes children with cognitive difficulties less likely to
complete their schooling. As the school is a social institution that
imparts social norms and values and exerts some degree of social
control, academic disengagement presents a clear risk factor for
antisocial behavior. Moreover, the child's future economic prospects
are significantly diminished without school completion.

With respect to educational attainment, the focal Philippine

data indicate that many of the CICL have not completed
elementary education. Majority of them were out-of-school at the
time of apprehension (AKAP, 1998) or had dropped out for more
than two years (UP cmS-PST, 2003). According to the children,
the main reason for school drop-out was financial difficulty. Other
 203

reasons given were peer influence and family problems (AKAP,

1998). Interestingly, the 2001 Survey on Children by the National
Statistics Office (NSO) also revealed that loss of interest ranked
as the number one reason among male dropout working students,
according to child and parent/ guardian respondents. This was
followed by insufficient family income to support their education.
The NSO survey also noted that children between the ages of 15
to 17 years were twice as likely to quit school than those between
ages 10 to 14. Further, the study indicated that there were more
male dropouts than females, with a ratio of 2: 1 (UP CIOS PST
et aI., 2003).

Similar to the personality and neuropsychological data,

information on the intellectual abilities of CICL are few. Such
data need to be interpreted with caution, moreover, as the
intelligence tests are likely subject to cultural bias and were
taken upon apprehension or rehabilitation, when the children
had already spent several years out of school. The NCSD (1994)
report describes that about 44 percent of CICL were evaluated as
having average intelligence. Another 41 percent of the street
children and 17 percent of non-street children were rated dull or
below average in intelligence. Leones (1993) and Carandang (1994)
likewise report that the typical CICL possesses low or borderline
intelligence. Carlota (1983) found that compared to a matched
group of non-delinquents, female CICL were significantly less
intelligent, were more frequently absent from school, were unsure
of themselves scholastically, and had lower educational
aspirations.

These local data indicate that school drop-out and low

educational aspirations are risk factors associated with
delinquency. However, there is no data on how CICL and children
at risk perform in school. Given their intellectual profile, it is
possible but speculative whether school difficulties (academic
and behavioral), apart from financial difficulty, is a reason for
dropping-out.
,
r
I
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204

The aforementioned child-centered factors should not be taken

to mean that the cause of antisocial behavior resides in the
child. Rather, the child's characteristics (neuropsychological and
cognitive problems] and his or her environment relate with each
other in a bidirectional, transactional fashion (Sameroff & Fiese,
19941. Children with neuropsychological disadvantages are
generally not born into supportive environments; many sources
of brain or neural deficits coincide with family disadvantage or
deviance (Moffitt, 1993; Sameroff & Fiese, 19941. Several studies
document that children at greater risk for delinquent behavior
have antisocial parents (or parents manifesting the same
neuropsychological problems). Infants and children with
neuropsychological problems typically are born in home
environments where prenatal care is haphazard, drugs and/or
alcohol are used during pregnancy, and nutrition is neglected
(Jarjoura, Triplett & Brinker, 20021. Moreover, parents of such
children do not have the necessary psychological and physical
resources to cope constructively with the special needs of their
child; they run chaotic households, resort to harsh, inconsistent
discipline practices or are negligent and emotionally detached.
Parents and children also resemble each other in cognitive ability;
thus, children who are most in need of remedial stimulation
have parents who are least capable of providing it. The point,
therefore, is that children with characteristics that place them
at risk for antisocial behaviors are typically reared in
environments that are likely to reinforce their behavioral and
cognitive problems. Thus, the outcome of antisocial behavior is
the result of both child and environmental factors that mutually
influence each other.

Family-centered Factors

Parenting practices and parent-child relationships. Inadequate

child-rearing practices are among the most powerful predictors
of antisocial behavior (Wasserman et aI., 20031. The following
aspects of parenting have been particularly emphasized in the
 205
I

research literature: 1) parental hostility and rejection; 2) extent

of parental monitoring or supervision; 3) degree of parental
involvement; and 4) parental discipline and socialization practices.

