Pre-Columbian Flute Tuning in the Southern Andes

José Pérez de Arce

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG I. PRESENT DAY CHINOS

TRADITION
Eine alte Art der Flötenstimmung ist in Chile bis
heute erhalten. Sie basiert auf einer spezifischen The chinos of Central Chile are ritual music
Auffassung von Musik als kompositorischem, groups formed by fishermen, farmers or miners to
orchestralem, sozialem und rituellem Prozess, in honour their saints.2
dem alle Fragen der Tonhöhe wie auch melodische Chinos use a special kind of flute defined by its
und rhythmische Merkmale der Klangfarbe unter- sound, called sonido rajado (‘tear sound’). Flutes
geordnet sind. Dieser Prozess und diese Anschau- are very simple, and permit only a single sound,
ung werden präkolumbischen Instrumenten ge- but this sonido rajado is so complex that the whole
genüber gestellt, und so soll ermöglicht werden, das musical universe of the chinos is constructed
Wesen dieser Instrumente besser zu verstehen, around it.
ebenso wie den möglichen Kontext, in dem diese In the near past almost every group had its
Instrumente gespielt wurden. own flute-maker, thus its sound was unique to
its design. Today there are only a few flute mak-
ers who provide instruments to a great number
INTRODUCTION of groups, but as each musician considers him-
self able to adapt his instrument to his prefer-
An ancient pre-Columbian way of tuning flutes ences (an adaptation that sometimes has nega-
still survives in the southern Andes. It is related tive sound results), and because there are
to obtaining a specific sound colour rather than differences in the playing technique between
a specific pitch of the instruments. The study of groups, there are subtle differences in the sound
archaeological evidence and their comparison of each baile (‘dance’). An experienced chino
with other ethnographic, ethnohistoric, and his- can distinguish from far away which flutes are
toric records made it possible to reconstruct a playing, and thus which group from another
coherent view of the process of continuity of village is coming.
this phenomenon over the last 2900 years. The For our purposes, we will approach our subject
subject of our investigation will be presented in – the sonido rajado – in a series of successive layers
two main areas: one covering a description of of organisation: the sound of the flute, the sound
present day traditional in Central Chile, and the of a pair, the sound of a hilera, the sound of the
second devoted to the prehispanic traces of it. group and the sound of the fiesta. We will observe
Finally we will discuss briefly the methodologi-
cal implications of these studies to the under-
standing of American prehispanic music. We
will present an ample overview of the subject
together with a more detailed discussion on our 1 The investigation was made possible through a FONDE-
main subject, the tuning process and its implica- CYT (92-0351) grant, and also with the support of the
Museo Precolombino. The investigator Claudio Mercado,
tions. Parts of the subject have been presented in with his experience of having become one of the best chino
detail in many publications that will be listed in in the region, is in support of the core of the present inves-
the bibliography. tigation.
2 The name chino is kechua, meaning servant. Present day
The investigation that underlies this presentation chinos do not speak kechua (this language was still in use
has been going on for over ten years, and is in when Incas invaded central Chile in 1470, ending 66
debt to a number of persons, institutions and years later when the Spaniards invaded in 1536. The per-
manence of this name, and the permanence of this
written sources all of which will be found in the archaical musical system is one of the fascinating aspects
notes.1 of this study.
292 José Pérez de Arce

that the passage between two consecutive layers sequence from big to small in size, so from high
tends to be as smooth as possible in order to dis- to low in pitch.5
solve the barriers between the music made by one Measurements are done ‘by eye’, based on Daniel’s
and the whole. Also we will analyse the impor- experience about the length-pitch relation. This
tance of special states of consciousness produced imprecision reveals the unimportant aspect of the
by the sound. fundamental in the sonido rajado concept (Fig. 1).
The sound of the flute, named sonido rajado, is After cutting all the sticks, he constructed
loud, strong and dissonant, with a great vibrato. the acoustic tube (Fig. 2). For this he has a man-
Its harmonic structure extends from low frequen- ual 5/8 inch drill and three round metal rods of
cies to high upper partials. 5/8 inch, ? inch and 8 mm. First he puts the
Of the many specific aspects of this sound, only three rods on the fire to turn them burning red.
the vibrato is mentioned by the chinos. They Then he measures the half length of the stick,
speak and share information about this vibrato, using a chord, and marks this on the 5/8 inch
giving it many names: gorgoreo, garganteo, drill, and opens the tube with this drill up to the
ganseo, catarreo and llorona. The last two names mark, and burns the interior walls of the tube
in fact designate special kinds of flutes that are with the 5/8 inch hot metal rod, giving it an
defined by their special kind of vibrato; they are extra smoothness.
the most costly and the most rare; there are only After finishing the broader section of the tube
two of them in a group, and only very few groups he introduces the hot ? inch rod, pressing it at the
have them. centre of the bottom part of the tube, repeating
Chinos also perceive in this vibrato a sense of dual- this process two or three times until it opens up at
ity, as they told us that the flute suena como dos the rear of the stick. After that, he introduces the
(’sounds like two’). hot 8 mm rod to smooth the wall of the narrow
The analysis of a series of sonidos rajados made section of the tube. This characteristic form of the
by H. K. Wright and D. M. Campbell3 shows that acoustic tube, with a broader open section and a
frequencies and higher partials are not constant, narrower closed one, we will refer to as the ‘com-
and that playing technique can cause small but sig- posite tube’.6
nificant changes in the partial frequencies. The The smoothness of the interior walls, and also of
lowest partials are 40 or 50 dB below the strongest the descanso, the section where the tube changes
partials; however, weak perception of a fundamen- from broad to narrow, is critical. After finishing it
tal is audible. This weak fundamental is not impor- water is poured into it to assure a better smooth-
tant for chinos. ness, and only then the desired sound can be
Chinos know of three ways of sounding the reached. The slightest imperfection on the tube,
flutes with other than sonido rajado: pitiar, due to a node on the wood or a moth adhered to
botella and bombeado. The first is a bad sound, its walls causes the sound to fail. Pouring water
with many high harmonics but no bass ones, a provides the best way to smooth and to clean the
weak and unbalanced one, normally the sound tube, and this is the normal process before playing
given by an apprentice. The two latter are two at any time.
kinds of soft sounds, formed by pure fundamen- After the tube is finished, Daniel carves the
tals without partials. They are seldom used, as mouthpiece to obtain a comfortable piece, pro-
when entering the temple, or in the funeral of a ducing a sharp edge where to blow upon. At this
chino. stage, water also provides the way to shorten the
In order to learn the secrets in the construction tube experimentally, covering the bottom hole
of the acoustic tube that produces these sounds with a finger, controlling the amount of water
we asked Daniel Ponce, one of the best masters in that rests at the bottom end of the tube, and
this craft, to construct for us a complete set of playing it again and again until Daniel is satisfied
flutes as for a new baile.4 This gave us the oppor- with the sound results. At this stage the broader
tunity to have a close view of an experienced part of the tube can be lengthened with the burn-
chino in the construction and acoustics of the ing rod. The tuning process is indeed the search
flutes.
To construct the flutes, Daniel chose material
from the local woods. Preferred woods are
sauce, nogal or mañío. He chose round sticks of
about 6 cm diameter and a maximum length of 3 Wright and Campbell 1998, 51-63.
about 70 cm. Then, at home, he cut pairs of 4 Pérez de Arce et al. 1994, 32-33.
them to calculate the length necessary to obtain 5 We have found ronco and clarita used as local names for
‘high’ and ‘low’ pitches.
a certain series of pitches. The exact pitch of 6 This is the name given to it by Haeberli 1979; Bolaños 1988
each is unimportant, provided that they are in a uses the term ‘fusion type’: 39 41.
 Pre-Columbian Flute Tuning in the Southern Andes 293

