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The Suppression of Filipino Nationalism and The Filipinization of The Government

This document contains the text of the Sedition Law of 1901 passed by the Americans in the Philippines. The law defined various crimes against the state such as treason, insurrection, sedition, and conspiracies. It outlawed advocating for Philippine independence and banned secret political societies. People could be imprisoned or fined for actions like uttering seditious words or writings that criticized the government or encouraged unlawful assemblies. The law aimed to suppress nationalist sentiments and control political opposition using harsh punishments.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
225 views87 pages

The Suppression of Filipino Nationalism and The Filipinization of The Government

This document contains the text of the Sedition Law of 1901 passed by the Americans in the Philippines. The law defined various crimes against the state such as treason, insurrection, sedition, and conspiracies. It outlawed advocating for Philippine independence and banned secret political societies. People could be imprisoned or fined for actions like uttering seditious words or writings that criticized the government or encouraged unlawful assemblies. The law aimed to suppress nationalist sentiments and control political opposition using harsh punishments.

Uploaded by

Thea Gratil
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as DOCX, PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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Chapter 11 - The Suppression of Filipino Nationalism and the Filipinization of

the Government

By the end of this chapter, students should be able to:


1. Identify and explain the different legislations passed by the Americans in the Philippines to
suppress nationalist sentiments using the primary sources

Sedition Law of 1901; Act 292; 04 November 1901


AN ACT DEFINING THE CRIMES OF TREASON, INSURRECTION, SEDITION,
CONSPIRACIES TO COMMIT SUCH CRIMES, SEDITIOUS UTTERANCES,
WHETHER WRITTEN OR SPOKEN, THE FORMATION OF SECRET POLITICAL
SOCIETIES, THE ADMINISTERING OR TAKING OF OATHS TO COMMIT CRIMES,
OR TO PREVENT THE DISCOVERING OF THE SAME, AND THE VIOLATION OF
OATHS OF ALLEGIANCE, AND PRESCRIBING THE PUNISHMENT THEREFOR.

By authority of the President of the United States, be it enacted by the United States Philippine
Commission, that:

SECTION 1. Every person, resident in the Philippine Islands, owing allegiance to the United
States or the Government of the Philippine Islands, who levies war against them or adheres to
their enemies, giving them aid and comfort within the Philippine Islands or elsewhere, is guilty of
treason, and, upon conviction, shall suffer death or, at the discretion of the court, shall be
imprisoned at hard labor for not less than five years and lined not less than ten thousand
dollars.

SEC. 2. Every person, owing allegiance to the United States or the Government of the
Philippine Islands, and having knowledge of any treason against them or either of them, who
conceals and does not, as soon as may be, disclose and make known the same to the
provincial governor in the province in which he resides or to the Civil Governor of the Islands, or
to some judge of a court of record, is guilty of misprison of treason and shall be imprisoned not
more than seven years and be fined not more than one thousand dollars.

SEC. 3. Every person who incites, sets on foot, assists, or engages in any rebellion or
insurrection against the authority of the United States or of the Government of the Philippine
Islands, or the laws thereof, or who gives aid or comfort to anyone so engaging in such rebellion
or insurrection, shall, upon conviction, be imprisoned for not more than ten years and he lined
not more than ten thousand dollars.

SEC. 4. If two or more persons conspire to overthrow, put down, or destroy by force the
Government of the United States in the Philippine Islands or the Government of the Philippine
Islands, or by force to prevent, hinder, or delay the execution of any law of the United States or
of the Philippine Islands, or by force to seize, take, or possess any property of the United States
or of the Government of the Philippine Islands, contrary to the authority thereof, each of such
persons shall be punished by a fine of not more than five thousand dollars and by imprisonment,
with or without hard labor, for a period not more than six years.
SEC. 5. All persons who rise publicly and tumultuously in order to attain by force or outside of
legal methods any of the following objects arc guilty of sedition:

To prevent the promulgation or execution of any law or the free holding of any popular
election.
To prevent the Insular Government, or any provincial or municipal government or any public
official, from freely exercising its or his duties or the due execution of any judicial or
administrative order.
To inflict any act of hate or revenge upon the person or property of any official or agent of the
Insular Government or of a provincial or municipal government.
To inflict, with a political or social object, any act of hate or revenge upon individuals or upon
any class of individuals in the Islands.
To despoil, with a political or social object, any class of persons, natural or artificial, a
municipality, a province, or the Insular Government, or the Government of the United States, or
any part of its property.

SEC. 6. Any person guilty of sedition as defined in section five hereof shall be punished by a
fine of not exceeding five thousand dollars or by imprisonment not exceeding ten years, or both.

SEC. 7. All persons conspiring to commit the crime of sedition shall be punished by a fine of not
exceeding one thousand dollars or by imprisonment not exceeding five years, or both.

SEC. 8. Every person who shall utter seditious words or speeches, write, publish, or circulate
scurrilous libels against the Government of the United States or the Insular Government of the
Philippine Islands, or which tend to disturb or obstruct any lawful officer in executing his office,
or which tend to instigate others to cabal or meet together for unlawful purposes, or which
suggest or incite rebellious conspiracies or riots, or which tend to stir up the people against the
lawful authorities or to disturb the peace of the community, the safety and order of the
Government, or who shall knowingly conceal such evil practices, shall be punished by a fine not
exceeding two thousand dollars or by imprisonment not exceeding two years, or both, in the
discretion of the court.

SEC. 9. All persons who shall meet together for the purpose of forming or who shall form any
secret society or who shall, after the passage of this Act, continue membership in a society
already formed, having for its object, in whole or in part, the promotion of treason, rebellion, or
sedition, or the promulgation of any political opinion or policy, shall be punished by a fine not
exceeding one thousand dollars or by imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both.

SEC. 10. Until it has been officially proclaimed that a state of war or insurrection against the
authority or sovereignty of the United States no longer exists in the Philippine Islands it shall be
unlawful for any person to advocate, orally or by writing or printing, or like methods, the
independence of the Philippine Islands or their separation from the United States, whether by
peaceable or forcible means, or to print, publish, or circulate any handbill, newspaper, or other
publication advocating such independence or separation.

Any person violating the provisions of this section shall be punished by a fine of not exceeding
two thousand dollars and imprisonment not exceeding one year.
SEC. 11. Every person who shall administer or be present and consent to the administering of
any oath or any engagement purporting to bind the person taking the same to commit any crime
punishable by death or by imprisonment for five years or more, or who shall attempt to induce or
compel any person to take any such oath or engagement or who shall himself take any such
oath or engagement, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars or by
imprisonment not exceeding ten years.

SEC. 12. Any person who administers, or who is present at and consenting to the administering
of any oath or engagement purporting to bind the person taking the same, either:

To engage in any seditious purpose, or


To disturb the public peace or commit or endeavor to commit any criminal offense, or
To fail or refuse to inform and give evidence against any associate, confederate or other
person, or To fail or refuse to reveal or discover any unlawful combination or confederacy or
any illegal act done or to be done or any illegal oath or obligation or engagement which may
have been administered or tendered to, or taken by any person, or the import of any such oath,
obligation, or engagement;

And likewise, anyone who attempts to induce or compel any person to take any such oath or
engagement, and likewise any person who takes any such oath or engagement, shall be
punished by a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars or by imprisonment not exceeding five
years, or both.

SEC. 13. Any person who under such compulsion as would otherwise excuse him offends
against either of the last two preceding sections shall not be excused thereby, unless within the
periods hereinafter stated he declares the same, and what he knows touching the same, and
the persons by whom such oath or obligation or engagement was administered or taken, by
information upon oath before a justice of the peace, judge of a Court of First Instance, or
provincial fiscal of the municipality or province in which such oath or engagement was
administered or taken. Such declaration may be made by him within fourteen days after the
commission of the offense, or, if he is hindered from making it by actual force or sickness, then
within eight days after cessation of such hindrance, or on his trial, if that happens before the
expiration of either of those periods.

SEC. 14. Any person who shall have taken any oath before any military officer of the Army of the
United States or before any officer under the Civil Government of the Philippine Islands, whether
such official so administering the oath was specially authorized by law so to do or not, in which
oath the affiant in substance engaged to recognize or accept the supreme authority of the
United States of America in these Islands or to maintain true faith and allegiance thereto or to
obey the laws, legal orders, and decrees promulgated by its duly constituted authorities and
who shall, after the passage of this Act, violate the terms and provisions of such oath or any of
such terms or provisions, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars or by
imprisonment not exceeding ten years, or both.

SEC. 15. The provisions of this Act shall not apply to the organized Provinces of Batangas,
Cebu, and Bohol, nor to any province where civil government has not been established, so long
as insurrection against the authority of the United States exists therein, unless the Commanding
General of the Army of the United States, Division of the Philippines, shall authorize and direct
prosecutions in the civil courts in such territories for offenses under this Act, in which event it
shall apply.

SEC. 16. All laws and parts of laws now in force, so far as the same may be in conflict herewith,
are herein repealed: Provided, That nothing herein contained shall operate as a repeal of
existing laws in so far as they are applicable to pending actions or existing causes of actions,
but as to such causes of actions, or pending actions, existing laws shall remain in full force and
effect, this Act being entirely prospective.

SEC. 17. A foreigner, residing in the Philippine Islands, who shall commit any of the crimes
specified in the preceding sections of this Act, except those specified in sections one and two,
shall be punished in the same way and with the same penalty as that prescribed for the
particular crime therein.

SEC. 18. This Act shall take effect on its passage.

Enacted, November 4, 1901.

Act No. 1696 or the Flag Law of 1907

No 1696. — An Act to prohibit the display of flags, banners, emblems, or devices used in the
Philippine Islands for the purpose of rebellion or insurrection against the authority of the United
States and the display of Katipunan flags, banners, emblems, or devices, and for other
purposes.
By authority of the United States, be it enacted by the Philippine Commission, that: The Flag
Law.

SECTION 1. Any person who shall expose, or cause or permit to be exposed, to public view on
his own premises, or who shall expose, or cause to be exposed, to public view, either on his
own premises or elsewhere, any flag, banner, emblem, or device used during the late
insurrection in the Philippine Islands to designate or identify f those in armed rebellion against
the United States, or any flag, banner, emblem, or device used or adopted at any time by the
public enemies of the United States in the Philippine Islands for the purposes of public disorder
or of rebellion or insurrection against the authority of the United States in the Philippine Islands,
or any flag, banner, emblem, or device of the Katipunan Society, or which is commonly known
as such, shall be punished by a fine of not less than five hundred pesos nor more than five
thousand pesos, or by imprisonment for not less than three months nor more than five years, or
by both such fine and imprisonment, in the discretion I of the court. Prohibited flags and
emblems

SEC. 2. Any person or persons having charge of any banquet, violations, entertainment, public
meeting, or reunion, or any parade, procession, or review, who shall display, or cause or permit
to be displayed, at such banquet, public entertainment, public meeting, reunion, or in such
parade, procession, or review, or who shall expose or cause to be exposed, to public view any
flag, banner, emblem, or device used during the late insurrection in the Philippine Islands to
designate or identify those in armed rebellion against the United States, or any flag, banner,
emblem, or device used or adopted at any time by the public enemies of the United States in
the Philippine Islands for the purposes of public disorder or of rebellion or insurrection against
the authority of the United States in the Philippine Islands, or any flag, banner, emblem, or of the
Katipunan Society, or which is commonly known as such, shall be punished by a fine of not less
than five hundred pesos nor more than five thousand pesos, or by imprisonment for not less
than three months nor more than five years, or by both such fine and imprisonment, in the
discretion of the court. Violations, penalty.

SEC. 3. It shall be unlawful for any person to expose, or cause or permit to be exposed, to
public view on his own premises, or to expose, or cause to be exposed, to public view either on
his own premises or elsewhere, or to display or cause to be displayed at any banquet, public
entertainment, meeting, or reunion, or in any parade, procession, or review, or for any person
having charge of such banquet, public entertainment, meeting, or reunion, or of such parade,
procession, or review, to permit to be displayed or exposed: to public view any flag or banner
the use or display of which is prohibited by executive order of the Governor-General. Any
person who shall violate the provisions of this section shall be punished by a fine of not less
than five hundred pesos nor more than five thousand pesos, or by imprisonment for not less
than three months nor more than five years, or by both such fine and imprisonment, in the
discretion of the court: Provided, however, That nothing in this section contained shall be
construed to authorize the Governor-General to permit the use or display of any flag, banner,
emblem, or device whose use, display, or exposition to public view is prohibited by the
preceding sections of this Act.

SEC. 4. Any person who shall wear, use, or expose to public view in any parade, procession, or
review any uniform or dress, or part thereof, adopted or used during the late insurrection in the
Philippine Islands to designate or identify those in armed rebellion against the United States, or
any uniform or dress, or part thereof, adopted or used at any time by the public enemies of the
United States in the Philippine Islands for the purposes of public disorder or of rebellion or
insurrection against the authority of the United States in the Philippine Islands, shall be
punished by a fine of not less than five hundred pesos nor more than five thousand pesos, or by
imprisonment for not less than three months nor more than five years, or by both such fine and
imprisonment, in the discretion of the court.

SEC. 5. The public good requiring the speedy enactment of this bill, the passage of the same is
hereby expedited in accordance with section two of “An Act prescribing the order of procedure
by the Commission in the enactment of laws,” passed September twenty-sixth, nineteen
hundred.

SEC. 6. This Act shall take effect on its passage.


Enacted, August 23, 1907.

The Filipinization of the Government

The Philippine Organic Act of 1902


Organic Act
AN ACT TEMPORARILY TO PROVIDE FOR THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE AFFAIRS OF
CIVIL
GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES

57th Congress of the United States of America, First Session, 1902

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in
Congress assembled, That the action of the President of the United States in creating the
Philippine Commission and authorising said Commission to exercise the powers of government
to the extent and in the manner and form and subject to the regulation and control set forth in
the instructions of the President to the Philippine Commission, dated April 7,1900 and in
creating the offices of Civil Governor and ViceGovernor of the Philippine Islands, and
authorising said Civil Governor and Vice-Governor to exercise the powers of government to the
extent and in the manner and form set forth in the Executive order dated June twenty-first,
nineteen hundred and one, and is establishing four Executive Departments of government in
said Islands as set forth in the Act of the Philippine Commission entitled “An Act providing an
organisation for the Departments of the Interior, of Commerce and Police, of Finance and
Justice, and of Public Instruction,” enacted September sixth, nineteen hundred and one, is
hereby approved, ratified, and confirmed, and until otherwise provided by law the said Islands
shall continue to be governed as thereby and herein provided, and all laws passed hereafter by
the Philippine Commission shall have an enacting clause as follows. “By authority of the United
States, be it enacted by the Philippine Commission.” The provisions of section eighteen hundred
and ninety-one of the Revised Statutes of eighteen hundred and seventy eight shall not apply to
the Philippine Islands.

Future appointments of Civil Governor, Vice-Governor, members of said Commission and heads
of Executive Departments shall be made by the President, by and with the advice and consent
of the Senate.

Section 2. That the action of the President of the United States heretofore taken by virtue of the
authority vested in him as Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, as set forth in his order of
July twelfth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, whereby a land of duties and taxes as set forth
by said order was to be levied and collected at all ports and places in the Philippine Islands
upon passing into the occupation and possession of the forces of the United States, together
with the subsequent amendments of said order, are hereby approved, ratified, and confirmed,
and the actions of the authorities of the Government of the Philippine Islands taken in
accordance with the provisions of said order and subsequent amendments, are hereby
approved: Provided, that nothing contained in this section shall be held to amend or repeal an
Act entitled “An Act temporarily to provide revenue for the Philippine Islands, and for other
purposes,” approved March eighth, nineteen hundred and two.

Section 3. That the President of the United States, during such time as and whenever the
sovereignty and authority of the United States encounter armed resistance in the Philippine
Islands, until otherwise provided by Congress, shall continue to regulate and control commercial
intercourse with and within said Islands by such general rules and regulations as he, in his
discretion, may deem more conducive to the public interests and the general welfare.
Section 4. That all inhabitants of the Philippine Islands continuing to reside therein who were
Spanish subjects on the eleventh day of April, eighteen hundred and ninety-nine, and then
resided in the Philippine Islands, and their children born subsequent thereto, shall be deemed
and held to be citizens of the Philippine Islands and as such entitled to the protection of the
United States, except such as shall have elected to preserve their allegiance to the Crown of
Spain in accordance with the provisions of the treaty of peace between the United States and
Spain signed at Paris December tenth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight.

Section 5. That no law shall be enacted in said Islands which shall deprive any person of life,
liberty, or property without due process of law, or deny to any person therein the equal
protection of the laws.

That in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to be heard by himself and
counsel, to demand the nature and cause of the accusation against him, to have a speedy and
public trial, to meet the witnesses face to face, and to have compulsory process to compel the
attendance of witnesses in his behalf.

That no person shall be held to answer for a criminal offence without due process of law; and no
person for the same offence shall be twice put in jeopardy of punishment, nor shall be
compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself.

That all persons shall before conviction be bailable by sufficient sureties, except for capital
offences.

That no law impairing the obligation of contracts shall be enacted.

That no person shall be imprisoned for debt.

That the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of
rebellion, insurrection, or invasion the public safety may require it, in either of which events the
same may be suspended by the President, or by the Governor, with the approval of the
Philippine Commission, wherever during such period the necessity for such suspension shall
exist.

That no ex post facto law or bill of attainder shall be enacted.

That no law granting a title of nobility shall be enacted, and no person holding any office of profit
or trust in said Islands, shall without the consent of the Congress of the United States, accept
any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever from any king, queen, prince, or
foreign State.

That excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual
punishment inflicted.

That the right to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated.
That neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the
party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist in said Islands.

That no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or the right of the
people peaceably to assemble and petition the Government for redress of grievances.

That no law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof, and that the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship,
without discrimination or preference, shall forever be allowed.

That no money shall be paid out of the Treasury except in pursuance of an appropriation by law.

That the rule of taxation in saidIslandsshall be uniform.

That no private or local bill which may be enacted into law shall embrace more than one subject,
and that subject shall be expressed in the title of the bill.

That no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and
particularly describing the place to be searched and the person or things to be seized.

That all money collected on any tax levied or assessed for a special purpose shall be treated as
a special fund in the Treasury and paid out for such purpose only.

Section 6. That whenever the existing insurrection in the Philippine Islands shall have ceased
and a condition of general and complete peace shall have been established therein and the fact
shall be certified to the President by the Philippine Commission, the President, upon being
satisfied thereof, shall order a
census of the Philippine Islands to be taken by said Philippine Commission; such census in its
inquiries relating to the population shall take and make so far as practicable full report for all the
inhabitants, of name, age, sex, race, or tribe, whether native or foreign born, literacy in Spanish
native dialect, or language, or in English, school attendance, ownership of homes, industrial and
social statistics, and such other information separately for each island, each province, and
municipality, or other civil division, as the President and said Commission may deem necessary:
Provided, that the President may, upon the request of said Commission, in his discretion,
employ the service of the Census Bureau in compiling and promulgating the statistical
information above provided for, and may commit to such Bureau any part or portion of such
labour as to him may seem wise.

Section 7. That two years after the completion and publication of the census, in case such
condition of general and complete peace with recognition of the authority of the United States
shall have continued in the territory of said Islands not inhabited by Moros or other non-Christian
tribes and such facts shall have been certified to the President by the Philippine Commission,
the President upon being satisfied thereof shall direct Commission to call, and the Commission
shall call, a general election for the choice of delegates to a popular assembly of the people of
said territory in the Philippine Islands, which shall be known as the Philippine Assembly. After
said Assembly shall have convened and organised, all the legislative power heretofore
conferred on the Philippine Commission in all that part of said Islands not inhabited by Moros or
other non-Christian tribes shall be vested in a Legislature consisting of two Houses – the
Philippine Commission and the Philippine Assembly. Said Assembly shall consist of not less
than fifty nor more than one hundred members to be apportioned by said Commission among
the provinces as nearly as practicable according to population:Provided, that no province shall
have less than one member: And provided further, that provinces entitled by population to more
than one member may be divided into such convenient district as the said Commission may
deem best.

Public notice of such division shall be given at least ninety days prior to such election, and the
election shall be held under rules and regulations to be prescribed by law. The qualification of
electors of such election shall be the same as is now provided by law in case of electors in
municipal elections. The members of Assembly shall hold office for two years from the first day
of January next following their election, and their successors shall be chosen by the people
every second year thereafter. No person shall be eligible to such election who is not a qualified
elector of the election district in which he may be chosen, owing allegiance to the United States
and twenty-five years of age.

The Legislature shall hold annual sessions, commencing on the first Monday of February in
each year and continuing not exceeding ninety days thereafter (Sundays and holidays not
included); Provided, that the first meeting of the Legislature shall be held upon the call of the
Governor within ninety days after the first election: And provided further, that if at the termination
of any session the appropriations necessary for the support of Government shall not have been
made, an amount equal to the sums appropriated in the last appropriation bills for such
purposes shall be deemed to be appropriated; and until the Legislature shall act in such behalf
the Treasurer may, with the advice of the Governor, make the payments necessary for the
purposes aforesaid.

The Legislature may be called in special session at any time by the Civil Governor for general
legislation, or for action on such specific subjects as he may designate. No special session shall
continue longer than thirty days, exclusive of Sundays.

The Assembly shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its members. A
majority shall constitute a quorum to do business, but a smaller number may adjourn from day
to day and may be authorised to compel the attendance of absent members. It shall choose its
Speaker and other officers, and the salaries of its members and officers shall be fixed by law. It
may determine the rule of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and with
the concurrence of two-thirds expel a member. It shall keep a journal of its proceedings, which
shall be published, and the yeas and nays of the members on any question shall, on the
demand of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal.

Section 8. That at the same time with the first meeting of the Philippine Legislature, and
biennially thereafter, there shall be chosen by said Legislature, each House voting separately,
two resident Commissioners to the United States, who shall be entitled to an official recognition
as such by all departments upon presentation to the President of a certificate of election by the
Civil Governor of said Islands, and each of whom shall be entitled to a salary payable monthly
by the United States at the rate of five thousand dollars per annum, and two thousand dollars
additional to cover all expenses: Provided, that no person shall be eligible to such election who
is not a qualified elector of said Islands, owing allegiance to the United States, and who is not
thirty years of age.
Section 9. That the Supreme Court and the Courts of First Instance of the Philippine Islands
shall possess and exercise jurisdiction as heretofore provided and such additional jurisdiction as
shall hereafter be prescribed by the Government of said Islands, subject to the power of said
Government to change the practice and method of procedure. The municipal courts of said
Islands shall possess and exercise jurisdiction as heretofore provided by the Philippine
Commission, subject in all matters to such alteration and amendment as may be hereafter
enacted by law; and the Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the Supreme Court shall
hereafter be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and
shall receive the compensation heretofore prescribed by the Commission until otherwise
provided by Congress. The judges of the Court of First Instance shall be appointed by the Civil
Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the Philippine Commission: Provided, that the
admiralty jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and Courts of First Instance shall not be changed
except by Act of Congress.

Section 10. That the Supreme Court of the United States shall have jurisdiction to review, revise,
reverse, modify, or affirm the final judgments and decrees of the Supreme Court of the
Philippine Islands in all actions, cases, causes, and proceedings now pending therein or
hereafter determined thereby in which the Constitution or any statute, treaty, title, right, or
privilege of the United States is involved, or in causes in which the value in controversy exceeds
twenty-five thousand dollars, or in which the title or possession of real estate exceeding in value
the sum of twenty-five thousand dollars, to be ascertained by the oath of either party or of other
competent witnesses, is involved or brought in question; and such final judgments or decrees
may and can be reviewed, revised, reversed, modified, or affirmed by said Supreme Court of the
United States on appeal or writ of error by the party aggrieved, in the same manner, under the
same regulations, and by the same procedure, as far as applicable, as the final judgments and
decrees of the Circuit Courts of the United States.

Section 11. That the Government of the Philippine Islands is hereby authorised to provide for the
needs of commerce by improving the harbours and navigable waters of said Islands and to
construct and maintain in said navigable waters and upon the shore adjacent thereto bonded
warehouses, wharves, piers, lighthouses, signal and life-saving stations, buoys, and like
instruments of commerce, and to adopt and enforce regulations in regard thereto, including
bonded warehouses wherein articles not intended to be imported into said Islands nor mingled
with the property therein, but brought into a port of said Islands for reshipment to another
country may be deposited in bond and reshipped to another country without the payment of
customs duties or charges.

Section 12. That all the property and rights which may have been acquired in the Philippine
Islands by the
United States under the treaty of peace with Spain, signed December tenth, eighteen hundred
and ninetyeight, except such land or other property as shall be designated by the President of
the United States for military and other reservations of the Government of the United States, are
hereby placed under the control of the Government of said Islands, to be administered for the
benefit of the inhabitants thereof, except as provided in this Act.

Section 13. That the Government of the Philippine Islands, subject to the provisions of this Act
and except as herein provided, shall classify according to its agricultural character and
productiveness, and shall immediately make rules and regulations for the lease, sale, or other
disposition of the public lands other than timber or mineral lands, but such rules and regulations
shall not go into effect or have the force of law until they have received the approval of the
President, and when approved by the President they shall be submitted by him to Congress at
the beginning of the next ensuing session thereof and unless disapproved or amended by
Congress at said session they shall at the close of such period have the force and effect of law
in the Philippine Islands: Provided, that a single homestead entry shall not exceed sixteen
hectares in extent.

