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Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review, Vol. 5, No. 4, December 2002 (°
C 2002)

The Effect of Polygamous Marital Structure on Behavioral,

Emotional, and Academic Adjustment in Children:
A Comprehensive Review of the Literature

Salman Elbedour,1,3 Anthony J. Onwuegbuzie,1 Corin Caridine,1 and Hasan Abu-Saad2

Polygamy represents expanded family structures that are based on marriages involving a hus-
band with 2 or more wives. Interestingly, polygamy is legally and widely practiced in 850
societies across the globe. In the last 2 decades, polygamy has been the focus of a significant
growth in public, political, and academic awareness. Indeed, several quantitative and quali-
tative research articles and theoretical papers have emerged during this period, particularly
concerning the effects of this form of marital structure on behavioral, emotional, and academic
adjustment of children. However, to date, no researcher has provided a summary of the extant
literature. Thus, the purpose of this comprehensive literature review is to summarize find-
ings and to discuss implications of empirical studies that have examined whether polygamous
marital structures are beneficial or harmful to children in comparison with children raised
in monogamous marital structures. This review includes a summary of the findings from all
quantitative and qualitative studies in the extant literature that have examined the effect of
polygamy on children’s outcomes.
KEY WORDS: polygamy; marital conflict; child adjustment; family structure.

A considerable body of research from diverse (Amato & Keith, 1991; Arditti, 1999; Demo & Acock,
perspectives suggests that family structure has a sub- 1988; Hetherington, Cox, & Cox, 1982; Hetherington,
stantial impact on the mental health of children. Stanley-Hagen, & Anderson, 1989; McLanahan &
Compared to their counterparts living in intact fam- Sandefur, 1994); adopted children (Haugaard, 1998;
ilies with both biological parents, researchers have Lansford, Ceballo, Abbey, & Stewart, 2001; Smith,
found that children living in nontraditional family 2001); children of widowed families (Evans, Kelley,
structures exhibit poor adjustment, as indicated by Borgers, Dronkers, & Grullenberg, 1995); chil-
aggressive and antisocial behavior, conduct disor- dren from single-parent families; and children who
ders, communication difficulties, adjustment prob- live with one biological parent or one stepparent
lems, poor self-concept, high school-dropout rates, (Ganong & Coleman, 1993; Glick, 1989; Greenway
sexual activity, drug abuse, and alcoholism (Thornton & Onwuegbuzie, in press).
& Camburn, 1987; Wenk, Hardesty, Morgan, & Blair, Despite this higher risk of behavioral problems,
1994). Similar results have been found in studies the percentage of children in nontraditional family
that have focused on children of divorced parents structures continues to rise (Carlson & Corcoran,
2001). For example, between 1970 and 1998, the
number of children living with two biological par-
1 Howard University, Washington, DC. ents dropped from 90 to 74% for White children,
2 Universityof Minnesota, Minnesota.
3 Address all correspondence to Salman Elbedour, Department
78 to 64% for Hispanic children, and 60 to 36% for
of Human Development and Psychoeducational Studies, School
African American children. Indeed, Bumpass and
of Education, Howard University, 2441 Fourth Street, NW, Raley (1995) predicted that approximately one-half of
Washington, DC 20059; e-mail: [email protected]. the U.S. children born in the 1980s would end up living

255
1096-4037/02/1200-0255/0 °
C 2002 Plenum Publishing Corporation
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256 Elbedour, Onwuegbuzie, Caridine, and Abu-Saad

in a single-parent family before they reached the age economic success; the more wives a man has, the more
of 18 years. Moreover, 40% of White women and 46% successful he is deemed to be (Klomegah, 1997).
of African American women born between 1970 and
1974 experienced more than one family structure as
children. In addition, in recent years, there has been a THE PREVALENCE AND ANTECEDENT
steep rise in the percentage of children born to unmar- CORRELATES OF POLYGAMY
ried mothers. In fact, a 1998 U.S. Census report found
that about 25% of White births, 41% of Hispanic Polygamy is legally and widely practiced in 850
births, and 70% of African American births occurred societies across the globe (Bergstrom, 1992; Hartung,
outside of marriage (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1998). 1982), and it is accepted by a wide range of non-
However, other researchers attribute the decline Western ethnic and religious groups. In fact, polyg-
in the well-being of these children not to the non- amous marriage is a major institution in Africa and in
traditional family structure but rather to processes the Middle East. With respect to the former, polygamy
and dynamics within the family, such as family conflict may in fact be considered the “most distinctive feature
and parental confrontation (Emery & O’Leary, 1984; of an African marriage” (Garenne & van de Walle,
Grych & Fincham, 1990, 1992). Moreover, findings 1989, p. 267). Polygamy is considered to be a valid
from their studies suggest that well-being and rela- form of marriage in Algeria, Chad, Ghana, Benin,
tionship equality cannot be predicted based on family Congo, Gabon, Togo, Tanzania (Welch & Click, 1981),
structure alone (Dunn, Deater-Deckard, Picketing, & Saudi Arabia, and Israel (in Bedouin-Arab commu-
O’Connor, 1998; Stewart, Copeland, Chester, Malley, nities). More specifically, it is estimated that 20–50%
& Barenbaum, 1997). Still other researchers assign of all marriages in Africa are polygamous (Caldwell
the adjustment problems of children from divorced & Caldwell, 1993). Chaleby (1985) reported that be-
or single-parent families primarily to the cultural stig- tween 8 and 13% of all marriages in Kuwait are polyg-
mas associated with nontraditional family structures amous, and the ratio is much higher in some neighbor-
(Haugaard, 1998; Lansford et al., 2001). ing countries. The desire to increase the number of
Despite the growing recognition worldwide of children is one reason for forming polygamous mar-
the importance of family structure in the develop- riages. Indeed, childless wives are more likely to be in
mental process, to date, most researchers have lim- polygamous marriages than are other wives (Gage-
ited their focus to monogamous family structures and Brandon, 1992; Sichona, 1993).
individualistic cultural norms of Europe and North Polygamous second marriages may occur in “ex-
America in general and the U.S. middle-class nuclear change marriages,” as is the case in Bedouin-Arab
family in particular (Dunn, 1988). This cultural tra- communities. In this practice, two males marry each
dition focuses on the values of achievement, plea- other’s sisters; if one of the husbands later takes a sec-
sure, and independence, and emphasizes vertical re- ond wife, the other husband will feel pressure to take
lationships over horizontal relationships (Triandis, a second wife as well (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 1999).
2001; Triandis et al., 1993). However, in other cultures There are also demographic reasons for a polygamous
around the world (including Africa, Asia, the Middle marital structure. Other studies suggest clear advan-
East, and Oceania), it is common for children to live tages where child mortality rates are high and where
in families with more than two parents (Altman & there are more women than men of marriageable age
Ginat, 1996; Broude, 1994). These expanded family (Klomegah, 1997).
structures are based on marriages that may involve In many regions, polygamy is seen as a way to
(a) polygamy—a husband with two or more wives; ensure a family’s socioeconomic security and stability
(b) polyandry—a wife with two or more husbands; or (Klomegah, 1997). The additional children that this
(c) polygynandry—two or more wives simultaneously marital practice provides are valued for their labor,
married to two or more husbands (Sinha & Bharat, emotional support, and ability to provide security for
1985; Valsiner, 1989). The most common form of non- their parents in old age (Klomegah, 1997). The higher
monogamous marriage is polygamy (Al-Krenawi & the number of children, the more economically pro-
Lightman, 2000), a family structure that is economi- ductive a family can be.
cally desirable in cultures based on subsistence farm- Religion is another antecedent correlate of
ing, in which a family’s economic success may be polygamy. In particular, men who practice Islam
based on the number of children available to work the are significantly more likely than are Christian men
land. Furthermore, in some societies it is a marker of to become polygamous. For example, in Peterson’s
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Behavioral Problems and Scholastic Adjustment 257