for the maximum amount of dissonance that does not match the other, and this is also permit-
characterises the sonido rajado (Fig. 3). If the ted. However, we can observe a clear intention of
proper sound is not reached, which happens only matching pairs of flutes as to constitute a unity,
rarely, the flute is thrown into the fire and anoth- like one single flute constituted by two halves, a
er one is attempted. For doing this Daniel has flute that can be played for hours without stop-
many extra sticks. ping and that is able to give an uninterrupted
If the sound satisfies Daniel, he proceeds to put sound for a long time. This aim is reached with
a plug in the rear end of the tube, introducing it special precision in the pair of catarras. As already
slowly and trying the sound until it improves, then mentioned, these flutes are scarce, difficult to
cutting this plug while it protrudes from the rear. obtain, and not produced anymore, so they are
After this Daniel models the exterior of the stick much appreciated. They are noteworthy not only
and the flute is finished. by their high vibrato, but also by the permanence
Later on, when the flutes reach the musicians, they achieve in a single, uninterrupted sound as if
they paint them with extra colour and designs of produced by a single flute; the listener should not
their group. It is common that then, as mentioned, be able to distinguish which one is sounding.
each chino carves the mouthpiece to improve the The paired playing technique implies a basic
sound, or to make it more suitable to his mouth. coordination between both musicians. Although
Rough as they seem, the flutes are indeed very simple, it requires a mutual understanding that
fragile; a small moth, an internal scratch or the furthers friendship and mutual support. The
shaking of the plug can modify and even destroy paired flutists’ sound is based on a symmetrical
the sound quality. Utmost care must be taken in and complementary duality, one of the bases for
the storage of the flutes which must rest upside Andean cosmology.
down in a cool and dry place. Good flutes are rare The flutes are also organized in a hilera, a row
and very appreciated, some of them handed down ranging from shorter to longer flutes. The row
from father to son, their sounds having been constructed by Daniel has ten flutes ranging from
acquired through long forgotten secrets of crafts- 300 to 700 mm approximately. All of them are
manship and many years of playing. played simultaneously, producing a single sonido
The technique of blowing the instrument is rajado but multiplied, expanded, enriched,
precise and extreme, involving the maximum enlarged and diversified by ten.
amount of air, great control over lip position, and Control of tuning between flutes is, again, not
pressure. The playing technique consists of an important. It results from the cutting of the sticks
uninterrupted series of violent attacks that accom- at the first stage of construction. In our control
plish the sonido rajado. Flutes are played while group we find a total variation from 3 to 65 cm
doing a kind of dance that involves jumps, turns between extreme flutes, in a more or less regular
and other exercises that also influences the sound sequence, but even with negative values between
production. This is maintained over a long time some of them (see Fig. 1).7
during fiestas, sometimes for one hour or more. The imprecision of this scale-tuning is that it is
This strong physical effort limits the use of flutes not conceived as a scale, but as a chord. The pur-
to men in good physical condition, and it also pose of the row is to produce a unique sound, in
involves the hyperventilation of the musician, cre- which each individual is lost. We can observe that
ating an altered state of consciousness that we will the same aim of the pair is here reinforced in
comment on later. another direction. Each row is organised by the
Flutes are always played in pairs, one after the puntero, the lower and potent flutes played by the
other alternating their single blow, sometimes con- most experienced and respected musicians who go
necting both sounds as to produce a continuity. in front, to the coleros at the rear, the children who
They say a good pair of flutists suenan como un are beginning to learn and play the highest and
solo (‘they sound as one’) giving a sonido compacto weak flutes. The total sound is the sum of all these
(‘compact sound’). To obtain this, both musicians acoustic and social differences.
must have similar playing techniques, and both The musical group, named baile chino, com-
instruments must sound alike as much as possible prises approximately twenty or more flutes
(Fig. 4).
The sound of the flute pairs as constructed by
Daniel tends to be similar. This is planned out
when choosing similar lengths between pairs of 7 Measurements made by Wright and Campbell 1998, 54.
sticks and before drilling the tubes, but the final 8 Pérez de Arce et al. 1993, 19-24 ; see also Mercado and Gal-
sound of both can deviate more or less, and this is damez 1997 ; the baile is complemented with an alferez
who knows the sacred chants and whose participation is
not important. It happens that, when forming a alternated with the flutes during the whole ritual day ; see
pair, one of the chinos carries his own flute which Uribe 1958.
294 José Pérez de Arce