Section 14. That the Government of the Philippine Islands is hereby authorised and empowered
to enact rules and regulations and to prescribe terms and conditions to enable persons to
perfect their title to public lands in said Islands, who, prior to the transfer of sovereignty from
Spain to the United States, had fulfilled all or some of the conditions required by the Spanish
laws and royal decrees of the Kingdom of Spain for the acquisition of legal title thereto, yet
failed to secure conveyance of title; and the Philippine Commission is authorised to issue
patents, without compensation, to any native of said Islands, conveying title to any tract of land
not more than sixteen hectares in extent, which were public lands and had been actually
occupied by such native or his ancestors prior to and on the thirteenth of August, eighteen
hundred and ninety-eight.

Section 15. That the Government of the Philippine Islands is hereby authorised and empowered,
on such terms as it may prescribe, by general legislation, to provide for the granting or sale and
conveyance to actual occupants and settlers and other citizens of said Islands such parts and
portions of the public domain, other than timber and mineral lands, of the United States in said
Islands as it may deem wise, not exceeding sixteen hectares to any one person and for the sale
and conveyance of not more than one thousand and twenty-four hectares to any corporation or
association of persons: Provided, that the grant or sale of such lands, whether the purchase
price be paid at once or in partial payments, shall be conditioned upon actual and continued
occupancy, improvement, and cultivation of the premises sold for a period of not less than five
years, during which time the purchaser or grantee can not alienate or encumber said land or the
title thereto; but such restriction shall not apply to transfers of rights and title of inheritance
under the laws for the distribution of the estates of decedents.

Section 16. That in granting or selling any part of the public domain under the provisions of the
last preceding section, preference in all cases shall be given to actual occupants and settlers;
and such public lands of the United States in the actual possession or occupancy of any native
of the Philippine Islands shall not be sold by said Government to any other person without the
consent thereto of said prior occupant or settler first had and obtained: Provided, that the prior
right hereby secured to an occupant of land, who can show no other proof of title than
possession, shall not apply to more than sixteen hectares in any one tract.

Section 17. That timber, trees, forests, and forest products on lands leased or demised by the
Government of the Philippine Islands under the provisions of this Act shall not be cut, destroyed,
removed, or appropriated except by special permission of said Government and under such
regulations as it may prescribe.
All moneys obtained from lease or sale of any portion of the public domain or from licenses to
cut timber by the Government of the Philippine Islands shall be covered into the Insular
Treasury and be subject only to appropriation for insular purposes according to law.

Section 18. That the forest laws and regulations now in force in the Philippine Islands, with such
modifications and amendments as may be made by the Government of said Islands, are hereby
continued in force, and no timber lands forming part of the public domain shall be sold, leased,
or entered until the Government of said Islands, upon the certification of the Forestry Bureau
that said lands are more valuable for agriculture than for forest uses, shall declare such lands so
certified to be agricultural in character: Provided, that the said Government shall have the right
and is hereby empowered to issue licenses to cut, harvest, or collect timber or other forest
products on reserved or unreserved public lands in said Islands in accordance with the forest
laws and regulations hereinbefore mentioned and under the provisions of this Act, and the said
Government may lease land to any person or persons holding such licenses, sufficient for a mill
site, not to exceed four hectares in extent, and may grant rights of way to enable such person or
persons to get access to the lands to which such licenses apply.

Section 19. That the beneficial use shall be the basis, the measure, and the limit of all rights to
water in said Islands, and the Government of said Islands is hereby authorised to make such
rules and regulations for the use of water, and to make such reservations of public lands for the
protection of the water supply, and for other public purposes not in conflict with the provisions of
this Act, as it may deem best for the public good.

Section 20. That in all cases public lands in the Philippine Islands valuable for minerals shall be
reserved from sale, except as otherwise expressly directed by law.

Section 21. That all valuable mineral deposits in public lands in the Philippine Islands, both
surveyed and unsurveyed, are hereby declared to be free and open to exploration, occupation,
and purchase, and the land in which they are found to occupation and purchase, by citizens of
the United States, or of said Islands:Provided, that when on any lands in said Islands entered
and occupied as agricultural lands under the provisions of this Act, but not patented, mineral
deposits have been found, the working of such mineral deposits is hereby forbidden until the
person, association, or corporation who or which has entered and is occupying such lands shall
have paid to the Government of said Islands such additional sum or sums as will make the total
amount paid for the mineral claim or claims in which said deposits are located equal to the
amount charged by the Government for the same as mineral claims.

Section 22. That mining claims upon land containing veins or lodes of quarts or other rock in
place bearing gold, silver, cinnabar, lead, tin, copper, or other valuable deposits, located after
the passage of this Act, whether located by one or more persons qualified to locate the same
under the preceding section, shall be located in the following manner and under the following
conditions: Any person so qualified desiring to locate a mineral claim shall, subject to the
provisions of this Act with respect to land which may be used for mining, enter upon the same
and locate a plot of ground measuring, where possible, but not exceeding, one thousand feet in
length by one thousand feet in breadth, in as nearly as possible a rectangular form; that is to
say: All angles shall be right angles, except in cases where a boundary line of a previously
surveyed claim is adopted as common to both claims, but the lines need not necessarily be
meridional. In defining the size of a mineral claim, it shall be measured horizontally, irrespective
of inequalities of the surface of the ground.

Section 23. That a mineral claim shall be marked by two posts placed as nearly as possible on
the line of the ledge or vein, and the posts shall be numbered one and two, and the distance
between posts numbered one and two shall not exceed one thousand feet, the line between
posts numbered one and two to be known as the location line; and upon posts numbered one
and two shall be written the name given to the mineral claim, the name of the locator, and the
date of the location. Upon post numbered one there shall be written, in addition to the foregoing,
“Initial post,” the approximate compass bearing of post numbered two, and a statement of the
number of feet lying to the right and to the left of the line from post numbered one to post
numbered two, thus: “Initial post Direction of post numbered two _____ feet of this claim lie on
the right and _____ feet on the left of the line from number one to number two post.” All the
particulars required to be put on number one and number two posts shall be furnished by the
locator to the provincial secretary, or such other officer as by the Philippine Government may be
described as mining recorder, in writing, at the time the claim is recorded, and shall form a part
of the record of the sum claim.

Section 24. That when a claim has been located the holder shall immediately mark the line
between posts numbered one and two so that it can be distinctly seen. The locator shall also
place a post at the point where he has found minerals in place, on which shall be written
“Discovery post:” Provided, that when the claim is surveyed the surveyor shall be guided by the
records of the claim, the sketch plan on the back of the declaration made by the owner when the
claim was recorded, posts numbered one and two, and the notice on number one, initial post.

Section 25. That it shall not be lawful to move number one post, but number two post may be
moved by the deputy mineral surveyor when the distance between posts numbered one and two
exceeds one thousand feet, in order to place number two post one thousand feet from number
one post on the line of location. When the distance between posts numbered one and two is
less than one thousand feet the deputy mineral surveyor shall have no authority to extend the
claim beyond number two.

Section 26. That the “location line” shall govern the direction of one side of the claim, upon
which the survey shall be extended according to this Act.

Section 27. That the holder of a mineral claim shall be entitled to all minerals which may lie
within his claim, but he shall not be entitled to mine outside the boundary lines of his claim
continued vertically downward:Provided, that this Act shall not prejudice the rights of claim
owners nor claim holders whose claims have been located under existing laws prior to this Act.

Section 28. That no mineral claim of the full size shall be recorded without the application being
accompanied by an affidavit made by the applicant or some person on his behalf cognisant of
the facts – that the legal notices and posts have been put up; that mineral has been found in
place on the claim proposed to be recorded; that the ground applied for is unoccupied by any
other person. In the said declaration shall be set out the name of the applicant and the date of
the location of the claim. The words written on the number one and number two posts shall be
set out in full, and as accurate a description as possible of the position of the claim given with
reference to some natural object or permanent monuments.
Section 29. That no mineral claim which at the date of its record is known by the locator to be
less than a full-sized mineral claim shall be recorded without the word “fraction” being added to
the name of the claim, and the application being accompanied by an affidavit or solemn
declaration made by applicant or some person on his behalf cognisant of the facts: That the
legal posts and notices have been put up; that mineral has been found in place on the fractional
claim proposed to be recorded; that the ground applied for is unoccupied by any other person.
In the said declaration shall be set out the name of the applicant and the date of the location of
the claim. The words written on the posts numbered one and two shall be set out in full, and as
accurate a description as possible of the position of the claim given. A sketch plan shall be
drawn by the applicant on the back of the declaration, showing as near as may be the position
of the adjoining mineral claims and the shape and size, expressed in feet, of the claim or
fraction desired to be recorded:Provided, that the failure on the part of the locator of a mineral
claim to comply with any of the foregoing provisions of this section shall not be deemed to
invalidate such location, if upon the facts it shall appear that such locator has actually
discovered mineral in place on said location, and that there has been on his part a bona fide
attempt to comply with the provisions of this Act, and that the non-observance of the formalities
hereinbefore referred to is not of a character calculated to mislead other persons desiring to
locate claims in the vicinity.

Section 30. That in cases where, from the nature or shape of the ground, it is impossible to mark
the location line of the claim as provided by this Act, then the claim may be marked by placing
posts as nearly as possible to the location line, and noting the distance and direction such posts
may be from such location line, which distance and direction shall be set out in the record of the
claim.

Section 31. That every person locating a mineral claim shall record the same with the provincial
secretary or such other officer as by the Government of the Philippine Islands may be described
as mining recorder of the district within which the same is situated, within thirty days after the
location thereof. Such record shall be made in a book to be kept for the purpose in the office of
the said provincial secretary or such other officer as by said Government described as mining
recorder, in which shall be inserted the name of the claim, the name of each locator, the locality
of the mine, the direction of the location line, the length in feet, the date of location, and the date
of the record. A claim which shall not have been recorded within the prescribed period shall be
deemed to have been abandoned.

Section 32. That in case of any dispute as to the location of a mineral claim the title to the claim
shall be recognised according to the priority of such location, subject to any question as to the
validity of the record itself and subject to the holder having complied with all the terms and
conditions of this Act.

Section 33. That no holder shall be entitled to hold in his, its or their own name or in the name of
any other person, corporation or association more than one mineral claim on the same vein or
lode.

Section 34. That a holder may at any time abandon any mineral claim by giving notice, in
writing, or such intention to abandon, to the provincial secretary or such other officer as by the
Government of the Philippine Islands may be described as mining recorder; and from the date
of the record of such notice all his interest in such claim shall cease.

Section 35. That proof of citizenship under the clauses of this Act relating to mineral lands may
consist in the case of an individual, of his own affidavit thereof; in the case of an association of
persons unincorporated, of the affidavit of their authorised agent made on his own knowledge or
upon information and belief, and in case of a corporation organised under the laws of the United
States, or of any State or Territory thereof, or of the Philippine Islands, by the filing of a certified
copy of their charter or certificate of incorporation.

Section 36. That the United States Philippine Commission or its successors may make
regulations, not in conflict with the provision of this Act, governing the location, manner of
recording, and amount of work necessary to hold possession of a mining claim, subject to the
following requirements:

On each claim located after the passage of this Act, and until a patent has been issued
therefore, not less than one hundred dollars’ worth of labour shall be performed or
improvements made during each year: Provided, that upon a failure to comply with these
conditions the claim or mine upon which such failure occurred shall be open to relocation in the
same manner as if no location of the same had ever been made, provided that the original
locators, their heirs, assigns, or legal representatives have not resumed work upon the claim
after failure and before such location. Upon the failure of any one of several co-owners to
contribute his proportion of the expenditures required thereby, the co-owners who have
performed the labour or made the improvements may, at the expiration of the year, give such
delinquent co-owner personal notice in writing or notice by publication in the newspaper
published nearest the claim, and in two newspapers published at Manila, one in the English
language and the other in the Spanish language, to be designated by the Chief of the Philippine
Insular Bureau of Public Lands, for at least once a week for ninety days, and, if at the expiration
of ninety days after such notice in writing or by publication such delinquent shall fail or refuse to
contribute his proportion of the expenditure required by this section his interest in the claim shall
become the property of his co-owners who have made the required expenditures. The period
within which the work required to be done annually on all unpatented mineral claims shall
commence on the first day of January succeeding the date of location of such claim.

Section 37. That a patent for any land claimed and located for valuable mineral deposits may be
obtained in the following manner: Any person, association, or corporation authorised to locate a
claim under this Act, having claimed and located a piece of land for such purposes, who has or
have complied with the terms of this Act may file in the office of the provincial secretary, or such
other officer as by the Government of said Islands may be described as mining recorder of the
province wherein the land claimed is located, an application for a patent, under oath showing
such compliance, together with a plat and field notes of the claim or claims in common, made by
or under the direction of the Chief of the Philippine Insular Bureau of Public Lands, showing
accurately the boundaries of the claim, which shall be distinctly marked by monuments on the
ground, and shall post a copy of such plat, together with a notice of such application for a
patent, in a conspicuous place on the land embraced in such plat previous to the filing of the
application for a patent, and shall file an affidavit of at least two persons that such notice has
been duly posted, and shall file a copy of the notice in such office, and shall thereupon be
entitled to a patent for the land, in the manner following: The provincial secretary, or such other
officer as by the Philippine Government may be described as mining recorder, upon the filing of
such application, plat, field notes, notices, and affidavits, shall publish a notice that such an
application has been made, once a week for the period of sixty days, in a newspaper to be by
him designated as nearest to such claim and in two newspapers published at Manila, one in the
English language and one in the Spanish language, to be designated by the Chief of the
Philippine Insular Bureau of Public Lands; and he shall also post such notice in his office for the
same period. The claimant at the time of filing this application, or at any time thereafter within
the sixty days of publication, shall file with the provincial secretary or such other officer as by the
Philippine Government may be described as mining recorder a certificate of the Chief of the
Philippine Insular Bureau of Public Lands that five hundred dollars’ worth of labour has been
expended or improvements made upon the claim by himself or grantors; that the plat is correct,
with such further description by such reference to natural objects or permanent monuments as
shall identify the claim, and furnish an accurate description to be incorporated in the patent. At
the expiration of the sixty days of publication the claimant shall file his affidavit, showing that the
plat and notice have been posted in a conspicuous place on the claim during such period of
publication. If no adverse claim shall have been filed with the provincial secretary or such other
officer as by the Government of said Islands may be described as mining recorder at the
expiration of the sixty days of publication, it shall be assumed that the applicant is entitled to a
patent upon the payment to the provincial treasurer or the collector of internal revenue of five
dollars per acre and that no adverse claim exists, and thereafter no objection from third parties
to the issuance of a patent shall be heard, except it be shown that the applicant has failed to
comply with the terms of this Act: Provided, that where the claimant for a patent is not a resident
of or within the province wherein the land containing the vein, ledge, or deposit sought to be
patented is located, the application for patent and the affidavits required to be made in this
section by the claimant for such patent may be made by his, her, or its authorised agent where
said agent is conversant with the facts sought to be established by said affidavits.

Section 38. That applicants for mineral patents, if residing beyond the limits of the province or
military department wherein the claim is situated, may make the oath or affidavit required for
proof of citizenship before the clerk of any court of record, or before any notary public of any
province of the Philippine Islands, or any other official in said Islands authorised by law to
administer oaths.

Section 39. That where an adverse claim is filed during the period of publication it shall be upon
oath of the person or persons making the same, and shall show the nature, boundaries, and
extent of such adverse claim, and all proceedings, except the publication of notice and making
and filing of the affidavits thereof, shall be stayed until the controversy shall have been settled or
decided by a court of competent jurisdiction or the adverse claim waived. It shall be the duty of
the adverse claimant, within thirty days after filing his claim, to commence proceedings in a
court of competent jurisdiction to determine the question of the right of possession, and
prosecute the same with reasonable diligence to final judgment, and a failure so to do shall be a
waiver of his adverse claim. After such judgment shall have been rendered the party entitled to
the possession of the claim, or any portion thereof, may, without giving further notice, file a
certified copy of the judgment roll with the provincial secretary or such other officer as by the
Government of the Philippine Islands may be described as mining recorder, together with the
certificate of the Chief of the Philippine Insular Bureau of Public Lands that the requisite amount
of labour has been expended or improvements made thereon, and the description required in
other cases, and shall pay to the provincial treasurer or the collector of internal revenue of the
province in which the claim is situated, as the case may be, five dollars per acre for his claim,
together with the proper fees, whereupon the whole proceedings and the judgment roll shall be
certified by the provincial secretary or such other officer as by said Government may described
as mining recorder to the Secretary of the Interior of the Philippine Islands, and a patent shall
issue thereon for the claim, or such portion thereof as the applicant shall appear, from the
decision of the court, rightly to possess. The adverse claim may be verified by the oath of any
duly authorised agent or attorney in fact of the adverse claimant cognisant of the facts stated;
and the adverse claimant, if residing or at the time being beyond the limits of the province
wherein the claim is situated, may make oath to the adverse claim before the clerk of any court
of record, or any notary public of any province or military department of the Philippine Islands, or
any other officer authorised to administer oaths where the adverse claimant may then be. If it
appears from the decision of the court that several parties are entitled to separate and different
portions of the claim, each party may pay for his portion of the claim, with the proper fees, and
file the certificate and description by the Chief of the Philippine Insular Bureau of Public Lands,
whereupon the provincial secretary or such other officer as by the Government of said Islands
may be described as mining recorder shall certify the proceedings and judgment roll to the
Secretary of the Interior for the Philippine Islands, as in the preceding case, and patents shall
issue to the several parties according to their respective rights. If in any action brought pursuant
to this section, title to the ground in controversy shall not be established by either party, the
court shall so find, and judgment shall be entered accordingly. In such case costs shall not be
allowed to either party, and the claimant shall proceed in the office of the provincial secretary or
such other officer as by the Government of said Islands may be described as mining recorder or
be entitled to a patent for the ground in controversy until he shall have perfected his title.
Nothing herein contained shall be construed to prevent the alienation of a title conveyed by a
patent for a mining claim to any person whatever.

Section 40. That the description of mineral claims upon surveyed lands shall designate the
location of the claim with reference to the lines of the public surveys, but need not conform
therewith; but where a patent shall be issued for claims upon unsurveyed lands, the Chief of the
Philippine Insular Bureau of Public Lands in extending the surveys shall adjust the same to the
boundaries of such patented claim according to the plat or description thereof, but so as in no
case to interfere with or change the location of any patented claim.

Section 41. That any person authorised to enter lands under this Act may enter and obtain
patent to lands that are chiefly valuable for building stone under the provisions of this Act
relative to placer mineral claims.

Section 42. That any person authorised to enter lands under this Act may enter and obtain
patent to lands containing petroleum or other mineral oils and chiefly valuable therefore under
the provisions of this Act relative to parcel mineral claims.

Section 43. That no location of a placer claim shall exceed sixty-four hectares for any
association of persons, irrespective of the number of persons composing such association, and
no such location shall include more than eight hectares for an individual claimant. Such
locations shall conform to the laws of the United States Philippine Commission, or its
successors, with reference to public surveys, and nothing in this section contained shall defeat
or impair any bona fide ownership of land for agricultural purposes or authorise the sale of the
improvements of any bona fide settler to any purchase.
Section 44. That where placer claims are located upon surveyed lands and conform to legal
subdivisions, further survey or plat shall be required, and all placer mining claims located after
the date of passage of this Act shall conform as nearly as practicable to the Philippine system of
public-land surveys and the regular subdivision of such surveys; but where placer claims can
not be conformed to legal subdivisions, survey and plat shall be made as on nsurveyed lands;
and where by the segregation of mineral lands in any legal subdivision a quantity of agricultural
land less than sixteen hectares shall remain, such fractional portion of agricultural land may be
entered by any party qualified by law for homestead purposes.

Section 45. That where such person or association, they and their grantors have held and
worked their claims for a period equal to the time prescribed by the statute of limitations of the
Philippine Islands, evidence of such possession and working of the claims for such period shall
be sufficient to establish a right to a patent thereto under this Act, in the absence of any adverse
claim; but nothing in this Act shall be deemed to impair any lien which may have attached in any
way whatever prior to the issuance of a patent.

Section 46. That the Chief of the Philippine Insular Bureau of Public Lands may appoint
competent deputy mineral surveyors to survey mining claims. The expenses of the survey of
vein or lode claims and of the survey of placer claims, together with the cost of publication of
notices, shall be paid by the applicants, and they shall be at liberty to obtain the same at the
most reasonable rates, and they shall also be at liberty to employ any such deputy mineral
surveyor to make the survey. The Chief of the Philippine Insular Bureau of Public Lands shall
also have power to establish the maximum charges for surveys and publication of notices under
this Act; and in case of excessive charges for publication he may designate any newspaper
published in a province where mines are situated, or in Manila, for the publication of mining
notices and fix the rates to be charged by such paper; and to the end that the Chief of the
Bureau of Public Lands may be fully informed on the subject such applicant shall file with the
provincial secretary, or such other officer as by the Government of the Philippine Islands may be
described as mining recorder, a sworn statement of all charges and fees paid by such applicant
for publication and surveys, and of all fees and money paid the provincial treasurer or the
collector of internal revenue, as the case may be, which statement shall be transmitted, with the
other papers in the case, to the Secretary of the Interior for the Philippine Islands.

Section 47. That all affidavits required to be made under this Act may be verified before any
officer authorised to administer oaths within the province or military department where the
claims may be situated, and all testimony and proofs may be taken before any such officer, and,
when duly certified by the officer taking the same, shall have the same force and effect as if
taken before the proper provincial secretary or such other officer as by the Government of the
Philippine Islands may be described as mining recorder. In cases of contest as to the mineral or
agricultural character of land the testimony and proofs may be taken as herein provided on
personal notice of at least ten days to the opposing party; or if such party can not be found, then
by publication at least once a week for thirty days in a newspaper to be designated by the
provincial secretary or such other officer as by said Government may be described as mining
recorder published nearest to the location of such land and in two newspapers published in
Manila, one in the English language and one in the Spanish language, to be designated by the
Chief of the Philippine Insular Bureau of Public Lands; and the provincial secretary or such other
officer as by said Government may be described as mining recorder shall require proofs that
such notice has been given.
Section 48. That where non-mineral land not contiguous to the vein or lode is used or occupied
by the proprietor of such vein or lode for mining or milling purposes, such nonadjacent surface
ground may be embraced and included in an application for a patent for such vein or lode, and
the same may be patented therewith, subject to the same preliminary requirements as to survey
and notice as are applicable to veins or lodes; but no location of such nonadjacent land shall
exceed two hectares, and payment for the same must be made at the same rate as fixed by this
Act for the superficies of the lode. The owner of a quarts mill or reduction works not owning a
mine in connection therewith may also receive a patent for his mill site as provided in this
section.

Section 49. That as a condition of sale the Government of the Philippine Islands may provide
rules for working, policing, and sanitation of mines, and rules concerning easements, drainage,
water rights, right of way, right of Government survey and inspection, and other necessary
means to their complete development not inconsistent with the provisions of this Act, and those
conditions shall be fully expressed in the patent. The Philippine Commission or its successors
are hereby further empowered to fix the bonds of deputy mineral surveyors.

Section 50. That whenever by priority of possession rights to the use of water for mining,
agricultural, manufacturing, or other purposes have vested and accrued and the same are
recognised and acknowledged by the local customs, laws, and the decisions of courts, the
possessors and owners of such vested rights shall be maintained and protected in the same,
and the right of way for the construction of ditches and canals for the purposes herein specified
is acknowledged and confirmed, but whenever any person, in the construction of any ditch or
canal, injures or damages the possession of any settler on the public domain, the party
committing such injury or damage shall be liable to the party injured for such injury or damage.

Section 51. That all patents granted shall be subject to any vested and accrued water rights, or
rights to ditches and reservoirs used in connection with such water rights as may have been
acquired under or recognised by the preceding section.

Section 52. That the Government of the Philippine Islands is authorised to establish land
districts and provide for the appointment of the necessary officers wherever they may deem the
same necessary for the public convenience, and to further provide that in districts where land
offices are established proceedings required by this Act to be had before provincial officers shall
be had before the proper officers of such land offices.

Section 53. That every person above the age of twenty-one years, who is a citizen of the United
States, or of the Philippine Islands, or who has acquired the rights of a native of said Islands
under and by virtue of the treaty of Paris, or any association of persons severally qualified as
above, shall, upon application to the proper provincial treasurer, have the right to enter any
quality of vacant coal lands of said Islands not otherwise appropriated or reserved by competent
authority, not exceeding sixty-four hectares to such individual person, or one hundred and
twenty-eight hectares to such association, upon payment to the provincial treasurer or the
collector of internal revenue, as the case may be, of not less than twenty-five dollars per hectare
for such lands, where the same shall be situated more than fifteen miles from any completed
railroad or available harbour or navigable stream, and not less than fifty dollars per hectare for
such lands as shall be within fifteen miles of such road, harbour, or stream: Provided, that such
entries shall be taken in squares of sixteen or sixty-four hectares, in conformity with the rules
and regulations governing the public-land surveys of the said Islands in plotting legal
subdivisions.

Section 54. That any person or association of persons, severally qualified as above provided,
who have opened and improved, or shall hereafter open and improve, any coal mine or mines
upon the public lands, and shall be in actual possession of the same, shall be entitled to a
preference right of entry under the preceding section of the mines so opened and improved.

Section 55. That all claims under the preceding section must be presented to the proper
provincial secretary within sixty days after the date of actual possession and the
commencement of improvements on the land by the filing of a declaratory statement therefore;
and where the improvements shall have been made prior to the expiration of three months from
the date of the passage of this Act, sixty days from the expiration of such three months shall be
allowed for the filing of a declaratory statement; and no sale under the provisions of this Act
shall be allowed until the expiration of six months from the date of the passage of this Act.