In general, parents who are rejecting and hostile have

children who are at higher risk for delinquency (yoshikawa, 1994;
Wasserman et al., 2003). Rejection is manifested in the parent's
lack of sensitivity and responsiveness to the child's needs. Such,
parents are often critical of the child and are harsh in their
interactions with him or her. Parental monitoring, on the other
hand, refers to parents' rule-setting, awareness, and supervision.
of the child's whereabouts and activities. Low levels of monitoring.
and involvement, unsurprisingly, predict higher levels of
delinquent behavior in the child. Finally, discipline practices
that are harsh and inconsistent or noncontingent on the child's.
behavior likewise engender antisocial behaviors. Noncontingent :
discipline means that the parent's response does not hinge on
the child's behavior, but is rather a function of other factors
such as mood or circumstance. As a consequence, the child is'
unable to clearly differentiate between positive and negative'
behavior, and has difficulty developing behavioral self-control. '

Psychologists have argued that certain family environments

serve as "training ground" for antisocial behaviors (Patterson,
DeBaryshe & Ramsey, 19891. In such environments, parents and.
their children engage in mutually coercive interactions, using
force, threats, and other high-amplitude behaviors such as hitting
and verbal attacks as a means to control the other's behavior
(Patterson, DeBaryshe & Ramsey, 1989; Dishion, Patterson,
Stoolmiller & Skinner, 1991; Sampson & Laub, 1994). In many a
coercive interaction, parents have been observed to ignore or
yield to their child's aversive out-of-control behavior. In effect,
parents fail to provide effective consequences for the child's
misbehavior, and serve as models themselves of inept and even
abusive interactions.
206

Negative and ineffective parenting also weakens the parent-

child emotional bond or attachment. Based on the sociological
theory of social control, the probability of antisocial behavior
increases when the individual's bond to key societal institutions
(i.e., family, school, and work) is weak (Sampson & Laub, 1994).
In Hirschi's formulation of control theory, attachment to parents
acts as an indirect form of social control because it is likely to
result in identification with the parents and the conventional
values of conformity and work (Shoemaker, 2004; Patterson,
DeBaryshe & Ramsey, 1989; Sampson & Laub, 1994). When
parents monitor their children's behaviors and correct their
misdeeds in a consistent, respectful, and loving manner, the
child is more likely to comply with the parents, internalize their
values, and develop self-control (Darling & Steinberg, 1993). On
the other hand, when parents are harsh, punitive, and rejecting,
the child is more likely to disengage from the parents and
successful child rearing becomes more difficult.

Child maltreatment and abuse. In its extreme form, ineffective

and rejecting parenting coincides with physical and/or verbal
abuse of the child. A disturbing but well-established finding in
research on child abuse is that it recurs across generations;
that is, an abused child is likely to become an abusive adult and
parent. Maltreated children have been found to be more
aggressive with peers than non-maltreated children; abused
children have been observed to .exhibit anger and threatening
behaviors, rather than helpfulness, towards a peer who is hurt
or crying (Main & Goldwyn, 1984). In longitudinal studies, a history
of physical abuse in childhood through adolescence predicts
chronic and violent offending, such as murder and rape
(Thornberry, et al., 2004). The processes that account for the
intergenerational cycle of violence are complex and will not be
elaborated here; these range from social learning and modeling
explanations, to psychoanalytic perspectives.

Family stressors. The experience of pervasive poverty,

unemployment, and marital conflict in the family increase the
 207

risk. for juvenile delinquency. These stressors severely tax the

psychological resources of parents, resulting in decreased
responsiveness, affection, and involvement, and increased
punitiveness and irritability towards the child (Yoshikawa, 1994;
Sampson & Laub, 1994). Mothers' discipline strategies have been
shown to be influenced by stresses from negative life experiences,
daily hassles, financial burdens, and medical conditions.

Marital conflict affects the child indirectly by way of its

detrimental effect on parenting. It can affect the child directly as
well, however; many boys exposed to marital conflict and violence
exhibit more aggressive behaviors, while girls become withdrawn,
anxious, and depressed (Grych, Fincham, Jouriles & McDonald,
2000). These authors have observed that witnessing conflict '
between one's parents generates high levels of anxiety and
biological arousal in the young child, making it difficult for him
to regulate his emotions and behaviors. If the experience is
pervasive, the child experiences increasing difficulty in self-
regulation and engages in antisocial, disruptive behaviors as a I

means of managing internal distress and anxiety.

Likewise, family income, composition (i.e., whether dual-

parent or single-parent household), and size affect antisocial
outcomes in children by way of their influence on parenting
practices and family management. Poverty per se does not
necessarily place a child at risk for juvenile delinquency. In
Sampson and Laub's (1994) analysis of delinquency in poor
neighborhoods, parent-child interactions and relationships still :
explained 70 percent of the variability in the occurrence of
delinquency. Thus, although poor, strong family controls in the
form of high supervision, effective discipline, and positive
attachment can buffer or protect the child in the high-risk
environment. Still, parents of low socio-economic status are more
vulnerable because they experience more stresses yet have fewer
resources for coping than middle-class parents (Sampson & Laub,
1994; McLoyd, 1998). Similarly, single-parent and large households
experience more stress and difficulty in supporting, supervising,
208

and rearing children compared to dual-parent and smaller

families.