divided in two rows, plus one or two drums and Each orchestra that plays tries not to copy the
a bass drum. The flutes are played in groups with next one’s pulse. This is very hard because of the
a strict organisation.8 As each player has his pair, proximity and loudness of the mass of sound.
both rows repeat this scheme, producing a conti- This is conceived as a sign of superiority between
nuity between both row and sound. The sound bailes and is used as a basis for judging between
of the group must be heard as a single parejo, them. They conceive this participation in the fies-
fuerte, grueso (‘plain, loud, dense’) and both tas as a competition, comparing it with a sport like
rows must be balanced. If one row sounds futbol. The clash between two sounding orches-
stronger, the sound is cargado, a defect that must tras is named estrellon or choke, while apagar and
me corrected. perder refer to the aim to mute or to disrupt the
Both rows play alternately for more than one rhythm of the opposing orchestra, and which uses
hour, sounding like a single gigantic flute. Changes certain precise musical rules and tactics.13 Parar
in the dance steps, led by one drummer between refers to the final stage of disruption, when the
both rows, produces a permanent smooth varia- opposing orchestra must stop playing.
tion in the pulse and intensity of the sound. No We can observe that the general organisation of
melody, no consonance, no tonality is sought. sound in the fiesta depends on chance to a great
The norms of duality, reciprocity, solidarity extent, but at the highest level it is controlled by
and loss of individuality define the social relation the ritual norms that determine which groups are
of the group, reinforcing the basics of Andean invited, how they organise in space and time, and
society. The group achieves an amplification of the how their practices will be involved in their mutu-
flute – and pairs of flutes – characteristics that dis- al relations.
regard all individual ones. Through all this process The ritual special states of consciousness are a
the only characteristics that is emphasised is the specific aspect of the playing of these flutes. The
colour, or timbre, of the sound. Melody, rhythm exhausting exercise of dancing and playing com-
and other sound characteristics are totally dis- bined with the hyperventilation, the saturated
missed for that sake.9 sonic atmosphere, the competition, the need for
It is impossible to define a cutting line between the concentration and the proximity of the sacred – all
timbre of a single flute, a pair, a row, a group. All these trigger altered states of consciousness. This is
are acting as a single unity of sound, all represent- described as emborrachiamento (‘drunk state’) or
ing a sonic image that identifies the social group. marihuanendos (‘drugged’) and also as a total
The first time one comes to a Fiesta de chinos identification with the sound, state of abundance,
the sound of it is sensed as total chaos, that reaches disembodiment and other universal sensations
a magnificent, strenuous, and extended sound common to trance states.14
when the great fiestas congregate 20 or more bailes These phenomena are easily understood as part
chinos. Each baile represents a valley, a fishermen’s of the general purpose of the fiestas, that is, to
group, a small rural community, identified through bring men and the divinity close. Trance has been
clothing, flute painting, dance and sound.10 the normal way to do this in ancient times, as we
The spatial structure of the group sound extends as will se in more detail below.
a bar of about eight meters long and three meters
wide, with a high and a low – pitch ends. In the rit- 9 There are, nevertheless, some interesting melodic and har-
ual procession, groups organize in a long line, say monic situations that result from the azar, see Pérez de
Arce 1996.
one kilometre, creating a sound formed by the dif- 10 The ritual fiesta usually lasts one day, where instrumental
ferent sounds of the bailes chinos overlapping, in a and vocal parts alternate. We are only referring to the
complex and changing polyphony. Since all chinos instrumental parts. The fiesta follows a number of rules
regarding space and pulse organisation, all this encompass-
sound alike, their sum creates a monstrous sonido ing a general ritual scheme.
rajado.11 11 Pérez de Arce 1993a. This is a sort of idealized fiesta, sel-
We can hear multiple ‘ghost melodies’ (casual dom observed today, when other types of ritual organisa-
tion have emerged that disturb the sonic equilibrium, see
melodies produced by the mixing of different flute Mercado 2000; Cervantes 1985; for disturbances produced
sounds), polyrhythms (casual mixing of different by the Catholic Church see Mercado 2001; Arnold 1991,
pulses) and other complex acoustic features. All Ruiz 1994; Ruiz 1995: Nevertheless, it represents the ideal
type of fiesta as expressed by the chinos, and is the better
this changes depending on the space it moves in way to understand its particular sound system.
and how we move with respect to it. In Loncura, a 12 Pérez de Arce 1993c, a recording of this music appears in
typical coastal fiesta, the procession moves Claro 1979; Dannemann und Wenzel s/f ; Pérez de Arce
1994a, Pérez de Arce 1994b. An excellent video is available
through the narrow streets, then near the hills, in Mercado 1994.
then through the open beach and into the church, 13 Experiences bailes know how to change the pulse gradual-
each time producing acoustical differences that ly, a difficult technique that, while enriching the musical
context, disturbs the neighbours’ coordination, see Pérez
makes the whole acoustic impression varied and de Arce 1996.
enriched (Fig. 5).12 14 Mercado 1993a; Mercado 1993b;Mercado 1995/1996.
 Pre-Columbian Flute Tuning in the Southern Andes 295

Sometimes the sole experience of hearing the II. THE PREHISPANIC

sonido rajado can trigger heavy alterations in the TRADITIONS
normal consciousness of people who are listening
to the music, such as nausea, or loss of sleep for The archaeological record22 shows that the flutes
days.15 that are capable to give sonido rajado cover the
To sum up the chinos reality, we have a com- complete Southandean area. We find that the chino
plex acoustic system whose complete structure is flutes were used by Aconcagua people, who lived
based on and supported by the special acoustics of in Central Chile between the years 900 and 1470
the flutes and whose final purpose is to make a link A. D. These flutes are of stone, instead of wood,
between men and the divinity. These flutes are and they have an asymmetrical body, with one
used only for ritual, and thus it is impossible to handle on the side (Fig. 6).23
draw a line between the flute as an instrument, iso- The knowledge and craftsmanship necessary to
lated from the rest, and the total mass of sonic make these instruments of stone is much greater
events interacting at the fiesta level. Bailes chinos’ than for the present day wooden ones.24 When
sonic aesthetics can be interpreted as an amplified, compared with other stone artefacts of the Andes,
extended, varied, multiplied, changing and unpre- these flutes are among the best in terms of design
dictable sonido rajado of great proportions. and manufacture, although maintaining an external
To understand the transcendence and deep cul- simplicity.
tural implications of this ritual sound system, we In the south of Chile we observe the same situ-
must consider it as a part of a Southandean system. ation. The prehistoric pifilca of pre-Mapuches also
The chino tradition extends through 800 km from were stone made, showing a dedicated and spe-
Chile Central to Norte Chico. Some minor varia- cialised craftsmanship (Fig. 7). Their abundance is
tions throughout this area did exist: Central Chile a sign of the great popularity they achieved as an
tradition appears to be the most developed instrument and also as an offering to accompany
acoustically.16 their owner after death.25 The same can be said of
The native people who live in the neighbour- the Diagita flutes from the Norte Chico region
hood of the chinos are the Mapuche, some 700 km (Fig. 8).26
south, and the Aymara people, living some 1500
km north. Both use part of the same ritual-
acoustic system: Mapuche use the same instrument
named pifilca,17 Aymaras do not use sonido rajado,
but the tara flute sound, similar to it in various
ways.18 They also use flutes with dense, complex 15 See Mercado 1993c.
and dissonant sounds in paired playing and in 16 For differences inside chinos tradition see Pérez de Arce et
musical competitions. They have complex music al. 1994 ; Aguilera et al. 1985 ; Borquez 1987 ; Pumarino y
Sangueza 1968 ; Quezada s/f ; Uribe 1974.
produced by orchestras of high internal organisa- 17 For a summary comparison between both systems, see
tion, and thus have an explicit way to define Pérez de Arce 1997; Pérez Bugallo 1987; Pérez de Arce
acoustics and its social, cosmological and 1995.
18 See Gerard 1997, where tara is referred to as dos sonidos
organological levels.19 They use flute orchestras (‘two sounds’) because of ist vibrato, and also the refer-
where there is a combination between the ‘normal’ ences to sound behaviour depending on the blowing inten-
way of tuning (according to a determined scale) sity, with different sonic qualities alternating to create this
vibrating quality. See also Stobart 1996
simultaneously with the Andean way of tuning, 19 Aymara say that pairs are complementary and opposite
producing slight dissonance between the different halves, rows are organised in register, with defined names,
registers of flutes. Musical identity in the Andes is roles, and rules. Competition is part of the tinku ritual
combat between halves during carnival time that represents
determined by the density of the sound that results the savage, chaotic side of reality. See Baumann 1996;
from the simultaneous use of the dissonant regis- Langevin 1990; Urton 1993; Valencia 1981; van Kessel
ters, sometimes isolated from other musical attrib- 1981.
20 We have defined the main common attributes to orchestral-
utes, as in chinos.20 ritual music in the southern Andes as Armonia Andina,
The trance, as made possible through the sound of Pérez de Arce 1991a.
the flutes, is part of a more general search for 21 Mercado 1992. This model of multiple sonic layers offering
multiple possible interpretations is the best way to generate
trance by means of dense and complex sounds like the trance states, as proposed by Dobkin and Katz 1975.
those of waterfalls.21 22 Pérez de Arce 1997, 141-150. In this paper we will omit all
As we can see, the ethnographic evidence references to the ethnohistorical record, because of its
minor importance for our purpose. See Godoy 1994; Mer-
shows a specific Andean way of understanding cado 1993d; Mercado 1995; Pérez de Arce 2000.
acoustics, through an aesthetic focused on the 23 Pérez de Arce 1988 ; Pérez de Arce 2000.
enriched colour of instruments, its multiplication 24 Little has been investigated about the lithic industry, see
Balbuena 1980.
through similar instruments in orchestras, and the 25 Pérez de Arce 1987.
search for trance through these same acoustics. 26 Busquet 1995; Iribarren 1957; Iribarren 1969.
296 José Pérez de Arce

