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PSIR, PAPER I - POLITICAL THEORY: MEANING AND APPROACHES

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Qn. 1: Political Science is a master science, “architectonic” in its character, from which all other practical
sciences take their cue. (Earnest Barker). Discuss. (1991/I/2/60)

Answer: Aristotle, the Greek philosopher, heralded political science as a master science, considering
its nature and scope. And Earnest Barker, an English political scientist, termed it architectonic, as he
perceived it as the foundation from which other practical sciences emerged.

Political Science is about polis or city-state. It was born in the intellectual capital of the past - ancient
Greece. Political Science continued to evolve along with human society. Even as other practical
sciences kept on building legitimacy, political science acted as the basic structure, holding all of them
together. The state is the backbone of society and political science begins and ends with the state
(Garner).

Political Science explains and guides public policies formulation, implementation and evaluation. It
can be said that statecraft handles all practical aspects of society and human life. Thus, it is believed
that all practical sciences borrow from the science of the state. The clear indication is of the integral
nature, pervasive scope and wide application of the discipline. It is with reference to this centrality in
public sphere, that Aristotle called political science a master science.

In shaping our lives, political science inspired the practical sciences such as psychology, sociology,
public administration, and economics inter alia. It projects the indispensable character of this subject.
Not only is it one of the oldest disciplines, it remains widely and deeply relevant in the present times.
Perhaps, in the complex globalised polity of today, this master science is needed more than ever.

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Qn. 2: Discuss the normative and behavioural approaches to the study of the political science. And
examine the limitations of the behavioural approach. (1991/I/3/60)

Answer: Normative or philosophical approach was one of the traditional approaches to study, analyse
and evaluate political science. Later evolved the modern behavioural approach or employing scientific
methods in political analysis. But, due to limitations such as limited relevance and ignoring values, it
passed the baton to post behaviouralism.

The traditional normative approach seeks what ought to be. Political philosophy evolved as a part of
philosophy. Plato, the father of political philosophy, sought idea behind the apparent, to discover
ideal state. Other norms such as liberty, equality, justice, rights etc. were focused on. Leo Strauss
considered philosophy and politics identical. Rawls, Habermas, Hannah Arendt etc used this approach
to build theories.

The modern behavioural approach focused on actual behaviour, rather than philosophical ideas.
behavioural approach bloomed after World Wars. Political science was in crisis as it had become

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armchair theories, divorced from contemporary reality. It set out as a movement of purification of
techniques, a ‘protest movement’ (Robert Dahl). David Easton gave 8 intellectual foundation stones
(features) of the behavioural approach, which included: (1) Regularities; (2) Verification; (3)
Techniques; (4) Quantification; (5) Value-neutrality; (6) Systematisation; (7) Pure Science; and (8)
Integration.

Limitations of the behavioural approach, as mostly pointed out by traditionalists, include the limited
relevance of scientific approach in political science, introduction of unnecessary and complicated
terms and techniques. Also, they claimed that human behaviour can be predicted and that new
techniques were for sake of purity. Additionally, they believed that scientific techniques are not
universally applicable, such as for justice, rights etc. Later, behaviouralism led to the crisis. The
scientific approach could not deal properly and fully with 1960s movements and conflicts.

Normative and behavioural approached were important stages in the journey of political theory-
building. Easton believed behaviouralist scholars ‘sitting in ivory towers’, purifying their techniques,
caused the crisis, which led to further developments in political science.

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Qn. 3: Examine the limitations of behaviouralism as an approach to the study of politics. (1992/I/2/60)

Answer: Behaviouralism, as an approach to the study of politics, was a modern political methodology.
It started as a scientific analysis of political behaviour, in response to the crisis caused by value-based
traditional approaches. Due to its own limitations such as undermining ethics, limited relevance and
applicability etc. Behaviouralism caused another crisis in political science.

After norm-based traditional approaches emerged reality-based empirical approaches. Subsequently,

behaviouralism was born in the 1940s. Its scientific nature of political analysis was described in
Easton’s ‘8 intellectual foundational stones’. Around the 1960s and 1970s, behaviouralism itself began
to be criticised, which led to the emergence of post behaviouralism.

Limitations of behaviouralism listed were: that it was obsessed with methods (Wolin), undermined
ethical and political philosophy (conservative critics), became ‘pseudo – political science’ (Bay) and
propagated ‘naïve scientism’ (radical critics), and insistence on fact-value dichotomy (R. Beehler).
Easton pointed out the need for ‘credo of relevance’ and announced the next phase – post
behaviouralism (or neo–behaviouralism) in a 1969 lecture.

Post behaviouralism sought to correct behaviouralism, by claiming that it was biased towards status
quo and social preservation. It was further stressed that the bias towards observable and measurable
phenomenon meant emphasis placed on trivial issues at the cost of more important topics. Post
behaviouralism stressed that research should be relevant to society and applicable towards desired
political change. Post behaviouralism also challenged the idea that academic research had to be value
neutral. The content of decision making had to be judged as per values, which keeping ground
realities in mind.

Thus, as behaviouralism emerged to fix previous deficiencies, its own limitations were reformed by
further developments in political science.

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Qn. 4: Estimate the utility of systems theory in social sciences. (1993/I/2/60))

Answer: Social sciences are the studies of human society and social relationships, e.g. political science,
economics, human geography, psychology, sociology, anthropology, jurisprudence, history etc. In
general, systems theory is the interdisciplinary study of systems, i.e. entities with interrelated and
interdependent parts and which are more than the sum of their parts (subsystems). In political
science, systems theory is a liberal model of modern political analysis, given by David Easton, a
Canadian-American political scientist. He sought to
yield explanations for the interacting components of
political processes, such as inputs (‘demands’ and
‘supports’), outputs (‘decisions’ and ‘policies’) and
‘feedback’. Systems theory can be utilised in social
sciences for interdisciplinary studies, comparative
analysis of diverse political systems and international
politics, serving as a starting point for other models of
political analysis etc.

Systems theory was forwarded by David Easton, a Canadian-American political scientist. He sought to
yield explanations for the interacting components of political processes, such as inputs (‘demands’
and ‘supports’), outputs (‘decisions’ and ‘policies’) and ‘feedback’. Easton goes beyond stability and
equilibrium as goals of political systems and finds them as dynamic systems capable of coping and
adapting with the stresses and crises arising from the environment. As his ‘theory’ is analytical or
conceptual, it seems to be not inclined towards any particular ideology, system or culture. The
‘Systems Theory’ gives a complete set of categories which can be utilised for the analysis of any
particular system as well as for making a comparative study of political systems. Kaplan employed
systems theory to study international relations.

The application of systems theory in political science is particularly useful as a conceptual framework
to analyse, understand, and compare politics. System theory influenced other significant models such
as Gabriel Almond’s structural-functional analysis, Karl Deutsch’s communications theory, interest
group theory and elite theory.

Systems theory has importance in the social sciences (or humanities) as it studies and explains human
behaviour. Naturally, it tends to be interdisciplinary For instance, results in a particular election can
involve individual and group psychology, economics and market analysis, history and religion etc.
Systems theory is particularly prominent in psychology, management, social work etc.

Systems theory in politics can seem different from other systems in the sense that a political system
has its own dynamism and its operations are purposive and goal-directed. But ultimately systems
theory finds application throughout the social sciences, as it is a philosophical worldview arising from
the belief that various aspects of the world are interdependent.

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Qn. 5: What is the nature of the crisis in political theory? Suggest remedies to overcome it.
(1994/I/3/60)

Answer: Political theory is the study of the concepts and principles that are used to describe, explain,
evaluate and predict political phenomenon. As political theorising evolved, two phases of crisis are
broadly marked out – first, after the World Wars, ending the monopoly of traditional normative
thinking and second, in the 1960s, when the obsession with techniques was charged with
compromising subject matter.

The first crisis was characterised by dissatisfaction with traditional normative thinking, which was
accused of being divorced from reality. In Easton’s account, the influence of moral theory was so
pervasive and powerful that political theory, in past, could not get any scope to establish to own
identity. This caused its decline. According to Dante Germino (Beyond Ideology: The Revival of
Political Theory), one of the major causes of the decline of political theory is the colourful emergence
of ideology or ideological reductionism. Demand was made for re-establishing political studies. Thus,
rose the behavioural approach, where political thinking was redefined in terms of empirically
verifiable political behaviour, by introducing scientific methods for political analysis. Methods
employed were: sampling, interviewing, scoring and scaling and statistical analysis. It was led by
scholars like David Easton, Robert Dahl, Laswell etc.

However, a second crisis was precipitated by behaviouralism itself, when it was found that subject
matter was getting compromised for the sake of techniques. Rawls’ theory of justice highlighted that
the empirical approach can neither explain all the aspects of political theory nor produce a viable
theory of politics. Leo Strauss also upheld that morality cannot be ignored. David Easton called for
“credo of relevance” to revive the discipline of political science. Moreover, the 1960s witnessed a
chain of civil rights movements in the USA which sought to resurrect norms in political studies.
Herbert Marcuze’s ‘One-dimensional Man’ called for social change. The suggestion was to prioritise
the responsibility of a social scientist rather than having “obsession with methods”. Thus, the subject
was revived. Thus, emerged post-behaviouralism, which had the goals of “relevance” and “action.”
This approach pursued desirable social change through action, packaging values with facts and
utilising political knowledge for social welfare.

The crises in political theory were integral parts of its evolution. They contributed to making political
analysis more comprehensive, effective and relevant.

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Qn. 6: Examine the fact-value dichotomy in political science. To what extent has post-behaviouralism
resolved the conflict in the dichotomy? (1995/I/2/60)

Answer: The fact-value dichotomy in political science refers to the (erstwhile) compartmentalization
of approaches to political analysis, as descriptive versus prescriptive, quantitative versus qualitative
and empirical versus normative. The later, contemporary approach of post behaviouralism sought to
reconcile the dichotomy, by seeking relevance and action on political and social issues.

Values based approaches were the traditional methods such as philosophical and normative ones.
Plato, the father of political philosophy, was driven to understand ideas and prescribing what ought to
be. Value based political theorising gained popularity as Leo Strauss, Habermas, Rawls, Hannah Arndt

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et al built on it. Values pursued were the ideal state, justice, liberty, rights, equality etc. Later, value-
based approaches were criticised for being divorced from reality, biased and limited to armchair
theories espoused by those sitting in wary towers (Easton). It was considered a crisis. This paved the
way for fact-based methods such as empiricism and behaviouralism. These methods focused on facts
or what is. Empiricism, founded by Locke, had been furthered by Mill, Laski, Weber, Marx etc.
Empiricism grew into behaviouralism.

Fact-based approach behaviouralism, born after World wars, fuelled by American political scientists,
deviated from values and adopted scientific research and survey methods to explain and predict
political behaviour. Focus concentrated on factual analysis. Easton, Wallace, Bentley, Laswell,
Merriam, Catlin etc. were prominent pilots in this movement. Behaviouralism intensified on
techniques and scientific interpretation of facts to explain and describe political behaviour.

Later, post-behaviouralism emerged as behaviouralism was criticised for becoming obsessed with
methods (S. Wolin), dismissing ethics (M. Reimer), undermining political philosophy (conservatives)
and becoming a pseudo political science (C. Bay). Robert Dahl suggested ending the dichotomy
between facts and values. Thus, neo- or post-behaviouralism sought applications of methods and
knowledge to derive relevant and actionable solutions to pertinent political problems. It held that
facts and values are not dichotomous, but are a continuum. Post-behaviouralism re-employed both
facts and values in political theory building.

Political methods evolved by tilting towards values, then facts and finally climbed to a compromised
equilibrium. Thus, post-behaviouralism settled the conflicts to a large extent, although later,
traditionalists, Marxists, post-modernists and critical theorists have pointed out some areas of
improvement in post behaviouralism also.

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Qn. 7: Discuss the basic assumption of behaviouralism. In what way does post-behaviouralism differ
from behavioural theory? (1996/I/2/60)

Answer: Behaviouralism is a political methodology which sought to purify techniques and

compensate for (perceived) deficiencies in traditional methods by inculcating quantitative science
into political analysis. Later, while propounding the subsequent methodology: post behaviouralism,
David Easton judged that behaviouralism was ‘analytical but not substantive, general rather than
particular and explanatory rather than ethical’.

Behaviouralism emerged as theories and ideas of traditional approaches were deemed as armchair
theories’ and insufficient around the time of World Wars. Behaviouralism got the impetus to deal with
the (perceived) crises in politics. It grew out of empiricism, which in turn, was conceived by Locke,
Mill, Laski, Weber, Marx, Wallace, and Bentley and so on. As behavioural scientists flourished
(especially in U.S.A), psychologists such as B.T. Skimmer rejected that philosophy could produce
desired social behaviour, by conditioning. Economists, favouring behaviouralism believed that real
preferences of political actors were revealed by their actual choices, rather than what they said.

Behaviouralism assumed the role of making political science a pure science by purifying its
techniques. It further assumed that this would re-establish the credibility of the discipline (allegedly)
lost due to the (claimed) divorce of traditionalists from reality. Easton blamed the armchair theories

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weaved from “ivory towers” for the crisis. American political scientists marched behind the
behavioural approach, demanding verifiable quantitative data, to observe and predict political
behaviour. They discounted the worth of values and institutional studies. They promoted the study of
mass political behaviour instead of elites.

Further, Easton’s 8 intellectual foundations stones predicted regularities in political behaviour

through quantification, verification, systemization and integration. N. Reimer held that since ethics
and values could not be established scientifically, they were beyond the scope of legitimate enquiry.
British scholars such as Bernard Brick pointed out that behaviouralism sought to make political
science empirical and predictive, and that value-free research is the ideal. Rodger Beehler pointed out
that behaviouralists insisted on distinguishing between facts and values.

Post behaviouralism differed from behaviouralism in the sense that it sought to amend behavioural
approach. Easton called for ‘credo of relevance’, ‘creative theory’ and action for theory building.
While retaining scientific methods, the focus was to be on substance, applicability and choices of
decision making. Objective shifted from the purification of techniques to precipitating necessary
social change. Post-behaviouralism sought to raise the status of political science even higher than
what behaviouralism targeted.

David Easton put forward 7 pointers for post-behaviouralism: (1) Substance is more important than
technique. (2) Social change to have priority over status-quoism. (3) Stay in touch with brute realities.
(4) Not to be value-free. (5) Protect human values. (6) Be action oriented. (7) Protect and promote the
discipline.

If traditional methods were the thesis, and behavioural approach was the antithesis, then post-
behaviouralism is the synthesis.

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Qn. 8: Discuss the importance of systems theory in modern political analysis. (1997/I/2/60)

Answer: Political analysis can be described as a deduction of the nature of the process of politics,
which is done by identifying the interacting components in political processes and extracting
explanations from collected data. Systems Theory is an information processing model of political
analysis propounded by David Easton and developed by others. It describes inputs from the
environment (‘demands’ and ‘supports’) into the political system, yielding outputs (‘decisions’ and
‘policies’), further producing ‘feedback’ in the environment, influencing subsequent inputs. Systems
theory was important as it represents a substantial advance in the direction of constructing a
theoretical framework within the discipline of political science. It was used for comparative analysis of
political systems, deeper study of international relations and also served as a platform for other
important models.

Traditional political analysis stemmed from works such as Aristotle’s classification of governments,
Machiavelli’s cost-benefit analysis et al. However, in the modern times, political analysis flourished
with the adoption of scientific methods. The scientific revolution (behavioural and post- behavioural
movements) in politics was spearheaded and oriented by, among others, David Easton. Easton also
forwarded ‘System Theory’ - his model of political analysis. It became a stepping stone for other
models of modern political analysis such as Gabriel Almond’s structural-functional analysis and Karl

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Deutsch’s communications theory. Interest group theory and elite theory can be subsumed in political
systems analysis.

Political analysis consists of the following major steps – determining nature of politics, identifying
interacting components in political processes, collect data on the inter-relationships and derive
explanations. A suitable example can be Easton conceptualising politics as “authoritative allocation of
values”, through his System Theory. The theory is a framework in which various human behaviours
and actions either create input or are affected by output within a system of political actions, with
loops of feedback in between. The components, through interactions, assign varying levels of
authority to various values. Thus, Easton was the first to study political system as an information
processing system. It became useful for comparative analysis of diverse political scenarios and
international relations. “A nation’s behaviour is a two-way activity taking from and giving to the
international environment.” (McClelland). Morton Kaplan utilised systems approach in studying
international relations.

In the evolution of political analysis, systems theory, with its sensitivity to input-output exchange
between a system and its settings, offers a fruitful approach. By enabling organisation of presently
disconnected political data, it promises interesting insights.

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Qn. 9: What is meant by ‘behavioural approach’ to politics? Is it a fool-proof approach? How far is it
correct to say that behavioural approach to political analysis appeared in order to counteract the
Marxist approach. (1998/I/2/60)

Answer: The behavioural approach to politics is a modern political methodology, derived from
empiricism, which pursues an objective, quantified and scientific approach to observe, explain and
predict micro political behaviour. It is not a fool-proof approach and political approaches are
perpetually evolving. The Marxist approach is a political methodology which assumes that economics
is the primary basis of politics and society, and that communism will prevail when society becomes
classless and stateless. That behavioural approach appeared to counteract Marxist approach, was
claimed by Marxists themselves - alleging that behaviouralism was a “subtle defence” of American
political status quo, liberalism, capitalism etc.

Behaviouralism emerged as traditional political methodologies were perceived to have contributed to

political crisis around the World Wars. To mitigate this crisis, the rising approach of empiricism
blossomed into – behaviouralism. Behavioural approach incorporated scientific research methods, in
quest of purified knowledge, techniques and theories, through understanding the political status quo
and micro-behaviour. The behavioural approach was elaborated by Merriam of Chicago School,
Easton’s 8 Intellectual Foundation Stones, Almond, Dahl, Laswell, Rice etc.

Behaviouralism was not foolproof. It was a part of a continuum. After behaviouralism, post
behaviouralism ensued. The subsequent methodologies emerged as flaws in behavioural approach
surfaced. Easton called for ‘credo of relevance, ‘creative theory’ and action; Wolin frowned over
“obsession with methods”; Bay termed it “pseudo-political-science”; conservatives claimed it

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undermined political philosophy; radicals hailed it as “naïve scientism”. Marxists labelled it “subtle
defence of status quo” i.e. American political systems.

Marxist critiqued behaviouralism as a justification of western world, in general, and capitalism and
liberalism in particular. The Marxian approach has been called political analysis by proxy. Marxism
(1880s), older than Behaviouralism (1940s), considering society a collective, based primarily on
economics. Marxists prophesied that communism will prevail when class struggle ends, i.e. oppressed
proletariats overthrow exploitative capitalists. The Marxist approach, as built up by Marx, Engels,
Lenin, Luxemburg, Trotsky, Gramsci et al, focused on social revolution and abolition of class-divide
and politics. When behavioural approach focused on studying “what is” or the political status quo,
Marxists perceived that as an attempt at social preservation or “subtle defence of status quo”. Thus,
they believed that behavioural approach, by attempting to preserve and promote American political
values, appeared in order to counteract Marxist approach.

Various political approaches have contributed to political analyses in their own ways. It is incorrect to
say that behaviouralism was solely a counter to Marxism. Behavioural approach has its own
substance. It enhanced political studies by highlighting certain political behaviours (such as public
opinion and voting patterns). Also, by incorporating scientific methods of analysis, behavioural
approach equipped political studies towards becoming more realistic, versatile and comprehensive.

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Qn. 10: “A scientific politics can develop only if the materials of politics are treated in terms of systems
of actions.” In the light of this statement of Kaplan’s, with regard to the application of systems theory to
political science, critically examine the drawbacks of the application. (1999/I/2/60)

Answer: Systems theory is an information-processing model of modern political analysis, designed by

David Easton. It describes a political setup with interacting components - inputs, outputs and
feedback mechanisms – “system of actions”. Systems theory was widely applied and developed by
other political analysts, for constructing a theoretical framework within the discipline of political
science. Morton Kaplan has been the chief exponent of the systems approach in international
relations. Drawbacks of this application have been pointed out as limitations in its application,
obsession with political persistence and inability in understanding political power and mass political
behaviour, among others.

Critics of systems theory hold that it is unable to understand the structure and function of political
power and mass political behaviours such as voting patterns. Sorzano has attempted to prove that
Estonian systems approach is a mere derivation from the classical economic theory of Adam Smith.
Sorzano also regards it as a narrow view of system and that Easton’s model can be utilised only to
study developed western political systems and not developing ones of Asia or Africa.

Daniel Mou believes that by focusing on what it does, Easton seems to have rendered his concept of
the political system less useful. Daniel Mou also objects that Easton “does not consider the distinction
between the goals of the individual or groups and those of the system.” Thomson L. Thomson has
criticised Easton for giving no reasons for the authoritativeness of political system. Claude Ake
observes that Easton’s systems theory is ambiguous in several ways, noting that “it is difficult, if not
impossible, to apply it to the study of the world.”

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Evans points out that Easton talks of persistence as the chief property of the political system but he
does not refer to the maintenance of specific structure for this purpose. Mackenzie holds “Easton has
focused on politics as a matter of process and events, rather than of individual or group actions.”,
thus neglecting the role of individuals. His approach according to Hannah Arendt is Archimedean
wherein one thinks everything ‘in terms of processes’ and is not concerned with single entities.

According to Kress, Easton’s analysis lacks empirical basis. Runciman regards it as a shield to protect
western capitalist society. Gvishiani regards it a symbol of bourgeois attitudes to maintain the status
quo. Easton is accused of giving less importance to para-political systems or subsystems. Others
believe Easton is dominated by an equilibrium orientation and obsessed with systemic persistence.
Some conclude that systems theory is unable to deal with fundamental or revolutionary changes.

However, despite the claimed drawbacks, systems theory has established itself as an integral ancestor
of political analysis. Oran Young regards it as “the most inclusive systemic approach”. Kaplan
propounded systems approach in international relations. Meehan considers it as “one of the few
comprehensive attempts to lay the foundation for systems-analysis in political science and provide a
‘general’ functional theory of politics’”.