Local studies on the families of CICL. Local studies have

consistently shown that CICL belong in families characterized by
conflict, maltreatment, neglect, and disorganization. The UP CIDS-
PST (2003) and Save the Children (2004) reports, and Carandang's
(1994) in-depth case studies, document CICL's personal
experiences of familial neglect, abuse, and conflict (whether
parent-child or between their parents), often citing these as
reasons for running away, relying on peers, living in the streets,
or committing antisocial acts. In a study of street adolescents in
Davao city (many of whom commit or are at high-risk for
committing delinquent acts), 40 percent of participants describe
their families as conflictual and disunited. More disturbing,
80 percent said they experienced violence and abuse at the
hands of their parents, from physical abuse such as being beaten,
hanged, or burned, to psychological and verbal abuse such as
public humiliation and grueling house chores, to sexual abuse
(TAMBAYAN, 2003).

The PAYO (1995) study revealed that 78 percent of their CICL

respondents were not living with both parents. The NCSD (1994)
study likewise indicated that majority of CICL were living with
only one parent (30 percent) or with neither parent (33 percent).
In Carandang's (1994) words, the life of the CICL is marked by
parental loss, either through separation, death, or abandonment.
Having to work in another location is another reason cited for
youth not living with one or both parents. Although not explicitly
stated, such statistics suggest that these children experience
less supervision and attention, and more stresses, than children
in dual-parent homes. Consistent with these reports, Carlota
(1983) found that significantly more female delinquents came
from "broken" homes and were less attached to their families.
Shoemaker (1992) confirmed that youth with higher rates of
delinquent behavior were also less attached to their parents,
which means that they are less likely to identify with their
 209

parents, experience less supervision, and are not emotionally

close to their parents.

The implications of these studies are more significant in

light of the dramatic increase of Filipino Overseas Foreign
Workers (OFW) in recent years, majority of whom are women
leaving their children to the care of the remaining parent or
other relatives. Clearly, the issues and problems of children
cannot be isolated from the larger socioeconomic and historical
movements in the Philippines that are shaping the lives of their
families.

In terms of CICL's parents' demographic characteristics,

available data report that more than 80 percent were unable to
complete elementary education (NCSD, 1994). With respect to
parents' occupation, the BCYW-NAPOLCOM (1993) survey revealed
a high proportion engaged in low-earning service labor (e.g. farmer,
fisherman, vendor, carpenter, domestic helper), where prospects
for social and economic advancement are highly improbable. While
no study has been conducted that documents parents'
perspectives and practices in the rearing of their children, the
aforementioned characteristics suggest CICL parents' lack of
resources and skills to provide for the psychological and material
needs of their children.

Peer relationships

That peers are a "bad influence" on a child or adolescent-

that they "pressure" him to engage in antisocial acts-is a
commonplace idea. It is interesting to note, therefore, that in
much of the research on early-onset and chronic delinquency,
relationships with antisocial peers are the consequence, rather
than the cause of aggressive and antisocial behaviors. Longitudinal
studies have revealed that behavior problems and problematic
parent-child interactions earlier in childhood were significantly
correlated with involvement with antisocial peers in later
childhood and adolescence (Dishion, Patterson, Stoolmiller,
210

& Skinner, 1991 ; Patterson, DeBaryshe, & Ramsey, 1989;

Kashani, Jones, Bumby, & Thomas, 1999; Wasserman et al.,
2003).

Studies of peer group formation and social status in childhood

show that aggressive behaviors lead to peer rejection (Kupersmidt
& Coie, 1990). Rejected children are disliked and excluded because
they are more aggressive and they lack many social skills that
are necessary in making and keeping friends. Researchers
propose that such rejected children band together and meet each
others' social needs that have been unfulfilled by their families
or other peer groups (Kashani et al., 1999; Wasserman, 2003).
Moreover, given their common risks and backgrounds, children
in delinquent peer groups are more tolerant, even approving, of
delinquent behaviors. To maintain their status in their peer
group, they may purposively commit antisocial acts such as
truancy and destruction of school property, bullying classmates,
and disrupting classes (Dishion, Patterson, Stoolmiller & Skinner,
1991; Patterson, DeBaryshe, & Ramsey, 1989).

