ADBI Working Paper Series: Asian Development Bank Institute
ADBI Working Paper Series: Asian Development Bank Institute
ADBI Working Paper Series: Asian Development Bank Institute
FISCAL DECENTRALIZATION
AND LOCAL BUDGET DEFICITS
IN VIET NAM: AN EMPIRICAL
ANALYSIS
No.613
November 2016
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Suggested citation:
P.J. Morgan and L.Q. Trinh. 2016. Fiscal Decentralization and Local Budget Deficits in Viet
Nam: An Empirical Analysis. ADBI Working Paper 613. Tokyo: Asian Development Bank
Institute. Available: https://www.adb.org/publications/fiscal-decentralization-local-budget-
deficits-viet-nam
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Abstract
Since 1975, Viet Nam has gradually decentralized more fiscal responsibilities to local
authorities. This study has two objectives: (i) to take stock of the current institutional
framework for intergovernmental fiscal relations in Viet Nam, and (ii) to empirically assess
the debt sustainability of local governments in Viet Nam. The empirical analysis uses two
estimation methods: (i) fully modified ordinary least squares (OLS) to estimate the long-term
correlations between co-integration equations, including vectors of co-integration variables,
and stochastic regressor innovations; and (ii) fiscal reaction equations at the provincial level,
based upon the Bohn (2008) model. The empirical results suggest that deficit levels are
generally sustainable at the local level.
Contents
INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................. 1
REFERENCES ................................................................................................................... 25
ADBI Working Paper 613 Morgan and Long
INTRODUCTION
Since 1975, Viet Nam has gradually decentralized more fiscal responsibilities to local
authorities. In 1996, the first State Budget Law was promulgated, and fiscal
decentralization was formally mandated. This law was then revised in 2002 and put into
operation in 2004, giving more autonomy to local governments, especially at the
provincial level to promote sustainable development underpinned by local preferences
and economic stability, equity across provinces, efficient services delivery, and
enhanced transparency and accountability in public finances.
Today, local spending accounts for just over one-half of general government spending,
while local revenue accounts for over one-third of general government revenue, and
just over one-half when extrabudgetary sources are included. These are significant
shares when compared to other countries, particularly those at a similar level of
development to Viet Nam (World Bank 2014).
This study has two objectives: (i) to take stock of the current institutional framework for
intergovernmental fiscal relations, and (ii) to empirically assess the deficit sustainability
of local governments in Viet Nam.
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During this period, the role played by local governments in the budget-making process
grew, and the central government began considering local governments to be
an integral component of the state budget. In 1989, the government implemented a
resolution that regulated the spending responsibilities of and revenue sources for
local governments. Under this resolution, local government revenue came from three
different sources: (i) 100% of locally collected revenue (e.g., collections to cover
depreciation, taxes on the slaughter of livestock, and various fees and charges);
(ii) shared tax revenue with the central government (e.g., revenue from profits of central
and local SOEs and industrial activities); and (iii) conditional transfers to balance
local governments’ budgets. Under this new arrangement, shared revenue could
not be retained by local governments; thus, of 44 provinces, 14 returned additional
revenue to the central government from shared revenue because their local budgets
were balanced.
In 1996, to further reform the central–local government relationship, the first budget
law was promulgated, coming into effect in 1997. This law outlined the spending
responsibility and revenue allocations for central and local governments, and regulated
the borrowing of local governments and intragovernment fiscal transfers. This law was
then revised in 1998, coming into effect in 1999. Under the revised law, the lower tiers
of local government (i.e., district and commune levels) were assured greater revenue
and expenditure responsibilities. For example, they were to secure at least 70% of their
revenue from taxes on the rights of land transfer, land and housing taxes, licensing
taxes from small businesses, and agriculture taxes. This law also defined the roles of
different agencies engaged in the preparation of the central budget as well as the roles
of line ministries and local governments in implementation.
To give more fiscal responsibility to local governments, especially at the provincial
level, the new budget law was promulgated in 2002, taking effect in 2004. 1 This law
has several distinguishing features:
(i) The central government has given local governments more autonomy. While
the 1997 law established intergovernmental fiscal relationships among all
tiers of government, the new law only regulates the fiscal relations between
the central and provincial levels. Local governments now have autonomy
in deciding the fiscal relationship among government levels within their
jurisdictions.