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Qn. 11: Critically evaluate and bring out the weakest aspects of behavioural and post behavioural
approaches to the analysis of the political system. What are measurable and quantifiable criteria
available in political science to evaluate political behaviour? (1999/I/3/60)

Answer: Behaviouralism and post-behaviouralism are modern political methodologies, which evolved
in the 20th century, in response to dissatisfaction with traditional methods and behavioural approach
respectively. ‘Decline’ (Easton, Cobben) or ‘death’ (Dahl, Lasette) of political theory’ resulted in
American political scientists campaigning for a ‘protest movement’ (Dahl) - behaviouralism. It
employed scientific analysis to study politics. Its drawbacks paved the way for post-behaviouralism.

Many weak aspects of behaviouralism were highlighted, even though the methods yielded some
results. Scientific methods could not cover vast areas in politics – some were not quantifiable, other
were not developed enough to the quantified. It was alleged that behaviouralism had reduced the
scope of the subject. Scholars also criticised the excess cost, complex jargons, obsessions with
methods and undermining prescriptions and ethics. Ironically, behaviouralism arrived at conclusions
similar those by traditionalists using common sense. Behaviouralism focused more on observation
than having desired change.

Post behaviouralism was criticised on various counts although it emerged to synthesise behaviouralism
and other methods, eliminating many of their weaknesses. Traditionalists considered that post-
behaviouralism was not a fundamental shift from the behavioural approach and simply carried the
latter forward. Marxists considered post behaviouralism as a subtle defence of American liberal
political values. Postmodernists refused to accept that there could be fundamental and
unchallengeable knowledge.

Measurable and quantifiable criteria available in political science to evaluate political behaviour can be
said to be parameters such as electoral behaviour, voting preferences, public opinion, exit poll,
referendum, plebiscite, boycotts, protests etc. The behavioural approach employed scientific

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methods of analysis, such as survey research, sampling, interviewing, statistical analysis, scoring and
scaling etc – to study micro political behaviour.

Behavioural and post behavioural approaches are crucial stages of the evolution of political analysis.
Among others, they have contributed to political theory-building, analysis and measuring political
behaviour.

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Qn. 12: Post Behaviouralism is not a negation of the behavioural revolution but only its corrective. How
does it seek to raise the status of the discipline of political science? (2000/I/3/60)

Answer: Refer Qn. 3.

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Qn. 13: Comment: Relevance of contextualist approach to the study of political theory. (2001/I/1a/20)

Answer: Contextualist approach is a political methodology that seeks to understand and assess the
circumstances that form the setting for a political theory. It views political theory development as
growing out of contextualised problems and considers necessary to specify what role context plays in
a political argument (e.g. for justice, legitimacy, common good etc.)

A contextual approach focuses on a narrow, concrete, well-defined issue, which it investigates in a

minimalist manner (i.e. to solve the problem at hand only). Two common views about the role of
contextual approach are: as a source of problems (political theory aims at addressing problems that
arise in specific political and social contexts) and as a condition for meaning (political principles and
concepts only have meaning relative to a specified context.) The contextual approach is associated
with Cambridge School proponents such as Quentin Skinner and J. G. A. Pocock. The contextual
approach started as historical approach.

Political thinkers such as Machiavelli, Sabine and Dunning considered that politics and history are
closely related. The historical background is often crucial in understanding the meaning and
significance of specific practices. e.g. the legacy of imperialism still figures in understanding many
immigrant groups and national minorities (Kymlicka). History is also important in shaping political
institutions. Contextualization can also study social meanings and traditions (Walzer), which are
products of history and shape political discourses. Contextualization can also involve attention to
socio-economic inequalities, which can affect the political relations between people. e.g. Marxism
evolved in response to capitalism. Contextualists are critical of abstract political theory as
hypothetical cases, removed from real life. (Herzog)

The contextual approach can be associated with post-modernism. Derrida’s ‘deconstruction’

announces that “there is no one interpretation; every interpretation is contextual.” Lyotard
proclaimed “incredulity toward metanarratives”, i.e. context has to be kept in mind for each narrative.
Foucault talks about discourse analysis.

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Joseph Carens in his book, ‘Culture, Citizenship and Community’, gives us 5 interrelated elements of
the contextual approach to political theory: (1) Using of examples to illustrate theory. (2) Exploring
real life cases where theory is applicable to provide critical feedback for maintaining the relevance of
theory. (3) Establishing the compatibility between theory and norms to have applicability. (4)
Reconciling theory and objections, or refuting one to make the other stronger. (5) Testing applicability
of theory in new settings.

If political theory is to provide conclusive arguments, then context plays a central role both as a
condition for application and as a justification of normative premises. After all, “theories of politics
are themselves part of politics of the times.”

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Qn. 15+: Examine the arguments in the normative versus empirical debates in the study of political
theory. (2002/I/2/60)

Answer: The normative versus empirical debate in the study of political theory refers to the debate
about the primary drivers to the political approaches – value or fact, prescription or description,
quality or quantity. Norms denote what ought to be and empirical aspect expresses what is.

Normative thinkers argued for the best possible prescription so that the orientation of social and
political change could be in a utopian direction. Empirical thinkers, on the other hand, persisted in
describing reality as it is, so as to maximise achievable utilitarian gain. When Plato had upheld
“philosopher king” as ideal, later, Aristotle had championed polity as best practicable. Where scholars
like Rawls, Arendt, and Habermas etc. had espoused norm based theories, others like Locke, Marx,
Weber, Mill etc. had empirical stands.

The philosophical approach of politics was normative and focused on understanding the ideals and
forwarding value based theories such as ideal state, liberty, equality, justice etc. On the other hand,
empirical approach adopters built theories on ground realities such as Locke’s ‘mind is tabula rasa’,
learning from experience, Aristotle’s ‘theory of revolution’ and Marx’s ‘revolt against capitalists’.

The debate tilted towards empiricism when value based armchair theories were blamed for loss of
credibility of political science, having ideological bias and irrelevance in reconstruction programmes
(during World Wars). Then, the focus shifted to study of political actors rather than institutions, to
have statistics based knowledge on what is to be done in society. Also, scientific analysis
(behaviouralism) claimed it could explain political behaviour from an unbiased and neutral point of
view. Later, behaviouralism was criticised for undermining political philosophy, becoming obsessed
with methods (Wolin), boasting of being capable of determining uniformities in (complex) human
behaviours etc. To subsume all arguments, further approaches emerged e.g. post-behaviouralism,
post-modernism etc.

The debates between normative and empirical aspects can be considered parts of the continuum of
the evolution of political theory. It was both inevitable and essential. With the prevalence of post-
behaviouralism Dahl’s suggestion of ending the fact-value dichotomy has come to fruition.

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Qn. 16: Explain the changing analytical perspectives in the development of political theory.
(2008/I/2/60)

Answer: Political Science, the oldest discipline, is often reputed as a “master science” (Aristotle), and
is vibrant, dynamic and constantly evolving. There have been many analytical perspectives or
methods of development of political theory.

Earliest analytical perspectives were dominated by traditional approaches, especially philosophical

approach ( the ethical and normative study of politics). Within this approach, various perspectives
sprouted, such as idealism, liberalism, Marxism, feminism etc. Other older approaches can be
historical approach and empirical approach.

In medieval times, political studies were part of religious studies or scholastics. Hermeneutics or the
interpretation of religious texts also took hold. During times of Machiavelli, the autonomous
character of politics was recognised. We see the beginning of realist perspectives. After some time,
positivism emerged (which pursued knowledge through sensory experience and logic) and grew into
post-positivism. Under behavioural movement, an attempt was made to develop ‘pure science’ or
scientific perspective (esp. under Cambridge School), which was later on modified to post-
behaviouralism or trans-empiricism. Other perspectives are communitarianism (connection between
the individual and the community) and constructivism (construct knowledge out of experiences).

In modern times, political theory developed through post-modernism, multiculturalism (coexistence

of different cultures etc.), neo-institutionalism (sociological view of institutions), Critical School
(reflective assessment and critique of society and culture) etc. Some contemporary perspectives
include phenomenology, discourse analysis, deconstruction, post-colonialism, Gramscian
perspective, ecologism et al.

In conclusion, it can be seen that various analytical perspectives have consistently been growing and
absorbing into political theory-building, making it versatile, comprehensive and development-
oriented.

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Qn. 17: Comment: “Political theory is, quite simply, man’s attempt to consciously understand and solve
the problems of his group life and organisation… It is the disciplined investigation of political problems…
not only to show what a political practice is, but also to show what it means. In showing what a practice
means, or what it ought to mean, political theory can alter what is. (Sabine) (2009/I/1a/20)

Answer: The given statement is about the role and scope of political theory, as the task of clarifying
political concepts and terms, the technique of political analysis and guide to political thinking and
practice. It was made by George Holland Sabine, an American political philosopher.

According to Sabine, political theory shows “what a political practice is” (i.e. descriptive role), “what
it means” (i.e. explanatory role), “what it ought to mean” (i.e. prescriptive role) and “can alter what
is” (scope and impact). The context of the statement is the primacy of politics and that political
thinking takes place at various levels and in a variety of ways. Aristotle claimed that individual is a

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‘political animal’. Political activity is all pervasive and the highest kind of activity. Italian Marxist
Antonio Gramsci described political activity as ‘activity par excellence’.

With politics being pervasive, it needs clarification, description and explanation. There are varying
responses to political issues such as the role of individual versus that of state, choosing among
values and ideals, the debate between facts and norms, the amount of equality and freedom in
society etc. These are “problems of (man’s) group life”. One’s choice will vary according to one’s
individual opinion and value preferences. And by exercising one’s choices, one may (unknowingly)
subscribe to a political ideology. Political theory helps us to do “disciplined investigation” of political
issues logically, systematically, speculatively and critically.

Welson stresses the need to scrutinise concepts in ordinary language. So that, a common man can
better grasp a political argument. e.g. knowing the difference between a liberal defining freedom as
the absence of restraints and a socialist linking freedom with equality. There can be differences of
opinion among scholars, viz. Goodwin believes in the centrality of power, T. Parsons advocates
downgrading power, comparing it to money, while Rawls and Nozick do not emphasise power at all.
Rawls talks about justice, stability and efficiency in society. Understanding politics better, aids
society to take appropriate steps. And by political analysis and prescriptions, political scientists
influence politics.

As a discipline, political theory aims to describe, explain, justify or criticise the status quo, i.e.
existing institutional arrangements and power equations in society (Mukherjee and Ramaswamy).
Ultimately, the state is compelled to work better, to preserve its legitimacy, when faced with an
aware population.

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Qn. 18: Comment: “Power flows through the system like blood in the capillaries of our body.” (Foucault)
(2010/I/1a/20)

Answer: The statement that power flows like blood in our body, was made by Paul-Michel Foucault
the French postmodernist philosopher, to explain his theory that ‘power is everywhere’, diffused
and embodied in discourse, knowledge and ‘regimes of truth’ (Foucault & Paul Rabinow).

Foucault postulated that ‘power is everywhere’ and ‘comes from everywhere’ so is neither an
agency nor a structure. He projects power as a kind of ‘metapower’ or ‘regime of truth’ that
pervades society. This ‘regime’ is in constant flux and negotiation. He indicated that power is
constituted through accepted knowledge, scientific understanding and ‘truth’. ‘Regimes of Truth’ are
the outcome of discourse and institutions. The regimes are reinforced and modified by components
of society, viz. education system, media and ideologies. Power is boundaries that enable and
constrain possibilities (Hayward). Similar to varied functions of blood.

He perceived power as dispersed and pervasive, as blood is, in our body. Foucault challenges the
idea that power is wielded by ‘episodic’ or ‘sovereign’ acts of domination or coercion, by individuals
or groups, as in traditional feudal states. He recognises that power is not just negative, coercive or
repressive, but also a necessary, productive and positive force in society. “Power produces reality; it
produces domains of objects and rituals of truth.”: Foucault.

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Just like blood plays a part in control of the body, power is also a major source of social discipline
and conformity. It could be observed in the systems of surveillance and assessment such as
administrative systems and social services (such as prisons, schools and mental hospitals). Where
people learned to discipline themselves. It also manifested in the promotion of norms about conduct
(including sexual). Foucault studied psychology, medicine and criminology and their roles as the
knowledge that define norms. He called social control of the population as ‘bio-power’. Bio-power
creates a ‘discursive practice’ or a body of knowledge and behaviour that defines what is normal,
acceptable, deviant, etc. But the practice is also in constant flux.

Foucault believed in possibilities for action and resistance, who saw a role for the ‘organic
intellectual’ to recognise and question socialised norms and constraints. ‘Discourse transmits and
produces power; it reinforces it, but also undermines and exposes it, renders it fragile and makes it
possible to thwart’ (Foucault).

For Foucault, power is what makes us what we are. His approach is that power transcends politics
and is an everyday, socialised and embodied phenomenon. For some, Foucault’s theory has little
scope for practical action. But he influenced recognition of embedded norms, which discipline us,
without any perceived coercion. His approach has been widely used to critique the ways in which
development discourses are imbued with power (Gaventa, citing ‘post-development’ critics).

**********************************************************************************

Qn. 20+: Examine the significance of Behavioural Revolution in politics. (2011/I/2b/30)

Answer: The behavioural revolution in politics was the advent of a modern political methodology, as a
protest movement (Dahl) to compensate for the perceived deficiencies of traditional approaches.
Behaviouralism inculcated scientific research methods for political analysis. Its significance can be said
to be that behavioural revolution was an essential segment in the evolutionary continuum of political
analysis.

The significance of behavioural revolution was that it arrived as the remedy for crisis in politics. This is
the flashpoint of the behavioural revolution. But its roots can be traced to the rise of empiricism (or
pre–behaviouralism). Locke, the founder of empiricism, presented parliamentary ideology on basis of
empiricism. Pluralist thinkers (Mill, Laski etc.) developed it. Weber, Marx, Wallace, Durkheim and
Bentley furthered it. Also, there was a vacuum created in political science due to the ineffectiveness
of traditional approaches felt during war-time political events. Traditional normative theories were
accused to being divorced from reality and propounding armchair theories while sitting in ‘ivory
towers’ (Easton). Charles Merriam, father of behaviouralism, accused historical methodologists of
ignoring psychological, social and economic factors. Catlin called for value-free pure social science. In
response to all this, the behavioural revolution began as the necessary intervention.

The significance of behaviouralism was highlighted by the American political scientists (mainly Chicago
School). American capitalists (Carnegie, Rockefeller etc.) funded social science research which further
fuelled the revolution. Thus, revolutionary scientific research methods were installed in political
science. Through scientific methods of surveying, sampling, interviewing etc, the actual behaviour of
political actors was sought to be known. The inquiry was for pure knowledge and theory, through
micro-level analysis, value neutrality and understanding status quo. Prominent behavioural
revolutionaries were Easton, Almond, Dahl, Laswell, and Rice. David Easton gave 8 intellectual

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foundation stones (features) of the behavioural approach, which included: (1) Regularities; (2)
Verification; (3) Techniques; (4) Quantification; (5) Value-neutrality; (6) Systematisation; (7) Pure
Science; and (8) Integration.

Behaviouralism was significant in contributing to future developments. Later, neo- or post-

behaviouralism emerged to replace behaviouralism as the latter had stretched too far in purifying
techniques, pursuing social preservation and undermining philosophy. ‘Credo of relevance’ was called
for (Easton). Content and applicability were refocused on, without abandoning scientific methods, to
foster essential political and social changes.

Thus, it can be summarised that the behavioural revolution was a significant stage in the evolutionary
continuum of political theory-building. Behaviouralism, by itself, was not sufficient but was necessary.

**********************************************************************************

Qn. 21: Comment on the difference between normative and empirical theories of politics.
(2012/I/1a/12)

Answer: See Qn. 15.

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Qn. 24+: Comment in 150 words: “…political theory is not an escape mechanism but an arduous calling,”
(John Plamanetz) (2014/I/1a/10)

Answer: The given statement refers to the significance, purpose and status of political theory. That
political theory has a crucial role to play – guiding policy makers in particular and enlightening society
in general. It also points out that political theory has become a more demanding and challenging task,
in recent decades. The statement has been made by John Plamanetz, a political philosopher and
Oxford professor.

Political theory building has at the core of intelligentsia since a long period of time. Apart from being
the oldest discipline, Aristotle called it a ‘master science’. In its role as a lighthouse to the state or
policy makers, it has a profound influence on the human community. Apart from that, it generates
awareness and encourages political participation in the population. It helps in critical evaluation,
explanation and prediction of political behaviour. For these reasons, there is a requirement of sound
methodologies in politics.

A sound methodology is required as speculative views may not produce the desired result and fail to
generate legitimacy. It has precipitated theoretical crises, which could be said to have contributed to
real-world catastrophes. After all, it is the duty of the intelligentia to guide the masses. Hence, the
discipline has seen the persistent evolution of many approaches.

Traditional methods include philosophical approach, historical approach, empirical approach and
institutional approach, inter alia. Other subsequent methodologies include contextual approach, neo-
institutional approach, trans-empiricism, critical theory, communitarianism, social constructivism and

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postmodernism, among others. Main modern methodologies have been behaviouralism and post-
behaviouralism. The most widespread methodology used today is post-behaviouralism, which
combines action and relevance. It sought to strike a balance between values and facts. It focuses on
substance, without undermining methods of analysis.

Political theory-building is the heart of political science. It has strived to perform its duty of preserving
and promoting the worth and applicability of the discipline.

**********************************************************************************

Qn. 25: Discuss David Easton’s model of Systems Analysis. (2015/I/4c/15)

Answer: Systems analysis or systems theory is a pioneering model of political analysis, by David
Easton, a Canadian-American political scientist, professor and former President of American Political
Science Association. He sought to yield explanations for the interacting components of political
processes. Easton’s model describes inputs from the environment (‘demands’ and ‘supports’) into the
political system, which yields outputs (‘decisions’ and ‘policies’), which further produce ‘feedback’ in
the environment, affecting subsequent inputs. The model is a liberal view of politics.

Easton aspired to make politics a science, i.e. working with highly abstract models that described the
regularities of patterns and processes in political life. So, politics should be seen as a whole, not as a
collection of different problems to be solved. Easton was at the forefront of behavioural and post-
behavioural movements. After the adoption of scientific methods, political analysis flourished.
Political analysis can be described as the determination of the nature of the process of politics. This is
done by identifying the interacting components in political processes and arranging collected data to
yield an explanation. Easton presented his conceptual framework in his The Political System (1953).
He elaborated it further, in 1965, in his two books, A Framework for Political Analysis, and A Systems
Analysis of Political Life.

First, he presented and developed the conceptual framework of systems analysis. He attempted to
provide a ‘general’ functional theory of politics. ‘System’ is the broad unit of his analysis. A system is
“any collection of elements that interact with one another” (Robert Dahl). Easton sees persistence as
the goal of a political system.

Easton’s model describes inputs from the

environment as ‘demands’ and ‘supports’. Demands
guide the political system. Types of demands are –
those for allocation of goods and services; for
regulation of behaviour; for participation in the
political system; and for communication. Supports
enable political system to achieve its goals. Types of
supports are material supports; obedience to law;
political participatory supports; attention and respect
to public authority.

Outputs from the political system are decisions and policies, types of which are – extractions,
regulations of behaviour, distribution of goods and services and symbolic outputs. Outputs further
produce ‘feedback’ in the environment, affecting subsequent inputs. Feedback is a communication

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process, in response to political system or its environment, to structures within the political system,
to affect modification in future actions. It helps the political system to approach its goals.

Easton considered the political system as an information processing system and labelled politics as
“authoritative allocation of values”. By studying the model, the political actors and citizens can learn
‘what’, ‘where’ and ‘how’ of political operations, and take necessary actions.

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Qn. 26: Comment: The Post-behavioural Approach.” (2016/I/1b/10)

Answer: Post behavioural approach is a political methodology which evolved from behaviouralism
(objective observation of political behaviour). Post- or neo- or new behaviouralism is a macro level
analysis which searched for applied knowledge and practice, in the choice of values and decisions, to
precipitate necessary political and social change. It was formally announced by David Easton in his
1969 lecture at American Political Science Association.

Behavioural Approach was born in America, around the world wars, to address the perceived crisis, in
political theorising, of divorce from reality. Philosophy was rejected and science was adopted i.e.
adoption of scientific analysis of actual political behaviour. Later behaviouralism itself was criticised
for lacking relevance (Easton) and undermining political philosophy, by Wolin, Strauss, Reimer, Bay,
Crick etc. Thus, post behaviouralism was born.

David Easton put forward 7 guidelines for post-behaviouralism: (1) Substance is more important than
technique. (2) Social change to have priority over status-quo preservation. (3) Stay in touch with brute
realities. (4) Not to be value-free. (5) Protect human civilizational values. (6) Be action-oriented. (7)
Protect and promote the discipline of political science.

Post behaviouralism sought to be corrective of behaviouralism. It was the best possible compromise
at that time, in the normative versus empirical debate. It endeavoured to synthesise facts and values
in the political mainstream. As Marxists, traditionalists, post-modernists, critical school theorists etc.
pointed out flaws in it, the evolution from post behaviouralism continued.

**********************************************************************************

+ Note: Missing questions are not an error. Those have been removed as they belonged to other
topics.

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What measurable and quantifiable criteria are available in political science to evaluate political
behaviour? (1999/I/3/60)

Answer: Measurable and quantifiable criteria available in political science to evaluate political
behaviour can be studied under the following categories:

Measuring public opinion: Informal ways of measuring public opinion include elections, interest
groups and lobbying, the media, letters, messages and calls, online feedback, protests, strikes and
boycotts, straw polls, exit poll, referendum, plebiscite, inter alia. These methods do not necessarily
represent the public opinion as a whole. Formal ways to measure public opinion include formal
quantitative methods such as sampling, interviewing, statistical analysis, scoring, scaling, mail surveys,
online surveys, survey research, experiments, focus groups etc.

Measuring political participation can be done by measuring criteria such as party membership, voting
registration, electoral turnout, ballot results, online activities, participation in voluntary organisations
and social activities etc. If possible/feasible, study distribution of participation according to politically
significant parameters such as region, gender, age, other social stratifications et al.

Mapping political preferences can be done via two dimensions: (1) Economic left-right dimension –
refers to state intervention in economic freedoms of citizens. Includes issues such as attitudes toward
welfare state, taxation and market regulation. Left believes the political majority should intervene, the
right, does not. (2) Social left-right dimension - refers to state intervention in social freedoms of
citizens. Includes issues such as minority rights, lifestyle choices and post-material issues.