Studies that have looked at adolescents also found that

preexisting family factors predict deviant peer group membership.
For example, Fuligni and his colleagues (2001) found that low
levels of family cohesion and attachment, inadequate parental
monitoring, and excessive psychological control brought about
more extreme peer orientation (i.e., a greater willingness to
sacrifice parental values for the sake of peers). In turn, extreme
peer orientation led to a higher likelihood of association with
more deviant peers, as well as more problem behaviors and lower
school achievement. The processes that lead to relationships
with deviant peers imply that the points for intervention still
reside mainly in the family and the child.

No local research to date has studied the process of peer

group formation among CICL or at-risk youth. But consistent
with the notion of antisocial youth banding together, case records
reviewed by NCSD (1994) showed that 3 out of every 5 CICL were
influenced by friends (and relatives) to commit delinquent acts.
Among street children, the youth committed the offense in
association with peers or relatives in 85 percent of the cases.

The action research conducted by TAMBAYAN in Davao city

(2003) among street adolescents, and the case studies conducted
by Carandang (1994) on the inner world of the CICL, reveal the
youths' more positive perceptions and experiences of gang life.
The respondents in these studies reveal that their peer group is
their alternative family and count as among the most significant
persons in their lives. Where familial nurturance and social
acceptance is lacking, the peer group provides the young person
with companionship, identity, emotional and social support, basic
needs, protection from thugs, law enforcers, and other gangs. It
is the case, however, that it is with the gang or peer group that
both delinquent and non-delinquent activities are engaged in.
Among these are "gimmicks" (e.g., parties), money-earning
activities (e.g., car watching), petty and more serious theft, drug
and alcohol use, engaging in riots with rival gangs, and sexual
activities. Such activities serve to fulfill various needs that are
important to adolescents, such as bonding among members Of
the peer group, and coping with stresses and hardship, hunger,
and boredom. While many of these activities are certainly risky,
it is important to recognize the positive value given them by t~e
youth if adults are to intervene.

Factors and processes associated with the adolescent stage

:
Several local and foreign statistics have shown that
delinquent activities increase in adolescence, and that majority
of Filipino CICL are aged 14 to 17 (PAYO, 1995; BCYW-NAPOLCOM, ,
1993; AKAP, 1998). Indeed, some developmental psychologists
argue that, to some extent, it is normative for adolescents to
engage in minor delinquent behaviors during this period, as
these are motivated by the particular developmental needs and
characteristics of teenage youth. The category of behaviors knowh
as adolescence-limited antisocial behavior (Moffitt, 1993) describes
delinquency that is late in onset (i.e., first offense is committed
212

after age 13) and is limited to the adolescent stage (and decreasing
or disappearing thereafter in most cases). It is distinguishable
from the more serious and chronic nature of delinquency in
individuals who first manifest antisocial behavior earlier in
childhood.

Developmental psychologists hypothesize that many of today's

youth experience what is known as a maturity gap, or a disparity
between physical/biological and social maturity. It is at the
juncture of puberty that the young person may become painfully
aware of the asynchrony between their physically mature status
and the status conferred on them by society. Now more desirous
of "adult" roles and privileges, most youth remain dependent on
their families and are not given much opportunity to make or
contribute to personal and family decisions. Yet adolescents want
to take greater control of their lives, to make decisions on their
own and define themselves apart from their families; they want
to be regarded as important by adults and occupy a recognized
niche in society. To an adolescent, such a mismatch between
their physical maturity and the granting of adult social status
(which may last several years) may engender stress and confusion,
and a propensity to commit risk-taking and delinquent behaviors.
It is plausible that impoverished youth, who are likely to drop-out
from school and have limited future social and economic prospects,
may experience the maturity gap more keenly as they are denied
the more legitimate social markers of adult status such as
employment or financial independence.

