DRAFT - Curriculum Guidebook For Latino Studies FWISD 2018-2019
DRAFT - Curriculum Guidebook For Latino Studies FWISD 2018-2019
DRAFT - Curriculum Guidebook For Latino Studies FWISD 2018-2019
2018-2019
Latino/a Studies
Guidebook
DRAFT - last updated June 26, 2019
Vision
Preparing students for college, career, and community leadership through learning about the
individual histories and cultures of people represented in the FWISD community. Going into the
future, this curriculum supports:
Leading innovative experiences that develop students understanding about history, ethnicity,
culture, and identity;
Empowering stakeholders to forge bridges between district and community about history,
ethnicity, culture, and identity;
Encouraging students to value unity in the midst of their diverse cultures and histories;
Sparking lifelong learners of Latino/a history and culture;
Empowering students to be centered in their own culture and authors of their personal
narrative;
And creating conditions that afford students the opportunity to explore their own story with a
freedom to be their authentic selves.
Mission
This document lives to create equity within the curriculum by providing multiple historical and
cultural narratives that enhance students understanding of themselves and fostering authentic
relationships grounded in mutual understanding.
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1. Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
2. Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
3. Introductory Essay: Latino/a Studies: Origins, Histories, Presents, Futures
I. Origins and History of Latino/a Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
II. Origins and History of U.S. Latinos/as
1. Pre-Colonial Indigenous American Civilizations and Iberian History. . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
2. Spanish America and the Colonial Era . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
3. U.S. Imperialism and Latin American Nationalisms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
4. Migration and the Making of Latino/a Communities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
5. The Long and Wide Civil Rights Movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
6. Radical Movements, Critiques, and Legacies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
7. Emergent Shifts and Contemporary Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
III. Bibliography
1. Works Cited . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
2. Works Consulted. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
4. Overarching Understandings and Overarching Questions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
5. Guiding Themes of the Latino/a Studies Curriculum
1. Pre-Colonial Indigenous American Civilizations and Iberian History. . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
2. Spanish America and the Colonial Era . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
3. U.S. Imperialism and Latin American Nationalisms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
4. Migration and the Making of Latino/a Communities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
5. The Long and Wide Civil Rights Movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
6. Radical Movements, Critiques, and Legacies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
7. Emergent Shifts and Contemporary Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
6. K-12 Implementation – Core Course Infusion with Depth through Electives . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
Annotated Bibliography: Implementing a Latino/a Studies Curriculum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
7. Content Maps by Grade Level
K-12. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Elective Courses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
8. Latino/a Studies Resources List K-12
PBS – Latino Americans Timeline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
Titles in FWISD Campus Libraries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
Annotated Bibliography: Latino/a Literature and Social Studies
1. Grades K-5. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
2. Grades 6-12. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
Webliography: National and Local Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Important National Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
TCU’s CRES Department Flyer: “Community Organizations in the Fort Worth Area” . . . 130
9. Learning Experience Opportunities Beyond the Classroom
Field Trips . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
Local and Regional Resources and Scholarships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
FWISD Elementary History Fair . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
State and National History Day . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
10. Hispanic Heritage Month Ideas and Resources
Scholastic, Inc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
National Education Association. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
Montgomery County (MD) Public Schools. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
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Acknowledgements
With any undertaking of this scope and magnitude, there is an indebtedness owed to those sincere and
dedicated individuals whose support made it possible. Indeed, many people assisted in preparing this
curriculum guidebook. Their commitment, expertise, and passion in developing this curriculum is
greatly appreciated.
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Overview
FWISD’s mission is to “Prepare ALL students for success in college, career, and community
leadership.” Being prepared for success means a FWISD graduate should independently be able to
articulate ideas and exhibit behaviors that cultivate teamwork, critical thought, and communication
skills needed to function in a culturally diverse workforce and global community. The overlay
curriculum sets the narrative, understandings and questions to guide the infusion of Latino/a history
and culture into the core curricula across grade level and courses beyond what is defined in the Texas
Essential Knowledge and Skills (TEKS). A living document, this curriculum remains a work in
progress. It will evolve in response to future TEKS iterations and, until then, be improved upon to
best serve the FWISD learning community.
An overlay curriculum serves as a support and guidance document for curriculum writers, teachers,
administrators, and anyone else who is interested in knowing what FWISD students are learning
about Latino/a history and culture. It does not take the place of the core district curriculum, nor is it
a separate unit of instruction. Rather, the overlay curriculum informs what’s written into the core
curriculum just as grade/level course TEKS are used.
The content narrative of Latino/a Studies is organized according to 7 Themes. The themes were
developed by Dr. Max Krochmal (Principal Investigator) and Dr. David Colón (Primary Author) and
refined as part of a joint collaboration between members of the Curriculum Writing Team, the
district’s Social Studies Curriculum team, and members of the FWISD community. The themes are
intended to systemically infuse the experience of Latinos/as throughout the district’s Social Studies
curricula.
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Living up to the mission and vision of this document means that students learn to understand at
progressively deeper levels—that they are able to transfer their understanding of Latino/a Studies to
novel contexts while they are in school or upon high school graduation. In support of this aim, the
curriculum’s structure is primarily influenced by Grant Wiggins and Jay McTighe’s Understanding
by Design (UbD) framework. Understandings and questions are mapped at two-levels:
An enduring understanding is a “big idea” that gets to the core of content. It is what we want students
to remember after they have forgotten many of the details. An enduring understanding provides the
larger purpose for the learned content, having enduring value beyond the classroom. It answers the
question, “Why is this topic worth studying?” It goes beyond discreet facts and is transferable to
situations beyond the content.
An essential question is a “big idea” question that shapes the materials and activities that will guide
student thinking and inquiry into theme related content. Essential questions probe the deepest issues
confronting us; complex and baffling matters that elude simple answers; and issues such as courage,
leadership, identity, relationships, justice, conflict, or prejudice. They are open-ended and are framed
to provoke and sustain student interest.
Similar to learning standards, the overlay curriculum informs “the what” behind the district’s written
core curriculum. Therefore, if teachers are planning their daily instruction using the core curriculum,
then they are by consequence also “teaching the overlay/infusion curriculum.” Where applicable, the
core curriculum will include annotations that reference back to this guidebook.
In lieu of day-to-day planning, this guidebook is envisioned to better serve teachers and administrators
as a reference and learning tool throughout the year. It provides a comprehensive account of the
content, how it plays out, and curates a list of aligned resources. Administrators and teachers can also
use this guidebook to inform professional learning priorities and plan campus-based special events.
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Introductory Essay
In April of 1777, Colonel George Morgan, the Continental Army’s commander of Fort Pitt, sent
a flotilla of empty ships down the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers to New Orleans, where his crew would
appeal to Spanish Louisiana for aid in the war against Britain. Four months later, the ships returned
to Pennsylvania stocked thanks to Louisiana’s governor, Bernardo de Gálvez (1746-1786). After some
admonishment and disregarding the advice of Spanish authorities, Gálvez would continue to aid the
American Revolution. In 1778, the Second Continental Congress signed a treaty with France to join
forces against the British and as a result, England concentrated its war efforts to the South, encroaching
on Spanish-controlled territory. So Gálvez financed George Rogers Clark’s Siege of Fort Sackville,
Illinois (1779), a key victory for the Americans that turned the tide in the Midwest.
Soon after, Spain declared war against England. Gálvez subsequently amassed a fighting force of
667 men—a group that combined free Native Americans, African Americans, creoles, and
Spaniards1—to combat British forces along the Gulf of Mexico, aiding the revolutionaries further by
making the British fight on two fronts. Between 1779 and 1781, Gálvez’s mixed battalion defeated the
British at Fort Bute, Baton Rouge, Natchez, Mobile, and finally Pensacola, thereby ending British
occupation of Florida. Meanwhile, in the Northeast, George Washington allied with the Compte de
Rochambeau to prepare a new campaign fraught with challenges. Diseases like smallpox and yellow
fever killed as many soldiers as did combat; the Royal Navy dominated the Atlantic; and the recently
adopted Articles of Confederation (1777) prevented Congress from taxing states to generate revenue,
relying on voluntary contributions from states to fund the war. As a result, Washington desperately
needed supplies and money to pay exhausted soldiers salaries long overdue.
One of Gálvez’s officers, Don Francisco Saavedra de Sangronis, who had been stationed in the
Caribbean after the Siege of Pensacola, was dispatched for the task. Saavedra quickly secured 100,000
silver pesos from Santo Domingo and another 500,000 from private donors in Havana (in today’s
value, into the tens of millions). Saavedra then committed Spain’s navy to protect French interests in
the Caribbean so that the French West Indies full battle fleet of 30 warships could be deployed to
deliver the money to Washington. When the French ships arrived, they blockaded the Chesapeake
Bay, where British General George Cornwallis had camped his 9,000 battle-weary soldiers.
Washington at the time was in White Plains preparing to attack New York City when he heard the
news of the French fleet’s arrival. He hastily set out on the famous “celebrated march” to Virginia
with Rochambeau, 3,000 Continental troops, and 4,000 French soldiers. When they crossed
Philadelphia, the Americans were fed up with Washington’s promises and demanded their wages in
coin, not the inflated paper currency they deemed worthless. Washington borrowed what gold he
could from Rochambeau to pay his soldiers enough to end their halt and continue on to Virginia.
When Washington’s army arrived at Williamsburg, the French naval bombardment of the British
at Chesapeake Bay had been underway for weeks. Thousands more fatigued soldiers rendezvoused
with the troops under Washington’s command, and Saavedra’s silver provided the means necessary
for Washington to recoup his infantry and engage the British at the Siege of Yorktown (1781). This
hidden influx of cash from the Spanish Caribbean reinforced the Continental Army and took
Cornwallis by surprise. The British were defeated at Yorktown, the escape route out of the Bay was
closed, and Lord Cornwallis, along with 7,000 of his soldiers, surrendered. Washington’s success at
Yorktown was the pivotal victory that led to negotiating the Treaty of Paris (1783), which ended the
1
Trickey 2017, n.pag.
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American Revolution and officially recognized the United States of America as free, sovereign, and
autonomous.
Latino/a Influence
The question, What major contributions have Latinos/as made to the United States of America? should
not be hard for anyone to answer. Latinos/as throughout history have made some of the most
important and celebrated contributions to our country—and the world. As the prior section attests, it
could be said that between Spanish Louisiana financing of the efforts in Pennsylvania and Illinois,
Gálvez’s Latino battalion earning victories in Louisiana, Alabama, and Florida, and Saavedra’s
massive fundraising in Cuba and the Dominican Republic to pay for Yorktown, Latinos/as had an
indispensable role in the very founding of our nation. And a lasting one. Nearly a century later, during
the Civil War, Colonel Ambrosio José Gonzales, a native Cuban, served as the Confederate artillery
commander for South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. For the Union, Diego Archuleta, a native New
Mexican, became the first Latino to reach the rank of brigadier
general in the U.S. military.
But fighting for independence is just one of the numerous
areas in which Latinos/as have made important contributions to
society. For example, from 1942 to 1964, a U.S. Congressional
initiative called the Bracero Program issued 4.6 million contracts
to hire temporary farm workers from Mexico to remedy the U.S.
labor shortage crisis and ensure domestic crop harvests during
World War II and the Cold War. Today, of the five most widely
consumed crops in the world, three (corn, potatoes, and cassava)
are indigenous to Latin America thanks to 10,000 years of
horticulture. The majority of roofers, painters, flooring installers,
and agricultural workers in the U.S. labor force are Latino/a. In
contemporary politics and government, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-
Cortez is the youngest woman ever elected to Congress, and
Justice Sonia Sotomayor is a leading voice on the Supreme
Court. In entertainment, performers ranging from Anthony
Quinn to Benicio del Toro, Celia Cruz to Rita Moreno, Nancy
López to Oscar de la Hoya, Carlos Santana to Cardi B have kept
Latinos/as at the forefront of the American cultural imagination
for decades. The Broadway musical Hamilton, nominated for a
record 16 Tony Awards, was written and headlined by Lin-
Manuel Miranda. Any shortlist of the Texas Rangers’ all-time
great players would include Latinos so widely known amongst
baseball fans that they simply go by nicknames: Pudge, Igor, El
Indio, Big Sexy. As of 2019, there are over 58 million Latinos/as
living in the U.S., our country’s largest non-Anglo ethnic group
(fig.1) and larger than the entire population of England.
Latinos/as produce a share of the U.S. gross domestic product
(GDP) that stands at $2.13 trillion per year, a sum surpassed by
fig. 1: Breakdown by national-origin heritage
the GDPs of only six countries worldwide. 2 Here in Texas, State of Latinos/as in the U.S.
Demographer Dr. Lloyd Potter wrote in 2014: “Our population (http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-
projections suggest the Hispanic population will likely surpass tank/2017/09/18/how-the-u-s-hispanic-
the Anglo population in Texas by 2020” and will “make up a population-is-changing/)
2
Moreno 2018, n.pag.
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majority of the Texas population [by] 2042.”3 The city of Galveston is named after none other than
Governor Bernardo de Gálvez, who in 2014 was only the eighth person ever awarded Honorary
Citizenship by the U.S. Congress. If the question, What major contributions have Latinos/as made to the
United States of America? is at all challenging to suitably answer, it is not because Latinos/as haven’t
made major contributions: it is because our educational system, by longstanding design, has avoided
formally educating us on the subject of Latino/a Studies.
The field of Latino/a Studies encompasses all areas directly related to the histories, cultures,
politics, economies, and civic engagement of people in the U.S. who are of Latin American descent.
As such, Latino/a Studies is by nature interdisciplinary. And like other fields of Ethnic Studies,
Latino/a Studies began as a curricular corrective: it emerged to amend mainstream educational
systems by reacting critically to the historical exclusion of Latino/a subject matter in education. The
longstanding absence of Latino/a subject matter left many students, teachers, and scholars with a false
impression that Latinos/as were a people without a history, without achievements, without a worthy
place in U.S. culture and society. It took painstaking efforts to correct this widespread omission in
schools, colleges, and libraries, efforts by key people who resisted the institutionalization of
Anglo/European exceptionalism in education; recovered primary texts and media long forgotten or
ignored; and organized material into archives, histories, and courses at times when political resistance
to such progressive change was far more powerful and unabashed than it even is today. In short, the
history of Latino/a Studies as an academic field is a history of activism.
Although establishing the field of U.S. Latino/a Studies was catalyzed by events and protests
during the late 1960s, there were several important innovators before the height of the Civil Right Era
who produced bodies of research that set precedent for the
viability of this area of scholarship and study. The art
historian and critic Arturo (Arthur) Schomburg (1874-1938;
fig.2)—who was of African and German descent, was born
and raised in Santurce, Puerto Rico, and self-identified in his
own terms as an “Afroborinqueño,” or ‘Afro-Puerto
Rican’4—had amassed such a large collection of rare books,
manuscripts, photographs, and art of the African diaspora
that in 1926 he sold it for $10,000 to the 135th Street Branch
of the New York Public Library (NYPL). This archive still
exists today as The Schomburg Center for Research in Black
Culture and is noteworthy not only for being one of the finest
archives of African diasporic culture in the world, but also
for its scope, which was inclusive of the extensive African
diaspora present throughout Latin America and the Spanish
Caribbean. Schomburg’s work was an early precursor to
Afro-Latino/a studies and comparative studies in race and
ethnicity. Another preeminent Puerto Rican, the lauded poet
William Carlos Williams (1883-1963), spent a yearlong
sabbatical at the NYPL to research and write In The American
Grain (1925). This pioneering book treats American history fig. 2: Arturo Schomburg. Photographs and
as not national but rather transnational (“America” as in The Prints Division, Schomburg Center for
Research in Black Culture.
Americas, not simply the U.S.), including chapters on (https://www.nypl.org/blog/2016/07/01/h
Cotton Mather, Daniel Boone, Aaron Burr, and Abraham onoring-schomburg-afro-latino-legacy)
3
Potter and Hoque 2014, 4.
4
Frederick 2016, n.pag.
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Lincoln alongside ones on Hernán Cortés, Montezuma, Jacataqua, and Juan Ponce de León. On his
motive to recast American history as inclusive of both Anglo America and Spanish America, Williams
grounded his stance in the importance of the Native American legacy that unites us as a people:
“History! History! We fools, what do we know or care? History begins for us with murder and
enslavement, not with discovery. No, we are not Indians but we are men of their world. The blood
means nothing; the spirit, the ghost of the land moves in the blood, moves the blood.”5 And Julia de
Burgos (1914-1953), a venerated Puerto Rican Nationalist, poet, and journalist for the newspaper
Pueblos Hispanos in New York City, reported on extensive ethnographic research she conducted while
covering the burgeoning Puerto Rican populations of New York’s Lower East Side and other working-
class neighborhoods.
At the same time, innovative scholars in the Southwest were working to provide the groundwork
for establishing Mexican American Studies. George I. Sánchez (1906-1972) was one such immediate
forebear. Born and raised in Albuquerque, New Mexico, Sánchez received his Ed.D. in 1934 from the
University of California at Berkeley, became the first professor of Latin American Studies at the
University of Texas at Austin, and “was an effective, relentless and cantankerous Hispanic leader in
the fights against the rank racism leveled at Mexican-Americans in New Mexico and Texas from the
1930s through the 1960s.”6 Carlos Castaneda (1896-1958) became the first curator of UT’s Latin
American collection in 1927. For his seven-volume masterwork, Our Catholic Heritage in Texas (1936-
1958) Castañeda was dubbed a Knight of the Holy Sepulchre by the Pope and a Knight of the Order
of Isabella the Catholic, in Spain. Julian Samora (1920-1996), the first Mexican American to ever
receive a Ph.D. in Sociology, pioneered the field of medical anthropology with his work on Mexican
American communities in the Southwest and the Midwest. Born and raised in Brownsville, Texas,
Américo Paredes (1915-1999) authored With His Pistol in His Hand: A Border Ballad and Its Hero (1958),
a groundbreaking ethnography of Gregorio Cortez, who
shot and killed a Texas Ranger in self-defense. Paredes
would go on to publish many books on Mexican
American folklore and music as well as found the Center
for Mexican American Studies at UT-Austin. Ernesto
Galarza (1905-1984) was a model scholar-activist whose
book, Merchants of Labor (1964) documented the
negligence and abuses of administrators of the Bracero
Program, in part leading to the program’s demise.
Schomburg, Williams, Paredes, Burgos, Sánchez,
Castañeda, Samora, Paredes, and many others (e.g.
Juan Gómez-Quiñones, Manuel Gamio, Paul Taylor,
and Herbert Bolton) provided crucial precedents for
U.S. Latino/a Studies leading up to its establishment as
a recognized field of research and scholarly inquiry.
In the wake of the Civil Rights Act (1964),
numerous multiethnic/multiracial coalitions and
activist groups pressured school and college
administrators to diversify curricula and reflect more
accurately the histories and achievements of people of
color. In the spring of 1968, some 15,000 Mexican
American students in East Los Angeles walked out of
fig. 3: Third World Liberation Front’s Notice of
Demands, San Francisco State University, 1968.
public schools to protest the practice of corporal
(https://www.sutori.com/story/a-history-of-ethnic- punishment for speaking Spanish in school and to
studies) demand more Latino/a teachers, administrators, and
5
Williams 1925, 73.
6
Dugger 2015, n.pag.
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curricula that included bilingual education.7 Later that year, college students involved in these
“blowouts” also organized their efforts to make similar demands on various university campuses in
California, including California State University-Los Angeles, where the first Mexican American
Studies program was founded in the U.S.8 At San Francisco State University, a multi-campus group
called the Third World Liberation Front coordinated the largest student strike in U.S. history, from
November 1968 to April 1969, and issued a statement of demands to administration (fig.3) to create a
College of Ethnic Studies that housed the Latina/Latino Studies Department. At the University of
California at Berkeley, parallel efforts came from the Mexican American Student Confederation, the
African American Student Union, and the Asian American Political Alliance: a multiethnic
consortium working together for lasting improvements to curriculum and staffing.9 The composition
and dissemination of El Plan de Santa Bárbara: A Chicano Plan for Higher Education (1969) brought these
efforts to a head in April of 1969, when the newly formed Chicano Coordinating Council on Higher
Education drafted this 155-page plan to address social justice and curriculum. El Plan resulted from a
conference at the University of California at Santa Barbara at which students representing a dozen
Californian universities organized a new coalition, MEChA (Movimiento Estudiantil Chicanx de Aztlán),
which nationally has some 400 affiliated chapters on college campuses today. In 1970, the creation of
Latino/a Studies programs and departments proliferated throughout the country, ranging from the
Puerto Rican Studies Department at Brooklyn College, CUNY to the Chicano/a Studies Department
at the University of Texas-El Paso, the first such program in Texas.
Since then, the field of Latino/a Studies has grown in profound ways. Decades of advancement
in Latino/a Studies research and teaching have produced a long and wide body of scholarship on
Latinos/as in the U.S. From the start, a major motivation for this movement in education was to
reverse the prevalent negative, biased portrayals of Latinos/as in culture and media, from literature to
journalism to film to television to politics. While this focus has shifted somewhat over the years as
Latino/a scholars have made strides in recovering the accuracy of our own portrayals, this impetus is
still present in contemporary educators’ efforts. And history has taught us that schools with large (if
not majority) populations of Latino/a students inherently have the collective self-esteem to advocate
for proper change and assert their influence as a constituency to improve administration and curricula.
For these reasons, our cohort of faculty and staff affiliated with TCU’s Comparative Race & Ethnic
Studies Department (CRES) have developed and designed this curriculum overlay in collaboration
with the Fort Worth Independent School District (FWISD). It is intended to infuse the existing Texas
Essential Knowledge and Skills (TEKS) curriculum with material that helps FWISD teachers and
administrators be more accurate, efficient, and confident in teaching Social Studies that stay true to,
for lack of a better word, reality. Effectively incorporating Latino/a Studies content into Social Studies
curricula avoids cultural exclusion, ethnic marginalization, and distorted perceptions that undermine
the success of all students from all backgrounds. By empowering teachers and curriculum specialists
with information and resources, we intend to help prepare FWISD students of all ages and levels to
understand more thoroughly the social complexities of the U.S. and Texas at a historical moment
when the term “racial or ethnic minority” refers to every demographic in Texas that we know—“non-
Hispanic whites” included.
7
Escobar 2018, n.pag.
8
Mariscal 2005, 213.
9
Mariscal 2005, 213.
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Contents:
Considering the long history of the American hemisphere, the ancestry of U.S. Latinos/as is
extraordinarily diverse. The modern term Latino/a refers to all people with heritage from Latin
America, including greater Mexico, Central America, South America, and the Spanish Caribbean.
The wide range of descendants of indigenous American peoples and a variety of colonists, immigrants,
and peoples brought in bondage (combined or separated to varying degrees depending on the region
and time period) results in a history that involves cultures from all over the world. Understanding
them and their long history is a challenge for students, teachers, and scholars alike because the history
spans many thousands of years and covers many millions of square miles. New artifacts,
archaeological sites, testing methods, and findings are being revealed by the day, constantly rewriting
the history of Latin America’s first peoples.
Even with the best of intentions, Social Studies curricula can tend to pay an undue amount of
attention to Anglo/European societies and their relationships with indigenous peoples whenever
American indigenous peoples are meant to be the focus of study. Such a distraction trades adequate
attention to the full range of indigenous cultures and experiences in exchange for a narrow focus on
reductive generalizations conceived by Westerners. This has developed a misleading binary in the
ways we think about events in world history. We know that in the Americas, indigenous civilizations
have risen and fallen. They were often in competition with neighboring Native civilizations that
existed at the same time. Other times civilizations effectively evolved into new species of social order,
impacted by numerous environmental and cultural factors. Therefore, it is key to remember that before
Iberian colonizers arrived to the American hemisphere in the 1490s, many languages, political
systems, religions, ethnicities, and wars arose between indigenous peoples without interference from
Anglos or Europeans whatsoever. (Just as many key events in modern Texan and U.S. history that
shaped our present condition involved factors and participants who did not self-identify as being of
Anglo/European ancestry or heritage.) This awareness can help you decolonize your curriculum: to
distinguish between facts and reason on the one hand, and ideology and propaganda on the other. As
the saying goes, “History is written by the victors,” and what we inherit from our forebears as the
official account of the past is invariably a narrative intended to proclaim and preserve the virtues of
authority. Oftentimes this inheritance is patently unfair, even inaccurate, as the drive to preserve
authority can come with the price of disempowering groups of people who do not deserve it. To
decolonize your curriculum is to actively audit your teaching materials and practices to purge them of
contents and scopes that unduly or inaccurately privilege the values and perspectives of
Anglo/European colonizer culture over those of non-Western, indigenous, or—as has recently
entered scholarly parlance—Global South cultures. This way, you can avoid the default reflex
(especially when the material is unfamiliar or obscure) to center Anglo/European importance even in
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topics that clearly do not include Western civilization. The importance of non-Anglo/European
civilizations does not begin with colonization. It begins with indigenous sovereignty.
The earliest people known to have lived in what is now Latin America did so at least 12,000 years
ago, confirmed in part by the discovery in 1975 of an 11,500-year-old fossilized human skeleton (the
Luzia Skeleton) in Lapa Vermelha, Brazil. Recent studies in carbon dating and genetic analysis
support claims that well after the original dispersal of humans from Africa, people migrated from
Siberia to North America across the Bering Strait about 23,000 years ago. They then continued on a
gradual southern descent over the following ten thousand years to thoroughly populate both American
continents. DNA analysis results published in 2015 reveal slight traces of Australo-Melanesian genes
in indigenous American ancestry, meaning that at some point in time a different, smaller wave of
prehistoric migrants arrived to the Americas from Australia, New Guinea, and/or the Andaman
Islands.10 Precisely how these human migrations happened is still an unanswered question that
archaeologists, linguists, and geneticists continue to work on proving.
Pre-civilized people in what is now Latin America lived for millennia as hunter-gatherers in small
nomadic communities of probably less than 100 members. Low population density afforded adequate
natural resources that were easily renewed. Efficient weapons for hunting, such as a spear thrower
called the atlatl, were developed. Around 8,000 B.C., systems of agriculture began to appear in
Mexico, yielding crops such as beans, corn, peppers, and squash—foods that are still Latin American
staples today. While communities remained small in size, farming required settlements to replace
nomadic culture and thus villages were established that have left behind fossil remains of pottery,
milling stones, looms, huts, and an assortment of woven products like mats and baskets.11 This rise in
material culture, as a result of agricultural societies, is likely the foundation of the more complex social
structures that appeared after 3,000 B.C.
At the moment, the earliest known civilization to have existed anywhere in present-day Latin
America is the Norte Chico civilization (3,100-1,800 B.C.) of Peru.12 The Norte Chico civilization—
which created Huaricanga, the first city in the Americas—is considered one of the world’s six pristine
civilizations, meaning original civilizations that were unique and developed independently without
outside influence. These six are the ancient cultures of the Andes, Mesopotamia, Egypt, India, China,
and Mesoamerica.13 Norte Chico produced terraced pyramids, sunken plazas, and irrigation
techniques that might have led to their eventual migration out of the region, 14 innovations that could
have influenced the later Chavín civilization (900-200 B.C.), also of Peru. The Chavín had long been
considered the true pristine civilization of the Andes until carbon dating of Norte Chico remains in 2001
revealed that they were thousands of years older than the Chavín (as old, in fact, as the ancient
Egyptians). Such remains include a fragment of a Norte Chico gourd bowl depicting the “Staff God,”
previously known to be the chief deity of the Chavín.15
To the north, the approximately 400 remaining texts written in ancient iconic script16 along with
varied archaeological evidence tell us that the Olmec civilization (2,000-400 B.C.) was the first in
Mesoamerica, an area spanning what today is all or parts of Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, Honduras,
and El Salvador. The Olmec civilization established the first urban center in Mesoamerica, at San
10
Balter 2015, n.pag.
11
Russell 2010, 2.
12
Hass and Creamer 2006, 745-746.
13
Diehl 2004, 11-12; Haas and Creamer 2006, 745; Rosenwig 2010, 3; Russell 2010, 4.
14
Hooper 2005, n.pag.
15
Haas et. al. 2003, 9.
16
Brotherston 1992, 17.
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17
Russell 2010, 4.
18
Haslip-Viera et. al., 1997.
19
Silberman et. al., 2012, n.pag.
20
Magni 2008, 69.
21
Rosenwig 2010, 43.
22
Ochoa et. al. 2002, 170.
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speaking, the Classic Maya civilization (250-900 A.D.) produced cities with tens of thousands of
inhabitants, including Chichén Itzá and, earlier, Teotihuacán (City of the Gods), which was given this
name by the Aztecs (1325-1521 A.D.) after they discovered its ruins and revived it many centuries
later. The sites of Teotihuacán and the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlán are both contained within present-
day greater Mexico City, and fifty miles further out lies the site of Tula, the capital of the Toltec
civilization (900-1175 A.D.). The Mexican state of Oaxaca originated from the Zapotec civilization
(700 B.C.-1563 A.D.) with the ancient cities of Monte Albán and Mitla.
The Inca (1438-1533 A.D.) of Peru, as well as the Taíno, Arahuaco, and Lokono of the Caribbean
basin, were just some of the indigenous cultures thriving in the Americas when Spanish colonists first
arrived. The pre-Columbian achievements of indigenous Latin American civilizations are extensive,
as their urban centers exhibited well-engineered pyramids, temples, apartment complexes, irrigated
farmlands, astronomical calendars, ball courts, and plazas. But beyond the remains of technology and
commerce, indigenous Latin American culture yields insight into studies of values and ideals. For
example, Mayan gods are closer to embodiments of personality types than they are perfect role models,
thereby challenging our contemporary understandings of the very idea of worship. In Mayan
languages, virtues such as ‘correctness,’ ‘truth,’ and ‘honor’ are generally conveyed through words
that simultaneously denote actual behaviors or physical things, not just abstract concepts as in English.
Understanding this unity of the material and the metaphysical (encoded into the fundamental level of
how the language operates) gives insight into an entirely different paradigm of thinking about body
and spirit, or temporary and eternal. It is a way of thinking about existence that does not make those
sorts of divisions, or at least not in the same ways that we do: holism instead of dualism. In a bygone
culture like the Aztec or classic Maya, who performed ritual human sacrifice and raised children with
harsh physical discipline,23 the flesh and the soul inhabited a singular condition—not together, but the
same. A comparable example, of pre-Columbian epistemology (i.e. basis of knowledge) misaligning with
European tradition, comes from the Amazon, and pertains to gender. The very name Amazon derives
from Francisco de Orellana’s experience fighting a battle in 1542 against the Tapuyas, who deployed
both men and women equally in combat, shocking European invaders and reminding them of the
mythical Amazons immortalized by Herodotus.24 Numerous indigenous societies, from the Aztecs to
the Taínos, kept kinship and inheritance systems that were matrilineal, not patrilineal as traditionally
in the West. The careful study of pre-Columbian civilizations has numerous educational benefits, not
least among them a greater insight into the sustainability of cultures different from our own here and
now.
Iberian History
Spain before 1492 is itself a history of colonization. Even Spain’s prehistory suggests that the
Iberian Peninsula was a longstanding site of cycles of conquest. Hominins have inhabited what is now
Spain for over a million years, with Neanderthals living there from about 200,000 B.C. until at least
40,000 B.C. This period overlapped with the presence in Spain of anatomically modern humans (AMH)
for at least several thousand (and perhaps tens of thousands of) years.25 The last pocket of Neanderthal
remains found in the Iberian Peninsula was cornered in Gibraltar, the tiny peninsula on Spain’s
southernmost coast, suggesting to archaeologists that pure Neanderthals might have gone extinct by
losing out natural resources to expanding AMH communities descended from more recent arrivals.
23
Houston and Inomata 2009, 34, 30-31, 32.
24
Mann 2006, 324.
25
Phillips and Phillips 2010, 11-12.
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The town of Valencia de la Concepción in Seville has yielded ancient artifacts revealing that it was
an important copper smelting town (~2,700 B.C.) in the transition from the Iron Age to the Bronze
Age.26 The ancient civilization of Tartessos (900-500 B.C.) appeared later in that same region and for
centuries existed concurrently with the colonial presence of the Carthaginian Empire (814-146 B.C.)
from present-day Tunisia. After the three Punic Wars, the Roman Republic conquered Carthaginian
Spain in 205 B.C. and, after declaring its Empire in 27 A.D., Rome ruled Spain until about 439 A.D.
At this time, Germanic tribes such as the Visigoths and the Vandals had been migrating into Spain
because of pressure from the east by the Huns, an era known as the Gothic Migration Period. For
several centuries, Spain was controlled mostly by the German Visigoths and intermittently by the
Byzantines. But in the Arabian Peninsula far to the East, Islam spread rapidly after Muhammad’s
death in 632 A.D. The Umayyad Caliphate (660-750 A.D.) of Mecca—which at its height controlled
a territory from Portugal to India, spanning all of northern Africa and Asia Minor—invaded Spain in
711 A.D., and once this Moorish Empire took power in 718, Spain was continuously subjected to
Muslim rule until 1492.