Measuring democracy: One of the most widely used and widely accepted measures of democracy is a
substantive one called ‘Polity IV’. This provides an annual measure of democracy and autocracy for
184 countries from 1800 to the present day, giving it the longest time-series and the most number of
countries of any of the measures of democracy used in political science. It is comprised of five
separate measures which, when combined, capture whether the substance of democracy is present
or absent within a system. The five measures it uses are: (1.) Competitiveness of executive
recruitment. (2.) Openness of executive recruitment. (3.) Constraints on the executive. (4.) Regulation
of political participations. (5.) Competitiveness of political participation.

Measurement of political trust or people’s feelings of trust towards government can be found by using
quantitative methods to measure their propensity to pay taxes (Scholz and Lubell), willingness to
comply with collective obligations (Marien and Hooghe), trust in risk management (Poortinga and
Pidgeon; Allum), trust in the healthcare system (Egede and Ellis), confidence in the legal system
(Gibson et al; Hamm et al; Jackson et al), confidence in the political system (Keller et al), societal
unease (Steenvoorden), interpersonal trust (Yamagishi and Yamagishi), dispositional trust (Frazier et
al), trust in political efficacy (Morrell), political cynicism (Cheng et al), democratic norms (McClosky
and Zaller), democratic support (Magalhaes) and system justification (Kay and Jost; Rutto et al).

How political behaviour is measured plays a vital role in connecting what the people want with what
the government does, strengthening citizen-policy linkage, influencing political will, guiding electoral
and governmental reforms, determining political legitimacy, making realistic political analyses and so
on.

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Qn. 1. What is the concept of justice in modern political theory? How is it related to liberty and
equality? (1994/I/2/60)

Answer: Justice, the existence of proper balance, is the first value of social institutions. Justice has
been a contested concept in social and political thought. In modern political theory, concept of
justice has swerved (mainly) towards ‘social justice’ (and ‘distributive justice’). Social justice is the
arrangement of terms of membership of a social group. Social justice defines the framework within
which applications of distributive justice arise. Distributive justice is determination of allocation of
benefits and burdens within that social group. Other modern conceptions of justice include
restorative justice, liberal justice and egalitarian justice. Liberty is the absence of impediments and
degree of capacity to do something. Equality is equal consideration in decision-making, even-handed
treatment, equality in distribution and outcome.

‘Conception of justice’, has been contested rigorously. Earliest (classical) theories sought
conformations of individual to existing social order. Confucius – he labelled virtue and ethics as the
standards of justice, which could harmonise individual and social life. For him, justice gave the
standards of governance and punishment of evil. For Gautam Buddha, justice is: ‘every good
thought, word, and deed deserve fair reward and every evil one its proper punishment’, including
defying evil laws. Greek philosopher Plato’s model, in ‘The Republic’. Divine command theorists
argue that justice issues from God. Aristotelian justice upholds virtue as the basic standard of justice.
17th century theorists (like John Locke) argued for the theory of natural law. Social-contract thinkers
advocated that justice is derived from the mutual agreement of everyone concerned.

In modern times, justice aims to transform society to fulfil certain human values, i.e. reform existing
social order to attain social justice. Egalitarian theorists argued that justice can only exist with
equality, i.e. with equality of outcomes. For liberals, justice is equality of opportunity. Theories of
retributive justice are concerned with punishment for wrongdoing. Restorative justice (or ‘reparative
justice’) is an approach, that focuses on restoring what is good, and focuses on the needs of victims
and offenders. Modern theorists who see ‘law as justice’, hold that in any modern civic state, human
behaviours and relationships (personal, social, and institutional) gain legitimacy only in the forms of
rights, duties, and institutional responsibilities shaped by positive laws - i.e. any persuasive theory of
justice would spring from the legitimate, valid, and enforceable standards of law.

19th century utilitarian thinkers (including Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill) argued that justice is
what has the best consequences. Property rights theorists (like Robert Nozick) taking a deontological
view of distributive justice, propound that property rights-based justice maximizes the overall
wealth of an economic system. Immanuel Kant viewed justice as resolving conflicts between
reasoning versus empiricism and individuality versus state regulation. John Rawls, through his social
contract argument, argues that that justice is a form of fairness (especially distributive justice).
Communitarian and contextualist Michael Sandel, criticising Rawls, understood justice as what
people think is justice, and why. Amartya Sen’s (in ‘Idea of Justice’, 2009) theory of justice aims to
“clarify how we can proceed to address questions of enhancing justice and removing injustice, rather
than to offer resolutions of questions about the nature of perfect justice.” (Hilary Putnam considers
his, the most important contribution since Rawlsʼs). Scholar Melian Stawell thinks that, deliberations
about justice, in modern times, can be divided into - the justice of retribution, and the justice of
distribution.

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Distributive justice flows from social justice. Theories of distributive justice concern ‘what is
distributed, between whom they are to be distributed, and what is the proper distribution’. In other
words, distributive justice is determination of logical criteria for the allocation of benefits and
burdens such as goods, services, opportunities, benefits, power, honours, obligations etc., especially
in a scarcity situation. The particular emphasis in ‘social justice’ is on the foundational character of
justice in social life: invitation has been to move from conception of justice to the design of
constitutions, to critical perspectives on economic organisation, to theories of civil disobedience
(Oxford Dictionary of Politics). D. D. Raphael, in ‘Problems of Political Philosophy’ (1976) has traced
social justice to “issue from the mouth of reformers”.

Relation of justice to liberty and equality is analysed further. Ernest Barker, in ’Principles of Social
and Political Theory’ (1951) has shown that justice represents a synthesis of the principles of liberty,
equality and fraternity. He believes justice reconciles their contradictions, shaping them into
universal principles of governance. The ‘French Declaration of Rights of Man and the Citizen’ (1789)
reads “Men are born and remain free and equal.” Liberty would not be just until it extends equally to
each citizen. Equality ensures justice by restraining the liberty of one from becoming threat to
another – i.e. equality becomes necessary to contradict the threat of absolute liberty. Liberal
theories of justice believe in equality of consequences whereas egalitarian theories of justice believe
in equality of outcomes. The intention is to make sure that each individual gets a fair share in the
advantages accruing from organised social life.

The foundation of classical liberalism stems from John Locke’s ‘Second Treatise of Government’.
Hence, he is known as the father of liberalism. He built on Thomas Hobbes’ radical conception of
equality (everyone is equal in rights and the ability to survive in the state of nature). Locke believes
that all men are born free and share equal rights to life, liberty and property. Locke’s conception of
natural rights heavily influenced the United States Constitution (Justice Thomas). Building on Locke,
Libertarian Robert Nozick forwards his entitlement theory of justice in ‘Anarchy, State and Utopia’
(1974). It states that people are represented as ends in themselves and equals (as Kant claimed)
though different people may own (i.e. be entitled to) different amounts of property. Nozick’s theory
has three principles of justice – justice in acquisition; justice in transfer and justice as rectification of
injustice. Austrian philosopher F. A. Hayek attacks social justice, and placed liberty above every other
political ideal, in ‘Law, Legislation and Liberty: The Mirage of Social Justice’ (1976).

Harvard scholar and American lawyer Randy E. Barnett in ‘The Structure of Liberty: Justice and the
Rule of Law’ (Oxford, 2000) gives his liberal conception of justice. For him, ‘justice’ is respect for the
rights of individuals and associations. These rights include: (1) Personal rights and property rights –
which specifies a right to acquire, possess, use, and dispose of scarce physical resources—including
their own bodies. While most property rights are freely alienable, the right to one's person is
inalienable. (2) The right of first possession – which specifies that property rights to unowned
resources are acquired by being the first to establish control over them. (3) The right of freedom of
contract – which specifies that a rightholder's consent is both necessary (freedom from contract)
and sufficient (freedom to contract) to transfer alienable property rights.

American philosopher John Rawls developed an egalitarian theory of justice that embodies the
Kantian conception of equality and offers an alternative to utilitarianism. Rawls’ theory of “justice as
fairness” offers a forceful theoretical counterweight to Locke’s classical liberalism. Rawls goes on to
suggest that, “the most obvious injustice of the system of natural liberty (such as Locke’s) is that it
permits distributive shares to be improperly influenced by (arbitrary) factors.” Rawls’ thought
experiment puts man in the ‘original position’, behind a ‘veil of ignorance’, to rationally decide
unbiased principles of justice. Rawls produced two principles – liberty and equality. Liberty principle

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ensures basic liberties of man, while equality principle consists of ‘equality of opportunity’ and the
‘difference principle’ (favouring the disadvantaged). Libertarian Nozick, communitarian Sandel etc.,
have criticised Rawls.

Egalitarian principles of justice may include equality before law, equal legal personality of each
individual, equal voting rights (one man, one vote) etc. Marxist theory of justice, though not formally
considered egalitarian, opposed liberal values and pursued equality in society (communism).

Concluding remarks: As political scientist Melian Stawell believes: there has never been a word,
whose content has altered more than that of "justice." Justice seeks to transform those social
conditions which obstruct the weaker sections from enjoying substantive freedom and equality. As
Ernest Barker holds – justice is the thread which runs through the values of liberty, equality and
fraternity and makes them parts of an integrated whole.

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Qn. 2. Consider: “…we believe that as a matter of principle, each member of society has an
inviolability founded on justice.” (Rawls) (1999/I/4c/30)

Answer: The statement about man having “an inviolability founded on justice” was made by
American political philosopher John Rawls, to uphold the sanctity of human dignity, and criticize
utilitarian view of justice. It is his de-ontological principle of human dignity. Utilitarians, pursue utility
or the greatest good of the greatest numbers.

Harvard professor and social-contract philosopher Rawls, in pursuit of social justice, propounded his
‘A Theory of Justice’ (1971). Here, he quotes that “justice is the first virtue of social institutions, as
truth is of systems of thought. A theory, however elegant and economical, must be rejected or
revised if it is untrue; like-wise laws and institutions no matter how efficient and well-arranged must
be reformed or abolished if they are unjust. Each person possesses an inviolability founded on
justice that even the welfare of society as a whole cannot override.” So, justice being the first virtue
of the social institution, must consider human dignity as the ultimate ideal. Rawls points out that
utilitarian principles may well be arbitrary and are independent of (and thus not governed by) a
conception of the right.

Further, Rawlsian justice “does not allow that the sacrifices imposed on a few are outweighed by the
larger sum of advantages enjoyed by many.” Put bluntly, Rawls rejects utilitarian form of justice. He
sees utilitarian distribution as non-fulfilment of distributive and social justice. And he finishes his
argument by saying that: “in a just society, the liberties of equal citizenship are taken as settled; the
rights secured by justice are not subject to political bargaining or to the calculus of social interests.”
Here, political bargaining refers to the disproportionate weightage attached to the “greater good”.
Utilitarians (such as Bentham) tend to subordinate individual to the collectivity (teleological or goal-
oriented justice). Although some utilitarians like J. S. Mill accorded primacy to moral worth of a
policy (to restore dignity of individual), it is Rawls, who overwhelmingly reinforced this idea.

Rawls’ thought experiment puts man in the ‘original position’, behind a ‘veil of ignorance’, to
rationally decide unbiased principles of justice. Rawls produced two principles – liberty and equality.
Liberty principle ensures basic liberties of man, while equality principle consists of ‘equality of
opportunity’ and the ‘difference principle’ (favouring the disadvantaged). The ‘difference principle’

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can be said to a direct counter to core utilitarianism, by seeking disproportionate advantage to the
worst off in society.

Rawls attempted to show the inadequacy of the “maximization of the good” in society. Social justice
dictates that society must structure its institutions to provide the maximum satisfaction for all.
Rawls’ theory is an important perspective to the contested concept of justice.

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PREVIOUS YEARS’ QUESTIONS - APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS

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Qn. 1. Comment: Traditional approach and its significance. (2003/II/1a/20m)

Answer: An approach is a way of observing and explaining a particular phenomenon. Traditional

approach in comparative political science, as a label, is attached to comparative government.
Traditional approaches comprise of value-laden approaches such as philosophical, historical,
institutional, legal, configurative, problem and area approaches, inter alia. These approaches were
significant in the early establishment of political science as a discipline.

Background of traditional approach: Comparative political science emerged with the goal of
developing perspectives on the similarities and differences, and constants and variables between the
world’s governments. This field of ‘comparative government’ is labelled as traditional approach.
Many held that traditional approach emphasis on value-laden study of politics. R. C. Macridis
believed that traditional approach was non-comparative, descriptive, parochial, static and
monographic.

Traditional approaches would include: (1) The philosophical approach or ethical approach, also
known as ‘thought about thought’, is the pursuit of goals, morals and principles, through the study
of the state, man and their relations. e.g. works of Plato, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, Strauss, Green,
Nettleship, More, Bacon, Harrington, Bosanquet et al. (2) The historical approach is the
determination of political principles from historical analyses. Its proponents have been Aristotle,
Montesquieu, Hegel, Marx, Henry Maine, Jenks, MacIver etc. (3) The institutional approach or
structural approach or institutional-functional approach denotes the study of formal structures of a
political organisation, such as executive, legislature, judiciary, party system and interest groups. Its
adopters were Aristotle, Polybius, Laski, Bryce, Finer, Bentley, Duverger, Sartori, Truman, Latham,
Bagehot, Ogg, Munro, Crick etc. (4) The legal approach or juridical approach or formal-legal
approach is the study of legal processes and institutions – here, political scientists see state as a
maintainer of an effective and equitable system of law and order. Juridical analysts include Cicero,
Bodin, Hobbes, Bentham, Dicey, Sevigny, Grotius, Jellinek and Maine. (5) The configurative approach
studies a political system as a unique entity, focusing on its configurative description. It was
employed by Neumann, Dragnich, Carter and Herz. (6) The problem approach is study confined to
problem areas of formal institutional structures. For instance, the decay of bicameralism; the
relationship between democracy and economic planning, delegation of powers to executive etc. (7)
The area approach is the analysis of an “area” (multiple political systems with cultural uniformities)
to understand variations in socioeconomic progress. It became popular in the Cold War era.
Advocates include Macridis, Scalapino, Moore, Davis, McKahin, Anderen et al.

Significance of traditional approach lies in the fact that it formed the early foundations of political
science as a discipline and laid the groundwork for modern political studies to develop on.
Normativism of traditional approach sought to establish “moral criteria of political conduct”
(Greenleaf) and made political theory abstract, hypothetical, speculative and even metaphysical.

Hague, Harrop and Breslin, in ‘Comparative Government and Politics: An Introduction’ (1998)
enunciate the importance of studying comparative government as: (1) Finding out more about least
known countries. (2) Formulate and test hypothesis – helping to scrutinise and develop important

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political questions. (3) Can be productive by helping in prediction. (4) Improves classification of
politics and understanding of distinctions.

In conclusion, the traditional approach of comparative political science was an important ancestor of
the discipline. Although modern approaches emerged as its successor, its contribution to political-
theory-building is acknowledged academically.

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Qn. 2. Comment: The importance and limitations of political economy approach. (2004/II/1a/20m)

Answer: An approach is a way of observing and explaining a particular phenomenon. Political

economy approach refers to interdisciplinary studies, which draws upon social sciences (political
science, economics, law, history, sociology etc.), to explain the role of politics in influencing
economics.

Political economy approach originated in moral philosophy and was developed in the 18th century
as the study of the economies of states, especially by Adam Smith. It is the “methodology of
economics applied to the analysis of political behaviour and institutions” (Weingast & Wittman). It
was employed by political science to focus on the interaction between political institutions and
human behaviour - how the former shapes choices and how the latter changes institutional
frameworks. It is used for studying production and trade, and their relations with law, custom, and
government, as well as with the distribution of national income and wealth. It gives the economic
interpretation of politics. Political economy is a very old subject of intellectual inquiry but a relatively
young academic discipline. It has a long and distinguished history in the social sciences.

Importance of this approach: (1) It is a good combination of qualitative and quantitative methods of
research. (2) It is not only analytical and comparative but is also prescriptive. It can guide
development strategies of the state. (3) Political economy helps in analysing actual factors impacting
the political processes. (4) It has academic as well as practical significance. (5) Apart from political
science, it also finds utility in other social sciences such as sociology and economics.

Its history includes the works of thinkers such as A. Smith, D. Ricardo, K. Marx, J. S. Mill, E. Durkheim,
R. Dunayevskaya and C. P. Gilman, inter alia. Recent scholars include Robert Keohane, Robert Gilpin,
Peter J. Katzenstein, and Stephen Krasner, and a critical school inspired by Karl Polanyi, Susan
Strange and Robert W. Cox.

Limitations of this approach include: (1) It is normative. (2) Employs quantitative techniques which
require specialised knowledge. (3) Since it involves data collection, it needs more resources for
research. (4) Its focus is concentrated on economic policy. (5) F. Rich’s mercantilist theory claimed
that Smith’s “cosmopolitical” system treated issues as if national borders and interests did not exist.

Conclusion: Political economy has its importance, despite its limitations. Although it lays the
groundwork for the modern social sciences, for comprehensive understanding, we require a variety
of approaches.

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Qn. 3. Comment: Examine the relevance of the political economy approach to the study of
comparative politics. (2007/II/1a/20m)

Answer: Comparative politics is a methodological sub-discipline of political science, employing

comparison as a method of political inquiry. Political economy approach to the study of comparative
politics gives the economic interpretation of politics and studies relations that evolve between
people in the process of production, distribution, exchange and consumption of goods and services.

Political economy approach is an approach of comparative politics that gives the economic
interpretation of politics. ). It was employed by political science to focus on the interaction between
political institutions and human behaviour - how the former shapes choices and how the latter
changes institutional frameworks.

Relevance of political economy throughout its history: It originated in moral philosophy (traced to
Greek philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle). In 16th century, a critical development was the
prominence in the of the mercantilism, which called for a strong role for the state in economic
regulation. In the 18th century, as a reaction to mercantilism, it emerged as a distinct field of study,
with the systematic approach of Adam Smith, David Hume and François Quesnay. They took a
secular approach, refusing to explain the distribution of wealth as God’s will. It was influenced by the
individualists Hobbes and Locke, realist Machiavelli and the scientific inductive method of Francis
Bacon. 19th-century political economist David Ricardo’s concept of comparative advantage (states
should export goods which cost them less to produce, and import similar goods from others)
extolled the benefits of free trade. Also, then, the utilitarianism of Bentham, James Mill and J. S. Mill
fused economic analysis with call for democracy. In the 19th century, Marx proposed a class-based
analysis of political economy.

By the 1890s, the broader, holistic study of political economy was eclipsed by narrower,
conventional disciplines which focused on particular social elements, viz. economics, sociology,
political science, and international relations. After the 1950s, as social sciences became increasingly
abstract, formal, and specialized, political economy was revived to provide a broader framework for
understanding complex national and international problems and events. Today, political economy
may include politics of economic relations and domestic issues, the comparative study of political
and economic systems, and international political economy. There is growing consensus that the
separation between the study of politics and economics is artificial. The emergence of international
political economy marked the return of political economy to its roots as a holistic study of
individuals, states, markets, and society.

Conclusion: Political economy approach, in being concerned with the interplay between politics,
society and economics, has a long and distinguished history in the study of comparative politics.
Political economy permits a variety of ideological perspectives. The academic revival of political
economy is encouraged by the growing interest in interdisciplinary studies. It sees renewed
relevance in today’s globalised mesh of mixed economies.

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Qn. 7. How is the modern comparative politics approach different from the traditional legal-
institutional approach? (2010/II/1a/20m)

Answer: Comparative politics is “the study of patterns of national governments in the contemporary
world” (John Blondel). The traditional legal-institutional approach to comparative politics studies
formal institutional structures and legal processes. Modern approaches sought value neutrality and
include political system, political economy, political sociology, behavioural, psychological,
quantitative, simulation and Marxian approaches, etc. As the concept of ‘political system’ replaced
‘political state’, emphasis shifted from traditional methods to modern functional methods.

Traditional legal-institutional approach: The institutional approach or structural approach or

institutional-functional approach denotes the study of formal structures of a political organisation,
such as executive, legislature, judiciary, party system and interest groups. Its adopters were
Aristotle, Polybius, Laski, Bryce, Finer, Bentley, Duverger, Sartori, Truman, Latham, Bagehot, Ogg,
Munro, Crick etc. The legal approach or juridical approach or formal-legal approach is the study of
legal processes and institutions – here, political scientists see the state as a maintainer of an
effective and equitable system of law and order. Juridical analysts include Cicero, Bodin, Hobbes,
Bentham, Dicey, Sevigny, Grotius, Jellinek and Maine. Traditional approaches were criticised for
being Euro-centric, non-comparative, descriptive, parochial, static and monographic (Macridis).

Modern approaches of comparative politics, with emphasis on fact-laden politics, is marked by

empirical investigation of relevant data. It was fuelled by the need for more integration, which was
not hinted at by traditionalists. Studies of developing nations were called for. Political scientists like
Easton and Almond focused on the concept of ‘political system’, instead of the limited ‘political
state’. The boundaries of political enquiry became more fluid and non-specific. The focus was on
function, role, structure, relevance etc. of political aspects e.g. structural functional approach. Major
modern approaches would be political system, political economy, political sociology, behavioural,
psychological, quantitative, simulation and Marxian approaches, etc.

Differences between traditional and modern approaches: Normative traditional approaches gave
way to scientific modern approaches. To study developing areas, the focus shifted from text to
context. Study of constitutions was not enough to understand politics. While traditional methods
studies governments, modern approaches studied politics. As ‘system’ replaced ‘state’, emphasis
shifted from the traditional legal-institutional approach to modern functional methods. Function
substituted power, role substituted office and structure substituted institution. This substitution was
claimed to be the solution to the problem of studying different categories of political systems. The
claim was the limitations of institutional approach would be overcome by identifying universal
characteristics – that different political systems essentially perform the same function. Traditional
approaches studied the relatively uniform west, where there is less social and cultural variety.
Comparative features will not be found. Political structures in developing countries are
multifunctional and culturally ‘mixed’, allowing better comparative studies. Modern approaches
recognize this, while traditional ones were not comparative in the true sense.

Conclusion: As the limitations of outdated traditional methods became prominent, precipitating a

crisis in the discipline of political science, modern approaches emerged. The modern comparative
approaches sought to comprehend the various political aspects needed for becoming truly
comparative. It increased the scope and enriched comparative politics.