Section 56. That the three preceding sections shall be held to authorise only one entry by the
same person or association of persons; and no association of persons, any member of which
shall have taken the benefit of such sections, either as an individual or as a member of any
other association, shall enter or hold any other lands under the provisions thereof; and no
member of any association which shall have taken the benefit of such section shall enter or hold
any other lands under their provisions; and all persons claiming under section fifty-eight shall be
required to prove their respective rights and pay for the lands filed upon within one year from the
time prescribed for filing their respective claims; and upon failure to file the proper notice or to
pay for the land within the required period, the same shall be subject to entry by any other
qualified applicant.

Section 57. That in case of conflicting claims upon coal lands where the improvements shall be
commenced after the date of the passage of this Act, priority of possession and improvement,
followed by proper filing and continued good faith, shall determine the preference right to
purchase. And also where improvements have already been made prior to the passage of this
Act, division of the land claimed may be made by legal subdivisions, which shall conform as
nearly as practicable with the subdivisions of land provided for in this Act, to include as near as
may be the valuable improvements of the respective parties. The Government of the Philippine
Islands is authorised to issue all needful rules and regulations for carrying into effect the
provisions of this and preceding sections relating to mineral lands.

Section 58. That whenever it shall be made to appear to the secretary of any province or the
commander of any military department in the Philippine Islands that any lands within the
province are saline in character, it shall be the duty of said provincial secretary or commander,
under the regulations of the Government of the Philippine Islands, to take testimony in reference
to such lands, to ascertain their true character, and to report the same to the Secretary of the
Interior for the Philippine Islands; and if, upon such testimony, the Secretary of the Interior shall
find that such lands are saline and incapable of being purchased under any of the laws relative
to the public domain, then and in such case said lands shall be offered for sale at the office of
the provincial secretary or such other officer as by the said Government may be described as
mining recorder of the province or department in which the same shall be situated, as the case
may be, under such regulations as may be prescribed by said Government and sold to the
highest bidder, for cash, at a price of not less than three dollars per hectare; and in case such
lands fail to sell when so offered, then the same shall be subject to private sale at such office,
for cash, at a price not less than three dollars per hectare, in the same manner as other lands in
the said Islands are sold. All executive proclamations relating to the sales of public saline lands
shall be published in only two newspapers, one printed in the English language and one in the
Spanish language, at Manila, which shall be designated by said Secretary of the Interior.

Section 59. That no Act granting lands to provinces, districts, or municipalities to aid in the
construction of roads, or for other public purposes, shall be so construed as to embrace mineral
lands, which, in all cases, are reserved exclusively, unless otherwise specially provided in the
Act or Acts making the grant.

Section 60. That nothing in this Act shall be construed to affect the rights of any person,
partnership, or corporation having a valid, perfected mining concession granted prior to April
eleventh, eighteen hundred and ninety-nine, but all such concessions shall be conducted under
the provisions of the law in force at the time they were granted, subject at all times to
cancellation by reason of illegality in the procedure by which they were obtained, or for failure to
comply with the conditions prescribed as requisite to their retention in the laws under which they
were granted: Provided, that the owner or owners of every such concession shall cause the
corners made by its boundaries to be distinctly marked with permanent monuments within six
months after this Act has been promulgated in the Philippine Islands, and that any concessions
the boundaries of which are not so marked within this period shall be free and open to
exploration and purchase under the provisions of this Act.

Section 61. That mining rights on public lands in the Philippine Islands shall, after the passage
of this Act, be acquired only in accordance with its provisions.

Section 62. That all proceedings for the cancellation of perfected Spanish concessions shall be
conducted in the courts of the Philippine Islands having jurisdiction of the subject-matter and of
the parties, unless the United States Philippine Commission, or its successors, shall create
special tribunals for the determination of such controversies.

Authority for the Philippine Islands Government to Purchase Lands of Religious Orders and
Others and Issue Bonds for Purchase Price

Section 63. That the Government of the Philippine Islands is hereby authorised, subject to the
limitations and conditions prescribed in this Act, to acquire, receive, hold, maintain, and convey
title to real and personal property, and may acquire real estate for public uses by the exercise of
the right of eminent domain.

Section 64. That the powers hereinbefore conferred in section sixty-three may also be exercised
in respect of any lands, easements, appurtenances, and hereditaments which, on the thirteenth
of August, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, were owned or held by associations,
corporations, communities, religious orders, or private individuals in such large tracts or parcels
and in such manner as in the opinion of the Commission injuriously to affect the peace and
welfare of the people of the Philippine Islands. And for the purpose of providing funds to acquire
the lands mentioned in this section said Government of the Philippine Islands is hereby
empowered to incur indebtedness, to borrow money, and to issue, and to sell at not less than
par value, in gold coin of the United States of the present standard value or the equivalent in
value in money of said Islands, upon such terms and conditions as it may deem best, registered
or coupon bonds of said Government for such amount as may be necessary, said bonds to be in
denominations of fifty dollars or any multiple thereof, bearing interest at a rate not exceeding
four and a half per centum per annum, payable quarterly, and to be payable at the pleasure of
said Government after dates named in said bonds not less than five nor more than thirty years
from the date of their issue, together with interest thereon, in gold coin of the United States of
the present standard value or the equivalent in value in money of said Islands; and said bonds
shall be exempt from the payment of all taxes or duties of said Government, or any local
authority therein, or of the Government of the United States, as well as from taxation in any form
by or under State, municipal, or local authority in the United States or the Philippine Islands. The
moneys which may be realised or received from the issue and sale of said bonds shall be
applied by the Government of the Philippine Islands to the acquisition of the property authorised
by this section, and to no other purposes.

Section 65. That all lands acquired by virtue of the preceding section shall constitute a part and
portion of the public property of the Government of the Philippine Islands, and may be held,
sold, and conveyed, or leased temporarily for a period not exceeding three years after their
acquisition by said Government on such terms and conditions as it may prescribe, subject to the
limitations and conditions provided for in this Act:Provided, that all deferred payments and the
interest thereon shall be payable in the money prescribed for the payment of principal and
interest of the bonds authorised to be issued in payment of said lands by the preceding section
and said deferred payments shall bear interest at the rate borne by the bonds. All moneys
realised or received from sales or other disposition of said lands or by reason thereof shall
constitute a trust fund for the payment of principal and interest of said bonds, and also constitute
a sinking fund for the payment of said bonds at their maturity. Actual settlers and occupants at
the time said lands are acquired by the Government shall have the preference over all others to
lease, purchase, or acquire their holdings within such reasonable time as may be determined by
said Government.

Municipal Bonds for Public Improvements

Section 66. That for the purpose of providing funds to construct sewers, to furnish adequate
sewer and drainage facilities, to secure a sufficient supply of water, and to provide all kinds of
municipal betterments and improvements in municipalities, the Government of the Philippine
Islands, under such limitations, terms, and conditions as it may prescribe, with the consent and
approval of the President and the Congress of the United States, may permit any municipality of
said Islands to incur indebtedness, borrow money, and to issue and sell (at not less than par
value in gold coin of the United States) registered or coupon bonds in such amount and payable
at such time as may be determined by the Government of said Islands, with interest thereon not
to exceed five per centum per annum: Provided, that the entire indebtedness of any municipality
under this section shall not exceed five per centum of the assessed valuation of the property in
said municipality and any obligation in excess of such limit shall be null and void.

Section 67. That all municipal bonds shall be in denominations of fifty dollars, or any multiple
thereof, bearing interest at a rate not exceeding five per centum per annum, payable quarterly,
such bonds to be payable at the pleasure of the Government of the Philippine Islands, after
dates named in said bonds not less than five nor more than thirty years from the date of their
issue, together with the interest thereon, in gold coin of the United States of the present
standard of value, or its equivalent in value in money of the said Islands: and said bonds shall
be exempt from the payment of all taxes or duties of the Government of the Philippine Islands,
or any local authority therein, or the Government of the United States.

Section 68. That all moneys which may be realised or received from the issue and sale of said
bonds shall be utilised under authorisation of the Government of the Philippine Islands in
providing the municipal improvements and betterment which induced the issue and sale of said
bonds, and for no other purpose.

Section 69. That the Government of the Philippine Islands shall, by the levy and collection of
taxes on the municipality, its inhabitants and their property, or by other means, make adequate
provision to meet the obligation of the bonds of such municipality, and shall create a sinking
fund sufficient to retire them and pay the interest thereon in accordance with the terms of issue:
Provided, that if said bonds or any portion thereof shall be paid out of the funds of the
Government of said Islands, such municipality shall reimburse said Government for the sum
thus paid, and said Government is hereby empowered to collect said sum by the levy and
collection of taxes on such municipality.

Section 70. That for the purpose of providing funds to construct sewers in the city of Manila and
to furnish it with an adequate sewer and drainage system and supply of water the Government
of the Philippine Islands, with the approval of the President of the United States first had, is
hereby authorised to permit the city of Manila to incur indebtedness, to borrow money, and to
issue and sell (at not less than par value in gold coin of the United States), upon such terms and
conditions as it may deem best, registered or coupon bonds of the city of Manila to an amount
not exceeding four million dollars, lawful money of the United States, payable at such time or
times as may be determined by said Government, with interest thereon not to exceed five per
centum per annum.

Section 71. That said coupon or registered bonds shall be in denominations of fifty dollars or
any multiple thereof, bearing interest at a rate not exceeding five per centum per annum,
payable quarterly, such bonds to be payable at the pleasure of the Government of the Philippine
Islands, after dates named in said bonds not less than five nor more than thirty years from the
date of their issue, together with the interest thereon in gold coin of the United States of the
present standard value, or the equivalent in value in money of the said Islands; and said bonds
shall be exempt from the payment of all taxes or duties of the Government of the said Islands,
or of any local authority therein, or of the Government of the United States.

Section 72. That all moneys which may be realised or received from the issue and sale of said
bonds shall be utilised under authorisation of said Government of the Philippine Islands in
providing a suitable sewer and drainage system and adequate supply of water for the city of
Manila and for no other purpose.

Section 73. That the Government of the Philippine Islands shall, by the levy and collection of
taxes on the city of Manila, its inhabitants and their property, or by other means, make adequate
provision to meet the obligation of said bonds and shall create a sinking fund sufficient to retire
them and pay the interest thereon in accordance with the terms of issue: Provided, that if said
bonds or any portion thereof shall be paid out of the funds of the Government of said Islands,
said city shall reimburse said Government for the sum thus paid, and said Government is
hereby empowered to collect said sum by the levy and collection of taxes on said city.

Franchises

Section 74. That the Government of the Philippine Islands may grant franchises; privileges, and
concessions, including the authority to exercise the right of eminent domain for the construction
and operation of works of public utility and service, and may authorise said works to be
constructed and maintained over and across the public property of the United States, including
streets, highways, squares, and reservations, and over similar property of the Government of
said Islands, and may adopt rules and regulations under which the provincial and municipal
governments of the Islands may grant the right to use and occupy such public property
belonging to said provinces or municipalities: Provided, that no private property shall be taken
for any purpose under this section without just compensation paid or tendered therefore, and
that such authority to take and occupy land shall not authorise the taking, use, or occupation of
any land except such as is required for the actual necessary purposes for which the franchise is
granted, and that no franchise, privilege, or concession shall be granted to any corporation
except under the conditions that it shall be subject to amendment, alteration, or repeal by the
Congress of the United States, and that lands or rights of use and occupation of lands thus
granted shall revert to the Governments by which they were respectively granted upon the
termination of the franchises and concession under which they were granted or upon their
revocation or repeal. That all franchises, privileges, or concessions granted under this Act shall
forbid the issue of stock or bonds except in exchange for actual cash, or for property at a fair
valuation, equal to the par value of the stock or bonds so issued; shall forbid the declaring of
stock or bond dividends, and, in the case of public-service corporations, shall provide for the
effective regulation of the charges thereof, for the official inspection and regulation of the books
and accounts of such corporations, and for the payment of a reasonable percentage of gross
earnings into the Treasury of the Philippine Islands or of the province or municipality within
which such franchises are granted and exercised: Provided further, that it shall be unlawful for
any corporation organised under this Act, or for any person, company, or corporation receiving
any grant, franchise, or concession from the Government of said Islands, to use, employ, or
contract for the labour of persons claimed or alleged to be held in involuntary servitude; and any
person, company, or corporation so violating the provisions of this Act shall forfeit all charters,
grants, franchises, and concessions for doing business in said Islands, and in addition shall be
deemed guilty of an offence, and shall be punished by a fine of not less than ten thousand
dollars.

Section 75. That no corporation shall be authorised to conduct the business of buying and
selling real estate or be permitted to hold or own real estate except such as may be reasonably
necessary to enable it to carry out the purposes for which it is created, and every corporation
authorised to engage in agriculture shall by its charter be restricted to the ownership and control
of not to exceed one thousand and twenty-four hectares of land; and it shall be unlawful for any
member of a corporation engaged in agriculture or mining and for any corporation organised for
any purpose except irrigation to be in any wise interested in any other corporation engaged in
agriculture or in mining. Corporations, however, may loan funds upon real-estate security and
purchase real estate when necessary for the collection of loans, but they shall dispose of real
state so obtained within five years after receiving the title. Corporations not organised in the
Philippine Islands, and doing business therein shall be bound by the provisions of this section
so far as they are applicable.
Coinage

Section 76. That the Government of the Philippine Islands is hereby authorised to establish a
mint at the city of Manila, in said Islands, for coinage purposes, and the coins hereinafter
authorised may be coined at said mint. And the said Government is hereby authorised to enact
laws necessary for such establishment:Provided, that the laws of the United States relating to
mints and coinage, so far as applicable, are hereby extended to the coinage of said Islands.

Section 77. That the Government of the Philippine Islands is authorised to coin, for use in said
Islands, a coin of the denomination of fifty centavos and of the weight of one hundred and
ninety-two and nine-tenths grains, a coin of the denomination of twenty centavos and of the
weight of seventy-seven and sixteen onehundredths grains, and a coin of the denomination of
ten centavos and of the weight of thirty-eight and fiftyeight one-hundredths grains, and the
standards of said silver coins shall be such that of one thousand parts by weight nine hundred
shall be of pure metal and one hundred of alloy, and the alloy shall be of copper.

Section 78. That the subsidiary silver coins authorised by the preceding section shall be coined
under the authority of the Government of the Philippine Islands in such amounts as it may
determine, with the approval of the Secretary of War of the United States, from silver bullion
purchased by said Government, with the approval of the Secretary of War of the United States:
Provided, that said Government may in addition and in its discretion recoin the Spanish-Filipino
dollars and subsidiary silver coins issued under the authority of the Spanish Government for use
in said Islands into the subsidiary coins provided for in the preceding section at such rate and
under such regulations as it may prescribe, and the subsidiary silver coins authorised by this
section shall be legal tender in said Islands to the amount of ten dollars.

Section 79. That the Government of the Philippine Islands is also authorised to issue minor
coins of the denominations of one-half centavo, one centavo, and five centavos, and such minor
coins shall be legal tender in said Islands for amounts not exceeding one dollar. The alloy of the
five-centavo piece shall be of copper and nickel, to be composed of three fourths copper and
one-fourth nickel. The alloy of the onecentavo and one-half-centavo pieces shall be ninety-five
per centum of copper and five per centum of tin and zinc, in such proportions as shall be
determined by said Government. The weight of the five-centavo piece shall be seventy-seven
and sixteen-hundredths grains troy, and of the one-centavo piece eighty grains troy, and of the
one-half centavo piece forty grains troy.

Section 80. That for the purchase of metal for the subsidiary and minor coinage, authorised by
the preceding sections, an appropriation may be made by the Government of the Philippine
Islands from its current funds, which shall be reimbursed from the coinage under said sections;
and the gain or seigniorage arising there from shall be paid into the Treasury of said Islands.

Section 81. That the subsidiary and minor coinage hereinbefore authorised may be coined at
the mint of the Government of the Philippine Islands at Manila, or arrangements may be made
by the said Government with the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States for their coinage
at any of the mints of the United States, at a charge covering the reasonable cost of the work.
Section 82. That the subsidiary and minor coinage hereinbefore authorised shall bear devices
and inscriptions to be prescribed by the Government of the Philippines Islands, and such
devices and inscriptions shall express the sovereignty of the United States, that it is a coin of
the Philippine Islands, the denomination of the coin, and the year of the coinage.

Section 83. That the Government of the Philippine Islands shall have the power to make all
necessary appropriations and all proper regulations for the redemption and reissue of worn or
defective coins and for carrying out all other provisions of this Act relating to coinage.

Section 84. That the laws relating to entry, clearance, and manifests of steamships and other
vessels arriving from or going to foreign ports shall apply to voyages each way between the
Philippine Islands and the United States and the possessions thereof, and all laws relating to
the collection and protection of customs duties not inconsistent with the Act of Congress of
March eighth, nineteen hundred and two, “temporarily to provide revenue for the Philippine
Islands,” shall apply in the case of vessels and goods arriving from said Islands in the United
States and its aforesaid possessions.

The laws relating to seamen on foreign voyages shall apply to seamen on vessels going from
the United States and its possessions aforesaid to said Islands, the customs officers there being
for this purpose substituted for consular officers in foreign ports.

The provisions of chapters six and seven, title forty-eight, Revised Statutes, so far as now in
force, and any amendments thereof, shall apply to vessels making voyages either way between
ports of the United States or its aforesaid possessions and ports in said Islands; and the
provisions of law relating to the public health and quarantine shall apply in the case of all
vessels entering a port of the United States or its aforesaid possessions from said Islands,
where the customs officers at the port of departure shall perform the duties required by such law
of consular officers in foreign ports.

Section 3005, Revised Statutes, as amended, and other existing laws concerning the transit of
merchandise through the United States, shall apply to merchandise arriving at any port of the
United States destined for any of its insular and continental possessions or destined from any of
them to foreign countries.

Nothing in this Act shall be held to repeal or alter any part of the Act of March eighth, nineteen
hundred and two, aforesaid, or to apply to Guam, Tutorial, or Mauna, except that section eight of
an Act entitled “An Act to revise and amend the tariff laws of the Philippine Archipelago,”
enacted by the Philippine Commission on the seventeenth of September, nineteen hundred and
one, and approved by an Act entitled “An Act temporarily to provide revenues for the Philippine
Islands, and for other purposes,” approved March eighth, nineteen hundred and two, is hereby
amended so as to authorise the Civil Governor thereof in his discretion to establish the
equivalent rates of the money in circulation in said Islands with the money of the United States
as often as once in ten days.

Section 85. That the Treasury of the Philippine Islands and such banking associations in said
Islands with a paid-up capital of not less than two million dollars and chartered by the United
States or any State thereof as may be designated by the Secretary of War and the Secretary of
the Treasury of the United States shall be depositories of public money of the United States,
subject to the provisions of existing law governing such depositories in the United States:
Provided, that the Treasury of the Government of said Islands shall not be required to deposit
bonds in the Treasury of the United States, or to give other specific securities for the safe-
keeping of public money except as prescribed, in his discretion, by the Secretary of War.

Section 86. That all laws passed by the Government of the Philippine Islands shall be reported
to
Congress, which hereby reserves the power and authority to annul the same, and the Philippine
Commission is hereby directed to make annual report of all its receipts and expenditures to the
Secretary of War.

Bureau of Insular Affairs

Section 87. That the Division of Insular Affairs of the War Department, organised by the
Secretary of War, is hereby continued until otherwise provided, and shall hereafter be known as
the Bureau of Insular Affairs of the War Department. The business assigned to said Bureau shall
embrace all matters pertaining to civil government in the island possessions of the United States
subject to the jurisdiction of the War Department; and the Secretary of War is hereby authorised
to detail an officer of the Army whom he may consider especially well qualified, to act under the
authority of the Secretary of War as the chief of said Bureau, and said officer while acting under
said detail shall have the rank, pay, and allowances of a colonel.

Section 88. That all Acts and parts of Acts inconsistent with this Act are hereby repealed.

Chapter 12
JAPANESE OCCUPATION

Learning Objectives:
At the end of the chapter, students should be able to:
1.Explain why the Philippines was occupied by the Japanese
2.Explain the Filipino response to the Japanese Occupation

The Japanese occupation of the Philippines occurred between 1942 and 1945, when
Imperial Japan occupied the Commonwealth of the Philippines during World War II. The
invasion of the Philippines started on 8 December 1941, ten hours after the attack on
Pearl Harbor. As at Pearl Harbor, American aircraft were severely damaged in the initial
Japanese attack. Lacking air cover, the American Asiatic Fleet in the Philippines
withdrew to Java on 12 December 1941. General Douglas MacArthur was ordered out,
leaving his men at Corregidor on the night of 11 March 1942 for Australia, 4,000 km
away. The 76,000 starving and sick American and Filipino defenders on Bataan
surrendered on 9 April 1942, and were forced to endure the infamous Bataan Death
March on which 7,000–10,000 died or were murdered. The 13,000 survivors on
Corregidor surrendered on 6 May. Japan occupied the Philippines for over three years,
until the surrender of Japan. A highly effective guerilla campaign by Philippine
resistance forces controlled sixty percent of the islands, mostly jungle and mountain
areas. MacArthur supplied them by submarine, and sent reinforcements and officers.

Bataan has Fallen


Radio broadcast message, as written by Captain Salvador P. Lopez, delivered by Third
Lieutenant Normando Ildefonso “Norman” Reyes on the “Voice of Freedom” radio
broadcast of April 9, 1942 from Malinta Tunnel, Corregidor:

Bataan has fallen. The Philippine-American troops on this war-ravaged and


bloodstained peninsula have laid down their arms. With heads bloody but unbowed,
they have yielded to the superior force and numbers of the enemy.

The world will long remember the epic struggle that Filipino and American soldiers put
up in the jungle fastness and along the rugged coast of Bataan. They have stood up
uncomplaining under the constant and grueling fire of the enemy for more that three
months. Besieged on land and blockaded by sea, cut off from all sources of help in the
Philippines and in America, the intrepid fighters have done all that human endurance
could bear.

For what sustained them through all these months of incessant battle was a force that
was more than merely physical. It was the force of an unconquerable faith—something
in the heart and soul that physical hardship and adversity could not destroy! It was the
thought of native land and all that it holds most dear, the thought of freedom and dignity
and pride in these most priceless of all our human prerogatives.

The adversary, in the pride of his power and triumph, will credit our troops with nothing
less than the courage and fortitude that his own troops have shown in battle. Our men
have fought a brave and bitterly contested struggle. All the world will testify to the most
superhuman endurance with which they stood up until the last in the face of
overwhelming odds.

But the decision had to come. Men fighting under the banner of unshakable faith are
made of something more that flesh, but they are not made of impervious steel. The flesh
must yield at last, endurance melts away, and the end of the battle must come.

Bataan has fallen, but the spirit that made it stand—a beacon to all the liberty-loving
peoples of the world— cannot fall!

All of us know the story of Easter Sunday. It was the triumph of light over darkness, life
over death. It was the vindication of a seemingly unreasonable faith. It was the glorious
resurrection of a leader, only three days before defeated and executed like a common
felon.

Today, on the commemoration of that Resurrection, we can humbly and without


presumption declare our faith and hope in our own resurrection, our own inevitable
victory.

We, too, were betrayed by Judases. We were taken in the night by force of arms, and
though we had done wrong to no man, our people were bound and delivered into the
hands of our enemies. We have been with mock symbols of sovereignty, denied by
weaklings, lashed with repeated oppression, tortured and starved. We have been given
gall to drink, and we have shed our blood. To those who look upon us from afar it must
seem the Filipino people have descended into hell, into the valley of death. But we know
that the patient and watching men who said their simple prayers in the hills of Bataan,
have not lost faith, and we know that the hushed congregations in the churches
throughout the land, drew from the gospel as Mass renewed hope in their resurrection.
To all of them we give today the message of the angel of Easter morning: “Be not afraid,
for He is risen.”

We, too, shall rise. After we have paid the full price of our redemption, we shall return to
show the scars of sacrifices that all may touch and believe. When the trumpets sound
the hour we shall roll aside the stone before the tomb and the tyrant guards shall scatter
in confusion. No wall of stone shall then be strong enough to contain us, no human
force shall suffice to hold us in subjection, we shall rise in the name of freedom and the
East shall be alight with the glory of our liberation.