It has been hypothesized, therefore, that many adolescents

take risks and commit delinquent acts in an instrumental effort
to attain goals that are blocked or seem unattainable-in this
case, adult status (Jessor, 1984). Taking drugs or alcohol, skipping
school, having sex, and committing other forms of antisocial
behavior can serve to affirm, to the adolescent, his maturity and
independence from adult control. Moreover, delinquent youth,
who appear to access these more "adult" privileges serve as
influential models at this stage in life (Moffitt, 1993).
 213

In line with the foregoing, developmental psychologists argue I

that rather than being arbitrary or simply perverse, risk

behaviors-including delinquency-are purposive and fulfill goals
that are central to adolescent life. The meanings and goals of '
these behaviors depend, of course, on larger socio-cultural
processes that govern adolescent development. However, the
meanings may be common across many urban, industrialized or
industrializing societies characterized by a lengthy, complex, and
quite ambiguous transition to adulthood. The "goals" of delinquent
behavior may include: 1) an effort to attain goals that are blocked
or unattainable, such as attaining independence from parental
control; 2) a means of expressing opposition to adult authority
and conventional society, whose values may be perceived as
different from those of the youth; 3) a coping mechanism for '
dealing with the various anxieties, frustrations, inadequacies,
and uncertainties of the adolescent transition; 4) a way of gaining
admission to the peer group and expressing solidarity with peers;
5) a confirmation of important attributes of personal identity; 6)
a symbol of having achieved a more mature status; 7) a means
of sensation-seeking, having fun and escaping from boredom
(Jessor, 1984).

In general, studies of delinquency in the Philippines have

not used a framework of adolescent development. While it is
widely acknowledged that adolescents are at greatest risk for
committing delinquent acts, no studies have ventured to
investigate why it is in this age period that they are particularly
vulnerable.

Implications for the prevention of juvenile delinquency

There are various approaches to preventing delinquency:

1) developing interventions to address risk factors in juvenile
delinquency; 2) strengthening legislative or organizational
structures and mechanisms to overcome constraints, ensure
accountability and continuity, and monitor progress in
delinquency intervention programs; 3) building advocacy and a
214

constituency of support for issues involving CICL and children's

rights and well-being (Save the Children, 2001). This paper focuses
on the first strategy or the actual programs and policies that
result in direct, short or medium-term impact in the lives of
children and families. From the review of risk factors, four specific
themes or priority areas for prevention are emphasized in
subsequent sections: 1) early intervention, 2) family, 3) adolescent
development, and 4) education.

Emphasis on early intervention

Theories on the development of juvenile delinquency indicate

that early intervention commencing in the first six years in the
child's life is a critical strategy. The origins of delinquent behavior
may be rooted as far back as the prenatal development of the
child: inadequate prenatal care has negative consequences for
the child's brain development, thereby affecting his cognitive
abilities and increasing the risk of neuropsychological difficulties
such as hyperactivity, inattentiveness, and aggression. In turn,
such characteristics in young children have been strongly linked
to school failure and drop-out, peer rejection, and ultimately,
antisocial behavior in later childhood and adolescence. A clear
implication for delinquency prevention, therefore, is to nip in
the bud that first link in the chain of 'events leading to
delinquency, long before the individual exhibits any indications
of behavioral problems. This should involve the provision of
prenatal care, education, and support for the mother during
pregnancy, and appropriate nutrition, cognitive stimulation, and
behavioral management for the child in his or her earliest years.

Several national policies such as the Philippine Strategic

Framework for Plan Development for Children 2000-2025 (or Child
21) and Republic Act 8980 (An Act Promulgating a Comprehensive
Policy and National System for Early Childhood Care and
Development) have mandated the provision of integrated early
childhood care and development (ECCD) programs in local
 215

communities. ECCD programs include any or all of the following:

prenatal care and education for the mother, and health (e.g.,
immunization and dental care), nutrition (e.g., feeding programs),
and cognitive (e.g., early/day care education) services for the
young child. Several local government and non-government
agencies currently offer these services; given their implications
for delinquency prevention, these are good practices that need to
be strengthened, continuously monitored, and evaluated. Indeed,
where data is available, local integrated ECCD programs have
produced very positive outcomes, improving the welfare of both
the child and mother (see Alampay, 2005, 2001, for reviews of
best practices). Studies in other developing countries have also
shown that integrated ECCD is a cost-effective investment that
simultaneously addresses the host of developmental problems
and disadvantages that children in the Third World typically
experience (Myers, 1995; Kagitcibasi, 1996).