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Qn. 13. Which are the major approaches of comparative politics? Explain in brief, the political
economy approach to the study of comparative inquiry. (2015/II/1a/10m)

Answer: Comparative politics is a methodological sub-discipline of political science, employing

comparison as a method of political inquiry. An approach is a way of observing and explaining a
particular phenomenon. Comparative politics does not have well-defined boundaries, but its major
approaches can be categorised as traditional and modern approaches. Traditional approaches
comprise philosophical, historical, institutional, legal, configurative, problem and area approaches,
inter alia. Major modern approaches would be political system, political economy, political sociology,
behavioural, psychological, quantitative, simulation and Marxian approaches, etc. The political
economy approach is the “methodology of economics applied to the analysis of political behaviour
and institutions” (Weingast & Wittman).

Traditional approaches, with emphasis on value-laden study of politics, include: (1) The
philosophical approach or ethical approach, also known as ‘thought about thought’, is the pursuit of
goals, morals and principles, through the study of the state, man and their relations. e.g. works of
Plato, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, Strauss, Green, Nettleship, More, Bacon, Harrington, Bosanquet et al.
(2) The historical approach is the determination of political principles from historical analyses. Its
proponents have been Aristotle, Montesquieu, Hegel, Marx, Henry Maine, Jenks, MacIver etc. (3)
The institutional approach or structural approach or institutional-functional approach denotes the
study of formal structures of a political organisation, such as executive, legislature, judiciary, party
system and interest groups. Its adopters were Aristotle, Polybius, Laski, Bryce, Finer, Bentley,
Duverger, Sartori, Truman, Latham, Bagehot, Ogg, Munro, Crick etc. (4) The legal approach or
juridical approach or formal-legal approach is the study of legal processes and institutions – here,
political scientists see state as a maintainer of an effective and equitable system of law and order.
Juridical analysts include Cicero, Bodin, Hobbes, Bentham, Dicey, Sevigny, Grotius, Jellinek and
Maine. (5) The configurative approach studies a political system as a unique entity, focusing on its
configurative description. It was employed by Neumann, Dragnich, Carter and Herz. (6) The problem
approach is study confined to problem areas of formal institutional structures. For instance, the
decay of bicameralism; the relationship between democracy and economic planning, delegation of
powers to executive etc. (7) The area approach is the analysis of an “area” (multiple political systems
with cultural uniformities) to understand variations in socioeconomic progress, especially in the Cold
War era. Advocates include Macridis, Scalapino, Moore, Davis, McKahin, Anderen et al.

Modern approaches, with fact-laden study of politics include: (1) The political system approach
(sometimes equated with the broader system approach or general systems theory) is inter-
disciplinary study that focuses on comprehending ‘systems’ (“bounded regions in space-time,
involving energy interchange among their parts, which are associated in functional relationships” -
Miller). Major works include those of Easton, Almond, Powell, Beer and Ulam. (2) The political
economy approach ( a particular version of the general ‘economic approach’) studies dynamics
between politics and economics, i.e. relations that evolve between people in the process of
production, distribution, exchange and consumption of goods and services. Proponents are Adam
Smith, Ricardo, Malthus, James Mill, J. S. Mill, Marx, Engels etc. (3) The political sociology approach
(broadly, sociological approach) studies the interactions, linkages and relationships between state
and society, with many believing that state is more social than political. Its employers are Easton,
Almond, MacIver, Dahl, Crick, Lipset, Bendix, Effrat etc. The sociological approach can be said to
consist of ‘political sociology’ and ‘political culture’. (4) The behavioural approach, a manifestation of
the empirical approach, is the adoption of scientific analytical methods to examine the actual

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behaviour of man as a political and social being. Proponents include Easton, Merriam, Tingsten etc.
Easton’s model is said to include structural functionalism (Almond and Powell). (5) The psychological
approach is the psychological study of politics, to display the political role of constituent elements of
human personality (such as emotions, habits, sentiments, instincts, ego etc.) Its supporters include
Dahl, Fromm, Wallas, MacIver, Merriam, Laswell et al. (6) The quantitative approach or statistical
approach is the use of numerical data in the analysis of a political phenomenon, to enhance
accuracy. Its subscribers include Merriam, Gallup, Gosnel, Lazarsfield, Lubel, Milne, Mackenzie and
so on. (7) The simulation approach is a study of political phenomenon with the aid of image-
construction or model building, borrowing from natural sciences, cybernetics, mathematics etc.
Examples are political communication approach (Karl Deutsh) and decision-making approach. (8) The
Marxian approach studies impact of economics on politics and society, and considers the state as an
inevitable consequence of class contradictions, predicting that the final stage of social development
is a stateless society. Supporters include Marx, Engels, Lenin, Gramsci, Luxemburg, Trotsky et al. (9)
New institutionalism, the contemporary successor of institutionalism, refocused on the pivotal role
of political institutions, upholding the importance of collective actions. Its subscribers include
Skocpol, Pierson, Macridis, March, Olsen, Rhodes, Peters, Goodin, Klingeman, Brunnson and so on.
(10) Other approaches, which can be mentioned, are political culture, political development, public
policy approach, dependency school and world system approach – these are not exactly separate
from some of the above approaches.

Political economy approach is an approach of comparative politics that gives the economic
interpretation of politics and studies relations that evolve between people in the process of
production, distribution, exchange and consumption of goods and services. This approach can be
divided into the liberal and Marxian political economies. The liberal political approach was
advocated by Adam Smith, Ricardo, Malthus, James Mill, J. S. Mill, McCulloh et al. Marxist
proponents are Marx, Engels, Lenin etc. Sir William Petty, a developer of political arithmetic, is called
the ‘father of political economy’.

Political economy approach has a long and distinguished history in the study of comparative politics.
It is an old subject of intellectual inquiry but a relatively young academic discipline. Its academic
revival is encouraged by the growing interest in interdisciplinary studies. It accommodates
ideological and theoretical variety. Today, there is growing consensus that the separation between
the study of politics and economics is artificial, especially in the light of tensions between economic
and political objectives. The integrated approach of political economy is necessary.

Conclusion: The cross-disciplinary and methodological nature of comparative politics has been
evolving through various approaches. One of them is political economy approach – the economic
interpretation of politics.

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Qn. 14. Critically examine the Marxist aspect of political economy approach to the study of
comparative politics. (2016/II/1a/10m)

Answer: Comparative politics is a sub-discipline of political science which seeks to identify and
understand the similarities and differences between political systems. Political economy approach
refers to interdisciplinary studies, which draws upon social sciences (political science, economics,

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law, history, sociology etc.), to explain the role of politics in influencing economics. Marxist aspect is
one of the two broad types of political economy, academically categorised.

Marxist political economy, in this context, can be termed a methodology to study relations between
politics and economics. It was a critique of Adam Smith’s economic conception. It started in the
1840s when revolutionary, historian and economist Karl Marx shifted his attention from
jurisprudence to economic matters. He gave his materialistic interpretation of history – relating state
with productive (economic) base of society, throughout history. According to him, the ‘base’ or
economic structure is the foundation on which people enter into relations and have little control
over. The legal and political ‘superstructure’ becomes a reflection of that base. And only political
economy can connect the base with its superstructures. Marx’s concept of historical materialism
propounds that social structure and state are products of history.

Marxist aspect to political economy makes the following points: (1) Political enquiry is holistically
and historically oriented, rather that limited to certain segments. It should seek synthesis to
understand social issues. (2) The study of politics should be combined with economics – distinctions
lead to distortion of reality and theoretical difficulties. The dialectical method helps in integrated
and dynamic analysis of politics. His dialectics can be divided into critical and systematic dialectics.

Critical developments: Contrasting methodologies can be found in study of political economy.

Comparative politics traditionally looked at the government and the state. In the 1950s, American
political scientists, led by David Easton, G. Almond and others, seeking to remedy crisis of political
science, discarded the concept of state. The believed the concept of state was limited by legal and
institutional meanings. This stage also called behavioural revolution, diverted attention to the
neutral concept of political ‘system’ instead of ‘state’. It took away attention from class-society, i.e.
relationship of class-divide to means of production. Later, Marxists would claim that behaviouralism
rose against Marxism as a subtle defence of status quo (American liberal political values).

Similarly, international politics is dealt with the systems approach or the conventional historic,
behavioural, geo-political, balance of power or equilibrium approaches. They emphasise political
aspects, overlooking economic considerations. Only in questions of imperialism, dependency etc.,
political economy could be applied.

The critique of the traditional schools of Marxism developed by critical theory and the New Reading
based itself around challenging many preconceived understandings in Marxism. It reinterpreted
ideas like dialectics, historical materialism, value and abstract labour that had dominated the Second
and Third internationals. Bonefeld develops many of the arguments made by critical theory and the
New Reading. The origin of this critique goes back to the early Frankfurt School challenge to the
orthodox Marxist tradition, and it was later taken up by the so-called ‘New Reading’ of Marx that
developed in Germany in the aftermath of the 1968 student movement.

Also, in the 20th century, with increasing specialisation and compartmentalisation of political
economy into distinct disciplines (such as economics, sociology and political science) different
independent perceptions evolved. This affected the tradition of analysing economic arrangements
(Routh, 1975).

Conclusion: Marxist conception of political economy, in that context evolved as a methodology.

Contrasting methodologies exist in political economy and to perceive the differences, distinctions
should be kept in mind e.g. between Marxist and non-Marxist criteria.

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PREVIOUS YEARS’ Q&A - PAPER II - APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS

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Qn. 1. Comment: Traditional approach and its significance. (2003/II/1a/20m)

Answer: An approach is a way of observing and explaining a particular phenomenon. Traditional

approach in comparative political science, as a label, is attached to comparative government.
Traditional approaches comprise of value-laden approaches such as philosophical, historical,
institutional, legal, configurative, problems and area approaches, inter alia. These approaches were
significant in the early establishment of political science as a discipline.

Background of traditional approach: Comparative political science emerged with the goal of
developing perspectives on the similarities and differences, and constants and variables between the
world’s governments. This field of ‘comparative government’ is labelled as the traditional approach.
Many held that traditional approach emphasis on the value-laden study of politics. R. C. Macridis
believed that traditional approach was non-comparative, descriptive, parochial, static and
monographic.

Traditional approaches would include: (1) The philosophical approach or ethical approach, also
known as ‘thought about thought’, is the pursuit of goals, morals and principles, through the study
of the state, man and their relations. e.g. works of Plato, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, Strauss, Green,
Nettleship, More, Bacon, Harrington, Bosanquet et al. (2) The historical approach is the
determination of political principles from historical analyses. Its proponents have been Aristotle,
Montesquieu, Hegel, Marx, Henry Maine, Jenks, MacIver etc. (3) The institutional approach or
structural approach or institutional-functional approach denotes the study of formal structures of a
political organisation, such as executive, legislature, judiciary, party system and interest groups. Its
adopters were Aristotle, Polybius, Laski, Bryce, Finer, Bentley, Duverger, Sartori, Truman, Latham,
Bagehot, Ogg, Munro, Crick etc.

(4) The legal approach or juridical approach or formal-legal approach is the study of legal processes
and institutions – here, political scientists see the state as a maintainer of an effective and equitable
system of law and order. Juridical analysts include Cicero, Bodin, Hobbes, Bentham, Dicey, Sevigny,
Grotius, Jellinek and Maine. (5) The configurative approach studies a political system as a unique
entity, focusing on its configurative description. It was employed by Neumann, Dragnich, Carter and
Herz. (6) The problem approach is study confined to problem areas of formal institutional structures.
For instance, the decay of bicameralism; the relationship between democracy and economic
planning, delegation of powers to executive etc. (7) The area approach is the analysis of an “area”
(multiple political systems with cultural uniformities) to understand variations in socioeconomic
progress. It became popular in the Cold War era. Advocates include Macridis, Scalapino, Moore,
Davis, McKahin, Anderen et al.

Significance of traditional approach lies in the fact that it formed the early foundations of political
science as a discipline and laid the groundwork for modern political studies to develop on.
Normativism of traditional approach sought to establish “moral criteria of political conduct”
(Greenleaf) and made political theory abstract, hypothetical, speculative and even metaphysical.

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Hague, Harrop and Breslin, in ‘Comparative Government and Politics: An Introduction’ (1998)
enunciate the importance of studying comparative government as: (1) Finding out more about least
known countries. (2) Formulate and test hypothesis – helping to scrutinise and develop important
political questions. (3) Can be productive by helping in prediction. (4) Improves classification of
politics and understanding of distinctions.

In conclusion, the traditional approach of comparative political science was an important phase of
the discipline. Although modern approaches emerged as its successor, its contribution to political-
theory-building is acknowledged academically.

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Qn. 2. Comment: The importance and limitations of political economy approach. (2004/II/1a/20m)

Answer: An approach is a way of observing and explaining a particular phenomenon. Political

economy approach refers to interdisciplinary studies, which draws upon social sciences (political
science, economics, law, history, sociology etc.), to explain the role of politics in influencing
economics.

Political economy approach originated in moral philosophy and was developed in the 18th century
as the study of the economies of states, especially by Adam Smith. It is the “methodology of
economics applied to the analysis of political behaviour and institutions” (Weingast & Wittman). It
was employed by political science to focus on the interaction between political institutions and
human behaviour - how the former shapes choices and how the latter changes institutional
frameworks. It is used for studying production and trade, and their relations with law, custom, and
government, as well as with the distribution of national income and wealth. It gives the economic
interpretation of politics. Political economy is a very old subject of intellectual inquiry but a relatively
young academic discipline. It has a long and distinguished history in the social sciences.

Importance of this approach: (1) It is a good combination of qualitative and quantitative methods of
research. (2) It is not only analytical and comparative but is also prescriptive. It can guide
development strategies of the state. (3) Political economy helps in analysing actual factors impacting
the political processes. (4) It has academic as well as practical significance. (5) Apart from political
science, it also finds utility in other social sciences such as sociology and economics.

Its importance is seen throughout history, in the works of thinkers such as A. Smith, D. Ricardo, K.
Marx, J. S. Mill, E. Durkheim, R. Dunayevskaya and C. P. Gilman, inter alia. Recent scholars include
Robert Keohane, Robert Gilpin, Peter J. Katzenstein, and Stephen Krasner, and a critical school
inspired by Karl Polanyi, Susan Strange and Robert W. Cox.

Limitations of this approach include: (1) It is normative. (2) Employs quantitative techniques which
require specialised knowledge. (3) Since it involves data collection, it needs more resources for
research. (4) Its focus is concentrated on economic policy. (5) F. Rich’s mercantilist theory claimed
that Smith’s “cosmopolitical” system treated issues as if national borders and interests did not exist.

Conclusion: Political economy has its importance, despite its limitations. Although it lays the
groundwork for the modern social sciences, for comprehensive understanding, we require a variety
of approaches.

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Qn. 3. Comment: Examine the relevance of the political economy approach to the study of
comparative politics. (2007/II/1a/20m)

Answer: Comparative politics is a methodological sub-discipline of political science, employing

comparison as a method of political inquiry. Political economy approach to the study of comparative
politics gives the economic interpretation of politics and studies relations that evolve between
people in the process of production, distribution, exchange and consumption of goods and services.

Political economy approach is an approach of comparative politics that gives the economic
interpretation of politics. ). It was employed by political science to focus on the interaction between
political institutions and human behaviour - how the former shapes choices and how the latter
changes institutional frameworks.

Relevance of political economy throughout its history: It originated in moral philosophy (traced to
Greek philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle). In the 16th century, a critical development was the
prominence in the of the mercantilism, which called for a strong role for the state in economic
regulation. In the 18th century, as a reaction to mercantilism, it emerged as a distinct field of study,
with the systematic approach of Adam Smith, David Hume and François Quesnay. They took a
secular approach, refusing to explain the distribution of wealth as God’s will. It was influenced by the
individualists Hobbes and Locke, realist Machiavelli and the scientific inductive method of Francis
Bacon. 19th-century political economist David Ricardo’s concept of comparative advantage (states
should export goods which cost them less to produce, and import similar goods from others)
extolled the benefits of free trade. Also, then, the utilitarianism of Bentham, James Mill and J. S. Mill
fused economic analysis with a call for democracy. In the 19th century, Marx proposed a class-based
analysis of political economy.

By the 1890s, the broader, holistic study of political economy was eclipsed by narrower,
conventional disciplines which focused on particular social elements, viz. economics, sociology,
political science, and international relations. After the 1950s, as social sciences became increasingly
abstract, formal, and specialized, political economy was revived to provide a broader framework for
understanding complex national and international problems and events. Today, political economy
may include politics of economic relations and domestic issues, the comparative study of political
and economic systems, and international political economy. There is growing consensus that the
separation between the study of politics and economics is artificial. The emergence of international
political economy marked the return of political economy to its roots as a holistic study of
individuals, states, markets, and society.

The importance of this approach: (1) It is a good combination of qualitative and quantitative
methods of research. (2) It is not only analytical and comparative but is also prescriptive. It can guide
development strategies of the state. (3) Political economy helps in analysing actual factors impacting
the political processes. (4) It has academic as well as practical significance. (5) Apart from political
science, it also finds utility in other social sciences such as sociology and economics.

Conclusion: Political economy approach, in being concerned with the interplay between politics,
society and economics, has a long and distinguished history in the study of comparative politics.
Political economy permits a variety of ideological perspectives. The academic revival of political

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economy is encouraged by the growing interest in interdisciplinary studies. It sees renewed

relevance in today’s globalised mesh of mixed economies.

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Qn. 4. How does comparative political sociology help in understanding of socio-political process of
different countries of the world? (2008/II/1c/20m)

Answer: Comparative political sociology is the study of power and the relationships and interactions
between the political system and sociological factors. It developed mainly under Marxist and
Weberian schools. It helps in better understanding of socio-political processes of various countries
as it is sensitive to social context and employs modern methods of political analysis

Stages of comparative politics include traditional (euro-centric, static, formalistic and non-
comparative) and modern (inclusive of developing nations, new methods, widened scope). Political
sociology developed substantially under the modern stage.

Political sociology approach to comparative politics studies the relations and dichotomies between
politics and society in different countries. Classically, political sociology centred on elites and masses.
Modern political sociology is sub-divided into several fields - concepts of political power; theories of
interest; social and political changes; social and political movements.

Background and academic evolution of comparative political sociology: It is one of the oldest
approaches, with Aristotle being acknowledged as the father of political sociology. It can trace its
academic origins to the theoretical dialogue between Karl Marx and Max Weber. The Marxist school
considered politics a part of the superstructure and understood it by studying the basic structure –
mode of production, class-relations etc. Weberian school disagreed with Marxists on concepts of
historical materialism and class conflicts. They contributed to the analysis of power, authority and
legitimacy. Other contributors to political sociology are Alexis de Tocqueville, Emile Durkheim etc.
Theda Scokpol called for “bringing the state back in”. Political sociologists who studied Indian politics
include Andre Beteille (focused on the role of caste), Paul Brass (worked on communalism), Rajini
Kothari (‘Caste and politics in India’), Myron Weiner (studied regionalism) et al.

Modern comparative political sociology emerged as a separate sub-discipline after World War II.
Many important works of the 1950s and 1960s were built on micro-questions about the impact of
class, religion, race/ethnicity, or education on individual and group-based political behaviour. The
1970s onwards, political sociologists increasingly oriented towards macro-topics, mainly:
understanding the sources and consequences of revolutions, the role of political institutions in
shaping political outcomes, and large-scale comparative-historical studies of state development.

In trying to understand socio-political processes, comparative political sociology can be classified

into “macro” and “micro” components. The macro-component focuses on questions about nation-
states, political institutions and their development, and the sources of social and political change
(especially those involving large-scale collective action e.g. social movements). The micro-
component studies how social identities and groups influence individual political behaviour (e.g.
voting, attitudes, and political participation). Both the macro- and micro-areas of political sociology
overlap with political studies. But the distinctive focus of political sociologists is less on the internal

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mechanics of the political system and more on the underlying social forces that shape the political
system.

Moreover, political sociology is not just armchair-theories. It adopted both traditional and
behavioural approaches. It employed scientific methods such as field data collection and surveying,
questionnaires and interviews etc. Scholars have studied both the developed and the developing
countries. Its research work took it beyond a methodology and built into a discipline in itself.

Social processes in developing regions: Political sociology has been specifically useful for studying
the third world countries. These post-colonial developing areas had a lot of social heterogeneity,
which was relatively minimal in the west. Also, it is sensitive to and allows the adaptation to social
context. It helps understand the difference between text and context. e.g. British polity cannot be
blindly applied to the Indian context, although superficially, it may seem that that was done in the
past. Also, the approach uses modern methods like questionnaires, surveys and other quantitative
research techniques. This improves the relevance, accuracy and depth of analysis.

Conclusion: Comparative political sociology studies various facets of socio-political processes of

different countries of the world. As a sub-discipline, it borrows from both political science and
sociology.

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Qn. 6. Is it necessary to evolve a distinct theoretical framework for analysing emergent politics in
the developing world? (2009/II/1a/20m)

Answer: Yes, it is necessary to evolve a distinct theoretical framework for analysing emergent
politics in the developing world. New comparative politics emerged for this. Comparative politics is
the study of political systems, not as isolated cases but through generalisations and comparisons
(Almond, Powell, Strom, Dalton).

Comparative politics, as a discipline, used comparison for political inquiry. It can be divided into two
phases – traditional and modern. Traditional phase was marked by Euro-centric, static, formalistic
and non-comparative features. The field was new and taking root. Then, with the developments of
the 20th century, circumstances changed and so did the approach. Modern phase dawned, adopting
new methods, widening the scope and increasing inclusivity by covering developing regions.

In the developed world, i.e. advanced western societies, socio-economic variables did not vary
steeply hence traditional approaches sufficed, e.g. legal constitutional approach. Also, studies of
such areas tended to be conservative and region-oriented – i.e. Euro-centrism and status quoism
towards western contexts.

As developing world emerged, especially after the 20th century World Wars and subsequent
decolonization, differences became evident. New, third world nations not only differed from the
west, but they internally had more varied heterogeneity. This created challenges which required
new academic approaches. And necessity is the mother of invention. So, driven by the behavioural
revolution, the newer comparative political approaches emerged – a new, distinct framework. e.g.
structural functionalism, political development approach, political modernisation and political
culture approach.