The cultural, linguistic, and religious changes that Spain underwent for centuries were dramatic.
In Spain, the Romans established the authority of the Catholic Church after the Edict of Thessalonica
(380 A.D.) made Christianity the official religion of the Roman Empire. In the 7 th C., Spain’s
Germanic rulers established the Visigothic Code of law that equally protected all ethnic groups under
a single protected category of people, which historians often refer to as the “ethnogenesis” of medieval
Spain.27 Then, the Moors brought Islam; by the 10th C., most inhabitants of Spain were native
Spaniards who had converted to the Mohammedan religion. The Moorish influence in Spain extended
through all reaches of culture, as seen in the non-representational art and architecture of the city of
Granada, home to the famous Alhambra citadel (fig.6). In language, a large contingent of Spanish
vocabulary, such as the words for
cotton (algodón), sugar (azúcar),
pillow (almohada), orange (naranja),
neighborhood (barrio), hopefully
(ojalá), algebra (álgebra), and guitar
(guitarra) derive from loaned
cognates of Arabic and Berber.
Muslim leaders took an approach
to Jewish communities in Iberia
different from that of prior Gothic
kings, who systemically persecuted
Jews. At a time when many other
European nations were expelling
Jews from within their borders, in
Spain the Jewish population
steadily rose to 200,000 by 1450, or
about 5% of the total population,
fig. 6: Patio of the Lions, interior of the Alhambra, Granada, Spain. one of the largest Jewish
(https://www.alhambradegranada.org/en/info/galleryofphotographs/patio communities in the world.28
ofthelions.asp)
Traditional flamenco music and
26
Learn 2018, n.pag.
27
Phillips and Phillips 2010, 36, 30.
28
Feros 2017, 79.
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dance, as well as the Roma people and gitano (Gypsy) culture, arose from interactions and migrations
that combined northern African, near Asian, and native Andalusian peoples, languages, and styles.
The very language “Spanish” is really Castillian (Castellano): Basque, Catalán, Aragonese, Asturian,
and several other variants are spoken and officially recognized as distinct languages in modern
Spain29—a testament to the cultural diversity and complex history of this unique country.
The history of Spain is one of many cycles of conquest and colonization within the Iberian
Peninsula. It should be understood that Spain as we know it in the modern era differed greatly from
ancient and medieval Spain. The Carthaginians, the Romans, the Goths and Vandals, and the Berbers
and Moors all appropriated Spain and imposed new governments and economic systems in turn. Even
the ancient Greeks established colonies in Spain, founding the city of Ampurias in the 6 th C. B.C.30
These civilizations, whose founding or capital cities existed outside of the Iberian Peninsula,
controlled Spain for the better part of 2,000 years. The last vestige of the Moorish Caliphate ceased
control in Spain merely months before Christopher Columbus embarked on his first Transatlantic
voyage. Therefore, we should understand that the Spain we know of today, with a formidable,
autonomous, centralized government, is vastly different than the condition Spain was in at the end of
the 15th C. when it began to colonize the American hemisphere.
It is for good reason that well-informed teachers remove the word “discovery” from their
vocabulary in discussing European contact and American colonization. When Columbus arrived to
the Americas, there were at least 45 million indigenous inhabitants already here,31 with William
Denevan’s famous estimate suggesting a population of 54 million.32 Using the terminology
“discovered” or “discovery” implies that there is a cultural perspective to favor on the subject of
colonization, and that this privileged perspective is Anglo/European. Using the term “discovery”
reaffirms, if not sanitizes, an outsize importance of the Anglo/European point of view. It delegitimizes
the experience and history of indigenous Americans for whom first contact could not reasonably be
referred to as their own “discovery.” It might have seemed like “discovery” within the narrow
awareness of European colonists, but that is simply a byproduct of Europeans’ ignorance to the
existence and sovereignty of indigenous peoples in the Americas at the time. Moreover, the motivating
intention of Anglo/European aristocrats, i.e. the patrons of the first colonizers, was to extract as much
profit out of the Americas as possible with no regard to the civil rights, human rights, or inherent
property claims of the Native Americans and African people subjected to enslavement. The First
Charter of the Virginia Company of London (1606), which founded Jamestown, granted its colonists
the
license to make habitation, plantation and to deduce a colony of sundry of our people into that part of
America commonly called Virginia, and other parts and territories in America either appertaining unto
us or which are not now actually possessed by any Christian prince or people […and to] bring the
infidels and savages living in those parts to human civility. […Colonists should] have all the lands,
woods, soil, grounds, havens, ports, rivers, mines, minerals, marshes, waters, fishing, commodities and
hereditaments whatsoever [in America].
29
Phillips and Phillips 2010, 3-4.
30
Phillips and Phillips 2010, 17.
31
Brotherston 1979, 14.
32
Denevan 1992.
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A century earlier, King Charles I of Spain (King Charles V) issued a decree on August 18th, 1518
allowing his councilor Lorenzo de Gorrevod to transport 4,000 enslaved Africans to Spanish colonies
in the Caribbean directly from African soil (Guinea), the moment that initiated what we now know
as the Transatlantic Slave Trade.33 From the very beginning of Anglo/European arrival to the
American hemisphere, the intention of investors was clear. It was to exploit the territories and peoples
of the Americas as thoroughly as possible for their own enrichment. Therefore, it is not accurate to
characterize this endeavor as one with the neutral connotation of “discovery.” The primary sources
of historical record reveal the certainty of Anglo/European colonists’ initial intentions: to mine all of
America’s natural wealth that there was to be had, including its people.
Columbus’s first voyages to the American hemisphere are well-documented and popularized,
perhaps to the diminishment of other insightful historical narratives. Textbooks, stories, and histories
on Spanish America popular in K-12 education always emphasize Columbus’s first expeditions; the
subsequent arrivals of conquistadors like Vasco Núñez de Balboa (1475-1519) and Hernán Cortez
(1485-1547); the concomitant arrival of European diseases that decimated massive numbers of Native
Americans; and other such keynotes of official colonial history. While certainly important, these
histories should be supplemented with marginalized histories that can reconfigure our present-day
impressions of Spanish America to be more accurate and inclusive. This can help to decolonize our
ways of understanding, shifting attention to events that complicate grand narratives originally
intended to cement the virtues of Western colonizers.
For example, Spanish exploitation of the Americas was resisted in various ways by a diverse range
of actors. In 1510, Fray Antonio de Montesinos (1475-1545) arrived to the island of Hispaniola
(Dominican Republic/Haiti) with the first group of Dominican missionaries. The Dominican Order’s
express purpose was to protect and advocate for indigenous Americans. On December 21st, 1511, soon
after the cacique (chief) Agüeybaná II (1470-1511) was killed at the outset of the Taíno-Spanish War
(1511-1518) in present-day Puerto Rico, Montesinos gave a sermon that harshly denounced the
Spanish treatment of native Taíno people, calling the abuses ‘mortal sin,’ ‘cruelty,’ and ‘tyrannical.’
Montesinos targeted the Spanish encomienda system, a mechanism of “plunder economy.”34 In it,
entire Native communities were subjected to forced collective labor and taxes (‘tributes’) demanded
by Spanish entitlements that were owned and passed through family inheritance. Bartolomé de las
Casas (1484-1566), a slaveholder and the first priest ordained in the Americas, heard the sermon and
was affected. While he did not rescind his titles to slaves right away, in a few years he was committed
to ending Spanish abuses of Native Americans. Montesinos and de las Casas both held audience with
King Charles V to lobby for reform, and over the span of several decades, the Laws of the Indies—
including the Laws of Burgos (1512) and the New Laws (1542)—restricted or ended many Spanish
practices exploitative of indigenous peoples: regulations widely considered by historians as the first
humanitarian laws created by Europeans in the Americas. De las Casas was assigned to the
administrative office of Protectoría de indios (Protector of the Indians) and authored the highly
influential letter to King Charles V, A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies (1542, pub. 1552). But
while de las Casas advocated for the emancipation and fair treatment of Native Americans, he
suggested a more expansive system of African slavery to replace the lost labor force of Indians. De las
Casas, like so many figures in history, is a surprising, conflicted figure by the measure of our
contemporary values.
Native Americans, Spaniards, and criollos (creoles, i.e. Spaniards born in America) were not the
only people to resist the Spanish Empire. Africans and their descendants throughout the Americas,
when in bondage, often fought for freedom, too, and often were successful. One of the earliest African
slave rebellions in the Americas was the San Miguel de Guadalupe Rebellion (1526) in Winyah Bay,
South Carolina.35 After funding several scouting trips, Lucas Vázquez de Ayllón (1475-1526) set sail
33
Keys 2018, n.pag.
34
Russell 2010, 32.
35
Peck 2001, 184.
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from Puerto Plata, Hispanola with some 500 Spaniards and 100 Africans intending to establish the
first European settlement on present-day U.S. soil. He meant to land in Florida but instead wound up
at the mouth of the Jordan River well to the north. Upon arrival, the expedition’s flagship ran aground
and sank with all of its cargo.36 Ayllón’s party spent several difficult months on land exploring the
region for an ideal site to found San Miguel de Guadalupe, and during this time cold weather and a
lack of supplies took a hard toll. Ayllón fell ill and died in October 1526, and when Spanish infighting
resulted among the colonists, the slaves seized their chance for freedom, setting fire to the houses they
were forced to build and fleeing inland to establish one of the first “maroon societies.” Maroon societies
were colonies of black people emancipated as a result of revolt, shipwreck, escape, the demise of
captors, or purchasing freedom through the longstanding Spanish system of manumission called
coartación.
The prevalence of maroon societies in colonial Spanish America challenge narrow views on both
the nature of Latino/a ethnicity and the history of slavery. In practice, Spanish American slavery was
neither universal nor absolute: it did not reign everywhere and was not always permanent. But this
was not for lack of effort by the Spaniards: through ingenuity, cooperation, and perseverance, Africans
in the Americas often achieved freedom and sovereignty even when grossly outmatched by
population, resources, and threat. Despite the pervasiveness of slavery in the Spanish Empire, the
creation of maroon societies as well as the practice of coartación liberated more people than the
abolition of slavery did. In 1800, the ratio of freedmen to slaves in Venezuela was 2.5 to 1; in Puerto
Rico, it was 5 to 1; in Colombia and Ecuador, 5.25 to 1; in Mexico, it was 30 to 1.37 As early as the
1560s, Africans who had escaped slavery were allying with Indians to raid Spanish settlements,
establishing strategic base camps known in Spanish as palenques.38 Maroon societies existed in vast
numbers in Spanish America, and many were so large, self-sufficient, and strong that Spanish colonies
had to establish treaties with them to ensure their own stability. Such legally documented maroon
societies existed in what is now Brazil, Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, Surinam, Jamaica, Mexico, Haiti,
and the Dominican Republic.39 In 1570, in Veracruz, Mexico, Gaspar Yanga led a successful slave
rebellion that ultimately resulted in a well-sustained maroon society. For over 30 years, Yanga—a
man of noble descent from Gabon—was the leader of this eponymously named community, thriving
with over 100 adults. Beginning in 1609, Yanga withstood years’ worth of attacks by a force of 450
Spanish troops, in the end negotiating a peace treaty that established their sovereignty with Spanish
officials, who renamed it San Lorenzo de los Negros. In time San Lorenzo ceased to be an exclusively
Afro-Mexican community, not through conflict but rather peacefully, after several generations of
family mixing with new non-African arrivals.40 San Lorenzo de los Negros eventually restored its
original name, and today the municipality of Yanga in Veracruz has a population of over 15,000
people.
The intermixing of Iberian, Native American, and African peoples into new ethnicities was one
of the most profound and lasting legacies of colonization. In the 16th and 17th C.s, Spanish and creole
society grew increasingly concerned with racial identity and lineage, even if reference to a “white race”
did not appear in any known Spanish writings until the 18 th C.41 With the culmination of the
Reconquista and the Alhambra Decree (1492), both Moors and observant Jews were systematically
expelled from the Iberian Peninsula; and during the Iberian Union (1580-1640), Portugal was officially
considered part of Spain. Subsequently, Spanish culture became more preoccupied with race,
ethnicity, and nationality as a means to stratify society. The Spanish developed their casta (caste)
system, which designated ethnic categories representing the range of races and racialized admixtures
36
Peck 2001, 190.
37
Feros 2017, 217.
38
Russell 2010, 49.
39
Price 1996, 3.
40
Russell 2010, 49.
41
Feros 2017, 50.
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developing in the colonial Americas, e.g. español (Spanish), indio (Indian), mestizo (Spanish-Indian),
mulatto (Spanish-African), pardo (Spanish-Indian-African), zambo (African-Indian), and negro
(African). Many new cultures emerged that are distinctive for their syncretism, in other words their
aspects of combination or blending. The Caribbean religion of santería combines Yoruba polytheism
with the Catholic practice of ceremonial devotion to the saints. The Garifuna people (sometimes
referred to as “Black Caribs”), who originated on the island of St. Vincent and have grown to a
population of about 600,000 across present-day Central America, share an African heritage yet speak
a unique language derived mostly from indigenous Caribbean Arawak. Key figures in Latin American
history themselves reflect the largely syncretic nature of Latino/a
culture. “El Inca” Garcilaso de la Vega (1539-1616), who wrote
La Florida (1605), the definitive account of Hernando de Soto’s
expedition, was a native speaker of Quechua, born to the Incan
princess Palla Chimpu Ocllo and a Spanish encomendero. La
Virgen de Guadalupe (fig.7), the patron saint of the Americas, is
believed by Catholic faithful to have presented herself in a series
of apparitions to St. Juan Diego Cuauhtlatoatzin (1474-1548) in
1531. The definitive account of this Marianist event contained in
the pages of the Huei Tlamahuiçoltica (The Great Event, 1649)
states that the Virgin Mary took the form of an indigenous woman
and spoke Nahuatl. Vicente Guerrero (1782-1831), Mexico’s
second president who in 1829 issued the law that abolished
slavery, was of mixed Afro-Mexican ancestry and more fluent in
Zapotec dialect than Spanish in his youth.
These are just some of the remarkable outcomes of Spanish
American colonization that, when infused into a Social Studies
curriculum, can inform students and teachers alike of the
astonishing diversity of Latino/a history and culture. For
example, it might be surprising to learn that in 1541, a woman,
Beatriz de la Cueva (1498-1541) was appointed by Spain to be fig. 7: Original image of La Virgen de
governor of Guatemala. It might also be surprising to learn that Guadalupe. (http://www.santos-
the New Laws of 1542 that made Indian slavery illegal and catolicos.com/misc/imagenes/virgen-
de-guadalupe/virgen-de-guadalupe-
officially put an end to the encomienda system led to a new yet 1.jpg)
similar system of forced Indian labor called repartimiento, which
lasted another century, evolving thereafter into myriad systems of enslavement as Spanish control of
America expanded into Texas, New Mexico, and California. The enslavement and forced labor of
Native Americans by the Spanish, while unrecognized by the Crown, was central to Spanish American
economies and lasted well into the 19th C. In what is now the Southwestern U.S., the system even
relied on Comanche and Ute warriors to kidnap adults and children from Apache, Jumano, Kiowa,
Pawnee, and other tribal settlements in order to meet the Spanish demand for slave labor.42 The Pueblo
Revolt (1680) in New Mexico saw the Pueblo Indians kill hundreds of Spanish colonizers and drive
out thousands more, liberating the province for a dozen years. After owning slaves was outlawed in
the U.S. in 1863 and the Civil War ended in 1865, the U.S. Congress passed the Peonage Act (1867),
which explicitly banned the continued, unlawful practice of Indian slavery, particularly in New
Mexico.
With the turn of the 19th C., Spanish America experienced a change in the scale of resistance
movements against the Empire. Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821) led French forces to invade Iberia
in 1808, installing Napoleon’s brother Joseph as King of Spain, and the Peninsular War (1807-1814)
42
Romero 2018, n.pag.
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that ensued weakened Spain’s control over its colonies throughout the world. In the Americas, revolts
and rebellions were replaced with larger-scale revolutions. In a small town in the state of Guanajuato,
Mexico, on the morning of September 16th, 1810, Father Miguel Hidalgo called his congregation
together to hear his call-to-arms against Spanish rule. This event is known as the Grito de Dolores (Cry
of Dolores) and instigated the Mexican War of Independence (1810-1821) that resulted in the demise
of New Spain and the establishment of Mexico as a sovereign country. In the Caribbean, the Grito de
Yara (1868) in Cuba was launched with a call to insurrection by the sugar farmer Carlos Manuel de
Céspedes (1819-1874), and this rebellion initiated the Ten Years’ War (1868-1878), a bloody campaign
that caused over 200,000 casualties. Céspedes’s initiative was inspired in part by the Puerto Rican
Nationalist Ramón Emeterio Betances (1827-1898) and his orchestration of the Grito de Lares (1868)
in Lares, Puerto Rico, which happened just weeks before the Grito de Yara but was suppressed quickly
by the Spanish military. The 19th C. was the final phase of Spanish rule throughout the Americas,
capped by the Spanish-American War (1898) and the U.S. annexation of the territories of Puerto Rico,
Guam, and the Philippines, which also had been under Iberian control for centuries. The exploitation
that Latin America and its peoples had endured from four centuries of Iberian colonization is a legacy
that can never be purged from our history. But perhaps the key lesson is that across a dozen
generations, and in the making of some 30 countries, the will to freedom and self-determination
persisted throughout the evolution of the Latino/a people.
U.S. Imperialism
In the wake of the American and French Revolutions, the circulation of politically subversive
Latin American literature gained traction. This transnational dialogue in letters increasingly involved
intellectuals and activists within the U.S., particularly in Philadelphia, and added a little-known
rhetorical, community-building dimension key to the large-scale revolutionary efforts to overthrow
Spain’s colonial control.43 Soon after the Treaty of Córdoba (1821) was signed, thus ratifying the Plan
of Iguala that established Mexico’s independence, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Venezuela,
Colombia, Panama, Ecuador, Guatemala, and the Dominican Republic joined Peru as the newest
Latin American territories to gain sovereignty from Spain. These victories were largely due to the
success of the extraordinary leader Simón Bolívar (1783-1830), the Venezuelan military commander
who served as president of three Latin American countries including the one named for him, Bolivia.
It would not be long before the U.S. was deeply involved in these new nations’ domestic affairs.
The Louisiana Purchase (1803), which nearly doubled the land mass of the U.S. by adding six states,
portions of nine more, and lands in two Canadian provinces, changed our country’s ambitions by
changing what was possible. James Monroe’s presidency (1817-1825) gave rise to the Monroe
Doctrine, an ideology of foreign policy asserting that European nations must never seek to recolonize
any part of the Americas and permanently remain out of the Pan-American sphere of government.
While Bolívar and other Latin American leaders ostensibly supported the continentalist positions of the
Monroe Doctrine (as it was principally articulated by Monroe’s Secretary of State, John Quincy
Adams), others were dubious—and with reason. In subsequent years, liberated Latin America
endured waves of immigration by modern-day colonists known as filibusters. These were U.S. citizens
seeking to illegally establish English-speaking plantation colonies in neighboring American countries.
A noteworthy case was the Tennessean William Walker (1824-1860; fig.8), who in 1853 led a band of
mercenaries to take over Baja California and Sonora, Mexico. He eventually pushed on to sack León,
43
Coronado 2013, 142-143 and passim.
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Nicaragua in 1856 and install himself as the nation’s president until his capture and execution by the
Honduran military in 1860.
Such efforts to undermine the sovereignty of Latin Americans
in order to conquer lands for Anglo American profit were publicly
defended in the U.S. by the rhetoric of manifest destiny, a term
coined in 1845 by the journalist John L. O’Sullivan: “the
fulfillment of our manifest destiny to overspread the continent
allotted by Providence for the free development of our yearly
multiplying millions.”44 While counter to the continentalist spirit
of universal autonomy in the Monroe Doctrine, manifest destiny,
while contested by many, became the driving force of the U.S. in
hemispheric foreign affairs. Coordinated efforts set precedent for
positioning manifest destiny as our nation’s chief political
philosophy, a dynamic that entwined U.S. domestic policies with
those of our neighbors, particularly Mexico. After achieving
independence, the Mexican government wanted to spur economic
growth in its recovery from war, but while the government “no
longer supported the [Catholic] missions as colonizing
institutions,” it also “did not have the population to settle the
north.” 45 Thus it revitalized the old Spanish land grant program
that recruited foreign empresarios to arrange for hundreds of fig. 8: The filibuster William Walker.
families at a time to relocate into Mexico, especially the territory Mathew Brady Studio, NYC. Library of
of Tejas (Texas), in order to settle lands fit for large-scale Congress.
(http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/
agricultural production. In 1821, Stephen F. Austin (1793-1836) william-walker.htm)
inherited the empresarial contract that his recently deceased father
Moses had been awarded by Spain prior to Mexican independence. The government newly formed
by the Mexican Constitution of 1824 continued to honor empresarial contracts, whose terms varied
depending on context and interest. As an empresario, Austin negotiated a grant for 297 families, each
family receiving, free of cost, 320 acres for farming, 640 acres for ranching, 200 acres for the head-of-
household’s wife, 100 acres per child, and 50 acres per slave 46—a total ranging from about 1,000 to
2,000 acres per family, or a grand total of several hundred square miles of real estate. Austin became
the first empresario to settle the state of Coahuila y Tejas, maintaining an entrepreneurial spirit in the
process (although the land came free, Austin schemed to charge families 12.5 cents/acre).47
The fact that the land came for free did demand of empresarios certain contractual stipulations. In
exchange for the space to establish farms, ranches, and homes, the Mexican federal government
required Anglo American settler families to submit to Mexican law: to speak Spanish, practice
Catholicism, pledge allegiance to Mexico, not bring guns, and (after 1829) neither hold nor traffic
slaves. Besides the fact that President Vincente Guerrero was himself of mixed African and indigenous
American descent, a major motivation of the Mexican abolition of chattel slavery was a well-grown
moral opposition to the scope and scale of human rights violations endemic to imported Anglo
American plantation systems. (Remember that at this moment, there were about 30 times as many
free African Mexicans as there were enslaved African Mexicans.) Conversely, Anglo American
empresarial settlers primarily intended to establish cotton plantations worked by slaves. To protect
and defend this purpose, these settler-colonists often brought guns; to efficiently conduct their
commerce, they often spoke English; to morally justify the system in a country that denounced its evil,
they consistently upheld manifest destiny and their heritage way of life with the ethno-nationalist
44
O’Sullivan 1845, 5.
45
Stewart and de León 1993, 5.
46
Cantrell 1999, 94; Bradley 2015, 172.
47
Cantrell 1999, 99.
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rhetoric of “God & Country.” (It was “Providence” that granted the right for Anglo Americans “to
overspread the continent” in “the fulfilment of our manifest destiny.”) The open defiance of the nearly
20,000 Anglo settlers occupying the state of Coahuila y Tejas instigated tensions with the Mexican
government when, as a result, the Bustamante Act (1830) was passed, which altogether outlawed U.S.
immigration to Mexico.
Nevertheless, from 1830 to 1836, the Anglo population in Tejas practically doubled. Unauthorized
immigration was so rampant that by 1836, Anglos outnumbered native Tejanos ten to one. Even
enslaved African Americans exceeded Mexicans in the territory.48 Moreover, in 1832, after being
convicted of assaulting a congressman who accused him of fraud in relation to providing goods to
Native Americans displaced by the Indian Removal Act (1830), Sam Houston arrived to Mexico. A
former senator, former governor, and veteran of the War of 1812, Houston (1793-1863) immediately
became a leader of the Anglo American secession cause in Coahuila y Tejas. Houston represented
Nacogdoches at the controversial Convention of 1833 that advocated for Tejas to secede as its own
nation-state, a pivotal event in the lead up to the Texas Revolution (1835-1836).
The next two decades were years of endemic violence in northern Mexico. After a six-month war,
Houston became the first president of the Republic of Texas (1836-1846). Although his vice president
was Lorenzo de Zavala (1788-1836), 53 of the 56 men who signed the Texas Declaration of
Independence (1836) were Anglos. The “ten men” that Stephen F. Austin hired in 1823 to guard his
Mexican settlements were organized in 1835 as the Texas Rangers, a unit soon expanded to roughly
300 armed officers. The Rangers proved a staunch paramilitary asset for the Texas Republic in
numerous skirmishes against Tejanos, Mexicans, and Cherokees, including the Córdova Rebellion
(1838) and the Battle of Salado Creek (1842). In the 1840s, Texas’s troubles began to weaken its
economy and President John Tyler, a Virginian and zealous supporter of both slavery and manifest
destiny, led on the initiative to annex Texas. Tyler signed the annexation bill into law on March 1 st,
1845, but Mexico’s challenge of Texas’s southern border began an ongoing dispute that culminated in
the Mexican-American War (1846-1848).
This period of Texas history is quite familiar to FWISD Social Studies teachers. The Mexican-
American War concluded with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848), which not only defined
Texas’s southern border, but
also permitted the U.S. to
annex a continuous territory
that included Arizona,
California, Nevada, New
Mexico, Utah, and portions of
Colorado and Wyoming—
over half of Mexico’s land
mass—as essentially spoils of
war (fig.9). The $15 million
that the U.S. paid Mexico
through the deal was
compensation to ensure in
writing that the territory’s
existing infrastructure (e.g.
roads, buildings) would
remain intact for the U.S.
upon receipt of the land. The
fig. 9: Annotated map from “Stolen Birthright: The U.S. Conquest and Exploitation Gadsen Purchase (1854)
of the Mexican People” by Richard D. Vogel.
(http://www.houstonculture.org/hispanic/conquest4.html) completed modern Arizona, a
soft option compared to the
48
Stewart and de León 1993, 7.
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All Mexico Movement that was vocally supported by many members of U.S. government, including
Senators Edward Hannegan, Stephen A. Douglas, and Lewis Cass. After the Louisiana Purchase and
the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo tripled the territorial size of the U.S. in little more than a generation,
the All Mexico Movement voiced an extreme side of the expansionist debate: a position that argued
for further under-threat-of-invasion diplomacy to annex the entirety of Mexico as a U.S. territory. The
initiative was fraught with opposition (including abolitionist views, Monroe Doctrine ideologues,
pacifists, and anti-Catholic sentiments) and thus the ultimate goal of the All Mexico Movement was
never realized.
The practical lesson here is that the well-tread area of Texas history is one with many points of
view. The perspective most familiar to us via formal education is that figures like Stephen F. Austin
and Sam Houston were among “the great men of Texas”: indomitable visionaries who willed into
being a stronger, fuller, and more modern version of Texas and our country as a whole. Nevertheless,
a vital and competing point of view on this history comes directly out of Latino/a Studies. By
conservative estimate and not including Texas, there were far more than 100,000 people living in the
territories of the Mexican Cession, and over 90% of these people took the legal option to stay and
become U.S. citizens after the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. (For perspective, today’s total U.S.
population is 14 times greater than it was in 1850.) Between the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and the
Gadsen Purchase, Mexico lost over 55% of its territorial mass. In our present moment, the U.S.-
Mexico border itself, considered as an actual thing, is widely seen as static: a fixed site that is defended,
in places even militarized, and while it is surely dynamic for being crossed by many people, the
coordinates of its location are not open for debate or negotiation. But the facts of the 19th-C. history of
Texas and the U.S.-Mexico border are quite clear in demonstrating how this was not always the case:
how massively the border crossed the Mexican people, not the other way around.
There is much to consider when regarding this period of U.S. history because one’s cultural point
of view can deeply effect the character of the historical narrative. For one, while Austin and Houston
did have virtues and enjoyed tremendous successes by the measures of capital and power, they also
had moral flaws and endured extraordinary failures. While Houston as a teenager had lived for years
with the Cherokee—even becoming a Cherokee citizen, marrying a Cherokee woman, and gaining
fluency in the language—the efficacy and sincerity of his “advocacy” of Cherokee rights wavered
dramatically throughout his lifetime. As a first lieutenant in the U.S. Army, he oversaw the forced
removal of Cherokee from Tennessee. As president of Texas, his treaty to apportion over a million
acres of land to establish a Cherokee reservation was overturned by the Texas Congress in a matter of
months. While he resisted Texas joining the Southern Confederacy and publicly advocated against
the slave trade, he held office in Texas (president, then senator) when its constitution not only upheld
slavery, but also made it illegal for free African Americans to live anywhere in the state. Houston even
ignored the $500 civil judgment he was ordered to pay to the congressman he assaulted, instead exiling
himself to Coahuila y Tejas two years after Mexico revoked his legal right to immigrate. Houston’s
collaborator Austin did succeed in legally securing at least five empresarial contracts to settle Texas,
but he also spent the entire year of 1834 in jail during the administration of President Antonio López
de Santa Anna (1794-1876) for charges of inciting insurrection, charges that were certainly true.
Austin’s persona as a high-profile leader—the man who brought “The Old 300” to Texas—was tainted
by early experiences inherited from his affluent father Moses, whose business setbacks during
Stephen’s childhood struck so frequently that it bred a “persecution complex” 49 amongst the Austin
family: “Moses’s wife and children, even more than Moses himself, developed something of a siege
mentality—Austins alone against the world. […] The Austin children imbibed this conspiratorial view
of the family’s enemies and carried it with them into adulthood.” 50 This is a toxic mentality we can
observe surviving in numerous Texas communities today, an attitude programmed by unscrupulous
self-interest and irrational fear that threatens the future of American civics. And it would seem that at
49
Cantrell 1999, 45.
50
Cantrell 1999, 44.
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least one strain of this culture, this cognitive distortion of privilege-as-persecution, can be traced across
generations and back to the personal motivations of Texas’s founding fathers.
Alongside Anglo American figures such as Austin and Houston, there are further considerations
to make when understanding the impact of this time period. Jesús F. de la Teja’s anthology, Tejano
Leadership in Mexican and Revolutionary Texas (2010) contains 11 biographies of early Tejano leaders,
such as José Antonio Saucedo (first official administrator of Coahuila y Tejas) and Ramón Múzquiz
(“the ultimate insider”), in a recent attempt to recover the marginalized histories of Mexican influence
in Tejas/Texas. But apart from modern politics, the longstanding origin story of the Mexica people,
corroborated by the textual remains of pre-Columbian Nahuatl codices, suggests that a massive
southern migration of people happened beginning in the 11th C. from a region somewhere in the
present-day Southwestern U.S., a site known as Aztlán. The legend of Aztlán as a Mexican homeland
would become a rhetorical cornerstone in the 1960s during the Chicano/a Movement: a uniquely
combined spiritual, historical, and ecocritical justification of the inherence of Chicano/a civil rights.
Although Anglo American settler-colonists may have seen the Southwest as a “frontier” primed for
“discovery,” indigenous Americans and the Mexican people had longstanding, even ancient
connections to the lands usurped by Anglo colonists, expansionists, and later squatters.
Moving the border halfway into Mexico was but one means for the U.S. to coopt Latin America
into Anglo America. The Santa Fe Trail (1821-1880), established by William Becknell in conjunction
with Mexican independence, intended to provide direct passage and commerce from interior U.S.
territory to free settlement opportunities in Mexico. “America’s first great international commercial
highway,”51 the Santa Fe Trail connected the capital of Nuevo México with Franklin, Missouri. In its
entirety and including it numerous variations—it had been blazed by French-Canadian traders, and
travelled by Pedro Vial in planning a route to San Antonio52—the Santa Fe Trail was large enough to
disrupt bison migrations, and it transported U.S. troops during the Mexican-American War. The
advent of the Santa Fe Railroad put an end to the need for the Trail, as the continual emergence of
new industrial technologies had issued layer upon layer of settler-colonist infrastructure.
Because of the powerful network to usurp upon Latin American sovereignty coordinated by the
federal government, state governments, military, and private citizenry of the U.S., a foundation of
19th-C. Latin American politics, identity, and culture became resistance to the U.S. as a neo-imperialist
power. We can trace this consistent theme of resistance through a broad range of cultural production,
including law and history but also literature and the arts. María Amparo Ruiz de Burton (1832-1895),
a Californian woman and the first known Mexican American novelist, wrote two novels that explore
ideological resistance to U.S. imperialism: Who Would Have Thought It? (1872) and The Squatter and the
Don (1885).53 The Gold Rush outlaw Joaquín Murrieta (1829-1853) and his vigilantism against the
malice he suffered at the hands of corrupt Anglo/European prospectors served as the basis for John
Rollin Ridge’s dime novel The Life and Adventures of Joaquín Murrieta (1854), widely recognized as the
inspiration for Johnston McCulley’s famous fictional adventurer, the Masked Man Zorro. Américo
Paredes, in his essay “The United States, Mexico, and Machismo” (1971) examines folklore (including
fiction and the lyrics of corridos, or ‘border ballads’) to argue that the hyperbolic masculinity commonly
known as machismo was not purely a product of Latino/a society but rather a more culturally
“universal” trait with curious historical roots in post-Revolutionary Anglo America, when the national
ethos was shifting centers from New England to the Western Frontier:
51
Santa Fe Trail Association 2019, n.pag.
52
Chipman and Joseph 2010, 222-223.