Inaugural address of President Laurel, October 14, 1943

Inaugural address of His Excellency, Jose P. Laurel, President of the Republic of


the Philippines, at the Legislative Building, October 14, 1943.
FELLOW COUNTRYMEN:
This is the hour of fulfillment of the supreme aspiration of our people for centuries. It is
but fitting that we should on this momentous occasion dedicate a prayer of thanksgiving
to those who paid the full price of blood and treasure for the freedom which we have
now achieved. Rest at long last in your hallowed graves: immortal heroes of the Filipino
race! The long night of vigil is ended. You have not cued in vain. The spirit of Mactan, of
Balintawak, of Bagumbayan, of Malolos, and Bataan lives again!
The Republic which we are consecrating here today was born in the midst of a total
war. Our countryside was transformed into a gory battlefield to become a historic
landmark of that titanic conflict.
From the crucible of a world in turmoil was unleashed the mighty forces that were to
spell the liberation of Asiatic peoples from foreign domination. Today, as we witness the
triumphal realization of our national ideal, we would be sadly wanting in those
magnanimous qualities which distinguished a noble and valiant race, if we did not
forgive the wounds and havoc inflicted by that war, the immolation of our youth with their
golden promise of the future, the untold sufferings and privations undergone by our
innocent population. This is no time for indulging in unseemly recriminations or for
ventilating our grievances. In all dignity and out of the fullness of our hearts we could do
no less than acknowledge before the world our debt of honor to the August Virtue of His
Majesty, the Emperor of Nippon, for ordaining the holy war and hastening the day of our
national deliverance.
The presence here of high diplomatic and official representatives of the Nipponese
Empire and other nations of Greater East Asia testifies to the traditional friendship and
mutual understanding among all Oriental peoples. In the name of the Filipino people, I
wish to convey to the honored guests our sincere assurances of good-will and to
express the fervent hope that the fraternal ties which unite our people with theirs will
grow ever stronger and firmer in the years to come.
I wish to take advantage of this opportunity also to make public our grateful appreciation
of all the acts of kindness showered upon the Filipino people by the Commanders of the
Imperial Japanese Army and Navy in the Philippines, past and present. I make special
reference to General Sigenori Kuroda, Highest Commander of the Imperial Japanese
Army in the Philippines, and to General Takazi Wati, DirectorGeneral of the Japanese
Military Administration, without whose sympathetic assistance and encouragement, the
Preparatory Commission for Philippine Independence would not have been able to
accomplish its work promptly and expeditiously.
Our first and foremost duty as a free and independent nation is to maintain peace and
order within our borders. No government worthy of the name will countenance public
disorder or tolerate open defiance of its authority. Unless we enjoy domestic tranquillity,
we cannot prosecute to a successful conclusion those labors essential to our daily
existence and to our national survival. Without public security, our natural resources will
remain undeveloped, our fields uncultivated, our industry and commerce paralyzed;
instead of progress and prosperity, we shall wallow in misery and poverty and face
starvation.
In the ultimate analysis, all government is physical power and that government is
doomed which is impotent to suppress anarchy and terrorism. The Constitution vests in
the President full authority to exercise the coercive powers of the State for its
preservation. In order to make those powers effective, my administration shall be
committed to the training, equipment and support of an enlarged Constabulary force
strong enough to cope with any untoward situation which might arise. Certainly,
everything must be done to forestall the indignity and humiliation of being obliged to
invoke outside intervention to quell purely internal disturbances.
With the attainment of independence and the consequent abolition of the military
administration, those of our citizens who have heretofore been engaged in guerrilla
activities would prove untrue to the ideal for which they have forsaken their families,
sacrificed the comforts of home and risked their lives, if they did not lay down their arms
and henceforth tread the pathways of peace. I cannot believe that their sense of duty
would dictate to them otherwise than to come down from the mountains and other hiding
places and participate in the common enterprise of nation-building. If perchance
recalcitrant elements would still persist in the sabotage of our program of reconstruction
and threaten the very existence of the Republic, I shall have no other alternative than to
consider them public enemies of our government and people and to deal with them
accordingly.
Even during the artificially prosperous years of the Commonwealth regime, we
had to import heavy quantities of rice and other foodstuffs; with the outbreak of the
present war, and worse, in the brief phase of its incursion into our country, our
agricultural and industrial activities were thrown out of gear, our trade with other
countries was disrupted, and the shortage of our food supply became more acute than
ever. With our vast tracts of fertile and arable land it would be indulging in mere platitude
to assert that we can produce two times, not to say three times, what we actually need
to feed our population. Whether the problem is expansion or intensification of our
agriculture, the common denominator is hard work.
We must till our idle lands, improve and diversify our crops, develop our fisheries,
multiply our livestock, dairy and poultry farms. Next we must produce other necessities
such as clothing, fuel, building materials, medicinal preparations, articles of daily use; in
short, the minimum requirements of civilized life. Then, we must turn our attention to the
demands of heavy industry, explore the possibilities of our exporting to other members
of the Sphere those raw materials which we have in abundance in exchange for goods
which we cannot locally produce, adjust our internal economic structure in coordination
with the regional economy of the Asiatic bloc, and thus contribute our share to the
realization of the noble purpose of common prosperity. This means that we have to
rehabilitate and plan out our national economy; adopt a sound and stable currency;
overhaul our credit and exchange systems to insure the steady flow of capital; foster
private initiative in business enterprise; stimulate scientific invention and research;
create new industries; establish factories and manufacturing plants; improve our existing
transportation and communication facilities construct more roads in accordance with a
well devised general plan to promote mutual intercourse; build bottoms to accommodate
our overseas and coastwise trade; and finally, adopt a more efficient machinery of price
control to prevent hoarding and profiteering and insure a more equitable distribution of
prime commodities consistent with our war-time economy. All these cannot be
undertaken haphazardly but must be accomplished in accordance with a well conceived
economic planning if we expect to rise to the full stature of independent nationhood. Our
political emancipation would be vain and illusory if we did not at the same time work out
our economic salvation.
Hand in hand with national self-sufficiency, we should look after the individual welfare of
the poorer elements who constitute the bulk of our population; assure decent living
conditions to our laboring class by raising the level of the minimum wage; afford relief to
the needy and suffering, especially to war widows and orphans. Social legislation in this
direction would be nothing more than social justice in action. In the prosecution of this
humane policy it would be far better to err on the side of benevolent paternalism than on
the side of laissez-faire and rugged individualism. The slogan should no longer be live
and let live, but live and help live, so that the government may bring about the
happiness and well-being, if not of all, at least of the greatest number.
Especially at this time we should guard against the dominating passion for wealth.
Unless economic equilibrium between all classes of society is achieved, we may not be
able to forestall the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few, to the detriment of the
suffering masses of our population. If necessary, we should take positive steps to attain
the social mean by preventing the rich from getting richer and the poor from getting
poorer.
We are endowed with sufficient agricultural land to dole out to those who produce our
wealth with the sweat of their brawn and who constitute the real mainstay of our
economic solvency. The Constitution has limited the size of public agricultural land
which private individuals may acquire by purchase or by homestead so that there may
be enough to go around and so that the poor may have a chance to obtain their just
share of the public wealth without undue competition from those who already have more
than what is necessary for their sustenance. We may even have to carry out this
socialistic policy to its logical conclusion by invoking the constitutional sanction
authorizing the National Assembly to limit the maximum acreage of private agricultural
land which individuals or corporations may hold or acquire. By encouraging and
materially aiding landholding among the masses so that every citizen may become an
independent freeholder, we shall have gone a long way towards the desideratum of
social and economic stability. Love of country springs only from genuine attachment to
the soil; it can receive no nourishment from the uprooted and artificial life of the
homeless and the disinherited.
There is need of awakening the moral consciousness of our people so that they may be
able to face their new responsibilities with added vigor and enthusiasm. We should
evolve a new type of citizen who would be ready and willing to subordinate himself to
the larger and more vital interests of the State. The Constitution guarantees to every
man that modicum of personal liberty essential to his enjoyment of relative contentment
and happiness. But of more transcendent importance than his privileges, are the duties
which the individual owes to the State. The Constitution gives precedence to those
obligations in consonance with the fundamental idea that man does not live for himself
and his family alone but also for the State and humanity at large. The new citizen,
therefore, is he who knows his rights as well as his duties, and knowing them, will
discharge his duties even to the extent of sacrificing his rights.
Loyalty to duty should be best exemplified by our public officers and employees who
receive compensation from the State. Simple honesty demands that they earn their pay
by rendering the full measure of service that is expected of them. They should observe
strict punctuality, maintain maximum efficiency and devote all their official time to
government business. Less than this measure of service is morally tantamount to
embezzlement of public funds. Public service, in order to be deserving of popular faith
and confidence, must be infused with a new meaning and based on the highest
considerations of morality. Government employment is neither a sinecure nor an
instrument for self-enrichment, but a noble calling of service to the people. Dishonesty,
bribery and corruption have no place in the government and they shall be eradicated
without quarter. Our public functionaries shall be faithful servants of the people— tall,
strong men and pure, self-sacrificing women who will safeguard the public interest like
vestal fire. In the up-building of the national character, the school, no less than the home
and the church, should play an important, if not dominating role. Our educational system
must be renovated and due emphasis placed on the moral objective laid down in the
Constitution. The other aims decreed in the fundamental law like the development of
personal and collective discipline, civic conscience, vocational skill and social efficiency,
should be subordinated to the cultivation of moral character as the handmaiden of an
intransigent nationalism. Character-formation shall be the mainspring of all educational
enterprise born of a telling realization that scholarship destitute of character is
worthless, that religion deprived of morality is mere fanatism, that patriotism devoid of
honor is only a posture. We can combat the evil of excessive materialism which we
inherited from the West only by a return to the spiritual ways of the East where we
rightfully belong.
Re-definition of purpose and re-orientation of curricula would be futile if they were not
brought to bear upon the great mass of our population. While the Constitution provides
for citizenship training to adult citizens which should not be neglected by all means,
more decisive results would be accomplished if we concentrate on the plastic minds of
our youth and revolutionize a whole generation. Elementary instruction must not only be
free and public as required by the Constitution, but attendance, at least in primary
grades, must eventually, and as resources permit, be made compulsory for all children
of school age. It is the constitutional duty of every citizen to render personal military and
civil service as may be required by law, and the State has every right to expect that the
person called upon to discharge this obligation be physically, mentally and morally
equipped for the task demanded. To insure this, the State may furnish the necessary
preparatory training dovetailed to its requirements, and the individual is duty-bound to
submit to the instruction so prescribed.
All the students in our schools, colleges, and universities must be subjected to the rigid
discipline of a well-regulated daily schedule. In general and subject to such regulations
as may be prescribed, they must wear a prescribed uniform not only to inculcate in them
the habits of thrift but to permit closer supervision over their activities. In this way, our
youth will be able to devote themselves conscientiously to their studies instead of
wasting their time and substance in frivolity and dissipation. Only by strengthening the
moral fiber of our youth and casting them into the heroic mould shall the soft metal of
their minds harden into maturity indelibly impressed with unswerving devotion to the
country that gave them birth. Thus will they grow into worthy descendants of our
illustrious sires who once trod this very soil as freemen in dim ages past— brown, sun-
kissed Filipinos, who love freedom dearer than life itself.
The work of our schools should be correlated with and supplemented by wholesome
and substantial home life, in order to afford the young a practical pattern of social
behavior and a working demonstration of group cohesiveness. It is imperative that we
forge and rivet the links of family solidarity. The family is the basic unit of society and the
breakdown of the family can only result in the disintegration of society. The consolidation
of the authority of the paterfamilias, the cultivation of the Oriental virtues of filial piety
and obedience, and the restoration of womanhood to its proper place in the home—this
is the tripod which should hold fast and elevate the Filipino family under the Republic.
We cannot listen to the fads of modernism which seek to flatter our women by giving
them more freedom for their own undoing, without undermining the institution of the
family. Nor can we deprive them of the rights they now enjoy without turning back the
clock to the days when they wore shackles and were regarded as mere chattel. As we
can neither advance nor retrocede, we have to maintain the rights which we have
already conceded to our women without impairing in any way the authority lodged in the
head of the family to which they belong. This is inevitable because the matriarchy of
primitive times has long since ceased to exist. In every social unit there must always be
a focal center of authority, and in the Filipina family that epicentre has always been the
father as head of the first barangay.
The Filipino woman must incarnate the purity and tenderness of Maria Clara, the
solicitude and self-sacrifice of Tandang Sora, the fecundity and motherly love of Teodora
Alonso. The home is her sovereign realm and motherhood is the highest position to
which she should aspire. She should look forward to the rearing of children as the
consummation of her noblest mission in life. The young generation must suckle from her
breasts not only the seeds of patriotism but also those rudiments of familial discipline
which will imbue them with respect for their elders and obedience to constituted
authority.
The home, more than the school, should be the nursery of the mother tongue. The
Government will take the necessary steps for the development and propagation of the
Tagalog language as ordained in the Constitution not only through the medium of the
Institute of National Language and the encouragement of vernacular literature, but also
by making its study compulsory in all schools and eventually prescribing its use in
official correspondence as well as in public ceremonies. But the horn must do its share
so that our children may learn from the cradle those folk-songs and folklore transmitted
by word of mouth from generation to generation and which form the repository of our
common imperishable tradition.
Man has by his science conquered the inorganic and the animal world and harnessed
their forces to minister to his needs and to suit his fancy. But he has neglected the
science of man as a human being. It is a sad commentary on the present state of our
civilization that we bear daily witness to the lowest depths of crime and human
degradation, obtain a passing glimpse of misfits and derelicts in human shape, and go
our different ways paying little heed to these living indictments of our society. It is time
that we frankly face the situation and remedy matters by going to the very source of this
social cancer. It would be foolhardy for us to so much as attempt to check the natural
growth of our population and by a process of rigid selection produce only supermen of
whom philosophers have dreamed. The increase of birth-rate which is desirable for a
young country like ours is not incompatible with the improvement of the racial stock.
Over heredity we have no control except in so far as we may prohibit the marriage of
diseased individuals or prescribe the sterilization of imbeciles and lunatics. But we can
and we should shape the forces of our environment and eduaction so that the
propagation of health and intelligence may outrun the reproduction of disease and
ignorance.
It shall be the concern of my administration to improve the individual quality of the
masses by stressing medical attention for expectant mothers, correct methods of pre-
natal and infant care, proper nutrition for our children, a well-balanced diet for adults,
clean amusement and wholesome sport and recreation for both young and old, and
other measures designed 10 conserve the health of the populace.
For this purpose, all the resources of learning and science at our disposal will be
mobilized There is absolutely no reason why we should devote more effort and attention
to breeding super-stallions for our racing stables, milch cows for our fairs or prize hogs
for our markets, than to raising healthy, intelligent and self-respecting human beings
who will be a credit to our country and who will glorify the Filipino race. There is dire
need for the reappraisal of our standard of human values, for the perfection of human
industry as an art and a science, for the exaltation and dignification of the human
personality.
During the infancy of the Republic we should not expect the immediate accomplishment
in a single stroke of the vast and vital projects that I have outlined to guide my
administration. We should not forget that war is still raging with unabated intensity
outside our borders and that we are handicapped with restricted means and still
undeveloped resources. The least we can do for a start is to undertake the preliminary
steps of long-range planning to be carried into execution as much and as fast as our
limited finances will permit. In the meantime, the popular mind will have to be fully
prepared and rendered both receptive and responsive to the new national outlook.
The orientation of the new government under the Republic is one of centralized control
for service to the people regardless of any obstacle. “The welfare of the people,” in the
fiery language of Andres Bonifacio, “is the supreme purpose of all governments on
earth. The people is all; blood, life, wealth and strength: all is the people.” This is the
guiding philosophy of the Constitution and the mandate of those called upon to assist in
the establishment of the new government. The scientific method will be availed of to
streamline the government machinery and effect simplicity, economy and efficiency in its
operation to insure maximum attention to the welfare of the people and their needs.
Red-tape and official routine should be reduced to a minimum, duplication of work
avoided and unnecessary services eliminated. But the active principle of social justice
will have to be invoked to ameliorate the lot of the lowest paid employees and increase
their compensation either directly or by some budgetary method in reasonable
proportion to the present high cost of living. This must be pushed through even if we
have to sacrifice further promotions in pay and if necessary slash the salaries of those in
the higher brackets of our officialdom. Without political consolidation we cannot hope to
accomplish the desired integration of our political, economic and social life. The
abolition of political parties is a desirable feature of the military regime which we must
conserve especially during the formative period of our Republic. Political parties have
divided us in the past and we should avoid the recurrence of our sad experience. We
must eradicate the baneful influence of factional
strife and strike at the very roots of partisan spirit. I shall stand for no political party while
I hold the rudder of the Ship of State. We must serve only one master—our country; we
must follow only one voice—the voice of the people.
We must have only one party, the people’s party, a party that would stand for peace, for
reconstruction, for sound national economy, for social reform, for the elevation of the
masses, for the creation of a new world order.
At no time in our history is the demand for unity amongst our people more urgent or
more compelling. Only by presenting a compact and undivided front to all vital issues of
the day can we hope to erect the foundations of a strong and enduring Republic. I
consider as rallying centers of our national unity: The Flag, the Constitution, the National
Anthem and the President of the Republic. The Flag, I because it symbolizes the
sacrifices of our heroes and synthesizes our common imperishable tradition. The
Constitution, because it expresses our collective and sovereign will and embodies the
sum of our political philosophy and experience. The National Anthem, because it
epitomizes the trials and tribulations, and crystallizes the longings and aspirations of our
race. The President, because he is the chosen leader of our people, the directing and
coordinating center of our government, and the visible personification of the State.
Foursquare on these rallying points, the dynamic instinct of racial solidarity latent in the
heart of each and every Filipino must be roused from its lethargy and inflamed with the
passion of faith in our common destiny as a people.
Across the horizon, the Hand of Fate beckons us into the Promised Land. I am sure our
people will rise as one man to meet the challenge. After all, the government we have
established under the Constitution is our own government; it will be officered and
manned by our own people; the problems it will face will be our own problems. We shall
encounter difficulties greater than any we have ever faced in our national history. We
shall have to adapt ourselves to the strange stimuli of a new environment and undergo
the travails of constant adjustment and readjustment. God helping us, we shall march
with steady, resolute steps forward, without doubt, vacillation e or fear. There shall be no
tarrying on the way, no desertion from the ranks, no stragglers left behind. Together we
shall work, work hard, work still harder, work with all our might, and work as we have
never worked before. Every drop, every trickle of individual effort shall be grooved into a
single channel of d common endeavor until they grow into a flowing stream, a rushing
cataract, a roaring torrent, a raging flood, hurdling all difficulties and demolishing all
barriers in the way of our single purpose and common determination to make our
independence stable, lasting and real.

Chapter 13
The Challenges Faced by the Filipino Nation in terms of Agrarian Reform,
Economic Nationalism,
Foreign Policy and National Minorities

Learning Objectives:
1.Identify and explain the different problems which the Philippines had to address after
the World War II
2.Explain the relations of the Philippines and the United States after the Second World
War
Message of President Roxas on Agrarian Reforms, August 8, 1946

GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS:

I am transmitting to you at this time for your earnest consideration proposed


amendments to the Tenancy Law, and am accompanying these proposals with the first
report of the Agrarian Commission which recently completed its studies of economic
conditions in agricultural districts, and of the unrest which exists in some of these
districts.

You will find from the report that the proposed amendments are highly recommended by
the Agrarian Commission whose findings are based on a thorough, objective and
detailed study of the major factors involved.

The Agrarian Commission was created by Executive Order precisely to study this
situation. The members of this Commission have listened to every conceivable
viewpoint and have made a first hand study at the very scene of these problems. The
conclusions of this Commission are so finely devised, although they represent no new
departure from views held by experts on this subject before the war that I have been
assured of support for these proposals by representatives of both the tenants and the
landowners.

This particular report deals chiefly with the relationship between tenant and landowner
in the rice-producing areas the recommendations of the Commission were arrived at
after a careful investigation of the economic and social problems of the individuals and
groups involved in that relationship, and of the tenancy contract itself as prescribed by
existing laws. The Commission also gathered information concerning the actual
operation of these contracts and the resulting difficulties and conflicts which have arisen
in widespread areas.

I have given much thought and study to this report have reached the conclusion that the
recommendations of the Commission are based on sound principle and afford, for the
present at least, a fair and just basis for the establishment of a vastly improved
relationship between tenant and landowner. I, therefore, recommend to the Congress
the amendment of the Tenancy Law in accordance with the recommendations of the
Agrarian Commission. As soon as the necessary funds are available, I shall submit
recommendations for the implementation of the other findings of the Commission,
especially those proposing the construction of irrigation systems, the establishment of
agricultural experiment stations, the organization of credit cooperatives for the benefit of
tenants and small farmers, and the modernization of the technique of rice production.

Tenancy is an archaic and socially undesirable system as the basis for agriculture. It is a
remnant of feudalism. It is a form of extreme paternalism which retards the economic
and social progress of tenants and farm workers. It ties the laborer to the land as a
chattel. It deadens his spirit of enterprise and makes him totally dependent on the
landowner. The condition of many tenants is not unlike serfdom. This situation is
repugnant to modern concepts of free enterprise and human dignity. It retards the
economic advance of our nation. Wherever the system of tenancy prevails in the world,
social and economic conditions are depressed. We must therefore look forward to a
gradual but orderly abolition of the tenancy system; we must strive gradually and in an
orderly manner to make of our farm laborers the owners of the land that they cultivate
and thereby stimulate the creation of as large a class as possible of small independent
farmers who can and will be the backbone of the social and political body of the nation.

To attain this end, I propose, first, to establish the fairest possible contractual basis
between the tenant and landowner; second, wherever practicable and as soon as
circumstances permit, to replace the system of tenancy as we know it with a system of
fixed land rental, either in money or in produce; third, to acquire large estates for the
purpose of subdividing them for sale at cost to the tenants; and, fourth, to open up large
areas of public land for development and distribution to farmers to be attracted from the
congested farm areas. This program, together with scientific aid to agriculture and the
credit and other facilities that small farmers require in the organization of new farms,
necessitates the expenditure of considerable amounts of money. As soon as funds are
available I shall propose to the Congress the immediate implementation of this program.

As an immediate measure I propose the following amendments to the provisions of


Commonwealth Act No. 4054, commonly known as “The Philippine Rice Share Tenancy
Act”:

1. In the absence of a written contract, (a) the tenant is to receive 70 per cent of the
net produce of the land and the landowner 30 per cent for first class land—land whose
normal production is over 40 cavans of palay per one cavan of seeds; (b) 75 per cent
for the tenant and 25 per cent for the landowner for second class land—land whose
normal production is between 25 and 40 cavans per one cavan of seeds; and (c) 80 per
cent for the tenant and 20 per cent for the landowner for third class land―land whose
normal production is less than 25 cavans per one cavan of seeds; provided the tenant
supplies the work animals and farm implements and defrays all the expenses for
planting and cultivation of the field. Expenses for harvesting and threshing shall be
deducted from the gross produce. Expenses for the maintenance of irrigation systems
within the respective areas shall be for the account of the tenant, but amortizations for
the cost of construction of the system itself shall be for the account of the landowner.
The expenses for construction and maintenance of privately-owned irrigation systems
shall be agreed upon between landowners and tenants, but in case of disagreement, all
expenses for construction shall be for the account of the landowner and the expenses
of the distribution canals for the account of the tenant.

2. In case the landowner supplies the work animals and farm implements and the
landowner bears all the expenses of planting and cultivation, the landowner shall
receive 70 per cent and the tenant 30 per cent of the crop; but if the landowner and .the
tenant bear equally the expenses of planting and cultivation, the crop shall be divided
equally between the parties.

3. In case the land is planted to a second crop of rice or to other auxiliary crops, the
tenant shall receive 80 per cent and the landowner 20 per cent of the net produce,
provided all expenses of production are borne by the tenant.

4. In case a written contract is executed between landowner and tenant, it is to be


declared against public policy and prohibited for the tenant to agree to receive less than
55.per cent of the net crop, if the tenant supplies the work to animals and farm
Implements and is to bear 50 percent of the expenses of planting and cultivation.

5. In case of a contract for a fixed rental of the land, it is to be declared contrary to


public policy and prohibited to stipulate a rental higher than 25 per cent of the estimated
normal harvest.

6. The area to be set aside for the tenant for his house, garden and the raising of
poultry and livestock should be increased from 500 square meters to not less than 600
square meters, nor more than 1,000 square meters depending upon the availability of
suitable land belonging to the landowner.

The amendments I am proposing to the Tenancy Law are neither radical nor new in this
country. They are virtually the same as those prevailing in the tenancy contracts in the
Visayan provinces. In the Visayas, tenants and landowners are working in complete
harmony, and the social condition of the tenants is relatively higher than that in the
provinces of Central Luzon.

One of the most important effects of these amendments will be to induce the tenant to
work harder and more continuously because of the prospect of receiving a major part of
his produce. It will also induce him to avoid spending needlessly for planting and
cultivating, since he will realize that such expenses will have to be borne by him
exclusively. This is actually the case in the Visayan provinces. Whereas in Luzon, the
usual expenses for planting and cultivation amount to a considerable sum, in the
Visayan provinces few such expenses are being actually contracted because the tenant
and members of his family do all the work of planting and cultivating. In cases where
additional help is required, there exists a system of cooperative labor supplied by
neighboring tenants and their families.

I fully realize that the proposed amendments will not solve all the economic problems of
the tenants of rice lands. It is a fact, for instance, that the present methods of rice
cultivation are such that no tenant can cultivate more than three hectares of rice land.
And even if he were given all the produce of this land, he would still have an insufficient
income to support a socially acceptable standard of living. The final answer must rather
be found in gradually increasing the efficiency of the tenant by the adoption of modern
methods of agriculture, the use of fertilizers, the use of mechanical implements, the
stimulation of household industry, the development of seasonal employment, and the
increase in the amount of land which the tenant can put into production with his own
work. This is a gradual process which will require more than legislation to achieve; it will
need greater efforts on the part of the tenant and a long process of education and
demonstration in modern agricultural technique.

I have received letters and petitions from owners of small rice landholdings, protesting
against the amendments which I am proposing in this message. These petitioners claim
that if the tenants are to be given a larger share of the crop, the income of the small
owners will be greatly reduced, facing them with economic disaster. My answer to this
protest is that these small landowners should cultivate their own lands; thus they will not
have to share the crop with tenants. We cannot deny justice to the tenants merely
because the landowners do not want to work their own land and prefer to live on the
work of others. These owners, if they prefer to have other employment, must be content
with a fair return from land ownership.

I wish to emphasize that I am not proposing these amendments to allay threats of


violence or in response to the demands of private organizations or their leaders. This is
not a palliative. I am proposing these amendments because I consider them fair, just
and necessary. The present crop-sharing system in Central Luzon is as old as
organized production of rice itself. Crop-sharing tenancy dates back to an age, which
preceded even the writing of the Old Testament, when tenants were really the slaves of
the landlords.