Nigerian study, 98% of the polygamous wives were relation to number of wives per union found a strong
Muslim (Peterson, 1999). Also, in Klomegah’s study, relationship between whether a father has one or
the distribution of religious affiliations of wives in more wives and his educational level. Specifically, of
polygamous marriages was as follows: Muslim 43%, fathers with secondary education or higher, the vast
Catholic 25%, Protestant 24%, and no religious majority (78.8%) have one wife, whereas among fa-
affiliation 39% (Klomegah, 1997). In general, studies thers with no education, the proportion of one-wife
show that those who practice Islam or traditional fathers, although still large, is much less (53.3%).
religions are more likely to engage in polygamous Finally, with regard to mothers’ employment,
marriages. Al-Krenawi (2001) documented that none of the
Speizer (1995) documented that monogamous polygamous wives and only a small fraction of the
men from rural parts of sub-Saharan Africa express monogamous wives worked outside the home. In
more desire for additional children compared to men Peterson’s study, the wives in polygamous marriages
from urban areas, because it is cheaper to support also were less likely to work outside the home
and to raise children in rural areas, and the chil- (Peterson, 1999). Similarly, none of the mothers in Al-
dren contribute to agricultural production. However, Krenawi and Lightman’s study worked outside of the
Klomegah (1997) found that the number of wives per home (Al-Krenawi & Lightman, 2000). Lev-Wiesel
union in rural areas was only slightly higher than in and Al-Krenawi (2000) found in their study that 25%
urban areas. In total, about 25% of the women in of the mothers from polygamous households worked
polygamous marriages lived in urban areas, and about part-time outside the home. Also, Agadjanian and
32% lived in rural communities (Klomegah, 1997). Ezeh (2000) found that more wives from areas with
On the other hand, Peterson (1999) found no signif- a lower incidence of polygamy worked outside the
icant difference between monogamous and polyga- home and earned cash for their work compared to
mous groups of women on the basis of rural/urban wives from areas with a higher incidence of polygamy.
residency. (There was no significant influence from their occupa-
Research has shown an inconsistent relationship tion before marriage.) Klomegah (1997) reported that
between education and the frequency of polygamy. most of the wives in his investigation were employed
In particular, Al-Krenawi (2001) found no signifi- in clerical/sales, followed by agriculture, unemployed,
cant difference between the educational level of two service/manual labor, and professional, technical, and
groups of Bedouin-Arab women, composed of se- managerial positions. In stark contrast, Elbedour et al.
nior wives in polygamous marriages and wives in (2002) documented that none of the 102 women from
monogamous marriages. In addition, Peterson (1999) polygamous families who participated in the study
found no significant difference in literacy between were gainfully employed.
monogamous and polygamous women. Klomegah
(1997) reported that the majority of women in polyg-
amous marriages have no formal education, fewer THEORETICAL EVIDENCE FOR THE
have a primary education, and an even smaller num- IMPACT OF FAMILY STRUCTURE
ber have a secondary education or higher. Simi-
larly, Elbedour, Onwuegbuzie, and Alatamin (2002) There is a growing interest in family charac-
found that a statistically significant higher propor- teristics that reduce the risk of child development
tion of two-wife families had wives with no for- disturbances and psychopathology. Garmezy (1983)
mal education than did one-wife families (68.3% vs. suggests that a supportive family can offer a protec-
52.3%); however, the Cramer’s V statistic of .16 asso- tive factor against developmental risk. Several studies
ciated with this relationship indicated a small effect have stressed that an intact family with two biologi-
size. cal parents provides the optimal developmental en-
With respect to the fathers’ educational level, Al- vironment for children (Demo & Acock, 1996) and
Krenawi and Lightman (2000) reported that the edu- plays a decisive role in reducing psychological dis-
cational levels attained by monogamous fathers were tress in children (Wenk et al., 1994). Disruptive fac-
significantly higher than those of polygamous fathers. tors such as a lack of parental involvement (Gecas
Further, Al-Krenawi and Lightman (2000) found that & Schwalbe, 1986), the psychological unavailability
father’s level of education was inversely related to the of parents, especially the mother figure (Egeland,
number of children and wives. Gage-Brandon (1992), Sroufe, & Erickson, 1983), the dissolution of the fam-
who reviewed educational attainment of fathers in ily (Cleveland, Wiebe, van den Oord, & Rowe, 2000),
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258 Elbedour, Onwuegbuzie, Caridine, and Abu-Saad