Beyond survival, health, and nutrition, early childhood

programs need to focus on early cognitive development (it is
noted, however, that health and nutrition affect cognitive
development as well). Early cognitive stimulation may offset the
effects of an impoverished or harsh environment on brain
development, and provide children with greater academic
readiness, motivation, and a "fair start" in elementary school.
Unfortunately, while several hundred day care centers are in
operation in the country, these are but a small fraction of the
number that is needed. Centers are small and overcrowded;
day care teachers are few, overworked, and have meager
compensation; and good-quality materials are lacking. As a
consequence, the day care experience becomes little more than
custodial care. Countries with similar scenarios have successfully
adopted a home-based approach, where the parent is actively.
involved, as an alternative to center-based care. In this strategy.:
a home visitor (e.g., a social worker or trained parent) provides,
the parent with guidance and instruction on nurturing the child,
managing his or her misbehavior, and providing early cognitive
216

stimulation. The added benefits of home visitation are cost-

effectiveness and empowerment of the caregiver (Myers, 1995;
Mihalic, Fagan, Irwin, Ballard, & Elliott, 2004).

There is also a need to provide for a more sensitive

assessment of a child's possible neuropsychological difficulties, if
he or she is showing signs of worrisome behavioral problems at
a very young age (i.e., hyperactivity, inattentiveness,
aggressiveness; cannot be "managed" by parents and teachers).
These children are at greater risk for early-onset antisocial
behaviors, yet few local programs, if any, consider these more
sub-clinical .case s. Parents, teachers, social workers, and
community leaders must be educated regarding these behavioral
problems so they can be more sensitive to the child's needs and
be able to respond more appropriately (rather than simply labeling
the child "rnalikot" or "matigas ang ulo"]. Given the lack of skilled
psychologists who can make such an assessment in the
community setting, social workers may play a larger role in
intervening, such as supporting and educating the parent in
more effective child management strategies, or monitoring the
child's progress more closely. They can also refer the children
and their families to more trained professionals for intervention.

If early intervention is to be considered a primary delinquency

prevention strategy, then policy-makers and program-
implementers need to be prepared for the long haul. The effects
of such programs on the actual incidence or prevalence of
delinquency will not be evident for many years, but shorter-term
effects on family functioning, school performance and the
behavioral and social development of the child can also be
demonstrated. In the meantime, monitoring and evaluation should
be continuous, and children's exposure or participation in the
program needs to be sustained. Moreover, the early gains of the
child. must be reinforced in succeeding programs and institutions.
The effects of early childhood education, for instance, may be
"washed out" if elementary and high schools cannot respond to
children's need for high-quality and affordable education.
 ·217

Emphasis on the family

Research affirms the primary role of the family in safeguarding
the welfare of their children and preventing juvenile delinquency.
The aforementioned family risk factors in juvenile delinquency
point to the need to educate parents on how to foster closer
emotional bonds with their children and improve their discipline
and family management practices. Parent education or training
programs during the child's early or preadolescent years, where
parents are given specific instructions and guidance in improving
their parenting practices, are among the most effective approaches
that have shown significant reductions in child antisocial behavior
(Forgatch, 1988, cited in Patterson, DeBaryshe & Ramsey, 19~9;
Kazdin, 1987). In addition, helping parents to interact with their
children in warmer, more accepting ways, and develop a positive
relationship with their child, are also beneficial. Studies have
shown that good relationships with even one adult caregiver,
marked by warmth, involvement, and absence of severe criticism,
had substantial protective effects against the development of
antisocial behavior among high-risk children (Kazdin, 1987). Still
other programs go beyond directly addressing parenting quality
and practices; they train the parents as "channels" or frontline
service providers in enhancing children's early cognitive and social
skills (Alampay, 2005, 2001). In the Philippines where the number
of trained professionals is never enough, having parents work as
paraprofessionals helping other families is advantageous.

Parenting programs respect parents' primary role in the

rearing of their children and provide them with the support and
opportunity to do so in ways that maximize their children's
development and potential. Research has shown that aside from
delinquency prevention, the effects for the parents are enhanced
feelings of confidence and competency in their parenting skills,
and a sense of empowerment that they have the means to change
their children's lives for the better, despite odds in their
environment (Myers, 1995; Kagitcibasi, 1996). This has important
implications for program sustainability and cost-effectiveness,
218

because skilled and confident parents are less likely to depend

on government and non-government service providers for aid.
Moreover, the effects of parenting programs may reverberate to
the child's peer relationships and protect him from associating
with deviant or antisocial peers.

It has been noted, however, that the quality of parenting is

constrained by the stresses experienced by the caregiver. The
provision of social support to high-risk families is thereby
important, whether this comes in emotional, instrumental, or
material forms. Livelihood and skills development programs for
parents thus contribute, albeit indirectly, to delinquency
prevention by way of alleviating the stresses associated with
poverty and unemployment that are experienced by high-risk
families.