The 70-30 crop division itself is not an especially novel concept. I recall proposing it
several years before the war. The proposition was endorsed by President Quezon; it
was only because of the outbreak of war that this reform was not carried out.

I desire to inform the Congress that before submitting this message, a meeting was held
to discuss the Agrarian Commission report with representatives of the tenants and of the
landowners. I am happy to advise the Congress that these representatives approved
the recommendations of the Commission and agreed to support the’ amendments which
I am now submitting for your consideration.

In view of the fact that the planting season for rice is under way and that the harvest will
take place before the next session of the Congress, I earnestly request that this matter
receive your early attention and that the proposed amendments be enacted at an early
date.

Respectfully,

(Sgd.) MANUEL ROXAS


Carlos P. Garcia, Third State of the Nation Address, January 25, 1960
Message of His Excellency Carlos P. Garcia President of the Philippines To
the Congress On the State of the Nation

Mr. Senate President, Mr. Speaker, Members of Congress:

In the light of what has been accomplished since I last had the honor to address you, it
is with an uplifted spirit that today I call for further determined and courageous action
toward the great national goals.

During the year 1959 we touched a few peaks in progress’ highway. We piled up bigger
surpluses in. rice and corn, thus firming up our success in the campaign for self-suffi-
ciency in food. We have achieved favorable balance of trade for the first time in postwar
years which is a definitive index of our economic growth. The nation was thrilled by the
discovery of oil in Cebu which, together with steel, will give revolutionary impetus to our
agro-industrial econ-omy. Oil will soon be a mighty pillar of our economy. We launched
the first ship built by Filipino naval architects and engineers which established once and
for all our capacity in this field. This is significant and inspiring when we consider that we
are a country of 7,000 islands. We have successfully conducted a peaceful, free and
honest election in which the Filipino people reiterated confidence in the present
Nacionalista administration. It was an untrammeled expression of the popular will and
the overall result was the strengthening of the fabric of Philippine de-mocracy. We have
just laid the cornerstone of a Nuclear Center made possible by the United States
granting us an Atomic Reactor. We have thus been ushered into the thres-hold of a
spectacular industrial revolution with the use of atomic energy.

All of these achievements in the past year, to mention only the most outstanding, are at
the same time pledges at a bigger tomorrow.

THE “FILPINO FIRST” POLICY

The ”Filipino First” policy of this administration received a resounding popular


indorsement in the last election. Politically we became independent since 1946, but
econom-ically we are still semi-colonial. This is especially true in our foreign trade. This
policy is therefore designed to regain economic independence. It is a national effort to
the end that Filipinos obtain major and dominant participa-tion in their own national
economy. This we will achieve with malice towards none and with fairness to all. We will
accomplish this with full understanding of our inter-national obligations towards our
friends of the Free World. We will carry this out within the framework of our special
relations with the United States to whose citizens we granted until 1974, by
Constitutional provision, equal rights as Filipinos in the exploitation of our natural
resources and public utilities, and to whom we also granted trading parity rights under
the Laurel-Langley Agreement. Under this policy we will welcome friendly and
understanding foreign capital willing to collaborate with us in the exploitation of our vast
natural resources preferably on joint venture basis.

It is my hope that legislations under this orientation will be enacted this year.

ECONOMIC PROGRESS

In vital matters related to the national economy, at the start of last year, we were facing
serious difficulties. The international reserve stood at a dangerously low level and the
financial position of the government was weak. So when I came before Congress to
speak on the state of the nation, I proposed bold and decisive moves to stabilize the
economy.

Congress in a historic special session patriotically re-sponded by exacting a stabilization


program the principal feature of which is the imposition of a margin fee on the sale of
foreign exchange. In the middle of July a 25 per cent margin was put into effect.

It speaks highly of the courageous statesmanship of this Congress that in spite of a


stormy opposition accompanied by gloomy predictions of the prophets of doom, it
passed the measure even in an election year.

Now after barely five months of implementation thereof we find that we were able not
only to halt the country’s deteriorating balance of payments, but also to reverse it for the
first time in postwar years from minus to plus, The 25 per cent margin on foreign
exchange sales com-bined with the other disinflationary fiscal and credit re-straint
measures such as new tax laws, the cutback in bond financing, and such monetary
instruments as the raising of reserve requirements, the raising of rediscount rates,
selec-tive rediscounting, the imposition of portfolio ceilings, and the continued effectively
of Central Bank Circular No. 79, have produced general salutary effects upon our
national economy. Among these are: (1) the strengthening of the peso, (2) the
strengthening of our international reserve to the tune of $162.9 million, (3) the
consolidation of the government’s financial position, (4) the cutting down of excessive
money supply, (5) the keeping down of excess bank reserves and credit, and (6), worthy
of repeated mention, the attainment for the first time in postwar history of a favorable
balance of trade and balance of payments to the tune of $46.4 million. Moreover, we
paid in 1959, $84 million of our foreign loans and obligations.

What consequences followed the overall strengthening of our national economy


resulting from these stabilization measures? They are visible and tangible. First and
fore-most, we have signaled away forced devaluation which would have been
inescapable under a runaway inflation. By achieving this, we saved the masses of our
people- by preventing the ruination of their wages and salaries, their savings, pensions
and insurance, and other social security benefits. Secondly, the Republic gained in
credit and con-fidence abroad and this is evidenced by many offers to us of credit lines
and loans by governments and great banking and financial institutions all over the
world. Thirdly, pro-duction on all fronts—manufacturing, mining and agricul-ture—has
pushed on to new heights. Fourthly, we have succeeded to establish a climate for bigger
investment of domestic and friendly foreign capital and know-how needed to utilize and
exploit our national resources, especially the oil mines and the laterite mines.

Incidentally, there are loose talks of repealing the dollar margin law on the alleged
ground that prices have zoomed up owing to it. We found, however, that, in general,
prices have risen slower than costs. This indicated that business profit margins
absorbed a sizeable share of the tax burden. The increase in prices for prime
commodities consumed by the masses was not due to the dollar margin law, but to
certain tax laws, the higher tariff rates on United States goods, and principally the
general upward trend of produc-tion costs and prices at the sources of these imported
com-modities. The latter is beyond our control.

On the other hand, while retail prices for domestically produced commodities increased
by 5.1 per cent from June to November, they still stood below their levels the previous
year, owing largely to increased output in agriculture and the domestic industries.

Be that as it may, may I state as emphatically as I can that, if the stabilization measures
Congress enacted last year did not halt the increasing momentum of last year’s
inflation, the ravages of the then impending run-away inflation would have exacted from
us not 25 per cent, not even 100 per cent but perhaps from 500 to 1000 per cent rise in
prices. That would have been a national catastrophe.

Rural Development

Greater efforts should be made to diffuse the benefits and balance the economic
development among the rural regions of the country. During the past year, I consistently
advocated the dispersal of industries to the provinces to halt the dangerous tendency of
overcrowded population in cities and to stop inflation of monetary circulation in Manila
and suburbs while there was scarcity of money in the provinces.

The success of our program of self-sufficiency may be gauged by the increasing


surpluses of rice and corn. Such surpluses have not only introduced price and
marketing problems but also necessitate the reorientation of our production policies
along the following lines: (1) redirection of our research activities towards high-yielding
varieties suitable to the needs of foreign markets; (2) further studies in the development
of new industrial uses of agricultural surpluses and raw materials; (3) improvement in
our man-agement practices so as to increase the production per hectare and thereby
reduce the cost per unit of output; and (4) attunement of production to market demands
so as to avoid undisposable surpluses and achieve steady and fair in-come for farmers.
For instance, some Virginia tobacco lands in the Ilocos provinces, in the face of a
soaring tobacco surplus, may be shifted to cotton production needed by our expanding
textile mills.
We must now take bold and definite steps to improve the mechanism for internal
marketing and distribution and develop a sound credit structure that will sustain the
growth of agriculture and the agricultural industries. In the field of crop loans for small
farmers underwritten by the ACCFA and the Development Bank of the Philippines to the
tune of P50 million, there is need for more aggressiveness and liberality in credit
mechanism to shake off alien control. The Rural Banks now numbering 126 should be
strengthened by further government aid in capitalization so that they can participate
more effectively in the campaign to regain Philippine control in rural areas.

Our experience during the last few years indicates the utmost desirability of a practical
shift from a public market-ing system to a more active role on the part of private
enterprise. In the case of rice and corn marketing, it is both urgent and propitious that
our Government banks and the rural banks back up a structure of long-term credit
assistance to private warehouses and millers.

During the year under review, we also made steady progress in land reforms and public
land distribution.
The NARRA resettled over 1,000 settler-families, mostly m the provinces of Bukidnon,
Lanao, Cotabato, Palawan and Isabela. The Bureau of Lands continued to extend the
Survey and subdivision of disposable public agricultural lands, and distributed during
the year over 23,000 land patents.

While farmers should be extended all possible assistance as far as credits and
marketing facilities are concerned, I believe, that in the long run, the continued subsidy
and price support of certain products will do more harm than good to public welfare.
There is clear indication that a realistic reexamination of our laws on price support be
undertaken before it is too late.

I am proud to inform Congress that in the community development program under the
PACD and with ICA assistance, we rose to unprecedented heights of achievement. At
the death of President Magsaysay we had 2,110 com-munity development projects in
1,185 barrios. Now we have 21,480 projects in 5,425 barrios of which 9,293 were
undertaken in 1959. These community development proj-ects range feeder roads to
community assembly houses, poultry, artesian wells, barrio waterworks, communal ir-
rigation, and others.

This phase of social service fully deserves the generous support of Congress which I
hereby request.

Development of Foreign Markets

I wish to call attention again to the matter of developing new foreign markets for our
products. I have directed the resumption and conclusion of trade agreements with
Germany, Japan, and other countries. A diversified market will enable us to sell our
products at the best possible price and thus maximize our income. As United States
duties become increasingly heavy on Philippine goods under the Laurel-Langley
Agreement, the problem of diversification becomes more marked.

A significant development in this regard is the fact that half of our trade is now
conducted with countries other than the United States, particularly with Western Europe
and our Asian neighbors, whereas ten years ago, three-fourths of our trade was
exclusively with America.

We should explore the possibility of price adjustments on our products to make them
more competitive with similar products of other countries. The method open to us in our
campaign for higher export receipts are indeed many and varied, among which are the
institution of quality control, the encouragement of more intensive processing, a more
in-tensive development of by-product industries in order to utilize what is now waste,
and stepped-up specialized ex-ploration to find more industrial uses of our sugar,
abaca, coconut, tobacco, etc.

The Problem of Barter

Last year I recommended the repeal of Republic Act No.1410 with a view to plugging
the loopholes provided through barter. While this law was repealed, another law,
Republic Act No. 2262, was approved, designed to provide incentives directly to
producers. This was done, I understand, in realistic barter. Undeniably, there are also a
few marginal indus-tries on which the employment of a large number of our people
actually depend and for which barter alone offers better chances of survival.

In this connection I beg to announce that the rice and corn surpluses of 1959 are bigger
than the 1958 surpluses, an eloquent proof of the success of our program for self-
sufficiency in food. We shall also have an estimated surplus of about 20 million kilos of
Virginia tobacco this year. But all these surpluses cannot be profitably sold for dollars
abroad. The NARIC has failed, for lack of adequate financ-ing, in the price support
program for rice and corn. It is increasingly becoming difficult for the Central Bank to
finance the tobacco price support under the present law. In rice and corn, prices have
gone down lower than production cost. It has therefore become imperative that we
decisively act to find the solution to these problems. Meantime barter for these
surpluses seems the only way to provide a. incentive directly to producers.

THE FISCAL SITUATION

The cold fact of our fiscal situation has been and continues to be that the country’s
revenue structure is no longer capable of supporting the irreducible requirements of a
national program of accelerated social and economic devel-opment.

The authorized expenditures from the General Fund, including P99.4 million of
supplementary appropriations approved last year, now total P1, 487.8 million.
Since the General Fund income estimates amount to P900.5 million only, we have been
constrained to continue the policy of stringency in government expenditures. The
expenditures of appropriations aggregating P565.2 million had to be stopped and forced
savings of P22.1 million had to be imposed on all departments, bureaus, and offices of
the Executive Branch. Total obligations from all funds combined for 1960 have been
reduced by P147.3 million.

In our effort to pursue our fiscal stabilization program and to minimize the inflationary
pressures generated by large-scale public spending of the proceeds of bond issues, we
have effected cutbacks in public works and economic development projects. We have
reduced the bond funds for these purposes from P126.2 million to only P70.3 million.

Our revenues have increased consistently from year to year, from P530.8 million in
1953 to P789.4 million in 1959. Yet these increases have not been sufficient to cover the
rise in government expenditures required by an expanding economy and a rapidly
growing population. Consequently, we have to face the problem of balancing the budget
every year by careful programming and retrenchment measures on public expenditures.

The answer to this mounting budgetary problem is, of course, increased revenues. At
the present juncture it is not necessary to increase the taxes. It is attainable through an
improvement in the efficiency of our tax collection machinery, a revamp of the existing
tax system and rev-enue structure, and a coordinated effort on the part of both the
Legislative and the Executive branches in formulat-ing and implementing an equitable
tax system. Toward this end, my recommendation for the establishment of a Joint
LegislativeExecutive Tax Commission was approved by the Congress. I urge you to
consider carefully the recommenda-tions which this Tax Commission will submit within
ten days from today.

EDUCATION AND SCIENCE

We have continued to extend the benefits of education to an increasing number of


children. Last year we were able to admit 119,000 new pupils by opening 3,000
additional classes.

However, because of budgetary limitations, the Govern-ment has had to fall back upon
private institutions to supplement its educational efforts. To maintain the highest
standards possible in these schools, an increase in the super-visory force would be
desirable.

The teaching of science and mathematics as well as the improvement of the vocational
curricula received greater impetus during the year. Radio broadcasts through a dona-
tion of 500 transistor radios from the Australian Government were started this year. The
production of foodstuffs, as well as the promotion of home industries, has been pushed
with greater vigor.
The creation of the National Science Development Board has given fresh impetus to the
promotion of science and technology. Its research activities are geared to economic
development and national health. For the first time all the research projects for the
control of the dreaded kadang-kadang of coconuts have been consolidated in a
Research Committee under the Board.

As I mentioned in the beginning of this message, the cornerstone of an atomic research


center has just been laid. A reactor has been donated by the United States Atomic
Energy Commission. With the establishment of this center, we will engage in the
production of radioisotopes for the use of agriculture, industry, and medicine. This is a
land mark in our scientific progress, as it opens up for our youth the vast field of nuclear
science and ultimately harnesses the mightiest industrial power known to man to cancel
human poverty from our land. I submit that no project more deserving of full support by
Congress than the nuclear center.

SECURITY AND WELFARE

National Defense

Aside from pursuing its primary mission, the Department of National Defense has
supplemented the rural develop-ment program of the Administration. In this connection,
I wish to inform you that plans for the implementation of the Armed Forces commission
under the law to engage in public construction, food production, land resettlement, and
rural development in addition to its inherent duties have been completed. In fact, several
projects are already being actually undertaken.

Our Armed Forces, I am proud to say, has done well in the maintenance of peace and
order and the enforcement try’s defense structure. We have every reason to be proud of
the laws. It was the principal arm of the Commission on Elections that conducted in
1959 free, peaceful, and honest national elections. Its civilian chiefs and its general staff
have accomplished much in the way of improving the count of its officers and men. They
will continue to be an in-valuable asset to the life of the nation.

Public Works

Under the retrenchment policy, the Government has confined itself to the construction
and improvement of only essential public improvements which are supportive and
promotive of agro-industrial development. Nevertheless, during the calendar year 1959
the Government undertook the construction of irrigation and water supply systems, flood
control and shore protection works, airfields and airports, ports and harbors, and roads
and bridges for which we invested One Hundred Sixty-Nine million pesos (P169 million).
Worthy of note is the completion of national and communal irrigation systems and the
installation of irriga-tion pumps, all of which can now irrigate about 45,000 additional
hectares of agricultural land. The year 1959 also saw the virtual completion of the
construction of 768 kilometers of development highways in Mindanao.
I invite the attention of Congress to the emerging need of legislation directed towards
the multi-phase utilization and ex-ploitation of the abundant water resources of the
country not only for power, but also for water supply, flood control and irrigation. In this
way we can maximize the benefits for lowest cost.

In the case of other public works financed with dollar loans being extended both by the
U.S. Export-Import Bank and the Development Loan Fund for transportation projects—
air, land, and water—committed under the Eisenhower-Garcia communique on the
occasion of my last state visit to the United States, legislative measures are necessary
to make available sufficient peso support for projects already submitted to, or approved
by, these lending institutions.

Health

The health of the nation has been maintained at a satis-factory level. The birth rate has
shown a considerable increase whereas the death rate has decreased. Mortality rates
from the ten leading causes of death have been re-duced. All of these facts indicate an
improvement in the cleanliness and sanitation of our communities.

The policy of improving the rural health centers is being pursued without letup. To
supplement the services which have been made available to the rural areas, the help
ofprivate persons and firms has been enlisted. Efforts are being exerted to expand
hospital services in the rural areas.

Labor

The problem of unemployment continues to be a major national concern. I am still of the


firm belief that the ideal solution to this problem is the intensification of our industrial
development program to multiply job opportu-nities. For instance, the organization of
more than 4,000 industrial and commercial firms in 1959 has absorbed a sizeable
portion of the unemployed. It is also necessary for labor to acquire the modern
technology so much needed in modern industry. It is gratifying to know that in Asia our
manpower has the better technological training with the exception of Japan, but there is
much room for improvement demanded by our expanding agro-indus-trial economy. The
establishment this year in the Univer-sity of the Philippines of an Asian Educational
Labor Center for the training of labor leaders in Free Asia is a blessing to our economy.

The social security coverage for the workers continues to expand under the Social
Security System for the private sector and under the Government Service Insurance
System for the government sector. Three and a half million Filipinos are now enjoying
the protection and benefits of our social security systems.

These measures to improve the security of the working-man are eloquent proofs of our
administration’s deep con-cern with the lot of the workers. But it is my considered view
that Congress should do more for them. It should under-take a serious study of how to
facilitate laborers to participate as shareholders in the firm where they work. This
system will give the workers a sense of belonging and a deeper sense of race between
rise in production cost and rise in prices and thus enable our export products to
compete in the world market. I commend this suggestion to your serious consideration
for the sake of the millions of our less fortunate brothers who furnish the sinews of
industry.

Civil Service

The Civil Service Act enacted during the last session of Congress has not been fully
implemented by the promulga-tion of necessary rules and regulations. The law has
some provisions which are so vague and uncertain that they give rise to conflicting
interpretations.

For instance, there was a question with respect to the power of the president to declare
positions in the civil service as policy determining, primarily confidential, and highly
technical. This necessitated an opinion from the Secretary of Justice, who ruled that
such power could not be wrested from the President and given to any other party. The
implementation of the law itself has had to be deferred because of practical
considerations. For instance, the crea-tion of a Civil Service Appeal Court of three
members to dispose of some 300 appealed cases a year with a salary of P10,000 each
a year is considered premature. It is clear in the light of these facts that Congress
should take the opportunity of restudying the Civil Service Act during the present regular
session.

TOURISM

The jet age has come and the influx of tourists in our country is bound to come if we can
provide for them modern tourist facilities. It is therefore urgent that we develop as fast
as possible the tourist industry which bids fair to become an important source of dollar
income as it did in many countries. The need for promotional and publicity services
abroad, the improvement of hotel and transportation services, the modernization of our
airports for jet planes, and the preservation and development of our numerous tourist
attraction spots—all these require a sizeable outlay which I ask Congress to provide.
This investment will surely give us returns a thousand fold.

During the World Tourist Conference I announced my plan to proclaim 1961 a “See the
Philippines—Visit the Orient Year” as an invitation to the world traveling public to visit
our country and see the rest of the Far East. This is also the year we will celebrate the
Jose Rizal Centennial anniversary for which Congress appropriated P10 million.
Thailand has since responded to our suggestion to join us in a coordinated move to
attract visitors to the Orient while other countries have indicated their readiness to take
simultaneous action.
GOVERNMENT CORPORATIONS
The government corporations made progress in 1959 in expanding the country’s
essential services and industries. In line with our decision to proceed immediately with
the establishment of an integrated steel plant in Iligan, initial groundwork of grading and
drainage has been undertaken by the NASSCO.

The establishment of an integrated steel mill will supply the missing link in our industrial
development. Private enterprise should undertake this project in joint venture with the
government. It is also necessary that sufficient leeway be allowed for the negotiation of
necessary credit for the project so that we may tap resources in the United States and
other countries.

The early development and exploitation of the Surigao laterite mineral reserves,
estimated to be worth more than P270 billion, should be given first priority of Congress
in 1960. The Act we approved for the development of these tremendous natural
resources did not produce the desired result. I therefore urge a reexamination of our
plan.

In marine transportation the NASSCO built and launched for the first time a 1600-ton
vessel. Of greater significance is the acquisition of 12 ocean-going vessels of about ten
thousand tonnage, to step up the carrying capacity of Philippine flag vessels from 3 to 7
per cent. We are ac-quiring through the Reparations Commission 15 other ships of
about the same tonnage.

The expansion of our railway lines to Cagayan and Sor-sogon has been started by the
conduct of preparatory bid-ding by the Manila Railroad Company. Last June the
Baliuag-Gapan section of the Cabanatuan line was com-pleted.

We have made equally satisfactory progress in electric power development. Two units of
the Binga project have been completed and the other two units will be installed by
March this year. The completion of two units at the Maria Cristina power system will be
undertaken with the steel project.

Government corporations were organized to pioneer in new fields of economic and


business activities where private capital or enterprise was shy. There is a consensus of
opinion that most of these corporations are over-staffed and are thus saddled with over-
sized overhead budgets. It is my considered opinion and I recommend that where the
activi-ties of these government corporations can be taken over by private enterprise,
and whenever their pioneering objectives have been basically accomplished, such
corporations should be sold and transferred as soon as possible to private enterprise
under reasonable terms and conditions, except those performing mainly social or
governmental functions many of which can be converted into regular government offices
or agencies.

FOREIGN RELATIONS
Our accomplishments in the field of foreign relations in 1959 have raised the prestige of
the Philippine Republic before the eyes of the world. More and more, our voice is heard
with greater respect in international councils. We have evolved a foreign policy whose
cornerstones are the upholding of national honor and dignity and the promotion of a
world peace with justice and honor and freedom for all. We are of the Free World, and
as such we desire closer ties with all its members, particularly with the leader thereof
and our neighbors in Asia.

In pursuit of this policy I made a State visit to the Republic of Vietnam during 1959 and
cemented with that nation a most cordial relation. I expect to make a similar visit this
year to Malaya.

In the negotiations for the revision of the Military Bases Agreement with the United
States, the two governments in a common effort to enhance further their long-
established friendship reached the following points of accord:

1.Reduction of the life of the bases lease from 99 to 25 years;

2.Considerable delimitation of bases areas, relinquishment by the United States of


approximately 118,000 hectares of land, and actual transfer of the Olongapo
Community to the Philippine Government;

3.Previous consultation with the Philippine Government on the military operational use
of the bases for purposes other than the mutual defense of both countries;

4.Previous consultation with the Philippine Government before I the United States could
put up missile launching sites in the Philippines; and

5.Elevation to treaty commitment of United States responsibility to repel instantly attack


on any portion of the Philippine territory.

We are determined to pursue this course of action until all irritants in Philippine-
American relations shall have been re-moved.

Activation of the Philippine Omnibus Claims resulted in the actual payment to the
Philippines of $23 million for gold devaluation, favorable endorsement by the State
Department of $73 million for additional war damage payments, and adjustments in our
obligations under the Romulo-Snyder Agreement. Plans are being worked out and steps
have been taken for the reexamination of the claims rejected by the United States.

We have also reached agreement with Taipeh on the final liquidation of the ten-year-old
Chinese deportee problem.
We are exploring the possibilities of expanded trade with Australia, Germany, Israel,
New Zealand, Pakistan, South Korea, Spain, Taipeh, and Vietnam.

In the United Nations we have played an active role for the attainment of world peace
completely free from the nightmare of a nuclear war. We have co-sponsored the
resolution for the continuance of the 10-Power Disarmament Committee and the
reference thereto of new disarmament proposals by Soviet Russia and the Western
Powers.

We have concluded a Treaty of Friendship with Vietnam. We have also laid the
foundation jointly with the Malaya Government for the formation of a South East Asia
Associa-tion of States for mutual assistance.

We propose to continue with our reoriented foreign policies and; to this end, I urge
approval of the measures calculated to improve and strengthen our foreign service
corps.

THE PROBLEM OF GRAFT AND CORRUPTION


In my last message to the Congress I appealed for the enactment of appropriate
measures to strengthen further the unrelenting drive against graft and corruption. Con-
gressional decisive action is eagerly being awaited by our people. According to the
latest figures available, we inves-tigated during the anti-graft campaign period 12,233
cases of various corruption in office of which roughly 50 per cent were decided and
4,024 respondents were found guilty. In spite of this creditable record of achievements,
there still remains a tremendous amount of work to be done.

Let me point out a few outstanding accomplishments of the PFFC assigned to Customs.
It busted the socalled hot car racket, it busted the Customs brokerage racket and the
Customs protection racket. It is well on the way of busting the dollar smuggling racket
and the overshipment racket. Among recent cases of corruption brought out,
investigated, and/or prosecuted mainly by the PCAPE are the salting away of dollars
abroad, ACCFA upgrading of tobacco, anomalies in the NAMARCO, Public Service
Commission, Motor Vehicles Office, traffic courts, BIR, and others.