and change in the family system, create discontinuity HYPOTHESIZED RISK FACTORS
in the child’s immediate environment, which, in turn, ASSOCIATED WITH POLYGAMOUS
can adversely shape a child’s adaptive and develop- MARITAL STRUCTURE
mental health (Porter & O’Leary, 1980).
It is likely then that the sudden shift from a Researchers and developmental theorists have
monogamous to a polygamous family system that oc- hypothesized a number of risk factors associated with
curs when a new spouse is added to the family would polygamous marital structure. These factors include
constitute just the kind of major systemic disruption marital conflict, marital distress, absence of the fa-
that would pose a major challenge to a developing ther, and financial stress. We distinguish between mar-
child’s sense of trust, security, and confidence. As fam- ital conflict and marital distress because the former
ily system theories express, these stressors are im- can accompany happy marriages and well-functioning
posed on children because the functioning of “family families (Cummings & Davis, 1994). Furthermore, the
members is profoundly interdependent, with changes relationship between marital functioning and child
in one part of the system reverberating in other parts level of adjustment is much stronger when marital
of the system” (McGoldrick & Gerson, 1985, p. 5). conflict exists, compared to general marital distress
However, where the practice of polygamy is strongly (Katz & Gottman, 1993; Porter & O’Leary, 1980).
supported and valued by the culture (Hassouneh- Other studies link marital distress with depressive
Phllips, 2001), it may in fact reduce the vulnerability and internalized symptoms (Coleman & Miller, 1975),
of children to family disruptions that would otherwise whereas marital conflict or hostility is more associ-
lead to maladaptive behavior. ated with externalizing disorder (e.g. conduct disor-
Unfortunately, scant research has directly exam- der; Katz & Gottman, 1993). These four risk factors
ined the well-being of children in polygamous fam- (i.e., marital conflict, marital distress, absence of the
ilies. Polygamy has been ignored by researchers in father, and financial stress) are discussed below.
part because of the absence of precise and reliable
sources of data (Welch & Click, 1981), which has sev- Marital Conflict
eral causes: (a) polygamy is no longer recorded as a
marital status; (b) polygamous marriages are illegal in Considerable research demonstrates that chil-
some countries; (c) census questionnaires may be ad- dren of polygamous families experience a higher inci-
ministered improperly by untrained people; and (d) dence of marital conflict, family violence, and family
most of the available data are not statistically uniform disruptions than do children of monogamous fami-
(Van de Walle, 1968). lies (Al-Krenawi, 1998; Elbedour, Bart, & Hektner,
Despite these challenges, in the last two decades, 2000). Marital difficulties, discord, and distress, in
polygamy has been the focus of a significant growth turn, have a direct effect on the mental health status
in public, political, and academic awareness. The pur- of children. In their study of children aged 8 through
pose of the remainder of this literature review is to 18, Buehlar and Gerard (2002) reported that 11%
summarize findings and to discuss implications of em- of the variance in children’s maladjustment could
pirical studies that have examined whether polyga- be accounted for by marital conflict and ineffective
mous marital structures are beneficial or harmful to parenting. Developmental outcomes of children pre-
children in comparison with children raised in monog- dicted by marital problems include the following:
amous marital structures. However, we begin our lit- poor social competence, a poorly developed sense
erature review with a discussion of the risk factors of security (Davis, Myers, & Cummings, 1996), poor
that we believe challenge the well-being and devel- school achievement (Emery & O’Leary, 1982; Katz &
opment of children living in polygamous families and Gottman, 1991), misconduct and aggression (Rutter,
place them at risk for mental health disturbance. We 1975), and elevated heart rate reactivity (El-sheikh,
believe that some of these risk factors mediate and/or 1994). Marital conflict also is likely to disrupt effective
moderate the relationship between polygamous mar- parenting and parental involvement (Engfer, 1988).
riages and developmental problems in children. Some Further, children who experience intense marital con-
of these factors directly affect children in polygamous flict tend to use aggressive behaviors as a means of
families, whereas others have an indirect influence problem solving (Cummings, Zahn-Waxler, & Radke-
on children. These risk factors include family conflict, Yarrow, 1984), show hostile patterns of interaction
family distress, the absence of the father, and financial (Katz & Gottman, 1993), and may be forced to ally
stress. with one parent against the other (Grych & Fincham,
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Behavioral Problems and Scholastic Adjustment 259

1990, 1992). A negative appraisal of the marital re- likely to seek another form of marriage, and so many
lationship by the mother is linked to a negative in- of them remain with their children in the polyga-
teraction among older siblings and between mother mous marriage. However, the mother’s distress has
and child. For example, 50% of parents report that serious implication for her children, because it can
they experience tense interactions with their chil- diminish her level of caring, supervision, and involve-
dren as a result of marital tension (Krishnakumar & ment. Some distressed mothers can become with-
Buehler, 2000). Increased rates of negative behavior drawn, depressed, and even hostile towards their chil-
by husbands toward their wives are associated with dren (Grych & Fincham, 1990, 1992).
increased rates of negative behavior by wives toward
their 5-month-old children (Pederson, Anderson, &
Cain, 1977). Absence of the Father
On the basis of these findings, one may infer that
stressful experiences in polygamous families are more Polygamous marriages often lead to family disso-
likely to be associated with maladjustment in chil- lution. For example, men may leave their senior wives
dren, including depression and externalized aggres- and their children in order to live with their later wives
sion. Moreover, children of polygamous marriages and their children. In these cases, the father may not
may become the displaced targets of their parents’ participate in the upbringing of all of his children,
frustrations and be treated as scapegoats (Crosson- and those left behind may experience feelings of grief
Tower, 1998). Because of family violence and parental and abandonment, as well as lower levels of parental
confrontation, older children may assume the role of supervision. The data show that the father’s absence
parents and function as parents for the rest of the fam- is negatively associated with poor academic perfor-
ily, including the parent(s) themselves; these children mance, teenage pregnancy, and a higher incidence of
then pay the emotional price as the result of serving high-risk behavior (Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan,
dual roles in the household. 1986). According to Hetherington and Stanley-Hagan
(1986), the effects on male children are strongest—
boys experience difficulties with self-control, sex role,
Marital Distress gender identity, and academic performance. Although
girls also suffer from the lack of a father, their symp-
Studies have shown (Achte & Schakit, 1980; toms tend to be less marked and of shorter duration
Ware, 1979) that polygamous marriages are more (Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 1986). Specifically,
likely than are monogamous marriages to be torn there are four key correlates of a father’s absence that
by spousal conflict, tension, and jealousy. In par- have the strongest effect on children:
ticular, the stress of polygamous family life predis-
poses mothers and children to psychological prob- (a) economic distress, which is associated with
lems (Al-Issa, 1990; Eapen, Al-Gazali, Bin-Othman, academic and psychosocial maladjustment
& Abou-Saleh, 1998). Women in polygamous families (McLanahan & Sandefur, 1994; Pearson &
are commonly unhappy, and the addition of a second Thoennes, 1988);
or third wife is typically very distressing to the “senior (b) the child’s perception of abandonment by the
wives.” This change in the family organization can father (Thompson, 1986);
even be perceived as an abusive or traumatic expe- (c) social isolation (Hetherington et al., 1982;
rience (Hassouneh-Phillips, 2001). The psychological McLoyd, 1998); and
literature suggests that marital distress is linked with (d) parental conflict (Cummings & O’Reilly,
suppressed immune function (Kiecolt-Glaser et al., 1997; Fincham, 1998).
1987), cardiovascular arousal (Brown & Smith, 1992;
Gottman, 1994; Gottman & Notarius, 2000), and in- In some societies children of separated polygamous
creases in stress-related hormones. In addition, most parents are expected to remain with the father and
women in polygamous societies are unemployed and are subsequently raised by his other wives (e.g., Arab
thus are economically dependent on their husbands Moslem communities). In addition to the grief that
or families. Because they cannot support themselves the children experience as a result of being separated
through work, they feel pressure to marry into a polyg- from their mother, in many cases, this kind of scenario
amous family as a solution to their economic needs. greatly increases the likelihood that they will suffer
With few alternative sources of income, they are un- from abuse and neglect by their stepmother.
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260 Elbedour, Onwuegbuzie, Caridine, and Abu-Saad