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The new, distinct theoretical framework included various approaches. Structural functional
approach – (Almond and Powell) based on the premise that though institutions vary, societies have
certain essential functions in common with each other. Political development was specifically
designed for studying the politics of the developing world. For it, Lucian Pye gave three parameters
of equality, capacity and differentiation. Huntington introduced ‘political decay’ and Riggs suggested
‘development trap’. Political modernisation, as forwarded by Huntington, Apter, Organsky and Shills,
searched for indicators of modernity such as rationalism and secularism. Political culture, by Almond
and Verba, focused on values and beliefs to yield political explanations.

Conclusion: As developing countries situations are different from those of developed countries, new
comparative politics evolved to accommodate the differences.

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Qn. 7. How is the modern comparative politics approach different from the traditional legal-
institutional approach? (2010/II/1a/20m)

Answer: Comparative politics is “the study of patterns of national governments in the contemporary
world” (John Blondel). The traditional legal-institutional approach to comparative politics studies
formal institutional structures and legal processes. Modern approaches sought value neutrality and
include political system, political economy, political sociology, behavioural, psychological,
quantitative, simulation and Marxian approaches, etc. As the concept of ‘political system’ replaced
‘political state’, emphasis shifted from traditional methods to modern functional methods.

Traditional legal-institutional approach: The institutional approach or structural approach or

institutional-functional approach denotes the study of formal structures of a political organisation,
such as executive, legislature, judiciary, party system and interest groups. Its adopters were
Aristotle, Polybius, Laski, Bryce, Finer, Bentley, Duverger, Sartori, Truman, Latham, Bagehot, Ogg,
Munro, Crick etc. The legal approach or juridical approach or formal-legal approach is the study of
legal processes and institutions – here, political scientists see the state as a maintainer of an
effective and equitable system of law and order. Juridical analysts include Cicero, Bodin, Hobbes,
Bentham, Dicey, Sevigny, Grotius, Jellinek and Maine. Traditional approaches were criticised for
being Euro-centric, noncomparative, descriptive, parochial, static and monographic (Macridis).

Modern approaches of comparative politics, with emphasis on fact-laden politics, is marked by

empirical investigation of relevant data. It was fuelled by the need for more integration, which was
not hinted at by traditionalists. Studies of developing nations were called for. Political scientists like
Easton and Almond focused on the concept of ‘political system’, instead of the limited ‘political
state’. The boundaries of political enquiry became more fluid and non-specific. The focus was on
function, role, structure, relevance etc. of political aspects e.g. structural functional approach. Major
modern approaches would be political system, political economy, political sociology, behavioural,
psychological, quantitative, simulation and Marxian approaches, etc.

Differences between traditional and modern approaches: Normative traditional approaches gave
way to scientific modern approaches. To study developing areas, the focus shifted from text to
context. Study of constitutions was not enough to understand politics. While traditional methods
studies governments, modern approaches studied politics. As ‘system’ replaced ‘state’, emphasis
shifted from the traditional legal-institutional approach to modern functional methods. Function

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substituted power, role substituted office and structure substituted institution. This substitution was
claimed to be the solution to the problem of studying different categories of political systems.

The claim was the limitations of institutional approach would be overcome by identifying universal
characteristics – that different political systems essentially perform the same function. Traditional
approaches studied the relatively uniform west, where there is less social and cultural variety.
Comparative features will not be found. Political structures in developing countries are
multifunctional and culturally ‘mixed’, allowing better comparative studies. Modern approaches
recognize this, while traditional ones were not comparative in the true sense.

Conclusion: As the limitations of outdated traditional methods became prominent, precipitating a

crisis in the discipline of political science, modern approaches emerged. The modern comparative
approaches sought to comprehend the various political aspects needed for becoming truly
comparative. It increased the scope and enriched comparative politics.

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Qn. 8. “Structural functional approach to political analysis focuses more on status-quoism, and less
on change.” Elucidate. (2011/II/3a/20m)

Answer: Structural functionalism approach to political science sought to study the structures and
functions of social systems. That it focused “more on status-quoism and less on change” is one of
the major criticisms of Gabriel Almond’s conceptual framework of structural functionalism.

Structural functionalism originated in sociology and got influenced by anthropology. It emphasised

the structural aspect of any social system. In concentrated on maintenance and stability of the social
structure. Its early proponents were Radcliffe-Brown, Bronowski and Durkheim, and later Parsons.
Its beginning can be traced to ancient Greece and Aristotle (Susser).

Structural functional approach was forwarded by Almond and Powell in the 1950s and 1960s. They
attempted to comprehend institutions by elaborately describing and analysing structures and
functions of the political system. They modelled it on systems approach (esp. Easton’s model) and
aimed to remove some of its defects. They attempted to increase the relevance of the model for the
study of developing countries. Almond and Powell conceptualised (1) ‘political socialisation’, (2)
‘recruitment’ and (3) ‘communication’ for the purpose of comprehension. Almond’s methodology
has been criticised for (1) conservative ideology, (2) conceptual confusion and (3) operational
limitations. Almond was also influenced by Bentley, Truman and Dahl.

Criticism about status-quoism: One set of critics describe structural functionalism as deterministic,
conservative and restrictive ideology. Critics include D. Martindale, Wright Mills, B. Moore, A.
Dahrendorf, A Hacker, Spiro, Lijpkart, Sanford, C. Powell et al.

Don Martindale points out four defects in this regard: (1) conservative ideological bias and
preference for status quo; (2) lack of methodological clarity; (3) overemphasis on the role of closed
systems in social life and (4) failure to deal with social change. C. Wright Mills called structural
functionalism a conservative grand theory that reached neither facts nor theory. Spiro calls Almond’s
work ethnocentric and Lijphart considered its emphasis on stability as reflecting Anglo-American
liberal, capitalist norms.

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Other critics accuse capitalism of a liberal bias i.e. not supporting interference to free market.
Charles Powell saw “American cultural mythology” in Almond’s mythology, and labelled it
establishmentarian, non-operational, formally inadequate” rendering it “useless as a theory”.

Conclusion: Almond’s approach, despite being a significant advancement in structural functionalism,

was severely criticised, predominantly for it status-quoism.

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Qn. 9. “Examining political phenomenon through a process of cross-global investigation has

become the fundamental function of comparative politics.” Discuss. (2012/II/1a/20m)

Answer: The given statement indicates the shift in focus and function of comparative politics.
Traditional approaches were Euro-centric, while modern contemporary methods pursue “cross-
global investigation”, or more inclusive coverage.

Background: Comparative political science is one of the oldest disciplines. It has been improving,
becoming more dynamic and adopting modern scientific methods. Limitations of traditional
methods that were employed include conservatism, ethnocentrism, formalistic, descriptive rather
than problem-solving, unscientific and so on. And World Wars ended with free colonies starting off
as developing nations, the inadequacies became amplified and stalled comparative study. Newer
modern methods evolved which sought to be more scientific, accommodative, context-sensitive,
adaptive and realistic.

Traditional approach to comparative politics studied the western capitalist societies and built the
comparative political academics on those lines. Examples of traditional approaches include historical
approach, legal approach, institutional approach, configurative approach, problems approach and so
on. With the 20th century transforming the world, much of these became inadequate and redundant.

Modern methodologies emerged to satiate demands of the new political landscape of the second
half of the 20th century. So, driven by the behavioural revolution, the newer comparative political
approaches emerged – a new, distinct framework. e.g. structural functionalism, political
development approach, political modernisation and political culture approach. These examined
political phenomenon through a cross-global investigation. E.g. political sociology sought to adapt
theories to the new heterogeneous social contexts; political development concentrated on the
developing world; political culture kept in mind the different values and preferences; dependency
school claimed the west was economically parasitic for the rest etc.

All these academic developments targeted expansion of the subject while rationalising the attention
given to the west. Comparative politics now sought to be global and pan-continental. The discipline
rejuvenated itself for the fresh task of studying the new world.

Conclusion: The discipline of comparative politics, to stay relevant, chose to adapt to a changing
world. Consequently, its fundamental function became the cross-global investigation of political
phenomenon.

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Qn. 10. Elucidate the trans-disciplinary nature of modern comparative politics and identify the
contributions of political sociologists towards this goal. (2012/II/3d/15m)

Answer: Comparative politics, ambiguous by nature, can be defined as the adoption of comparative
methods for political inquiry, to comprehend various similarities and differences between political
systems. Modern comparative politics evolved as a transdisciplinary field of study. Political
sociologists study relationships between political systems and sociological factors.

Comparative politics compares political systems. It has an ancient heritage, which can be traced to
Ancient Greece. Socrates and Plato were dedicated to finding the best ‘politikos’, via dialectics. In
the same endeavour, Aristotle compared constitutions. Various comparative methods were invented
and evolved, for political inquiry. The field expanded.

Modern comparative politics emerged in the second half of 20th century. It built itself up as a
transdisciplinary field of study - borrowing from multiple disciplines like political science, sociology,
economy, psychology, economics etc. Its nature became relatively more systematic, scientific, and
analytical and penetrated behind the facade of political institutions. In the 1960s, Laswell, Almond et
al attempted to develop it as separate from both political theory and international studies. Modern
developments like decolonisation accelerated its evolution and increased the demand for the trans-
disciplinary approach. Modern comparative approaches include, inter alia, political system approach,
political economy approach, political sociology approach, political culture approach, structural
functional approach and behavioural approach.

Political sociology approach to comparative politics studies the relations and dichotomies between
politics and society. It pursued the examination of political institutions and social movements. Its
parents are political science and sociology. Its main academic schools are Marxists and Weberians.

Political sociologists contributed to the trans-disciplinary nature of comparative politics as the

study of any political phenomenon is done by keeping in view the socio-political milieu in which such
phenomenon develops and functions. Sociological factors such as race, caste, religion, culture etc.,
heavily impact politics. Such phenomenon can best be studied with a trans-disciplinary lens.

Contributions of political sociology can be: (1) better understand politics of society; (2) helps to trace
how the social forces change the political system; (3 comprehend critical social phenomenon such as
regionalism and communalism; (4) helps the political institutions to determine various social welfare
programs etc. All of these need a grasp of and feedback from various disciplines such as psychology,
sociology, economics, political science etc., to be realistic, relevant and effective.

Conclusion: The modern comparative approaches sought to comprehend the various disciplinary
aspects needed for becoming truly comparative. Political sociology dug deeper and planted the
trans-disciplinary approach in comparative political studies, enriching and validating it.

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Qn. 13. Which are the major approaches of comparative politics? Explain in brief, the political
economy approach to the study of comparative inquiry. (2015/II/1a/10m)

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Answer: Comparative politics is a methodological sub-discipline of political science, employing

comparison as a method of political inquiry. An approach is a way of observing and explaining a
particular phenomenon. Comparative politics does not have well-defined boundaries, but its major
approaches can be categorised as traditional and modern approaches. Traditional approaches
comprise philosophical, historical, institutional, legal, configurative, problem and area approaches,
inter alia. Major modern approaches would be political system, political economy, political sociology,
behavioural, psychological, quantitative, simulation and Marxian approaches, etc. The political
economy approach is the “methodology of economics applied to the analysis of political behaviour
and institutions” (Weingast & Wittman).

Traditional approaches, with emphasis on the value-laden study of politics, include: (1) The
philosophical approach or ethical approach, also known as ‘thought about thought’, is the pursuit of
goals, morals and principles, through the study of the state, man and their relations. e.g. works of
Plato, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, Strauss, Green, Nettleship, More, Bacon, Harrington, Bosanquet et al.
(2) The historical approach is the determination of political principles from historical analyses. Its
proponents have been Aristotle, Montesquieu, Hegel, Marx, Henry Maine, Jenks, MacIver etc. (3)
The institutional approach or structural approach or institutional-functional approach denotes the
study of formal structures of a political organisation, such as executive, legislature, judiciary, party
system and interest groups. Its adopters were Aristotle, Polybius, Laski, Bryce, Finer, Bentley,
Duverger, Sartori, Truman, Latham, Bagehot, Ogg, Munro, Crick etc. (4) The legal approach or
juridical approach or formal-legal approach is the study of legal processes and institutions – here,
political scientists see state as a maintainer of an effective and equitable system of law and order.
Juridical analysts include Cicero, Bodin, Hobbes, Bentham, Dicey, Sevigny, Grotius, Jellinek and
Maine. (5) The configurative approach studies a political system as a unique entity, focusing on its
configurative description. It was employed by Neumann, Dragnich, Carter and Herz. (6) The problem
approach is study confined to problem areas of formal institutional structures. For instance, the
decay of bicameralism; the relationship between democracy and economic planning, delegation of
powers to executive etc. (7) The area approach is the analysis of an “area” (multiple political systems
with cultural uniformities) to understand variations in socioeconomic progress, especially in the Cold
War era. Advocates include Macridis, Scalapino, Moore, Davis, McKahin, Anderen et al.

Modern approaches, with fact-laden study of politics include: (1) The political system approach
(sometimes equated with the broader system approach or general systems theory) is inter-
disciplinary study that focuses on comprehending ‘systems’ (“bounded regions in space-time,
involving energy interchange among their parts, which are associated with functional relationships” -
Miller). Major works include those of Easton, Almond, Powell, Beer and Ulam. (2) The political
economy approach ( a particular version of the general ‘economic approach’) studies dynamics
between politics and economics, i.e. relations that evolve between people in the process of
production, distribution, exchange and consumption of goods and services. Proponents are Adam
Smith, Ricardo, Malthus, James Mill, J. S. Mill, Marx, Engels etc. (3) The political sociology approach
(broadly, sociological approach) studies the interactions, linkages and relationships between state
and society, with many believing that state is more social than political. Its employers are Easton,
Almond, MacIver, Dahl, Crick, Lipset, Bendix, Effrat etc. The sociological approach can be said to
consist of ‘political sociology’ and ‘political culture’. (4) The behavioural approach, a manifestation of
the empirical approach, is the adoption of scientific analytical methods to examine the actual
behaviour of man as a political and social being. Proponents include Easton, Merriam, Tingsten etc.
Easton’s model is said to include structural functionalism (Almond and Powell). (5) The psychological
approach is the psychological study of politics, to display the political role of constituent elements of
human personality (such as emotions, habits, sentiments, instincts, ego etc.) Its supporters include

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Dahl, Fromm, Wallas, MacIver, Merriam, Laswell et al. (6) The quantitative approach or statistical
approach is the use of numerical data in the analysis of a political phenomenon, to enhance
accuracy. Its subscribers include Merriam, Gallup, Gosnel, Lazarsfield, Lubel, Milne, Mackenzie and
so on. (7) The simulation approach is a study of political phenomenon with the aid of image-
construction or model building, borrowing from natural sciences, cybernetics, mathematics etc.
Examples are political communication approach (Karl Deutsh) and decision-making approach. (8) The
Marxian approach studies impact of economics on politics and society, and considers the state as an
inevitable consequence of class contradictions, predicting that the final stage of social development
is a stateless society. Supporters include Marx, Engels, Lenin, Gramsci, Luxemburg, Trotsky et al. (9)
New institutionalism, the contemporary successor of institutionalism, refocused on the pivotal role
of political institutions, upholding the importance of collective actions. Its subscribers include
Skocpol, Pierson, Macridis, March, Olsen, Rhodes, Peters, Goodin, Klingeman, Brunnson and so on.
(10) Other approaches, which can be mentioned, are political culture, political development, public
policy approach, dependency school and world system approach – these are not exactly separate
from some of the above approaches.

Political economy approach is an approach of comparative politics that gives the economic
interpretation of politics and studies relations that evolve between people in the process of
production, distribution, exchange and consumption of goods and services. This approach can be
divided into the liberal and Marxian political economies. The liberal political approach was
advocated by Adam Smith, Ricardo, Malthus, James Mill, J. S. Mill, McCulloh et al. Marxist
proponents are Marx, Engels, Lenin etc. Sir William Petty, a developer of political arithmetic, is called
the ‘father of political economy’.

Political economy approach has a long and distinguished history in the study of comparative politics.
It is an old subject of intellectual inquiry but a relatively young academic discipline. Its academic
revival is encouraged by the growing interest in interdisciplinary studies. It accommodates
ideological and theoretical variety. Today, there is growing consensus that the separation between
the study of politics and economics is artificial, especially in the light of tensions between economic
and political objectives. The integrated approach of political economy is necessary.

Conclusion: The cross-disciplinary and methodological nature of comparative politics has been
evolving through various approaches. One of them is political economy approach – the economic
interpretation of politics.

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Qn. 14. Critically examine the Marxist aspect of political economy approach to the study of
comparative politics. (2016/II/1a/10m)

Answer: Marxist aspect is one of the broad academical categories of political economy. Political
economy approach refers to interdisciplinary studies, which draws upon various social sciences to
explain the role of politics in influencing economics. Comparative politics compares various political
systems.

Aspects of political economy approach can be categorised as classical school, Marxist school,
welfare school (Keynes, Galbrith), dependency school (Frank, Wollerstien, Furtado), neo-rightist
school (Hayek, Olson, Buchanan) and welfare economics (A. Sen and J. Dreze).

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Marxist political economy denotes a range of political economy perspectives that are broadly
connected to the tradition of Karl Marx, the 19th-century revolutionary, historian and economist. It
comprises an integrative analysis of the economy, society and politics.

It started in the 1840s when Marx shifted his attention from jurisprudence to economic matters. He
gave his materialistic interpretation of history – that social structure and state are products of
history. It relates state with productive (economic) base of society. The ‘base’ or economic structure
is the foundation on which people enter into relations and have little control over. The legal and
political ‘superstructure’ becomes a reflection of that base. And only political economy can connect
the base with its superstructures. Marxist aspect of political economy demands historical and holistic
approach (to understand social issues) and the combination of politics with economics (to avoid
distortion of reality and theoretical difficulties).

Critical examination of Marxist political economy approach to comparative politics, through

various theoretical developments:

(1) According to Marx, the base-superstructure economic model exists predominantly in the west –
advanced, capitalist, liberal polities. His model was a critique of Adam Smith’s economic conception
(which had influenced the west). So, it compared capitalist and non-capitalist political systems.

(2) Marx’s ‘relative autonomy’ offered a sophisticated explanation of the origins and functions of
political power within capitalism. This perspective assumes that the state must exercise a certain
historically specific degree of autonomy from capital, if it is to successfully serve its reproductive
functions for capital. Marx portrayed this functioning in ‘The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis
Bonaparte’ (1852). ‘Relative autonomy’ is a contested concept.

(3) Italian Marxist and politician Antonio Gramsci principally differentiated ‘civil society’ from
‘political society’. For Gramsci, ‘State’ is a sum of political society and civil society. Control of the
state is accomplished through hegemony in civil society. Compared with the liberal concept of civil
society, which favoured the protective role of civil society toward the individual against the state,
Gramsci’s civil society instead functions as a protective filter for the state.

(4) Marxist approach has been further studied, for the development of welfare state by
instrumentalist approach (by Ralph Miliband, in the ‘The State in Capitalist Society’) and
structuralist understanding of ‘relative autonomy’ (by Nicos Poulantzas, in ‘Political Power and
Social Classes’). Miliband distinguished between the ruling class of civil society and the governing
class which held positions in the institutions of the state. He held that the institutions of the state
met the needs of capitalists, even when the state was relatively autonomous from the capitalist
class. Poulantzas argued for objective structural relations that linked the state to class struggle. For
him, the relative autonomy of the state in the capitalist mode of production was due to a spatial
separation of the juridico-political level from the economic level.

(5) In the 1950s, American political scientists, led by David Easton, G. Almond and others, discarded
the traditional concept of state. The believed the concept of state was limited by legal and
institutional meanings. This stage, also called behavioural revolution, diverted attention to the
neutral concept of political ‘system’ instead of ‘state’. It took away attention from class-society, i.e.
relationship of class-divide to means of production. Later, Marxists would claim that behaviouralism
rose against Marxism as a subtle defence of status quo (American liberal political values).

(6) The 1960s saw the advent of dependency school for the analyses of developing countries (such
as in Latin America and Asia). Dependency theory is the notion that resources flow from a

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"periphery" of poor and underdeveloped states to a "core" of wealthy states, enriching the latter at
the expense of the former. It keeps the poor dependent on the rich. Proponents include Hans Singer,
Raúl Prebisch etc. The theory arose as a reaction to modernization theory - which held that all
societies progress through similar stages of development. This school shares many points with
earlier Marxist theories of imperialism (by Rosa Luxemburg and Vladimir Lenin).

(7) The 1970s witnessed scholars like Hamza Alavi apply Marxist relative autonomy for post-colonial
states. He employed the classical Marxist theory of the State to analyse and compare South Asian
states.

Conclusion: Marxist conception of political economy has evolved as a methodology. Contrasting

methodologies exist in political economy and distinctions should be kept in mind.

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PSIR PREVIOUS YEARS’ Q&A – POLITICS OF REPRESENTATION AND PARTICIPATION

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Qn. How does functioning of interest groups differ from political parties? Discuss with appropriate
examples. (2008/II/Q.2/60m)

Answer: Interest groups and political parties are political actors. Both are organisations with
respectively typical natures, agendas, structures, functioning methods and target areas.

Interest groups are organisations seeking to advance a particular interest, concern or cause, while
not actively seeking to form a government or part thereof. They are actors of groups politics. They
usually rely on a variety of campaigning and lobbying methods to exert influence on government
action (e.g. policies). They constitute one of the major linkages between government and the
governed, in modern societies.

Political parties are groups of people that are organised for the purpose of winning government
power, by electoral or other means. Characteristics include pursuance of political office,
membership system, broad issue focus, shared political preferences and/or common ideological
identities.

Interest groups differ from political parties in the following ways: (1) Interest groups seek to exert
influence from the outside, rather than win or exercise government power, which remains the
primary motive of political parties. (2) Interest groups typically have a narrow group focus – in that
they are usually concerned with a specific cause or the interests of a particular group. Political
parties typically have a broader focus, and sometimes strive to be (or at least appear) inclusive. (3)
Interest groups seldom have the broader programmic or ideological features that are generally
associated with political parties. (4) Techniques employed by interest groups are lobbying, strikes,
protests, bandhs, gheraos etc. Those adopted by political parties are political socialisation, reaching
out to masses, influencing public opinion, debating legislations etc.