(ii) The fiscal capacity of local governments has been strengthened. The central
government now shares some types of revenues that used to be solely central
government revenue sources (e.g., special consumption taxes, and gasoline
and oil taxes) with local governments.
(iii) The central government also has designed some incentives for revenue efforts
made by local governments.
(iv) The central government has also established a legal foundation for the
adoption of formula-based intergovernmental fiscal transfers.
(v) It established budget stabilization periods of 3–5 years as determined by the
National Assembly. Since 2004, there have been three stability periods:
2004–2006, 2007–2010, and 2011–2016.
1
Different from many other economies, the budget law in Viet Nam not only covers the central
government budget but also that of intergovernmental fiscal relations, and subnational budget
management arrangements, which are usually treated separately in decentralization and local
government laws. This feature reflects the country’s nested budget system (World Bank 2014).
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The new budget law specifies that there is a single, unified public sector budget that
must ultimately be ratified by the National Assembly, implying that the National
Assembly is given more power in the fiscal decentralization process. The transfer norm
decision was also moved from the Ministry of Finance to the National Assembly, and is
made public to sector ministries and provinces, thus improving the transparency and
budget process. Moreover, the National Assembly approves not only estimates of total
revenues and expenditures but also their composition.
Different from other countries, the hierarchical nature of the Viet Nam fiscal system
complicates the budget-making process. Although each local government has some
autonomy in estimating its budget, budgets of lower-level governments are examined
and approved by the higher level of government. Eventually, the outcomes of the entire
process must be integrated into the single state budget. This hierarchical nature also
undermines the autonomy of the lower level of governments, as their budgets are
highly subject to changes and revision requests by higher levels of governments.
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2
Viet Nam’s data do not distinguish capital expenditure for the education and health sectors, so data on
education and health expenditures are included in recurrent spending (World Bank 2014).
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financing, managing, and delivering almost all levels of education, from pre-
kindergarten to university. Such overlaps in expenditure responsibilities create a
number of burdens for local government, including time and efforts to clarify respective
functions for each level (World Bank 2014).
Second, although the new budget law lists spending functions for both the central and
local governments, the lists are both overdetailed and vague, impacting the autonomy
and flexibility of local governments. For example, they list some ambiguous functions
like investment in SOEs, state economic organizations, and state financial institutions,
but spending functions in certain areas may be different among provinces due to
socioeconomic development conditions.
Third, the new budget law gives provinces autonomy to assign expenditure
responsibilities to lower tiers of governments, which leads to substantial heterogeneity
in provinces’ expenditure assignments. In the first stability period, all three subnational
governments were responsible for health care in 25 provinces, provincial and
communal governments shared the responsibility in eight provinces, provincial and
district governments shared the service responsibility in 14, and the service was the
exclusive responsibility of the provincial government in 17 provinces (Le 2006).
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The law also includes an incentive for revenue collection at the local government level.
A local government can retain up to 30% of all shared revenue actually collected in
excess of the estimated amount. Further, to avoid the temptation to underestimate
future shared tax revenues, the law stipulates that the excess amount retained must
not exceed the difference between this year’s actual revenue in shared taxes and
last year’s.
During 2006–2012, decentralized revenue in Viet Nam constituted about 9.6% of
gross domestic product (GDP). Decentralized revenue, however, did not account for a
large share of local economies in Viet Nam. In most of the provinces, decentralized
revenue was equal to about 7.0% of local GDP; these provinces also retained 100% of
the shared revenue that they collect. This is because some of the most potential
sources of revenue, such as trade-related revenue, petroleum-related revenue, and
corporate income taxes from large SOEs, accrue to the central government and not to
local governments. 3
Figure 2 presents the contribution of decentralized revenue to total revenue at the
local government level. The share of revenue that is fully dedicated to provinces
(i.e., own-source revenue) declined from 24.3% in 2004 to 12.6% in 2007 and further to
9.0% in 2013. 4 The share of own-source revenue and shared tax revenue also declined
from 44.8% in 2004 to 30.8% in 2007, yet the share of these two sources of revenue
was stable at about 30.0% of total revenue during 2007–2012. This implies a declining
role of decentralized revenue in total local government revenues. Figure 2 also
indicates a huge gap in the importance of these two sources between provinces with a
3
In 2011, despite the declining trend, trade and petroleum-related revenues are still equal to 8% of
national GDP. Similarly, corporate income tax from unified accounting firms is equal to 7% of GDP
(World Bank 2014).