Similar to early intervention programs, local government and

non-government programs are replete with parent education or
training components. Yet many of these prograrr.s are very broad
in coverage. It may be useful to review these programs, and, in
the interest of delinquency prevention, make them more focused
or targeted so as to address those specific skills that are linked
to delinquency. Some program providers have noted, moreover,
that the extent to which new knowledge and skills are actually
applied in the home is largely undetermined. Monitoring,
evaluation, and continuing support and follow-up are not feasible
given few resources. Levels of parent participation also leave
much to be desired, and may be a function of the venue, the
length of the program, and the service provider. Specifically,
seminars that are prolonged or lengthy, conducted in remote
venues, and by "outsiders" to the community, are less likely to
be attended by parents. Greater parent and community
involvement in program conceptualization and planning may
resolve some of these problems.

For the aforementioned reasons, home visitation by a trained

paraprofessional who is also a member of the community has
 219

been found to be a particularly effective strategy in delivering

parent services. Focusing parenting programs to emphasize skills
in more specific high-priority areas (e.g., cognitive development
of the child; behavioral management; early emotional bonding]
or educating the parents more flexibly depending on their
particular needs are also possible adjustments that can be made.
The latter would require a more case-to-case approach, instead
of a blueprint or general program applied to all parents. Another
potential strategy is to extend the scope of parenting programs to
include other members of the extended family (i.e., grandparents,
aunts and uncles, siblings I who, in the Philippine setting, are
likely to share child-minding duties with the parents. The father
is a particularly important family member to involve in
delinquency prevention, as the male child may be more likely to
identify with him.

Emphasis on adolescent development

Developmental issues in adolescence are highlighted in the
issue of juvenile delinquency, as this is clearly a problem that
transpires more typically in the adolescent years than in
childhood. Whereas programs that focus on early intervention
target the focal risk factors associated with early cognitive
development, schooling, and parenting, prevention programs that
target the youth need to consider an approach that is sensitive
to the unique characteristics of their developmental stage.

Developmental psychologists suggest that adolescents engage

in antisocial behavior because of particular needs that they
experience in this period, which interact with the opportunities
afforded them in their environment. Among such needs are: 11
the experience of greater autonomy from parental control; 21 the
opportunity to make important decisions that affect their lives;
31 a search for personal identity or the need to define their
characteristics, competencies, and values; and 41 a search for
social identity, or the need to occupy a recognized role and place
220

in their community. It is argued that engaging in minor risky

and delinquent behaviors is motivated by the foregoing issues,
especially if these are not being satisfied in their homes, schools,
and community.

Intervention thus involves finding the means to meet these

needs such. that youth need not resort to antisocial acts. For
instance, giving youth the opportunity to explore and develop
their capabilities, exercise a certain degree of autonomy and
decision-making, and occupy a valued role in their community
can deter them from antisocial activities. This does not mean
that teenagers should be considered independent and left to fend
for themselves; indeed, adolescents need guidance from adults.
more than ever, as they negotiate the transition from childhood
to adulthood. They need to be taught the ways of being a
responsible and productive adult, but in a way that respects and
acknowledges their developing maturity and capacity to think for
themselves. Community leaders and other adults can serve as a
powerful and positive influence in shaping young people's values
and behaviors by acting as models, mentors, and advisers.
Programs for youth that emphasize self-development, the learning
of important and relevant skills, the development of peer
relationships or groups, and mentoring by capable and respectable
adults, are all consistent with adolescent developmental needs.
Such programs may be especially effective when they foster
youths' autonomy and participation. In the spirit of guiding the
younger generation, the community should support youth
participation and actively provide venues for them to be heard
and exercise their capacities.

Urban poor youth may be a particularly vulnerable sector

because they are less likely to be granted a valued social role in
their community. Typically out of school and unemployed, they
are marginalized and derided by many as "istambay", "trouble-
makers", and "good for nothing". These youth end up banding
together in gangs-where. they can claim an identity and some
sense of belonging-thereby personifying the negative labels and
 ,
I

! 221
I
I
claiming "adult" status through antisocial means. Ironically, they
may commit behaviors that jeopardize ,
their future, precisely
,
because they cannot conceive of their future given their
circumstances, or they feel that they have no meaningful future
to protect. Youth programs must therefore prioritize! the
participation of these at-risk adolescents, and work alongfide
broader local and national efforts to combat poverty and
unemployment. :