Examples of interest groups can be scrutinised as per its main types – viz., communal groups,
institutional groups and associational groups. (1) Communal groups are embedded in the community
or social factors, i.e. membership is based on birth, not recruitment e.g. families, tribes, castes and
ethnic groups. (2) Institutional groups are part of the machinery of government. e.g. bureaucracies
and militaries. (3) Associational groups are formed by people coming together to pursue shared but
limited goals, usually in industrial societies. e.g. gender rights groups, trade unions, environmental
groups, animal welfare groups etc.

Examples of political parties can be correlated to it classifications – viz., cadre and mass parties;
representative and integrative parties (Sigmund Neumann); constitutional and revolutionary parties;
and left wing and right-wing parties. (1) Cadre parties denote those parties with trained, professional
and committed party members, relying on politically active elite and/or ideological leaders. e.g.
Chinese Communist Party, Communist Party of Soviet Union, Nazi Party of Germany, Fascist Party of
Italy etc. Mass parties are those which emphasise on broadening membership and constructing a
wide electoral base. Stress is on recruitment and organisation, rather than on political conviction
and ideology. e.g. European socialist parties (such as German Social Democratic Party and UK Labour
Party). (2) Representative parties primarily seek votes in elections – attempting to reflect, rather

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than shape, public opinion and preferring pragmatism over principles - adopting ‘catch-all’
strategies. Otto Kircheimer terms most modern political parties as ‘catch all’ parties – those which
reduce ideological baggage to appeal to maximum voters. e.g. Republicans and Democrats of US,
German Social Democrats, UK Labour parties, Christian Democratic Union in Germany and so on.
Integrative parties are those which adopt proactive rather than reactive political strategies – wishing
to mobilise educate and inspire the masses. e.g. Ideologically-disciplined cadre parties and mass
parties such as some socialist parties, UK Conservative Party under Margaret Thatcher et al.

(3) Constitutional parties, acknowledging the rights and entitlements of other parties, operate within
a framework of rules and constraints. They acknowledge and respect rules of electoral competition.
e.g. mainstream parties in liberal democracies. Revolutionary parties are anti-system and anti-
constitutional, either on the left or right and suppress rivals. e.g. quasi-legal Nazi and Fascist parties,
parties indulging in outright insurrection and popular revolution, many parties which are declared by
governments as ‘extremist’ or ‘anti-democratic’. (4) Left-wing parties are characterised by a
commitment to change such as to social reform or economic transformation. Their supporters are
poor and disadvantaged. e.g. progressive, socialist and communist parties. Right-wing parties are
those which uphold existing social order, i.e. support continuity. Their supporters include business-
and middle classes. e.g. conservative and fascist parties.

Conclusion: Interest groups and political parties are both important linkages between the
government and the governed. They have partially distinct and partially overlapping functions
regarding membership organisation, goal formulation, interest articulation and social mobilisation.
They play crucial roles in social, political and economic spheres.

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Qn. In what respect is the new social movement ‘new’ in nature? Discuss. (2014/II/Q.1b/10m)

Answer: Social movements are organizational structures and strategies that may empower certain
sections of the population to challenge and resist other sections. Such movements have been
academically studied since the 19th century. The second half of the 20th century saw a new wave of
movements – ‘new’ social movements - with changed dynamics and new causes, as the context
evolved.

A social movement is a particular form of collective behaviour or mass action in which the motive to
act is rooted largely in the attitudes and aspirations of members, typically acting within a loose
organisational framework. Being part of it requires a level of commitment and political activism.

Earliest social movements can be traced back to the 19th century and include: (1) labour movements
(for improved conditions for the growing working class), (2) nationalist movements (for
independence, especially from European colonialism), (3) Catholic movement (for legal and political
rights of Catholics) and even (4) 20th century fascist and right-wing authoritarian groups (sometimes
considered movements rather than conventional political parties).

New social movements are labelled to select collective actions that emerged and flourished since
the 1960s, in the West, and 1970s, in the East. These were facilitated by globalisation and fuelled by
information and communication technology. These mainly include: (1) the women’s movement
(pursue gender equality and anti-patriarchy, including equal pay and opportunities etc.) (2) the

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environmental (or green) movement (advocating valuing and conservation of the environment, as
per recognition of its fragility and deterioration by anthropogenic factors), (3) peace movement
(shunning violence and promoting compassion), (4) anti-capitalist or anti-globalisation movements
(such as ‘Occupy Wall Street’ movement, 2011 and ‘battle of Seattle’, 1999) – these involve
environmental, developmental, ethnic-nationalist, anarchist and revolutionary socialist groups, inter
alia.

New social movements are ‘new’ in nature, as compared to traditional social movements, in the
following ways: (1) Traditional movements were carried by the oppressed or disadvantaged. New
social movements attract the young, more educated and relatively affluent. (2) Traditional
movements were focused on emancipation, freedom or social advancement. New movements
typically have a post-material orientation i.e. with increasing economic advancement, concern
shifted to ‘quality of life’ issues. (3) Traditional movements had little in common and seldom worked
in tandem. New movements subscribe to a common ideology (may not be clearly defined) – viz.,
New Left ideas and values (such as rejection of conventional society as oppressive; disillusionment
with the working class as revolutionary agent; and preference for democracy etc.) (4) New social
movements tend to have organisational structures that demand decentralisation and participatory
decision-making. Such traits were minimal or absent in traditional movements.

(5) Traditional movements, in the backdrop of totalitarianism around the World Wars, was seen as
an attempt by alienated individuals to achieve security and identity (Eric Fromm; Hannah Arendt).
New social movements imbibe new forms of political activism, being in an altered context. These are
seen as rational and instrumental actors using informal and unconventional means (Zald; McCarthy).
(6) Class based politics of old movements has been replaced by a new politics – ‘democratic
pluralism’ (Laclau; Mouffe). (7) In comparison to traditional movements, new ones offer fresh and
rival centres of power and diffuse power more effectively by resisting bureaucratisation, having
spontaneity and inculcating decentralised organisation.

Conclusion: The emergence of a new generation of social movements practising new styles of
activism has significantly shifted views about the nature and significance of movements. Their
emergence is evidence that power in post-industrial societies is becoming dispersed and
fragmented.

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Qn. What is the difference between interest groups and pressure groups? (2015/II/Q.1c/10m)

Answer: Interest groups and pressure groups are both actors of groups politics - they are organised
efforts aspiring for a particular cause. Although sometimes considered similar, there are debated
and slight differences between the two entities.

Interest groups are organisations seeking to advance a particular interest, concern or cause, while
usually not seeking to form a government or part thereof. They rely on a variety of campaigning and
lobbying methods to exert influence on government policy.

It is often used synonymously with pressure groups, organised groups and catalytic groups. Other
scholarly labels include ‘anonymous empire’ (S. E. Finer), ‘invisible government’ (D. D. McKean) and
‘unofficial government’ (T. Sellin and R. D. Lambert).

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Pressure groups are non-profit and (usually) voluntary organizations whose members have a
common cause, for which they seek to influence political or corporate decision-makers to achieve a
declared objective. They are studied for the “extend to which they enter the political process” (Jean
Blondel).

Differences between interest groups and pressure groups, though contested, minimal and vague,
can be pointed out as: (1) Nature: Interest groups are more or less protective while pressure groups
are both protective and promotive. (2) Structure: Interest groups are formally organised, while
pressure groups are more strictly structured. (3) Orientation: Interest groups are interest-oriented,
while pressure groups are focussed on pressure tactics. (4) Outlook: Interest groups are softer in
outlook while pressure groups tend to be harsher in attitude. (5) Output: Interest groups may or may
not influence the governmental action. On the other hand, pressure groups are comparatively more
successful in influencing policies.

(6) Classification: Interest groups are classified into communal, institutional and associational groups
(Andrew Heywood). Pressure groups are classified into associational, non-associational, institutional
and anomic groups (Gabriel Almond). (7) Usage: The term ‘interest group’ is used in the U.S. and
elsewhere to describe all organised groups. In the U.K., ‘interest group’ is used only for those that
forward interests of their members and ‘pressure group’ is used to broadly describe organised
groups. (7) Connotation: Interest groups are varyingly judged. But pressure groups sometimes
attract disapproval due to their group concern or methods employed, i.e. it is a relatively negatively
perceived. (8) JD Reynand, distinguishing between them, said: “when the interest groups act at the
political level, they are called pressure groups”.

Conclusion: Interest and pressure groups are manifestations of group action. These groups play a
role in governments accruing legitimacy. They are often used synonymously, so it remains difficult to
make dichotomous distinctions between the two.

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Qn. Is the rise of social movements a sign of opening up of popular space in political process or
decline of representational politics? Examine. (2013/II/Q.4a/20m)

Answer: Society and politics are inseparable. The rise in social movements (or collective behaviour)
is considered a sign of changing political processes.

Social movements are a type of group action. Having distinctive organisation and strategies, they
carry out, resist, or undo a social change. Traditionally social movements were focused on social
advancement such as nationalist movements and labour movements. Rise of social movements (or
‘new’ social movements) is changing trends in collective behaviours which concern aspects regarding
‘quality of life’, such as gender-rights, environmental and anti-globalisation movements. It is linked
to leftist politics. Liberals prefer to call it ‘resource mobilisation’. New social movements ignited in
the West since the 1960s. In the East (Third World countries), they started in the 1970s. These
occurred due to growth of globalisation, rise of trans-national networks, communication revolution
etc.

Political process can be defined as the process of the formulation and administration of public policy
usually by the interaction between social groups and political institutions or between political

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leadership and public opinion. Representational politics may be defined as the art or science of
directing or administering a political unit (e.g. a state), by political representatives (elected
individuals, standing in for a person or a group, for a certain time period). Commonly, it is the
activity of making citizens' voices, opinions, and perspectives “present” in public policy making
processes.

The rise of social movements can be interpreted both as opening up of popular space in politics as
well as the decline of representational politics. The disconnect between the parliamentarians and
people is being exposed. Social movements show the assertion of civil society, as it becomes
increasingly aware of its rights. Such movements target political dysfunctions, opening up political
space. Also, a global civil society is emerging. The Information Age accelerates knowledge
distribution and steers public opinion. Mass media helps these movements to gather momentum
and have responsive co-ordination.

In India, one can consider: (1) Judicial activism depicts the proactivity of a constitutional institution
to preserve democratic sanctity. (2) Right to Information movement contrasts to the previous red-
tapism and secrecy that hallmarked Indian politics, bringing in much transparency and
accountability. It also shows the political will to evolve with the times. (2) Corruption movement
highlighted assertion of public dissatisfaction with governmental dysfunctions. For instance, the
Lokpal Bill had been brought and failed many times. (3) Delhi rape case protests vented the gender
rights concerns of Indian women. It showed a lack of confidence in the patriarchy-driven system. The
upsurge was aided by the greater voice that women get today. (4) Various environmental
movements in India have displayed sentiments of political negligence but also, empowerment of
masses.

Conclusion: Rise of social movements can be linked to political processes, although not necessarily in
an exclusive manner. These movements are a hallmark of modern political societies. It exhibits how
the flow of democracy is from vertical to horizontal.

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PSIR PREVIOUS YEARS’ Q&A – POLITICS OF REPRESENTATION AND PARTICIPATION

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Qn. 2. Examine the comparative advantage of democracy and autocracy in restraining violence. Do
you think that autocratic societies are more prone to political violence? Illustrate your answer
with a comparative study of a few societies. (2009/II/Q.4/60m)

Answer: Democracy is a political system where majority rules. Autocracy is a political system where
one person governs. Political violence is violence used to achieve political goals. Democracies and
autocracies have variable relations with political violence.

Democracy a system of government by the whole population or all the eligible members of a state,
typically through elected representatives. Citizens exercise power directly or elect representatives
from among themselves to form a governing body (such as a parliament). Political competition is
regarded as the main trait of a democracy. Key elements of democracy, as per Larry Diamond,
consist of (1) political system for choosing and replacing the government through free and fair
elections; (2) active participation of the citizens; (3) protection of the human rights; and (4) rule of
law. Etymology – ‘demos’ (Greek) meaning ‘people’ and ‘kratos’ (Greek) meaning ‘power’ or
‘authority’. Examples - ancient Greece, USA, India, England, France, Italy, Poland etc.

Autocracy is a system of government in which absolute or supreme power is concentrated in the

hands of one person, whose decisions are subject to neither external legal restraints nor regularized
mechanisms of popular control. Features: (1) initially perceived with grandeur and power, with
expectation of fostering "lack of conflicts of interests"; (2) strong military; (3) media control; (4)
faster system (5) (often) power misuse; (6) leadership is inherited or usurped by force; (7) resistance
manifests as mass revolution, coup d'état, etc. Its main historical forms are (1) absolute monarchy
and (2) dictatorship. Other aliases are absolutism, monocracy, autarchy; and negative connotations
are totalitarianism, despotism, tyranny, kleptocracy, fascism, Nazism, Führerprinzip, dystopia etc.
Etymology - ‘auto’ (English) meaning ‘self’ and ‘kratos’ (Greek) meaning ‘power’ or ‘authority’.
Examples - many erstwhile empires, China, North Korea, Cuba, Vietnam, Saudi Arabia, Oman, U.A.E.
etc.

Political violence is a broad term used to describe violence (hostile or aggressive acts) perpetrated
by either persons or governments to achieve political objectives (e.g. affecting desired change in the
government or society). Many governments use violence to (1) intimidate the population, (2) defend
against external and internal threats, (3) to coerce other governments or (4) conquer territory. Types
of political violence include: (1) violence between non-state actors (e.g. ethnic and regional
conflicts); (2) one-sided violence by non-state actors (e.g. terrorism, guerrilla warfare, insurgency,
extremism); (3) one-sided violence by the state (e.g. genocide, ethnic cleansing, torture, capital
punishment, police brutality, induced famine, curfew); (4) violence between a state and non-state
actor (e.g. rebellion, rioting, revolution, civil war, counter-insurgency); (5) violence between states
(e.g. direct and proxy wars.) The absence of political violence is envisioned in utopian states, along
with complete human fulfilment and eradication of social evils. e.g. More’s ‘Utopia’ island; Platonic
philosopher king’s rule; Marxian communist society; Augustine’s ‘City of God’; Campanella’s ‘The
City of the Sun’; Bacon’s ‘New Atlantis’; Huxley’s ‘Brave New World’; Orwell’s ‘Nineteen Eighty-Four’;
socialist doctrines by Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owen, Cabet etc.

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Democracy’s advantages regarding political violence: (1) Democratic regimes, by allowing political
competition and participation diffuse political violence. (2) Democratic institutions provide peaceful
channels for resolving political conflict. (3) Democratic government’s legally constrained response to
political violence is often seen as more legitimate. (4) Democratic socio-economic development
fosters peaceful interactions.

Democracy’s disadvantages regarding political violence: (1) Political violence is most likely where
opportunities to organize exist and ineffective institutional channels provide the motivation - as in
many democracies. E.g. non-state parties seeking territorial autonomy (e.g. IRA of Northern Ireland,
separatists of northeast India); opportunistic actors with narrow objectives (e.g. separatists in
Eastern Ukraine). Mostly these are due to centralised polity favouring majority (e.g. conflict in Sri
Lanka) and democracies seldom outlawing political groups (exception – illegitimately functioning
Baader-Meinhof, Germany). (2) The process of democratization is often violent. E.g. Britain after
Glorious Revolution, France after French Revolution, India after its freedom struggle against
colonisation etc. (3) Democracies can be vulnerable to transnational terrorism (e.g. 9/11 attacks in
USA, terrorism in India) and mass demonstrations (e.g. anti-austerity protests in Greece, Red Shirt
protests in Thailand).

(4) Democracies that are victims of political violence may curtail certain freedoms in order to
increase security (surveillance state). However, such actions may erode democracy and contribute to
greater political violence, due to suppression of opposition. (5) Internal conflict seems more in
developing democracies than in high-income ones. e.g. India, Sri Lanka and Colombia versus Europe.
It may be fuelled by democratic deficiencies — including corruption, weaker legal systems,
ineffective bureaucracies and electoral irregularities. (6) Semi-democracies - when democratically
elected get autocratic power – see more violence. e.g. South Africa, Israel, many African nations.
These facilitate the use of violence to gain and maintain office.

Autocracy and political violence dynamics: (1) Although autocratic repression may be effective in
the short-run, it tends to increase discontent in the long-run. e.g. Syria. (2) In middle-income
authoritarian systems, with educated but unemployed urban youth, conflict over the nature of the
political system is dominant. (3) Autocracies stifle political violence but fail at grassroot poverty
reduction. e.g. China, North Korea, Zimbabwe etc.

Study of political violence in a few autocratic societies: (1) Roman Empire (27 BC): Ruled by
emperors. Initially, Rome was peaceful and prosperous, until the dictatorial 160s A.D. Then, 300s
A.D. saw invasions as well as economic decline. Eventually, the empire was politically split into two.
One half (Western Roman Empire) fell in 476 after civic unrest, further economic decline, and
invasions. (2) Aztec Empire: A military powerhouse, in Mesoamerica. The Aztec Emperor was the
ruler, military commander and religious figurehead. He drove the Empire's aggressive foreign policy
and used to sacrifice captured prisoners-of-war. (3) Mongol Empire: This autocratic monarchy grew
under Emperor Genghis Khan, who carrying out widespread invasions and capturing major areas of
Asia and Europe. They were notorious for their war atrocities and killings. (4) Tokugawa Shogunate:
Medieval Japan was mired in political violence - skirmishes between warring clans and rulers.
Tokugawa seized power through tactics and diplomacy. His Shogunate controlled all aspects of life
and closed the borders of Japan (policy of isolationism).

(5) Tsarist and Imperial Russia: Tsar Ivan (‘Ivan the Terrible’) established dominance and expanded
his kingdom’s borders. The military enforced his rule. It is said that Ivan established the autocratic
nature in Russia that continues today. (6) Soviet Union: Joseph Stalin's rule, as visible during Cold
War, precipitated much political violence for maintaining Soviet’s superpower status, e.g. class-

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based violence, purges, executions, deportations, suppressing civil unrests etc. But later, as
Gorbachev’s policies gave vent to simmering civilian angst, the Soviet disintegrated and splintered
into Russia and other nations. (7) Russian Federation: Arguably, President Vladimir Putin's
prolonged rule is labelled sternly autocratic. His regime is characterised by economic liberalism, a
lack of transparency in governance, cronyism, nepotism, pervasive corruption and military-security
establishment controlling much of the political and financial power. Many accuse Putin of
“dismantlement of democracy and suppression of human rights.”

(8) Nazi Germany: With the change of government from a patriarchy (House of Hohenzollern), to a
democratic republic, political unrest ensued. With class fluidity, from sudden fall of authority, new
political voices emerged. Many rioted. The Nazis, under Adolf Hitler, took advantage of the civil
unrest to seize power through propaganda and Hitler’s charismatic speeches. They began to restrict
civil liberties. With a combination of cooperation and intimidation, they systematically weakened all
opposition, transforming into a fascist dictatorship. Nazis massacred Jews and were aggressive in
World War II. (9) China: Earlier, ruled by imperialist dynasties, more recently, by a single communist
party. State perpetrates political violence through internet and media censorship; silencing of civil
unrest by force (e.g. Tiananmen Square protests); incessant territorial disputes etc. Chinese
authorities detest "three evils": terrorism, separatism, and religious fundamentalism, such as
conflicts involving Tibetans and Xinjiang Uyghurs. Simultaneously, China has had fast economic
growth, a strong military and quick governance.

Comparative study of democracy versus autocracy, w.r.t. political violence shows: (1) Democracies
provide slow but sustainable peace, while authoritarians provide quick but temporary peace. (2)
Unlike autocracies, democracies are held accountable - so expected to safeguard citizenry. Hence,
have to put more effort to contain political violence, especially terrorism, insurgency, civil wars etc.
(3) Democracies have to act more responsible than autocracies, having to maintain legitimacy.
Democracies are expected to protect individual rights and act through the legal system, so have to
respond with restrained, calculated and reasonable steps while dealing with politically violent actors.
(4) Oxford professor Paul Collier argues that: (i) authoritarianism can be good for growth, especially
in homogeneous societies (e.g. South Korea, which democratised under dictators’ policies). (ii) In
ethnically diverse societies, only democracy can work for growth, as autocratic leaders with a narrow
support base syphon off national income. That explains why diverse India has democracy-led
growth.

(5) Research shows that democratic governments experience more transnational terrorism than
other governments. (6) Rebel groups fighting democracies in civil wars are known to target civilians
more often than those fighting non-democracies. (7) Armed conflicts tend to last longer in
democracies than in non-democracies, possibly because counter-insurgency efforts are less brutal
and hence less effective. (8) Well-established democracies experience considerably less political
violence than non-democracies. E.g. France or Japan. i.e., lesser domestic terrorism, internal armed
conflicts and civil wars. Rare conflicts (e.g. Basque event) have fewer casualties.

Conclusion: The relationship between regime type and political violence is complicated. Both
democracies and autocracies are prone to political violence and cope with it in their own ways.
Democracies provide slow but sustainable peace, while autocracies provide quick but temporary
peace.

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Qn. 7. Party system in India is neither western nor indigenous. Explain. (2014/II/Q.1a/10m)

Answer: Party system refers to the set of all the significant parties in a country, their interactions
and (sometimes) the electoral system and voter loyalties that produce it. Party system in India has
evolved as a hybrid, with neither purely Indian characteristics, nor western.

Party system in India, being neither western nor indigenous, can be studied by comparing its
features: (1) One party dominance: Although Indian polity accommodates a multi-party system,
often a single party has dominated. This seems counter to the plural character of India. Also, it is
different from the two-party systems of Britain and USA, and the multi-party model in most of
western Europe (e.g. in France, Italy etc). In India, the Congress, which was a nationalist movement
pre-independence, emerged post-independence as a dominant political party. Morris Jones
described the Indian party system as a ‘one party dominance’ system. Rajni Kothari called it the
‘Congress System’. Recently BJP has dominated. (2) Multi-party system: With the disintegration of
the Congress system, the Indian party system blossomed into multiple parties. By 2016, India has
recognised 7 national parties (Congress, BJP, BSP, CPI, CPI-M, NCP and All India Trinamool Congress)
and 49 state parties. Many others await recognition and function under the radar. The west does not
witness such multiplicity. (3) Emergence of regional politics: In India, major pan-India parties have
been losing strength and influence, which was gained by regional parties. These parties articulate
and seek to defend a regionally-based ethnic or religious-cultural identity. Thus, rose DMK and
AIADMK in Tamil Nadu; the Shiromani Akali Dal in Punjab; Asom Gana Parishad in Assam; National
Conference in Jammu & Kashmir; and Shiv Sena in Maharashtra.