The overall situation is such that no less than a total effort is necessary to reduce to the
minimum this social cancer.

OTHER RECOMMENDATIONS

In addition to the foregoing recommendations embodied in the early parts of this


message, I feel dutybound to submit others bearing on important state matters, viz:

I. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS
Permit me gentlemen of congress, to reiterate my previous recommendations on the
amendments to our constitution. More than ever I am convinced of the urgency and
imperativeness of these constitutional reforms in response to the requirements of a
growing Philippine democracy. I therefore recommend strongly prompt adoption of the
fol-lowing amendments:

1).The synchronization of national and local elections every four years. Indeed we have
to halt this continuous procession of expensive election campaigns which detract from,
rather than add to, the stability of our democratic institutions.

2) The election of senators on the basis of specific senator-ial districts. Let the
conservative and stabilizing role of the Senate in our bicameral system be maintained
by ex-tending the terms of its members to eight years, one half, of whom shall be
elected, every quadrennial election.

3.) The creation of a Presidential Electoral Tribunal, to be a constitutional body


completely independent from the Executive and the Legislative branches of our
government, to hear and decide protect that may arise as a result of presidential
elections.

4) The 30-day period within which time the President vetoes or approves a certain
bill should be counted from the date of the bill’s submittal to the President and not from
the date marking the adjournment of Congress;

5) In the event the annual appropriation act for an ensuing year is not approved, the
general appropriation act for the current fiscal year should be deemed continued in
force until such time as the new fiscal year’s budget is passed; and

6) Finally, the provision on the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus may be
reexamined to attune it more to the spirit of democracy.

II. REPARATIONS

My request made a year ago for the amendment of the Reparations Law is hereby
reiterated along the following lines:

1) To eliminate the grace period of 24 months granted reparations beneficiaries before


payment. On the contrary, a down payment or performance bond should be required
of reparations beneficiaries;

2) To prohibit reparations applicants and end-users from negotiating directly with


Japanese suppliers, and thereby prevent overpricing through collusion. Procurement
nego-tiations for reparations should be conducted directly and only by the Philippine
Reparations Mission.
3) To charge a service fee equally on government and private reparations transactions,
so as to provide sufficient funds for operational expenditures of the Reparations Com-
mission;

be counted from the date of the bill’s submittal to the President and not from the date
marking the adjournment of Congress;

4) To amend in Section 2, Subsection (a), of the Reparations Act the clause ”entities
wholly owned by
Filipino citizens” to read “entities controlled by Filipino citizens.”

5) To clothe the legal officer of the Reparations Mission with specific powers and
responsibility, he being the officer of the Philippine Government who may sue and be
sued In court in reparations cases, and not the chief of the Reparations Mission.

III. FINANANCING OF OUR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM

I reiterate my recommendation to the Congress for the reexamination of the preset


method of financing our ele-mentary and secondary schools with a view to placing them
on a stable basis. Action on this recommendation is im-perative if we are to comply with
the constitutional mandate to provide at least free primary instruction to all children of
school age.

IV.SWEEPSTAKES

We should expand the scope of the activities of the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes
Office so that its proceeds could be utilized to provide rural areas with artesian wells,
barrio waterworks, public toilets, and other sanitary and health facilities.

V. CONSERVATION OF FOREST AND OTHER NATURAL RE-SOURCES


A rigid enforcement of our forest conservation laws is a crying need of the country if we
want to stop the insane and vandalistic despoliation of our forest resources. An auto-
matic reforestation system should be instituted by requiring forest concessionaire to
plant five trees for every tree they cut. It is therefore recommended that any violation of
the forest conservation laws committed by concessionaires or their agents should be
made a cause for the revocation or suspension of their license, permit, or concession.
Likewise, the use of forest clearings other than for reforestation should be cause for
such suspension or revocation.

Related to our forest conservation concern is the proper exploitation and conservation of
our fishing and other marine resources. These have been mercilessly subjected to
dyna-mite devastation. Besides encouraging fish culture in our swamp lands, we should
encourage deep-sea fishing.
I hereby inform Congress that we received a commitment of a $3 million aid from the
technical assistance program of the United Nations for the development of the dairy
industry in this country. Let us take full advantage of this opportunity by providing peso
support financing not only for dairy but also for cattle raising. Such industries are
appropriate for rural areas which, combined with further development of our home and
cottage industries, will lift up the living conditions of the masses in the rural areas. I
request support for these industries, part of which may be taken from the proceeds of
reparations for the sake of 70 per cent of our population living in rural areas.

VI. CAPITAL GAINS TAX ABOLITION

The capital gains tax has worked as a deterrent to expan-sion of investment. At this time
when we need every peso available to be invested in our economic development pro-
gram, this tax has become anachronistic. I therefore rec-ommend its abolition.

VII. RECLAMATION AND TRANSPORTATION

I urge immediate enactment of the bill now pending in the Senate on reformation
projects for the Manila port. The port of Manila, which is the port of entry and exit of
about 75 per cent of our imports and exports, must have modern port facilities to make it
the best in the Far East.

In this connection may I inform Congress that air trans-portation need be developed with
a capacity to connect our 7,000 islands. Our international airports must rise to the needs
of the jet age. We must encourage free competition among responsible air
transportation companies. Our asphalt roads should be gradually converted into
concrete roads. In the long run it is more economic that way. With the existence now of
cement factories we should be able to do this at minimum cost.

VIII. ON GRAFT AND CORRUPTION

I recommend that a Graft-busting Commission be created empowered to make


investigation, at its own initiative or by superior order, of all cases of graft and corruption
in government offices and to prosecute such cases directly before competent court. It
should be clothed with broad preventive powers to forestall the commission of graft and
corruption and should be endowed with sufficient per-sonnel to watch government
corporations, banks, financial institutions, tax collecting offices and agencies, offices dis-
pensing privileges, franchises, permits, licenses, quota alloca-tions and the like; and
with such other offices as may be determined by the Commission.

Nothing will satisfy our people less than a total war against corruption. I have full faith
that Congress will rise equal to the task demanded by the situation.

IX. DECONTROL AND TARIFF REVISION


I am glad to announce that the relative success of our stabilization measures has made
it possible for us now to start planning carefully a move for gradual decontrol as
envisioned in Republic Act No, 2609, more popularly known as the Dollar Margin Law.
We should never lose sight of the fact that some of these economic control laws or
regula-tions are yet vital to our development efforts. For instance, our new infant
industries still need a protective climate against foreign competition. A reckless,
immediate, and total decontrol as advocated by some quarters will spell the complete
annihilation of our industrialization program. In many instances, however, some of these
controls may, in the course of a few years, be lifted if accompanied with the necessary
tariff law revision. In the matter of controls on credit facilities, it is clearly indicated that a
gradual liberalization of the same on a strictly selective basis may now be effected. For
instance, the rate of interest on agricultural development loans should be fewer than
com-mercial loans.

It is therefore recommended that a bicameral special congressional committee be


created to undertake a compre-hensive study on integrated gradual decontrol program
with the assistance and cooperation of the Central Bank, Tariff, Customs and Budget
Commissions, and also with the participation of the Chambers of Commerce, Industries,
and Agriculture.

CONCLUSION

Gentlemen, in the past we achieved success not alone by the creative endeavor of the
nation but also by the help of Divine Providence. Now we have set new goals for our
people, but again, we cannot succeed alone. So we shall continue to seek and rely on
the guiding hand of Him who holds the destiny of men and nations in his hand. On His
mercy and His strength we rely. And after fulfillment of our aspirations, we like Moses
after the deliverance of his people from Egypt, shall sing in the fullness of joy:

“Dux fuisti in misericordia tua populo quem redemisti; et portasti eum in fortitudine tua,
ad habitaculum sanctum tuum.” (Exodus, 15-13). ”In thy mercy thou hast been a leader
to the people which thou hast redeemed; and in thy strength thou hast carried them to
thy holy habitation.”

I thank you.

CHAPTER 14
Martial Law: Challenge to Democracy

Learning Objectives:
At the end of this chapter, students should be able to :
1.Discuss the important events leading to the martial law
2.Explain the Martial Law proclamation of Ferdinand Marcos

Proclamation No. 1081, s. 1972 PROCLAIMING A STATE OF MARTIAL LAW IN THE


PHILIPPINES

WHEREAS, on the basis of carefully evaluated and verified information, it is definitely


established that lawless elements who are moved by a common or similar ideological
conviction, design, strategy and goal and enjoying the active moral and material support
of a foreign power and being guided and directed by intensely devoted, well trained,
determined and ruthless groups of men and seeking refuge under the protection of our
constitutional liberties to promote and attain their ends, have entered into a conspiracy
and have in fact joined and banded their resources and forces together for the prime
purpose of, and in fact they have been and are actually staging, undertaking and
waging an armed insurrection and rebellion against the Government of the Republic of
the Philippines in order to forcibly seize political and state power in this country,
overthrow the duly constituted government, and supplant our existing political, social,
economic and legal order with an entirely new one whose form of government, whose
system of laws, whose conception of God and religion, whose notion of individual rights
and family relations, and whose political, social, economic, legal and moral precepts are
based on the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist teachings and beliefs ;

WHEREAS, these lawless elements, acting in concert through seemingly innocent and
harmless, although actually destructive, front organizations which have been infiltrated
or deliberately formed by them, have continuously and systematically strengthened and
broadened their memberships through sustained and careful recruiting and enlistment
of new adherents from among our peasantry, laborers, professionals, intellectuals,
students, and mass media personnel, and through such sustained are careful
recruitment and enlistment have succeeded in spreading and expanding, their control
and influence over almost every segment and level of our society throughout the land in
their ceaseless effort to erode and weaken the political, social, economic, legal and
moral foundations of our existing government, and to influence, manipulate and move
peasant, labor, student and terroristic organizations under their influence or control to
commit, as in fact they have committed and still are committing, acts of violence,
depredations, sabotage and injuries against our duly constituted authorities, against the
members of our law enforcement agencies, and worst of all, against the peaceful
members of our society;

WHEREAS, in the fanatical pursuit of their conspiracy and widespread acts of violence,
depredations, sabotage and injuries against our people, and in order to provide the
essential instrument to direct and carry out their criminal design and unlawful activities,
and to achieve their ultimate sinister objectives, these lawless elements have in fact
organized, established and are now maintaining a Central Committee, composed of
young and dedicated, radial students and intellectuals, which is charged with guiding
and directing the armed struggle and propaganda assaults against our duly constituted
government, and this Central Committee is now imposing its will and asserting its sham
authority on certain segments of our population, especially in the rural areas, through
varied means of subterfuge, deceit, coercion, threats, intimidations, machinations,
treachery, violence and other modes of terror, and has been and is illegally exacting
financial and other forms of tributes from our people to raise funds and material
resources to support its insurrectionary and propaganda activities against our duly
constituted government and against our peace-loving people ;

WHEREAS, in order to carry out, as in fact they have carried out, their premeditated
plan to stage, undertake and wage a full scale armed insurrection and rebellion in this
country, these lawless elements have organized, established and are now maintaining a
well trained, well armed and highly indoctrinated and greatly expanded insurrectionary
force, popularly known as the “New People’s Army”, which has since vigorously pursued
and still is vigorously pursuing a relentless and ruthless armed struggle against our duly
constituted government and whose unmitigated forays, raids, ambuscades, assaults,
and reign of terror and acts of lawlessness in the rural areas and in our urban centers
brought about the treacherous and coldblooded assassination of innocent civilians,
military personnel of the government and local public officials in many parts of the
country, notably in the Cagayan Valley, in Central Luzon, in the Southern Tagalog
Region, in the Bicol Area, in the Visayas and in Mindanao, and whose daring and
wanton guerrilla activities have generated and sown fear and panic among our people;
have created a climate of chaos and disorder, produced a state of political, social,
psychological and economic instability in our land, and have inflicted great suffering and
irreparable injury to persons and property in our society”;

WHEREAS, these lawless elements, their cadres, fellow-travellers, friends,


sympathizers and supporters have for many years up to the present time been mounting
sustained, massive and destructive propaganda assaults against our duly constituted
government, its instrumentalities, agencies and officials, and also against our social,
political, economic and religious institutions, through the publications, broadcasts and
disseminations of deliberate slanted and overly exaggerated news stories and news
commentaries as well as false, vile foul and scurrilous statements utterances, writings
and pictures through the press-radiotelevision media and through leaflets, college
campus newspapers and some newspapers published and still being published by
these lawless elements, notably the “Ang Bayan”, Pulang Bandila” and the “Ang
Komunista”, all of which are clearly well-conceived, intended and calculated to malign
and discredit our duly constituted government, its instrumentalities, agencies, and
officials before our people making it appear to the people that our government has
become so weak and so impotent to perform and discharge its functions and
responsibilities in our society and to our people, and thus undermine and destroy the
faith and loyalty and allegiance of our people in and alienate their support for their duly
constituted government, its instrumentalities, agencies and officials, and thereby
gradually erode and weaken as in fact they have so eroded and weakened the will of
our people to sustain and defend our government and our democratic way of life ;
WHEREAS, these lawless elements having taken up arms against our duly constituted
government and against our people, and having committed and are still committing acts
of armed insurrection and rebellion consisting of armed raids, forays, sorties, ambushes,
wanton acts of muliders, spoilage, plunder, looting, arsons, destruction of public and
private buildings, and attacks against innocent and defenseless civilian lives and
property, all of which activities have seriously endangered and continue to endanger
public order and safety and the security of the nation, and acting with cunning and
manifest precision and deliberation and without regard to the health, safety and well-
being of the people, are now implementing their plan to cause widespread, massive and
systematic destruction and paralization of vital public utilities and services, particularly
water systems, sources of electrical power, communication and transportation facilities,
to the great detriment, suffering, injury and prejudice of our people and the nation and to
generate a deep psychological fear and panic among our people;

WHEREAS, the Supreme Court in the cases brought before it, docketed as G.R. Nos. L-
33964, L-33965, L33973, L-33982, L-34004, L-34013, L-34039, L-34265, and L-34339,
as a con- sequence of the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus by
me as President of the Philippines in my Proclamation No.889, dated August 21, 1971,
as amended, has found that in truth and in fact there exists an actual insurrection and
rebellion in the country by a sizeable group of men who have publicly risen in arms to
overthrow the government. Here is what the Supreme Court said in its decision
promulgated on December 11, 1971:

” x x x our jurisprudence attests abundantly to the Communist activities in the


Philippines, especially in Manila, from the late twenties to the early thirties, then aimed
principally at incitement to sedition or rebellion, as the immediate objective. Upon the
establishment of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, the movement seemed to have
waned notably; but, the outbreak of World War II in the Pacific and the miseries, the
devastation and havoc, and the proliferation of unlicensed firearms concomitant with the
military occupation of the Philippines and its subsequent liberation, brought about, in the
late forties. a resurgence of the Communist threat, with such vigor as to be able to
organize and operate in Central Luzon an army -called HUKBALAHAP, during the
occupation, and renamed Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan (HMB) after liberation-
which clashed several times with the armed forces of the Republic. This prompted then
President Quirino to issue Proclamation No.210, dated October 22, 1950, sus- pending
the privilege of the writ of habeas Corpus, the validity of which was upheld in
Montenegro v. Castañeda. Days before the promulgation of said Proclamation, or on
October 18, 1950, members of the Communist Politburo in the Philippines were
apprehended in Manila. Subsequently accused and convicted of the crime of rebellion,
they served their respective sentences.

“The fifties saw a comparative lull in Communist acti- vities, insofar as peace and
order were concerned. Still, on June 20, 1957, Republic Act No.1700, otherwise known
as the Anti-Subversion Act, was approved, upon the grounds stated in the very
preamble of said statute -that
” x x x the Communist Party of the Philippines, although purportedly apolitical party, is
in fact an organized conspiracy to overthrow the Government of the Republic of the
Philippines, not only by force and violence but also by deceit, subversion and other
illegal means, for the purpose of establishing in the Philippines a totalitarian regime
subject to alien domination and control ;

” x x x the continued existence and activities of the Communist Party of the


Philippines constitutes a clear, present and grave danger to the security of the
Philippines; and

” x x x in the fact of the organized, systematic and persistent subversion, national in


scope but international in direction, posed by the Communist …Party of the Philippines
and its activities, there is urgent need for special legislation to cope with this continuing
menace to the freedom and security of the country x x x.” :

“In the language of the Report on Central Luzon, submitted, on September 4, 1971,
by the Senate Ad Hoc Committee of Seven-copy of which Report was filed in these
cases by the petitioners herein-

“The years following 1963 saw the successive emergence in the country of several
mass organizations, notably the Lapiang Manggagawa (now the Socialist Party of the
Philippines) among the workers; the Malayang Samahan ng Mga Magsasaka
(MASAKA) among the peasantry; the Kabataang Makabayan (KM) among the
youth/students; and the Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism (MAN) among
the intellectuals/professionals, the PKP has exerted all-out effort to infiltrate, influence
and utilize these organizations in promoting its radical brand of nationalism.”

“Meanwhile, the Communist leaders in the Philippines had been split into two (2)
groups, one of which com- posed mainly of young radicals, constituting the Maoist
faction -reorganized the Communist Party of the Philip- pines early in 1969 and
established a New People’s Army. This faction adheres to the Maoist concept of the
‘Protracted People’s War’ or ‘War of National Liberation.’ Its ‘Programme for a People’s
Democratic Revolution’ states, inter alia:

“The Communist Party of the Philippines is determined to implement its general


programme for a people’s democratic revolution. All Filipino communists are ready to
sacrifice their lives for the worthy cause of achieving the new type of democracy, of
building a new Philippines that is genuinely and completely independent, democratic,
united, just and prosperous . . .

“The Central task of any revolutionary movement is to seize political power. The
Communist Party of the Philippines assumes this task at a time that both the
international and national situations are favorable to taking the road of armed
revolution…’
“In the year 1969, the NPA had-according to the records of the Department of
National Defenseconducted raids, resorted to kidnappings and taken part in other
violent incidents numbering over 230, in which it inflicted 404 casualties, and, in turn,
suffered 243 losses. In 1970, its record of violent incidents was about the same, but the
NPA casualties more than doubled.

“At any rate, two (2) facts are undeniable: (a) all Communists, whether they belong to
the traditional group or to the Maoist faction, believe that force and violence are
indispensable to the attainment of their main and ultimate objective, and act in
accordance with such belief, although they disagree on the means to be used at a given
time and in a particular place; and (b) there is a New People’s Army, other, of course,
than the armed forces of the Republic and antagonistic thereto. Such New People’s
Army is per se proof of the existence of a rebellion, especially considering that its
establishment was announced publicly by the reorganized CPP. Such announcement is
in the nature of a public challenge to the duly constituted authorities and may be likened
to a declaration of war, sufficient to establish a war status or a condition of belligerency,
even before the actual commencement of hostilities.

“We entertain, therefore, no doubts about the existence of a sizeable group of men
who have publicly risen in arms to overthrow the government and have thus been and
still are engaged in rebellion against the Government of the Philippines.”

WHEREAS, these lawless elements have to a considerable extent succeeded in


impeding our duly constituted authorities from performing their functions and
discharging their duties and responsibilities in accordance with our laws and our
Constitution to the great damage, prejudice and detriment of the people and the nation;

WHEREAS, it is evident that there is throughout the land a state of anarchy and
lawlessness, chaos and disorder, turmoil and destruction of a magnitude equivalent to
an actual war between the forces of our duly constituted government and the New
People’s Army and their satellite organizations because of the unmitigated forays, raids,
ambuscades, assaults, violence, murders, assassinations, acts of terror, deceits,
coercions, threats, intimidations, treachery, machinations, arsons, plunders and
depredations committed and being committed by the aforesaid lawless elements who
have pledged to the whole nation that they will not stop their dastardly effort and
scheme until and unless they have fully attained their primary and ultimate purpose of
forcibly seizing political and state power in this country by overthrowing our present duly
constituted government, by destroying our democratic way of life and our established
secular and religious institutions and beliefs, and by supplanting our existing political,
social, economic, legal and moral order with an entirely new one whose form of govern-
ment, whose notion of individual rights and family relations, and whose political, social,
economic and moral precepts are based on the Marxist-LeninistMaoist teachings and
beliefs ;
WHEREAS, the Supreme Court in its said decision concluded that the unlawful activities
of the aforesaid lawless elements actually pose a clear, present and grave danger to
public safety and the security of the nation and in support of that conclusion found that:

” x x x the Executive had information and reports-subsequently confirmed, in many


respects, by the above-mentioned Report of the Senate Ad Hoc Committee of Seven -to
the effect that the Communist Party of the Philippines does not merely adhere to Lenin’s
idea of a swift armed uprising; that it has, also, adopted Ho Chi Minh’s terrorist tactics
and resorted to the assassination of uncooperative local officials ; that, in line with this
policy, the insurgents have killed 5 mayors, 20 barrio captains and 3 chiefs of police;
that there were fourteen (14) meaningful bombing incidents in the Greater Manila area
in 1970; that the Constitutional Convention Hall was bombed on June 12, 1971; that,
soon after the Plaza Miranda incident, the N A W ASA main pipe at the Quezon City San
Juan boundary, was bombed; that this was followed closely by the bombing of the
Manila City Hall, the COMELEC Building, the Congress Building and the MERALCO
substation at Cubao, Quezon City; and that the respective residences of Senator Jose
J. Roy and Congressman Eduardo Cojuangco were, likewise, bombed, as were the
MERALCO main office premises, along Ortigas Avenue, and the Doctor’s
Pharmaceuticals, Inc. Building, in Caloocan City.

” x x x the reorganized Communist Party of the Philippines has, moreover, adopted


Mao’s concept of protracted people’s war, aimed at the paralyzation of the will to resist
of the government, of the political, economic and intellectual leadership, and of the
people themselves; that conformably to such concept, the Party has placed special
emphasis upon a most extensive and intensive program of subversion by the I
establishment of front organizations in urban centers, the organization of armed city
partisans and the infiltration in student groups, labor unions, and farmer and
professional groups; that the CPP has managed to infiltrate or establish and control nine
(9) major labor organizations; that it has exploited the youth movement and succeeded
in making Communist fronts of eleven (11) major student or youth organizations;. that
there are, accordingly, about thirty ( 30) mass organizations actively advancing the CPP
interests, among which are the Malayang Samahan ng Magsasaka (MASAKA) , the
Kabataang Makabayan (KM) , the Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism
(MAN) , the Samahang Demokra- tiko ng
Kabataan (SDK) , the Samahang Molave (SM) , and the Malayang Pagkakaisa ng
Kabataang Pilipino (MPKP) ; that, as of August, 1971, the KM had two hundred forty-five
(245) operational chapters throughtout the Philippines, of which seventy-three (73) were
in the Greater Manila Area, sixty (60) in Northern Luzon, forty nine (49) in Central
Luzon, forty-two (42) in the Visayas and twenty-one (21) in Mindanao and Sulu; that in
1970, the Party had recorded two hundred fifty-eight (258) major demonstrations, of
which about thirty-three (33) ended in violence, resulting in fifteen (15) killed and over
five hundred (500) injured; that most of these actions were organized, coordinated or led
by the aforementioned front organizations; that the violent demonstration were generally
instigated by a small, but well-trained group of armed agitators; that the number of
demonstrators heretofore staged in 1971 has already exceeded those of 1970: and that
twenty-four (24) of these demonstrations were violent and resulted in the death of fifteen
(15) persons and the injury of many more.

“Subsequent events xxx have also proven xxx the threat to public safety posed by the
New People’s Army. Indeed, it appears that, since August 21, 1971, it had in Northern
Luzon six (6) encounters and staged one (1) raid, in consequences OJ which seven (7)
soldiers lost their lives and two (2) other: were wounded, whereas the insurgents
suffered five (5) casualties; that on August 26, 1971, a well-armed group of NPA trained
by defector Lt. Victor Corpus, attacked the very command post of TF LAWIN in Isabela,
destroying two (2) helicopters and one (1) plane, and wounding one (1) soldier that the,
NPA had in Central Luzon a total of four (4) encounters, with two (2) killed and three .(3)
wounded on the side of the
Government, one (1) BSDU killed and three (3 KM-SDK leaders, an unidentified
dissident, and Commander Panchito, leader of the dissident group were killed; that on
August 26, 1971, there was an encounter in the barrio of San Pedro, Iriga City,
Camarines Sur, between the PC and the NPA, in which a PC and two (2) KM members
were killed, that the current disturbances in Cotabato and the Lanao provinces have
been rendered more complex by the involvement of the CPP /NPA, for, in mid-1971, a
KM group, headed by Jovencio Esparagoza, contacted the Higa-onan tribes, in their
settlement in Magsaysay, Misamis Oriental, and offered them books, pamphlets and
brochures of Mao Tse Tung, as well as conducted teach-ins in the reservation; that
Esparagoza

was reportedly killed on September 22, 1971, in an operation of the PC in said


reservation; and that there are now two (2) NPA cadres in Mindanao.

“It should, also, be noted that adherents of the CPP and its front organizations are,
according to intelligence findings, l definitely capable of preparing powerful explosives
out of locally available materials; that the bomb used in the Constitutional Convention
Hall was a ‘Claymore’ mine, a powerful explosive device used by the U.S. Army,
believed to have been one of many pilfered from the Subic Naval Base a few days
before; that the President had received intelligence information to the effect that there
was a JulyAugust Plan involving a wave of assassinations, kidnappings, terrorism and
mass destruction of property and that an extraordinary occurrence would signal the
beginning of said event; that the rather serious condition of peace and order in
Mindanao, particularly in Cotabato and Lanao, demanded the presence therein of forces
sufficient to cope with the situation; that a sizeable part of our armed forces discharges
other functions; and that the expansion of the CPP activities from Central Luzon to other
parts of the country, particularly Manila and its suburbs, the Cagayan Valley , Ifugao,
Zambales, Laguna, Quezon and the Bicol Region, required that the rest of our armed
forces be spread thin over a wide area.”