53
Augenbraum and Fernández-Olmos 1997, 80-81.
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The man of the forest—the frontiersman dressed in animal skins—becomes a political force, and the
aristocrats of the coast look with horror at the vulgarity of the new leaders. […] In the United States the
sense of manliness is exaggerated during the 1820s and 1830s, because of a growing sense of
nationalism, resulting in greater participation by the common man in the democratic process of the
country, as well as in a marked feeling of hostility and inferiority toward Europe, especially toward
England.54
Honoring at once manifest destiny and the Monroe Doctrine, the unrooted, dangerous, prospecting,
lone frontiersman with a horse and a gun drinking whisky in a brothel replaces the upstanding, family-
oriented, established pillar of the community as the ideal of American manliness. The tough, insatiable
frontiersman symbolized Anglo American determination and individualism, while the patriarchal,
law-abiding citizen—as national attention shifted to the affairs of the Southwest—increasingly
conjured Mexican social order and family values in the manifest destiny imaginary. To gain the upper
hand in this contest of character, Anglo American propaganda stereotyping Mexicans as not
courageous (the prospecting frontiersman) but also not civil (the model citizen) emerged as well-
known tropes projecting polar opposites: the drunkard and the layabout (the docile savage), or the
horse thief and the bandit (the criminal). And in the early 19th-C. contact zones where grossly
outnumbered Anglo men precariously encroached upon Latin America, the embodiment of Anglo
Puritanical, masculine self-centeredness transforms into the macho, not because Mexicans were the
machos but because they were the ones who gave it a name: hence machismo. The skepticism that
Paredes brings to reexamining the white-supremacist conviction that Latino/a culture is more sexist
than Anglo culture follows a well-established Latino/a intellectual tradition. The overt antagonism
the U.S. exhibited toward Latin America was an attitude that, over time, many Latinos/as, domestic
and foreign, began to reciprocate as resentment toward the U.S. While at times both attitudes grew
into species of prejudice, a key difference was that the former antagonistic impulse was colonial; the
latter, decolonial.
Between 1859 and 1861, in the Rio Grande Valley, the cattle rancher Juan Nepomuceno Cortina
(1824-1894) led several deadly attacks on units of the U.S. Army, Confederate States Army, Texas
Rangers, and Brownsville Tigers militia. His mother a major landowner of Matamoros and
Brownsville, Cortina complained that Anglo American authorities in Texas were brutal and
exploitative, lamenting when these “flocks of vampires, in the guise of men came and scattered
themselves in the settlements, without any capital except the corrupt heart and the most perverse
intentions.” He described them in his Proclamation to Texans (1859) as “a perfidious inquisitorial
lodge to persecute and rob us, without any cause, and for no other crime on our part than that of being
of Mexican origin, considering us, doubtless, destitute of those gifts which they themselves do not
possess.”55 According to Arnoldo de León, in his book They Called Them Greasers: Anglo Attitudes
Toward Mexicans in Texas, 1821-1900, “Cortina’s movement escalated into a ‘war’ because of the setting
and the emotional circumstances surrounding the threat that he posed to white supremacy. For one
thing, whites were very much alert to their minority status on the frontier, where Mexicans
outnumbered them ten to one; in certain communities along the border the proportion was twenty-
five to one.”56 Cortina’s Wars overlapped with the U.S. Civil War Era (1861-1865), and while most
Civil War history has fixated on the battles of the Deep South and the Eastern seaboard, recent
scholarship has begun focusing more on events at the fringes of U.S. geography and demographics.
The rationale in doing so is that such events on the margins, by testing the outermost limits of
centralized authority, made the issue of national sovereignty and sustainability the dominant legacy
of the Civil War and Reconstruction.57
54
Paredes 1971, 26, 36.
55
Cortina 1859, n.pag.
56
De León 1983, 84.
57
Ponce 2011, 2.
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Latinos/as participated extensively in the Civil War. The 39th New York Volunteer Infantry
Regiment, 4th D Company, known as the “Spanish Company,” was comprised of Latin Americans,
mostly Cuban and Puerto Rican, who fought at Gettysburg. The New Mexico Volunteer Infantry
Regiment of the Union Army had the most Latino officers of any outfit in the Civil War. Certain units
on both sides of the War were so fully manned by Latinos that their names reflected their membership:
the Benavides Regiment (Texas), the Spanish Guards (Alabama), and the Cazadores Espanoles
Regiment (Louisiana) among them. Some Latinas had important roles in the Civil War, too. Lola
Sánchez (1844-1895) was a Confederate spy whose intelligence provided advantage to win the Battle
at Horse Landing (1864). The Cuban American Loreta Janeta Velázquez (1842–1897; fig.10)
disguised herself as a man and used the
alias Lieutenant Harry T. Buford in
order to fight for the Confederate Army
at the Battles of Bull Run, Ball’s Bluff,
Fort Donelson, and Shiloh.
The Civil War and its aftermath had
profound effects on Latino/a
communities both here and abroad.
Benito Juárez (1806-1872) served as
president of Mexico (1858-1872) in a
time of extraordinary tumult. Born in
Oaxaca to poor Zapotec campesinos and
orphaned at the age of three, Juárez
studied to become an attorney before a
successful career as a statesman,
fig. 10: Loreta Janeta Velázquez (right), and disguised as her alias, Lt.
successful primarily for his advocacy of Harry T. Buford of the Confederate States Army. Courtesy of the
Mexican sovereignty, indigenous Library of Congress. (https://www.army.mil/hispanics/history.html)
peoples’ rights, and resisting attempts at
all forms of political, economic, or cultural recolonization by European powers. In 1859, he enacted
the Law of Nationalization of the Ecclesiastical Wealth, which outlawed the Catholic Church from
owning property in Mexico. In 1861, Juárez issued a moratorium on repaying French, English, and
Spanish debts. A domestic policy tug-of-war between Juárez’s progressive liberals and the European-
supported conservatives grew incessantly volatile, and while the U.S. was mired in its Civil War,
France, seeking repayment of Mexico’s outstanding debts, took its opportunity to challenge the
Monroe Doctrine and invaded Mexico, initiating the Second French Intervention (1861-1867). The
defeat of the French at the Battle of Puebla on May 5th, 1862 is to this day celebrated as Cinco de
Mayo, a microcosm of Mexico’s commitment to resist European exploitation and a symbol on which
still rests Juárez’s heroic reputation.
Latin American and U.S. Latino/a resistance to neo-imperialism in the late 19th C. manifested in
a number of forms and places. Much as Juan Cortina did in the Rio Grande Valley, Las Gorras Blancas
(The White Caps) were founded in 1889 in the New Mexican Territory by brothers Juan, José, Pablo,
and Nicanor Herrera to actively resist Anglo American squatters and the fraud they were committing
in their business of selling stolen lands to wealthy Anglo speculators. Las Gorras Blancas’ platform
stated that their “purpose is to protect the rights and interests of the people in general; especially those
of the helpless classes.”58 Their tactics included vandalism, arson, and raids in response to the deeply
corrupt dealings of a local Anglo establishment of lawyers and investors known as the Santa Fe Ring.
In 1890, Las Gorras Blancas formed El Partido del Pueblo Unido (United People’s Party), getting three
members elected to the New Mexico Legislature. Meanwhile, on the Texas-Coahuila border, the
journalist Catarino Garza (1859-1895) organized a fighting force of over 1,000 men in Texas and
invaded Mexico in defiance of President Porfirio Díaz (1830-1915), whose neoliberal approaches to
58
“Las Gorras Blancas Announce Their Platform, 1890” qtd. in Vargas 2011, 182.
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foreign investment, laissez-faire economics, and wealth concentration had made him unpopular with
the agrarian and working classes in Mexico.
As mentioned earlier, the final phase of the demise of the global Spanish Empire extended through
the 1890s and was centered in the Caribbean. It should be noted that the insurrections of 1868 known
as El Grito de Lares (Puerto Rico) and El Grito de Yara (Cuba) occurred before slavery was outlawed on
either island; abolition laws were passed for Puerto Rico in 1873, for Cuba in 1886, and de facto
slavery continued to exist in remote regions for years more. The Cuban War of Independence (1895-
1898) was publicly declared when revolutionaries José Martí (1853-1895) and Máximo Gómez (1836-
1905) published their “Montecristi Manifesto.” Issued from exile in the Dominican Republic, their
words pose an inspiring vision of a Latino/a postcolonial society free from Spain, a Cuban nationalism
predicated on racial equity, mutual reliance, and inclusivity:
The Cuban black has no schools of wrath there, and in the war not a single black was punished for
arrogance or insubordination. Upon the shoulders of the black man, the republic, which he has never
attacked, moved in safety. Only those who hate the black see hatred in the black, and those who traffic
in such unjust fears do so in order to subjugate the hands that could be raised to expel the corrupting
occupier from Cuban soil.59
59
Martí and Gómez 1895, n.pag.
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would evolve to the point where it would require modifiers and variants for precision: transnational
citizenship, cultural citizenship, the non-citizen national. The complexities of sociopolitical derivatives
that resulted from the 1898 Treaty of Paris were so profound that the potential for Latino/a nationality
to emerge in the Pacific Rim of Asia was no longer a logical incongruity beyond the realm of
possibility.
Before continuing on to examine Latino/a communities in the 20th C., it is worthwhile for our
purposes to take a moment and consider the Philippines. About 200 miles south of Taiwan’s coast,
this Western Pacific country provides an interesting set of cultural circumstances that allow us to raise
thought-provoking questions with students about the fundamental (epistemological) nature of what it
means to be Latino/a. With a present-day population (100 million) over 600 times greater than that
of Guam, the Philippines has a colonial past remarkably similar to the nations of Latin America.
Seeking out the Spice (Maluku) Islands off the coast of Indonesia, Ferdinand Magellan (1480-1521)
arrived to the Philippines in March of 1521—the same year Cortez conquered Tenochtitlan. In only a
month’s time, Magellan and his men had already converted some 2,000 natives to Christianity. In
1542, Ruy López de Villalobos (1500-1544) set sail from Jalisco, Mexico with six galleons and 400
men to cross the Pacific Ocean and establish permanent Spanish colonies in the East Indies, and while
he, like Magellan, did not live long enough to complete his mission, it was he who named the
archipelago after King Philip II. In 1565, Miguel López de Legazpi (1502-1572) succeeded in finishing
what López de Villalobos started, and from 1565 to 1821, the Philippines was ruled by the Viceroyalty
of New Spain until authority transferred to Madrid after Mexican Independence. The Philippines was
ruled by Spain for a total of 333 years, then controlled by the U.S. for decades until World War II.
Filipino nationalists resisted U.S. neo-imperialism during the Philippine-American War (1899-1902)
but to no avail. Today, over 90% of Filipinos self-identify as Christians (80% Roman Catholic).
Linguists estimate that between 20% and 33% of the vocabulary of the Filipino language (standardized
Tagalog) derives from Spanish,60 as
well as hundreds of words with
Nahuatl etymology. Filipino
cuisine, while heavily influenced
by Chinese cooking, offers many
popular dishes familiar to Latin
Americans in both flavor and
name: lechón (roast pork), pata
(pig’s feet) longganisa (sausage) torta
(omelet) empanada (fritter), and
champorado (pudding) among
many others. Traditional Filipino
fig. 12: Filipino folk dancers in Manila performing tinikling, a traditional dance folk music (fig.12) employs a
where participants coordinate steps over moving bamboo poles, accompanied rondalla, or guitar/string ensemble
by string music played by a rondalla. Photo: © Agnes Manalo. (originated in Catalonia, Spain)
(http://mayniladailyphoto.blogspot.com/2011/08/traditional-filipino-folk-
dance_26.html)
and sounds very much like
traditional décimas and acoustic
bachata music from the Dominican Republic. So, to pause and think about the fundamental question,
What is Latino/a? in light of considering the Philippines can help students contemplate the extent to
which being of America is crucial. How did the Spanish Empire impact Filipino culture and economy
60
Thompson 2003, 61.
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in comparison to the Americas? How did Mexico, during the centuries when it was a Spanish territory,
play a role in the trans-Pacific colonization of the Philippines? Is the Philippines a Latin Asian country
in a way comparable to a Latin American country? What makes it different? Is it merely geography, or
do the particular cultural, linguistic, ethnic, and historical factors of the indigenous peoples present
upon colonization make distinct and meaningful difference between Latin America and Latin Asia?
Are there elements of present-day Latino/a culture that were originally imported from the Philippines
during the Spanish Empire? Does studying the Spanish colonial history of the Philippines, as a record
of Latin American influence and exchange in Asia, make Latino/a culture seem more integral to the
Global South? These questions and more can come out of class discussions, especially when students
volunteer personal knowledge of Latino/a culture and immigrant-diaspora communities here in Fort
Worth.
That said, a major impact on Latin America of the 1898 Treaty of Paris—much as the case with
the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo—was absorbing a significant number of Latin Americans into the
U.S. population. According to the 1899 U.S. Census of Puerto Rico, there were over 953,000
inhabitants of the island, a population many times higher than that of the Mexican Cession of 1848
and higher than any U.S. city at the time besides New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. And once
annexed, Puerto Rico’s fortunes fluctuated greatly. The Foraker Act (1900) established a provisional
government for the island with very limited elected representation, giving the President of the U.S.
sole authority to appoint Puerto Rico’s Governor as well as all members of its 11-seat Executive
Council (including the Attorney General and Chief of Police). The Foraker Act also created a U.S.
District Court to claim federal jurisdiction over the island. Puerto Rican representation in U.S.
Congress was limited to a non-voting Resident Commissioner. And although the U.S. owned and
controlled the island, inhabitants were not initially considered U.S. citizens but rather “Puerto Rican
citizens”—a condition soon tested. In 1902, Isabel Gonzales (1882-1971) sailed on the SS Philadelphia
from San Juan to New York City and upon arrival, U.S. officials detained all passengers on board
who were either pregnant or travelling with less than 10 dollars, labelling them as “alien immigrants”
likely to become burdens as “public charges,” i.e. people with the potential to require welfare for basic
needs. Gonzales legally challenged her detention, and the landmark U.S. Supreme Court case Gonzales
v. Williams (1904) ruled in her favor: that while not technically full-fledged U.S. citizens, Puerto Ricans
were neither “aliens” nor subject to immigration laws that would bar them from entry to the mainland
U.S.
In a two-year span during World War I, three U.S. legislative acts worked together to effectively
repurpose Puerto Rican men for military service. The National Defense Act (1916) reordered and
expanded the U.S. military, preparing the transformation of the Puerto Rico Regiment of Infantry into
the 65th Infantry Regiment of the U.S. Army, renamed after returning from deployment (1917-1919)
to protect the newly built Panama Canal. The Jones-Shafroth Act (1917) voided “Puerto Rican
citizenship” and instead declared all Puerto Ricans U.S. citizens. The Selective Service Act (1917)
imposed conscription (i.e. a draft) as a solution to the insufficient numbers of U.S. male citizens
volunteering for service during World War I. These three acts quickly enabled the U.S. to get many
thousands of Puerto Rican men on the front lines 61 of the War, but the Jones-Shafroth Act in particular
had further implications. Once assured passage to and from the mainland U.S. without legal
restrictions, Puerto Ricans began engaging in revolving-door migration, in which Puerto Ricans freely
travel back and forth to the U.S. for extended periods of time, either to attend to family matters, pursue
seasonal work, manage property, or sundry other reasons. The Merchant Marine Act (1920)
established cabotage laws that, to this day, require all seafaring vessels transporting cargo between U.S.
ports to be owned and staffed entirely by U.S. citizens. With Puerto Rico a U.S. territory but
geographically situated closer to Venezuela, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Jamaica,
Cuba, and every nation of the Antilles than it is to the U.S., the imposition of U.S. cabotage laws has
61
Pérez y González 2000, 29.
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inflated costs for all goods on the island, contributing to a perpetual poverty and pursuit of
employment that feeds revolving-door migration. Coupled with failed early 20th-C. U.S. policies meant
to industrialize Puerto Rico’s agrarian economy in hopes of reducing unemployment, this quickly led
to the Puerto Rican migration boom that spiked later in the 1950s and cemented New York City as
the hub of the Puerto Rican diaspora.
In the landlocked Southwest, U.S. Latinos/as had more routes for migration. As most Anglo
American settlers in the 19th C. came to either farm cotton (Texas) or prospect for gold (California),
the longstanding Spanish tradition of ranching was largely left to Mexican Americans. After both
Texas and California were granted statehood (1848, 1850), Anglo Americans invested more in the
ranching industry, but the skilled trades of raising cattle and horse breeding continued to be primarily
the work of vaqueros. The methods, techniques, equipment, dress, and overall lifestyle of the vaquero is
recognized as the basis of the cowboy: a buckaroo in chaps who can corral a remuda, lasso a bronco, fit it
with a hackamore, and vamoose to the rodeo (all italics are modern Spanish-origin words). More
importantly, the vaquero lifestyle was inherently migratory, which shaped Latino/a communities
throughout the borderlands. In the 19th C., vaqueros ranged over large open territories with grazing herds
and traded hides, handicrafts, and provisions at an array of border zones and ports, from San Francisco
to the Santa Fe Trail to Corpus Christi. Furthermore, the 19th-C. population boom of the Southwest
gave rise to commercial agriculture. California’s population increased from about 13,000 to nearly
100,000 in the year 1850 alone.62 Between 1836 and 1900, Texas’ total population rose from less than
50,000 to just shy of 4 million.63 From 1820 to 1930, approximately 1.3 million Latin Americans
emigrated to the U.S.: nearly 750,000 from Mexico and about 425,000 from the Caribbean.64 The Civil
War disrupted and displaced innumerable communities, and the era of Porfirio Díaz’s presidency of
Mexico (known as the Porfiriato, 1876-1911) produced dramatic inequality and poverty among the
Mexican working classes. Furthermore, in the Rio Grande Valley, the percentage of low-wage
“unspecialized laborers” in the Mexican American work force increased from 0.3% in 1850 to 54.5%
by 1900; and from 1866 to 1899, “the wages of day laborers on Texas farms declined by about 30
percent.”65 This combination of factors led to increased immigration along the border. Díaz’s daylong
coup, the Battle of Tecoac (1876) was one of many armed insurrections in Mexico in the 1870s—
including by Yaqui and Apache communities—that drove Mexican immigrants to the U.S. at a time
when their labor was needed. The global economic depression that resulted from the Panic of 1873 hit
Fort Worth in particular at a vulnerable time, as the Civil War and Reconstruction had just wiped out
the slavery-based economy, dropping Fort Worth’s population to about 175 and threatening its very
sustainability. But the Texas and Pacific Railway opened in Fort Worth in 1876, enabling efficient,
large-scale transportation of commercial merchandise as well as borderland refugees escaping violence
to seek safety and work. With cattle selling in the Northeast for ten times their value in Texas, access
to a national railroad system, vast market opportunity, and a diverse labor force reinvigorated Fort
Worth, soon establishing it as the center of the cattle industry and earning it the moniker “Cowtown.”
Mexican American communities grew in Fort Worth as workers in the more industrialized sectors of
meatpacking, manufacturing, construction, and railroading settled the city’s early barrios (Latino/a
neighborhoods), such as La Diecisiete and La Corte downtown in the early 1890s and Northside right
after the turn of the century. 66 From 1880 to 1900, the city’s population quadrupled. In subsequent
decades and before World War II, a small entrepreneurial class of Latino/a grocers, barbers, and
restaurant owners soon developed in Fort Worth.
The Mexican Revolution (1910-1920) plunged the transnational Mexican community into deeper
turmoil, with the war’s violence inflicting an estimated 2 million Mexican casualties. During the
62
Daniels 2002, 97.
63
Stewart and de León 1993, 9.
64
Daniels 2002, 307.
65
Stewart and de León 1993, 27, 33.
66
Cuéllar 2003, 2, 8, 11.
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67
Coerver 2015, n.pag.
68
Morán González 2019, n.pag.
69
John Morán González qtd. in Benavides 2016, n.pag.
70
International Herald Tribune 1917, n.pag.
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shortly thereafter, as “a union strike vote resulted in the walkout of approximately 10,000 workers in
seventeen Texas and Louisiana oilfields on November 1, 1917.” 71 Motivated by the demands of the
vast working classes, the Mexican Constitution of 1917 (in place to this day) added several articles
that empowered laborers, including the government’s right to expropriate property owned by foreign
entities exploiting Mexican workers; explicit protections of labor unions to organize and collectively
bargain; establishing fair workloads; and setting a minimum wage.
Public discourse on Latino/a affairs in the early 20th C. developed through the growth of Latino/a
media. Ignacio E. Lozano, Sr. (1886-1953) founded the influential Spanish-language daily newspapers
La Prensa (1913; ceased publication in 1963) in San Antonio and La Opinión (1926) in Los Angeles.
Both papers circulated widely, helping to define a Mexican American consciousness at local, national,
and international levels. Lozano’s newspapers supported initiatives and funding drives for civil rights
causes, including legal cases argued by the League of United Latin American Citizens, or LULAC
(1929). They also covered vital news from Mexico during the Revolution and later the bloody Cristero
War (1926-1929), when the Federales fought the Catholic clergy over the anti-clerical measures of the
1917 Constitution that set out to eliminate Church authority and suppress public displays of religious
celebration. As their population dramatically grew, Latinos/as had keen interest in news from back
home as well U.S. domestic matters that impacted Latinos/as—such as the immigration reforms of
the Johnson-Reed Act (1924), which issued a $10 tax on Mexican immigrants and created the U.S.
Border Patrol. The growth of Latino/a media within the U.S. fostered the sorts of publics and
counterpublics necessary to maintain large populations of Latinos/as that were increasingly
experiencing the integration, assimilation, bias, and hybrid nationalism inherent to an ethnic group
subjected to the pressures of Americanization. The early 20th C. was a period in which the social
foundations of many U.S. Latino/a communities settled into a semblance of permanence, and grew
increasingly urban.
The migrations that planted the roots of Latino/a communities across the U.S. resulted in regional
enclaves distinctive for their national origins. From 1900 to 1930, geography, well-orchestrated
migratory routes, and family/neighbor connections settled different Latino/a groups in different
places. Mexican immigrants and migrants predominantly settled into communities throughout the
Southwest and in pockets of the Midwest, especially Chicago in the 1910s when factory jobs attracted
Mexican male workers (most with ties to the central states of Guanajuato, Jalisco, and Michoacán) to
the Pilsen and Little Village neighborhoods. By the time Rafael Trujillo (1891-1961) launched his coup
d’état and assumed the presidency of the Dominican Republic in 1930, Ellis Island in New York City
was the preferred gateway of Dominican immigrants. Cuban immigrants had longstanding
connections to Texas, Louisiana, New York, and Florida, with Key West, New Orleans, and New
York City as chief destinations. Puerto Ricans travelled primarily to New York City on commercial
ocean liners and initially settled in East Harlem and then the South Bronx before the Great Migration
boom that began in the 1940s brought Puerto Ricans to various parts of Manhattan and Brooklyn.
Therefore, in the early decades of the 20th C., Latino/a communities were strongly aligned by
umbilical ties to specific national origins. Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, and Dominican
neighborhoods arose before more integrated and diverse “Latino/a” ones developed, and the legacies
of these barrios most often have retained distinctive identities based on national origin that are palpable
to this day.
This happened, yet again, in the face of powerful opposition. For example, between 1890 and
1930, millions of Anglo/European Midwesterners migrated to California, and they “brought with
71
Maroney 2010, n.pag.
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them a familiar Protestant worldview” as well as a “distinctly anti-urban ethos […] hoping to
perpetuate the communal familiarity which characterized their former rural and small town lives.”72
To that end, Hiram Johnson, the governor of California (1911-1917) and a member of the Progressive
Party (1912-1918), created the Commission of Immigration and Housing (1913-1923). Its purpose was
to enact the “Social Gospel” tradition of the Progressive social reformers and pursue initiatives to
thoroughly integrate all immigrants by means of “distributing” them from congested cities; teaching
them English and holding them to strict English-only standards; having them abandon their own
cultural and religious practices distinct from mainstream Anglo American society; and generally
assimilating them into “the American way of life” under the banner of “Americanization.” 73 Many of
these efforts worked, and over time countless Latinos/as and their descendants changed, adopting
Anglo American social norms, ways of speaking, cultural tastes, religious denominations, personal
ambitions, spouses, and even disdain for their heritage. Nevertheless, the making of sizable Latino/a
communities in the U.S. was the groundwork for organizing and political action in the name of civil
rights. From the 1930s to the 1960s, the interplay between U.S. Latinos/as working towards equity
and U.S. policies prioritizing the extraction of profit from Latino/a communities developed a tension
over the incompatibility of these opposed goals. The Great Depression (1929-1939) saw Latino/a
immigration fluctuate—nearly half a million Mexican persons living in the U.S., including U.S.-born
children, repatriated to Mexico over this decade74—but the areas already established as Latino/a
communities in the mainland U.S. survived the economic trauma and recovery. And this survival was
the fundamental experience that bred the Latino/a social justice cause in what is increasingly being
referred to as the long and wide Civil Rights Movement:75 the sum of efforts to increase equal opportunity
and protections that networked radical social protest with mainstream legislation, built coalitions
across distinct ethnic/demographic groups, and occupied a historical moment far longer than a single
decade.
For Latinos/as of Caribbean descent, the long and wide Civil Rights Movement began offshore.
Opposing the Jones-Shafroth Act that
declared Puerto Ricans U.S. citizens, local
leaders organized the Asociación Nacionalista
de Ponce (Ponce Nationalist Association) in
1917. In 1922, this group united with the
Juventud Nacionalista (Nationalist Youth)
and the Asociación Independentista
(Independence Association of Puerto Rico)
to establish the Partido Nacionalista de Puerto
Rico (Puerto Rico Nationalist Party, or
PRN). Pedro Albizu Campos (1891-1965)
was elected president of the PRN in 1930
and his leadership called for drastic change,
attracting both working and intellectual
classes and organizing marches and
protests throughout the island. Inspired by
fig. 14: Lolita Lebrón (third from left) and fellow Puerto Rican Ireland’s Sinn Féin nationalist liberation
Nationalists taken into custody by Capitol Police on March 1, 1954, movement, he created the Cadetes de la
after they shot five members of the U.S. House of Representatives. República (Cadets of the Republic), a
Courtesy of the Associated Press.
(https://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/03/us/03lebron.html)
paramilitary organization that adhered to
strict, disciplined training and a loyal
72
Sánchez 1993, 91, 92.
73
Sánchez 1993, 93-95.
74
Hoffman 1974, 2.
75
Brilliant 2010, 5-9 and passim.
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commitment to revolution, wearing uniforms as they marched in files at rallies. 76 Responding to the
Rio Piedras Massacre (1935) in which police killed four nationalists at a student protest, two cadetes,
Hiram Rosado and Elías Beauchamp, assassinated Puerto Rico’s Chief of Police, former U.S. Army
Colonel Elisha Francis Riggs, leading to Albizu Campos’ eventual arrest and imprisonment. Albizu
Campos ordered a series of deadly uprisings known by historians as the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party
Revolts of the 1950s, and PRN action extended to the U.S. mainland. A failed assassination attempt
on President Harry Truman in 1950 cost the life of a White House Police officer. And in 1954, Lolita
Lebrón (1919-2010; fig.14), who joined the PRN in New York City in 1946, led a group of men in an
attack inside the chambers of the U.S. House of Representatives, shooting pistols from a vantage in
the visitors’ gallery and wounding five congressmen. Along with Lebrón, scores of Puerto Rican
women were deeply involved in the PRN, forming Las Hijas de la Libertad (Daughters of Liberty), the
feminist branch of the movement.
The feminist cause in Puerto Rico was shaped under unique circumstances. The passage of Law
116 (1937) regulated contraception and introduced a state-sponsored eugenics program on the island
with the intention to socially engineer a more sustainable labor pool: “demographic formulations
which were developed by American scientific organizations and foundations in response to the need
of American corporations to protect capital earnings and holdings in the island colony beginning with
the depression of the thirties.”77 Law 116 introduced the practice of forced or coerced sterilization among
Puerto Rican women, and the 53 sterilization clinics that opened on the island in the 1930s made the
forced or coerced sterilization of women so common that the procedure was simply known
colloquially as “la operación.” A 1949 survey showed that 18% of women who gave birth in Puerto
Rican hospitals were medically sterilized as a routine postpartum procedure, regardless of consent.
“By 1965, approximately 34 percent of women of child-bearing age had been sterilized, two thirds of
whom were still in their early twenties,” and by 1970, statistics showed that Puerto Rico had “the
highest proportion of its reproductive population sterilized of any country in the world—male or
female.”78
The U.S. government’s interest in reproductive control was rooted in its investment in the Puerto
Rican economy. The large-scale push to completely transform the island from an agrarian economy
to an industrialized one led to a 46% decrease in agricultural employment between 1940 and 1960.
Soaring overall unemployment on the island was answered by the Industrial Incentives Act (1947),
which afforded major tax rebates to U.S. corporations that set up operations on the island, but the
measures only added to growing unemployment. What resulted from this project, known since 1949
as “Operation Bootstrap,” was a massive influx of Puerto Ricans into the U.S. mainland. A net total
of 470,000 Puerto Ricans (out of a total population at the time of 2.2 million) migrated to the mainland
U.S. during the 1950s.79 With the primary destination being New York City, the Puerto Rican New
Yorker, better known as the Nuyorican, emerged as a salient identity. Subsequent waves of secondary
migration took thousands of Nuyoricans to other destinations, including Chicago’s Lincoln Park and
Humboldt Park neighborhoods. It was in Chicago where José “Cha-Cha” Jiménez (b.1948), inspired
in part by the Black Panthers, reinvented a neighborhood street gang into the civil and human rights
organization the Young Lords in 1968, on the 100-year anniversary of the Grito de Lares. The Young
Lords advocated for local/neighborhood empowerment, improved education and public services, and
Latino/a self-determinism. Within a year, the Young Lords opened chapters in many cities across the
country and became increasingly inclusive in membership: an activist model for community-building
across different nationalities of Latinos/as that reflected the growing diversification that many barrios
were experiencing at the time.
76
Acosta-Belén and Santiago 2018, 79.
77
Mass 1977, 66.
78
Mass 1977, 72, 78.
79
Acosta-Belén and Santiago 2018, 96.
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In the early period of the long and wide Civil Rights Movement, an array of Latino/a social justice
initiatives emerged throughout the country as the result of ranging factors. A prominent Latino/a
organization in contrast to the Young Lords is the aforementioned League of United Latin American
Citizens (LULAC, f.1929). Established in Corpus Christi by a small, influential group of Mexican
American business leaders,80 LULAC was supported by corporate and government funds and had a
reformist platform that encouraged Americanization. LULAC’s approach to social issues
“incorporated a number of seemingly contradictory goals” because by staunchly supporting the virtues
of U.S. institutions and free enterprise, “their prescriptions for social change sprang from a world view
in which individual initiative and achievement were central, and where economic processes and class
power were minimized or ignored.” While “LULAC was proposing to dismantle a harsh system of
racism, its values were such that racism was virtually the only problem it identified as oppressing
Mexican American people.”81 Because numerous LULAC members left to serve in World War II,
many activities ceased for years, but the return of LULAC veterans facilitated collaboration with the
Congressional-chartered Latino/a veterans’ group, the American GI Forum (f.1948). LULAC and
the GI Forum together had leading roles in myriad social causes for Latinos/as, such as school
desegregation, fair political representation, and legal residence for immigrants. LULAC and the GI
Forum provided the pro bono attorneys who successfully argued the landmark U.S. Supreme Court
case Hernández v. Texas (1954), which ruled that excluding Mexican Americans from jury selection
violated the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment.
Other Latino/a organizations promoting social justice took on a variety of issues, including
housing, labor conditions, wages, women’s rights, community policing, veterans’ affairs, healthcare,
and the law. Luisa Moreno (1907-1992; fig.15), a Guatemalan American labor organizer who worked
for both the AFL and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO, f.1936) decades before the AFL-
CIO merger in 1955, organized El Congreso de
Pueblos de Habla Española (Spanish-Speaking
People’s Congress, 1939) in Los Angeles. An effort
“of a Communist ‘Popular Front’ strategy to
encourage ethnic minorities in the United States to
join them in a fight against racial and class
oppression,” 82 El Congreso was modeled after the
National Negro Congress (1935)—one of many
instances of inter-ethnic influence in the struggle for
civil rights—and co-organized with fellow activist
Josefina Fierro de Bright (1914-1998), the daughter
of refugees of the Mexican Revolution. Fierro de
Bright would later arrange for the defense
committee in the Sleepy Lagoon Murder Trial
(1942), a case in which some 600 Latinos were fig. 15: Luisa Moreno, co-founder of the Spanish-Speaking
detained and 9 were convicted of second-degree People’s Congress, ca. 1939. (http://www.seiu-
murder in the death of José Gallardo Díaz. Lacking uhw.org/archives/20663)
witnesses, evidence, and a cause of death consistent
with murder, the case was overturned on appeal in 1944. But in the Californian social atmosphere of
Japanese internment camps, and with the failure of Progressivist Americanization to dilute immigrant
concentrations in L.A. neighborhoods, ethnic tensions were extremely high. The Sleepy Lagoon case
would become a bellwether of challenging the overt racism practiced widely by courts and police forces
throughout the country. Because the prosecution, trying to tap jurors’ fears and prejudice to assure
convictions, put so much emphasis on how the young defendants were dressed—in the urban pachuco
80
Sánchez 1993, 254.