4
Compared to other Asian economies, this share of this own-source revenue is similar (World
Bank 2014).
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sharing rate of 100% and provinces with a sharing rate of less than 100%. In 2013,
about 60% of total revenue of better-off provinces was from these two sources, while
this figure was about 25% in poorer ones.
Despite efforts to give more power to local governments to raise their revenue, several
obstacles continue to limit the size of local government own-source revenue. First,
there are two concerns about the shared revenues. On one hand, the sharing rate
is set to take into account differences in fiscal capacity. However, in reality, sharing
rates are determined through negotiations between central and local government
authorities, and thus could lead to suboptimal outcomes due to poor revenue forecasts
and differing negotiating capacity (World Bank 2014). The other concern relates to
the fairness of the system. The shared revenues in Viet Nam are split, based on where
revenues are actually collected rather than where the tax is incurred. This raise
questions concerning the fairness of the system, especially for the VAT and corporate
income tax (e.g., if a firm operates in one province, and its headquarters are in
another province).
Second, some regulations hinder the autonomy that the central government gives to
provincial authorities. For example, with regard to fees and user charges, provincial
authorities can only set the charges and fees for 19 of 63 items, while the Ministry of
Finance has the authority to set the fees and user charges of the remaining items. This
partly explains why only about 11% of own-source revenues were collected from fees
and charges (World Bank 2014). Another regulation is related to the share of resources
allocated to the commune level: (i) communes and townships receive at least 70% of
revenues from a tax on transfer of land-use rights, land and housing taxes, the license
tax on individuals and individual households, and registration fees for land and
housing; and (ii) townships and cities receive at least 50% of revenues from registration
fees, excluding registration fees for land and housing. Such sources of revenue cannot
be reallocated among communes, which has caused vertical imbalances among
communes. While many communes and townships cannot absorb the minimum stated
shares of resources, other communes cannot raise adequate resources to meet their
spending needs. This can lead to inefficient spending or regular carryovers in surplus
jurisdictions, and poorer services delivery in deficit jurisdictions (World Bank 2014).
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Third, the lack of minimum standard guidelines for services provision leads to
heterogeneity in responsibility sharing across provinces. For example, some provincial
governments retain all revenue from taxes on natural resources, while subprovincial
governments (i.e., districts and communes) in other provinces are fully or partly entitled
to this tax, depending on business ownership. Sharing rates of a revenue source may
even vary among districts within a province. For example, in 2008, the sharing rates
for land and house registration fees ranged from 13% to 38% among 24 districts in
Ho Chi Minh City.
5
In the second stability period, per capita norms were assigned in 14 sectors. The norms took into
account the geographic locations of the population within a province. Higher norms were established for
those living in remote or mountainous areas, and even higher ones were created for those who live in
the highlands or on islands to take into account the input price differences, economies of scale, and
number of vulnerable populations.
6
For example, for the health sector, urban areas are allocated VND105,600 per person per year,
whereas mountainous areas are allocated VND1,986,880 person per year. This recognizes different
costs of services delivery across different geographic areas.
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There is a wide gap in the role of each revenue source in expenditure between better-
off provinces and poorer ones. In poorer provinces, total transfers still account for
about 50% total expenditure, while decentralized revenue makes up only 30%. Table 3
shows that while better-off provinces have a large fiscal surplus (i.e., their revenue is
always much higher than their expenditure), poorer provinces do not have enough
resources for their spending, even after receiving intergovernmental transfers. This
greatly increases the pressure on these provinces to run budget deficits.