WHEREAS, in the unwavering prosecution of their revolutionary war against the Filipino
people and their duly constituted government, the aforesaid lawless elements have, in
the months of May, June and July, 1972, succeeded in bringing and introducing into the
country at Digoyo Point, Palanan, Isabela and at other undetermined points along the
Pacific coastline of Luzon, a substantial quantity of war material consisting of M-1.4
rifles estimated to be some 3,500 pieces, several dozens of 40 mm rocket launchers
which are said to be Chicom copies of a Russian prototype rocket launcher, large
quantities of 80 mm rockets and ammunitions, and other combat paraphernalia, of
which wa’r ma- terial some had been discovered and captured by government military
forces, and the bringing and introduction of such quantity and type of war material into
the country is a mute but eloquent proof of the sinister plan of the aforesaid lawless
elements to hasten the escalation of their present revolutionary war against the Filipino
people and their legitimate government ;

WHEREAS, in the execution of their overall revolutionary plan, the aforesaid lawless
elements have prepared and released to their various field commanders and Party
workers a document captioned “REGIONAL PROGRAM OF AC’TION 1972”, a copy of
which was captured by elements of the 116th and 119th Philippine Constabulary
Companies on June 18, 1972 at Barrio Taringsing, Cordon, Isabela, the text of which
reads as follows:

“REGIONAL PROGRAM OF ACTION 1972

“The following Regional Program of Action for 1972 is pre- pared to be carried out as
part of the overall plan of the party to foment discontent and precipitate the tide of
nationwide mass revolution. The fascist Marcos and his reactionary members of
Congress is expected to prepare themselves for the 1973 hence:

“January -June:

“1. Intensify recruitment of new party members especially from the workers-farmers
class. Cadres are being trained in order to organize the different regional bureaus.
These bureaus must concentrate on mass action and organization to promote
advancement of the mass revolutionary movement. Reference is made to the “Borador
ng Programa sa Pagkilos at Ulat ng Panlipunang Pagsisiyasat” as approved by the
Central Committee.

“2. Recruit and train armed city partisans and urban guerrillas and organize them into
units under Party cadres and activists of mass organizations. These units must undergo
specialized training on explosives and demolition and other forms of sabotage.

“3. Intensify recruitment and training of new members for the New Peoples Army in
preparation for limited offensive in selected areas in the regions.

“4. Support a more aggressive program of agitation and propaganda against the
reactionary armed forces and against the Con Con.

“July -August:
“During this period the party expects the puppet Marcos government to allow increase
in bus rates thus aggravating further the plight of students, workers and the farmers.

“1. All Regional Party Committees must plan for a general strike movement. The
Regional Operational Commands must plan for armed support if the fascist armed
forces of Marcos will try to intimidate the oppressed Filipino masses.

“2. Conduct sabotage against schools, colleges and universities hiking tuition fees.

“3. Conduct sabotage and agitation against puppet judges and courts hearing cases
against top party leaders.

“4. Create regional chaos and disorder to dramatize the inability of the fascist Marcos
government to keep and maintain peace and order thru:

“a) Robbery and hold-up of banks controlled by American imperialists and those
belonging to the enemies of the people.

“b) Attack military camps, US bases and towns.

“c) More violent strikes and demonstrations.

“September-October :

“Increase intensity of violence, disorder and confusion:

“1. Intensify sabotage and bombing of government buildings and embassies and
other utilities:

“a) Congress

“b) Supreme Court

“c) Con Con

“d) City Hall

“e) US Embassy

“f) Facilities of US Bases

“g) Provincial Capitols


“h) Power Plants

“i) PLDT

“j) Radio Stations

“2. Sporadic attacks on camps, towns and cities.

“3. Assassinate high government officials of Congress, Judiciary, Con Con and private
individuals sympathetic to puppet Marcos.

“4. Establish provincial revolutionary government in towns and cities with the support
of the masses.

“5. With the sympathetic support of our allies, establish provisional provincial
revolutionary governments. “CENTRAL COMMITTEE
COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE

PHILIPPINES”

WHEREAS, in line with their “REGIONAL PROGRAM OF ACTION 1972”, the aforesaid
lawless elements have of late been conducting intensified acts of violence and
terrorisms during the current year in the Greater Manila area such as the bombing of the
Arca building at Taft Avenue, Pasay City, on March 15; of the Filipinas Orient Airways
board room at Domestic Road, Pasay City on April 23; of the Vietnamese Embassy on
May 30; of the Court of Industrial Relations on June 23; of the Philippine Trust Company
branch office in Cubao, Quezon City on June 24; of the Philamlife building at United
Nations Avenue, Manila, on July 3; of the Tabacalera Cigar & Cigarette Factory
Compound at Marquez de Comilas, Manila on July 27; of the PLDT exchange office at
East Avenue, Quezon City, and of the Philippine Sugar Institute building at North
Avenue, Diliman, Quezon City, both on August 15; of the Department of Social Welfare
building at San Rafael Street, Sampaloc, Manila, on August 17; of a water main on
Aurora Boulevard and Madison Avenue, Quezon City on August 19; of the Philamlife
building again on August 30; this time causing severe destruction on the Far East Bank
and Trust Company building nearby; of the armored car and building of the Philippine
Banking Corporation as well as the buildings of the Investment Development Inc, and
the Daily Star Publications when an-other explosion took place on Railroad Street, Port
Area, Manila also on August 30; of Joe’s Department Store on Carriedo Street, Quiapo,
Manila, on September 5, causing death to one woman and injuries to some 38
individuals; and of the City Hall of Manila on September 8; of the watermains in San
Juan, Rizal on Sept, 12, of the San Miguel building on Makati, Rizal on Sept, 14; and of
the Quezon City Hall on September 18, 1972, as well as the at- tempted bombing of the
Congress Building on July 18, when an unexploded bomb was found in the Senate
Publication Division and the attempted bombing of the Department of Foreign Affairs on
August 30,
WHEREAS, in line with the same “REGIONAL PROGRAM OF ACTION 1972”, the
aforesaid lawless elements have also fielded in the Greater Manila area several of their
“Sparrow Units” or “Simbad Units” to undertake liquidation missions against ranking
government officials, military personnel and prominent citizens and to further heighten
the destructions and depredations already inflicted by them upon our innocent people,
all of which are being deliberately done to sow terror, fear and chaos amongst our
population and to make the government look so helpless and incapable of protecting the
lives and property of our people;

WHEREAS, in addition to the above-described social disorder, there is also the equally
serious disorder in
Mindanao and Sulu resulting from the unsettled conflict between certain elements of the
Christian and Muslim population of Mindanao and Sulu, between the Christian “Ilagas”
and the Muslim “Barracudas”, and between our government troops, and certain lawless
organizations such as the Mindanao Independence Movement;

WHEREAS, the Mindanao Independence Movement with the active material and
financial assistance of foreign political and economic interests, is engaged in an open
and unconcealed attempt to establish by violence and force a separate and
independent political state out of the islands of Mindanao and Sulu which are
historically, politically and by law parts of the territories and within the jurisdiction and
sovereignty of the Republic of the Philippines;

WHEREAS, because of the aforesaid disorder resulting from armed clashes, killings,
massacres, arsons, rapes, pillages, destruction of whole villages and towns and the
inevitable cessation of agricultural and industrial operations, all of which have been
brought about by the violence inflicted by the Christians, the Muslims, the “Ilagas”, the
“Barracudas”, and the Mindanao Independence Movement against each other and
against our government troops, a great many parts of the islands of Mindanao and Sulu
are virtually now in a state of actual war;

WHEREAS, the violent disorder in Mindanao and Sulu has todate resulted in the killing
of over 1,000 civilians and about 2,000 armed Muslims and Christians, not to mention
the more than five hundred thousand of injured, displaced and homeless persons as
well as the great number of casualties among our government troops, and the
paralyzation of the economy of Mindanao and Sulu;

WHEREAS, because of the foregoing acts of armed insurrection, wanton destruction of


human lives and property, unabated and unrestrained propaganda attacks against the
government and its institutions, instrumentalities, agencies and officials, and the rapidly
expanding ranks of the aforesaid lawless elements, and be- cause of the spreading
lawlessness and anarchy throughout the land, all of which have prevented the
government to exercise its authority, extend to its citizenry the protection of its laws and
in general exercise its sovereignty over all of its territories, caused serious
demoralization among our people and have made the public apprehensive and fearful,
and finally because public order and safety and the security of this nation demand that
immediate, swift, decisive and effective action be taken to protect and insure the peace,
order and security of the country and its population and to maintain the authority of the
government ;

WHEREAS, in cases of invasion, insurrection or rebellion or imminent danger thereof, I,


as President of the Philippines, have, under the Constitution, three courses of action
open to me, namely: (a) call out the armed forces to suppress the present lawless
violence; (b) suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus to make the arrest and
apprehension of these lawless elements easier and more effective; or (c) place the
Philippines or any part thereof under martial law;

WHEREAS, I have already utilized the first two courses of action, first, by calling upon
the armed forces to suppress the aforesaid lawless violence, committing to that specific
job almost 50% of the entire armed forces of the country and creating several task
forces for that purpose such as Task Force Saranay, Task Force Palanan, Task Force
Isarog, Task Force Pagkakaisa and Task Force Lancaf, and, second, by suspending the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus on August 21, 1971 up to January 11, 1972, but
inspite of all that, both courses of action were found inadequate and ineffective to
contain, much less solve, the present rebellion and lawlessness in the country as shown
by the fact that :

1. That radical left has increased the number and area of operation of its front
organizations and has intensified the recruitment and training of new adherents in the
urban and rural areas especially from among the youth;

2. The Kabataang Makabayan (KM) , the most militant and outspoken front
organization of the radical left, has in- creased the number of its chapters from 200 as
of the end of 1970 to 317 as of July 31, 1972 and its membership from 10,000 as of the
end of 1970 to 15,000 as of the end of July , 1972, showing very clearly the rapid
growth of the Communist movement in this country;

3. The Samahang Demokratiko Ng Kabataan (SDK), another militant and


outspoken front organization of the radical left, has also increased the number of its
chapters from an insignificant number at the end of 1970 to 159 as of the end of July,
1972 and has now a membership of some 1,495 highly indoctrinated, intensely
committed and almost fanatically devoted individuals;

4. The New People’s Army, the most active and the most violent and ruthless
military arm of the radical left, has increased its total strength from an estimated 6,500
(composed of 560 regulars, 1,500 combat support and 4,400 service support) as of
January 1, 1972 to about 7,900 (composed of 1,028 regulars, 1,800 combat support
and 5,025 service support) as of July 31, 1972, showing a marked increase in its
regular troops of over 100% in such a short period of six months;
5. The establishment of sanctuaries for the insurgents in Isabela, in Zambales, in
Camarines Sur, and in some parts of Mindanao, a development heretofore unknown in
our campaign against subversion and insurgency in this country;

6. The disappearance and dropping out of school of some 3,000 high school and
college students and who are report- ed to have joined with the insurgents for training in
the handling of firearms and explosives ;

7. The bringing and introduction into the country of substantial war material
consisting of military hardware and sup- plies through the MV Karagatan at Digoyo
Point, Palanan, lsabela, and the fact that many of these military hardware and supplies
are now in the hands of the insurgents and are being used against our government
troops;

8. The infiltration and control of the media by persons who are sympathetic to the
insurgents and the consequent intensification of their propaganda assault against the
government and the military establishment of the government;

9. The formation of the grass-root level of “political power organs”, heretofore


unknown in the history of the Communist movement in this country, composed of Barrio
Organizing Committees (BOCs) to mobilize the barrio people for active involvement in
the revolution; the Barrio Revolutionary Committees (BRCs) to act as “local
government” in barrios considered as CPP /NP A bailiwicks; the Workers Organizing
Committees (WOCs) to organize workers from all sectors; the School Organizing
Committees (SOCs) to conduct agitation and propaganda activities and help in the
expansion of front groups among the studentry; and the Community Organizing
Committees (COCs) which operate in the urban areas in the same manner as the
BOCs.

WHEREAS, the rebellion and armed action undertaken by these lawless elements of
the communist and other armed aggrupations organized to overthrow the Republic of
the Philippines by armed violence and force have assumed the magnitude of an actual
state of war against our people and the Republic of the Philippines;

NOW, THEREFORE, I, FERDINAND E. MARCOS, President of the Philippines, by


virtue of the powers vested upon me by Article VII, Section 10, Paragraph (2) of the
Constitution, do hereby place the entire Philippines as defined in Article I, Section 1 of
the Constitution under martial law and, in my capacity as their commander-in-chief, do
hereby command the armed forces of the Philippines, to maintain law and order
throughout the Philippines, prevent or suppress all forms of lawless violence as well as
any act of insurrection or rebellion and to enforce obedience to all the laws and decrees,
orders and regulations promulgated by me personally or upon my direction.
In addition, I do hereby order that all persons presently detained, as well as all others
who may hereafter be similarly detained for the crimes of insurrection or rebellion, and
all other crimes and offenses committed in furtherance or on the occasion thereof, or
incident thereto, or in connection therewith, for crimes against national security and the
law of nations, crimes against public order, crimes involving usurpation of authority,
rank, title and improper use of names, uniforms and insignia, crimes committed by
public officers, and for such other crimes as will be enumerated in Orders that I shall
subsequently promulgate, as well as crimes as a consequence of any violation of any
decree, order or regulation promulgated by me personally or promulgated upon my
direction shall be kept under detention until otherwise ordered re- leased by me or by
my duly designated representative.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
Republic of the
Philippines to be affixed.

Done in the City of Manila, this 21st day of September, in the year of Our Lord, nineteen
hundred and seventy two.
(Sgd.) FERDINAND E. MARCOS
President

Republic of the Philippines

By the President:
(Sgd.) ROBERTO V. REYES
Acting Executive Secretary

General Order No. 1, 1972

WHEREAS, martial law has been declared under Proclamation No. 1081, dated
September 21, 1972 and is now in effect throughout the land;

WHEREAS, martial law has been declared because of wanton destruction of lives and
property, widespread lawlessness and anarchy, chaos and disorder now prevailing
throughout the country, which condition has been brought about by groups of men who
are actively engaged in a conspiracy to seize political and state power in the Philippines
in order to take over the Government by force and violence the extent of which has now
assumed the proportion of an actual war against our people and their legitimate
Government; and

WHEREAS, it is imperative for the undersigned President of the Philippines to assume


greater and more effective control over the entire Government, to have the broadest
latitude and discretion in dealing with the affairs of the nation, and to exercise
extraordinary powers in my capacity as Commander-in-Chief of all the Armed Forces of
the Philippines in order to enable me to restore within the shortest possible time and
thereafter to maintain the stability of the nation and to safeguard the integrity and
security of the Philippines and to insure the tranquility of its inhabitants, by suppressing
lawlessness and all subversive, seditious, rebellious and insurrectionary activities
throughout the land, with all the resources and means at my command, and by adopting
such other measures as I may deem necessary and expedient to take to contain and
resolve the existing national emergency and for the interest of the public:

NOW, THEREFORE, I, FERDINAND E. MARCOS, President of the Philippines, by


virtue of the powers vested in me by the Constitution as Commander-in-Chief of the
Armed Forces of the Philippines, do hereby proclaim that I shall govern the nation and
direct the operation of the entire Government, including all its agencies and
instrumentalities, in my capacity and shall exercise all the powers and prerogatives
appurtenant and incident to my position as such Commander-in-Chief of all the Armed
Forces of the Philippines.

Done in the City of Manila, this 22nd day of September in the year of our Lord, nineteen
hundred and seventy-two.

(Sgd.) FERDINAND E. MARCOS


President
Republic of the Philippines

General Order No. 5, s. 1972

WHEREAS, Proclamation No. 1081 dated September 21, 1972, was issued by me
because of a grave national emergency now prevailing throughout the country which
has been brought about by the activities of groups of men now actively engaged in a
criminal conspiracy to seize political power and state power in the Philippines in order to
take over the Government by force and violence, the extent of which has new assumed
the proportion of an actual war against our people and their legitimate Government; and

WHEREAS, in order to restore the tranquility and stability of the nation in the quickest
possible manner, it is necessary to prohibit the inhabitants of the country from doing
certain acts or undertaking certain activities such as rallies, demonstrations, picketing or
strikes in certain vital industries, and other forms of group actions which would cause
hysteria or panic among the populace, or would incense the people against their
legitimate Government, or would generate sympathy for the radical and lawless
elements, or would aggravate the already critical political and social turmoil now
prevailing throughout the land;
NOW, THEREFORE, I, FERDINAND E. MARCOS, Commander-in-Chief of all the
Armed Forces of the Philippines, and pursuant to Proclamation No. 1081 dated
September 21, 1972 do hereby order that henceforth and until otherwise ordered by me
or by my duly designated representative, all rallies, demonstrations and other forms of
group actions by person within the geographical limits of the Philippines, including
strikes and picketing in vital industries such as in companies engaged in the
manufacture or processing as well as in the distribution of fuel gas, gasoline, and fuel or
lubricating oil, in companies engaged in the production or processing of essential
commodities or products for exports, and in companies engaged in banking of any kind,
as well as in hospitals and in schools and colleges, are strictly prohibited and any
person violating this order shall forthwith be arrested and taken into custody and held for
the duration of the national emergency or until he or she is otherwise ordered released
by me or by my duly designated representative.

Done in the City of Manila, this 22nd day of September, in the year of our Lord, nineteen
hundred and seventy-two.

(Sgd.) FERDINAND E. MARCOS


President
Republic of the Philippines

Chapter 15
People Power Revolution

Learning Objectives:
At the end of this chapter, the students should be able to:
1. Identify the factors that contributed to the fragmentation and eventual demise of the
Marcos administration
2. Analyze some events and documents during the 1986 People power Revolution by
using primary sources

Philippine Presidential Election, 1986

The 1986 Philippine Presidential Election, or more popularly known as The Snap
Elections, were held on 7 February 1986. This is subject to debate as there are many
discrepancies on the number of votes and the winner of the elections. The two main
candidates, Corazon C. Aquino and Ferdinand E. Marcos, representing the PDP-Laban
party and the KBL party respectively both won the election due to different counting by
NAMFREL and the COMELEC. It is believed that Marcos committed fraud in the tallying
of votes. Following this, both the United States of America and the Church gave
statements supporting Aquino's accession as President. This event is known to be the
catalyst for the end of Martial Law and the Marcos Regime as it brought about the
People Power Revolution

Background

Role of the Media


The courage and the essential goodness of Corazón Aquino was so impressive in her
battle against enormous odds. And the bravery of her followers— many of whom were
killed as they pursued their belief in a true democracy... And then there was this: the role
of the press, print and electronic. Through television cameras and newspapers, the
whole world was watching. President Marcos could lie and cheat, but in the end he
could not hide.
—Tom Brokaw, NBC Nightly News

The assassination of Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. on August 21, 1983 revived
the oppositionist press, and not far behind it did the pro-Marcos or so called crony press
retaliate. Both catered to the intense news-hunger of the Filipino people, but it was a
smaller group of reporters who delivered the crucial blow to President Ferdinand E.
Marcos' image, with rumors circulating about Marcos' hidden wealth and war record. An
example of this would be the article written by Eduardo Lachica in December 1982. It
stirred interest after being published in The Asian Wall Street Journal on the alleged
Marcos property holdings in New York.

By late January 1985, the pursuit for the truth behind the rumors began with Lewis M.
Simons, a Tokyo-based correspondent for the San Jose Mercury News, who sent a
memo to his desk editor,
Jonathan Krim. There have been incessant speculations of Philippine "capital flight" that
not only involved Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos themselves, but also government
officials and friends of the first family.
Simons provided Krim with a list of names, telling him to look into Philippine investments
in the San Francisco Bay area. Krim handed over several clips (including Lachica's
article) and miscellaneous letters from the Filipino exile community to the investigative
reporter Pete Carey attached with a note, "Look into this." Carey began his paper trail
after setting up his personal computer and a telephone modem as well as using real-
estate data bases to acquire both California and out-of-state records. Another method
he used in tracking the story were his interviews with the members of the Filipino exiled
opposition who were divided between those who were resolute in helping him and those
who deemed themselves apolitical, fearing reprisals if they spoke. In an interview, Carey
says, "I kept telling them, 'I'm not interested in quoting people, I'm not going to use
yours or any names. I'm interested in documentary evidence,' That convinced people...."
Due to budgetary concerns, He continued his trail by exploring records in New York and
Chicago through telephone. At a later date, Katherine Ellison from the San Francisco
Bureau, who Carey dubs as another "great investigative reporter," joined the group as
they conducted interviews and convinced reluctant locals to provide essential
information.

On June 23–25, 1985, the Mercury News series under the by-lines of Carey, Ellison,
and Simons elicited a staggering response after revealing a list of names, showing how
the Filipino elite had illegally invested millions in the U.S., why real estate conditions
made California a prime investment territory, and how capital flight fueled Philippine
insurgency. Meanwhile local publications in the Philippines such as Malaya, Veritas,
Business Day, and Mr. and Mrs. all reprinted the series. There were protests on the
streets, attempts by the National Assembly's opposition minority to file an impeachment
hearing (which was quickly annulled) while President Marcos was forced to order an
impartial inquiry (though it lasted briefly).

The international clamor surprised the three Mercury News investigators with Carey
commenting, "There's a vast difference between simple allegations and something with
a factual, documentary basis," he says. "It provokes a totally different psychological
reaction in the readers. Gossip stirs their apathy; facts galvanize them to action."

After the successful publication of the series, newer articles were produced by the
Mercury News team, among other things, such as how the Manila elitists smuggled
fortunes, in the form of American currency, out of the country. More reporters from The
Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, and The New York Times developed other
angles as well. The most significant were those uncovered by Times' Jeff Gerth, who
wrote on the misuse of American aid money by the Marcos' administration. Although
President Marcos continued to deny these allegations, it did little to avert the
consequences. His support in the congress quickly dissipated while news of his misrule
endangered U.S. military interests. Though revelations of Marcos' hidden wealth
disparaged him in America, in the Philippines, it was the truth of his war records that did
him in. During a campaign in Manila's Tondo district, Marcos retorted:

I don't know where they got such foolishness. You who are here in Tondo and fought
under me and who were part of my guerrilla organization, you will be the ones to answer
these people, these crazy individuals, especially the foreign press who keep asking all
these questions.

—Ferdinand Marcos, 1986

The story was researched by a Yale-trained historian, Alfred McCoy, who had been at
work on a book about the Philippines during World War II when he was sidetracked by
the questionable information concerning Marcos' wartime service. In the summer of
1985, official army documents were taken from the
National Archives in Washington and albeit declassified, these were never released
publicly. McCoy later told the reporters that he was "stunned," since the documents
proved that most of the Philippine President's war record— a series of exploits against
the Japanese that Marcos used to advance in postwar national politics —was
fraudulent. He shared his findings to American reporters who provided verification and
later, published their own stories. McCoy further arranged for the news to be published
in Veritas on January 24, 1986, where the Philippine election campaign moved towards
its end, considering the act to be a fine sense of political timing.

A Call for Reforms

The communist insurgency in the Philippines has become a major challenge to the
Philippine government. It has grown in recent years against the background of a serious
decline in popular confidence in the leadership of the authoritarian administration of
President Ferdinand Marcos— a trend worsened by developments following the
assassination of political opposition leader Benigno Aquino in August 1983 — and the
substantial real drop in popular living standards due to deteriorating Philippine economic
conditions. The communists are now able to field increasing numbers of political
operatives and armed insurgents in all parts of the country, while the Philippine
government has been unable to implement a sufficiently effective counterinsurgency
program.

—U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (1985)

Mainly coming from the U.S. and from a host of cause-oriented groups, the demand for
reforms in the Marcos administration were the most prominent developments in 1985.
Pressures for government rectification fell into these three areas:

Revitalization of democratic processes together with the development of an electoral


code to ensure free and honest elections;
Restoration of a free market economy; and
Military re-invigoration of [military] professionalism and discipline so as to effectively
combat the growing insurgency problem.

President Marcos, who continued his role as a guileful politician, has firmly resisted
instituting genuine reforms in his attempt to circumvent the Americans and the
opposition. In general, reforms have bordered on what critics call "cosmetic"
settlements. President Marcos maintained using his authoritarian powers while his
cronies monopolized key agricultural sectors.
Organizing the 1986 Philippine Elections

On November 4, 1985, Sam Donaldson and George Will interviewed President


Ferdinand E. Marcos on the American Broadcasting Company political affairs program,
This Week with David Brinkley.[5][6] Marcos was being asked about his policies and
support when, without warning, he announced that he would hold a Snap Elections on
February 7, 1986, a year earlier than the supposed 1987 elections. Marcos said that in
the Snap Elections, the vice president would also be determined. Also, the final decision
regarding the elections would be determined by the National Assembly.

Ten petitions were filed before Supreme Court that questioned the constitutionality of the
1986 snap elections or the Batas Pambansa Blg. 883. The petitioners argued that the
BP 883 violates Article VII Sec. 9 of the constitution, which specifies that the holding of
emergency elections "in case of permanent disability, death, removal from office, or
resignation of the President." However, elements of the opposition argued that the
president's post-dated resignation last November 11, 1985 did not create a real vacancy
in the presidency and was merely a deception. The petitioners' case was rejected by a
7-5 vote in the Supreme Court. Marcos would remain president throughout the election,
which was an action that seemed to be in conflict with the constitution at the time.