(4) Lack of strong opposition: India lacks a strongly-oriented, well-organised opposition party –
which is essential for the success of parliamentary democracy. The opposition is meant to compel it
the government to improve by highlighting its flaws. Opposition in India is more interested in
delegitimising the ruling party. (5) Personality cult: Indian party system flourishes under charismatic
leaders. When a party ceases to have such a personality, it starts declining. e.g. J. Nehru and I.
Gandhi for Congress; S. P. Mukherjee for Jan Sangh; R. M. Lohia for socialist forces; C.
Rajagopalachari for Swatantra Party; A. B. Vajpayee and N. D. Modi for BJP etc. (6) The use of extra-
constitutional means to power: Political parties frequently try to exploit political or social
dissatisfaction. Instead of focusing on electioneering and campaigning, they deviate towards such
extra-constitutional means as civil disobedience, mass demonstrations, strikes, protest rallies and
even violence to negatively affect the party in power.

(7) Lack of ideological commitment: Parties in India generally become ‘catch-all’ and issue-oriented,
lacking disciplined commitment to any ideology. e.g. National Front Government at the centre was
issue-oriented and gained support from the extreme left (CPI (M)) to the extreme right (BJP). Since
1971, elections have been steered by issue-politics. (8) Factionalism: Factional leaders compete with
each other and build patron-client relations with various groups. Such alliances being non-ideological
and dynamic, keep the parties in a state of flux. (9) Communalism and Casteism: India with its
unique religious plurality and various social stratifications, often witnesses communal and caste-
based factors influence politics.

Conclusion: Indian party system has evolved to suit contexts post-independence. In contemporary
times, developing India stands as a mix of diversities and complexities. Its party system remained
neither a blind replication of the west nor purely indigenous in character.

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Qn. Are the pressure groups in India in a position to fully protect or promote the interests of their
members? (2015/II/Q.1c/10m)

Answer: Pressure groups are a manifestation of group behaviour. In India, as per the context, motive
and opportunity, various pressure groups operate.

Pressure groups are forms of organisations, which exert pressure on the political or administrative
system of a country to extract benefits out of it and to advance their own interests. These are
political actors and sometimes also referred to as civil society organisations, interest groups or
catalytic groups. Genesis of pressure groups: Pressure groups have been in existence in different
forms ever since governmental machinery assumed both welfare role and discretionary authority.
They took more concrete form in the wake of the industrial revolution and market-oriented
economies. In India, pressure groups germinate and function as per their context.

Types and operations of pressure groups in India are mainly: (1) Business groups: most prominent,
organised, resource-backed and effective groups in India. They exert varied kinds of pressures -
trying to influence planning, licensing bodies and economic ministries. Businesspersons are present
in legislatures; every ministry has some business representation or committee; before making
budget, the finance ministry takes inputs from them. e.g. Confederation of Indian Industry, FICCI,
ASSOCHAM, All India Manufacturer’s Organisation, All India Exporters’ Organisation etc.; (2) Trade
unions: were present prior independence and have developed since. Communist movement fuelled
their growth. When required can be strongly vocal and militant in their actions. They often have links
with political parties. They are well recognized and exert significant pressure in policy formulation.
Through strikes and demonstrations, they have been able to achieve changes in wage structure etc.
Encourage class consciousness and solidarity among workers. Were active when PSU disinvestments
were done. Despite ideological differences, internal splits, external pressures, lack of international
backing etc., they remain strong. e.g. AITUC, INTUC, Hind Mazdoor Sabha, United Trade Union
Congress, Hind Mazdoor Parishad, All India Bank Employee Association, Centre of Indian Trade
Union, National Federation etc.; (3) Professional groups function in a similar way. e.g. Bar Council of
India, Dental Council of India, Association of Engineers etc.

(4) Agrarian or peasant organisations flourished after the abolition of Zamindari System and
implementation of Panchayati Raj, land reform measures and Green Revolution. Mainly organised
on territorial basis. Many are linked with parties, while some remain non-political. Their demands
relate to procurement prices of agricultural products, fertiliser subsidy, tenancy rights, electricity
charges, etc. They have been substantially successful. e.g. All India Kisan Sabha (1936), Bharatiya
Kisan Sangh, Hind Kisan Panchayat, United Kisan Sabha etc.; (5) Student associations: acted both
pre- and post-independence. Many are affiliated with political parties. They try to pressurise
governmental policy on various crucial issues (not just confined to educational issues). They are a
major force of social mobilisation and change. e.g. All Bengal Students Association (1928), All India
Students Federation (1936), JNU Students’ Union, All India Students' Association, National Students’
Union of India, Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, Youth Congress, Janata Yuva Morcha, All Assam
Students’ Union etc. Similarly, India also has teachers' associations.; (6) Women organisations work
for emancipation, upliftment and empowerment of women. Have influenced government actions.
They are becoming increasingly influential in modern times. Anti-Dowry Council, Women Welfare
Sabhas, Nari Sudhar Sabhas, Mahila Mandals, Women Liberation Organisations etc.;

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(7) Caste groups are most politically significant as India has immense social stratifications. They spur
debates, articulate specific interests and influence legislations. Major determinants of electoral and
voting behaviour. e.g. Scheduled Castes Federations, Jat Sabha, Aggarwal Sabha, Gujjar Sabha,
Vanniyakul Kshatriya Sangam, Marwari Association, Harijan Sevak Sangh etc. (8) Religious groups
garner massive legitimacy in India as religious sentiments are intense. Also, traditionally multi-
religious India has many groups. Majority-religion groups have ridden elections to power. Minority
groups enjoy protections under the Constitution. Many parties in power also resort to minority
appeasement. Shiv Sena, RSS, Arya Samaj, Jamaat-e-Islami, Brahmin Sabha, Parsi Association, Anglo-
Indian Christian Association, Chief Khalsa Diwan etc.; (9) Linguistic groups seek recognition, language
development, protection and other benefits in governance. Many groups were behind the
formations of states on lingual basis. Tamil Sangh, Anjuman Urdu Taraqqi, Hindi Protection Parishad,
Punjabi Sahit Sabhas, Sahitya Sammelan etc.;

(10) Tribal-regional groups pursue their specific interests. e.g. United Mizo Federal Organisation,
Tribal Sangh of Assam, Naga National Council, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, National Social Council of
Nagaland, Tribal National Volunteers etc.; (11) Anomic pressure groups – are formed spontaneously,
through riots, demonstrations, assassinations etc. Depending on the cause, some of them flourish.
They have been significant for administrative and law-&-order agencies. They emerge & dissolve as
per circumstances or for a specific purpose. e.g. anti-dowry and anti-sati groups, Naxalite groups,
United Liberation Front of Assam, Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front etc.; (12) Ideology-based
groups occupy political space, as per their magnitude and cause. e.g. Chipko movement; Narmada
Bachao movement, Gandhi Peace Foundation etc.

Features of Indian pressure groups: (1) interest-based; (2) (most groups) lack alignment with any
single party; (3) use party platform to articulate and fulfil interests; (4) presence of political party
sponsored pressure groups (e.g. Congress-Youth Congress, Bhartiya Janata Party-Akhil Bhartiya
Vidhjarthi Parisad etc.); (5) resulting out of increasing competition for resources; (6) Employ both
traditional methods (caste and religious solidarities) and modern means (lobbying, using
government machinery); (7) check on politics (e.g. regarding MRPT Act or land reforms); (8) transient
(e.g. anti-sati, anti-dowry groups etc.); (9) use direct action (e.g. bandh, strikes, fasts, chakka-jams,
gheraos etc.); (10) shift from negative to positive (e.g. from preventing nationalization to
participating in law-making).

Functioning of pressure groups in India: In general, their influence is growing. These groups not only
act as interest articulators but also as educators of public opinion. Mass media, internet and growing
awareness and affluence among youth help them garner support. Negative aspect: many groups (1)
are organised around religious, ethnic or regional interests, (2) do not have autonomous existence,
(3) are unsustainable, unstable, short-lived and lack resources and commitment, (4) shift loyalties
with political situations, (5) resort to unconstitutional means (e.g. Naxalite movement) and (6)
influence policy implementation rather than formulation, (7) politicise trivial issues, hampering
socio-economic development etc. These not only waste resources and opportunities, but also divert
attention from critical issues.

Conclusion: Considering India’s complex profile, pressure groups remain integral. They have
protected their respective interests but to varying degrees. As most modern political parties adopt
catch-all strategies, it reduces the chance of groups being neglected. Need is to sort and prioritise
issues which would ensure healthy and balanced development.

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Qn. 10. Comment on the decline of political parties and examine whether new social movements
shall be an alternate strategy for establishing link between government and society.
(2016/II/Q.1b/10m)

Answer: Political parties are organisations seeking government office. New social movements are
group phenomenon articulating specific post-materialist interests. In the modern age, changing roles
of political parties and social movements can be linked.

A political party is an organised group with similar political aims and opinions, that seeks to
influence public policy, by getting its candidates elected to public office. Decline of political parties
principally stems from the evidence of their decline as agents of representation and as effective links
between the government and the people. Reasons can be (1) Parties are viewed as political
professionals, pursuing power, high office and corruption, and not ‘of the people’ and (2) real or
perceived oligarchical character (being viewed as bureaucratised political machines, with grassroot
members inactive or engaged in impotent roles), and (3) traditional social identities which gave birth
to the parties have begun to fade in a globalising world (e.g. decline of class-politics, old social,
religious and other solidarities).

A ‘crisis of party politics’ can be witnessed in decline of both party membership and partisanship
(reflected in partisan de-alignment). Research suggests (1) lesser proportion of people join political
parties, (2) average age of party member has risen, (3) voter turnout is falling, (4) dramatic electoral
swings etc. Many herald ‘anti-politics’ - the rise of political movements and organisations, solely as
apathy towards conventional power holders. The emergence of these new phenomena is also
reflected in the rise of new social movements.

New social movements are labelled to select collective actions that emerged and flourished since
the 1960s, in the West, and 1970s, in the East. These were facilitated by globalisation and fuelled by
information and communication technology. These mainly include: (1) the women’s movement
(pursue gender equality and anti-patriarchy, including equal pay and opportunities etc.) (2) the
environmental (or green) movement (advocating valuing and conservation of the environment, as
per recognition of its fragility and deterioration by anthropogenic factors), (3) peace movement
(shunning violence and promoting compassion), (4) anti-capitalist or anti-globalisation movements
(such as ‘Occupy Wall Street’ movement, 2011 and ‘battle of Seattle’, 1999) – these involve
environmental, developmental, ethnic-nationalist, anarchist and revolutionary socialist groups, inter
alia.

New social movements as alternate strategy: Complex, modern societies are difficult to govern.
Cynicism and disillusionment grow as parties promise improvement and problem-solving but fail to
deliver when in government power. This adds to the growing influence of interest groups. Plus, with
fading social identities and old solidarities, new aspirations and sensibilities have come into the
agenda – notably those associated with post-materialism (as projected by new social movements).

Even when these new social movements articulate their interests through party organisation, they
assume the mantle of anti-party parties. In addition, single issue based protest movements are
successfully attracting membership and support (particularly youth), as they are (1) more loosely
based, (2) localised, (3) emphasise participation and (4) encourage activism. Information and
communication technology has accelerated awareness, organisation and social mobilisation. It has

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been witnessed in the Arab Spring chain-reaction, western anti-capitalist protests and even women
rights, anti-corruption and environmental movements in India.

Conclusion: In the modern globalising world, traditional political party functioning has been
inadequate. Thus, these new social movements and single-issue groups may well be gradually taking
over the role of traditional political parties – articulating, needs, aspirations and goals of the
electorate – i.e. linking government and society.

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India and world

1. "India needs a balanced West Asia policy. By skewing it towards
Saudis, New Delhi runs the risk of antagonizing Tehran." Comment.

Start by explaining importance of West Asia for India: India and West Asia has prehistorical ties
since trade relations were established between civilizations of Mesopotamia and Indus Valley. Today
India has several economic and strategic interests in West Asia, and in words of Chinmaya
Gharekhan India has a big stake in the region. Energy is the most obvious case in point. 70 per cent
of India’s imported energy needs come from West Asia and this dependence will only increase as the
Indian economy continues to grow at 8 per cent or more. He further adds that, India would certainly
wish the Indian community to live in West Asia in conditions of dignity and self-respect as India’s
national interests are directly linked to peace and stability in West Asia.
C Raja Mohan divided India’s grand strategy of the world into three concentric circles where in the
second, which encompass the so-called extended neighbourhood stretching across Asia and the
Indian Ocean littoral, India has sought to balance the influence of other powers and prevent them
from undercutting its interests
Explain how currently policy is tilting towards Saudis It is often quoted that while not entirely giving
up the tri-directional framework, New Delhi's West Asian policy is currently tilted more towards the
Saudi camp and Israel. According to Suhasini Haidar, both governments want to add a more positive
and modern gloss to their ties. It is no coincidence that scientific and mathematical collaborations
between Indian and Saudi Arabian researchers have seen the sharpest increase in the past few
years. Today, Saudi Arabia is India’s largest supplier of crude oil. Besides, India is the largest recipient
of foreign remittances from the kingdom. Of the 11 million Indians working in West Asia, nearly
three million are in Saudi Arabia. Bilateral relations have gone beyond the economic realm in recent
years, acquiring a strategic sense and pushing both countries to beef up their security partnership.
Riyadh also extradited several terror suspects to India in a clear departure from its established policy
towards New Delhi. The joint statements with Riyadh, is surprisingly having indirect references to
Pakistan’s dual policy towards terrorism and India’s objective appears to be to build a “counter-
terror narrative” in diplomatic engagements with Pakistan’s close allies which could complicate the
latter’s foreign policy. By skewing its West Asia policy towards the Saudis, even though it might help
meet its short-term goals, New Delhi also runs the risk of antagonising Iran at a time when the
country is emerging a stronger player in West Asia post the removal of sanctions.
Give evidences of balancing done by India However, the mentioned concern is far-fetched as
according to Stanly Johny, historically India’s West Asia policy has been multi-directional. During the
Cold War years, India maintained close economic cooperation with both Saudi Arabia and Iran, the
rival poles in regional geopolitics. Even when New Delhi warmed up to Israel in the 1990s as part of
the country’s efforts to diversify its diplomatic engagement in the post-Soviet world, it was careful
not to jeopardise the traditional relations with Muslim countries. The bi-directional approach has
been expanded to a tri-directional foreign policy to accommodate the three key pillars of West Asia
— Saudi Arabia, Iran and Israel.
According to C Raja Mohan, India’s new approach to the region, under Modi, is fashioned around
three axes. The first is to leverage the Gulf riches to accelerate India’s economic growth. The second
is to tap into the huge potential for strengthening counter-terror cooperation, Delhi’s most
important national security preoccupation. The third is to explore the prospects for deepening
defence cooperation with the Gulf states.
Conclude on following lines West Asia is not an easy diplomatic playground, and in words of Manoj
Joshi, given mutual antipathies and subterranean divides, India has to step carefully to ensure
maximum gain for itself, even while avoiding the numerous political minefields there. New Delhi's

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policies are high on potential, but in a region that is equally high on tensions, the Prime Minister will
have to walk a tightrope.

2. How India can and why India must shape Asia's future political
order?

Give the importance of Asia As one of the world’s oldest continuing civilisations, India has always
been enriched by its interaction with other cultures and civilisations around it. As India’s first prime
minister Jawaharlal Nehru told the delegates to the 1947 Asian Relations Conference in Delhi, India
is “so situated to be the meeting point of western and northern and eastern and southeast Asia.
Streams of culture have flowed from India to distant parts of Asia". If the idea of a culturally
interconnected Asia animated the Indian national movement, the hopes of constructing an “Asian
Federation” emerged as an aspiration on the international stage.
According to C Raja Mohan, the fact is that the scale, scope and intensity of its connectivity with Asia
varied over the millennia. There have been periods of expansive engagement with its neighbouring
regions, interspersed by centuries of isolationism. Nehru’s own stewardship of independent India
saw Delhi intensely embrace Asia only to turn its back on it soon after. Today, integrating with Asia
has once again become a major theme of India’s economic and foreign policies.
Explain why India must shape Asia’s future political order Asian nations are now more economically
connected than ever before. They are striving to deepen regional integration through trade
liberalisation agreements at the sub-regional, trans-regional and international levels. In the middle
of the 20th century, regionalism ran into opposition in Asia from those emphasising ‘economic
sovereignty.’ Today Asian nations have the luxury of dealing with competing trade pacts. The region
today is no longer a mere theatre for European colonial powers. It is the motor of global growth and
has agency in shaping the world’s financial and political order. If the reviled Vasco da Gama moment
has ended in Asia, the region is also facing sharp internal divisions. The rapid rise of China relative to
the other powers in Asia has raised big questions about the future strategic order in Asia. China has
overtaken Japan to become the second largest economy in the world and is poised to surpass the US
in the near future. The widespread hopes for Beijing’s peaceful rise have evaporated amidst the
sharpening maritime territorial conflicts between China and its neighbours.
As Asia enters a period of great churning, the question of India’s role in the region has become an
important one. India’s Look East policy came in the wake of its economic reforms initiated at the
turn of the 1990s was not surprising. Reconnecting to Asia, Delhi recognised, was critical for the
modernisation of the Indian economy that had fallen behind the rest of the region and to rejuvenate
its foreign policy in the new era. Since then, India has made considerable advances in connecting
with Asia. It is now part of the major regional institutions, has growing economic and trade links and
has stepped up its security cooperation with most Asian nations. Yet, there is a widespread sense of
disappointment in Asia with India’s recent record in the East. Asia’s regional dynamic—in economic,
political and strategic domains—has moved much faster than Delhi's readiness to adapt.
Tell how India can shape Asia’s future political order In words of C Raja Mohan, Asia today hopes
that the ‘Act East’ policy unveiled by the government of Narendra Modi will bridge the gap between
India’s promise and performance. To meet the regional expectations for leadership, India will need
to accelerate its internal economic reforms, deepen its integration with its South Asian neighbours,
seize the opportunities for strengthening physical connectivity with different parts of Asia, play a
more active role in the regional institutions and intensify its defence diplomacy.
Harsh Pant talks about greater cooperation with likeminded countries in the region and beyond will
give it greater space to emerge as a credible regional interlocutor at a time when Washington’s
policies remain far from clear and Beijing is challenging the foundations of the extant order.
Conclude on following lines Delhi cannot afford to miss the unprecedented opportunity to
accelerate Asia’s march towards prosperity or disavow the historic responsibility to shape its future

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political order. Recently held Raisina Dialogue upheld India’s activism where in words of Foreign
Secretary, a lot of our diplomacy over the years has been dedicated to making economic revival of
Asia possible. Our commitment to that approach remains firm. Today, as India’s capabilities and
influence grow, they are naturally on offer to this longstanding endeavour.

3. In the context of current challenges in Afghanistan chart out a

course of action for India to deal with the threats emerging from
Afghanistan.

Start by explaining importance of Afghanistan According to Harsh Pant, India has major strategic
interests in Afghanistan. India has enjoyed friendly and warm relations and deep cultural
connections with the people of Afghanistan since ancient times. Besides historical links, Afghanistan
provides connectivity and a trade corridor for India into the Central Asian region which has been
blocked due to Pakistan’s refusal to grant transit rights. Also, the Islamic fundamentalists and
terrorist groups operating from Pak-Afghan border region—supported by Pakistan Army and Inter-
Services Intelligence (ISI) are operating against the established Government of Afghanistan. These
groups also have links with terrorist groups in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) and in India which makes
Afghanistan as crucial to India as its borders itself.
Tell about the current challenges in Afghanistan For Afghanistan, 2016 was another year coupled
with both ups and downs that tested the government, people, and the international community’s
resolve to assist the country. Failures of the National Unity Government of Afghanistan (NUG)
included the Taliban’s temporary re-capture of the strategic provincial capital of Kunduz for a second
time, the reemergence of the Islamic State in eastern Afghanistan, and the government’s inability to
create employment opportunities to stop the exodus of Afghans into Europe. In 2015, Islamic State
activities in the eastern part of the country were at a peak, decreasing after a collective offensive of
both Afghan and coalition forces, which weakened the group without, however, completely
defeating it.
2017 is not going to be an easy year for the Afghan government as it will face challenges at multiple
levels. On the foreign policy front, the Afghan government needs to activate its diplomatic
machinery to convince regional players including Russia, India, China, Pakistan, and Iran that peace
in the region is linked to peace in Afghanistan. The recent Russia-China-Pakistan tripartite
conference about Afghanistan without Kabul’s participation is another signal that the country’s
leadership needs to convince these players that such moves will reap no benefits and will instead
complicate the Afghan quagmire, which can not only deteriorate the situation in the region, but can
also have a negative impact on state-to-state relations. If it fails to convince regional power brokers
such as Russia and China, Afghanistan will be once again pushed toward rivalry and will turn into a
buffer state between Russia and the United States. Afghans have already paid a heavy price for
superpower rivalry during the Cold War.
Write about the course of action for India to deal with threats Pant brings out that India is one of
the important regional powers that has the economic and development capacity to become a major
world power. However, her Afghan policy has often been a ‘supportive one’ to Iran, America and
Russia, and she has mainly applied her ‘soft power’ till now. However, the US has now has realised
that Pakistan is ‘not a solution but the cause’ of turmoil in Afghanistan, as she has failed to reign in
the terror groups operating from her territory against Afghanistan. Thus, America would like India to
play a more dynamic role in securing Afghanistan’s stability.
He adds that New Delhi should not hesitate in meeting requests made by Afghanistan for supply of
military assistance. It is well established that a strong and secure Afghanistan is of strategic interest
to India. India has the economic and military power and she should be bold in projecting her ‘hard

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power’ by providing military aid and assistance. This would also enable India to achieve her ambition
to become a world power and enhance her prestige in the region.
C Raja Mohan opines that India should not let Afghan slip back to Pak, but military role is far-fetched
dream. It may lead to collateral damage & may wipeout goodwill & backfire. Though, New Delhi
must appreciate the value of political prudence and a careful balancing of the emerging strategic
opportunities and risks in Afghanistan.
Conclude on following lines In conclusion, New Delhi has so far shown an unusual tenacity in its
dealings with Afghanistan. It now needs to move beyond the binary of economic cooperation and
military engagement and evolve a comprehensive policy which involves all dimensions of power.
Afghanistan is a tough country. Only those who are willing to fight on multiple fronts will be able to
preserve their leverage.