81
Márquez 1993, 2-4.
82
Sánchez 1993, 245.
35
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83
García 1980, 70.
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braceros nor undocumented immigrants but actually lawfully residing Mexican nationals, or even U.S.
citizens.
Agricultural working conditions deteriorated through the 1950s and into the 1960s and as a result,
labor strikes proliferated throughout California, such as those in El Centro (1959), Fresno County
(1962), and Linell (1965). Local unions continued to partner and consolidate into larger organizations,
and one of the most historic of such mergers was the formation of the United Farm Workers (UFW)
in 1965. A field worker born in Yuma, Arizona who became a civil rights advocate for the Community
Service Organization (CSO) in 1952, César Chavez (1927-1993) organized farm laborers in the San
Joaquín Valley. In 1962, he partnered with fellow activist Dolores Huerta (b.1930) to create the
National Farm Workers Association (NFWA). The NFWA merged with the Agricultural Workers
Organizing Committee (AWOC), led by Filipino American Larry Itliong, to form the UFW. Their
fight to raise workers’ subminimum-wage pay led to the Delano Grape Strike (1965-1970), a major
collaboration between Latino/a and Filipino communities and a watershed moment in the history of
labor activism. The social politics of the UFW and the cultures it spawned in the 1960s as the
multiracial Civil Rights Movement drew closer to fruition set precedent for the rhetoric of the Chicano
Movement of the late 1960s and 1970s. The UFW’s fight in the struggle for self-determination and
economic stability became one of the pillars of Latino/a social conscience entering the second half of
the 20th C.
The sum of efforts in the long and wide Latino/a Civil Rights Movement established historic
precedents at the heart of its legacy. For one, several legal cases regarding schools issued landmark
decisions that transformed our educational system on a national level. The Supreme Court case Méndez
v. Westminster (1947) ruled that separating Mexicans and Anglos into different primary schools in
Orange County was unconstitutional, setting precedent for the paradigmatic case Brown v. Board of
Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954). In Minerva Delgado v. Bastrop ISD (1948), LULAC attorneys
earned a permanent restriction against segregated classes within white schools. 84 Hernández v. Driscoll
CISD (1957), the fruit of a ten-year effort by LULAC and the GI Forum and one of the first school
segregation cases litigated after Brown v. Board of Education, ended the common practice in the
Southwest of requiring Mexican American children to complete the first grade three times—in “low,”
“beginner,” and “high” classes—a practice ostensibly for the sake of not slowing down the progress
of Anglo schoolmates. Beyond the scope of education reform, the aforementioned case Hernández v.
Texas (1954) established that while the U.S. Census regarded Latinos/as as “white,” we were clearly
treated as “a class apart”—an argument made so eloquently by LULAC’s lawyer Gustavo García
(1915-1964) that he was permitted to speak an extra 16 minutes over the time he was customarily
afforded: the only time the Supreme Court has made such an allowance in its history.
Other historic precedents emerged outside of the courts. In 1955, Raúl Cortez (1905-1971) founded
KCOR-TV in San Antonio, the first exclusively Spanish language television station in the U.S. It was
eventually sold, merged, and transformed into the Spanish International Network (SIN) in 1962. The
opening of more Spanish-only stations in cities such as Chicago, Fresno, Houston, Patterson, Phoenix,
and San Francisco eventually formed the media conglomerate Univision in the 1980s. In the fields,
the 1965 merger of the NFWA and the AWOC (as an “association” and a “committee,” respectively)
into the UFW labor union granted new leverage in negotiations and campaigns like the strikes in 1966-
67 in the Rio Grande Valley, their 500-mile march to Austin, and grassroots boycott campaigns in
cities across Texas in the late 1960s and into the 1970s. This movement to empower farm workers was
paralleled by efforts to recover Latino/a entitlement to the very land itself. Reies Lopez Tijerina (1926-
84
Márquez 1993, 54.
37
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2015), the son of Texan migrant farmworkers, founded a utopian colony in Arizona in 1956 with 17
families—an ethnic reversal of the filibustering and settler-colonization the region experienced up
through the 19th C. He moved to New Mexico in 1960 and, having spent time researching primary
documents elucidating the terms and agreements of land grants and entitlements in New Mexico (such
as the aforementioned Laws of the Indies and the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo), he soon began his
own movement to reclaim lands stolen over the centuries from Mexican and Native American
families. In 1963, he and a group of fellow activists formed the Alianza Federal de Mercedes (Federal
Alliance of Land Grants) to make their case, and the Alianza secured a weekly radio show spot on
Spanish-language station KABQ in Albuquerque in order to inform the public of their cause. Seeking
legal means to reclaim property never officially rescinded, the Alianza failed to convince U.S.
politicians of their position and so
they became increasingly radical in
their tactics. Protests, rallies, raids,
and standoffs with law enforcement
ensued throughout the 1960s, and
Tijerina’s reputation as a radical
activist grew as he networked with
other likeminded Latino/a leaders
(fig.17) such as José Ángel
Gutiérrez (b.1944) and Rodolfo
“Corky” Gonzales (1928-2005) in
the burgeoning Chicano Movement.
But not all legacies of the
Latino/a Civil Rights Movement
were above reproach. As grassroots
action spread across the country in
the name of Latino/a social justice,
cultures arose around their
organizations: cultures that—for fig. 17: José Angel Gutiérrez, Reies López Tijerina, and Rodolfo “Corky”
Gonzalez at the National Convention of the Raza Unida Party, 1972.
better and for worse—reflected Smithsonian American Art Museum. © 2012, Oscar R. Castillo.
wider social attitudes and trends (https://americanart.si.edu/artwork/jose-angel-gutierrez-reies-lopez-tijerina-
that pervaded the greater American and-rodolfo-corky-gonzalez-national-convention)
social fabric. By a certain measure,
the Chicano Movement was no different from the African American movement in that it, too, was
plagued by sexism in its ranks across numerous organizations, from Huey Newton’s Black Panther
Party to Martin Luther King, Jr.’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference. In the words of veteran
New York Times reporter Paul Delaney, “to top leaders of the [black] civil rights movement—all men—
women were a nuisance and a pain, best kept at a distance so not to challenge their hegemony. The
proof was not so secret in those days of sexism and chauvinism. Their credo could have been the
James Brown hit, ‘It’s a Man’s World.’ The civil rights movement was run as a male preserve.”85 As
Delaney notes, sexism and misogyny were prevalent throughout America in the politics and
leadership of the vast majority of demographics. In the 91st U.S. Congress (1969-1971), out of 100
Senators, only one was a woman, and just ten of the 435 members of the House of Representatives
were women—a total Congressional representation of 2%. Likewise, and in spite of a rich history of
female participation in the cause for social justice, from Lolita Lebrón and Luisa Romero to Dolores
Huerta and the garment workers of El Paso’s Farah Strike (1972-1974), the leadership of Chicano
activist organizations was disproportionately male and patriarchal in attitude. Nevertheless, many
Chicanas did play vital roles in organizing the movement, both at its core as well as in autonomous
85
Delaney 2010, n.pag.
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spaces specifically for women. For example, Rosie Castro (b.1947) of San Antonio (and the mother
of prominent present-day politicians Julián and Joaquín) ran for city council on the Committee for
Barrio Betterment ticket, making her one of the first cohort of Chicanas to ever seek elected office in
Texas and the Southwest.
The Conferencia de Mujeres por la Raza (National Chicana Conference) was the first national
assembly of Mexican American feminists in the U.S., where more than 600 Chicanas from 23 states
convened at the Magnolia Park YWCA in Houston on May 28-30, 1971. A crucial aspect to
understand about this conference is that while it sought empowerment for women within the Chicano
Movement and thereby was a reaction to the movement’s male-centrism, it was equally (if not more
so) a response to mainstream Anglo American feminism that elided Latinas’ issues and concerns from
public consideration. The National Chicana Conference was organized around four main workshops
on the topics of marriage and childcare, sex and birth control, education and employment, and
religion. This discourse was at once a critique of the larger Chicano Movement’s sexist tendencies to
ignore concerns specific to women as well as a critique of Anglo second-wave feminism, which was
primarily motivated to pursue career opportunities, financial independence, property rights, equitable
political representation, and protection from domestic violence for middle-class white women who
refused to live as subordinates of white men. Chicanas at the conference emphasized a different set of
goals because of the intersections of economic class, ethnicity and race, and neo-imperialism: they
wanted welfare reform and expansion, fuller access to birth control and free childcare for working
women (since Chicanas were employed in the labor force at a significantly higher rate than their white
counterparts), and greater tolerance for secular lifestyles within more religious, traditionalist working-
class communities. As such, the conference was contentious since its participants represented a wide
range of opinion on the role of feminism in the Chicano cause, and the final day of the assembly ended
with a walkout due to ideological conflicts, as nearly half of the participants thought that racism was
a more pressing concern than feminism and sexism.86 Soon after, the Comisión Femenil Mexicana
Nacional (National Mexican Women’s Commission) was founded in 1973 to continue working for
feminist concerns particular to Chicanas. 87 In time, Chicana feminism and activism would expand
into the mainstream debate that cultural historians regard as the feminist sex wars, in which lesbians
countered the heteronormative status quo of broad second-wave feminism. The 1980s saw a substantial
growth in critical and creative literature produced by queer Chicanas, such as Gloria Anzaldúa (1942-
2004), Cherríe Moraga (b.1952), and Ana Castillo (b.1953). Anzaldúa and Moraga co-edited and
published This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color (1981), a multiracial anthology
of feminist thought that announced the intervention of third-wave feminism, i.e. feminism focused on
how race, ethnicity, class, religion, and sexual orientation complicate gender discourse—a dynamic
that the African American scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw would dub, in 1989, as “intersectionality.”
The emergence of new terminology—like intersectionality, or the replacement of “Chicano” with
the more saliently gender-inclusive “Chicano/a”—was instrumental in the proliferation of identity
politics. The very term “Chicano,” to refer to a Mexican American person, is a modern manifestation
with disputed origins. The four prevailing conjectures of the etymology of the word Chicano are 1) a
corruption of the word Mexicano that happened in U.S. barrios, 2) a shortening of the word Mexicano
that happened in Mexico, where indigenous peoples would use the term to distinguish Spanish-based
Mexican culture from Nahuatl-based indigenous culture, 3) an altered form of chilango, the slang term
for a Mexico City native, and 4) a variation of Chichimeca, the indigenous people of Guanajuato. The
word may be a product of caló, the colloquial dialect originating from pre-World War II pachuco urban
culture that poetically blends Spanish, English, and certain Spanish archaisms especially common to
New Mexican regional Spanish (and from which we get familiar expressions such as vato ‘dude,’ carnal
‘bro,’ and órale ‘come on,’ ‘right on’). Regardless of its etymology, Chicano is universally considered a
86
Blackwell 2016, 161-164.
87
Leon 2013, 1-5 and passim.
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term that at one point was a slur but evolved to be reclaimed as a distinction of ethnic pride. Activists
and sympathizers adopted the term Chicano to signal the politically conscious Mexican American
subject in the unique time and place of the U.S. in the mid-20th C. In the Puerto Rican community,
the term boricua became popular, derived from the Taíno word for a native of Borinquen, ‘Island of the
Brave Lord,’ the indigenous name of Puerto Rico before Spanish colonization. Likewise, Quisqueya
was the original Taíno name for Hispanola, meaning ‘Great Land,’ and people of the Dominican
Republic commonly refer to each other as quisqueyanos. Such new self-identifiers recognized Latino/a
indigeneity and emphasized independence from the constrictive power of Anglo/European labels.
Rather than view themselves as immigrant ethnics, many took pride in having survived colonization
and celebrated our indigenous roots—declaring that they were “Brown,” calling for “Brown Power,”
rejecting their prior status as hyphenated Americans, and embracing cultural nationalism instead. The
Chicano Movement also helped U.S.-citizen Chicanos/as see themselves as one community (pueblo)
along with more recent Mexican immigrants (“un pueblo sin fronteras,” ‘a people without borders’),
leading U.S. Latinos/as to become increasingly and overwhelmingly pro-immigrant. The radical
cultural politics of the post-Civil Rights Act era were also impacted by the success of the Cuban
Revolution (1953-1958) and the Marxist vocabulary of proletarian oppression and capitalist
exploitation espoused by its leaders Fidel Castro (1926-2016) and Ernesto “Che” Guevara (1928-
1967). Guevara in particular became a heroic icon of Latino/a self-determinism and ideological
revolution immortalized, along with other radical predecessors like Emiliano Zapata and Pedro
Albizu Campos, in the public murals, paintings, poetry, magazines, and music of the Chicano Arts
Movement that paralleled civil rights activism.
When discussing the social atmosphere of protest politics in the Vietnam Era, historical literature
often uses the term radical to describe the moment. And for some, implicit in the frequency of using
the term radical for this period compared to prior epochs of Latino/a history is that the 1960s were
inherently more radical than ever. However, it would be more accurate to understand that it was not
the extreme rhetoric and drastic measures of late-1960s social protest that were uniquely radical and
different from anything ever attempted before, but quite the opposite: that to “fight the power”
ultimately became widespread, socially acceptable, and even,
one could say, mainstream. The counterculture became the
culture; the revolution was indeed televised, every day. The
struggle for civil rights entered public domains with an intensity,
commitment, and membership on a vast scale, aided by
population density and new media, that made unprecedented
efforts in networking and grassroots organizing efficient and
successful. The Movement had permanent effects on U.S. society
and institutions in ways that the Pueblo Revolt of the 1680s or
Las Gorras Blancas of the 1890s or Puerto Rican Nationalist
militancy in the 1930s did not. The protest movement took hold
in public schools, colleges and universities, branches of the
Armed Forces, professional and amateur sports, Hollywood,
news broadcasts, the recording industry, churches, and nearly
every area of American public life. And for this it spread to
uncharted areas of U.S. culture, and enjoyed its victories.
In 1966, high school students in L.A. created the group Young
fig. 18: Brown Berets escorted by L.A. Citizens for Community Action (YCCA) to organize efforts
County Sheriffs at the end of their 24-day against police brutality, racial inequity in public schools, high
occupation of Catalina Island, August unemployment, and several other challenges in the community.
1972. A year later, Sal Castro (1933-2013), a teacher at Lincoln High
(https://notesfromaztlan.tumblr.com/pos
t/80272267050/the-brown-berets-occupy-
School, met with the group and became an influential mentor.
catalina-island-on-august) The YCCA took to wearing their signature hats, soon adopting
40
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the name the Brown Berets (fig.18) and quickly inspiring local branches to open in over half a dozen
states, especially in metropolitan centers with sizable Latino/a populations experiencing similar
challenges, such as a dearth of bilingual education and inadequate preparation for students aspiring to
attend college. Beginning at five high schools in East L.A. in the spring of 1968, Latino/a students
across the nation walked out to protest inferior resources and poor treatment in public schools,
including the practice of corporal punishment for speaking Spanish on school grounds. Latino/a
student activists who did manage to enroll in college—typically the first generation to do so—likewise
demanded that universities serve their specific needs and give back to their larger communities. They
called for equity and demanded curricula in Chicano/a Studies, Mexican American Studies, Puerto
Rican Studies, and related fields. They rapidly built large membership organizations such as the
Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán (MEChA), which opened hundreds of chapters across the
nation.
Texas was a pivotal site of the Chicano Movement, in labor, education, and politics. Inspired by
the UFW’s strikes in southern Texas, youth activists in Crystal City and San Antonio created many
of the key organizations of the movement and, by extension, much of its cultural identity. The
Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO), founded in 1967 by five students (including José
Ángel Gutiérrez), gained popularity across
the state and also grew nationally, its ethos
following the migrant trail to the North and
West. MAYO coordinated school
walkouts, protest marches, community
education institutes, and poverty
programs, among other initiatives. In
1970, it transformed into La Raza Unida
Party, a political party that challenged
Democrats and Republicans alike and
raised the consciousness of hundreds of
thousands of Chicanos/as. Such efforts
attempting to establish new political
competition at the fundamental level of
elected representation often required far-
reaching collaboration across racial and
ethnic lines. “Brown” Chicano/a and
Puerto Rican activists formed strong ties
with African American “Black Power”
activists across the country. In California,
the aforementioned Third World
Liberation Front at San Francisco State
University included Chicanos/as, African
Americans, Asian Americans, and Native
Americans in their successful efforts to
establish permanent ethnic studies
programs. In Texas, Black Power activists
worked with La Raza Unida Party; and in
New York State, the Young Lords helped fig. 19: Fort Worth Star-Telegram, Section G, p.1, “Mexican-American
th
lead the 1971 uprising at Attica State Special Section,” July 26 , 1970. Courtesy of NewsBank, Inc.
Penitentiary, a watershed in the movement for prisoners’ rights and a precursor to the action taken in
Ruiz v. Estelle (1980) that reformed prison conditions through class action. Meanwhile, homegrown
Latino/a student movements also emerged south of the border. Student demonstrations and public
protests impacted Mexico City, much of Latin America, and the Caribbean. In 1968, Mexican armed
41
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forces opened fire on students protesting the Olympics in the Tlatelolco Massacre. There, and across
the region, activists continued to protest U.S. interventions in their domestic politics and economy,
largely for the repressive regimes they had to endure by their own U.S.-sponsored governments. From
1930 to 1961, Rafael Trujillo imposed his notoriously brutal dictatorship over the Dominican
Republic, but his assassination provided the Dominican people an opportunity to exert their will in a
free election. They elected their beloved statesman Juan Bosch (1909-2001) after his return from a long
exile in Puerto Rico during the Trujillato. But the U.S. government did not approve of Bosch’s
sympathies for the Cuban Revolution and, after only seven months in office, Bosch was deposed by a
CIA-sponsored coup d’état. In 1965, U.S. Marines invaded the Dominican Republic to support the
junta that opposed Bosch, and the U.S. was successful in installing Joaquín Belaguer (1906-2002),
another military dictator styled after Trujillo. Overall, Latino/a activists joined in protesting U.S. neo-
imperialism in the hemisphere, and they frequently visited their allied counterparts across the
Americas, including liaisons with Castro’s government in Cuba. Puerto Rican activists on the U.S.
mainland regularly traveled to and from the island, where some joined the pro-independence and
student movements. Many U.S. Latinos/as, of a group who had long sought citizenship through
military service, now questioned American patriotism and militarism, including protesting the
Vietnam War.
Latino/a youth movements spawned a host of “second-generation” organizations, including
softer versions with diluted political agendas. Cultures of social resistance became increasingly in
vogue and many second-generation movements capitalized on the opportunity to create new groups
pursuing social justice but clearly more palatable to moderates. Often calling themselves “Hispanic”
or “Mexican American” as opposed to “Chicano/a” and its more radical connotations, such groups
continued the legacy of the legal campaigns endemic to the early phases of the long and wide Civil
Rights Movement. The Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF, f.1968)
specialized in pursuing reform through legal channels rather than the often extralegal resistance efforts
of its radical counterparts. MALDEF was supported by liberal institutions like LULAC, the NAACP
Legal Defense Fund, and the Ford Foundation, and the latter “awarded MALDEF 2.2 million dollars
over five years to be spent on civil rights legal work, 250,000 of which to be channeled for scholarships
to Chicano law students.” 88 Along with the Southwest Council of La Raza (f.1968), this pair of
organizations eventually became the most influential Latino/a civil rights advocates in the country.
When the Voting Rights Act (1965), which prohibited discrimination against non-white voters, was
amended in 1975 to include language minorities under its protections, MALDEF and the Southwest
Council of La Raza gained a new legal instrument with which to sue states and localities for racist
gerrymandering: a means to literally redraw the nation’s political maps. As a result, voting in Texas
became subject to preemptive judicial review for 40 years, and the number of Latino/a elected officials
dramatically increased (in 1981, San Antonio elected the first Latino/a mayor of a major U.S. city in
more than a century). MALDEF lawyers successfully argued Cisneros v. Corpus Christi ISD (1970), the
first case that applied the Brown v. Board of Education decision to the context of Mexican American
school segregation. In the process, it revoked the premise of Hernández v. Texas, which, although
asserting that Mexican Americans were “a class apart,” did not challenge the notion that they were
officially “white.” The new paradigm that issued from Cisneros v. Corpus Christi ISD became that
Latinos/as were an “identifiable racial minority.” MALDEF won other important legal challenges in
the sphere of public education, such as Edgewood ISD v. Kirby (1989), which reversed San Antonio ISD
v. Rodríguez (1973) and established the “Robin Hood Plan” (1993): affluent neighborhoods’ property
tax revenues earmarked to finance public education were to be redistributed more equitably amongst
all Texas school districts. Such judicial successes for Latino/a communities were a far cry from earlier
attempts at modest gains easily quashed by the establishment. By the 1980s, the turbulent social
climate of the Civil Rights Movement during the Vietnam Era had waned, with Latinos/as comprising
88
Vento 1998, 198.
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In the U.S., the waning of the turbulent social climate of 1960-1980 was really more a product of
cultural impressions and changing attitudes than it was of political fact. The 1980s was a context
different from the very public upheaval in the years between the Civil Rights Act (1964) and the end
of the Vietnam War (1975). Nevertheless, global politics continued to grow increasingly fraught with
challenges, aggressions, and perceived threats under the polarization of power and resultant nuclear
arms race between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. And the results had dramatic effects on the Latino/a
community. The long Cold War Period (1947-1991) essentially began with the military reorganization
that resulted from the National Security Act (1947), which renamed the “Department of War” the
“Department of Defense.” This move facilitated a fuller strategy to prevent the U.S.’s total
involvement in wars by executing covert military interventions that undermined socialist or
communist governments throughout the world, even regimes that were installed by free and open
democratic elections. The Cold War Period entered a phase known to some historians as the Second
Cold War (1979-1985), most remarkable (to our purposes) for the foreign affairs policies of President
Ronald Reagan (1911-2004) and the effects they had on Central America. Soon after he assumed office
in 1980, Reagan adopted a philosophy that from 1985 onwards would be known as the Reagan
Doctrine: to provide funding, organization, training, and arms to guerillas fighting to overthrow
communist-leaning governments in Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America.
Applying the Reagan Doctrine throughout the American hemisphere exacerbated the Central
American Crisis (1979-1996) and comparable strife in Latin America as far as the Strait of Magellan.
In 1970, Salvador Allende (1908-1973) assumed the presidency of Chile as the first Marxist president
of a country ever elected to office in a liberal democracy. His policies to redistribute wealth to the poor
and working classes were widely supported but unpopular with Chile’s entrepreneurial and affluent
classes, who welcomed U.S. intervention. A CIA-backed coup d’état ensued in 1973 and General
Augusto Pinochet (1915-2006) rose to power, ruling Chile until 1990 and collaborating with U.S.
military intelligence to carry out assassinations of political opponents through Operation Condor
(1975-1989). In Nicaragua, and after its occupation by the U.S. military from 1912 to 1933, the
Somoza Dynasty held power as a family dictatorship for 46 years. In 1979, loyalists to the beloved
and anti-U.S. rebel Augusto Sandino (1898-1934) formed the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional
(Sandinista National Liberation Front) and overthrew the dictatorship. But the U.S. disapproved of
the Sandinistas’ socialist sentiments and, beginning in the early 1980s, the CIA applied the Reagan
Doctrine to invest in a new oppositional force, the Contras. In El Salvador, five left-wing militias who
denounced their U.S.-supported government formed the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front
and waged the Salvadoran Civil War (1979-1990) in spite of the U.S. channeling several billions of
dollars to the cause of the military dictatorship the Front opposed. The Guatemalan Civil War, which
lasted from 1960 to 1996 and caused hundreds of thousands of casualties, was waged largely by poor
Mayan and Ladino rebels against a military regime installed by U.S. armed forces and defended by
Green Berets. Honduras became a key geographical location for U.S. Special Forces to train
Nicaraguan Contras, ignoring Honduran sovereignty and safety in the Reagan government’s pursuit
of winning the worldwide Cold War against the USSR.
The sum of U.S. military intervention in South and Central America during this time constituted
a proxy war against the Soviet Union, but the harm was suffered by Latin Americans. Ubiquitous
violence coupled with the passage of the Refugee Act (1980), which raised the yearly limit for
accepting refugees from 17,400 to 50,000, sent unrelenting waves of exiles to the U.S. in search of
asylum. Overall immigration from Central America rose steeply, tripling from 1980 to 1990 (fig.20).
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The U.S. also received Cuban refugees from the Mariel Boatlift (1980), when approximately 125,000
Cuban exiles arrived to Florida over the span of just five months. Latino/a scholars sometimes refer
to the 1980s as the “Decade of the Hispanic” with a heavy dose of sarcasm, because the ways that
U.S. public discourse increasingly espoused inclusive rhetoric regarding Latinos/as were factually
undermined by the realities of U.S. proxy wars decimating Latin America, a federal reduction in social
spending under “Reaganomics,” and an intentional retaliation against prior social movements and
radicalisms of the recent past.
As Latin American immigration soared through the 1980s, U.S. policy evolved. The Immigration
Reform and Control Act (1986), sometimes called “la amnistia” (‘the amnesty’), implemented two
divergent measures. On the one hand, it forgave most undocumented immigrants who had arrived
before 1982; but on the other, it raised penalties for employers who hired undocumented immigrants
as workers, resulting in stricter border patrol and a higher frequency of law enforcement raids on job
sites. Combining the effects of the Central American Crisis, the authority of Reagan’s “amnesty law,”
and stateside births, the Latino/a population in the U.S. increased from 9.6 million in 1970 to 22.4
million in 1990. Although, to this day, undocumented immigration under federal law is a
misdemeanor offense with minor penalties ($50-$250 in fines, 0-6 months in jail), Anglo American
public opinion increasingly equated undocumented immigration by Latinos/as with an affront to
American values threatening U.S. social and economic stability that called for harsher consequences.
In California, Proposition 187 (1994) was passed by an overwhelming majority of voters, making it
illegal for undocumented immigrants to use public services of any kind—from receiving welfare
benefits to riding a bus. The 1990s saw closer interaction between criminal law enforcement and
immigration law via the reforms brought on by President Bill Clinton (b.1946). In 1996, Clinton signed
the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRAIRA) that erected what
journalists and policy analysts often refer to as the “Clinton deportation machine” and many consider
“the most diverse, divisive and draconian immigration law enacted since the Chinese Exclusion Act
of 1882.”89 The IIRAIRA (pronounced ‘Ira Ira’) extended the reach of government authority to deport
89
Danilov 1996, A19.
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not only undocumented residents but green card holders, too, by expanding the list of crimes that
would make immigrants eligible for deportation. Immigrants, legal or otherwise, who were convicted
of crimes were no longer allowed to testify on their own behalf before a judge. The IIRAIRA allowed
“an individual immigration inspector to make an unreviewable, unappealable determination on an
alien’s admissibility” and “to use that unreviewable, unappealable removal order as a basis for a
criminal prosecution”90 in spite of the fact that the due process protections afforded in the U.S.
Constitution apply to all “persons,” not solely “citizens.” Clinton’s legislation increased border
enforcement operations through its corollary initiative, Operation Gatekeeper. Between 1994 and
1997, the annual budget for the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) almost doubled, to
$800 million, thanks largely to the IIRAIRA’s requirements to hold more classes of apprehended
immigrants in detention centers before deportation.
While Clinton’s policies drastically re-criminalized the border for immigrants, his North American
Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA, 1994), a trade deal between Canada, Mexico, and the U.S., made
the border far easier to cross for U.S. corporations. It reduced or eliminated taxes, tariffs, duties, and
penalties for businesses that processed raw materials into finished goods in the “export zone” of the
U.S.-Mexico border—leading to a sharp increase in the opening of maquiladoras: Mexican factories
controlled by foreign corporations that would receive the goods without having to pay import tariffs
or fees. NAFTA allowed U.S.-based corporations to rely on Mexican and other Central American
laborers paid far less than the U.S. minimum wage, spurring the growth of multinational corporations.
NAFTA also required the Mexican government to allow for the privatization of communally-held
lands. Latino/a critics, analysts, politicians, activists, and even artists responded to NAFTA with a
wide range of opinion, from hopefulness to cynicism to sheer outrage. On the twentieth anniversary
of NAFTA, the U.S. poet Hugo García Manríquez published a small book titled, Anti-Humboldt: A
Reading of the North American Free Trade Agreement (2014; fig.21), which takes the text of the NAFTA
document and turns it into an
erasure poem: lightening some parts
of the text while darkening others
to suggestively produce a text-
within-a-text. García Manríquez’s
experimental book consistently
evokes a disembodied, brooding,
almost haunted feeling sown into
NAFTA’s postmodern, late-capital
borderland, one of countless 21st-C.
examples from Latino/a arts
invested with the spirit of political
consciousness and social critique.
By the 2000s, a growing
undocumented population with
undocumented youth brought here
as children had become impatient
with the prolonged inability to
fig. 21: Excerpt from Hugo García Manríquez’s Anti-Humboldt: A Reading of the regularize their precarious legal
North American Free Trade Agreement (Aldvs/Litmus, 2014). status. In 2001, a bipartisan
(https://jacket2.org/reviews/legalese-nothingness proposal called the Development,
Relief, and Education for Alien
Minors Act, officially referred to as the DREAM Act, drew attention to the conditions and safety of
undocumented children under the age of 16, labeling them “Dreamers.” But as of today, the DREAM
90
Grable 1998, 821-822.
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Act has not passed in Congress, and widespread frustration over the federal government’s refusal to
protect the most vulnerable members of our society billowed into public demonstrations such as the
mega-marches of 2006 and subsequent Dreamer movements of recent years. This public activism
alongside private lobbying culminated in the implementation of the Deferred Action for Childhood
Arrivals (DACA) policy, an executive memorandum signed by President Barack Obama (b.1961) in
2012. DACA provides temporary relief from deportation for undocumented immigrants who arrived
to the U.S. when still minors, but Obama’s successor, Donald Trump (b.1946) has pursued the
retrenchment and outright voidance of this policy, giving rise to emergent family separation policies
and immigration bans still under development and judicial review. A major change in precedent that
has empowered President Trump to expand the federal government’s control over immigration law
enforcement came in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the
Pentagon (2001). After 9/11, President George W. Bush (b.1946) signed into law the Patriot Act
(2001), which ultimately cleared the path to establishing the Department of Homeland Security (2003)
as well as Immigration and Customs Enforcement (2003).
Despite its outsize coverage in news media and public debate by elected officials, immigration has
not been the only significant social issue at play in Latino/a communities in the 21st-C. What is
growing now in the present day U.S. into a multilayered movement to publicly vilify—if not
criminalize—Latinos/as as a group by
blurring the distinctions between cultural
citizenship, ethnic citizenship, and legal
citizenship has resulted in increasingly
disheartening sentiments within Latino/a
communities regarding our relationship
with the U.S. government and its voting
citizenry. Anglo-centric nativist movements
that have recently spread in reaction to the
steady rise of the U.S. Latino/a population
(now our largest non-Anglo ethnic group)
have, on routine occasion, called for the
deportation of Puerto Ricans, too, even
though such action would be impossible
since all Puerto Ricans are still inherently
U.S. citizens by birthright. As such, the
emergent shifts and contemporary issues
facing the Puerto Rican community have
had different legal and political contexts,
even if related to Central American
immigrants’ condition by means of shared
language, culture, and ethnicity. In 1976,
the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) adopted
Section 936 of the U.S. Tax Code, which
provided U.S. corporations that conducted
at least 75% of their operations on the
island of Puerto Rico full income tax
rebates exactly equal to their income tax
fig. 22: Charts illustrating 1) job growth rate change and 2) labor burdens. But under pressure by fellow
force participation rate change in Puerto Rico compared to the rest
of the U.S. that indicate the effects of President Clinton’s phase-out politicians seeking to reform “corporate
of IRS Tax Code Section 936 on Puerto Rican employment and welfare,” Bill Clinton announced in 1996
labor on the island. (https://www.cnbc.com/2017/09/26/heres- that a 10-year plan to gradually yet
how-an-obscure-tax-change-sank-puerto-ricos-economy.html) completely phase out the corporate benefits
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of Section 936 would be implemented. Coupled with the effects of the 2007-2008 Global Financial
Crisis that strained corporate investment potential, the phase-out of Section 936 had catastrophic
effects on Puerto Rico’s economy (fig.22). The damage to Puerto Rico’s economy was exacerbated
further with the subsequent government-debt crisis that peaked in 2014 when Standard & Poor’s
downgraded Puerto Rico’s triple-tax exempt municipal bonds to “junk status.” Because of its political
status as an unincorporated territory of the U.S., Puerto Rico is not eligible to file for bankruptcy under
Chapter 9 Title 11 of the U.S. Bankruptcy Code (the way Detroit did in 2013), and thus the island’s
debt burden has exceeded $74 billion. Austerity proposals for Puerto Rico have proliferated in recent
years, including the introduction in 2016 of House Resolution 4900, which has proposed, among other
measures, to reduce the legal minimum wage in Puerto Rico from the federal minimum of $7.25 per
hour to $4.25 per hour. To make matters worse, Hurricane Maria struck the island in 2017, destroying
about 80% of the island’s agriculture and inflicting an estimated $90 billion in damage. As a result of
such misfortunes both recent and historical, Puerto Rico suffers from inordinate poverty. The most
recent data collected by the U.S. Census Bureau reports that the current poverty rate in Puerto Rico is
44.4%—more than double that of the poorest state in the country (Mississippi, 19.8%). While the
national average of U.S. median household income is $59,039, in Puerto Rico the figure is only
$19,775.