Figure 3: Budget Deficits over Time and the Role of Fiscal Transfers
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Figure 3 presents fiscal gaps among provinces. Before transfers, budget deficits seem
to widen over time. Deficits seem, however, to be driven by budget deficits in poorer
provinces where the revenue per capital is much lower than the expenditure per capita
and the growth of expenditure per capital is higher than that of revenue per
expenditure. After transfers, on average, there is a slight fiscal surplus. In poorer
provinces, fiscal deficits, however, are still observed, indicating a growing vertical
imbalance across provinces. In 2012, more than 58% of provinces that had 100%
retained revenue could only finance less than 20% of decentralized expenditure, while
the corresponding figure for 2007 was about 46%. This is due in part to the rise in
spending responsibilities assigned to local authorities and inelasticity of 100% retained
revenue with respect to nominal GDP (World Bank 2014).
At the lower levels of government, imbalances are more severe within provinces than
across provinces. In many provinces, by the end of 2011, more than 75% of district
expenditure was covered by other sources of finance rather than 100% retained
revenue. Similarly, in many districts, less than 12% of district core spending was
covered by 100% retained revenue in 2011, while this figure was around 20% in 2006.
This is partly due to an increase in spending responsibility decentralization (World
Bank 2014).
The system of central targeted transfers to local authorities is conditional grants
through which the central government aims to achieve socioeconomic development
targets. There are two types of target programs: national target programs (NTPs) and
other target transfers (i.e., conditional transfers).
NTPs aim to accelerate progress toward national sociodevelopment objectives,
covering a wide range of objectives aimed at poverty, education, health, livelihoods,
rural development, culture, energy use, and climate change. The Ministry of Finance
and Ministry of Planning and Investment have overall responsibility for financing
decisions and monitoring across all NTPs. Line ministries, which are assigned key
roles in developing NTPs, are responsible for budget allocations to and oversight of
NTPs. Various line ministries may also be involved if NTPs cover more than one
sector. Currently, there are 16 NTPs.
Other target transfer programs cover a wide range of objectives including capital
investment, infrastructure investment, and economic development programs in specific
regions. Although during last decade this type of target transfer became less important,
it still accounted for about 25% of local spending during 2006–2011, suggesting that
local authorities are less dependent on nondiscretionary resources.
Local governments are responsible for proposing activities and implementing
associated programs at the local level. They prepare proposals, then discuss them with
central government agencies, who in turn submit the financial proposal, including
allocation to provinces, to the Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Planning and
Investment. Implementation must follow regulations set out by the central government
agencies. The allocation of NTP resources is based on a set of eligibility criteria in
relevant Prime Minister’s decisions and accompanying circulars, which mainly
constitute socioeconomic indicators.
In general, Viet Nam’s intragovernment fiscal transfer system works effectively to
reduce fiscal disparities across jurisdictions. The final distributions of expenditures per
capita both across and within provinces are fairly equalized (World Bank 2014).
Nonetheless, there are some institutional issues that may hinder the effectiveness of
such a system. First, the transfer amount is determined in the first years of a stability
period and remains constant in nominal terms over the whole period. For some richer
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provinces, local revenue increases could cover such shortages in real terms, but some
poorer provinces suffer from the loss in real terms.
Second, there are some weaknesses in the transfer norms. For example, in the
education sector, the norms use the number of school-aged children instead of enrolled
pupils, discouraging provinces that have low rates of school enrollment from increasing
enrollment rates. Third, there are some incentive problems due to the right to have full
responsibility for resources allocation within assigned resources at the provincial level.
While most provinces use national transfer norms for allocating recurrent expenditure,
some provinces design their own, creating incentive issues. For instance, while central
norms for health are based on population, norms adopted in some provinces are based
on permanent health care staff or physical endowment, thus encouraging district health
sectors to expand their staff or benefiting disproportionately those places that are
already better equipped, and/or creating incentives to maintain inefficient health care
facilities (Le 2006). Management costs could also increase due to diversified sources
of funding for NTPs. Around 56% of funding for all NTPs during 2012–2013 came from
central authorities, 26% from local authorities, 5% from external donors, 4% from
borrowing, and 9% from community contributions (World Bank 2014). Each NTP may
comply with some financial management rules and procedures.
Fourth, there is a huge gap between estimated budgets and realized budgets. It is
estimated that the realized budget is usually 175% larger than the estimated one,
implying a lack of predictability in NTPs (World Bank 2014), ultimately impacting fiscal
management. Further, it puts pressure on local government budgets and leads to a
proliferation of unfunded mandates. In fact, many local government authorities claim
that national programs and policies are not always accompanied by adequate or timely
financing (World Bank 2014). Under such cases, local governments either stop
implementing NTPs or use their limited resources to implement the programs and seek
reimbursement later.