A clear line links present day instruments with We also know of the representation of the
their prehispanic ancestors, maintaining their instrument on some of the precious sacred objects
regional differences: bigger in Central Chile, used to sniff a psychoactive powder from the vilca
smaller in Norte Chico and even smaller in the tree (Fig. 14).35 These representations are linked
south of Chile. with mythical personages central to their sacred
But in the prehispanic times there also existed knowledge, and they show the antara as the central
another instrument, now extinct, that replicated iconic object. These objects were used only by
the pifilca tube four times. These instruments, that important shamans, and so it is not difficult to
we will refer to as antara,27 vary in their exterior relate the mind altering properties of sonido rajado
form from one culture to another, in the same way with the ritual states of consciousness produced by
that the pifilca did: rounded with two handles in the use of vilca.36
pre-Mapuche (Fig. 9), more squared, asymmetric We have found this type of representation in
and with a serrated corner in Aconcagua (Fig. the region where wooden artefacts have been
10),28 and with a more stepped profile in Diaguita recovered, but as we have said, for the south we do
(Fig. 11). The only scientifically excavated instru- not know if wooden artefacts existed in the past.
ment shows us clear signs of its importance: it The instrument appears in this region as a
belonged to a specific individual, with a rank dif- result of the great cultural influence of the alti-
ferent from the rest, who was laid to rest with the planic Tiwanaku culture, from the years 400 to
flute covering his head.29 1100 A. D. From the Tiwanaku great Andean
All these prehispanic pifilcas and antaras have sanctuary the antaras – capable of giving the
composite tubes similar to the chinos flutes. All sonido rajado – expanded to distant zones through
tested instruments in good enough condition to be the llama caravan traffic, appearing in the desert
sounded when blowing using present day chinos oasis where intense market activity occurred. They
technique, sounded with perfect sonido rajado of were carried among rituals where the sacred vilca
the best class, showing good ganseo and even powder was used to access the sacrificador and the
catarras or lloronas.30 This sound is impossible to jaguar deities. From there they travelled to the
obtain by chance; it had to be the result of careful Diaguita zone, most probably among the digni-
polishment, even the careful construction of the taries, owners of sophisticated vilca sniffing equip-
descanso, where the broader and narrower parts ment, great men linked with the political and
meet. My hypothesis is that Aconcagua intended shamanic roles.
to produce four catarra flutes in one flute carved From the Diaguita zone to the south there
from a piece of stone.31 This implies a state of appeared a variation of the antara reduced to one
knowledge far greater than that of the present day, single tube, and this is the instrument that survives
and this is coherent with the general loss of the until today.
ancient cultural traits in the zone.
We also know that these antaras arrived from
the north from the distant oasis of Atacama desert
(Fig. 12) or through the Andes, from the distant
27 The kechua name antara is widely accepted to name the
lands of northwest Argentina. In these regions fine ceramic instrument (Gruszczyńska-Ziołkowska 2000, note
wooden and stone antaras were used.32 We know 6). I extended it to designate a whole organological family
of the use of wood for constructing these instru- whose original names have disappeared.
28 Lindberg 1959; Pérez de Arce 1988 ; Pérez de Arce 2000.
ments in the south only for one particular flute 29 Museo nacional de Historia Natural de Santiago (not yet
that was conserved in special conditions;33 the oth- catalogued), excavated at the Bellavista cemetery; San
ers have disappeared because of the humidity. We Felipe.
30 Flutes can be tested with the botella or bombeo sounds,
can suppose that the distribution of wooden and and indeed this was the first attempt made on them by me
stone instruments was, at least, equal in all the ter- and other scholars: See Pérez de Arce et al. 1994.
ritory. Pifilca was not known to Atacameños, but 31 Until now we have had access to a limited number of
instruments in playing condition, however covering differ-
only four, sometimes three tube antaras. To pre- ent cultures (Aconcagua, Diaguita, Nazca). There is a need
vent wood from cracking from the desert dryness for a comprehensive survey of the whole universe of com-
they secured the body of the instruments with posite tube flutes in the search for possible different types
of sonido rajado.
leather strips. 32 Marquez 1934; Pérez de Arce 1995a ; Pérez de Arce 2000.
We have no evidence of the use of antaras in 33 Museo Arqueológico de La Serena.
pairs, only isolated ones have been recovered all 34 Pérez de Arce 2000.
35 Vilca was identified by Torres et al. 1991. See also Arenas
over the territory from southern Chile to north- 1992 for modern use of vilca.
west Argentina and the Bolivian plateau. The exte- 36 Pérez de Arce 1992b. Music and psychedelic plants are
rior carvings on the Bolivian instruments have a common to south American Indians, who perceive music
as made not by the musicians, but by the plants themselves,
resemblance to the typical Andean siku made of see Smith 1973; Warren et al. 1972; Wasson et al. 1974;
several canes (Fig. 13).34 Rouget 1980.
 Pre-Columbian Flute Tuning in the Southern Andes 297