To this day, Puerto Ricans on the island are not permitted to vote in any U.S. federal elections.
Puerto Rico is still represented in U.S. Congress solely by a Resident Commissioner in the House of
Representatives. Since 1900, when the Foraker Act was passed, until January 2019, the Resident
Commissioner could not cast a vote on any Congressional matter. Beginning with the 116th U.S.
Congress, new House Rules now allow the Resident Commissioner to cast a symbolic vote, i.e. only if
that vote is not a tiebreaker and thereby not decisive of a legislative outcome. The Puerto Rico
Oversight Management and Economic Stability Act (PROMESA) of 2016, which established an
oversight board to manage Puerto Rico’s debt crisis, explicitly states that eligibility to serve on this
commission requires that the considered “individual is not an officer, elected official, or employee of
the territorial government, a candidate for elected office of the territorial government, or a former
elected official of the territorial government.” In other words, PROMESA is explicit and intentional
in denying the opportunity for Puerto Rico’s democratically elected representatives to participate in
developing the economic recovery strategy of their own commonwealth.
Nevertheless, the will of the Puerto Rican people to assert our fundamental human right to cultural
(if not political) sovereignty has remained strong. Migration to the U.S. mainland has seen a dramatic
resurgence since Hurricane Maria on a scale not witnessed since Operation Bootstrap in the 1950s.
On March 27th, 2019, Puerto Rico’s Governor Ricardo Roselló (b.1979) signed an executive order that
immediately banned the practice of “gay conversion therapy” throughout the island, a major victory
for the Puerto Rican LGBT community and an exemplar for improving social tolerance and inclusion
to the world. In January of 2019, Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (b.1989), a Nuyorican
from the Bronx, was sworn in to office and, at 29 years old, became the youngest woman ever to serve
in the U.S. Congress. Ocasio-Cortez, along with Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor (b.1954),
are the leading Latina voices in mainstream U.S. government and both are fervent supporters of liberal
policies and interpretations of law. Their progressive sociopolitical purview is shared by most U.S.
Latinos/as who are continually in the process of self-determinism. This process within the realm of
identity politics is one grounded in a richly complex and keenly self-aware cultural discourse that not
only pervades political action, but also reaches to the most fundamental element of our being:
language. Today, the politics of Latino/a self-representation continue to be negotiated, and a
thoughtful, ongoing conversation in the national community has been on the matter of terminology.
“Latino” and “Chicano” have long since been supplemented (if not replaced) with “Latino/a” and
“Chicano/a” thanks to the intervention of outspoken English-speaking feminists, but the debate still
continues on the matter of terminology in referring to ourselves. Since Spanish is a romance language
and hence its nouns are inherently gendered, the “-o/a” or “-a/o” option has become customary in
47
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Latino/a expression. But as our community becomes more informed and respectful of the spectrum
of gender identities we inhabit, the masculine/feminine dichotomy does not suit individuals who are
either transgender or non-gender binary, and thus new terms have been introduced in Latino/a
cultural studies. The most salient third option proposed by intellectuals and activists has recently
become the term Latinx (pronounced ‘lah-TEEN-ecks’), and a fourth choice with modest but growing
popularity is Latine (preserving the vowel suffix but avoiding a conventional signal of feminine or
masculine). “Latinx” is endorsed principally by U.S. Latinos/as whose dominant language is English,
for many of us who are native speakers of Spanish not only find “Latinx” odd-looking and a bit more
cumbersome to say, but also do not necessarily see the –o and –a endings as unequivocally definitive
of the gender of all nouns (e.g. la mano, ‘the hand’ is a feminine noun; el problema ‘the problem’ is a
masculine one). The issue of self-identity, self-representation, inclusivity and respect, and the language
we use to express who we are and what we value is a thought-provoking area of Latino/a culture that
evinces how healthy and vibrant our cultural communities are.
Latino/a vitality on the eve of the year 2020
can be seen in myriad aspects of our lives. Our
cultural and ideological diversity as a broadly
defined people in this country runs the gamut of
possibilities. Some of the most well-known
political conservatives in the U.S. are Latinos/as,
such as Florida Senator Marco Rubio (b.1971);
Texas’s own Ted Cruz (b.1970) and George
Prescott Bush (b.1976); and Susana Martinez
(b.1959), who recently ended her term as
governor of New Mexico. The Congressional
Hispanic Caucus (f.1976) and the Congressional
Hispanic Conference (f.2003) represent,
respectively, the Democrat and Republican
cohorts of Latino/a officials in the federal
legislature. Nevertheless, Latinos/as as a whole
have historically tended to vote more often for
liberal-leaning candidates than conservative ones
in elections; in 2016, Latino/a voters cast 66% of
their ballots for Hillary Clinton and only 28% for
President Trump (fig.23). There are a host of
reasons for this tendency, chief among them the
respective platforms of the Democratic and fig. 23: Exit poll data on U.S. presidential elections and
Republican parties: raising the minimum wage, Latino/a voters, 2008-2016.
progressive income tax scales, and single-payer (https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-
tank/2016/11/29/hillary-clinton-wins-latino-vote-but-falls-
healthcare for Democrats; punitive anti- below-2012-support-for-obama/)
immigration measures, deregulating corporate
oversight, and expanding military spending for Republicans. But depending on a range of factors (e.g.
geographical, financial, religious), the predictability of how Latinos/as as a voting bloc will express
themselves in political elections is becoming increasingly difficult to predict, and many political
scientists reject the idea that there is such a thing as “the Latino/a vote.” The heritage religion of the
vast majority of Latinos/as is Roman Catholicism, and hence those Latinos/as who self-identify as
doctrinaire, faithful, practicing Catholics would be more inclined to support the restriction or outright
prohibition of abortion, or a ban on same-sex marriage, as espoused by most Republican candidates.
Latinos/as far removed from the migrant generation of their family background and who have deeply
assimilated into mainstream Anglo American culture may be more inclined to support strict
immigration policies, and even systematic deportations. Latino/a veterans are often strongly in favor
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of increased military spending. Depending on a variety of factors—some easy to see, others less so—
Latinos/as are surely a political force to be reckoned with, but the final say of such a reckoning is
more complicated than non-Latinos/as might think.
Of the myriad challenges facing the Latino/a community today, perhaps the most daunting is the
reality of the racial wealth gap. As this essay has tried to illustrate in detail, from the Taíno-Spanish
War five centuries ago to children in detention centers five days ago, the history of Latinos/as has
been colored by an undeniable legacy of exploitation. This is not to be pessimistic, or melodramatic,
or angry: it is not to suggest we have no happy occasions, golden opportunities, or moments of peace
and joy. It is simply a reasonable conclusion to draw from the record of historical events, as well as
from the results of the American colonial experiment that, in the present, can be measured empirically.
The most recent data economists have to make a reliable estimate reveal that the total GDP of all
Latin American countries combined totals a sum of roughly $5.5 trillion dollars. In comparison, the
total GDP of the U.S., on its own, is approximately $19.3 trillion. While one might be inclined to
believe that this gross discrepancy has exceedingly benefitted the U.S. as a result of benign factors (e.g.
robust population, financial intelligence, work ethic, responsible governance, sheer luck), one has to
pause and consider the extent to which an ideology of American exceptionalism would need to inform
that sort of optimistic and self-serving view. But to come full circle here, and to return to the era of the
founding of our country, let us consider what really mattered to the civic-minded people who
envisioned it. In the years between the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1783 and the ratification of the
Constitution of the United States of America in 1790, the leaders of the original 13 colonies understood
that a new, comprehensive political order needed to enumerate a code of civil regulations to replace
the default authority of British Common Law. In his Notes on the State of Virgina (1787), “Thomas
Jefferson ranked reform of the law of inheritance even above the statute on religious freedom in his
list of the ‘most remarkable alterations’ needed in the common law.” 91 The reason why was that British
Common Law modelled the financial inheritance of private property on two key practices:
primogenture and entail. Primogenture was the legal requirement applied to situations when an
individual died and left behind an estate but did not have a living will that articulated exactly how and
onto whom the estate would be passed. In such a case, primogeniture assured that the entire estate
would be inherited solely by one’s firstborn child: and in the feudal tradition, particularly one’s
firstborn son. Entail applied to the event of a deceased person leaving behind privately owned land: in
this scenario, if the deceased did not have any direct decendants who would be the rightful inheritors
of the land, the land would revert back to the grantor from whom he acquired it. Jefferson and many
other leading American colonists believed that this aristocratic system, fundamentally engineered to
allow wealth to perpetually remain in the hands of the wealthy, was amoral. Inspired by his
contemporary, the economist Adam Smith, Jefferson famously wrote: “A power to dispose of estates
for ever is manifestly absurd. The earth and the fulness of it belongs to every generation, and the
preceding one can have no right to bind it up from posterity. Such extension of property is quite
unnatural.” Jefferson’s fellow patriots, including James Madison and George Washington, agreed.
They were more sympathetic to wealth redistribution than untaxed direct inheritance. Primogeniture
had already been abolished in all of the New England colonies except for Rhode Island by as early as
1700, and Georgia, Virgina, and North Carolina all followed suit before the U.S. Constitution was
ratified.92 That private property could be hoarded by a relative few who then would effectively
comprise a new aristocracy—this time with entitlements derived from capital instead of tradition—
was considered by the founding fathers as among the greatest dangers of the Republic.
91
Orth 1992, 33.
92
Orth 1992, 35, 36.
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The current state of private wealth in the U.S. is a situation trending not towards Jefferson’s and
Smith’s dream but rather their nightmare. Financial inheritance in the U.S., while not systematized
as narrowly as it was under British Common Law, is so firmly based on the premise that property
ought to pass from parent to child that many of us believe it to be the only fair way to circulate money
across generations. But when we study the long history of our nation, careful to include the stories of
all of our diverse ancestries, we realize that not all communities had equal opportunity to amass
capital. Not all communities had equal opportunity to even receive wages for their labor. Or even to
shelter in the rights and protections enumerated in the Constitution. The centuries-long history of our
country reveals that most of it unfolded in a paradigm that clearly privileged certain demographics of
people solely for their inherent membership to a privileged class. And the circumstances of law,
politics, education, ambition, and talent notwithstanding, our system of the familial inheritance of
estates has preserved the legacy of inequity in America. In recent years, economists and statsticians
have begun to rigorously examine the longterm consequences of financial inheritance, and as they do,
their findings paint a picture that illustrates how deep and lasting the effects of systemic exploitation
have been on our society. Time and again, scholarly research shows that the history of institutional
racism in the America—and how the mechanisms of our economy, by design, extracted profit from
disenfranchised underclasses to ensure the prosperity of ruling classes—trace lines that lead to stark
divisions of wealth along racial boundaries.
In 2018, four scholars from Stanford, Harvard, and the U.S. Census Bureau published a paper
titled, “Race and Economic Opportunity in the United States: An Intergenerational Perspective” that
tabulates, among many other things, the differences in average wages between different ethnicities in
the U.S. They found that per capita median
annual income for white people was
$33,620; for Latinos/as, $27,140; for
African Americans, $19,550.93 Put another
way, white Americans on (median)
average earn wages 23.8% higher than
those of Latinos/as, and 71.9% higher than
those of African Americans. However,
when researchers shift their focus of
attention from per capita wages to
household net worth, the findings are
remarkably different. Whether considering
averages in either median (fig.24) or mean
(fig.25) terms, the average white family has
a household net worth approximately
500% higher than that of either Latinos/as
or African Americans: an extreme
socioeconomic divide that has existed for
as long as such data has been collected, and
in recent decades has only grown wider.
fig. 24: Comparison of median family wealth between white, The consensus opinion of expert research
Latino/a, and African American groups. analysts is that our country’s system of the
(https://www.salon.com/2014/12/07/how_america_can_fix_the_r
acial_wealth_gap/)
financial inheritance of private property,
coupled with tax rates on investment
returns lower than income tax rates, has over generations resulted in a severely racialized stratification
of socioeconomic classes that parallel the histories of the social conditions these respective groups
experienced over the course of our nation’s existence.
93
Chetty, Hendren, Jones, and Porter 2018, 56.
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fig. 25: Comparison of mean family wealth between white, Latino/a, and African American groups.
(https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/23536/412802-less-than-equal-racial-disparities-in-wealth-
accumulation.pdf)
The purpose of this Latino/a Studies curriculum has many aspects and layers, and it is certainly
intended to provide content and resources for teachers and students in pursuit of more accurate
portrayals of U.S. history and culture than extant Social Studies K-12 curricula have heretofore
provided. Yet as inherently valuable as such an intention might be, the underpinning of it is not
purely intellectual. It is not solely a matter of percepts and concepts, exposure to new information,
and skills gained by students in pursuing academic rigor. At the heart of this curriculum is a more
expansive objective: empowerment.
To learn more about the history of
U.S. Latinos/as, our ancestries and our
present conditions, has value as far as
the extent to which we commit
ourselves to employ the information
and skills to improving the Fort Worth
community. FWISD is a remarkably
diverse school district (fig.26) that
over the past generation has
experienced a demographic renewal.
This transformation is the byproduct
of a vast web of social and economic
forces—and whether they were
imposed on us or we are their cause or
some combination thereof, in the end fig. 24: Infographic representing the most recent available demographic
we all share the responsibility of doing data of FWISD’s student body. Courtesy of FWISD
51
TCU CRES CURRICULUM CONSULTANTS | FWISD LATINO/A STUDIES TEKS OVERLAY
the right thing. This country was not founded on preserving comforts and privileges bestowed by
birthright or inheritance. In fact, our country was founded on the idea that this is precisely what
the Old World had wrong. For Latino/a students and teachers who recognize their own experience
and heritage in these pages, one hopes that knowledge of self will strengthen their confidence and
resolve as they envision their ambitions. Many of us can personally relate to the disheartening
realities of the racial wealth gap but know that education is our best opportunity to do our part and
reverse the trend. For students and teachers of other backgrounds, there is ample room in this
curriculum to discover hidden truths and new understandings that breed patience and empathy,
gaining vital critical and social skills in the process. One hopes that this curriculum will provide
enough of a resource to make greater sense of a rapidly changing world. And maybe even—ojalá—
something you never imagined you would love.
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III. Bibliography
Contents:
1. Works Cited
2. Works Consulted
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Gonzales, Roberto G. Lives in Limbo: Undocumented and Coming of Age in America. Oakland:
University of California Press, 2015.
González, Juan. Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America. New York: Penguin Books, 2011.
Grande, Reyna. The Distance between Us. New York: Washington Square Press, 2013.
Jackson, Carlos F. Chicana and Chicano Art: Protest Arte. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press, 2009.
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Minian, Ana Raquel. Undocumented Lives: The Untold Story of Mexican Migration. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 2018.
Mohamed, Heather S. The New Americans?: Immigration, Protest, and the Politics of Latino Identity.
Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2017.
Moraga, Cherríe and Gloria Anzaldúa. This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of
Color. New York: Kitchen Table/Women of Color Press, 1983.
Parédez, Deborah. Selenidad: Selena, Latinos, and the Performance of Memory. Durham: Duke
University Press, 2009.
Sandoval, Denise M. “White” Washing American Education: The New Culture Wars in Ethnic Studies.
Santa Barbara: Praeger, an imprint of ABC-CLIO, 2016.
Trigger, Bruce G. “Writing systems: a case study in cultural evolution.” In Stephen D. Houston, ed.
The First Writing: Script Invention as History and Process. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2004. 39-70.
Urrea, Luis A. The Devil's Highway: A True Story. New York: Little, Brown, 2004.
Valenzuela, Angela. Subtractive Schooling: U.S.-Mexican Youth and the Politics of Caring. Albany: SUNY
Press, 1999.
Vargas, José Antonio. Dear America: Notes of an Undocumented Citizen. New York: HarperCollins
Publishers, 2018.
Velásquez, Janeta. The Woman in Battle: A Narrative of the Exploits, Adventures, and Travels of Madame
Loreta Janeta Velazquez, Otherwise Known as Lieutenant Harry T. Buford, Confederate States Army. Ed.
C.J. Worthington. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Library, 2017. First
edition, 1876.
Wides-Muñoz, Laura. The Making of a Dream: How a Group of Young Undocumented Immigrants Helped
Change What it Means to be American. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2018.
Zamora, Javier. Unaccompanied. Port Townsend: Copper Canyon Press, 2017.
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Overarching understandings and questions organize the curriculum at a macro-level. They serve both
an aspirational purpose and as a guide for how the content themes are infused. They represent
conceptual takeaways students will have as a result of their K-12 social studies experience in FWISD
schools.
● studying the long history and cultures of ● Why study Latino/a history and culture?
Latinos/as, and the heritage of others, can
serve as a source of individual pride, self- ● How can I remain authentic in my own
confidence, and respect for the dignity of cultural identity while I learn about cultures
people from all racial and ethnic backgrounds; that are different from my mine?
● the historical origins and emergence of ● How do I use my ability to critically think
Latinos/as have roots in peoples, ethnicities, when learning to understand cultures different
and cultures from all over the world, in from my own?
varying degrees depending on geographies and
migrations, but we are united as an ethnic ● How is each of us connected to the past? How
group in the U.S. through our shared cultural has history influenced who each of us is
heritage of the Hispanophone Americas; today?
● the pursuit of Latino/a political sovereignty ● How have the contributions of Latinos/as
and cultural autonomy has been an ongoing throughout history improved the political,
historical process that extends to the present economic, and social development of
day and into the future; humanity?
● the cultural, social, political, artistic, ● Why has the history of Latinos/as and our
agricultural, and economic contributions that contributions to the world been
Latino/a people have made and continue to underrepresented in the mainstream narratives
make to local communities, the State of Texas, of world and U.S. history?
the U.S., and global civilization are enjoyed by
all peoples every day; and, ● How will I utilize an education in Latino/a
Studies to make positive change in my
● single narratives of history are incomplete and communities and my personal ambitions as I
often lead to misconceptions. Challenging prepare myself for taking on adult
them with accurate and well-substantiated responsibilities and living life as an adult?
claims can be a powerful means of
contributing to a healthier democracy. ● How will the narrative of Latina/o history and
culture change in the future?
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Latinos/as of all nations across the Americas study and celebrate their national history as a modern
heritage with roots both diverse and ancient. But Latinos/as in the U.S. have the added aspect of being
in a country with an Anglo history. For many centuries, Latinos/as have made significant social
contributions to America, and to the world—on our margins, in our centers, and everywhere in
between. Nevertheless, social studies curricula in the U.S. have traditionally overemphasized the
achievements and value of Anglo Americans at the expense of proportional attention to Latino/a
contributions and issues.
This curriculum for FWISD will incorporate more Latino/a content into social studies instruction to
recover that omission. In doing so, it will also demonstrate how understanding Latinos/as, our
cultures, and our histories can provide vital information, skills, and vocabulary necessary for all
Americans of all ethnicities to understand and reconcile their own place in present-day society.
Latinos/as and our ancestors have been an integral part of history, both here and abroad. The themes
are intended to provide students in the FWISD an overall curriculum that infuses the experience of
Latinos/as throughout the district’s curricula.
This theme addresses the worlds of America and Spain prior to Spanish arrival over five centuries ago.
It addresses the diverse ancestry of Latinos/as and the historical influences—from ancient times to
antiquity—on our cultures, identities, and values. This theme regards civilizations such as the Norte
Chico, Chavín, Olmec, Aztec, Maya, Carib, and Taíno. It also considers Spain prior to 1492,
including the Moorish Empire’s control for over seven centuries, emphasizing the diverse nature of
Spanish culture that influenced social order throughout Latin America.
In a spirit of partnership with the African American and African Studies (AAAS) Curriculum, this
theme ends by opening further pathways for pointed inquiry into African ancestries in the Americas
(e.g. Afro-Latinos/as, Antilleans, Afro-Mexicans, the Garifuna of Central America, and deeply
integrated Latino/a communities), which will be explored further under subsequent themes.
Broad topics:
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Individuals have history, and this history Why is ancient history important?
combines ancestry, context, and
experience; How does studying ancient history
increase knowledge of myself?
Many modern customs, languages, foods,
and religious practices have roots in How does studying ancient history
ancient traditions; increase confidence in myself?
Ancient Peru is considered one of the What was “modern” about the ancient
world’s six “pristine civilizations”; civilizations of present-day Latin
America?
The Olmec civilization is one of the three
civilizations of the world where writing How does the study of ancient societies
first emerged and developed and belief systems help us be better judges
independently; of the ways we can succeed as a society
today and in the future?
Before 1492, Spain itself was repeatedly
colonized by numerous tribes and What is progress?
empires;
http://loc.gov/exhibits/1492/america.html
https://www.historycentral.com/Indians/Before.html
http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/islam/history/spain_1.shtml
https://www.lessonplanet.com/teachers/aztec-inca-maya
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Balter, Michael. “Mysterious link emerges between Native Americans and people half a globe
away.” Science. 21 Jul 2015. Online. http://www.sciencemag.org/news/2015/07/mysterious-
link-emerges-between-native-americans-and-people-half-globe-away. Accessed 22 Sep 2018.
Brotherston, Gordon. Book of the Fourth World: Reading the Native Americas Through Their Literature.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.
Burger, Richard L. Chavin and the Origins of Andean Civilization. New York: Thames & Hudson, 1992.
Conklin, William J. and Jeffrey Quilter, eds. Chavín: Art, Architecture and Culture. Los Angeles:
UCLA Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, 2008.
Denevan, William M., ed. The Native Population of the Americas in 1492. Second edition. Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1992.
Diehl, Richard A. The Olmecs: America’s First Civilization. London: Thames & Hudson, 2004.
Haas, Jonathan and Winifred Creamer. “Crucible of Andean Civilization: The Peruvian Coast from
3000 to 1800 BC.” Current Anthropology 47.5 (Oct 2006): 745-775.
Haas, Jonathan, Winifred Creamer, Alvaro Ruiz, and Roberto Bartoloni. “Gourd Lord.”
Archaeology 56.3 (May/Jun 2003): 9.
Haslip-Viera, Gabriel, Bernard Ortiz de Montellano, and Warren Barbour. “Robbing Native
American Cultures: Van Sertima’s Afrocentricity and the Olmecs.” Current Anthropology 38.3
(Jun 1997): 419-441.
Hooper, Simon. “New insight into ancient Americans.” CNN. 4 Jan 2005. Online.
http://www.cnn.com/2005/TECH/science/01/04/norte.chico/. Accessed 26 Sep 2018.
Houston, Stephen D. and Takeshi Inomata. The Classic Maya. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2009.
Learn, Joshua Rapp. “Origin of Mysterious 2,700-Year-Old Gold Treasure Revealed.” National
Geographic. 10 Apr 2018. Online. https://news.nationalgeographic.com/2018/04/carambolo-
treasure-tartessos-gold-atlantis-spain-archaeology/. Accessed 30 Sep 2018.
Magni, Caterina. “Olmec Writing The Cascajal ‘Block’ - New Perspectives.” Arts & Cultures 9
(2008): 64-81.
Mann, Charles C. 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus. New York: Vintage, 2006.
Martínez, María del Carmen Rodríguez, Ponciano Ortíz Ceballos, Michael D. Coe, Richard A.
Diehl, Stephen D. Houston, Karl A. Taube, and Alfredo Delgado Calderón. “Oldest Writing in
the New World.” Science 313.5793 (15 Sep 2006): 1610-1614.
Phillips, William D. and Carla Rahn Phillips. A Concise History of Spain. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2010.
Rosenwig, Robert M. The Beginnings of Mesoamerican Civilization: Inter-Regional Interaction and the
Olmec. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
Russell, Philip L. The History of Mexico: From Pre-Conquest to Present. New York: Routledge, 2010.
Silberman, Neil Ascher, et. al. “Writing: Introduction.” In Neil Ascher Silberman, ed. The Oxford
Companion to Archaeology, 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Online. n.pag.
Trigger, Bruce G. “Writing systems: a case study in cultural evolution.” In Stephen D. Houston, ed.
The First Writing: Script Invention as History and Process. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2004. 39-70.
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This theme addresses the history and development of societies during the era of Iberian colonization
in the Americas and the Caribbean. It considers the effects of Spanish influence on social order,
including the spread of Spanish language and Catholicism, as well as the impositions of slavery, large-
scale war, and infectious diseases that were crucial to Spain’s success in establishing sustainable
colonies in the New World. It also addresses the survivance and sovereignty of non-European
communities, such as indigenous nations and maroon societies founded by rebellion. This theme also
explores events that contributed to the emergence of peoples unique to the Americas, e.g. mestizos,
Afro-Latinos/as (including Afro-Mexicans), the Garifuna of Central America, and other Latino/a
populations that, by the measure of race and ethnicity, are deeply integrated.
The historical span of this theme begins around 1492 and ends around 1821, the year when many
Latin American countries won their independence, marking the collapse of the Spanish Empire in the
Americas.
Broad topics:
Christopher Columbus did not “discover” What is the legacy of Spanish American
America because over 50 million colonization?
indigenous inhabitants of the Americas
already knew of their lands’ existence; How has colonization affected our
contemporary culture?
Spanish colonization of the Americas was
a process that lasted centuries; How do we have control in the present
over the effects of past events that cannot
Spanish colonization had vast effects on ever be changed?
peoples in the Americas, empowering
some while persecuting many others; How and why have the narratives of
colonial history changed so much over
The success of Spanish colonization was time?
fundamentally dependent on the free labor
of enslaved African and indigenous To what extent was the fate of peoples in
American peoples; the Americas, through colonization and
the establishment of European authorities,
Spaniards succeeded in colonizing the dependent on events that were essentially
Americas largely because of infectious random or haphazard?
diseases they introduced and spread,
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which decimated tens of millions of What are the dangers and harms of a
indigenous Americans; cultural or racial group claiming inherent
superiority over others?
The longstanding Spanish system of
manumission (coartación) freed more What are the surprising, unintended,
people from enslavement than did the beautiful things that have come out of the
outright abolition of slavery; tragedies and injustices of colonization?
https://www.lessonplanet.com/lesson-plans/spanish-colonial-central-america/all
https://www.timemaps.com/civilizations/latin-america-the-colonial-era/
https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/us-history/precontact-and-early-colonial-era/spanish-
colonization/v/spanish-colonization
Brotherston, Gordon. Image of the New World: The American Continent Portrayed in Native Texts.
London: Thames & Hudson, 1979.
Feros, Antonio. Speaking of Spain: The Evolution of Race and Nation in the Hispanic World. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2017.
Keys, David. “Details of horrific first voyages in transatlantic slave trade revealed.” The Independent.
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This theme addresses the emergence and growth of Latin American national identities, from Mexican
Independence to Puerto Rican annexation. It also considers the effects of U.S. expansionism on
territories and peoples, especially the results of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) and the Treaty
of Paris (1898), i.e. the U.S. usurping most of Mexico’s land mass as well as Guam and the Philippines
in the Western Pacific and Puerto Rico in the Caribbean. It covers the history of the transformation
of Tejas as a Mexican territory to Texas the 28th state of the Union from the perspective of Latinos/as,
much like the history of filibusters in greater Latin America and squatters in California right after the
Mexican Cession. Latino/a involvement in the U.S. Civil War and the motivations, means, and
outcomes of borderland rebellions such as the Cortina Wars and Las Gorras Blancas are also examined
here, as well as the distinctly opposed positions on slavery that Mexico and the Southern U.S. had in
the mid-19th C., a difference crucial to the dynamism of political development of the time.
The historical span of this theme begins around 1821 with Mexican Independence and ends in 1898,
when the U.S. won the Spanish-American War and took possession of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the
Philippines at the height of U.S. neo-imperialist expansion.
Broad topics:
Mexico gained its independence from What were the motivations of Latin
Spain in 1821, as did many other Latin Americans in pursuing independence
American nations; from Spain? What did they hope for
themselves?
The Monroe Doctrine and manifest
destiny were philosophies that motivated What effects of the U.S. colonization of
and attempted to justify the U.S. Latin America—through settler-
colonizing Latin America; colonialism, squatting, filibustering,
financing, and waging war—still linger
Empresarios were foreigners granted today?
contracts for free lands by the Mexican
government in exchange for arranging What is neo-imperialism?
hundreds of families to establish farming
and ranching settlements in scarcely Considering the history of political
populated regions; interaction between Latin America and
the U.S., what has been the price of U.S.
Slavery was abolished in Mexico in 1829 prosperity?
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https://santafetrail.org/
http://ushistoryscene.com/article/the-civil-war-and-the-far-west/
http://www.pbs.org/kera/usmexicanwar/war/
https://www.archives.gov/education/lessons/guadalupe-hidalgo
http://elboricua.com/lares.html
http://www.pbs.org/crucible/
Augenbraum, Harold and Margarite Fernández-Olmos, eds. The Latino Reader: An American Literary
Tradition from 1542 to the Present. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997.
Bradley, Ed. “We Never Retreat”: Filibustering Expeditions in Spanish Texas, 1812-1822. College Station:
Texas A&M University Press, 2015.
Cantrell, Gregg. Stephen F. Austin: Empresario of Texas. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999.
Chipman, Donald E. and Harriett Denise Joseph. Spanish Texas, 1519-1821. Austin: University of
Texas Press, 2010.
Coronado, Raúl. A World Not to Come: A History of Latino Writing and Print Culture. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 2013.
Cortina, Juan Nepomuceno. “Documents on the Brownsville Uprising of Juan Cortina.” New
Perspectives on the West. PBS. Sep/Nov 1859. Online. http://www.pbs.org/weta/thewest/
resources/archives/four/cortinas.htm#0959. Accessed 28 May 2019.
De la Teja, Jesús F., ed. Tejano Leadership in Mexican and Revolutionary Texas. College Station: Texas
A&M University Press, 2010.
De León, Arnoldo. They Called Them Greasers: Anglo Attitudes Toward Mexicans in Texas, 1821-1900.
Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983.Martí, José and Máximo Gómez. “Manifesto
Montecristi.” 25 Mar 1895. Online.
http://www.historyofcuba.com/history/marti/Manifesto.htm. Accessed 29 May 2019.
O’Sullivan, John L. “Annexation.” The United States Magazine and Democratic Review 17 (1845): 5-6,
9-10.
Paredes, Américo. “The United States, Mexico, and Machismo.” Journal of the Folklore Institute 8.1
(1971): 17-37.
Pérez y González, María E. Puerto Ricans in the United States. Westport: Greenwood Press, 2000.
Ponce, Pearl T., ed. Kansas’s War: The Civil War in Documents. Columbus: Ohio State University
Press, 2011.
Stewart, Kenneth L. and Arnoldo de León. Not Room Enough: Mexicans, Anglos, and Socio-Economic
Change in Texas, 1850-1900. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993.
Vargas, Zaragosa, ed. Major Problems in Mexican American History. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth,
Cengage Learning, 1999.
Velásquez, Janeta. The Woman in Battle: A Narrative of the Exploits, Adventures, and Travels of Madame
Loreta Janeta Velazquez, Otherwise Known as Lieutenant Harry T. Buford, Confederate States Army. Ed.
C.J. Worthington. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Library, 2017. First
edition, 1876.
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This theme addresses the changing geographic, migratory, cultural, and political patterns of
Latinos/as who populated the U.S. after U.S. colonization reached its fullest extent. It examines how
ordinary people, despite long odds, moved to new places, survived, and thrived in the changed
political and economic environment they faced. Enduring U.S. neo-imperialism, Latinos/as
responded by building vibrant communities as a powerful defense against white supremacy, which
was ascendant in the period. Latinos/as developed hybrid cultures celebrating their indigenous roots
and countries of origin while also adapting and incorporating elements of the U.S. mainstream. Some
resisted efforts at assimilation while others did not. Most toiled as low-wage industrial and agricultural
workers, performing undesirable and dangerous jobs while also facing nativist threats from
Anglo/European Americans. They organized mutual aid associations, unions, and political clubs to
assert their civil and human rights in the U.S. Successive waves of new immigrants from the Americas
consistently forced U.S-born Latinos/as to reconsider their status, race/ethnicity, culture, and
national loyalties—and to redefine their families, communities, and ethnic allegiances.
The historical span of this theme begins at 1898 with the Spanish-American War and the annexation
of Puerto Rico; and it ends loosely around the 1930s, when Latinos/as had established themselves as
a key labor force and had planted roots in neighborhoods (barrios).