Involving the youth in community affairs should not be mdrely

a token effort. More than in childhood, adolescents are cognitiyely,
socially, and morally more capable of making decisions 'and
governing themselves. The establishment of the Sangguniang
Kabataan (SK) in every barangay, for instance, is testimonr to
national efforts to acknowledge the important role of the youth in
nation building. The SK is mandated to address the goals o~ the
youth in the barangays, and initiate programs that enhance
their well-being and prevent problems. Unfortunately, much of
these programs translate to cleanliness drives, sports, and other
recreational activities (Racelis & Aguirre, 2003; Alampay, 2d05).
While these may contribute to overall youth development, tt is
unknown whether they deter juvenile delinquency or address
other pressing youth issues. Thus, the barangay council :and
other sectors in the community need to revitalize the SK; th~ SK
needs to reach out to all youth in the community, particularly
those at-risk, in more resourceful and responsive ways. I

Finally, adults need to understand that youth may engage in

risky and minor misdemeanors for less substantial motives, ~uch
as far sheer fun, relief of boredom and stress, and to bond with
peers. Children and youth should not be criminalized or penalized
I
for behaviors that pose little harm to the community or to~ the
youth themselves. Certain local ordinances such as those
pertaining to curfews, "disorderly" conduct, or use of alcohol ;and
cigarettes indeed aim to prevent misdemeanors, but may actually
invite more offenses from children and youth who test the limits
of such rules out of necessity or experimentation. More judicious
I
I

I
I

i
i
222

means for protecting and monitoring youth and decreasing the

opportunities for them to engage in delinquent activities is needed.

Emphasis on education

Aside from the family, the school is a primary context in

human development, and children spend a considerable amount
of time in the school setting. Moreover, education and school
experiences are directly implicated in several risk factors
associated with delinquency. As previously discussed, majority of
CICL and children at risk are out of school, either because of
poverty, school difficulty and failure, or the need to make a living
in the streets. Children who spend their days loitering and
working in the streets without adult supervision, as compared to
those who remain in school, are at greater risk for committing
offenses and antisocial behaviors. The lack of education also
results in poorer cognitive skills, and in the long run, diminished
prospects for the future. This is particularly critical for adolescents
who need to be socialized into viable adult roles in society (the
inadequacy of which may lead them to engage in delinquent
activities). Finally, the lack of education also has implications
for children's values formation. Given that schools are institutions
of social control, out of school children and youth miss out on
experiences and messages that reinforce the normative values
of society. It is no wonder, then, that missing out on school is a
major gap in the fulfillment of children's human rights.

Educational institutions can serve as settings for effective

delinquency prevention. A high-quality education, in itself, is
preventive of a host of negative outcomes, as it promotes the
mental, physical, social, and emotional capacities of young
people to the fullest. Schools can also serve as venues for
universal or primary prevention, such as in curriculum-based
programs that enhance social, moral, and decision-making skills,
or education programs pertaining to drug and alcohol use and
sexual/reproductive health (which are risk behaviors associated
 223

with juvenile delinquency). It is notable that many of the model

delinquency prevention programs abroad are conducted in schools,

Given the poor state of public education in the country, the

challenges for delinquency prevention are clear and need to be
prioritized. School teachers, administrators, and policies need to
respond effectively to the needs of children at risk; i.e ,
impoverished children, those who are experiencing school
difficulty and failure, and who manifest neuropsychological or
behavioral problems. Because these children typically experience
multiple risks, they are less likely to succeed in school at the
outset. Schools and teachers need support and resources that
would enable them to be active and effective partners in
delinquency prevention. Alliances with communities and loc~l
government agencies, NGOs, and private institutions are key.

To end, this article highlights the fact that the prevention of

juvenile delinquency is a social issue. For a child to be diverted
from a pathway of delinquency, the different aspects of his
ecological environ men t-from family, peer, school, and
community-must be transformed. Needless to say, delinquency
prevention needs to be part of a broader national effort to combat
poverty and social inequities. However, there are several child!
adolescent and family processes and variables mediating between
poverty and delinquency which are more amenable to change.
These can therefore be the main foci of immediate prevention
initiatives alongside ongoing efforts to alleviate poverty.
224

AUTHOR NOTE

Liane Perra Alarnpay, Department of Psychology, Ateneo de

Manila University.

This article was derived from the paper "A Rights-based

Framework for the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency in
Philippine Communities", which was commissioned and funded
by the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and written by
the same author. The framework is part of efforts to operationalize
the recently passed Comprehensive Juvenile Justice Law, which
provides for the development of community-based delinquency
prevention programs.

Correspondence about this article should be addressed to the

author at [email protected].

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