But before Tiawanaku times the history goes whistles with a shrilling high pitched sound of a
farther north and farther back in time, to the piercing quality with a particular hypnotic effect
Paracas and Nazca cultures from the desert to the player, small double whistles from Arica,44
kingdoms of southern Peru. We find the antara some double flutes similar to the ones used by
made of ceramic, with a different form and a Mataco shamans to help the magic fly (Fig. 16),45
variable number of tubes (Fig. 15). It is a com- an Arico wooden flute that has a cane mechanism
pletely different type of instrument from the to produce a vibrating sound,46 are examples of
formal perspective: not only material and form this world of flutes and whistles associated with
changes, but also there is a definite lack of stan- the trance states. This trend to the search for
dards in form, number of tubes and ‘ornamenta- trance-flutes and whistles are not only common to
tion’. 37 However, the acoustic principle is just the great Andean prehispanic world (Fig. 17), but
the same, based on the composite tube. Sound also to the Mesoamerican one, as shown in the
was achieved through modelling and baking, a investigations of Adje Both and Susan Rawcliffe
more difficult way than drilling and carving, (see their papers in this volume).
because baking ceramic involves a reduction in Recent investigation in the prehispanic world is
size, thus sharpening the tone.38 revealing a deep understanding of music subtleties
Notwithstanding, Paracas and Nazca people around the quality of the sound itself, its colour,
showed an astounding knowledge in controlling its texture. This is expressed in many ways: the
the final stage of the scale, matching the delicate several names for tuning of voices among
skill of producing complex tubes.39 Aymaras,47 the final knowledge of the harmonics
According to Bolaños the first complex tubes as shown in the Nazca world,48 the search for spe-
come from the ceramic antaras of paracas period, cial voices in flutes, etc. This is not strange, since
around 500 B. C. Later on, in Nazca times, they we know that musical learning and practice was
continued to exist, and there also appeared a simi- immersed in a ritual knowledge where the use of
lar clay panpipe with simple tubes that were pro- psychoactive substances was essential.
duced in different sizes, to be played in orchestras. Dispersed evidence shows that prehispanic
Also here antaras are important shaman objects. music practice also had aspects common to present
Nazca shamanism developed using the San Pedro day traditions, such as paired playing (Fig. 18),49
psychoactive cactus, whose representation some- aleatory, polyphony and movement,50 spatiality of
times appears on the antaras. the sound,51 the ‘dense’ and slightly dissonant
Now we have the complete picture: the cane voice of the orchestra of flutes.52
panpipe (siku) was very old in the central Peru
area, having existed at least from 5000 B. C.40
Around 900 B. C. in Paracas this siku underwent a
drastic transformation to ceramic and composite
tubes, giving birth to the antara. Near 400 A. D. it
irradiated from Tiawanaku to the south, in a new
transformation to wood and stone and fixed in the 37 Gruszczyńska-Ziołkowska 2000, 193.
38 Dawson 1964 supposes that Nazca invented slip casting to
form of four tubes.41 Later on, between 900 and produce these flutes; but Gruszczyńska-Ziołkowska 2000,
1400 A. D., Norte Chico and Central Chilean peo- 19 has reached a more detailed hypothesis; about baking
ple produced a new variation with only one tube, ceramics see also S. Rawcliffe, this publication.
39 Bolaños 1988; Gruszczyńska-Ziołkowska 1999; Haeberli
creating the pifilca type that survives until today. 1979; Sas 1938; Stevenson 1976; Izkowitz 1935.
What has been maintained through all these 40 Bolaños 1988.
transformations is the acoustic principle around a 41 Pérez de Arce 1989 ; Pérez de Arce 1993b ; Pérez de Arce
1995b.
special and specific kind of sound.42 The changes 42 Pérez de Arce 1987 ; Pérez de Arce1988 ; Pérez de Arce
in material and form can not be explained as facili- 1989.
tating craftsmanship or changing its acoustics, nor 43 Statnekow 1987.
44 Nazca whistles are in several museums, many flutes from
can its acoustic permanence be explained as a gen- Quiani period (1500-950 B. C.) are in the Museo Arque-
eral stylistic conservation, because all formal ológico San Migue de Azapa.
aspects change: material, form, ornamentation and 45 Several whistles from between 900 and 200 B. C. are in the
Museo Arqueológico San Migue de Azapa, see Izkowitz
number of tubes. It is the acoustic secret that is 1935, 336; Novati 1984, 25.
maintained, an acoustic knowledge that was much 46 From around 300 B. C.
more developed and sophisticated than it is today. 47 Bertonio 1984 (1612), 13; 192; 194; 218; 259.
48 Bolaños 1988.
As with the ethnographic record, the archaeo- 49 In Moche (Valencia 1982, 13-27), in Arica y Pica (Pérez de
logical one also shows that sonido rajado was part Arce 1982), in Inca (many early chronicles).
of a broader acoustic world of vibrating, complex 50 Personal observation also in Moche and Nazca, see Valen-
cia 1982.
flute sounds capable of triggering special states of 51 Stevenson 1976, 159; 166; 265.
consciousness.43 Small Nazca double ocarina 52 Personal observation, see Bolaños 1988.
298 José Pérez de Arce