Broad topics:
The Spanish-American War (1898) How did the lives of Latinos/as change
resulted in the U.S. annexing Guam, the after U.S. colonization?
Philippines, and Puerto Rico;
Why and how were Latinos/as largely
In 1917, Puerto Ricans were made U.S. confined to low-wage labor?
citizens, but while they can travel freely
back and forth between Puerto Rico and What was “Juan Crow”?
the mainland U.S., voting rights in Puerto
Rico and representation in federal Why did Latinos/as migrate to the U.S.?
government is significantly limited; Where did they settle?
Latinos/as already in the U.S. Southwest How did Latinos/as help themselves by
were joined by more recent immigrants building communities in the U.S.?
fleeing economic dislocation, political
persecution, and colonial exploitation; When did my family/ancestors come to
the U.S. and why? What kinds of jobs did
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TCU CRES CURRICULUM CONSULTANTS | FWISD LATINO/A STUDIES TEKS OVERLAY
Latinos/as created the ranching culture of Why did Nativists want to restrict
the U.S. West and served as the earliest immigration? Why did growers seek to
vaqueros, or cowboys. Their knowledge keep the doors open? Who won?
and experience became the bedrock of
commercial ranching as it moved north What has been the nature of the
and became consolidated as big business; relationship between the U.S. and Puerto
Rico? Is this relationship fair? Is this
Latinos/as built the basic infrastructure of relationship sustainable?
the Southwest’s economy, including
railroads and the expansion of How did Latino/a cultures change over
commercial agriculture and industrial time? What is meant by hybridity?
mining;
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https://www.thestoryoftexas.com/visit/exhibits/life-and-death-on-the-border-1910-1920
https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/jones-act-explained-waiving-means-puerto-rico
https://centropr.hunter.cuny.edu/
https://www.army.mil/hispanics/
Benavides, Lucía. “The Texas Rangers Killed Hundreds of Hispanic Americans During the Mexican
Revolution.” Texas Standard. 22 Jan 2016. Online.
https://www.texasstandard.org/stories/texas-exhibit-refuses-to-forget-one-of-the-worst-periods-
of-state-sanctioned-violence/. Accessed 7 Jun 2019.
Coerver, Don M. “Plan of San Diego.” Handbook of Texas Online. 5 Oct 2015. Online.
http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/ngp04. Accessed 7 Jun 2019.
Cuéllar, Carlos E. Stories From the Barrio: A History of Mexican Fort Worth. Fort Worth: TCU Press,
2003.
Daniels, Roger. Coming to America: A History of Immigration and Ethnicity in American Life, 2nd ed. New
York: Harper Perennial, 2002.
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Maroney, James C. “Oilfield Strike of 1917.” Handbook of Texas Online. 15 Jun 2010. Online.
http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/doott. Accessed 7 Jun 2019.
“Mexico Faces Ruin as Strikes Spread.” International Herald Tribune. 23 May 1917. Online.
https://iht-retrospective.blogs.nytimes.com/2017/05/23/1917-mexico-faces-ruin-as-strikes-
spread/?partner=bloomberg. Accessed 7 Jun 2019.
Morán González, John. “The History of Racial Violence on the Mexico-Texas Border.” Refusing to
Forget. 2019. Online. https://refusingtoforget.org/the-history/. Accessed 7 Jun 2019.
Thompson, Roger M. Filipino English and Taglish: Language Switching from Multiple Perspectives.
Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2003.
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This theme addresses the struggles among Latino/a peoples for personal freedom, community power,
inclusion, fair treatment, protection, and recognition in mainstream U.S. society. These struggles were
ever present but accelerated during the Great Depression, World War II, and the Cold War. The
economic crisis forced myriad transformations in the nation’s barrios, with forced repatriation driving
out many immigrants and those who remained behind redoubling their efforts to survive and thrive.
Many communities across the U.S. supported vibrant civil rights and labor movements that at times
connected immigrant and settled Latino/a communities, while at other times emphasizing
acculturation as hybrid Americans in U.S. politics and society. Activists created new local and
national organizations—including the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) and the
American G.I. Forum—and participated in multiethnic movements such as the Congress of Industrial
Organizations (CIO). Latinos/as created their own civil rights movement that ran parallel to the
African American freedom struggle, while also intersecting in various productive ways.
The historical span of this theme is the 1930s to the 1960s, including the Great Depression, World
War II, and the Cold War periods.
Broad topics:
During the Great Depression, state and What role did the Great Depression play
local governments repatriated almost in the forced and voluntary migrations of
500,000 Mexicans residing in the U.S.; large numbers of Mexicans?
Endorsing democracy and free-market What were some of the key civil rights
capitalism but opposed racism, the cases LULAC took up in its early
influential League of United Latin development? What is meant by the idea
American Citizens (LULAC) was that Mexicans are “a class apart?”
founded in 1929 in San Antonio, Texas;
How did World War II shape a new
Numerous labor organizations fought generation of Mexican Americans?
against Depression-era repatriation and
advocated for bilingual education and Who were the Zoot Suiters? What was the
better housing; connection between the Sleepy Lagoon
case and the Zoot Suit Riot of 1943?
Worker rights for minorities were
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Hernandez v. Texas (1954) decided that What was “Operation Wetback?” How
Mexican Americans were treated “as a did its scope and impact compare with
class apart” and denied 14th Amendment earlier examples of deportation and forced
protections, setting precedent for repatriation?
successful challenges in other
discrimination cases; Who were some of the key early twentieth
century Latino political leaders in the U.S.
“Operation Wetback” (1954) deported Congress and Senate? What were some of
over a million Mexican residents of the their notable legislative accomplishments?
U.S., many here legally or even U.S.
citizens;
https://www.congress.gov/bill/110th-congress/house-concurrent-resolution/253/text
http://braceroarchive.org/about
Acosta-Belén, Edna and Carlos E. Santiago. Puerto Ricans in the United States: A Contemporary Portrait,
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This theme addresses a new style of Latino/a politics and culture, from the mid-1960s to early 1980s,
that emerged out of prior civil rights movements and was marked by growing collective agency; the
use of confrontational tactics; and the embracing of indigenous origins, bilingualism/biculturalism,
anti-imperialism, and at times non-white racial identities like “Brown,” “Chicano/a,” and “boricua.”
Activists transformed old organizations and created new ones that more clearly demanded self-
determination, power, and resources—not just access or rights. These included the Brown Berets, the
Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO), the Puerto Rican Alliance, the Young Lords, and
to some extent, the United Farm Workers. Youth and student activists led many of these “Brown
Power” movements, including school walkouts and campaigns for the creation of Chicano Studies,
Mexican American Studies, Puerto Rican Studies, etc. These movements also engendered stringent
critiques from within and without, including discussions of the limits of cultural nationalism, the need
to better address gender and sexuality, and the ongoing need for incorporation and acceptance in the
dominant society. Chicanas and Puerto Rican feminists challenged their male compañeros (comrades)
to reexamine race and ethnicity through the lenses of multiple intersecting oppressions, while more
liberal and conservative Hispanic activists charted different courses toward inclusion. At the same
time, legal openings in the mid-1960s contributed to massive immigration, demographic shifts,
cultural regeneration, and a renewed nativist movement.
The historical span of this theme is from roughly 1965, after the Civil Rights Act, to 1980 and the
Reagan Era.
Broad topics:
Latinos/as embraced a new style of How and why did Latinos/as find new ways
community organizing in the late 1960s to challenge Juan Crow?
and 1970s, replacing rights with power
and self-determination; In what ways was their activism a departure
(or not) from earlier civil rights efforts?
The myth of “whiteness” gave way among
many Latinos/as to a new identity rooted What/who were some of the key
in being “Brown”; organizations and leaders in the Chicano/a
movement—nationwide and in Texas
Students and youth led the larger social specifically?
movements, walking out of schools,
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issuing manifestos, and forming new How did the changing identities of
organizations; Latinos/as contribute to their changing
politics regarding foreign policy and
Cultural nationalism brought activists immigration?
together, but it wasn’t enough to erase
internal differences of class, gender, race, How did the violence of the U.S. (police
sexuality, and ideology; brutality, imperialism/militarism,
systemic racialized poverty) compare with
A cultural renaissance among Latino/a and relate to violence in Latin America?
muralists and other artists took great pride
in their mixed origins, celebrating How did the changing identities of
indigenous ancestry; Latinos/as contribute to their changing
politics regarding foreign policy and
Texas was a critical site of the Chicano immigration?
Movement, a forgotten civil rights
movement that transformed the U.S.; How did the violence of the U.S. (police
brutality, imperialism/militarism,
Women activists confronted multiple systemic racialized poverty) compare with
forms of oppression simultaneously, and relate to violence in Latin America?
challenging the sexism of their male
comrades and the racism of Anglo- What were some of the key areas of
American culture; activism in the movement? What did
activists hope to change or improve?
Latinos formed militant organizations that
used armed self-defense to defend their What was the role of women Chicanas in
barrios and serve working-class Latino the movement? Who are some notable
communities; Chicana activists?
Latino/a “Brown Power” activists formed How did Latino/a activists in this era
tight coalitions with African American relate to African Americans and Native
“Black Power” activists; Americans and their own Black and
indigenous roots?
Student movements also rocked much of
Latin America and the Caribbean; Why did U.S. Latinos/as become
supporters of immigrant rights?
Youth movements spawned a host of
“second-generation” civil rights and How did conservative and liberal
educational organizations that still exist “Hispanics” and other Latinos/as gain
today; new stature in the wake of more radical
youth-led movements? What are some of
In 1965, Congress passed immigration their concrete accomplishments?
reform that remade the nation’s
demographics;
How did the U.S. government and schools
count Latinos/as, and how did this
Chicano movement activists embraced change over time?
their immigrant brethren as never before
creating today’s political alignment on the
issue.
https://www.videoproject.com/Stolen-Education.html
http://nationalbrownberets.org/
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http://www.chicanxdeaztlan.org/
http://depts.washington.edu/moves/MEChA_map.shtml
https://fortworthmexicanoactivism.wordpress.com/
Anzaldúa, Gloria. Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza. San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books,
1987.
Armbruster-Sandoval, Ralph. Starving for Justice: Hunger Strikes, Spectacular Speech, and the Struggle for
Dignity. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press, 2017.
Blackwell, Maylei. ¡Chicana Power!: Contested Histories of Feminism in the Chicano Movement. Austin:
University of Texas Press, 2016.
Casillas, Dolores I. Sounds of Belonging: US Spanish-Language Radio and Public Advocacy. New York:
NYU Press, 2014.
Cockcroft, Eva S. and Holly Barnet-Sánchez. Signs from the Heart: California Chicano Murals. Venice,
CA: Social and Public Art Resource Center, 1990.
García, Alma M., ed. Chicana Feminist Thought: The Basic Historical Writings. New York: Routledge,
1997.
González, Juan. Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America. New York: Penguin Books, 2011.
Jackson, Carlos F. Chicana and Chicano Art: Protest Arte. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press, 2009.
Leon, Kendall M. “La Hermandad and Chicanas Organizing: The Community Rhetoric of the
Comisión Femenil Mexicana Nacional.” Community Literacy Journal, 7.2 (2013): 1-20.
Minian, Ana Raquel. Undocumented Lives: The Untold Story of Mexican Migration. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 2018.
Moraga, Cherríe and Gloria Anzaldúa, eds. This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of
Color. Watertown: Persephone Press, 1981.
Vento, Arnoldo C. Mestizo: The History, Culture, and Politics of the Mexican and the Chicano. Lanham,
MD: University Press of America, 1998.
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This theme addresses the key social, political, and cultural transformations that Latino/a people and
communities have experienced since the 1980s. Sometimes referred to pejoratively as the “Decade of
the Hispanic” for the broken promises of mainstream inclusion associated with that decade, the 1980s
saw a federal reduction in social spending and a crack-down on the social movements of the previous
decades. At the same time, economic fluctuations in Latin America, including Mexico, and U.S.
intervention in Central America spurred an increase in migration levels to the U.S. This theme
continues with examining how then the 1990s saw a tighter interaction between criminal law
enforcement and immigration law via sweeping reforms. By the 2000s, a growing undocumented
population, with undocumented youth brought here as children, began to grow impatient with a
prolonged inability to regularize their status. This frustration exploded in the mega-marches of 2006
and the “Dreamer” movements of the late 2000s, which culminated in the implementation of DACA
in 2012. This theme considers how, through these transformations, art and culture continued to both
reflect and shape the key issues of the times, often serving as a harbinger of the issues that would
become central to the larger Latino/a community in later times. This was powerfully true in the area
of gender politics, with queer Chicanas and Chicanos especially calling into question lingering
patriarchal structures in Latino/a families, communities, and even organizations. Today, such politics
of self-representation continue to be negotiated, finding perhaps their greatest intensity in the debate
over the inclusion of Mexican-American Studies (MAS) in public schools and within the Latino/a
community, over the use of the spectrum-inclusive—but still largely Eurocentric—term Latinx. This
theme encourages students to see their family and personal histories reflected in the content, perhaps
most well-represented by the social and cultural transformations of the 1980s and 2010s, making this
final theme a rich space for students to situate their life histories in a historical context.
The historical period of this theme spans the mid-1970s to the present day.
Broad topics:
The Latino/a community includes an Why do groups’ identities shift over time?
increasingly diverse mix of over 20
nations, with Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, How do identities intersect? And how
Cubans, and Salvadorans representing the does the intersection of identities produce
largest groups; complexity, both as new experiences to
celebrate and as challenges to solving
Latino/a individuals have named and social problems?
defined themselves in a variety of ways,
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Levels of immigration have changed over What are ways students can participate in
time depending in part on the relationship politics?
between the U.S. and other countries in
Latin, Central, and South America; What issues, including immigration, do
Latino/a communities care about?
Latino/a communities have accessed
citizenship and belonging through a How will immigration continue to shape
variety of cultural and political processes; the Latino/a experience in the U.S. and
beyond?
Since the 1980s, U.S. immigration policies
have increasingly emphasized How do Latinos/as represent their culture
enforcement and illegality; and experiences?
Electoral politics and community How do the arts impact the construction
organizing/protest are ways that Latino/a and representation of identity?
communities have asserted their rights in
American politics; Why does the fight for cultural and
political recognition and access continue
Despite gains in the number of Latino/a today and why does it matter to students
elected officials, Latino/a representation and their families?
still lags behind;
https://www.migrationpolicy.org/
https://www.pewresearch.org
https://www.nbcnews.com/latino
http://www.latinodecisions.com
https://www.jolttx.org/en/
https://www.pbs.org/video/independent-lens-graduates-girls/
https://www.pbs.org/video/independent-lens-immigrant-high/
http://www.chicanoparksandiego.com/murals/
http://latinopia.com/
https://www.culturestrike.org/
https://hemisphericinstitute.org/en/
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Barreto, Matt A. and Gary M. Segura. Latino America: How America's Most Dynamic Population is
Poised to Transform the Politics of the Nation. New York: Public Affairs, 2014.
Beltrán, Cristina. The Trouble with Unity: Latino Politics and the Creation of Identity. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2010.
Parédez, Deborah. Selenidad: Selena, Latinos, and the Performance of Memory. Durham: Duke
University Press, 2009.
Chávez, Leo R. The Latino Threat: Constructing Immigrants, Citizens, and the Nation. Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 2008.
Chetty, Raj, Nathaniel Hendren, Maggie R. Jones, and Sonya R. Porter. “Race and Economic
Opportunity in the United States: An Intergenerational Perspective.” Mar 2018. Online.
http://www.equality-of-opportunity.org/assets/documents/race_paper.pdf. Accessed 26 Jun
2019.
Dávila, Arlene. Latino Spin: Public Image and the Whitewashing of Race. New York: NYU Press, 2008.
DeSipio, Louis, and Rodolfo O. de la Garza. U.S. Immigration in the Twenty-First Century: Making
Americans, Remaking America. Boulder: Westview Press, 2015.
Flores, William V., and Rina Benmayor. Latino Cultural Citizenship: Claiming Identity, Space, and
Rights. Boston: Beacon Press, 1997.
García Bedolla, Lisa. Latino Politics. Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2014.
García, John A. Latino Politics in America: Community, Culture, and Interests. Lanham: Rowman &
Littlefield, 2011.
Gonzales, Roberto G. Lives in Limbo: Undocumented and Coming of Age in America. Oakland:
University of California Press, 2015.
Grable, David M. “Personhood Under the Due Process Clause: A Constitutional Analysis of the
Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996.” Cornell Law Review
83.820 (1998): 820-865.
Grande, Reyna. The Distance between Us. New York: Washington Square Press, 2013.
Mohamed, Heather S. The New Americans?: Immigration, Protest, and the Politics of Latino Identity.
Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2017.
Sandoval, Denise M. “White” Washing American Education: The New Culture Wars in Ethnic Studies.
Santa Barbara: Praeger, an imprint of ABC-CLIO, 2016.
Urrea, Luis A. The Devil's Highway: A True Story. New York: Little, Brown, 2004.
Valenzuela, Angela. Subtractive Schooling: U.S.-Mexican Youth and the Politics of Caring. Albany: SUNY
Press, 1999.
Vargas, José Antonio. Dear America: Notes of an Undocumented Citizen. New York: HarperCollins
Publishers, 2018.
Wides-Muñoz, Laura. The Making of a Dream: How a Group of Young Undocumented Immigrants Helped
Change What it Means to be American. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2018.
Zamora, Javier. Unaccompanied. Port Townsend: Copper Canyon Press, 2017.
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Annotated Bibliography
1. Coppersmith, Sarah A and Kim H. Song. “Integrating Primary Sources, Artifacts, and Museum
Visits into the Primary Years Program Inquiry Curriculum in an International Baccalaureate
Elementary Setting.” Journal of Social Studies Education Research 8.3 (2017): 24-49.
Questions remain about inquiry instruction, while research confirms that using primary
sources can aid students’ inquiry learning processes. This study questioned: “How do second-
grade teachers at an International Baccalaureate Organization/IBO language immersion
setting incorporate inquiry methods in instructional practices?”; “How does training in the use
of primary sources, artifacts, and museum visits shape second-grade teachers' instructional
practice?” A Library of Congress Teaching with Primary Sources grant supported this
university-school social studies partnership, which accessed artifacts, primary sources, and a
national archives and museum. Data sources in this mixed methods study were from the
SAMPI Inquiry Observation Instrument, interviews, and observations in French and Spanish
language settings. Analysis revealed teachers incorporating inquiry learning via
museum/archives visits and using primary sources in a study of the history and geography of
the French and Spanish Colonial fur trade era. Results revealed a subsequent integration of
primary sources and learning kits in the immersion school network’s ongoing inquiry
curriculum design process.
This article focuses on the implementation of one unit and ways educators might consider
using YA literature featuring Muslim characters to foster meaningful discussions about society
as a whole. These implementation strategies and techniques can inform comparable or parallel
activities with Latino/a Studies content.
3. Ehst, E. Suzanne and Lewis Caskey. “Writing toward Democracy: Scaffolding Civic
Engagement with Historically Marginalized Students.” English Journal 107.6 (1 Jul 2018). [ISSN:
0013-8274]
http://www.ncte.org.ezproxy.tcu.edu/library/NCTEFiles/Resources/Journals/EJ/1076-
jul18/EJ1076Jul18Writing.pdf
This article describes the implementation of a persuasive writing unit with mostly Latinx
students in a “focused track” at a Midwestern high school. The authors scaffold not only
writing skills but also the experience of engaging policy issues and power structures.
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This article discusses the introduction of Chicanx and Latinx rhetorics in the writing program
design at Hispanic-Serving Institution (HSI). It mentions the argument of Iris Ruiz in
“Reclaiming Composition for Chicanos/as and Other Ethnic Minorities” that examine the
histories of rhetoric and composition. It notes that the Chicanx and Latinx rhetoric and writing
must take place in designing programs and institutions.
5. Evans, Luna N., William P. Evans and Bret Davis. “Indigenous Mexican culture, identity and
academic aspirations: results from a community-based curriculum project for Latina/Latino
students.” Race Ethnicity and Education 18.3 (2015): 341–362.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2012.759922
The Latina/Latino population is the largest minority group in the United States and has the
highest high school dropout rate of any ethnic group. Nationally, just over one-half of
Latina/Latino students graduate on time with a regular diploma, compared to nearly 80% of
Whites. Because of the growing population and the wide achievement gap, there is utility in
understanding factors, strategies and programs that facilitate the academic performance of
Latina/Latino students in order to address a serious social justice issue in education. This
study examines a community-based cultural program about indigenous Mesoamerican
traditions and heritage. Results of the mixed-method evaluation study include quantitative
and qualitative data for 225 high school students who were primarily Latina/Latino. Students
participated in a program based on Mesoamerican ancestry that sought to enhance academic
aspirations and reduce high school dropout intentions. Survey results indicated positive
changes in ethnic identity and improvements in academic aspirations. Interviews revealed
enhanced attachment to ethnic identity and higher academic aspirations, as well as how the
program could be improved for future participants. Implications of this culturally relevant
curriculum as a strategy to enhance student academic motivation and aspirations are
discussed.
6. Misco, Thomas and Martha E. Castaneda. “‘Now, What Should I Do for English Language
Learners?’: Reconceptualizing Social Studies Curriculum Design for ELLs.” Educational Horizons
87.3 (Spr 2009): 182-189.
One of the main professional-development challenges social studies teachers face involves
adjusting content and instruction to accommodate the surging population of English Language
Learners (ELLs). Between the 1993-1994 and 2004-2005 school years, ELL school
populations increased 68 percent to more than 5.1 million, compared to a 7.8 percent increase
among non-ELL students (NCELA 2008). Because most ELLs are “mainstreamed” into
content-area classrooms, the burgeoning population of non-native speakers makes
instructional adaptation legally and morally imperative to provide all students with
meaningful learning experiences. Providing such learning experiences is still very much an
issue, even when an English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) program is available to
students. A short taxonomy can articulate what social studies teachers actually need to
accomplish--some precise guidance on what they should be doing for ELLs, easily juxtaposed
with content standards, instructional strategies, key skill domains, and dispositional objectives
when crafting unit and lesson plans. This article focuses on a particular example of
reconceptualizing social studies curricula through reverse-chronological history instruction,
an exercise applicable to secondary ELL pull out classes and mainstream social studies
classrooms alike.
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7. Virtue, David C., Anne Buchanan and Kenneth E. Vogler. “Digging Postholes Adds Depth and
Authenticity to a Shallow Curriculum.” Social Studies 103.6 (2012): 247-251. [DOI:
10.1080/00377996.2011.630699]
In the current era of high-stakes testing and accountability, many social studies teachers
struggle to find creative ways to add depth and authenticity to a broad, shallow curriculum.
Teachers can use the time after tests are administered for students to reflect back on the social
studies curriculum and select topics they want to study more deeply by digging “postholes,”
or inquiries into questions, persons, processes, or events of their choosing. This article
describes one teacher's efforts to implement an inquiry project in which she conferred with her
students individually to formulate research questions and a research strategy and gave them
opportunities to publicly and authentically share their work.
As scholars examine the successes and failures of more than 50 years of court-ordered
desegregation since Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, and 25 years of language
education of Black youth since Martin Luther King Elementary School Children v. Ann Arbor School
District Board, this article revisits the key issues involved in those cases and urges educators and
sociolinguists to work together to revise pedagogies. After reviewing what scholars have
contributed, the author suggests the need for critical language awareness programs in the
United States as one important way in which we can revise our pedagogies, not only to take
the students’ language into account but also to account for the interconnectedness of language
with the larger sociopolitical and sociohistorical phenomena that help to maintain unequal
power relations in a still-segregated society.
9. Alim, H. S. “Critical hip-hop language pedagogies: Combat, consciousness and the cultural
politics of communication.” Journal of Language, Identity, and Education 6.2 (2007): 161–176.
10. Baker-Bell, A. “I never really knew the history behind African American Language: Critical
language pedagogy in an advanced placement English language
arts class.” Equity & Excellence in Education 46.3 (2013): 355–370.
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This article responds to two long-standing dilemmas that limit the effectiveness of language
education for students who speak and write in African American Language (AAL): (1) the gap
between theory and research on AAL and classroom practice, and (2) the need for critical
language pedagogies. This article presents the effectiveness of a critical language pedagogy
used in one eleventh grade advanced placement English Language Arts (ELA) class. Findings
show that students held negative attitudes toward AAL before the implementation of the
critical language pedagogy, and that the critical language pedagogy helped students to
interrogate dominant notions of language and to express an appreciation of AAL.
11. Busey, Christopher L. and William B. Russell III. “‘We Want to Learn’: Middle School
Latino/a Students Discuss Social Studies Curriculum and Pedagogy.” RMLE Online 39.4 (2016):
1-20. [DOI: 10.1080/19404476.2016.1155921]
This qualitative study examines the perceptions that Latino students have of middle school
social studies. Twelve Latino/a middle school students provided written narratives recounting
their experiences in social studies and participated in two semi-structured phenomenological
interviews. Findings indicate that social studies teachers rely heavily upon “banking”
pedagogy and the curriculum lacks cultural diversity. Students also perceived social studies as
the ideal subject area in middle school to engage in global learning opportunities as well as
discussion about current events. Latino/a students’ experiences and subsequent perceptions
of middle school social studies are consistent with theory and research pertaining to adolescent
identity, cognitive, and psychosocial development. Findings from this investigation add to the
extant canon of literature on students’ perceptions of social studies and further emphasize the
significance of social studies in meeting the needs of 21st century diverse learners. Lastly, the
authors offer suggestions for practice and issue a call for research in the field of social studies
education that is middle-level specific with implications as to how culturally responsive social
studies fosters identity and psychosocial adolescent development for culturally and ethnically
diverse students.
12. Callahan, Rebecca and Kathryn Obenchain. “Finding a Civic Voice: Latino Immigrant
Youths' Experiences in High School Social Studies.” High School Journal 96 (2012): 20-32. [Chapel
Hill, N.C.: 10.1353/hsj.2012.0013.]
Socialization into the dominant civic and political discourse lies at the heart of social studies.
As they become proficient in the discourse of home and school, Latino immigrant youth
demonstrate the potential to uniquely benefit from this socialization. This qualitative study
explores ten Latino immigrant young adults' perceptions of how their social studies
experiences shaped their young adult civic selves. Participants internalized not only their
parents' high expectations for them, but also those of their teachers, highlighting the potentially
instrumental role of schools in the civic fabric of the nation. In addition, the Latino young
adults felt empowered by their social studies teachers via civic expectations and academic
encouragement and perceived this empowerment to have facilitated the skill development
necessary for later civic leadership. In closing, we reflect on immigrant students' incorporation
of the discourse of the dominant culture with that of the home to develop their own civic
voices.
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This article employs the use of black textualities to reimagine an English classroom designed
to cultivate critically conscious students. The author argues that a critically conscious
classroom engages students in self-determination, citizenship formation, and strategic
activism, and further argues that black textualities are perfect for supporting this work.
14. Lyiscott, Jamila. “Racial Identity and Liberation Literacies in the Classroom.” English Journal
106.4 (2017): 47–53.
The author explores the racial and cultural ideologies that inform what it means to be Black
in the U.S. and how this mainstream framing of Blackness intersects with teacher preparedness
to engage Black textual expressions in the classroom. As Black lives and, subsequently, Black
cultural productions continue to be stigmatized and devalued within and beyond classrooms,
practical approaches are needed for English teachers to do this work of engaging Black textual
expressions and the sociocultural contexts they were forged within. These Black textual
expressions serve as cultural artifacts for better understanding the interwoven racial and
literate identities of Black students. To center them in the classroom is to center the issues,
questions, cultural practices, and cognitive skills they evoke.
15. Martínez, Danny. “Imagining a Language of Solidarity for Black and Latinx Youth in English
Language Arts Classrooms.” English Education 49.2 (1 Jan 2017). [ISSN: 0007-8204]
http://www.ncte.org.ezproxy.tcu.edu/library/NCTEFiles/Resources/Journals/EE/0492-
jan2017/EE0492Imagining.pdf
English educators must interrogate acts of physical and linguistic violence against Black and
Latinx youth and take them into consideration when shaping curricula. English teachers can
provide a space for youth to make sense of their racialized experiences. I highlight the marginal
treatment of Black and Latinx languages in English classrooms and show the relationship
between the racialized physical violence against Black and Latinx communities and the
linguistic violence many Black and Latinx youth face in English classrooms. I then present
examples of emerging solidarity movements between Black and Latinx activists and
communities and illustrate how this renewed sense of solidarity can be leveraged to incite
transformative learning experiences. I conclude with recommendations for how a language of
solidarity framework can take place in all English classrooms.
16. Paris, Django. “Culturally sustaining pedagogy: A needed change in stance, terminology, and
practice.” Educational Researcher 41.3 (2012): 93–97.
https://web.stanford.edu/class/linguist159/restricted/readings/Paris2012.pdf
Seventeen years ago Gloria Ladson-Billings (1995) published the landmark article “Toward a
Theory of Culturally Relevant Pedagogy,” giving a coherent theoretical statement for resource
pedagogies that had been building throughout the 1970s and 1980s. I, like countless teachers
and university-based researchers, have been inspired by what it means to make teaching and
learning relevant and responsive to the languages, literacies, and cultural practices of students
across categories of difference and (in)equality. Recently, however, I have begun to question
if the terms “relevant” and “responsive” are really descriptive of much of the teaching and
research founded upon them and, more importantly, if they go far enough in their orientation
to the languages and literacies and other cultural practices of communities marginalized by
systemic inequalities to ensure the valuing and maintenance of our multiethnic and
multilingual society. In this essay, I offer the term and stance of culturally sustaining pedagogy
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as an alternative that, I believe, embodies some of the best research and practice in the resource
pedagogy tradition and as a term that supports the value of our multiethnic and multilingual
present and future. Culturally sustaining pedagogy seeks to perpetuate and foster—to
sustain—linguistic, literate, and cultural pluralism as part of the democratic project of
schooling. In the face of current policies and practices that have the explicit goal of creating a
monocultural and monolingual society, research and practice need equally explicit resistances
that embrace cultural pluralism and cultural equality.
17. Storm, Scott and Emily C. Rainey. “Striving Toward Woke English Teaching and Learning.”
English Journal 107.6 (1 Jul 2018).
http://www.ncte.org.ezproxy.tcu.edu/library/NCTEFiles/Resources/Journals/EJ/1076-
jul18/EJ1076Jul18Striving.pdf
The authors offer an illustration of a pedagogical routine designed to support students’ critical
consciousness and literacy learning through the collective examination of shared texts.
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K-12
Elective Courses
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1565 Saint Augustine brings the first European settlement to the United States, introducing
Catholicism and the Spanish language in Florida.
1598 New Mexico is settled by the Spanish—making it the largest and oldest Spanish
settlement in the Southwest.
1691 Texas is made a separate Spanish province with Don Domingo de Teran as its governor.
1692 Explorer Diego de Vargas leads an expedition in search of salt deposits in and around
the Guadalupe Mountains, becoming the first non-Indian visitor to this area.
1718 The mission at San Antonio is founded—it becomes one of the most prosperous and
most important missions.
1776 While the American colonies in the East declare their independence from Great Britain,
the Spanish celebrate the founding of San Francisco in the West.
1821 The first Anglo settlers arrive in the Mexican state of Texas after being invited by the
government of Mexico, which had recently declared its independence.
1829 Slavery in Mexico is abolished by the new republican government that emerged after
independence from Spain (1821).
1833 The government of the Republic of Mexico challenges the power of the Catholic
Church—ordering its missions secularized and land holdings broken up. Antonio Lopez
Santa Anna is named President of Mexico.
1834 Mexico's President, Antonio Lopez Santa Anna, dissolves the Congress to rule all
Mexico with an iron hand. Texans and "Tejanos" unite in opposition.
1835 In the autumn of 1835, Texans and Tejanos rise in rebellion against the oppressive
Mexican government.
1836 On the February 23, Mexico's, Antonio Lopez Santa Anna, takes possession of San
Antonio.
On March 6, day 13 of the siege, Santa Anna's forces breach the Alamo defenses. All
the defenders of the Alamo, 189 men, are killed.
On April 21, after joining forces with Sam Houston's army, Juan Seguin defeats the
Mexican army in the Battle of San Jacinto—a battle that lasted all of 18 minutes.
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1837 Seguin is named Military Commander of West Texas, Senator, and later Mayor.
1845 Texas is officially annexed to the United States—which angers the Mexican government.
Conflict over the official border line arises.
1846 In April, Mexico and the United States go to war over disputed territory.
On June 14, Military Commander of California Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo is
awakened by an angry mob of Anglo settlers—forcing him to sign the Articles of
Capitulation to make California an independent republic.
1853 Antonio Lopez Santa Anna returns to power as President of Mexico and during his time
in office sells the land between Yuma, Arizona, and the Mesilla Valley, New Mexico,
to the United States.
1859 Cigar factories are built in Florida, Louisiana, and New York, bringing an influx of
working class Cubans to the growing industry in the United States.
1862 The Homestead Act is passed in Congress, allowing squatters in the West to settle and
claim vacant lands—many of which were owned by Mexicans.