Fifth, targets set in NTPs are ambiguous, and targets and resourcing are misaligned. A
number of local authorities have argued that the targets set in NTPs are too ambitious
and do not take into account costs and fiscal sustainability at the local government
level (World Bank 2014). Moreover, funding is also not conditional on outputs under the
programs. In addition, capital projects developed under NTPs lack operations and
maintenance resources, hurting the sustainability of the NTP targets.
Six, it is difficult for local authorities to coordinate so many target programs, partly
because the number of programs is high, and national and even subnational steering
committees are ineffective. The total number of target transfer schemes is 44, and the
number of programs is even higher if province-level target programs are taken into
account. The targets set out in such programs overlap (World Bank 2014). Meanwhile,
the ineffectiveness of national, and in some cases subnational, steering committees
that have been established to help coordinate NTP planning and budgeting have
resulted in fragmentation and weak monitoring and evaluation.
In summary, the revenue side of subnational government budgets remains, in many
respects, highly centralized. The tax rates and bases of taxes, both shared and
exclusive to subnational government, are determined centrally. Provinces do, however,
have the authority to set rates for a few local charges and fees and to determine how to
allocate their revenues within their jurisdictions. Furthermore, despite the new budget
law, some provinces use mechanisms contrary to the law, suggesting that de facto
decentralization is somewhat greater than legally sanctioned.
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Such borrowing is monitored closely by the Ministry of Finance. Due to the borrowing
ceilings imposed under the new budget law, local authorities can also turn to other
forms of borrowing, such as local infrastructure development funds and overseas
development assistance (as onlent by central government), which are not subject to the
same limits. Local governments do not have direct access to financing from the central
bank. In terms of administrative procedure, provincial borrowings are subject to various
approval procedures depending on the utilization of fund and instruments, as stipulated
by Public Debt Management Law 2009 and other secondary regulations. In general, all
borrowings have to be inspected and approved by the Ministry of Finance and other
central government agencies where applicable.
Thus, borrowing by local authorities remains very low. During the past 10 years,
subnational debt was kept below 3% of GDP and financed only 4% of development
expenditures. However, in 2011, around 13 provinces exceeded their outstanding debt
stock limits of 30% of annual capital budget. Debt in some provinces was twice as high
as the limit (World Bank 2014).
Although nearly all provinces have engaged in some form of debt financing, the
10 largest borrowers represented more than two-thirds of subnational borrowing in
2012 (Figure 5). The total subnational debt was also concentrated in these cities (42%
of total local debt in 2012), but even within this group, Ho Chi Minh City dominated,
accumulating 38% of the total local debt (World Bank 2014) (Box).
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The ratio of local government borrowing to total local government revenue was 4.0%
in 2007 and 2.4% in 2012. According to the World Bank (2014), local government
borrowing tended to be higher in more developed, more fiscally autonomous, and more
fiscally sustainable provinces. A higher borrowing level was also associated with a
higher share of spending in local expenditure. Therefore, although borrowing levels are
generally low, they seem consistent with the level of local development, capital
spending needs, and fiscal sustainability trends.
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7
Tuoitre Online. 2013. Giật Mình Với 91.000 Tỉ Dồng Nợ Dọng. 9 September. Available
at http://tuoitre.vn/tin/kinh-te/20130909/giat-minh-voi-91000-ti-dong-no-dong/567953.html (accessed
26 September 2016).
8
The Public Debt Bulletin is a consolidated debt bulletin produced by the Ministry of Finance.