Summing up, we conclude that the knowledge We observe the great permanence of the most
of the acoustic structure related to sonido rajado stable components of culture, those aspects less
and catarra sounds have been passed through gen- vulnerable to intellectual manipulation, such as
erations, from Paracas, in 900 B. C. to the present sonido rajado, aesthetics linked with special stares
day, as part of the ritual. It is worth noting that it of consciousness. These components, common to
endured the great changes introduced by the all the region, are more stable than those that differ
Spaniards that included the prohibition of ancient from place to place, such as the assignation of
rituals. Although totally immersed in a European- material support for the sound producing instru-
catholic tradition, the actual flute playing of the ments, the number of tubes or the shape style. Rit-
chinos shows no contamination of the dominant uality changes with the new influences; the
culture (Tab. 1). The remarkable preservation of Catholic one was imposed. As our understanding
this musical practice may be explained because it of living Indian cultures goes on, we recognize
was neglected by the dominant culture as a ‘non- more and more aspects of their sonic world that
musical’ object, with no intrinsic value or interest, have been continued, sometimes preserved, some-
thus no pressure existed over it to modify or times mixed or changed to adapt to new situation,
change it in any way.53 This preservation does not but always directed in a specific and unique Amer-
mean that present day chinos play exactly like ican perspective.
their prehispanic ancestors: we know of many Now it seems that it is not sufficient (and even
minor changes in their interpretation even during an erroneous approach sometimes) to make mea-
the last fifty years or so. They are a living culture, surements of pitches in a scientific manner when
and thus changing all the time. This preservation studying prehispanic musical instruments, as pro-
means that, whatever the differences between pre- posed by Olsen;54 we must consider other aspects
hispanic and present day tradition on the acoustic as part of a unity with the sound, such as the
level, they follow an intrinsic indigenous direction, colour, the spatial dimension, the movement.
uncontaminated by the dominant culture thus Ethnography teaches us that here we have found
showing a definite and clear link with the prehis- the main clues of ancient American music. Of
panic past. course, we cannot have the specific prehispanic
evidence of such subtle cultural attitudes, but we
are beginning to understand a world that includes
III. CONCLUSIONS AND not only sound, but other cultural elements, espe-
METHODOLOGICAL cially textiles, that speak in a special American
IMPLICATIONS way, using the more subtle and not well defined
elements as best suited to express their identity.
Studying the present day chinos is a valuable At the methodological level, we encounter
model for interpreting their prehispanic ancestors’ problems when dealing with acoustic attributes
music. Through the utilisation of chinos knowl- that are more or less undetermined, or difficult
edge of how to play ancient instruments we have with respect to precision, even poorly understood
found valuable information that would have been by our musical knowledge. But, on the other side,
impossible to find otherwise. The chinos teach us a to continue to ignore them leads to continue the
different way to consider the sound and the music misinterpretation of the prehispanic music essence.
of their ancestors, to approach ancient music with To be open-minded in this direction seems to be
a broader Andean-style perspective as part of a the basic requirement for future investigations.
sonic-social-ritual event.
Study of prehispanic music based on the mater-
ial evidence of musical instruments is scarce and
fragmented. The ethnographic studies permit us to
discover how these instruments or similar ones
were played, what their acoustic context was, and 53 This is contrasted by the way the rituals have been forced
to change in the conceptual religious way, in the idiom, in
how people managed to design and create the visual imagery and so on. See Mercado 1993c.
acoustics through them. 54 Olsen 1990, 176.
 Pre-Columbian Flute Tuning in the Southern Andes 299

BIBLIOGRAPHY

AGUILAR, G. 1985 GÈRARD-ARDENOIS, A. 1997

La fiesta ritual de Lora: estudio de una expre- Multifonias en Aerofonos Andinos de Bolivia.
sión folklórica regional. Pontificia Universidad Revista Boliviana de Física N°3 año 3, Sociedad
Católica de Chile, Escuela de Educatión, Boliviana de Física e Instituto de Investiga-
Curicó (ms.). ciones Físicas UMSA. La Paz, 40–59.
ARENAS, P. 1992 GODOY, M. 1994
El ‘Cebil’ o el ‘Árbol’ de la Ciencia del Bien y El baile de Chinos: una Perspectiva Historica.
del Mal. In: Revista Parodiana Vol. 7, Buenos (ms.)
Aires, 101–114. GRUSZCZYŃSKA-ZIOŁKOWSKA, A. s/f
ARNOLD, M. 1991 Panpipes antaras from Nazca (Peru): Problems
Religiosidad popular en Chile. Estudio of Reconstruction. (ms.)
Antropológico Social. Proyecto FONDECYT GRUSZCZYŃSKA-ZIOŁKOWSKA, A. 2000
1989–1990, Santiago (ms.) Is Sound the First or Last Sign of Life? An
BALBUENA, J. L. 1980 Interpretation of the Most Recent Archaeomu-
Arquetecnología Lítica. Ed. Univ. del Salvador, sicological Discovery of the Nasca culture
Fac. de Historia y Letras, Gabinete de (panpipes). In: E. Hickmann/I. Laufs/R. Eich-
Antropología y Etnología, Serie Documen- mann (eds.): Studien zur Musikarchäologie II,
tacíon Universitaria N°2. El Salvador. Orient-Archäologie 7,191–202.
BAUMANN, M. P. 1996 HAEBERLI, J. 1979
Andean Music, Symbolic Dualism and Cos- Twelve Nazca panpipes. A Study. Ethnomusi-
mology. In: M.P. Baumann (ed.). Cosmología y cology XXIII N° 1 57–74, Connecticut.
Música en los Andes, Frankfurt/M. 15–66. IRIBARREN, J. 1957
BERTONIO, L. 1984 (1612) La flauta de Pan y Otros Instrumentos Indíge-
Vocabulario de la Lengua Aymara. Reimpre- nas. Publicaciones del Museo y de la Sociedad
sion facsimilar. Cochabamba. Arqueologica de La Serena, Bol. N°4, 12–21.
BOLAÑOS, C. 1988 IRIBARREN, J. 1969
Las antaras nazca. Lima. Estudio Preliminar Sobre los Instrumentos
BÓRQUEZ, L. 1987 Musicales Autóctonos del Área Norte de
Bailes chinos. Aspectos Musicales y Core- Chile. In: Revue N° 2, Santiago 91–109.
ograficos en tres Fiestas Religiosas de IZIKOWITZ, K. G. 1935
Aconcagua. Memoria para optar al título de Musical and Other Sound Instruments of the
profesor de Educacíon Musical. Esc. De Música American Indians – A Comparative Ethnogra-
de la Universidad Católica de Valparaíso (ms.) phy Study. Göteborg.
BUSQUET, D. 1995 LANGEVIN, A. 1990
Una flauta de pan lítica hallada en el sur de La Organización Musical y Social del Conjun-
Mendoza. Actas de las VII Jornadas Argentinas to de Kantu en la Comunidad de Quiabaya
de Musicología y VII Conferencia Anual de la (prov. de Bautista Saavedra, Bolivia). Revista
Asociación Argentina de Musicología. Buenos Andina año 8 N° 1, Centro “Bartolomé de las
Aires, 158–164. Casas”, Cuzco 115–138.
CERVANTES, C. G. 1985 LANGEVIN, A. 1992
Difusión de los Bailes Nortinos en la V Región. Las Zampoñas del Conjunto de Kantu y el
1ª Congreso Chileno de Antropologiá, Colegio Debate Sobre la Función de la Segunda Hilera
de Antropólogos de Chile A. G., Santiago (ms.) de tubos; datos etnográficos y análisis semióti-
CLARO, S. 1979 co. Revista Andina año 10 N°2, Centro “Bar-
Oyendo a chile. Santiago. tolomé de las Casas”, Cuzco 405–4 40.
DANEMANN/WENZEL s/f LINDBERG DE KLOHN, I. 1959
Chile: Hispano-Chilean Metisse Traditional Un instrumento musical encontrado en Cha-
Music (LP.). Musical Sources, Berlin-Venezia. cabuco. In: Notas del centro de Estudios
DAWSON, L. 1964 Antropológicos. Santiago de Chile 27–29.
Slip Casting: A Ceramic Technique invented in MÁRQUEZ, F. 1934
Ancient Perú. Ñawpa pacha N°2, Institute of Una Nueva Flauta de Pan Lítica del Noroeste
Andean Studies, Berkeley 107–112. Argentino y el Área de Dispersión des Esta
DOBKIN DE RIOS, M./KATZ, F. 1975 Clase de Hallazgos. Notas Preliminares del
Some relationship between music and hallu- Museo de la Plata T. II., Museo de la Plata, La
cinogenic ritual: the “jungle gym” in con- Plata 315–331.
sciousness. Ethnos V.3 N°I, 64–76.
300 José Pérez de Arce