1868 Angered by 300 years of Spanish rule, Cubans rise up in revolt. Many leave for Europe
and the United States and the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is adopted,
declaring all people of Hispanic origin born in the United States as U.S. citizens.
1870 The Spanish government frees the slaves it owns in Cuba and Puerto Rico.
1872 Puerto Rican representatives in Spain win equal civil rights for the colony.
1890 Juan Sequin, the lone survivor of The Alamo, dies. Eighty years later, his body would
be returned to Texas and buried with honors.
1895 Cuban rebels stage an insurrection, led by the poet Jose Martí.
1897 Spain grants Cuba and Puerto Rico autonomy and home rule.
1898 On February 15, in Havana Harbor, Cuba, an explosion destroys a U.S. battleship—
killing 266 men aboard. The United States subsequently declares war on Spain. The war
lasts 13 weeks.
The Cuban Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Cubano) strikes a deal with
the U.S. Congress; in exchange for the rebels' cooperation with U.S. military
intervention, the United States promises to leave Cuba at the end of the war.
The United States acquires Puerto Rico through war and claims it as a territory.
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1901 Under the Platt Amendment, the United States limits Cuban independence as written
into the Cuban Constitution. The United States reserves the right to build a naval base
on Cuba and enforces that Cuba cannot sign treaties with other countries or borrow
money unless it is deemed agreeable to the United States. With these parameters in
place, the U.S. government hands the government of Cuba over to the Cuban people.
The Federación Libre de los Trabajadores (Workers Labor Federation) becomes
affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, which in turn breaks from its prior
policy of excluding non-whites.
1902 The Reclamation Act is passed, dispossessing many Hispanic Americans of their lands.
Cuba declares its independence from the United States
1910 The Mexican Revolution begins as a revolt against President Porfirio Diaz. The railroads
that had once served as a means for trade and development now serve as the main escape
from the violence of the revolution.
1921 Limits on the number of immigrants allowed in the United States are imposed for the
first time in the country's history.
1932 The United States government begins to deport Mexicans. Between 300,000 and 500,000
Mexican Americans would be forced out of the United States in the 1930s.
1933 The Roosevelt Administration reverses the policy of English as the official language in
Puerto Rico.
Cuban dictator Gerardo Machado is overthrown.
1934 The Platt Amendment, which restricted the Cuban government, is annulled.
1940s As WWII sets in, many Latinos enlist in the U.S. military—as a proportion, the largest
ethnic group serving in the war.
The Fair Employment Practices Act is passed, eliminating discrimination in
employment.
1943 On August 23, Macario Garcia becomes the first Mexican national to receive a U.S.
Congressional Medal of Honor, yet is refused service at the Oasis Café near his home in
Texas.
Prompted by the WWII labor shortage, the U.S. government launches an agreement
with Mexico to import temporary workers (braceros), to fill the void in agricultural work.
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1948 Dr. Hector Garcia, a witness to racial injustice, begins holding meetings for Mexican
Americans to voice their concerns, and in March they establish a new Mexican
American movement: the American GI Forum.
This group gets national attention after a Latino soldier killed in action, Pvt. Felix Z.
Longoria, is refused burial in Texas. Then-Senator Lyndon B. Johnson, appalled by this
blatant bigotry, makes arrangements for Longoria to be buried at the prestigious
Arlington National Cemetery.
1950 The U.S. Congress advances Puerto Rico's political status from protectorate to
commonwealth.
1951 The Bracero Program is formalized as the Mexican Farm Labor Supply Program and
the Mexican Labor Agreement, and will bring an annual average of 350,000 Mexican
workers into the United States until its end in 1964.
1954 In the case Hernandez v. The State of Texas, the Supreme Court recognizes that Latinos
are suffering inequality and profound discrimination, paving the way for Hispanic
Americans to use legal means to fight for their equality. This is the first Supreme Court
case briefed and argued by Mexican American attorneys.
1954-58 Operation Wetback is put into place by the U.S. government. The initiative is a
government effort to locate and deport undocumented workers—over the four-year
period, 3.8 million people of Mexican descent are deported.
1956 Nearly a dozen bills are introduced into the Senate to preserve segregation. Henry B.
Gonzalez, determined to stop them, stages an effective filibuster, speaking for 22 straight
hours. He would later represent San Antonio in Congress.
1958 The landmark production of West Side Story premieres on Broadway, chronicling the
racial tensions of the '40s and '50s.
1959 Fidel Castro and his band of revolutionaries march into Havana, following an armed
revolt that ends in the overthrow of military dictator Fulgencio Batista.
1960 John F. Kennedy runs for President, with Lyndon B. Johnson as his running mate.
Johnson enlists in the help of Dr. Hector Garcia to help carry the Latino vote. Garcia
forms "Viva Kennedy" clubs, greatly aiding Kennedy's narrow victory.
On October 24, a ship called the City of Havana ferries Cubans fleeing Fidel Castro's
reign. Over the next three years, more than 200,000 Cubans flee to Miami.
1961 On April 17, 1,400 U.S.-trained Cuban exiles invade Cuba—within 72 hours, Fidel
Castro's forces easily defeat the Bay of Pigs Invasion.
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Aspira (Aspire) is founded to promote the education of Hispanic youth and acquires a
national following, serving Puerto Ricans wherever they live in large numbers.
West Side Story is made into a film; the role of Anita goes to a Puerto Rican, Rita
Moreno, who takes home an Academy Award for her performance.
Rafael Leonidas Trujillo, dictator of the Dominican Republic, is assassinated in a C.I.A.-
backed plot.
1962 U.S. reconnaissance planes discover Soviet missiles in Cuba. Travel to and from Cuba
is prohibited. The United States blocks a Soviet plan to establish missile bases in Cuba.
The Soviet Premier withdraws the missiles on the condition that the United States
publicly declares it will not invade Cuba.
After the Community Service Organization turns down Cesar Chavez's request, as their
President, to organize farm workers, Cesar and Dolores Huerta resign from the CSO.
They form the National Farm Workers Association.
1964 Congress passes the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The act establishes affirmative action
programs, prohibiting discrimination on the basis of gender, creed, race, or ethnic
background: "to achieve equality of employment opportunities and remove barriers that
have operated in the past" (Title VII). The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
(EEOC) is also established through Title VII to prevent job discrimination.
The Bracero Program, the government program initially put in place during WWII,
ends. It brought Mexican laborers into the country to replace the American men who
were fighting overseas. When the war ended the program continued.
1966 Striking workers are subjected to physical and verbal attacks throughout their peaceful
demonstrations, and on March 16, the Senate Sub-Committee on Migratory Labor held
hearings in Delano.
March 17, the morning following the hearings, Cesar Chavez sets out with 100 farm
workers to begin his pilgrimage to the San Joaquin Valley. After 25 days, their numbers
swell from hundreds, to an army of thousands.
On Easter Sunday, the state capital is finally in sight. With public sympathy mounting
and the spring growing season upon them, growers finally agree to meet with union
representatives.
1967 With Martin Luther King, Jr. organizing in the South and Cesar Chavez organizing in
California, East L.A. high school teacher Sal Castro begins looking for ways to organize
students.
1968 On March 6, a walkout is planned and coordinated among East L.A. high schools.
Approximately 10,000 students peacefully walk out of four schools and are joined by
parents and supporters. Police are sent to maintain order—and things get out of hand.
Following the police riot, on March 7 the students walk out again. The walkouts
continue for two weeks until the demands are met.
Just days after the opening of the HemisFair in San Antonio, Chicano high school
students stage walkouts—first in San Antonio, then in 39 towns across Texas, eventually
spreading to nearly 100 high schools in 10 states.
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1970 Herman Badillo is elected into the U.S. House of Representatives, making him the first
Puerto Rican to serve in Congress.
In Crystal City, Texas, Jose Angel Gutierrez forms a political party, La Raza Unida
("The United Race").
Elections in April see an unprecedented victory for Chicanos. Gutierrez is elected county
judge and La Raza Unida controls not only the school board, but city and county
government as well.
1973 Miami officially becomes bilingual, following a referendum sponsored by its growing
Cuban community.
Maurice Ferre becomes mayor of Miami, making him the first Puerto Rican to lead a
major city in the mainland United States.
1974 Willie Velasquez of San Antonio organizes thousands of voter registration drives across
the Southwest, encouraging the Latino population to vote. He notices, however, that the
problem is not the number of Latino voters, but the electoral system. He later would file
voting rights lawsuits—never losing a case.
Congress passes the Equal Educational Opportunity Act to create equality in public
schools by offering bilingual education to Hispanic students.
1980 In the spring, Fidel Castro announces that any Cuban who wishes to leave may do so.
Shortly after this declaration, a ramshackle armada sails from South Florida to the port
of Mariel.
Over a period of five months, more than 125,000 Cubans arrive in South Florida. The
newly arrived Cubans are quickly branded as mentally ill or criminal, following a CBS
News story. Although only 4 percent are from mental hospitals, more than 25,000 have
criminal records. The media perpetuates the stereotype of mentally ill or criminal in
shows and movies, such as Miami Vice and Scarface.
The English-only campaign comes roaring back, with Emmy Shafer again at the helm.
In the 1980 election, voters approve the ordinance to end official bilingualism.
1986 Seeking to bring illegal immigration under control while maintaining a stable
agricultural labor force, President Ronald Reagan signs the Immigration Reform and
Control Act (IRCA). It is intended to toughen U.S. immigration law; border security is
to be enforced and employers are now required to monitor the immigration status of
their employees. It also, however, grants amnesty to nearly three million immigrants –
mostly Mexicans – who had quietly slipped across the border during the 1970s and '80s.
1987 The National Hispanic Leadership Institue addresses the underrepresentation of Latinas
in the corporate, nonprofit and political arena.
1988 Voter rights advocate Willie Velasquez dies in May, and is posthumously honored with
the Presidential Medal of Freedom—the highest civilian peacetime award.
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1990 President George Bush appoints the first woman and first Hispanic surgeon general of
the United States: Antonia C. Novello.
1991 The proposed North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between Canada, the
United States, and Mexico expands and exploits the maquiladora concept, offering
potential tax reductions to U.S. businesses.
1993 Ellen Ochoa becomes the first Hispanic woman to go to space aboard the Space Shuttle
Discovery.
President Bill Clinton names Federico Peña as Secretary of Transportation and Henry
Cisneros as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, making them both the first
Hispanics to hold those positions. He also appoints Norma Cantú, former Director of
the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, to the position of Assistant
Secretary for Civil Rights within the Department of Education. Twenty-five other
Hispanics are appointed to positions needing Senate confirmation under this presidency.
1994 NAFTA takes effect, eliminating all tariffs between Canada, Mexico, and the United
States within 15 years. Imports from the maquiladoras become duty-free.
On November 8, Californians pass Proposition 187 with 59 percent of the vote. This
bans undocumented immigrants from receiving public education and benefits such as
welfare and subsidized health care (with the exception of emergency services); makes it
a felony to manufacture, distribute, sell, or use false citizenship or residence documents;
and requires any city, county, or state officials to report any suspected or apparent illegal
aliens.
1996 Proposition 187 is ruled unconstitutional, on the grounds that only the federal
government has the authority to regulate immigration. Eliseo Medina spearheads the
movement to file lawsuits against Proposition 187.
Medina becomes the first Mexican American Vice President of the Service Employees
International Union.
2003 Hispanics are pronounced the nation's largest minority group—surpassing African
Americans.
CHLI is the premier organization founded by members of Congress to advance the
Hispanic Community's Economic Progress with a focus on social responsibility and
global competitiveness.
2004 Anti-immigrant sentiment reaches a tipping point when Arizonans organize a group of
volunteers known as "The Minutemen" to patrol the border.
2005 In April, the Minutemen began patrolling the border. They report unauthorized border
crossings or other illegal activity to the U.S. Border Patrol.
Antonio Villaraigosa becomes the first Mexican American mayor of Los Angeles in
more than a century.
2008 The Freedom Tower is designated a National Historic Landmark, considered the "Ellis
Island of the South" for its role as the Cuban Assistance Center in Miami during 1962–
1974, offering nationally sanctioned relief to Cuban refugees.
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2009 Puerto Rican Sonia Sotomayor is sworn in as the first Latina Supreme Court Justice.
2010 With no new comprehensive federal immigration policy in place, states began to enact
their own.
In April, Arizona Governor Jan Brewer signs the broadest and toughest anti–illegal
immigrant law in U.S. history. The legislation, SB-1070, cracks down on anyone
harboring or hiring undocumented immigrants and gives local police unprecedented
powers.
Marco Rubio, a second-generation Cuban American, is elected U.S. Senator from
Florida.
2011 Georgia enacts its own version of Arizona's SB-1070—anyone stopped without a driver's
license or proof of residency can be handed over to the immigration authorities.
2013 Hispanics make up about one-sixth of the U.S. population—nearly 51 million people.
By the middle of the century, the Latino population is expected to reach 127 million—
nearly 30 percent of the projected population of the country.
Elementary School
Lower Grades
Upper Grades
Middle School
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20. Amazing Hispanic American History: A Book of Answers for Kids, George Ochoa
High School
21. Voices of the U.S. Latino Experience, Rodolfo F. Acuna and Guadalupe Compean
22. Roberto Clemente: The Pride of Puerto Rico, Gerry Boehme
23. Home is Everything: The Latino Baseball Story, Marcos Bretón
24. Icons of Latino America: Latino Contributions to American Culture, Roger Bruns
25. Red Hot Salsa: Bilingual Poems on Being Young and Latino in the United States, Lori Marie Carlson
26. Voices in First Person: Reflections on Latino Identity, Lori Marie Carlson
27. Latino Visions: Contemporary Chicano, Puerto Rican, and Cuban American Artists, James D.
Cockcroft
28. Windows into My World: Latino Youth Write Their Lives, Sarah Cortez
29. You Don’t Have a Clue: Latino Mystery Stories for Teens, Sarah Cortez
30. César Chávez: Civil Rights Activist, Bárbara Cruz
31. Paper Dance: 55 Latino Poets, Victor Hernández Cruz, Leroy V. Quintana, and Virgil Suárez
32. Spare Parts: Four Undocumented Teenagers, One Ugly Robot, and the Battle for the American Dream,
Joshua Davis
33. Latino Cuisine and its Influence on American Foods: The Taste of Celebration, Jean Ford
34. Latino Baseball Legends, Lew Freedman
35. Latino Athletes, Ian C. Friedman
36. Yo, Alejandro: My (Our) Story / Mi (nuestra) historia, Alejandro Gac-Artigas
37. Latino American Folktales, Thomas A. Green
38. The U.S. Latino Community, Margaret Haerens
39. Latino Migrant Workers: America’s Harvesters, Christopher Hovius
40. Latino Americans and Immigration Laws: Crossing the Border, Miranda Hunter
41. The Story of Latino Civil Rights: Fighting for Justice, Miranda Hunter
42. Latino Food Culture, Zilkia Janer
43. Becoming María: Love and Chaos in the South Bronx, Sonia Manzano
44. Latino Arts and their Influence on the United States: Songs, Dreams, and Dances, Rory Makosz
45. Dream Things True: A Novel, Marie Marquardt
46. Latino Writers and Journalists, Jamie Martínez Wood
47. The Latino Religious Experience: People of Faith and Vision, Kenneth McIntosh
48. Diego Rivera: Mexican Muralist, Mariana Medina
49. Frida Kahlo: Self-Portrait Artist, Mariana Medina
50. Notable Latino Americans, Matt Meier
51. The Latino Holiday Book: From Cinco de Mayo to Día de los Muertos—The Celebrations and Traditions
of Hispanic-Americans, Valerie Menard
52. Latino Americans in Sports, Film, Music, and Government: Trailblazers, Richard Mintzer
53. Isabel Allende: Award-Winning Author, Jeanne Nagle
54. Pablo Neruda: Nobel Prize-Winning Poet, Jeanne Nagle
55. It’s All in the Frijoles: 100 Famous Latinos Share Real-Life Stories, Time-Tested dichos, Favorite
Folktales, and Inspiring Words of Wisdom, Yolanda Nava
56. Latinos in Science, Math, and Professions, David E. Newton
57. Riding Low on the Streets of Gold, Judith Ortiz Cofer
58. Latinos in the Arts, Steven Otfinoski
59. Latino America: A State-by-State Encyclopedia, Mark Overmyer-Velázquez
60. Latino and African American Athletes Today: A Biographical Dictionary, David L. Porter
61. Latino Folklore and Culture: Stories of Family, Traditions of Pride, Ellyn Sanna
62. Las mamis: Favorite Latino Authors Remember Their Mothers, Esmeralda Santiago and Joie
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Davidow
63. Latino Economics in the United States, Eric Schwartz
64. César Chávez, Ilan Stavans
65. Latina Writers, Ilan Stavans
66. Quinceañera, Ilan Stavans
67. Great Lives from History: Latinos, Carmen Tafolla and Martha P. Cotera
68. Sonia Sotomayor: First Latina Supreme Court Justice, John Torres
69. The Latino Student’s Guide to College Success, Leonard A. Valverde
Grades K-5
1. Brown, M. Waiting for the Biblioburro. Tricycle Press, 2011. [Grade level: K-3]
2. Garza, C. L. Family Pictures, 15th Anniversary Edition / Cuadros de familia, Edición Quinceañara.
Children’s Book Press, 2005. [Grade level: 1-2]
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3. Johnston, T. P is for Piñata: A Mexico Alphabet. Sleeping Bear Press, 2008. [Grade level: K-2]
4. Lainez, R. C. Rene Has Two Last Names / Rene Tiene Dos Apellidos. Arte Público Press, 2009.
[Grade level: K-2]
5. Mora, P. Doña Flor: A Tall Tale About a Giant Woman with a Great Big Heart. Dragonfly Books,
2010. [Grade level: Pre K-2]
6. Morales, Y. Just a Minute: A Trickster Tale and Counting Book. Chronicle Books, 2016. [Grade
level: K-3]
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This original trickster tale, with its vivacious illustrations and dynamic read-aloud text, is at
once a spirited tribute to the rich traditions of Mexican culture and a perfect introduction to
counting in both English and Spanish.
8. Mora, P. The Rainbow Tulip. Puffin Books, 2003. [Grade level: K-1]
9. Neal, J. M. Alma and how she got her name/ Alma y come obtuvo su nombre. Candlewick, 2018.
[Grade level: Preschool-3]
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10. Pinkney, M. I Am Latino The Beauty In Me. Hachette Book Group, 2007. [Grade Level: PreK-
3]
11. Well, C. Opuestos: Mexican Folk Art Opposites in English and Spanish. Cico Puntos Press, 2009.
[Grade level: PreK-2]
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set against equally vibrantly colored background pages that effortlessly convey the concept the
author sets out to teach. On each spread, the English and Spanish words for a single concept
face the opposing concept. This attractive volume conveys the concept in a unique and inviting
fashion and provides youngsters with an introduction to some Mexican art in the process.–
Rhonda L. Jeffers, Coweta Public Library System, Newnan, GA
12. Weill, C. ABeCedarios: Mexican Folk Art ABCs in English and Spanish. Cinco Puntos Press, 2007.
[Grade Level: Preschool-4]
13. Winter, J. Calavera abecedario: A day of the dead alphabet. Houghton Mifflin/Harcourt, 2006.
[Grade level: Preschool-3]
14. Alarcon, F. X. Angels Ride Bikes and Other Fall Poems: Los Angeles Andan En Bicicleta y Otros
Poemas del Otono. Madison, WI: Cooperative Children’s book Center, 2000. [Grade level: 2-4]
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15. Brown, M. Tito Puente, Mambo King/Rey Del Mambo. HarperCollins, 2013. [Grade level:
Preschool-3]
16. Brown, M. Side by Side/Lado a lado: The Story of Dolores Huerta and Cesar Chavez/La historia de
Dolores Huerta y César Chávez. HarperCollins, 2010. [Grade level: Preschool-3; Lexile measure:
870L]
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17. Campoy, F. I. & Ada, F. A. Tales Our Abuelitas Told: A Hispanic Folktale Collection. Simon &
Schuster, 2007. [Grade level: K-4]
18. Garza, X. Maximilian & the Mystery of the Guardian Angel: A Bilingual Lucha Libre Thriller. Cinco
Puntos Press, 2011. [Grade level: 2-5; Lexile measure: 820L]
19. Medina, J. Juana and Lucas. Candlewick, 2016. [Grade level: K-3]
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awareness, has distinguished and appealing design elements, and has a text that is the stuff of
true literature.—Tim Wadham, formerly at Puyallup Public Library, WA
20. Morales, Y. Viva Frida. Roaring Brook Press, 2014. [Grade level: K-4]
21. Nye, N. S. The Tree Is Older Than You Are: A Bilingual Gathering of Poems & Stories from Mexico.
Aladdin, 1998. [Grade level: 2-4]
22. Otheguy, E. Martí's song for freedom / Martí y sus versos por la Libertad. Lee & Low Books, 2017.
[Grade level: 3-7]
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make Cuba s complicated history with slavery and colonialism accessible to young readers.
By incorporating excerpts of Marti s writing into the narration, Otheguy introduces a new
generation of readers to an important champion of human rights. Vidal s gouache artwork
captures the beauty and the injustice of which Martí wrote, showcasing his country s vibrant
colors, as in the pinks and oranges of the sunset, and illustrating the harsh treatment of
enslaved Africans, who are shown performing backbreaking labor in sugarcane fields.
Dominguez s excellent Spanish translation makes Martí s story available to a wide audience,
and the text offers significant additional information via an afterword on Cuba s history, a
selected bibliography, and excerpts from Martí s Versos Sencillos. Otheguy and Vidal tell a
timely story that will inspire many to fight for equality and sings songs for freedom. -- --
Booklist, starred review
23. Schimel, L. Let's Go See Papa! Groundwood Books, 2011. [Grade level: 2-4]
24. Taylor, S. T. Enrique Esparza and the Battle of the Alamo. Lerner Publishing Group, 2011. [Grade
level: 2-4]
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25. Tonatiuh, D. Pancho Rabbit and the Coyote: A Migrants Tale. Abrams Books, 2013. [Grade level:
1-4]
26. Tonatiuh, D. Separate is Never Equal: Sylvia Mendez and Her Family’s Fight for Desegregation. Harry
N. Abrams, 2014. [ Grade level: 1-4]
27. Torres, J. Finding the Music/En Pos de la Música. Lee & Low Books, 2015. [Grade level: 1-5]
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beloved instrument, while learning about his legacy, the impact of music, and community
engagement. Throughout each page and Reyna's conversations with different community
members, her abuelo's presence can be felt. The realistic illustrations enhance the warmth of
the tale, and allows readers to see character's expressions and feelings. An author's note is
included. VERDICT A rich addition for those who enjoy music and its influence in
community and family unity.—Sujei Lugo, Boston Public Library, MA
28. Argueta, J. Somos Como Las Nubes We Are Like the Clouds. Groundwood Books, 2016. [Grade
level: 4-6]
29. Alvarez, J. Return to Sender. Alfred A. Knopf, 2009. [Grade level: 4-6; Lexile Measure: 890L]
(From Scholastic:)
After Tyler’s father is injured in a tractor accident, his family is forced to hire migrant Mexican
workers to help save their Vermont farm from foreclosure. Tyler isn’t sure what to make of
these workers. Are they undocumented? And what about the three daughters, particularly
Mari, the oldest, who is proud of her Mexican heritage but also increasingly connected to her
American life. Her family lives in constant fear of being discovered by the authorities and sent
back to the poverty they left behind in Mexico. Can Tyler and Mari find a way to be friends?
30. Carlson L. M., ed. Cool Salsa: Bilingual Poems on Growing Up Latino in the United States. Square
Fish, 2013. [Grade level: 4-5]
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31. McCall, G. G. Summer of the Mariposas. Tu Books, 2012. [Grade level: 4-5; Lexile 840]
32. Ryan, M. P. The Dreamer / El soñador. Scholastic, 2010. [Grade level: 3-6]
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33. Petrillo, V. A kid’s Guide to Latino History: More than 50 Activities. Chicago Review Press, 2009.
[Grade level: 2-4]
34. Perex, A. I. My Diary from Here to There: Mi Diario de Aqui Hasta Alla. Children’s Book Press,
2002. [Grade level: 3-5]
35. Soto, G. The Skirt. Demco Media, 1994. [Grade level: 4-6]
36. Stavans, I. Wachale!: Poetry and Prose about Growing Up Latino in America. Cricket
Books/Marcaot, 2001. [Grade level: 3-6]
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and other subgroups. Geared toward ten- to thirteen-year-olds, this is a window to Latino
experiences north of the Rio Grande.
37. Tonatiuh, D. Funny Bones: Posada and His Day of the Dead Calaveras. Harry N. Abrams, 2015.
[Grade level: 2-5]
38. Tonatiah, D. Danza!: Amalia Hernández and El Ballet Folklórico de México. Harry N. Abrams,
2017. [Grade level: 1-6]
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over the country and soon all over the world, becoming an international sensation that still
tours today.
Grades 6-12
1. Ada, A. F. Under the Royal Palms: A Childhood in Cuba. New York: Antheneum Books for Young
Readers, 1998. [Grade level: 4-7]
2. Ada, F. A. Yes! We Are Latinos Wattertown, MA: Charlesbridge, 2016. [Grade level: 8-12]
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the reader to better understand the Latino people’s quest for identity. Each profile is followed
by nonfiction prose that further clarifies the character’s background and history, touching upon
important events in the history of the Latino American people, such as the Spanish Civil War,
immigration to the US, and the internment of Latinos with Japanese ancestry during World
War II.
3. Agosin, M. and L. White. I Lived on Butterfly Hill. New York: Atheum Books for Young Readers,
2015. [Grade level: 5-9 / Age 10-14]
4. Alvarez, Julia. Return to Sender. New York: Yearling, 2010. [Grade level: 3-7 / Age 8-12]
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6. Delacre, L. U.S. in Progress: Short Stories about Young Latinos. New York: HarpersCollins, 2017.
[Grade level: 3-7]
7. Diaz, A. The Only Road. New York. Simon & Schuster, 2016. [Grade level: 3-7]
8. Engle, M. Bravo! Poems about Amazing Hispanics. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 2017. [Grade
level: 3-7]
9. Engle, M. Silver people: Voices from the Panama Canal. New York: HMH Books for Young
Readers, 2016. [Grade level: 7-9]
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the story of one of the largest and most difficult engineering projects ever undertaken, as only
Newbery Honor-winning author Margarita Engle could tell it.
10. Grande, R. The Distance Between Us: A Memoir. New York: Washington Square Press, 2013.
[Grade level: 3-7 / Age 8-12]
11. Joseph, L. The Color of My Words. New York: HaperCollins, 2019. [Grade level: 3-7]
12. Soto, G. Jessie de La Cruz: Profile of a United Farm Worker. New York: Persea Books, 2001.
[Grade level: 6-9]
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it, with respect, empathy, and deep compassion for the working poor. A field worker from the
age of five, Jessie knew poverty, harsh working conditions, and the exploitation of Mexicans
and all poor people. Her response was to take a stand. She joined the fledgling United Farm
Workers union and, at Cesar Chavez's request, became its first woman recruiter. She also
participated in strikes, helped ban the crippling short-handle hoe, became a delegate to the
Democratic National Convention, testified before the Senate, and met with the Pope. Jessie's
life story personalizes an historical movement and shows teens how an ordinary woman
became extraordinary through her will to make change happen, not just for herself but for
others.
13. Weaver, L. Q. My Year in the Middle. Somerville, MA: Candlewick, 2018. [Grade level: 3-7]
14. Alsaid, A. North of Happy. New York: Harlequin Teen, 2017. [Grade level: YA]
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15. Andreu, M. E. The Secret Side of Empty. New York: Running Press Kids, 2015. [Grade level:
YA]
16. Canales, V. The Tequila Worm. New York: Wendy Lamb Books, 2017. [Grade level: YA]
17. Chambers, V. The Go Between. New York: Delacorte Press, 2017. [Grade level: 7-12]
18. Cofer, Judith Ortiz. The Line of the Sun. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1989. [Grade
level: YA]
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Finally, with the Spanglish of the barrio people ringing in her ears, she finds the poet within
herself. In lush prose and spare, evocative poetry, Pura Belpré Award-winner Judith Ortiz
Cofer weaves a powerful and emotionally satisfying novel, bursting with life and hope.
19. Engle, M. The Surrender Tree: Poems of Cuba’s Struggle for Freedom. New York: Square Fish, 2010.
[Grade level: YA]
20. Engle, M. The Poet Slave of Cuba: A Biography of Juan Francisco Manzano. New York: Square
Fish, 2011. [Grade Level: YA]
21. Grande, R. Across A Hundred Mountains. New York: Washington Square Post, 2007. [Grade
level: YA]
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22. Jaramillo, A. La Linea: A Novel. New York: Square Fish, 2006. [Grade level: YA]
Note: Readers will encounter frequent terms and phrases in Spanish, not always translated,
but whose meanings are usually discernible through context.
23. Jensen, K. Here we are: Feminism for the real world. Chapel Hill: Algonquin Young Readers,
2017. [Grade level: YA]
Note: Three essays in particular are from a Latino perspective: “Pretty Enough” by Alida
Nugent, “The ‘Nice Girl’ Feminist” by Ashley Hope Pérez, and “Many Stories, Many Roads”
by Daniel José Older.
24. Jimenez, J. Bloodline. Houston: Pinata Books Arte Publico Press, 2016. [Grade level: YA]
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and fight and destroy things because of the genes in his body? Is that what happened to his
father? All he knows is that his father is dead and his mother is gone. In Joe Jimenez’s striking
debut novel for teens, a young man struggles with his family’s refusal to talk about the violence
that has plagued it and what it means to become a man. Does a boy need a father to become
a good man?
25. Manzano, S. The Revolution of Evelyn Serrana. New York: Scholastic Press. 2014. [Grade level:
YA]
26. Martinez, E. 500 Years of Chicana Women’s History. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
2008. [Grade level: YA]
27. McCall, G. G. All the Stars Denied. New York. Lee & Low Books, 2018. [Grade level: YA]
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In the heart of the Great Depression, Rancho Las Moras, like everywhere else in Texas, is
gripped by the drought of the Dust Bowl, and resentment is building among white farmers
against Mexican Americans. All around town, signs go up proclaiming “No Dogs or
Mexicans” and “No Mexicans Allowed.” When Estrella organizes a protest against the
treatment of tejanos in their town of Monteseco, Texas, her whole family becomes a target of
“repatriation” efforts to send Mexicans “back to Mexico”—whether they were ever Mexican
citizens or not. Dumped across the border and separated from half her family, Estrella must
figure out a way to survive and care for her mother and baby brother. How can she reunite
with her father and grandparents and convince her country of birth that she deserves to return
home? There are no easy answers in the first YA book to tackle this hidden history.
28. Nazario, S. Enrique’s Journey: The Story of a Boy’s Dangerous Odyssey to Reunite with his Mother.
New York: Random House Trade Paperbacks, 2007. [Grade level: YA]
29. Roman, M. J., ed. Afro-Latin Reader: History & Culture in the United States. Durham: Duke
University Press Books, 2010. [Grade level: YA]
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and dance genres from salsa to mambo, and from boogaloo to hip hop. Taken together, these
and many more selections help to bring Afro-Latin@s in the United States into critical view.
30. Weaver, L. Q. Darkroom: A Memoir in Black and White. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama
Press, 2012. [Grade level: YA]
This website has been developed to support prospective applicants and grant recipients of Latino
Americans: 500 Years of History, produced by the National Endowment for the Humanities and
the American Library Association. Latino Americans: 500 Years of History is part of an NEH
initiative, The Common Good: Humanities in the Public Square, and features the PBS
documentary series Latino Americans, a production of WETA Washington, DC; Bosch and Co.,
Inc.; and Latino Public Broadcasting (LPB). We invite you to learn more about the national
advisory group involved in this effort and the resources developed to support organizations that
received a grant. Inquiries about Latino Americans: 500 Years of History may be directed to the
ALA Public Programs Office. The following resources are linked from the Latino Americans
“Resources” page.
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The Latina/o Diaspora in the Americas Project, newly founded in 2014, is a growing archive
of 100+ oral histories dedicated to creating space for Latina/os to share their historical
experiences related to identity, immigration reform, labor conditions, education, and civil
rights. The site includes tutorials for beginning a new project, deeds of gift examples, and other
tools for implementing oral history projects.
The Oral History Association (OHA), established in 1966, seeks to bring together all persons
interested in oral history as a way of collecting and interpreting human memories to foster
knowledge and human dignity. OHA encourages standards of excellence in the collection,
preservation, dissemination and uses of oral testimony. To guide and advise those concerned
with oral documentation, the OHA has established guiding “Principles and Practices,” a set
of goals, guidelines, and evaluation standards for oral history interviews.
Created by the Louie B. Nunn Center for Oral History at the University of Kentucky Libraries,
the Oral History Metadata Synchronizer (OHMS) inexpensively and efficiently enhances
access to oral history online. It is a free, open source, web-based application designed to
improve the user experience you provide for oral history, no matter what CMS or repository
you use. OHMS provides users word-level search capability and a time-correlated transcript
or indexed interview connecting the textual search term to the corresponding moment in the
recorded interview online.