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The panel nature of the data takes into account the cross-sectional heterogeneity at the
provincial level. The analytical framework is based on Buettner and Wildasin (2006),
Buettner (2009), Solé–Ollé and Sorribas–Navarro (2012), and Bessho (2016). Denoting
own-source revenue as Rit, total local government expenditure as Eit, and balancing
transfer as Tit, their relations are presented as
If uit is stationary, and if Rit, Eit, and Tit are integrated of order 1, then these variables
are co-integrated with co-integration vector [1,-α, +β]. In this case, we can estimate
the above equation using the fully modified OLS for co-integrated variables. Some
implications can be inferred from this test: (i) if uit is stationary, then the local
government fiscal deficit is not explosive in the long term; and (ii) if α>1,(i.e., a 1%
increase in expenditure will increase revenue by more than 1%), then this will support
the fiscal sustainability of local governments. To account for population differences
among provinces, the above approach is also used with a vector of four variables:
own-source revenue per capita, expenditure per capita, GDP per capita, and balancing
transfer per capita.
Second, to further examine fiscal sustainability at the provincial level, based upon the
Bohn (2008) model, this fiscal reaction equation is used:
where Surplusit is the primary surplus of province i at time t, GDPgapit is the GDP gap,
EXPgapit is the expenditure gap, BTit is the share of balancing transfer in total
expenditure, Xit is a vector of provincial characteristics, π is fixed province effect, εt is
the fixed time effect, and υit is the error term.
Surplus is calculated as the ratio of fiscal surplus to GDP. Fiscal surplus is the
difference between local government revenue and local government expenditure.
Balancing transfer and targeted transfer in local government revenue are not included.
The GDP gap is the difference between the realized GDP and trend values of GDP or
deviation of GDP from its trend.
Similar to Bohn (2008), a positive value of the GDP gap implies that the realized GDP
is higher than its trend value. Similarly, the expenditure gap is the difference between
the realized expenditure and its trend at the provincial level. A positive value of the
expenditure gap implies that the realized expenditure is higher than its trend. Both
trend values are calculated by using the Hodrick–Prescott filter using a smoothing
parameter of 10,000. Therefore, the expenditure gap is expected to have a negative
influence on the fiscal surplus, and the output gap variable is expected to have a
positive influence on the fiscal surplus. If output is below its trend, the surplus should
decrease. Similarly, if government spending is above its trend, the surplus should
decrease. To examine how the fiscal deficit at the central government level may have
implications for local government fiscal surplus, the share of balancing transfer in total
expenditure is used. The more a province is dependent on balancing transfers, it is
expected that the less fiscal surplus it will enjoy.
Instead of using data compiled by provinces due to missing data (i.e., some provinces
do not publish their fiscal data in some years), data consolidated by the Ministry of
Finance are used. These data, however, do not categorize expenditure and revenue
items at the provincial level. To account for different fiscal capacities, in some
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estimations, the sample is divided into two groups: (i) provinces for which the share
rate is 100% (i.e., poorer provinces); and (ii) provinces with sharing rates lower than
100% (i.e., better-off provinces).
To avoid spurious regressions, this study examines whether the panel data are
stationary by using panel unit root tests (Levin, Lin, James–Chu 2002; Breitung 2002;
Im, Pesaran, Shin 2003) and Fisher-type tests using Augment Dickey–Fuller (ADF) and
Phillips–Perron (PP) tests (Maddala and Wu 1999). Levin, Lin, James–Chu (2002) and
Breitung (2002) models were based on the ADF test and assumed homogeneity in the
dynamics of the autoregressive coefficients for all panel units with cross-sectional
independence, while Im et al. (2003); Fisher–ADF; and Fisher–PP tests allow for
heterogeneity in the autoregressive coefficients for all panel members. The alternative
hypothesis simply implies that some or all of the individual series are stationary. The
panel unit root results are presented in Table 5.
There is a large difference in the test results. While under the assumption of
homogeneity in the dynamic of autoregressive coefficients, Levin, Lin, James–Chu
(2002) and Breitung (2002) show that there is no unit root in individual variables, while
Im, Pesaran, Shin (2003); Fisher–ADF; and Fisher–PP tests show that all variables
have unit roots at the level and no unit root at the first difference. Because the sample
includes all provinces in the country, heterogeneity is surely present. Therefore, it can
be concluded that there are unit roots for the data in the level and no unit root for data
at the first difference.
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After testing for unit roots, co-integration among the variables of interest is investigated.