Financial Stress Finally, family poverty is also associated with

a higher incidence of health problems in children
Economic stressors have a negative impact on (Bradley et al., 1994; Seccombe, 2000), including in-
the happiness of a marriage, and polygamous fam- fant mortality, birth defects, prematurity, and low
ilies produce more children than do monogamous birth weight (Rosenbaum, 1992); seizures and learn-
marriages, which increases the financial pressures on ing disabilities (Crooks, 1995); and lead toxicity
the family unit. As we have already seen, women in (Needleman, Schell, Bellinger, Leviton, & Allred,
polygamous marriages are less likely to work out- 1990). Studies have found that the negative effects
side the home than are women in monogamous mar- of family poverty on children’s health increase with
riages, and, therefore, generally have fewer economic the duration of the financial stress—children tend to
resources to invest in their children. For example, experience more illness as the poverty continues (see,
Agadjanian and Ezeh (2000) compared communities for e.g., Wolfe, 1999).
with low and high levels of polygamy. In the polyga- In sum, these risk factors (e.g., marital conflict,
mous areas, they found that 71% of the wives had no marital distress, absence of the father, and financial
education, and only 2% had at least a secondary edu- stress) are hypothesized to mediate and/or moderate
cation. In monogamous areas, they found that 35% of the relationship between polygamous marital struc-
the wives had no education, and 17% had at least a sec- ture and adjustment levels in children. According to
ondary education. In addition, the husbands in polyg- Baron and Kenny (1986), a mediator indicates how
amous marriages also were likely to have achieved a (or the means by which) a given effect occurs. More
lower educational level than were monogamous hus- specifically, the independent variable (e.g., polyg-
bands (Peterson, 1999). amous marital structure) causes or influences the
Along with the economic pressure of supporting mediator (e.g., marital conflict), which then causes or
a large polygamous family, these educational dispari- influences the outcome (e.g., developmental problem
ties tend to produce high levels of financial distress. In in children). On the other hand, a moderator variable
turn, financially distressed parents are more likely to identifies the conditions under which a given outcome
be depressed (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). More- occurs, as well as the conditions under which the
over, financial problems are positively correlated with strength or direction of an effect change (Baron &
parental intolerance, increasing the likelihood that Kenny, 1986). In other words, the moderator variable
children will suffer abuse or neglect (Duncan & influences the relationship between two variables
Brooks-Gunn, 2000; Elder, Eccles, Ardelt, & Lord, such that the nature of the association between the
1995). Further, family income is positively correlated predictor (e.g., polygamous marital structure) and
with the psychological health of children, and nega- outcome (e.g., developmental problem in children)
tively correlated with problems such as externalizing varies as a function of the moderator variable (e.g.,
and internalizing behavior (Hanson, McLanahan, & financial). As such, while levels of financial stress
Thomson, 1997); depression, antisocial behavior, and can serve both as a mediator and moderator, marital
poor impulse control (Takeuchi, Williams, & Adair, conflict, marital distress, and absence of the father
1991); poor academic outcomes (Conger, Conger, & are hypothesized to be mediators only. Financial
Elder, 1997; Duncan, Yeung, Brooks-Gunn, & Smith, stress can act as a mediator because polygamous
1998); and self-concept (Weinger, 1998). Pagani, marital structure can cause or influence financial
Boulerice, and Tremblay (1997) found that among stress, for example, by increasing the burden on the
Canadian youngsters aged 8–12 years, family poverty family’s resources, which, in turn, can alter negatively
was strongly correlated with being held back to re- the affective state of the parents, thereby unduly
peat a grade. In their 1997 study, Duncan and Brooks- affecting child adjustment (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn,
Gunn document that the negative academic effects of 2000). Also, financial stress can serve as a moderator
poverty are strongest in early childhood and fall off in by varying the relationship between polygamous
adolescence (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 1997). More family structure and child development. On the
specifically, McLoyd (1998) found that poor children other hand, marital conflict, marital distress, and
score approximately nine IQ points lower than do absence of the father are not hypothesized to be a
other children, even after participating in a cognitive moderator because it is assumed that a polygamous
enrichment program. Also, Alexander, Entwisle, and marital structure precedes these variables. It is worth
Thompson (1987) found that early childhood teachers noting that some of these risk factors, specifically,
have lower academic expectations of poor children. marital conflict, can exert a direct impact on a child’s
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Behavioral Problems and Scholastic Adjustment 261

level of adjustment through modeling (Belsky, 1981). Al-Krenawi & Graham, 1999). Also, those who are
Unfortunately, little attention has been given to both perceived as old by their husbands tend to have low
mediating and moderating processes within the same self-esteem (Al-Krenawi, 2001).
framework (Frosch & Mangelsdorf, 2001). Thus, Women living in areas with higher prevalence
studies are needed that examine multiple processes of polygyny experience limited economic resources
(mediator, moderator, vulnerability, risk factors) to stemming primarily from low education attainment
understand more fully the interdependence of family and scant opportunity to work outside the home and
systems and relationships (Minuchin, 1988). earn pay (Agadjanian & Ezeh, 2000). These women
We contend that based on our discussion of these express unequal treatment among wives despite the
risk factors, the reader may arrive at the conclusion fact that the religions underpinning polygamy (e.g.
that the practice of polygamy is a fertile breeding Islam) stipulate the existence of equity (Hassouneh-
ground for behavior problems in children. However, Phillips, 2001). These wives typically dislike the prac-
as we will demonstrate, this has not been borne out tice of inequity; however, expression of such feel-
consistently in the extant literature. In attempting to ings is less likely in areas with a higher incidence of
explain the contradictory nature of the findings, we polygamy because of subordination and the inequality
posit that polygamy represents a culturally bound of resources (e.g., emotional, financial) (Agadjanian
phenomenon, and the variations in findings reflect, & Ezeh, 2000; see also Hassouneh-Phillips, 2001). In
at least in part, the different cultures, beliefs, and sub- contrast, in areas with low incidence of polygamy, hus-
groups characterizing the various polygamous partic- bands and wives are more likely to engage in fam-
ipants across studies. However, before reviewing the ily planning. Therefore, they typically report higher
empirical findings on the impact of polygamous mar- frequencies of diverse discussions concerning family
ital structure on children’s level of adjustment, the planning, including the desired number of children
current paper will address one further issue—namely, and wives (Agadjanian & Ezeh, 2000).
the effects of polygamy on the mental health of wives. American Muslim women of various ethnic
backgrounds in polygamous marriages report being
EFFECTS OF POLYGAMOUS MARITAL abused emotionally, verbally, sexually, and physically
STRUCTURE ON THE WIVES by both husbands and the other wives (Hassouneh-
Phillips, 2001). Apparently, a close association ex-
Among West African women in polygamous ists between psychopathology and infertile women of
marriages, life satisfaction has been significantly polygamous marriages (Aghanwa, Dare, & Ogunniyi,
influenced by wife-order (junior wives were more 1999). Moreover, Eapen et al. (1998) found an in-
satisfied) and marital satisfaction. Additionally, mar- creased risk in the manifestation of psychiatric dis-
ital satisfaction is influenced significantly by husband orders among women of Al-Ain District, United
supportiveness, maternal employment, and the age Arab Emirates, involved in polygamous marriages,
of the husband. The hierarchy of wife happiness from including a greater incidence of low self-esteem and
most happy to least happy is as follows: young only loneliness.
wives, older only wives, young subsequent wives, and Polygamy affects the members of a family in
older subsequent wives. Further, while, older senior other ways including issues related to fertility and
wives were happier than were young senior wives offspring. Interestingly, there is great variation in re-
(Gwanfogbe, Schumm, Smith, & Furrow, 1997), the productive success in polygamous families, exclud-
opposite finding has been reported in the Bedouin- ing cases where men have extensive harems (Einon,
Arab community (Al-Krenawi, 2001; Al-Krenawi & 1998). Indeed, while Sichona (1993) found that polyg-
Graham, 1999). With respect to the latter result, yny has no effect on fertility, Mulder (1994) noted
senior wives whose husbands marry subsequent wives that polygyny increases the likelihood of having fe-
often perceive themselves as having failed to meet the male offspring. Planned intercourse that is typically
standards set by their husband and the community an aspect of polygamous marriages occurs typically
regarding being a successful wife (Al-Krenawi, 2001; near ovulation for older women because intercourse
Al-Krenawi & Graham, 1999). In the Bedouin-Arab is infrequent. In addition, Strassman (1997) also doc-
society, most of the older wives report somatic symp- umented a decreased likelihood of child survival from
toms, including body aches, headaches, insomnia, polygamous marriages, especially if the mother is the
fatigue, breathlessness, and assab (i.e., a state of first wife. Stressful home environment, parental in-
nervousness encompassing anxiety and tension; vestment, and dilution of resources also contribute to
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262 Elbedour, Onwuegbuzie, Caridine, and Abu-Saad