Marcos declared the early elections since he believed that this would solidify the support
of United States, silence the protests and criticisms both in the Philippines and the
United States, and finally put the issues regarding the death of Benigno Aquino Jr. to
rest.

The opposition saw two problems regarding the announcement of Marcos. First is the
credibility of the announcement since at the time two-thirds of the national assembly
were from KBL, which means that they could decide not to push through with the Snap
Elections. This would then give Marcos an image that he was willing to entertain
opposers, which would then contribute to his popularity. Second problem is that the
opposition was yet to choose a single presidential candidate to who had a chance to
win. This posed a problem for them since the opposition were yet to be united,
supporting only one presidential candidate.

For the opposition, they were torn between the widow of Benigno Aquino Jr., Corazon
"Cory" Aquino, and Doy Laurel, son of President Jose P. Laurel. Cardinal Jaime Sin
talked to both the potential candidates. Cory was hesitant to run since she believed that
she was not the best and most able choice. She also feared the loss of privacy once
she enters the political arena. Cory agreed to run if there was a petition campaign with
at least a million signatures supporting her as a presidential candidate. Doy on the other
hand, was earnest in running as president since he believed his family background,
training, and experience have prepared him for the presidency. After talks, Doy Laurel
decided to run as Cory Aquino's running mate.

On 3 December 1985, the Batasang Pambansa passed a law setting the date of the
election on 7 February
1986. Marcos chose Arturo Tolentino as his running mate. Marcos' conditions for his
running mate was that "He should never disagree with the president."
Campaign

The campaign period started from December 19, 1985 to February 5, 1986. A total of
forty-five (45) days
During the campaign period, Cory Aquino promised to run a government that would be
the exact opposite of the Marcos administration at that time. The battle-cry, “ Tama na!
Sobra na! Palitan na!” loosely translated, “ Enough is enough! Time for a change in
leadership!” and wearing any article of clothing that was yellow were the statements of
the support of the UNIDO party. The Aquino-Laurel campaign was believed to center
around the principle of morality in leadership.

The campaign of Corazon Aquino and Salvador Laurel had numerous help from the
church. One of them would be Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin who issued a pastoral
letter on the snap elections urging the people to not fall for vote buying during the
elections on 19 December 1985. On 28 December 1985, Cardinal Sin made a tract,
“Guidelines on Christian Conduct During Elections,” which had a part that said:

"Do not sell your vote. The acceptance of money to vote for a candidate (a practice we
do not encourage) does not bind you to vote for that candidate. No one is 'obliged to
fulfill an evil contact.'"

Eventually, Cardinal Sin reiterated on 19 January 1986 his second pastoral letter on the
snap elections, “A Call to Conscience.” This second letter provided significant amount of
information about the statement issued by the Catholic Bishops Conference of the
Philippines on 25 January 1986, “We Must Obey God Rather Than Men.”

On 5 February, the last day of the campaign period, Jaime Cardinal Sin revealed that he
has supported Cory as her partisan as he endorsed Cory that she , “will also make a
good president.”

In the other hand, Ferdinand Marcos displayed the idea of a “macho” president by
ridiculing not only Cory saying how she is just a woman and a “know-nothing” (Walang
alam ‘yan!) but also including in his campaign speeches how Filipino women's proper
place would be in the bedroom. The Marcos-Tolentino campaign was believed to mainly
center around “issues of communism and competence.”

As the election campaign continued, Marcos was able to campaign in selected key cities
while Aquino was able to campaign intensively and extensively, even going to remote
places from the north of the Philippines to the south of the Philippines. The Aquino
campaign concluded a rally that is believed to have 800 000
participants wearing yellow in Rizal Park and Roxas Boulevard forming a “sea
of yellow.” Results

About 85,000 precincts opened at seven o’clock in the morning of Election Day. Each
precincts was administered by a Board of Election Inspectors (BEI), wherein they were
tasked to overlook the manner of voting. However, the BEI did not continuously abide by
the stipulated voting procedure, which raised the impression of fraud.
Voting period were also scheduled to close at three o’clock in the afternoon but was
extended to give way for people who were in line. Counting of the ballots followed and
most precincts was able to finish by six o’clock in the evening.

Results showed that a huge number of eligible electorates did not vote. Out of the 26
million registered voters, only 20 million ballots were cast. This showed a decreased
percentage of voters from the 1984 election, which had 89% of registered voters casted
their ballot, to around 76% during the snap election.

Number of Voters in the 1986 Election


Number of registered voters 26,181,829
Actual Number of votes canvassed by the Batasan
20,150,160 Percentage of Actual to Registered Voters
76.96%

A number of disenfranchised voters were evident during the snap election.

Estimated number of Disenfranchised Voters]


1984 Percentage of Actual to Registered Voters 89%
1986 Number of voters base from the 1984 percentage 23,422,264
Actual Number of votes canvassed by the Batasan 20,150,160
Estimated number of disenfranchised voters 3,272,104

President
COMELEC NAMFREL

Marcos Aquino Canoy Padilla Marcos Aquino

National Capital Region 1,394,815 1,614,662 794 10,687


1,312,592 1,530,678
Region I 1,239,825 431,877 282 3,399 282,506
578,997
Region II 856,026 139,666 111 381 188,556 105,934
Region III 1,011,860 1,008,157 243 2,268 761,771
647,318
Region IV 1,190,804 1,425,143 336 3,831 995,238
757,689
Region V 433,809 761,538 258 376 354,784 634,453
Region VI 902,682 777,312 386 244 582,075 561,177
Region VII 773,604 827,912 4,012 394 722,631
535,363
Region VIII 627,868 411,284 475 213 527,076 372,179
Region IX 540,570 365,195 3,686 505 256,819
234,064
Region X 563,547 519,841 8,244 223 308,751
293,799
Region XI 609,540 662,799 13,413 773 404,124
353,413
Region XII 662,247 346,330 1,801 358 222,418
166,636
Total 10,807,197 9,291,716 34,041 23,652 6,532,362
7,158,679
The COMELEC proclaimed Marcos as the winner with more than 1.5 million voted
greater than the next contender, Cory Aquino. In the COMELEC's tally a total of
10,807,197 votes was for Marcos alone. Conversely, NAMFREL's tally had Aquino
winning with more than half a million lead.

Vice President
COMELEC NAMFREL

Tolentino Laurel Kalaw Arienda Tolentino Laurel Kalaw

National Capital Region 1,411,863 1,366,162 1,323,201 1,288,285


219,763 - 231,318
Region I 1,173,312 394,255 96,257 - 552,624 246,681 67,111
Region II 825,886 150,538 8,111 - 176,739 102,537
3,879
Region III 984,045 920,095 104,957 664,601 741,294 91,386
-
Region IV 853,600 1,691,011 58,524 - 504,364 1,221,014
44,349
Region V 388,961 774,336 25,654 - 328,526 653,025 23,772
Region VI 814,910 783,183 56,910 - 542,428 573,447 44,362
Region VII 790,432 799,565 7,571 - 552,760 694,377
7,296
Region VIII 606,648 403,660 21,931 - 506,552 377,735 22,243
Region IX 531,457 359,502 5,192 - 233,765 252,371
4,843
Region X 552,528 519,502 7,451 - 397,572 421,107
7,543
Region XI 599,462 635,701 37,640 - 422,444 464,813 33,565
Region XII 601,020 375,595 12,224 - 179,717 213,239
7,922
Total 10,134,124 9,173,105 662,185 35,974 6,385,293
7,249,925 589,589
Summary of Election Results
COMELEC[13]
Ferdinand Marcos Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (New Society Movement) 10,807,197
53.62%
Corazon Aquino United Nationalist Democratic Organization 9,291,716 46.10%
Reuben Canoy Social Democratic Party 34,041 0.17%
Narciso Padilla Movement for Truth, Order and Righteousness 23,652
0.12%
Arturo Tolentino Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (New Society Movement) 10,134,130 50.65%
Salvador Laurel United Nationalist Democratic Organization 9,173,105 45.85%
Eva Estrada Kalaw Liberal (Kalaw Wing) 662,185 3.31%
Roger Arienda Movement for Truth, Order and Righteousness 35,974
0.18%
NAMFREL[14]
Ferdinand Marcos Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (New Society Movement) 6,532,362 -
Corazon Aquino United Nationalist Democratic Organization 7,158,679 -
Arturo Tolentino Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (New Society Movement) 6,385,293 -
Salvador Laurel United Nationalist Democratic Organization 7,249,925 -
Eva Estrada Kalaw Liberal (Kalaw Wing) 589,589 -

Aftermath

The final results of the February 7, 1986 Snap Elections led to the popular belief that the
polls were tampered and considered an electoral fraud. The following days consisted of
countless debates and actions as a sign of aversion to the result. Violence was at a
peak. Anyone who got in the way would get murdered even in broad daylight. But in the
end, as according to the International Observer Delegation, the "election of the February
7 was not conducted in a free and fair manner" due to the influence and power of the
administration of Ferdinand Marcos. The International Observer Delegation reaffirmed
that the proclamation of the victors of the leection were invalid because the Batasan
“ignored explicit provisions of the Philippine Electoral Code [Batas Pambansa Blg. 881]
requiring that the tampered or altered Election Returns be set aside during the final
counting process, despite protests by representatives of the opposition parts”. After
further investigation, a multinational team of observers cited cases of vote-buying,
intimidation, snatching of ballot boxes, tampered election returns and the
disenfranchisement of thousands of voters[15]
One day after the Snap Elections, Cory Aquino was taking the lead according to the
NAMFREL's tally but was short lived when Marcos' tally began leading. There were
countless of daily protests and street demonstrations fueled by the government's
counting of the tally and the site of Marcos winning the polls. On February 9, Linda
Kapunan led 30 computer technicians who were manning the COMELEC tabulation
machines to walk out of their job posts and join the protests who were accusing the
current administration with tampering results. They found safety in the Baclaran Churhc.
This was oe of the early “sparks” of the People Power Revolution.

Lina Kapunan was the wife of Lt. Col Eduardo Kapunan, a leader of Reform the Armed
Forces Movement which is an group that plotted to attack the Malacañang Palace and
kill Marcos and his family. There were suspicions that the walk out of the 30 computer
technicians may have been linked to the group of her husband.

After the snap elections, word of faulty elections broke out into the international setting.
That being said, prominent figures such as Reagan started to meddle in our government
by saying, “hard evidence” of fraud was lacking. Aware of the United State’s intentions
in insisting that elections were clean and peaceful, Corazon Aquino responded to
Reagan by asking if the country’s “friends abroad [can] set aside short sighted self
interest and stop supporting the failing dictator”. As the international reputation of the
Philippines continues to go down, the Philippine peso fell drastically to an “all-time low
of P20 to a dollar” as of February 2.

As of February 14, The Catholic Bishop's Conference of the Philippines President


Cardinal Ricardo Vidal released a declaration in lieu of the Philippine Church Hierarchy
stating that "a government does not of itself freely correct the evil it has inflicted on the
people then it is our serious moral obligation as a people to make it do so." This meant
that power attained through dirty means such as through cheating and fraud would have
no moral basis. The declaration also asked "every loyal member of the Church, every
community of the faithful, to form their judgment about the February 7 polls" telling all
the Filipinos "[n]ow is the time to speak up.

Corazon Aquino called for a “victory rally” to boycott “crony media, seven banks,
Rustan’s department store, and San Miguel Corporation. Large corporations that were
believed to be “partly or wholly owned by known Marcos cronies”. Due to the boycotts,
many of this large corporations lost sales. There was a significant rise in deposit
withdrawals in large and prominent banks made by even the clergy class. The value of
San Miguel shares dropped to P11.50 per share and P14.50 per share for A and B
shares respectively.

As of February 19, “The US Senate voted in favor of the fact that the declaration that the
snap election in the Philippines by widespread fraud”. It seems as if the tables have
turned and foreign groups such as the American bishops are no longer in favor of
Marcos but of the protest groups instead. Even Reagan, who at first urged Cory to plead
that he be on the right side of the situation, put the foreign aid for the Philippines in a
temporary suspension for as long as “Marcos remained in office”. Diplomats from
countries such as Austria, Switzerland, Ireland, Norway, Finland, Sweden, Japan,
Britain, Italy, Denmark and West Germany were all pressing for Cory’s seat in the
Malacañang.

Seeing the foreign parties turning their backs on him, “Marcos admitted he was nervous
about the decisions” on February 21. To top this off, prominent figures in the
government such as Juan Ponce Enrile, as the Defense Minister and Armed Forces
Vice-Chief of Staff General Fidel Ramos resigned from his posts. After their resignation,
they secluded themselves within the military and police headquarters of Camp
Aguinaldo and Camp Crame respectively, which led up ot the People Power Revolution
from February 22– 25 of February. The turn of the military against Marcos assured that
Marcos will not be used military threat to his people anymore. They also assured Aquino
that she will have the support of the military incase Marcos does not step down from his
position.
The snap elections and its aftermath are dramatized in the 1988 film A Dangerous Life.

Extract of the Transcript of Press Conference: Defense Minister Juan


Ponce Enrile and Deputy Chief of Staff Fidel V. Ramos on various
matters

On the resignation of Defense Minister Enrile and Deputy Chief of Staff Ramos, the
order to arrest members of Lt. Col. Honasan’s Reform the Armed Forces Movement, the
divide in the Armed Forces, and the possibility of a renewed proclamation of Martial Law

[Released from Camp Aguinaldo, Quezon City, February 22, 1986]

Q: Good evening, sir.


DEFENSE MINISTER JUAN PONCE ENRILE: How are you?
Q: Good evening, sir.
ENRILE: This evening, I do not know whether this will be a good evening, but anyway—
gentlemen, we are ready to answer your questions.
Q: Sir, is it true that the President has ordered your arrest?
ENRILE: Well, I would prefer this by saying that there was an information to round up
members of the Reform Movement. And this afternoon, my boys came to my house and
caused me to get out and come to this place because we might all be rounded up. I said
information reached us that there was a supposed-tobe an effort to arrest all the
members of the Reform Movement and this afternoon, some of my boys came to my
house and asked me to move to Camp Aguinaldo because we have to group there
because there is a possibility that we will all be rounded up.
Q: Were you worried that your life is in dangers, sir?
ENRILE: I must preface your question that as far back as 1982, we have been getting
persistent reports that there were efforts to eliminate us and the information was that
they brought in some elements from Mindanao to undertake the job. And, it was at that
point that we decided a group to protect ourselves. And, this is actually what is now
known as the AFP Reform Movement.
Q: How much of the military do you represent? How long do you intend to be here and
what your demands will be?
ENRILE: Well, I do not know how long we will be here. It all depends upon the situation.
I hope that the situation will come out better. If not, then, we will make a stand here.
And, if we have to go down, all of us will have to go down.
Q: Sir, are you fearful for your life?
ENRILE: Well, we are in a camp and we have some people out there who might assault
us.
Q: A lot of troops are around the perimeter of the camp. Does that mean you’re
controlling the General Headquarters of the army of the Philippines?
ENRILE: Well, we are in the Ministry of National Defense. As of now, I’m still the Minister
of National Defense, and that is why I came here because we have no intention to harm
anybody, but the fact is that there was a report that we are going to be arrested—all of
us. And, if we are going to be arrested, we know what that means.
Q: Who is us, Sir?
ENRILE: The members of the Reform Movement.
Q: Would that include General Ramos and you?
ENRILE: I think General Ramos.
DEPUTY CHIEF OF STAFF FIDEL V. RAMOS : I am with Minister Enrile. And, the
reason for my being here, ladies and gentlemen, is that because the Armed Forces of
the Philippines has ceased to be the real Armed Forces of the Philippines which is
supposed to be the defender of public safety and enforcer of the law and what has
developed is that there has become an elite armed forces within the Armed Forces of
the Philippines that no longer represents the rank and file and the officer corps of the
Armed Forces of the Philippines.
Q: Minister, what will your demands be?
ENRILE: Well, we want that the will of the people must be respected.
Q: [Inaudible]
ENRILE: Well, for myself, if I may say this, I believe that the mandate of the people does
not belong to the present regime. And I know it is for a fact, that there had been some
anomalies committed during the elections; and I search my conscience; and I felt that I
could not serve a government that is not expressive of the sovereign will.
Q: Did you have any contact with Mrs. Aquino?
ENRILE: We have not had any contact with Mrs. Aquino.
Q: Mr. Minister, what are your demands going to be? Will you stay here until Mr. Ver
steps out? Will you stay here until Mr. Marcos steps out?
ENRILE: [To General Ramos] Are you resigning? Did you resign? I was going to tender
my resignation on Monday.
Q: Irrevocable?
ENRILE: Yes, I can no longer serve the government.
Q: How about you, General Ramos? Did you tender an irrevocable resignation?
RAMOS: I have tendered my offer of retirement on many occasions. But, at the moment
as the chief of the
Constabulary and Integrated National Police as well as the Vice-Chief of Staff of the
Armed Forces of the
Philippines, I would like to direct the troops under my command as well as all other
elements of the Armed Forces of the Philippines that are professional-minded, that are
dedicated to the military service—in the sense of the military service being the protector
of the people—the defender of public safety, and the enforcers of the law in our country,
to be with me as well as the Minister of National Defense, in our effort to bring about a
more normal situation where our people once more can live freely and pursue the
aspirations that they have in life.
Q: Is the Army and Navy and Air Force against you?
ENRILE: Well, not quite. We have some friendly forces in the Navy, Army and Air Force,
even the Marines.
Q: [Inaudible]
ENRILE: No, I did not. I did not discuss this with anybody.
Q: Are you saying that you no longer recognize President Marcos as President?
ENRILE: As of now, I cannot in conscience recognize the President as the Commander-
in-Chief of the Armed Forces. And, I am appealing to my brother-members of the
Cabinet to head the will of the people expressed during the last election. Because in my
own region, I know that we cheated the elections to the extent of 350,000 votes.
Q: Are you going to stay and serve under Mrs. Aquino?
ENRILE: No, I will not. I will not serve under Mrs. Aquino even if she is installed as the
president. I do not know whether she can be installed as a president. But, I am talking of
a country and people, and not men. Our loyalty is to the Constitution, to the Filipino
people, to our country. And, I am calling on all decent elements in the government, the
decent Filipinos, and the decent soldiers and officers of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines who are trained to respect the Constitution, and to protect the welfare of this
nation and its people, to wake up and support this movement.
Q: General Ramos, will you recognize Marcos as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed
Forces?
RAMOS: I think the President of 1986 is not the same President that we used to know
before to whom we pledged our loyalty and to whom we dedicated our service. But, it is
clear that he no longer is the able and capable Commander-in-Chief that we count upon
because he has put his personal interest—his family interest.
I would like to appeal likewise as Minister Enrile has done to the fair-minded, to the
dedicated, and peopleoriented members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the
Integrated National Police to join us in this crusade for better government. I would like to
appeal to our personnel in the thirteen regions of this country, however, to avoid any
bloodshed; to maintain calm, and be able to influence the people’s power in our country
to support this appeal of Minister Enrile and myself, because…
ENRILE: You know, we realized the gravity of the situation as far as our lives our
concerned, and if it should come to pass that we will lose our lives in this particular
moment, we will gladly do it in the service of our people and our nation for that is the
oath that we have taken when we entered the public service. It is our duty to see to it
that the sovereign will of the Filipino people expressed through the ballot must be
respected.
Q: Have you heard of any plans against Cory Aquino or the opposition?
ENRILE: No. What plans are you asking?
Q: The same way they did to you, that they are going to arrest you…
ENRILE: I do not know whether there is any such plan, but I heard that there was a
meeting in Malacañang sometime two weeks ago. I think there where some members of
the—some generals were present and there was a plan to arrest all the leaders of the
opposition, in fact, even some members of the Parliament. And in fact, I just talked to
the RUC Commander from the South and I understand certain, some hit men or hit list,
directed against UNIDP leaders have been prepared. And, I do not know why this thing
is happening in this country.
Q: Can you tell us, sir, what you know about the cheating during the last election—what
you personally know about?
ENRILE: In my region, the President obtained 233,000 margin in Cagayan. In Isabela,
he got 164,000 votes. In Kalinga, Apayao, he barely made it. In Quirino—I do not know
the results there. He lost in Ifugao and in Batanes. I am bothered by my conscience that
we have done this to our people. Because under the Constitution, powers of
government are supposed to emanate from the sovereign will of our people, and yet, we
do not respect the will of our people. The question that I asked myself before I came
before you is:
Is it worth living to serve a government that does not really represent the will of the
people?
Q: Mr. Minister, are you willing to accept the authority of Mrs. Aquino as president?
ENRILE: I am not making any conclusion, whoever is considered by the Filipino people
to be representative of their will must be respected. Q: Is coup d’etat a part of your
options?
ENRILE: We never had any plans to stage a coup d’etat. What we are doing is to
defend ourselves against an assault that is quite imminent and apparent.
Q: How can the situation be resolved?
ENRILE: I do not know. It is only the President who can resolve this.
RAMOS: I am willing to dialogue with the President, ladies and gentlemen, to express
the feelings of those in the Armed Forces of the Philippines. And in fact, that is my
primary and only approach.
ENRILE: They can kill all of us here. We are all gathered in this holding and in this
camp, but the blood that they will shed will be the blood of Filipinos who love their
country more than any man. And, we are not here to serve a man but to serve a republic
and a people.
Q: Sir, how many are you in here?
ENRILE: I cannot tell you our number.
Q: General Ramos, have you ordered your troops to come and get you?
RAMOS: I am only appealing to the troops now to do what is right by the Constitution
and to do what is right under our laws. And, I would like once more to address an
appeal to the Commander-in-Chief to allow us to peacefully negotiate and talk to him. I
have transmitted to the President in many occasions in writing as well as face-to-face
conversation the feelings of the smaller as well as my humble perceptions of the
worsening situation in our country. But as you will know, he has largely ignored these
appeals and he has not acted on the very serious problems that confront the country
today insofar as peace and order are concerned.
ENRILE: The Armed Forces of the Philippines is no longer the armed forces of the
Filipino people as it should be. There is already an attitude on the part of some people
that they own the Armed Forces of the Philippines; they own the country; they own
everybody. The say that General Ver was retired on Sunday only to be reinstated again;
only to be retired again, and they announced General Ramos to be an Acting Chief of
Staff but there is a secret order saying that the Chief of Staff must continue until such
time that they will announce his retirement. We can no longer live under this condition.
This is no longer a civilized country if this is the way we are running our affairs.
Q: How does Mrs. Marcos figure in this
trouble? ENRILE: I do not know. I have not
talked to her.
Q: Mr. Minister, what can you say about the presence of US military warships here?
ENRILE: I do not know why they are here.
Q: Minister Enrile, in this situation where the two of you are holed up in a building with a
certain number of men around you, are you causing a split in the military right now?
ENRILE: I think right now, we have a split in the military.
Q: May we have the names of the commanders of major services who are against you?
ENRILE: I think the commanders of the armed services are all with the President and I
suppose they have to serve him. But, we are confident that the decent elements in the
ranks, in the lower ranks, will know how to deal with the situation. If they will fire their
guns against us, so be it, but we have committed this final act in order to bring to the
world and to our Filipino people that the sad situation in the country is now coming to
pass. And, the day of reckoning is now approaching.
Q: [Inaudible]
ENRILE: If they will kill us, I think they will find that the situation in the land will no longer
be governable.
Q: When you talk with the President, you and General Ramos, will you ask that he step
down…
ENRILE: I think we should respect the will of the people. Personally, I believe that the
President did not win this election. He was proclaimed by the Batasan in a hasty
manner. And, I felt embarrassed when I was sitting there watching the proceedings. I
had to raise my hand to show that I voted for him, but inside me, it bothered me that I
had raised my hand. And, I am sorry to say this because I had served him well over the
years, but I am a Filipino over and above anything else.
Q: Will you call on the people to support you and General Ramos? Will you ask that he
step down… ENRILE: It’s up to them, if they want to support us. We are here to take a
stand. If anyone of us will be killed—I think all of us must be killed.
Q: Sir, has there been any communication with the other provinces? Do they know what
is happening now? ENRILE: No, we have not communicated with them, but I talked to
several military commanders and they feel that the situation must be handled because
we cannot split the Armed Forces of the Philippines.
Q: With this development, will the President proclaim martial law?
ENRILE: I do not know what he will do. I am not privy to his thinking at this moment.
Q: What can you say if the President proclaims Martial Law?
ENRILE: Well, if they will arrest us, we are willing to be arrested if they will arrest us.
After all, martial law has never really left us.
Q: Will you resist the Proclamation of Martial Law?
ENRILE: I will. I will because it is going to be against the interests of our people. I think
that it will just be a matter of time before the outbreak of violence if the President will
miscalculate the situation.
Q: Mr. Minister, will you resist arrest?
ENRILE: I will cross the bridge when I come to it.

Ang Bayan Ko by Freddie Aguilar

Ang Bayan Ko
Ang bayan kong Pilipinas
Lupain ng ginto't bulaklak
Pag-ibig na sa kanyang palad
Nag-alay ng ganda't dilag

At sa kanyang yumi at ganda


Dayuhan ay nahalina
Bayan ko, binihag ka
Nasadlak sa dusa

(CHORUS)
Ibon mang may layang lumipad
Kulungin mo at umiiyak
Bayan pa kayang sakdal-dilag
Ang 'di magnasang makaalpas

Pilipinas kong minumutya


Pugad ng luha at dalita
Aking adhika
Makita kang sakdal laya

(AD LIB)

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