Pedroni (2000) proposed a methodology to test for panel data co-integration, which
allows testing for the co-integrated relationship in four different models: model without
heterogeneous trend and ignoring common time effect (M1), model without common
time effect and allowing heterogeneous trend (M2), model with heterogeneous trend
and allowing common time effect (M3), and model with common time effect and
ignoring heterogeneous trend (M4). Pedroni (1999) showed that there are seven
different statistics for the co-integration test: panel v-statistic, panel ρρ-statistic, Pedroni
Panel-statistic, panel ADF-statistic, group rho-statistic, group Pedroni Panel-statistic,
and group ADF-statistic. The first four statistics are known as panel co-integration
statistics and are based on the within-dimension approach. The last three statistics
are group panel co-integration statistics and are based on the between-dimension
approach. In the presence of a co-integrating relationship, the residuals are expected
to be stationary.
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If αe<1, (i.e., a 1% increase in revenue increases expenditure by less than 1%), then
fiscal sustainability is supported. The results in panel B of Table 7 show that the
coefficient of revenue in all specifications is lower than 1, supporting the results
presented in panel A with revenue as the dependent variable.
To account for provincial heterogeneity, the long-term relationship is analyzed between
four variables, revenue per capita, expenditure per capita, provincial GDP per capita,
and balancing per capita, using the fully modified OLS estimator panel. The results are
reported in panel C (with revenue per capita as the dependent variable) and panel D
(with expenditure per capita as the dependent variable). These results support those
using aggregate data. It is interesting to note that local GDP per capita does not have a
statistically significant effect on revenue per capita but does have a positive and
statistically significant effect on expenditure per capita.
9
There is some statistical evidence indicating that the sample of better-off provinces is small for this
analysis, so the estimation with the sample of better-off provinces is not carried out.
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Table 8 presents the debt sustainability analysis. Columns 1 and 2 are estimation
results using the fixed-effect estimator, and columns 3 and 4 use the dynamic panel
generalized method of moments (GMM) estimator. The sample in panel A consists of
all provinces, and panel B includes only provinces with sharing rates of 100%. 10
The estimation results using fixed-effects estimators suggest that for both samples
(i.e., all provinces and poorer provinces), the local expenditure gap has a negative
effect on the fiscal surplus, implying that a 1% increase in the gap between realized
expenditure and its trend value would reduce the fiscal surplus by 0.06%–0.12%
depending on the estimators. The provincial population also has a negative effect on
the fiscal surplus, because more populous provinces may have to spend more to meet
the demand within their jurisdiction, thus their fiscal deficit declines as the population
increases. In contrast, GDP per capita has a positive effect on the fiscal surplus.
10
It should be noted that due to the small number of provinces with a share rate less than 100%,
estimates using the fixed-effect estimator and dynamic generalized method of moments (GMM) could
be inconsistent, so this type of equation for such provinces is not done.
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However, unlike expectations, the local GDP gap has a negative effect on the fiscal
surplus, that is, as the local realized GDP is higher than their trend values, the fiscal
surplus is lower. A clear explanation for this issue does not exist; it is potentially due to
an endogeneity issue.
To account for this endogeneity, third lags of dependent variables and independent
variables as instrumental variables are used. The statistics from the Hansen test and
first-order and second-order autoregression tests all satisfy the identification conditions
for dynamic GMM specifications. The estimation results show that the fiscal surplus in
the last period has a negative effect on the current fiscal surplus, ensuring that the
fiscal surplus is not explosive and supports fiscal sustainability at the local level. The
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ADBI Working Paper 613 Morgan and Long
estimation results obtained from dynamic GMM indicate that the local GDP gap has a
positive effect on the fiscal surplus, although they do not have an economic effect for
poorer provinces. While the expenditure gap has the expected sign for the specification
with the whole sample, it has a positive effect on fiscal surplus for poorer provinces.
This suggests that provinces that suffer from expenditure gaps may increase their
efforts to increase their own-source revenues, which could help them cover gaps
in expenditure and accumulate extra revenue. This, in turn, supports the previous
conjecture that the balancing transfer system may discourage provinces in increasing
their revenue efforts. The coefficient on the ratio of balancing transfer to total
expenditure is negative and statistically significant, suggesting that the more dependent
on government transfers a province is, the higher the likelihood that it will go
into deficit.
23
ADBI Working Paper 613 Morgan and Long
24
ADBI Working Paper 613 Morgan and Long
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