the mortality rate. In Johannesburg and Pretoria from and general emotional stress to which members of
1983 to 1986, the average number of surviving chil- polygamous families are prone. Polygamous fami-
dren from monogamous marriages (4.01) was higher lies tend to feature rivalries among competing wives
than those from polygamous marriages (3.87). Also, (Ebigbo, Onyeama, Ihezue, & Ahanotu, 1981), and
the number of children per monogamous husbands sibling rivalry tends to be more severe than in monog-
(4.01) was lower than the number of children per hus- amous families (Oyefeso & Adegoke, 1992). Unfor-
band in polygamous marriages (10.96). There was a tunately, both of these effects can create serious emo-
low but statistically significant negative relationship tional problems in children.
between the number of wives and the number of sur- By examining and interpreting family draw-
viving children (Anderson, 2000). ings of 20 Bedouin-Arab children from polygamous
One the other hand, respondents of Anderson’s families, Lev-Wiesel and Al-Krenawi (2000) provided
study indicated several benefits for polygyny: sharing evidence that polygamy can considerably affect chil-
household workload, site companionship and social- dren’s psychological and emotional well-being. In par-
izing with other women, greater autonomy because ticular, the children in the study tended to draw their
other wives will take care of the children, and other biological mothers’ figures larger and placed them
responsibilities (Anderson, 2000). In research con- higher on the page than of the other wives in the polyg-
ducted by Al-Krenawi (1998), when the relationship amous family. Further, while children of senior wives
among wives improved, the relationships among sib- revealed their mothers’ superiority in their drawings,
lings, between wives and the husband, and between children of junior wives tended not to represent this
the father and the children also improved in Bedouin- social status. Most notably, 36% of children did not
Arab communities. According to Sichona (1993), no draw their fathers at all, all of these representing chil-
more family instability prevailed among polygynous dren of the most senior wife. Of those who did, the
families than occurred among monogamous families. father figure was consistently smaller in size than the
Along the same lines, Gage-Brandon (1992) found figure of the biological mother, irrespective of the lo-
that two-wife unions are more stable than are three- cation of the figures on the page. According to the
or more wife unions. Within the Bedouin-Arab com- researchers, the latter findings may reflect unresolved
munity, where the first author was raised, on many negative attitudes toward their fathers on the part of
occasions, the first wife encourages her husband to the children. Moreover, these results may suggest that
marry a second wife, especially when she cannot bear the fact that each child from polygamous families is
any children. compelled to share his/her father and all his resources
In summary, variations exist on the effect of with the wives and children of other families within
polygamy on the lives of mothers. These variations the system may induce confusion about the bound-
occur as a function of the number of unions in the aries of his/her nuclear family (Lev-Wiesel & Al-
family, how the culture values polygamy, the wife or- Krenawi, 2000). Nevertheless, as noted by Lev-Wiesel
der, and whether polygamy is imposed on the senior and Al-Krenawi (2000), the overwhelming tendency
wife or initiated by her. of the children to name their half-siblings from their
father’s other wives as their brothers and sisters, in
the same way as they referred to siblings from their
DEVELOPMENTAL OUTCOMES OF biological mother (i.e. full siblings), suggests an accep-
CHILDREN FROM POLYGAMOUS FAMILIES tance of their father as the dominant family figure.
Other consequences of polygamous families in-
Opinions differ regarding the question of the clude little interest exhibited by fathers in the chil-
emotional health of children in polygamous families; dren of senior wives (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 1999),
thus, a consensus has not been established. For exam- accompanied by significant interest in the children of
ple, Swanson, Massey, and Payne (1972) suggest that junior wives (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 1999). In ad-
being part of a very large polygamous family with nu- dition, because of the number of children in a large
merous role models is helpful for children. Similarly, polygamous family, the parents are less willing to in-
Minde (1975) has suggested that the polygamous fam- vest in health care (Strassman, 1997). Cherian (1994)
ily generates so much warmth and affection that it and Kampambwe (1980) claim that by weakening the
tends to benefit the child’s mental health. Conversely, parent–child bond, polygamous family life provides a
Camara (1978) and Achte and Schakit (1980) have reduced level of emotional satisfaction and psycho-
emphasized the conflict, jealousy, anxiety, insecurity, logical security for the child. One of the conclusions
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Behavioral Problems and Scholastic Adjustment 263