The Veterans History Project of the American Folklife Center collects, preserves, and makes
accessible the personal accounts of American war veterans so that future generations may hear
directly from veterans and better understand the realities of war. Stories can be told through
personal narratives, correspondence, and visual materials. More information about the
collection and how to participate (http://www.loc.gov/vets/kit.html) is available on the
project website.
1. Bridging Historias through Latino History and Culture: An NEH Bridging Cultures at
Community Colleges Project http://bridginghistorias.gc.cuny.edu/
Funded by the NEH, Bridging Historias addresses the increasingly influential body of
scholarship on the importance of Latino/a culture in American history that remains under-
represented in most college history textbooks and teaching collections. The website contains
the research and teaching materials used by 42 community college faculty and administrators
in the greater New York City region, including scholarly talks and teaching presentations by
visiting lecturers. The website is designed to provide scholarly resources for incorporating
Latino history and culture into the humanities classroom, and for the general public.
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Latino Americans is a landmark six-hour documentary featuring interviews with nearly 100 Latinos
and more than 500 years of History. It is a production of WETA Washington, DC; Bosch and
Co., Inc.; and Latino Public Broadcasting (LPB); in association with Independent Television
Service (ITVS). The Latino Americans website offers:
Videos of the full series as well as clips that highlight areas of interest
http://www.pbs.org/latino-americans/en/watch-videos/
The Latino Intersections Resource Center, a part of the Latino Journal Intersections website,
is affiliated with the Department of Spanish and Portuguese, and the Latin American, Latino
& Caribbean Studies Program at Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire. It receives
funding and support from the Dartmouth College Library System. The Resource Center's
mission is to create a gateway to resources that facilitate access to Internet-based information
to, from, or about the Latino community in the United States.
The National Park Service American Latino Heritage projects explore how the legacy of
American Latinos can be recognized, preserved, and interpreted for future generations. This
website highlights projects undertaken by National Park Service parks and programs as part
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of the Service’s commitment to telling the American Latino story. Projects vary from increased
interpretation, collaboration with community organizations, and the production of scholarly
documentation.
This website is a partnership between the City of Fort Worth Human Relations Commission and
faculty and students at TCU, with support from the National Endowment for the Humanities and
the American Library Association's Latino Americans: 500 Years of History public programming
initiative. The City of Fort Worth was one of 203 grant recipients selected from across the country
to host public film screenings, discussion groups, oral history initiatives, local history exhibitions,
multi-media projects, and performances about Latino history and culture.
Two parts of the larger grant project are featured on this site. First, Viva Mi Historia! - The Story of
Fort Worth Latino Families was coordinated by the Civil Rights in Black and Brown Oral History
Project (CRBB) housed at TCU. Under the direction of Dr. Max Krochmal, a team of graduate
students conducted over forty new interviews with local Latinos during two oral history collection
days in September and October, 2015. This Latino Fort Worth site was created by CRBB research
assistant Moisés Acuña-Gurrola, now a Ph.D. student in History at TCU. Gurrola also curated
and wrote the six multimedia essays listed on the “Interview Themes” pages: Migration, the
Barrios, Schools & Churches, Activism & Public Service, Work & Entrepreneurship, and Arts &
Culture (hover over “Theme,” then click the theme title using the drop-down menu). Finally, Dr.
Santiago Piñón of the TCU Department of Religion coordinated Mujeres Poderosas, a series of
interviews with strong Latinas in Fort Worth.
On September 26 and October 17, 2015, a team of researchers with the Civil Rights in Black
and Brown Oral History Project (https://crbb.tcu.edu/) at TCU interviewed dozens of Fort
Worth residents at a pair of events sponsored by the City of Fort Worth Human Relations
Unit. The result is Viva Mi Historia!: The Story of Fort Worth Latino Families. The purpose of
the project was to collect and curate an inclusive history of Latino Fort Worth told from the
perspective of the residents who lived it. Under the direction of Dr. Max Krochmal of TCU,
the interviewers—graduate students from surrounding institutions—captured memoirs and
testimonies from forty-three veterans of foreign wars, activists, retired professionals, social
workers, laborers, school administrators, business owners, and educators. Each of the
interviewees shared personal stories that spanned from recollections of the Great Depression
and World War II to the Civil Rights movement and Reagan revolution. They told family
tales of immigration from the first massive wave sparked by the Mexican Revolution in 1910
to the most recent stimulated by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in the
1990s.
The purpose of the study is to investigate the role of religion in helping Latinas in Fort Worth
and surrounding communities overcome a variety of obstacles to achieve success as
professional women. The Latina/o community has often been marginalized by the wider
dominant community consisting of both ethnicity and gender dominance. Women have often
been the most vulnerable. Yet, in the midst of great obstacles and difficulties Latinas have been
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able to overcome their struggles and rise to become strong role models for younger generations
of Latinas, other younger ladies, and the community as a whole. In their attempt to overcome
such complication many have turned to religion as a source of inspiration and strength. To be
sure, not all have found religion to be as supportive as they needed. This project seeks to
highlight the role of religion in the lives of successful Latinas. Mujeres Poderosas is directed by
Dr. Santiago Piñón, Jr., Texas Christian University.
Research by Danyelle Greene, Adrian College student and Idali Feliciano, Director of Multicultural
Programs, Sept. 2011. Permission is granted to use this resource.
Cultural Aspects
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The Association of Hispanic Advertising Agencies aims to grow, strengthen and protect the
Hispanic marketing and advertising industry by providing leadership in raising awareness of
the value of the Hispanic market opportunities and enhancing the professionalism of the
industry.
The Association of Latino Professionals for America’s mission is to empower and develop
Latino men and women as leaders of character for the nation, in every sector of the global
economy.
The Committee for Hispanic Families and Children aims to improve the quality of life for
Hispanic children and families. CHFC has developed and implemented programs that meet
the needs of low-income Hispanic families and children in such critical areas as youth
development, child care, HIV/AIDS prevention and education, immigrant services, public
policy and advocacy.
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The mission of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus Institute is to develop the next generation
of Hispanic leaders. Its vision is an educated and civically active Hispanic community that
participates at the local, state and federal policy decision-making levels. CHCI seeks to
accomplish its mission by offering educational and leadership development programs, services
and activities that promote the growth of participants as effective professionals and strong
leaders. In the spirit of building coalitions, CHCI seeks to establish partnerships with other
Hispanic and non-Hispanic organizations.
The Hispanic National Bar Association is the incorporated, nonprofit, national association of
Hispanic attorneys, judges, law professors and law students committed to promoting the goals
and objectives of the association. The HNBA has been the principal force behind the increased
representation of Hispanics in all sectors of the legal profession, and has served as the legal
voice for Hispanics for more than 20 years.
The Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund is a national nonprofit
organization with the principal objective of protecting and promoting the civil rights of U.S.
Latinos through litigation, advocacy, educational outreach and the awarding of law
scholarships.
The National Association for Hispanic Elderly was founded to inform policy makers and the
general public about the status and needs of elderly Hispanics and other low-income elderly.
The organization provides direct social services and training and technical assistance to
community groups and professionals in the field of aging. It also produces and distributes
bilingual information on the Hispanic elderly.
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organize and provide mutual support for Hispanics involved in the gathering or dissemination
of news, encourage and support the study and practice of journalism and communications by
Hispanics, foster and promote the fair treatment of Hispanics by the media, further the
employment and career development of Hispanics in the media and foster a greater
understanding of Hispanic media professionals’ special cultural identity, interests and
concerns.
The National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials empowers Hispanics to
participate fully in the American political process, from citizenship to public service. NALEO
carries out this mission by developing and implementing programs that promote the
integration of Hispanic immigrants into American society, developing future leaders among
Hispanic youth, providing assistance and training to the nation’s Hispanic elected and
appointed officials and by conducting research on issues important to the Hispanic population.
The National Council of La Raza. the country’s largest national constituency-based Hispanic
organization, was established to reduce poverty and discrimination and improve life
opportunities for Hispanic Americans.
The mission of the National Hispanic Corporate Council is to provide its member corporations
with the resources, market intelligence, collective expertise, education and counsel to
implement proven strategies for reaching the Hispanic community externally and leveraging
Hispanic talent internally.
The National Hispanic Council on Aging addresses issues of health disparities, economic
security, abuse and victimization of the elderly and their families and builds affordable housing
for the elderly.
The National Hispanic Institute targets top Hispanics in high school and college and conducts
creative leadership training to develop students’ self-marketing, networking, college planning
and organizational development skills.
The mission of the National Hispanic Medical Association is to improve the health of
Hispanics and other underserved populations. As a rapidly growing national resource based
in the nation’s capital, NHMA provides policymakers and health care providers with expert
information and support in strengthening health service delivery to Hispanic communities
across the nation. This organization represents 36,000 licensed Hispanic physicians in the
United States.
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The National Institute for Latino Policy (NiLP) (formerly the Institute for Puerto Rican
Policy) is a nonprofit and nonpartisan policy center established in 1982. One of the leading
think tanks in the Latino community utilizing an action research model, NiLP is involved in
a wide range of policy issues affecting the Latino community.
Prospanica has hosted annual career and professional development conferences, connecting
thousands of Hispanics to graduate programs, subject matter experts, corporations, and each
other. Prospanica has given over $8 million in scholarships for graduate education.
The Society of Hispanic Professional Engineers (SHPE), founded in Los Angeles, California,
in 1974 by a group of engineers employed by the city of Los Angeles, was formed as a national
organization of professional engineers to serve as role models in the Hispanic community.
Today, SHPE enjoys a strong but independent network of professional and student chapters
throughout the nation.
The Tomas Rivera Policy Institute was founded as an independent, nonprofit research
organization to foster sound public policies and programs relevant to the Hispanic community.
The United States Hispanic Chamber of Commerce is dedicated to bringing the issues and
concerns of the nation’s more than 2 million Hispanic-owned businesses to the forefront of the
national economic agenda. Throughout its nearly 25-year history, the USHCC has enjoyed
outstanding working relationships with international heads of state, members of Congress and
the current White House administration. Through its network of more than 150 local Hispanic
Chambers of Commerce and Hispanic business organizations, the organization effectively
communicates the needs and potential of the Hispanic enterprise to the public and private
sector.
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A list of community organizations in the Fort Worth area that can serve as
field trip partners or in-class-speakers for Latina/o Studies-related themes.
LGBTQ SAVES
Mission Statement: LGBTQ S.A.V.E.S. fosters the well-being of LGBTQ youth and allies. Provides safe
spaces for social and personal development; promotes supportive learning environments and
offers resources to youth and their families.
Multicultural Alliance
Based in Fort Worth, Texas, the Multicultural Alliance® promotes inclusive communities, working toward
the elimination of bias, bigotry, and oppression and encouraging understanding and equity through
shared experiences and educational programming.
Latino Hustle
https://www.facebook.com/LatinoHustle/
A Fort Worth based Latinx artists collective dedicated to help bring awareness to local Latinx artists,
vendors, merchants, hosts and more in Fort Worth.
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Con Mi Madre
https://www.facebook.com/ConMiMADREFortWorth/
A two-generation organization that empowers young Latinas and their mothers through education and
support services that increase preparedness, participation, and success in post-secondary education.
Service areas may be limited to specific schools.
Girls, Inc.
http://girlsinctarrant.org/
An organization dedicated to providing programs, opportunities, and advocacy promoting equity for girls.
Blackhouse
http://www.fwblackhouse.com/info
Blackhouse is a pioneer and purveyor of the growth and advancement of Fort Worth’s creative scene. The
vision of the founders was to create a creative space for artists, musicians, creators and entrepreneurs to
gain exposure, network and collaborate. The house was built in 1915, and officially became ‘Blackhouse’
in 2016. Since then Blackhouse has worked towards affecting cultural change throughout the city.
State-wide Organizations
Mexican American Studies Texas K-12 Coalition
https://mastxeducation.com/
A website dedicated to the advancement and implementation of Mexican American Studies courses and
content in K-12 Public Education throughout the State of Texas.
RAICES Texas
https://www.raicestexas.org/
RAICES is a 501(C)(3) nonprofit agency that promotes justice by providing free and low -cost legal services
to underserved immigrant children, families, and refugees in Texas.
Jolt Texas
https://www.jolttx.org/en/
Jolt is a Texas-based multi-issue organization that builds the political power and influence of Latinos in
our democracy
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Field Trips
1. All Saints Catholic Church, 214 NW 20th St, Fort Worth, TX 76164
The religious heart of Latino Fort Worth, overseen for decades by popular parish vicar Fr.
Stephen Jasso.
A Latino-owned creative event space, the Blackhouse is a pioneer and purveyor of the growth
and advancement of Fort Worth’s creative scene. The house itself was built in 1915, and
officially became ‘Blackhouse’ in 2016. Since then Blackhouse has worked towards affecting
cultural change throughout the city.
3. Convivio: Mural of Community and Inclusion, at Franko’s Market, 2622 Azle Ave, Fort Worth, TX
76106 https://comunidad27.wordpress.com/beautification/
4. La Gran Plaza de Fort Worth, 4200 South Fwy #2500, Fort Worth, TX 76115
A Hispanic-themed shopping mall in Fort Worth, Texas. Opened in 1962 as Seminary South
and later known as Fort Worth Town Center, it was reinvented as a center catering to largely
Hispanic clientele after losing most of its major stores. The Mercado includes hair salons, real
estate services, sign/print shops, clothing/apparel, embroidery/tailors, health products, candy
stores, party supplies and many other services. You will find unique weekly entertainment and
special events every month. Take time to check out the original artwork from local artists
posted in key spots in the mall. Tour brochures are available in the mall office, Suite 2500.
5. Manuel Jara Elementary School, 2100 Lincoln Ave, Fort Worth, TX 76164
A FWISD campus named for a local World War II veteran and Mexican American generation
civil rights activist.
Latino arts center with a 300-seat theater, an art gallery, sculpture gardens & event spaces.
Rotating exhibits at times include local Mexican American history.
A FWISD school serving the North Side since 1910, it was recently renamed for World War
II veteran and activist Mendoza, who also led efforts to open up educational opportunities for
Latinos within the school district.
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Historic city park in Dallas’s Little Mexico neighborhood, featuring a Spanish style recreation
center & iron gazebo. Recently the site of demonstrations commemorating the police killing
of 12-year old Santos Rodriguez, and the city is considering renaming the park in his honor.
9. “La Pulga” (Henderson Bazar), 1000 N Henderson St., Fort Worth, TX 76107
10. Rose Marine Theater, 1440 N Main St, Fort Worth, TX 76164
Built in the 1920s, this venue hosts Hispanic performances of music, theater & dance, plus
films. Managed by Artes de la Rosa, http://www.artesdelarosa.org/
11. St. Patrick Cathedral, 1206 Throckmorton St, Fort Worth, TX 76102
Converted from an 1888 parish church, this beautiful cathedral downtown hosts regular
Catholic church services.
12. Jesse Sandoval Park, 301 Wimberly St, Fort Worth, TX 76107
13. United Hispanic Council of Tarrant County, 2744 Hemphill St, Fort Worth, TX 76110
A leading organization advocating for civic and political engagement on the Southside and for
Latino political representation in local governments.
14. Unity Park - Parque Unidad, 4000 Townsend Dr, Fort Worth, TX 76110
Formerly Jefferson Davis Park, the City of Fort Worth renamed this green space, playground,
and pavilion in the Rosemont neighborhood after local residents protested its fictive
connection to the Confederacy in 2017.
15. Vaquero de Fort Worth Statue, 1406 N. Main St, Fort Worth TX 76164
City-commissioned bronze statue highlighting the original Mexicano cowboy culture and its
contributions to Fort Worth.
Texas State
1. Bazán and Longoria Murders Historical Marker, Hidalgo County, Atlas Number 5507018584
Commemorates the 1915 murders by the Texas Rangers of two prominent Tejano leaders and
landowners during a period of state-sanctioned violence against Mexicans and Mexican
Americans in South Texas. The marker was proposed and advocated by scholars in the
nonprofit organization, Refusing to Forget, http://refusingtoforget.org.
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2. Chicano Studies Program, University of Texas, El Paso, Graham Hall, Room104, 500 West
University Ave, El Paso 79968
Founded in 1970, this is the state’s first Mexican American Studies program and the only one
named “Chicano Studies.” It also offers the only online BA in the field.
3. Crystal City Library and City Hall, Juan Cornejo Dr, Crystal City
Hometown of renowned activist José Angel Gutiérrez, the “first Chicano revolt” of 1963, and
later el Partido de La Raza Unida (or Raza Unida Party), the library and city hall grounds
stand as a testament to the nation’s most successful example of Chicano movement self-
determination. Local activists in this small agricultural town organized a series of political
campaigns in which they took over the reins of local governments and sought to create a
culturally-conscious alternative to mainstream “gringo” society. Decades later, few remnants
remain, but city leaders claim that their culturally-relevant educational institutions and ethos
of self- and community-pride has resulted in the highest per capita rate of Chicano Ph.D.s in
the nation.
5. Dr. Hector P. Garcia Statue and Archives, Mary Bell Library, Texas A&M University, Corpus
Christi
A bronze statue and the personal papers of Dr. Garcia, the founder of the American G. I.
Forum and his generation’s most recognized civil rights activist.
The city’s oldest Latino cultural center in the heart of the Westside, it historic auditorium hosts
music, film, theatrical performances, and more. Its complex also housed the original offices of
the influential Southwest Voter Education Registration Project.
7. Felix Longoria Historical Marker, City Hall, 105 N Harborth Ave, Three Rivers, TX 78071;
Atlas Number 5507016279
Marker telling the story of Pfc. Felix Longoria, a Mexican American native of Three Rivers
in Live Oak County southeast of San Antonio. Longoria was killed while stationed in the
Philippines after World War II. His remains were returned to a local funeral home in late
1947, but the Anglo owners refused to receive it. News of the incident made it to Dr. Hector
P. Garcia of Corpus Christi, who publicized it and ultimately succeeded in getting the junior
U.S. Senator from Texas, Lyndon B. Johnson to intervene. Johnson arranged to have
Longoria interred at Arlington National Cemetery in Washington, D.C., and the case made
Dr. Garcia well-known and helped give birth to the American G. I. Forum. The marker was
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previously located in front of the funeral home, but it was struck by a vehicle, and the
property’s current owners—who disavow its history—refused to allow its restoration on site.
A community union founded by Cesar E. Chavez and Dolores Huerta, it resides in the old
Texas headquarters of the United Farm Workers, which came to the Rio Grande Valley in
1966. A marker onsite commemorates the strike and a march to Austin that took place that
year. LUPE continues to organize and provide services for immigrants and residents of the
region’s many unincorporated colonias. The group also hosts alternative spring breaks and
other school-based service and educational trips.
Center featuring exhibits, events & programs that explore Mexican American cultural arts &
heritage.
10. Felix H. Morales Funeral Home, 2901 Canal St, Houston, TX 77003
Early Latino-owned business in the heart of the Segundo Barrio (Second Ward), an early
center of Mexican American life in Houston. The home was used for meetings of the Civic
Action Committee and other early civil rights organizations.
A community-based museum celebrating the Segundo Barrio of El Paso, the “Ellis Island of
the West” through which millions of Mexicans passed while immigrating to the United States
between the 1880s and the 1930s.
12. Our Lady of Guadalupe Church, 2405 Navigation Blvd, Houston, TX 77003
First Latino-serving Catholic parish in Houston and home to many community gatherings in
the Segundo Barrio.
A plaque commemorating the life of Emma Tenayuca (Brooks), a teenaged civil rights, union,
and political organizer in the 1930s. A state leader in the Communist Party USA and head of
the local Workers Alliance of America, Tenayuca co-authored a position paper, “The Mexican
Question in the Southwest,” which connected the civil rights of Mexican Americans to the
class struggle. She is best known as an orator and leader of the great pecan shellers uprising of
1938, in which at least 10,000 mexicano workers struck the seasonal industry across the
Westside—and won a union contract. Milam Park was later the site of the Westside’s first ever
presidential campaign rally, for Democratic candidate Adlai Stevenson, who came at the
invitation of the Loyal American Democrats, a Mexican American club, in 1952.
National
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An anti-imperialist mural by David Alfaro Siqueiros, one of los tres grandes (the three greats)
muralists of the Mexican Revolution. Siqueiros completed the mural in 1934 under a
commission from local elites, but the subject matter proved too controversial, and the mural
was whitewashed and erased. Decades later, the white paint peeled off, revealing the original
mural underneath. It has now been sealed and preserved, with both the Siqueiros mural and
fading whitewash still intact. An on-site museum tells the story.
The most extensive and impressive example of East LA’s community-based Chicano/a mural
movement of the 1970s and 1980s, it stretches nearly a mile
Formerly Whittier Park, this was the site of an all-day festival and rally led by the Chicano
Moratorium Against the Vietnam War Committee in 1971. The demonstration remained
peaceful until Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department deputies stormed the crowd, beating
participants of all ages. After the melee, another deputy fired a tear gas canister into the nearby
Silver Dollar Bar, and the missile struck and killed Ruben Salazar, the nation’s leading
Mexican American journalist for a mainstream newspaper. The park was renamed to honor
his martyrdom.
The mythic birthplace of modern Ethnic Studies after a multiracial alliance of students went
on strike in 1968 to protest their marginalization on campus. Backed by activists in the
community, the students forced the administration to create the Department of Raza Studies
and an entire College of Ethnic Studies.
9. Museo del Barrio, 1230 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10029, 212.831.7272
https://www.elmuseo.org/
New York’s leading Latino cultural institution, welcomes visitors of all backgrounds to
discover the artistic landscape of Latino, Caribbean, and Latin American cultures. Their
richness is represented in El Museo’s wide-ranging collections and exhibitions, complemented
by film, literary, visual and performing arts series, cultural celebrations, and educational
programs.
10. Nuyorican Poets Café, 236 East 3rd St. New York, NY 10009 (212) 780-9386
https://www.nuyorican.org/
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Founded in 1973, the Nuyorican Poets Cafe began as a living room salon in the East Village
apartment of writer and poet Miguel Algarin along with other playwrights, poets, and
musicians of color whose work was not accepted by the mainstream academic, entertainment
or publishing industries. By 1975, the performance poetry scene had started to become a vital
element of urban Latino and African-American culture marked by the release of a “Nuyorican
Poetry” anthology, and Miguel Piñero’s “Short Eyes,” which was a hit on Broadway. By 1981,
the overflow of audience and artists led the Cafe to purchase a former tenement building at
236 East 3rd Street, and to expand its activities and programs from the original space on East
6th Street.
Over the past several decades, the Cafe has emerged as one of the country’s most highly
respected arts organizations. Our programming includes poetry slams, open mics, Latin Jazz
and Hip-Hop concerts, theatrical performances, educational programs, and visual art exhibits.
Our weekly poetry slams draw thousands of spectators each year and have popularized
competitive performance poetry. Our educational programs (which are funded in part by the
city and state of New York and the NEA) provide literacy and public speaking to thousands
of students and many school groups each year. Our theater program has been awarded over
30 Audelco Awards and was honored with an OBIE Grant for Excellence in Theater.
The first chamber office was located downtown in the Sinclair Building and the first meetings
were held at various area restaurants. However, by 1982 interest in the organization grew
enough to support a full suite of offices in the historic Stockyards section of the city. The
Articles of Incorporation were amended November 25, 1985 and the name was changed to
the Fort Worth Hispanic Chamber of Commerce. Since our founding, the Fort Worth
Hispanic Chamber of Commerce has grown from the initial 30 members to hundreds of
businesses and professional leaders. Today the FWHCC is a dynamic force, promoting
international trade, education, opportunity and economic mobility for all and the continuous
development of its members. The chamber particularly strives to serve its members through
business and professional seminars, workshops, networking opportunities and business
procurement assistance through its Economic Development Programs. The chamber also
works to give back to our community through the FWHCC Scholarship fund created in 1991.
Since then, it has provided over a million dollars in scholarship awards. The FWHCC is proud
to serve the business interests of the Metroplex community and will strive to seek opportunity
for its membership and achieve economic benefit for all.
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University of Texas at Austin student who was about to graduate and pursue medical
school to become a pediatrician when she was tragically killed in a car accident in 1988.
The HSF Scholarship is designed to assist students of Hispanic heritage obtain a university
degree. Scholarships are available, on a competitive basis, to: high school seniors;
undergraduate students (all years); community college students transferring to four year
universities; and graduate students. Awards are based on merit; amounts range from $500 to
$5,000, based on relative need, among the Scholars selected. Eligibility requirements: Must be
of Hispanic heritage; minimum of 3.0 GPA on a 4.0 scale (or equivalent) for high school
students; minimum of 2.5 GPA on a 4.0 scale (or equivalent) for undergraduate and graduate
students; plan to enroll full-time in an accredited, not-for-profit, four-year university, or
graduate school, during the fall of a scholarship cycle (year); U.S. citizen, Permanent Legal
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Resident, DACA or Eligible Non-Citizen (as defined by FAFSA); complete FAFSA or state
based financial aid application (if applicable).
A Fort Worth-based Latinx artists collective dedicated to help bring awareness to local Latinx
artists, vendors, merchants, hosts, and more in Fort Worth. Latino Hustle was created in the
winter of 2016 by local artist Jessika Guillén to bring awareness to local Latinx artists in the
DFW area. Latino Hustle’s mission: Create supportive and welcoming spaces for local
Latinx’s artists to showcase their work in all forms of artistic media. Events are listed at the
URL above.
Student Financial Aid Services Office (SFAS) makes available various other Financial Aid
Programs/Scholarships upon completion of your FAFSA/TASFA application. For more
information on any of the following programs, contact your campus Student Financial Aid
Services. Applications for TCC Foundation Scholarships (https://tccd.academicworks.com/)
are due in November.
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United Way of Tarrant County has worked to improve the lives of those in our communities
since 1922. As a nonprofit leader, we bring together individuals, groups, donors and service
providers to help solve some of the toughest social issues affecting Tarrant County. Each year,
United Way of Tarrant County helps more than 300,000 people through its resources. United
Way of Tarrant County has no fees on donor designations, with 100 percent of the donation
going to the selected agency or cause. United Way of Tarrant county partners with dozens of
local non-profit organizations serving a wide range of communities.
The following scholarships are specifically either for Latino/a students or for first-generation, low income, and
underrepresented students.
8. MALDEF Scholarships
https://www.maldef.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/2019-
2020_MALDEF_Scholarship_Resource_Guide.pdf
All program participants who go to UT-Arlington are eligible for up to $1500 per year in
addition to their financial aid package. The program application is available through local high
school TRiO/Upward Bound adviser. Students will need to also submit a scholarship
application during the second semester of their senior year.
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The following online resources are intended to provide teachers and curriculum designers with ideas,
material, and pedagogical tactics for strategizing ways to incorporate exercises and activities beyond
the classroom relating to Hispanic Heritage Month, September 15th-October 15th.
Scholastic, Inc.
https://www.scholastic.com/teachers/articles/teaching-content/24-great-ideas-hispanic-heritage-
month/
1. Read, Review, and Recommend: Partner with a local library to create a display of Hispanic
heritage-themed books. Have each student select a book and write a short review to be displayed
at the library.
2. A Day in the Life of Our Class: Share your classroom culture by creating a web page filled with
photos and captions.
3. Plant a Memory Forest: Plant a tree in your community for each Hispanic hero your class
selects. Tag each tree with a mini biography highlighting that hero's contributions.
4. Ecudorian Migajon Miniatures: Students can create tiny animals, flowers, and people just like
artisans in Ecuador do. To make the dough, each student will knead one slice of white bread, crust
removed, with one tablespoon of white glue. The dough will be quite sticky at first but will become
manageable with kneading. Mold the dough into tiny shapes and allow to air-dry overnight.
Decorate with acrylic paint and display!
5. Ponce Carnival Masks: Bring the vivid colors of Puerto Rican Carnival to your classroom with
traditional papier-mâché masks of red, yellow, and black. Begin with one large paper plate for
each student. Thinking of the plate as the face of a clock, cut 2-inch slits at 2 o’clock, 6 o’clock,
and 10 o’clock. Overlap the edges of the slits and affix with tape to make the mask 3-D. Cut two
holes for eyes. Add horns to the mask by rolling small sheets of poster board into cones and
attaching them with tape. Using a thin paste of water and flour and strips of newspaper, cover the
mask with 3-4 layers of papier-mâché. Once the mask is dry, bring it to life with brightly colored
paint and traditional patterns of dots. Then take your masks on parade!
6. Papeles Picados: Add a festive touch to the classroom with traditional Mexican punched papers
called papeles picados. Fold thin construction paper in a variety of colors into quarters, eighths, cone
style, or fan style to achieve a variety of looks. Use scissors and hole punches to create a perforated
pattern. Hang the completed papers along a string using tape.
7. Zapotec Rug Paintings: When there’s not enough time to weave, recreate these beautiful
geometric rugs from Mexico using paint. Begin with a sheet of poster board for each student. Using
rulers and pencils, draw zigzag, stair-step, and straight lines across the poster board. Incorporate
angular shapes such as diamonds and triangles. Once the pencil layout is complete, use poster
paints or markers to fill in the design.
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8. Grow a Heritage Garden: Plant staple crops common in many Spanish-speaking countries, such
as corn, beans, squash, and peppers. Have students keep a log tracking the growth of the various
plants. Extend the project by researching staple foods of other regions.
9. The Air We Share: Monitor the daily air-quality index for your city (available at AirNow,
https://www.airnow.gov/). Have students study the results and look for trends. What are small
actions we can take to help improve air quality for everyone on the planet?
10. Try Your Luck: Play a simple Mexican game called Toma Todo. Create six-sided tops and have
students spin them to see if they have to take or contribute chips into the pot. Whoever scores the
most chips wins! (https://www.spanishplayground.net/traditional-game-top-printable/).
11. Adopt a City: Select a world city to “adopt,” such as your city’s international sister city
(http://www.sister-cities.org/). Display photos of people and places, as well as a clock set to the
local time. Have students report on local news events.
12. My Home Country: Celebrate diversity in your classroom by inviting ELL students to share
photos of their hometowns, important cultural items, and basic phrases in their native language.
13. What’s Your Heritage?: Ask students to investigate their own heritage and report back to the
class on the origins of their ancestors. Graph the results and discuss how the class reflects, or differs
from, city, state, and national demographic statistics. For current census data, visit the United
States Census Bureau (https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/decennial-
census/decade.2010.html).
14. Aztec Math: Spice up a math review activity by replacing the Arabic numerals with Aztec
numbers.
15. International Outfits: Do you know how far your clothes traveled before they even reached
the store where you bought them? Have students inventory the items they are wearing and the
country of origin for each item. What is the total number of miles for each student? For the entire
class?
16. My Spanish Dictionary: Have the class create a lively illustrated dictionary of Spanish words,
complete with visual or verbal memory tricks for remembering words’ meanings.
17. Label Maker: Give pairs of students a pad of sticky notes and a Spanish-English dictionary.
Play festive music while students label everything in the classroom with a bilingual label. When
the music stops, have students take a tour of the room and practice the new words.
18. World Alphabet Collection: Gather newspaper clippings or online printouts showcasing scripts
from other languages. Create a special bulletin board celebrating the myriad of ways people write.
An excellent resource is Omniglot (http://www.omniglot.com/).
19. Play Color, Colorcito: In this traditional Spanish street game, the child who is “It” says “color,
colorato” (color, little color) and then the name of a color. Everyone must run to touch something
that color in order to be “safe.” If the person who’s “It” tags a player, he or she becomes the new
“It” and play continues.
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20. Move to the Beat: Reenergize students between activities with a Latin dance party. Play
selections of tango, merengue, folk music, or Tex-Mex and ask students to feel the differences in
the beat as they move their bodies.
21. Can You Read Mayan? Introduce students to the ancient Mayan alphabet and ask each student
to write his or her name in Mayan glyphs on a sheet of paper. Collect all the sheets, then give each
student a sheet to decode.
22. Write Your Own Folktale: Read one of the many traditional folktales from Spanish-speaking
countries and then write new stories based on the traditions of these tales.
23. Our Heritage Album: Compile a class album of significant Hispanic Americans throughout
history featuring lots of drawings, invented memorabilia, and simulated newspaper clippings. You
can always help yourself and browse the Smithsonian’s Hispanic Heritage Teaching Resources
(https://learninglab.si.edu/search?st=hispanic+heritage&item_type=collections&st_op=and) or
take your kids to the virtual Smithsonian’s Latino Center’s Kid’s Corner for inspiration for your
album (http://latino.si.edu/KidsCorner/index.html).
24. Musical Stories: Give students the beginning paragraph of a traditional folktale, and then play
a selection of Spanish music to inspire them to write the end of the story. Is the music sad or
happy? On what kind of occasion would this music be played?
Celebration
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Cultural Interest
Research Information
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A Library of Congress online exhibit exploring the European discovery and colonization of the
Americas
Hispanic Organizations
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