MERCADO. C. 1992 PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1986

Chorrito de Agua; el Sereno en Ayquina (ms.). Cronología De Los Instrumentos Sonoros Del
MERCADO. C. 1993a Area Extremo Sur Andino. Revista musical
Etnoestética musical y estados de conciencia en chilena, año XL N° 166, Universidad de Chile,
fiestas rituales de Chile Central. III. Congreso Facultad de Arte, Santiago, 68–24.
Internacional de Ethnohistoria, El Quisco (ms.). PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1987
MERCADO. C. 1993b Flautas Arqueologicas del extremo sur andino.
Musica y Estados de conciencia en Fiestas Rit- Boletín del Museo Chileno de arte Precolombi-
uales de Chile Central; Immenso Puente al no N° 2, Museo Chileno de arte Precolombino,
Universo. VII Jornadas Argentinas de Musi- Santiago, 55–88.
cología, Buenos Aires (ms.). PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1988
MERCADO, C. 1993c Flautas de pan Prehispanicas de Chile Central.
Percepción Urbana a la Música de los Bailes IV Jornadas Argentinas de Musicología, Insti-
Chinos. Trabajo del Magister en Artes, men- tuto Nacional de Musicología «Carlos Vega»,
ción Musicologica Universidad de Chile, Buenos Aires (ms.).
Santiago (ms.). PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1989
MERCADO, C. 1993d La Flauta de Pan Precolombino en el Area
Permanencia y cambio en fiestas riuales de Surandina: Revision del Problema y
Chile central. Trabajo del Magister en Artes, Antecedentes Acerca de su Insercíon Cultural.
mención Musicologica Universidad de Chile, AAM; Buenos Aires (ms.).
Santiago (ms.) PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1992a
MERCADO, C. 1994 Armonia Andina. In: Actas colombinas, año 2
Con mi humilde devoción. (video). Museo N°6, Universidad de La Serena, La Serena
Chileno de Arte Precolombino. Santiago. 31–54.
MERCADO, C. 1995 PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1992b
Permanencia y Cambio en Fiestas rituales de Música, Alucinogenos y Arqueología. Congre-
Chile Central. Revista Valles año 1 N°1, Museo so « Plantas, Chamanismo y Estados de Con-
de La Ligua, La Ligua 11–29. ciencia », San Luis Potosí, Mexiko (ms.).
MERCADO, C. 1995/96 PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1993b
Música y Estados de Conciencia en Fiestas Rit- Siku. Revista Andina, año 11 N° 2, Centro
uales de Chile Central. Revista Chilena de “Bartolomé de las Casas”, Cuzco, 473–446.
Antropologia N°13, Facultad de Ciencias PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1993c
Sociales, Universidad de Chile, Santiago 163–196. Sonido y espacio en fiestas rituales de Chile
MERCADO, C. 2000 Central. III Congreso Internacional de Etno-
Batucadas Chinas? Congreso de Folklore de historia, El Quisco (ms.).
Valparaíso, Octubre 2000. Universidad Católi- PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1994 a
ca de Valparaíso. Valparaíso. Loncura (3 music cassettes). Museo Chileno de
MERCADO, C. 2001 Arte Precolombino, Santiago.
Ritualidades en Conflicto: los Bailes Chinos y PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1994b
la Iglesia Católica en Chile Central. In : Revista Música ritual de Chile Central (music cas-
Musical Chilena, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, sette). Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino,
Universidad de Chile, Santiago (in press). Santiago.
MERCADO C./GALDAMES 1997 PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1995a
De Todo el Universo Entero. Fondo Matta. Música en la Piedra ; Música Prehispánica y sus
Museo Chileno de Arte Precolumbino, Santiago. Ecos en Chile actual. Museo Chileno de Arte
NOVATI, J. 1984 Precolombino. Santiago.
El Lenguaje Sonoro Común al Hombre y a las PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1995b
Deidades – un Estudio Sobre las Canciones de Música Prehispánica. Sonidos de America.
los Mataco del Chaco Argentino. In: Temas de Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino,Santiago.
Etnomusicología N° 1, INM, Buenos Aires. PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1996
OLSEN, D. 1990 Polifonía en Fiestas Rituales de Chile Central.
The Ethnomusicology of Archaeology. Select- Revista Musical Chilena año L N° 185, Uni-
ed reports of ethnomusicology, vol. 8. U. of versidad de Chile, Faculdad de Artes, Santiago
California, 175–200. 38–59.
PÉREZ BUGALLO, R. 1987 PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1997
Cosmovisíon y Universo Musical del Mapuche ; Sonído Rajado, the sacred sound of pifilcas.
la Pifilka. Revista Patagonica, año VI N° 29. Galpin Society Journal T. LI, 17–50.
Publicaciones especializadas, Buenos Aires.
 Pre-Columbian Flute Tuning in the Southern Andes 301

PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 1998 STOBART, H. 1996

El Sonído Rajado; una Historia Milenaria. Tar and Q´iwa- ´Worlds of Sound and Mean-
Valles, año 3 N° 3, Museo de La Ligua, La ing. In: Baumann, M.P (ed.), Cosmología y
Ligua 141–150. Música en los Andes, Frankfurt/M. 67–82.
PÉREZ DE ARCE, J. 2000 TORRES, M. 1991
Sonído Rajado, Historical Approach. Galpin Snuff Powders from Prehispanic San Pedro de
Society Journal T. LIII, 233-251. Atacama: Chemical and Contextual Analysis.
PÉREZ DE ARCE, J./MERCADO, C./RUIZ, A. 1994 Current Anthropology V. 32, N°5, 640–649.
Chinos: Fiestas rituales de Chile Central. URIBE, J. 1958
Informe Final del Proyecto FONDECYT 92- Contrapunto de Alfereces en la Provincia de
0351 (ms.). Valparaíso. In: Anales de la Universidad de
PUMARINO, R./SANGÜEZA, A. 1968 Chile, serie celeste N° I, Santiago.
Bailes chinos en Aconcagua y Valparaiso. URIBE, J. 1974
Ed. de la Consejería de Promocíon Popular, La Virgen de Andacollo y el Niño Dios de
Santiago. Sotaqui. Ediciónes Universitarias de Valparaíso.
QUEZADA, A. s/f URTON, G. 1993
Crónicas Liguanas ; Los Chinos de Valle Moieties and Ceremonialism in the Andes:
Hermoso (ms.). The Ritual Battles of the Carnival Season in
ROUGET, G. 1980 Southern Peru. Senri Ethnological Studies 37.
La musique et le trance. Paris. 116–143.
RUIZ, A. 1994 VALENCIA, A. 1981
Hegemonía y Religiosidad Popular : los Bailes Los Chiriguanos De Huancané ; Estudio De
Ceremoniales de la V Region y su Relación con Los Sikus Bipolares Chiriguanos. Separata del
la Iglesia (ms.). Boletin de Lima N° 12, 13 y 14.
RUIZ, A. 1995 VALENCIA, A. 1982
Hegemonía y marginalidad en la religiosidad Jjaktasiña Irampi Arcampi; el diálogo musical:
popular chilena : los Bailes Ceremoniales de la la técnica del siku bipolar. Separata del Boletín
Región de Valparaíso y su Relación con la Igle- de Lima N° 22 y 23.
sia Católica. Revista Musical Chilena año VAN KESSEL, J. 1981
XLIX N°184, Santiago. Danzas y Estructuras Sociales de los Andes.
SAS, A. 1938 Cuzco.
Ensayo Sobre La Musica Nazca. Boletín lati- WARREN, W./MERRIAM, A./D’AZEVEDO, W. 1972
no americano de música, año IV T.IV, Bogotá Washo peyote songs. Folkways Records, New
221–233. York (LP FE 4384).
SMITH, H. 1973 WASSON, G./COWAN, G./COWAN, F./RHODES, W.
The Kiowa Peyote Meeting. Ethic Folkways 1974
records, New York (LP FE 4601). Maria Sabina and her Mazatec Mushroom
STEVENSON, R. 1976 Veleda. New York (LP and book).
Music in the Aztec and Inca Territory. Berke- WRIGHT, H. A. K. /CAMPBELL, D. M. 1997
ley/Cal. Analysis of the sound of Chilean pifilca flutes.
STATNEKOV, D. 1987 Galpin Society Journal T. LI, 51–63.
Animated earth. Berkeley/Cal.
302 José Pérez de Arce

Fig. 1 The set of pitches.

Fig. 2. The six stages of making a flute’s

sound. First, the 5/8 inch drill bores the
upper section of the tube. Second, the
burning red 5/8 inch rod hardens and
softens the walls. Third, the ? inch rod
burns the way through the bottom.
Fourth, the 8 mm rod smoothes this
section, and fifth, the plug is inserted
and the embouchure is carved. A later
stage, not shown, happens when the
A. The ten pair of sticks as originally cut, thus determining the series of baile paints the flutes and puts mirrors
pitches to be included in the chord. on it in the finishing process.

B. The measurements made on the ten pairs of composite tubes after the
flutes were finished.

Fig. 3. Tuning. A. The three ways to tune composite tubes in

present day flutes: (A) carving of the mouthpiece, (B) deepen-
ing the broad section, (C) moving the plug. Sometimes a liq-
uid (water or spirits) is poured to rinse the bottom. B. In
comparison, prehispanic flutes of wood or stone were
worked to broaden the upper section and had resin plugs,
save in the southern instruments that lack the plug, making
more difficult the decision of the tuning process.
 Pre-Columbian Flute Tuning in the Southern Andes
303
Fig. 4. Pair of finished flutes. (Photography by the author.)
304 José Pérez de Arce

Fig. 5 The importance of space. In the schema, as viewed from above, the processional movement of the bailes, each
one represented by 20 flutes (black dots) distributed in two rows from big to small, plus 2 drums (hollow circles) one
big, one small. The bailes form a moving serpent whose sound takes the shapes of the narrow streets, the open space of
the beach, etc. as it moves.
 Pre-Columbian Flute Tuning in the Southern Andes
Fig. 9 Antara. Pre-Mapuche (-1540 BC.).
Fig. 6 Pifilca. Aconcagua (900–1470 Fig. 8 Pifilca. Diaguita (1470–1536 BC.). Stone. The small hole at the bottom of
BC.): Grey stone, 280 mm height, from Fig. 7 Pre-Mapuche (1540 BC.). White Black stone. Probably the narrower section one of the tubes seems to be intentional
Vichquén. Dotted lines represent the stone. From San Juan, La Union. 165 mm. at the bottom of the tube was filled with to ‘kill’ the instrument to be put into the
composite tubes inside. Museo Nacional Museo Nacional de Historia Natural de resin. 210 mm. Museo Arqueológico de La grave. 173 mm height, Museo Dillmann

305
de Historia Natural de Santiago 3806. Santiago 3817. Serena 1529. Bullock, Angol 88 1 426.
 306
José Pérez de Arce
Fig. 10 Antara. Aconcagua (900–1536 Fig. 13 Antara Yura (1400 BC.).
BC.). Reddish marble-like stone ‘combar- Green stone. From Potosí, Boli-
barita’, the cross-section shows the exquis- Fig. 11 Antara. Diaguita III (1470– via. It shows the characteristic
ite stone craftsmanship reached in its man- 1536 BC.). Dark brown stone. Sec- aspect of the cane panflutes out-
ufacture. At the centre of the instrument is tion showing the disposition of the Fig. 12 Antara. Probably San Pedro (1000-1470 B. C.): side, with complex tubes at the
a hole made probably as a means to silence four composite tubes. The plugs are Wood, secured with leather strips. Some of the resin inside. Intentional breaking of the
it symbolically. 327 mm height. Museo lost. 228 mm height. Museo Arque- plugs are present (detail). 274 mm height. Museo largest tube. 200 mm. Museo Uni-
Arqueológico de Santiago 0132. ológico de La Serena 1531. Nacional de Historia Natural de Santiago s/n. versario de Sucre 318.02.679/2805.
 Pre-Columbian Flute Tuning in the Southern Andes 307

Fig. 14 Antara represented on a ‘tableta de rape’ (detail). San Pedro (1100-1470 B. C.). Wood, with stone inlaid. The
central personage, with a complex headdress, has a 3 tube antara. 150 mm (the complete object). Museo Arqueológico
San Pedro de Atacama 9160.
308 José Pérez de Arce

Fig. 15 Antara. Paracas. The tubes have three diameters, and are
shaped to avoid spaces between them. From Bolaños 1988:34.

Fig. 16 Double flute. Faldas de morro

(500 A.D.–200 B.C.). The two tiny finger
holes can produce a delicatevibrated
sound at will. 285 mm.Museo Chileno de
Arte Precolombiano 0513.

Fig. 17 Double flute, Jama Coaque, 500 B.C.–500 A.D.

 Pre-Columbian Flute Tuning in the Southern Andes 309

Fig. 18 Paired Playing. Nazca (200-600 B. C.). Painted on pottery, shows two men playing ceramic antaras. Dispersed evi-
dence such as this tells us al lot about traditional manners of making music compared to current ways. From Bolaños 1988.
FL
K1