that Kampambwe (1980) draws from his study is that polygamous parents had higher levels of external-
when children’s emotional needs are not met, they izing behavior (especially attention problems) and
are at risk of developing learning problems. These school absenteeism, as well as lower levels of aca-
learning difficulties, in turn, attenuate their school demic achievement.
achievement levels (Al-Krenawi & Lightman, 2000; Interestingly, the findings of Elbedour et al.
Cherian, 1994), as well as lead to further negative so- (2002) on third-grade children are inconsistent with
cial and emotional outcomes compared to their coun- the results reported by Elbedour, Bart, and Hektner
terparts in monogamous families (Eapen et al., 1998; (2000, in press-a, in press-b), on adolescents who be-
Kampambwe, 1980). long to the same Bedouin-Arab community. These
In research among Nigerian adolescents, studies involved three independent samples of ado-
Owuamanam (1984) discovered a significant rela- lescents in high school. The first investigation (i.e.,
tionship between polygamous family background and Elbedour et al., 2000) reported no overall differ-
low self-esteem. Also, Oyefeso and Adegoke (1992) ence in academic performance between children from
found that young males raised in monogamous fami- polygamous and monogamous families. In addition,
lies reported significantly better psychological adjust- there were minimal differences in academic achieve-
ment than did their counterparts from polygamous ment (e.g., Arabic, English, Hebrew, mathematics)
families. Surveying a group of Xhosa-speaking South among polygamous families on the basis of number
African children, Cherian (1990) found that those of mothers in the family.
from polygamous families attained significantly lower The second inquiry conducted by these re-
levels of performance on achievement tests than did searchers (i.e., Elebedour et al., in press-b) focused
those from monogamous families. In a later study, on the mental health and self-esteem of 210 ado-
Cherian (1994) observed no significant difference in lescents (mean age = 15.9 years) from polygamous
the relationship between corporal punishment and and monogamous families in the same Bedouin-Arab
academic achievement between Xhosa children from community. The majority (54.3%) of the participants
polygamous and monogamous families. More specif- was from polygamous households (66.7% two wives,
ically, a statistically significant negative relationship 31.6% three wives, and 1.7% four wives). The families
between corporal punishment and academic achieve- were assessed according to degree of conflict, expres-
ment was found for both groups (Cherian, 1994). siveness, control, and the level of violence in the home,
In Bedouin-Arab communities in Israel, children school, and community. No differences were found
from polygamous families have been found to ex- between the children from polygamous and monoga-
hibit behavioral and academic problems to a dispro- mous families in terms of anxiety, depression, hostility,
portionately higher degree (Al-Krenawi & Graham, or psychopathological symptoms, although the chil-
1997; Al-Krenawi & Lightman, 2000). More specif- dren from families with three or four wives appeared
ically, Al-Krenawi and Graham (1997) found that to display more psychopathological symptoms than
at home, children of polygamous families were re- did their monogamous counterparts.
ported as being disobedient, hyperactive, untruth- A third study undertaken by Elbedour and his
ful, and likely to fight with siblings. At school, the colleagues (i.e., Elbedour et al., in press-a) assessed
majority of the children had lower-than-average lev- the level of intelligence (IQ) among Bedouin-Arab
els of scholastic concentration, school attendance, adolescents from monogamous and polygamous fam-
homework completion, classroom adjustment, func- ilies. Using Raven’s Progressive Matrices, no statis-
tional peer group interactions, and teacher/student tically significant differences in IQ scores emerged.
relations. Most of them had insufficient school sup- Given that the participants in the three studies of
plies, academic achievement below the school aver- Elbedour et al. (2000, in press-a, in press-b) were ado-
age of 78%, and extremely low academic motiva- lescents, their developed perception, internalization,
tion. These findings are consistent with the results and processing of their family environments might
of Elbedour et al.’s study of third-grade children in explain, in part, why these results were not consis-
the Negev Bedouin community in Israel (Elbedour tent with some of the other findings from other stud-
et al., 2002). These researchers examined 29 behav- ies that were conducted on younger children (i.e.,
ioral, emotional, and academic outcomes, and found Al-Krenawi, Graham, & Al-Krenawi, 1997; Cherian,
that the children of monogamous parents fared bet- 1990, 1994; Eapen et al., 1998; Elbedour et al.,
ter than did the children of polygamous parents with 2002; Kampambwe, 1980; Oyefeso & Adegoke, 1992).
respect to every index. In particular, the children of Indeed, as children get older, they play a more active
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264 Elbedour, Onwuegbuzie, Caridine, and Abu-Saad

role in their own development—even identical twins all of which indicate a positive effect from the family
raised in the same home environment do not possess structure.
identical personalities (Bouchard, Lykken, McGue,
Segal, & Tellegen, 1990). Compared to younger chil- SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
dren, adolescents are less likely to be confined to the
home environment and to witness parental conflict As described in the previous section, researchers
(Porter & O’Leary, 1980), are more likely to interpret have been able to identify multiple risk factors asso-
accurately parents’ emotions (Kelly & Wallerstein, ciated with polygamy. These multiple stressful factors
1975), and are more likely to have more advanced cop- would be expected to have a highly disruptive effect
ing strategies and have access to external social sup- on the home environment required for children to fos-
port systems (e.g., peer groups). Support from peer ter a sense of dependency and security, and to provide
groups have been shown to help adolescents to cope a foundation for sound development. Indeed, some
with family stress including marital discord (Bowen & researchers (e.g., Mann & MacKenzie, 1996) hypoth-
Chapman, 1996; Hashima & Amato, 1994; Jennings, esize that problems associated with polygamous mar-
Stagg, & Conners, 1991). Thus, it seems that mari- riages negatively affect the family unit and constrain
tal discord is more likely to affect the behavior of children to an attenuated, less adaptive range of cop-
younger children than that of adolescents (Porter & ing strategies than is available to their counterparts
O’Leary, 1980). living in monogamous families.
Jankowiak and Diderich (2000) investigated sib- However, not all researchers agree with this
ling solidarity within polygamous families in the viewpoint. In fact, some researchers posit that large
United States. The theme of family solidarity and families provide a greater number of role models for
unity was consistent at church, Sunday school, and children, and that this has a positive effect on their
school. When discussing individual placement within development (Swanson et al., 1972). Further, these
the family, participants of all ages delineated their researchers hypothesize that polygamous families
birth positions in relation to the birth mother within provide more warmth and affection than do monog-
the entire family (i.e., in relation to their father’s chil- amous ones, which benefit children’s mental health
dren). Also, the male participants stated their position and self-esteem (Minde, 1975; Swanson et al., 1972).
within gender. In family drawings from children 5– Authors from this school of thought contend that
12 years old, an overwhelming majority included their children are not necessarily negatively affected by
birth mother, comothers, father, and their full siblings polygamy, despite the host of risk factors associated
as well as half siblings. When probed, the other chil- with it (Chaleby, 1985; Elbedour et al., 2000, in press-a,
dren also included the remaining family members. All in press-b; Oyefeso & Adegoke, 1992). These findings
of the children drew their birth family first, and then may suggest that a well-adjusted child would not
the others, thus indicating family solidarity while also suffer lasting negative outcomes as a result of being
recognizing organization related to birth and comoth- raised in polygamous marriages. Rather, the results
ers. The participants indicated three forms of solidar- appear to indicate that children, especially adoles-
ity: functional, affectual, and associational. Siblings cents, are quite resilient and can manage the stresses
indicated that they loaned money to and baby-sat they encounter in polygamous marital structures.
more often for full siblings than for half siblings (func- The divide between advocates and opponents
tional). They also indicated that they were closer to of polygamy has been exacerbated by the fact that
their full siblings than to their half siblings (affec- findings from the few empirical investigations on the
tual), and that they attended events involving full sib- effect of polygamy on children have been mixed.
lings out of obligation or affection more often than Some studies (i.e., Al-Krenawi et al., 1997; Cherian,
those involving half siblings. The latter-born half sib- 1990, 1994; Eapen et al., 1998; Elbedour et al.,
lings were usually closer. The children recognized the 2002; Kampambwe, 1980; Oyefeso & Adegoke, 1992)
unity between one another and with the father, as have documented negative effects of polygamous
well as respect for their biological mother (associa- marital structure on the developmental outcomes
tional). However, they were aware of the existence of children, whereas others (i.e., Elbedour et al.,
of subfamilies or divisions within their father’s fam- 2000, in press-a, in press-b) have not found evidence
ily, and showed loyalty accordingly. The reverence of that polygamy places children at risk for adverse
wife order was only acknowledged by the children of consequences relative to their peers from monoga-
senior wives because of hierarchy among the wives— mous families. These inconsistent results have left
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Behavioral Problems and Scholastic Adjustment 265

uncertainty concerning the impact that this form of negative stigma prevails, which, in turn, may provide
marriage has on offspring. a buffer from the adverse stressors associated with
A possible explanation for the contradictory find- polygamous marriage, as noted by some authors.
ings pertaining to the effect of polygamy might stem Furthermore, as Asch concluded in 1957 (cited
from the role of culture. Specifically, culture may be in Harris, 1995), it is misleading to assume that re-
able to play a protective role that enables children searchers can understand individuals’ developmental
to thrive despite multiple risk factors. The mitigat- outcomes without taking into account the social mi-
ing effects of culture are highlighted in the studies lieu to which they belong. According to Klomegah
conducted by Elbedour et al. (2000, in press-a, in (1997), in some communities, the role of polygamous
press-b) in Bedouin-Arab communities. In this cul- family practice is not only a means of binding a nuclear
ture, polygamy is not only well accepted but val- couple, but it also serves as a way of unifying extended
ued, and the large family size that is associated with families and groups. Thus, these marriage structures
polygamy is a signifier of high social status; hence, the “are valid to the extent that, within their cultural con-
children of polygamous families are not stigmatized. text, they serve to promote and actualize the ideal
In addition, in most Moslem communities, produc- of humanity in general” (Snoek, 1970, p. 116). The
ing more children, especially males, plays an instru- ideals valued by each culture will shape its predomi-
mental role in establishing a family’s honor and social nant family structures and parental norms, which will
status. Bedouin-Arab women are valued because of play a key role in the developmental outcomes of
their roles in producing children. Thus, polygamy is its children (Bradley, Corwyn, & Whiteside-Mansell,
a vehicle to achieve social status and to discriminate 1996). Unlike the Western societies that place a pre-
between “the haves and the have-nots” (Klomegah, mium on individualism, most societies that practice
1997, p. 3). polygamy are collective, and consider interdepen-
In some communities it is not unusual to find that dence and group cohesiveness to represent adaptive
women prefer polygamous marriages for social mo- modes of behavior. In these communities, the val-
tives (Anderson, 2000). For example, as noted ear- ues that shape individual behavior include group so-
lier, if a first wife fails to give birth she may encourage cial expectations, restrictive conformity, respect, and
her husband to marry again (Momeni, 1975). Senior commitment to community (Traindis, 2001; Triandis
wives may play an important role in selecting a second et al., 1993). In most Moslem communities that prac-
spouse for their husband, and they will tend to choose tice polygamy, a sense of collectivity overrides indi-
women who can help with rearing children and other vidual needs (Feghali, 1997). As a result, all of the
family tasks (Gage-Brandon, 1992). For these women, adults in the extended family or kinship group will
the critical relationship is not with the man but with participate in raising the children, and the children’s
the other women who have entered into the marriage. parents play a less pivotal role than in a monogamous
For instance, in a South African study, women com- Western family (Al-Issa, 1990).
monly cited assistance with child rearing as a reason Therefore, it is unusual to find studies that sug-
for choosing or becoming a cowife (Anderson, 2000). gest that polygamous marital structures are beneficial
A similar line of thinking may be applied to some so- to children (especially when the parents are ineffec-
cieties in Africa (e.g. Ghana) where polygamous mar- tive) because they provide adult role models and fos-
riage is practiced by all social groups and “is an expres- ter the value of cooperation (Swanson et al., 1972).
sion of a way of life which is deeply embedded in their In a polygamous family, the older children are usu-
religious and cultural obligation” (Ohadike, 1968, ally expected to help raise the younger siblings, and
p. 360). Thus, in order to understand how well polyg- this parental role reversal tends to accelerate as the
amous children function in these communities, we children mature and the parents grow older. Oyefeso
would need to analyze the entire cultural milieu and and Adegoke’s findings suggest that a male child in
how polygamy contributes to the needs of the commu- a polygamous marriage who experiences a stressful
nity (Hillman, 1975). For this reason, the development home environment tends to “fend for himself” and
of children in a polygamous marital structure can be his full sister(s) (Oyefeso & Adegoke, 1992, p. 788).
regarded as a culturally bound phenomenon. Thus, in It is also likely that the extended family may compen-
order to understand children’s degree of adaptation, sate for some of the ill effects of polygamy by pro-
we must consider the contributing role of cultural val- viding children with links to other children and adults
ues and tradition. In communities where the practice within their family or community. The messages of
of polygamy is valued and frequently practiced, no cooperation, sharing, obedience, respect for elders,
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266 Elbedour, Onwuegbuzie, Caridine, and Abu-Saad

and the importance of family bonds are strongly em- DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
phasized in the socialization of these children. These
communities raise children to perceive themselves not Considering the fact that some form of polygamy
as autonomous individuals, but as deeply interdepen- is practiced in 850 societies spanning several
dent with their communities. continents (Bergstrom, 1994; Hartung, 1982), it is sur-
Thus, in order to assess truly the risks and advan- prising how few empirical studies have been under-
tages of a polygamous family structure, we must take taken investigating the effects of polygamy on chil-
into account the values and norms of the community dren. Thus, clearly, many more quantitative inquiries
or ethnic group—and it appears that many polyga- are needed in this area. Qualitative studies, which
mous cultures are able to play a protective role in are even more scant, also are needed. Such exami-
moderating the disruptive effects of the family struc- nations can help to increase our understanding of the
ture, especially in the case of older children (Oyefeso dynamics of polygamy. In particular, interview and
& Adegoke, 1992). In a collective community, there observational data could be used to compare levels
are no boundaries that separate one family (nuclear or of marital conflict, parenting styles, and other pro-
extended) from another family within the community, cess variables, among the different family structures,
or each family from the community as a whole. As a to determine whether any of these constructs serve
result, the older children move freely within the com- as confounding variables. Other potential extraneous
munity and are less likely to be exposed to parental variables worthy of qualitative examination include
conflict and tension than are younger children. Ad- age and culture. Qualitative studies may also lead to
ditionally, the developmental stage and relative cog- some insights as to the role that stigma associated with
nitive maturity of the older children allows them to belonging to a polygamous family might play in me-
cope with the stressful experiences associated with a diating the effect of polygamy. In fact, in testing hy-
polygamous marriage. Also, in many areas, children potheses in subsequent empirical studies, adjustments
from polygamous families freely interact with chil- could then be made for any confounds.
dren from monogamous families: they play together Studies in the area of polygamy have focused
and attend school and mosque together (Elbedour on the structure of the family, rather than on family
et al., in press-a). Because of the reliance on the col- dynamics. Thus, researchers should study the family
lective community, an older child may go home for the dynamics (e.g., children’s perceptions of marital dis-
primary purpose of eating and sleeping, and it would cord, content, frequency, and duration of conflict, de-
not be considered unusual or worrisome for an older gree of marital mutual respect and support, parental
child to sleep at another house without informing his supervision, and involvement) that best characterize
mother. Therefore, a child’s interpretation of family polygamous families, and that distinguish these fam-
conflict and tension is likely to change as he or she ilies from monogamous families. Also, comparisons
matures (Grych & Fincham, 1990), and as a result of must be made with respect to indexes of adjustment
social values, culture, and other ecological factors (i.e., among children from the first wife, second wife, and
community) beyond the family context. subsequent wives.
Compared to the tendency of older children The few empirical studies that exist have been
to grow up with fewer problems, studies involving cross-sectional in nature. Although cross-sectional re-
younger children in polygamous families (e.g., Al- search designs allow groups to be compared, they
Krenawi & Lightman, 2000; Elbedour et al., 2002) do not help researchers to determine the effects of
indicate that they display a host of symptoms, includ- polygamy over time. As noted by Elbedour et al.
ing high levels of anxiety, hostility, and aggression; so- (2002), another limitation of cross-sectional designs
matic problems, such as headaches or stomach pain; is that they do not allow researchers to determine
and difficulties with learning and school adjustment. whether any problems exhibited by the children in
This is not surprising, because these younger children polygamous households are the result of the mari-
are more dependent on their mothers, more exposed tal structure per se, or whether these children are
to episodes of parental conflict, and more confined to developmentally lagging (i.e., precondition) before
their homes than are their older counterparts (Harris, experiencing a polygamous marital structure. Fur-
1995). Thus, researchers must address the moderat- ther, cross-sectional studies usually fail to determine
ing role of age (i.e., young vs. old) in the relationship whether the risk factors associated with polygamy
between polygamous marital structure and children’s precede maladjustment in children or vice versa.
developmental well-being. Therefore, longitudinal studies are needed to increase
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Behavioral Problems and Scholastic Adjustment 267

our understanding of the developmental ramifications Although the practice of polygamy itself tends
of polygamy. to be similar across cultures, it appears that the
The studies cited above typically have involved function it serves, the attitudes toward it, and the
data from one source (e.g., teacher, mother, or child). value that society attaches to it will determine its
Unfortunately, extracting data from only one source impact on children. In addition, the beliefs and val-
does not allow triangulation. Consequently, future re- ues about polygamy in one society are not transfer-
search should collect and analyze data from multiple able to or meaningful in other cultures. Although
sources. Also, as recommended by Elbedour et al. some studies stress the resiliency of the children and
(2002), researchers should examine whether factors the buffering effects of collective parenting, other
such as levels of stress, coping skills, and marital fac- studies support the opposite position—the damage
tors can mediate and/or moderate the relationship be- thesis. One example is Cherian’s study of academic
tween marital structure and children’s adjustment. achievement among adolescents between the ages 13
The fact that mothers from polygamous families and 17 in Transkei, Xhosa (Cherian, 1990). Unfortu-
have been found to have lower levels of education nately Cherian does not identify whether this culture
than do those from monogamous families suggests has other compensatory factors—such as a collec-
that a cycle of low educational attainment may prevail tive external social support system—that are com-
in polygamous families. This should be the subject of monly found in other polygamous communities. The
future investigations. In addition, researchers should reported variations in the adjustment of children in
examine the role of parental income level in commu- polygamous settings likely can be accounted for by
nities characterized by polygamy. the diversity of contexts in which the data have been
As noted above, some studies found no dif- collected and the fact that the studies do not take into
ference on various indexes of adjustment including account the possible compensatory or protective fac-
cognitive, functioning, academic achievement, and tors or the degree to which polygamy is accepted by
mental health status, specifically among adolescents. the society. Thus, there is a need to examine how cul-
The remaining investigations have documented tural context and the variations among cultural groups
emotional, behavioral, and academic deficits among interact with or moderate the impact of polygamous
polygamous children, particularly younger ones, in family experiences.
comparison to their monogamous peers. One way These studies may need to focus on the unique
of determining the impact of polygamous family factors of the culture under study, rather than on gen-
structure across these studies would be to undertake eral issues of family structure and dynamics. Indeed, it
a meta-analysis. Such analyses involve aggregating may be that the distinction between polygamous and
effect size coefficients across studies. Unfortunately, monogamous family structures is of little value in a
with the exception of Elbedour et al. (2002), effect collective society. Researchers may need to focus on
sizes have not been reported. Moreover, some of the nature of the collective milieu in which the child
these researchers have not presented any or sufficient lives, rather than on the parent–child relationship. In
summary statistics (e.g., means, variances) to facilitate fact, there is growing evidence to suggest that the psy-
the computation of these effect size estimates in sec- chological concepts formulated in Euro-American so-
ondary data analyses. Thus, presently, it is not possible cieties may not be applicable to the collective soci-
to undertake a meta-analysis on the (scant) extant eties of Africa and Asia (Al-Issa, 1995; Dwairy, 1998;
literature. As asserted by many (e.g., Onwuegbuzie Ibrahim & Ibrahim, 1993). Maitra (1996) suggests that
& Daniel, 2002, in press), and advocated by the Western epistemological and social assumptions lie at
Publication Manual of the American Psychological the heart of the professionalization of child services,
Association (American Psychological Association and that non-Western cultures may have vastly differ-
[APA], 2001), we recommend that effect sizes always ent ways of understanding subjective experience, self-
be reported in all future empirical investigations in hood, and the relationship between the individual and
the area of polygamy. Not only will such practice the community. We must view development not solely
enable meta-analyses to be conducted, but it will as an individual or family phenomenon, but also as so-
also prevent any statistically significant differences cial and culturally bound experience. In this regard,
that may emerge between children of polygamous Bronefenbrenner (1979, 1986) suggests that child ad-
and monogamous families, and any other statistically justment, whether adaptive or maladjusted, may be
significant findings, from being overinterpreted best predicted by understanding the dynamic inter-
(Onwuegbuzie & Daniel, in press). play among the family, neighborhood, community,
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268 Elbedour, Onwuegbuzie, Caridine, and Abu-Saad

and sociocultural factors. Each of these systems, which Al-Krenawi, A., & Graham, J. R. (1999). The story of Bedouin-
is influenced by and influences other systems, will de- Arab women in a polygamous marriage. Women Studies Inter-
national Forum, 22, 497–509.
termine the course and nature of development. Also, Al-Krenawi, A., Graham, J. R., & Al-Krenawi, S. (1997). Social
we need to remember that differences within cul- work practice with polygamous families. Child and Adolescent
tural groups sometimes are much larger than differ- Social Work Journal, 14, 445–458.
Al-Krenawi, A., & Lightman, E. S. (2000). Learning achievement,
ences between cultures. The well-being of children social adjustment, and family conflict among Bedouin-Arab
from a polygamous marital structure may vary even children from polygamous and monogamous families. Journal
within collective cultures; thus, polygamy is a subcul- of Social Psychology, 140, 345–356.
Altman, I., & Ginat, J. (1996). Polygamous families in contemporary
turally bound phenomenon. This is well articulated by society. New York: Cambridge University Press.
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26–46.
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the cultural perspective into account in defining best ual of the American Psychological Association (5th ed.).
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Anderson, C. M. (2000). The persistence of polygyny as an adaptive
into an ethnocentric position in which one’s own set response to poverty and oppression in Apartheid South Africa.
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