4. Do you find any change in the policy of the present government

of India with respect to Palestinian issue?

Give the historical stand of India on Palestine India’s solidarity with Palestinian people and its
attitude towards Palestinian cause was taken shape during our freedom struggle against British
colonialism. In 1938, on the proposal to create a homeland for Jews in Palestine, Mahatma Gandhi
wrote, “my sympathy for the Jews does not blind me to the requirements of Justice. It is wrong and
inhuman to impose the Jews on the Arabs’. In 1947, having been the victim of Partition and going
through its horrific scenes, India voted against the partition of Palestine at the United Nations
General Assembly Resolution 181. It should be noted that India was the only non-Arab and Non-
Muslim country to do so.
Post-Independence also, empathy with Palestine became the essential part of our foreign policy.
India supported UNGA Resolution 194 which called for Right to return of Refugee, and UNGA
Resolution 242 to return territories back to Palestine. India also appealed to Israel to return
territory, and called it Land of Peace. India has always played a proactive role in garnering support
for the Palestinian cause at multilateral forums. And in 1974, India became the first non-Arab
country to recognise Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) as the sole representative of the
Palestinian. India was one of the first countries to recognise the state of Palestine in 1988. India
voted in favour for accepting Palestine as a full member of UNESCO in 2011. India voted in favour of
upgrading the status of Palestine to a ‘non-member state’ in UN in 2012. Recently in 2014, India
supported a UNHRC resolution to launch probe into the Israel offensive in Gaza.

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Tell incidents of change happening India traditionally believes in the 2-state solution and supports
the establishment of a sovereign independent and a viable state of Palestine. However, over the
years, the Indian government has diluted its reaction to Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians. In
2014 India favoured a UN resolution which established a Commission of Inquiry to investigate a
violation of international humanitarian and human rights law in the ‘Occupied Territories’ during ‘
Operation Protective Edge’. (Please refer article on Israel-Palestine Conflict). But our Government
was reluctant to pass a resolution in Parliament condemning the Israeli action deviating from its
earlier practice. In 2015 India abstained at the UN Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) on a
resolution welcoming the report of the same Commission of Inquiry. It was the first time India
refused to vote against Israel.
Palestinian Authority’s ambassador to India, Adnan Abu Alhaija said that the Palestinian people were
“shocked” by the Indian vote – based on the UNHRC’s investigative committee that censured both
Israel and Hamas, but especially Israel, for last year’s war in Gaza – and that Indian the vote
detracted from the “happiness” they felt at the adoption of the resolution. “India is a very special
country for us, and its abstention from voting can be termed as a departure from India’s traditional
position on Palestine that has remained unwavering since the last seven decades,” Alhaija said.
Explain that no real change is happening However, as Harsh Pant says the hallmark of Modi's
foreign policy has been a self-confident assertion of Indian interests. This is reflected in his
government's moves vis-à-vis Israel, marking a distinct break from unnecessary and
counterproductive diffidence of the past. There seems no real change in India's policy towards
Palestine as India traditionally believes in the 2-state solution and supports the establishment of a
sovereign independent and a viable state of Palestine. India’s support for Palestine has not deterred
its growing relationship with Israel. The Narendra Modi government has brought the relationship out
of the bag again, and public re-engagement on strategic areas has re-started.
Harsh Pant adds that when it comes to India's Israel policy, hypocrisy has been the norm. In contrast
to the backchannel security ties that existed before the normalisation of bilateral relations, India has
been more willing in recent years to carve out a mutually beneficial bilateral relationship with Israel,
including deepening military ties and countering the threat terrorism poses to the two societies. If
Arab nations, such as Jordan, have been able to keep their traditional ties with Palestine intact while
building a new relationship with Israel, there is no reason for India not to take a similar route. Israel
has been a good friend of India but Delhi continues to be shy of demonstrating its friendship. At
crucial times, when India needed Israeli help, it got it unreservedly.
Conclude on following lines As C Raja Mohan says NDA government has brought India’s partnership
with Israel out of the closet. President Mukherjee’s visit to Israel at the end of 2015 was the first by
an Indian president. In doing so, Modi has also ended Delhi’s obsession of viewing the region solely
through the prism of Arab-Israeli conflict. Hence, there seems to be greater sense of pragmatism
with no fundamental change in uncertain geopolitical times. Perhaps India is moving away from
being “more Arab than Arab themselves” on Palestinian issue.

5. What are the institutional weaknesses in the Ministry of external

affairs? Give suggestions to reform the ministry.

Write briefly about MEA Ministry of External Affairs of India is the government agency responsible
for the conduct of foreign relations of India. The Ministry comes under Government of India and is
responsible for the country's representation in the United Nations. It also advises other Ministries
and State Governments when the latter have dealings with foreign governments or institutions.
Give the institutional weaknesses MEA has a little over 900 diplomats, far fewer than Brazil (1,200),
the UK (6,000) and the US’ State Department, which has over 20,000 diplomats. Pallavi Raghvan
adds that the ministry can at best handle a couple of major challenges at a time. It handles crises
well whereby it concentrates resources for urgent issues like nuclear negotiations, a consular

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problem or a major summit — but other areas like Africa or Southeast Asia then slip down in
priority. Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs (2014-2015) recommended: “The
Ministry must engage with the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) and impress upon
them about the urgency of providing more staff, including through recruitment from other cadres
and the academic and private sector, as per the specialized needs of the Ministry. Recruitment on
contract basis from individuals with academic or private sector experience that is directly relevant to
urgent needs should be permitted.” The report recognises in equal measure that simply being fluent
in English is not enough. It notes that among the 770 IFS officers in service, only 569 are fluent in a
foreign language — a factor that can be detrimental to diplomacy in countries where language can
be a major barrier, as in China. Recently, Commerce Ministry’s proposal to create a separate cadre
of commercial counsellors in key Indian missions shows ineffectiveness of MEA.
Give suggestions to reform the ministry Shashi Tharoor-helmed Parliamentary Standing Committee
on External Affairs's latest report gave several recommendations like more eminent persons who
have excelled in the field of community affairs, diaspora issues, foreign policy, area studies,
literature, journalism etc should be considered for appointments as ambassadors/high
commissioners. Report suggests that the long-overdue cadre review be conducted immediately.
Also, experts from academia and the private sector should be enlisted and deployed across
important divisions. Their role as consultants or advisors, it is believed, will not only add expertise,
but also boost numbers. A policy must be implemented that aligns at least half of all foreign postings
with the language in which officers are fluent. Additionally, a month's training in terms of language,
culture, society and customs must be provided before anyone is posted overseas. Another
suggestion is to add a course of mid-career training to equip officers with expertise that builds on
their existing knowledge bases. The aim of this endeavour is to create a certain amount of
"specialised domain knowledge instead of exclusive specialisations". Conclude on following lines
The implementation of these recommendations will certainly boost India's diplomatic strength and
its global standing in lieu with the energetic programme of foreign outreach New Delhi is
undertaking.

6. Discuss the current trend in India- Israel relations.

Briefly write about historical India-Israel relations India and Israel established full diplomatic
relations in 1992 and since then the bilateral relationship between the two countries has blossomed
at the economic, military, agricultural and political levels. Both countries see themselves as isolated
democracies threatened by neighbors that train, finance and encourage terrorism, therefore both
countries also view their cooperative relationship as a strategic imperative.
Relations between Jerusalem and New Delhi were not always warm. Although both countries gained
their independence from the United Kingdom within months of each other, they found themselves
headed in pointedly different directions for nearly four decades - India as a leader in the Non-
Aligned Movement that maintained close relations to the Arab world and the Soviet Union; Israel
which linked its future to close ties with the United States and Western Europe. India's large Muslim
population was another major obstacle to building a relationship with Israel, as India feared that
close relations with the Jewish State might somehow radicalize its Muslim citizens - numbering more
than 100 million - and hurt its relations with the Arab world.
Although India publicly kept a distance from Israel until the late 1980's, there was in fact a great deal
of bilateral activities between the two countries in the preceding years. India extended de-jure
recognition to Israel in 1950 and allowed Israel to maintain a consulate in Mumbai (Bombay) to
facilitate the voluntary immigration of thousands of Indian Jews to Israel. Thousands of Indians have
also traveled to Israel for special courses and training in agricultural technology and community
development.

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Talk about the current change in India-Israel relations India-Israel visible cooperation increased
dramatically in 2014 since the election of India's new Prime Minister Narendra Modi. India abstained
from a vote at the UNHRC that approved their Gaza Commission of Inquiry report, in July 2015.
Fourty-one countries voted in favor of adopting the findings of the biased report, and India was one
of only five others who abstained. This marked the first time that India had ever voted against
Palestinian interests at the UNHRC, signalling a significant shift in India-Israel relations. President
Mukherjee in October 2015 delivered a speech at the Knesset, and officials from both countries
discussed cooperation in science, technology, agriculture, medicine, and economics.
C Raja Mohan says NDA government has brought India’s partnership with Israel out of the closet.
President Mukherjee’s visit to Israel at the end of 2015 was the first by an Indian president. In doing
so, Modi has also ended Delhi’s obsession of viewing the region solely through the prism of Arab-
Israeli conflict.
Harsh Pant adds that Modi Government has brought the relationship out of the bag again, and
public re-engagement on strategic areas has re-started. In contrast to the backchannel security ties
that existed before the normalisation of bilateral relations, India has been more willing in recent
years to carve out a mutually beneficial bilateral relationship with Israel, including deepening
military ties and countering the threat terrorism poses to the two societies. If Arab nations, such as
Jordan, have been able to keep their traditional ties with Palestine intact while building a new
relationship with Israel, there is no reason for India not to take a similar route.
Nicholas Blarel in her work "Evolution of India's Israel Policy: Continuity, Change & Compromise
since 1992" says that New Delhi no longer sees the India-Israel relationship in zero-sum manner
Conclude on following lines PM Modi is also expected to visit Israel in early 2017 to mark Diplomatic
Anniversary milestone (25 years of ties between India and Israel). C Raja Mohan adds that for the
record, Arab states rediscovered their respect for India only when India established formal ties with
Israel. The Middle East long ceased to be defined by the Arab-Israeli conflict. There are new
faultlines and raging conflicts and the new partnership is about surviving the coming storms

7. Critically evaluate the relevance of the institution of NSA?

Talk about the Institution of NSA & its work National Security Advisor (NSA) is the chief executive of
the National Security Council (NSC), and the primary advisor to the Prime Minister of India on
national and international security. It is the National Security Advisor to whom intelligence agencies
such as the Research and Analysis Wing and Intelligence Bureau report, rather than directly to the
Prime Minister. Due to such vested powers, NSA is a prominent and powerful office in the
bureaucracy in existence since 1998.
Explain the importance of NSA National Security Advisor (NSA) is tasked with regularly advising the
Prime Minister on all matters relating to internal and external threats to the country, and oversees
strategic issues. The NSA of India also serves as the Prime Minister's Special Interlocutor on border
issues with China, and frequently accompanies the Prime Minister on Foreign State visits. The
directors of R&AW and IB technically report to the NSA rather than the Prime Minister directly. The
NSA receives all intelligence reports and co-ordinates them to present before the Prime Minister.
NSA is assisted by a Deputy NSA. NSA is the prime mover of multi-tiered planning structure,
coordinator of complex Foreign Policy initiatives and interlocutor with big powers on strategic
issues.
Glenn George claims that aggressive approach recently adopted by India especially in terms to
Pakistan and China is the brainchild of none other than National Security Adviser's "Offensive
Defense" strategy.
Currently, Doval is in charge of talks with Pakistan. Reportedly, he visits arms manufacturers to
discuss strategic capabilities, and orchestrates the response to militant attacks, liaising daily with
Foreign SSecretary. Shortly after taking office, Modi sent Doval as his special envoy to Afghanistan

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and brought him on his first foreign trip to Bhutan. He's also special representative in charge of talks
with China over a disputed border, a task made more difficult as China plans to invest millions into
transportation links through Kashmir. Sameer Patil, who served in the National Security Council
secretariat under the previous Congress government claims that Doval wields more influence than
previous national security advisers in part because of his credibility and experience in intelligence
and security matters.
Discuss the concerns of NSA NSA in India has not been without criticisms. Former Union Home
Secretary Dhirendra Gupta writes that India is falling prey to the US model, where the president acts
through advisers answerable only to him. But though there is all manner of congressional oversight
over them, no such safeguards are adopted by India in the ersatz model. The key to good
governance lies in creating structures where both the deliberative and operational aspects are
attempted separately but yet are connected by an umbilical cord. Both aspects take into
consideration the nature of the polity and citizenry they serve. These must be guided by
constitutional provisions. For our purposes it is the council of ministers with the prime minister as
the primus inter pares which is of relevance. And coursing through all these structures is the basic
principle of debate and discussion. There is exercise of power with responsibility, with identified
chains of command. In the case of the council of ministers, accountability is to Parliament, whereas
in NSA model the accountability is to none.
Dhirendra Singh adds that the discomfort stems from the fact that such advisory offices do not
always use the formal procedures, including notings on file which become permanent records. In the
long run, it often happens that change in political leadership and governments results in
downgrading even substantive work, because of the suspicion that incumbents of such offices have
links to political masters under the spoils system.
Conclude on following lines Hence, the solution lies in bringing about legitimacy through legislation
(as in the case of regulatory bodies), or better still by presidential orders under Article 77 of the
Constitution. The powers, duties and responsibilities of the office of the NSA should be articulated in
greater detail. At present, a very bland phrase describes the role of the PMO in the presidential
orders. The deliberative and conceptual role of the NSA’s office needs to be given prominence and
its operational role, which steps on too many toes, needs to be eliminated. The long-term benefits of
such a deliberative role which will adopt debate, discussion and inclusive interaction as its working
credo will have far greater impact than at present.

8. Suggest how India can leverage its diaspora to meet its foreign
policy objectives?

Write about relevance of diaspora Indian Diaspora, comprising an estimated 30 million people of
Indian origin and non-resident Indians, spread across over 110 countries, are a huge asset for the
country. Indian diaspora settled in countries far away from India, since long have been contributing
significantly to the development of India, especially of late in terms of investment, foreign trade,
transfer of technology and skills, development of cultural linkages with foreign countries etc.
Besides, they have also been fighting very hard for

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safeguarding India’s interests in foreign countries. Blocking the Burton amendment, support for
India during Kargil, nuclear tests and the agreement between India and the US on civil nuclear
cooperation are examples where the Diaspora community in the US, for example, acted positively as
lobbying or pressure group to promote India’s interests.
However former Ambassador JC Sharma notes that the fact that India’s policy approach towards this
community so far has remained largely inconsistent and a victim of poor implementation.
Briefly tell about foreign policy objectives India's foreign policy objectives as per Meena Singh Roy,
IDSA include the maintenance of national interest, national independence and sovereignty, keeping
of the economic interest of the state to increase its power, prestige in the international field, and to
ultimately shape an international system befitting the state’s dream and ideology.
Suggest measures how India can leverage its diaspora to meet its foreign policy objectives
According to C Raja Mohan and Rishika Chauhan in article "Focus on the diaspora" Indian diaspora
boast of considerable wealth and are enthusiastic to contribute to the welfare of their motherland.
Events like New York’s Madison Square Garden to London’s Wembley Stadium should be promoted
as they help cultivate soft power among those of Indian heritage such that diaspora members can
act as “informal ambassadors for India in their own country". Exhorting diaspora members to invest
in social projects such as improving rural sanitation by easing the rules of investment, concerns
about poor infrastructure, red tape, and labor market regulations. In addition to investment, the
way Chinese government has also actively recruited academics and entrepreneurs to return to
support economic growth and innovation, Indian engineers and tech entrepreneurs working outside
the country can atleast share knowledge rapidly and efficiently with firms in India, and these
relationships have helped build the country’s large IT industry. Rescue efforts in Iraq, Libya have
created sense of entitlement among Indians living abroad. Such pro-activeness should be further
promoted for gaining soft power & global repute in world arena.
Conclude on following lines However, TP Sreenivasan recently noted that merger of the Ministry of
Overseas Indian Affairs with the Ministry of External Affairs, though pragmatic, has been construed
as a negative step. Such steps should be pursued with further deliberations. Modi’s central theme in
his outreach in various parts of globe to Indian diaspora has been along the lines that India is poised
to rise and reach its full potential under his leadership and the diaspora is central to his new vision of
India. Modi Doctrine consists of diaspora and delivery, and this reinvigorated program should be
expanded multi-dimensionally.

9. Is Asian century over before it has begun?-Comment.

Answer:

Explain what is meant by Asian century Asian Century is the projected 21st-century dominance of
Asian politics and culture, assuming certain demographic and economic trends persist. The belief in a
future Asian Century parallels the characterization of the 20th century as the American Century, and
the 19th century as the British Century. Ever since Japan began to be viewed as an economic
juggernaut in the 1970s, the world has anticipated the “Asian Century.” Predictions of America and
Europe’s inevitable decline and Asia’s inexorable rise have been staples of books, newspaper and
magazine articles, and news shows for decades. In a tectonic shift in global power similar to the one
that took place in the early 20th century, it is often said, the countries of the Indo-Pacific will begin
to dominate global economics, politics and security.
Explain why it is said that 21st century is Asian century Some observers, including Kishore
Mahbubani, believe in the “irresistible shift of global power to the East.” Concept of Asian century
has been emphasized in the past as over three billion people live in the great geographic arc from
India to Japan, and one in every three persons on our planet is either Chinese or Indian. The formerly

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war-ravaged and impoverished countries of the Indo-Pacific now export forty percent of the goods
bought by consumers around the world. The world’s most populous countries and largest militaries
are in the Indo-Pacific, and millions of Asian immigrants are changing the societies to which they
have moved. Asian art, cuisine and pop culture have spread throughout the world.
The region has not seen a real war since the Sino-Vietnamese clash of 1979. Since the mid-1980s,
democracy has spread to Taiwan, South Korea, the Philippines, Mongolia, Indonesia and elsewhere.
Hundreds of millions of Chinese, Indians, Vietnamese and others have been lifted out of poverty.
Lifespans throughout the region have increased, and the standard of living in Asia’s major cities now
rivals (sometimes exceeds) that of the West. Scientists and scholars from Asian countries play
leading roles in research institutes, laboratories and universities around the globe. Some of the
world’s most advanced industrial factories are in countries like Japan, South Korea and Taiwan.
Perhaps because much of Asia has been peaceful for a few decades, many outside the region—and
inside it as well—seem to take for granted that it will always be so. Most global consumers can
hardly imagine a world without Asia as its workshop. China and Japan are two of the world’s three
largest economies, and the majority of clothing, textiles and consumer electronics are produced in
Asia.
Tell the dangers over emergence of Asian century Michael R. Austin in his book "The End of The
Asian Century" says that the rapid transformation of Asia’s security environment threatens to undo
the work of decades. After decades of hearing about double-digit economic growth in Japan and
China, and impressive growth in the Four Tigers, the pace of GDP growth has slowed dramatically.
Japan’s generation-long stagnation is perhaps the best known example, but when China’s stock
market crashed in the summer of 2015, many observers for the first time appeared to recognise that
the problems in the region were widespread and endemic. And because Asian economies are
increasingly interlinked, problems in one country spill over to others. Even if Asia’s economies
manage to muddle through, the world must ask what will happen to global trade and investment if
growth in Asia simply cools off.
Most of Asia’s developed countries, including Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore, are facing
or will soon face unprecedented demographic drops. Another enormous area of risk is Asia’s
unfinished political revolutions, in both democracies and autocracies. How political leaders respond
to economic and social challenges will ensure domestic tranquility or produce civil unrest. An Asia
whose political systems fail to provide stability, legitimacy and growth is an Asia that will become
increasingly troubled. The gains of democracy continue to be put at risk by corruption, cliques,
protest, cynicism and fear of instability. The spread of democracy, which has succeeded so well in
recent decades, may be reaching a limit—how temporary is impossible to say. Even mature
democracies, like Japan, face a crisis of political confidence, and a “political arthritis” that leaves vital
problems unsolved.
The immediate cause of rising insecurity is simple: as China has grown stronger, it has become more
assertive, even coercive. Beijing has embraced the role of a revisionist power, seeking to define new
regional rules of behaviour and confronting those neighbors with which it has disagreements. In
addition, an increasingly nuclear capable North Korea has moved from bizarre annoyance to deadly
threat, while numerous territorial disputes between countries both large and small are helping fuel
the arms race. Even without an ongoing war, the region now spends more than Europe on military
budgets
Gary Shilling adds that the ‘Asian century’ might never come as most institutions that support
domestic economies are largely lacking in developing Asian lands
Conclude on following lines Despite such apprehensions, as European countries did in the first
decade of the 20th century, many observers today argue that the great volume of trade, the
unhindered movement of people and the bevy of regional political organisations have made war in
Asia impossible. Perhaps most importantly, when compared with the strife-torn Middle East, aging
Europe or crisis-beset Africa, the Asia-Pacific region looks like the one major area of the world where
opportunity, economic growth and political development are still possible. In short, the global future

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looks increasingly Asian but as Dan Steinbock says real test of the so-called Asian Century will be
whether living standards in the region's emerging economies can continue to improve, whatever the
GDP numbers.

10. "India needs some creative diplomacy to address the changing

environment of the relations between China and Sri Lanka."-Comment.
Answer :
Give India’s relations with respect to Sri Lanka In words of Sri Lankan scholar Rajasingham
Jayadevan, the relationship between India and Sri Lanka is an inter twined historical bond. The
underlying commonalities between the two nations and their geographical positioning, even after
the historical geological drifts of which Sri Lanka is of miniscule part, have not changed the intrinsic
relationship. India as a successful and tolerant democracy, and Sri Lanka at the cross roads to kick
start its accountable democratic values are working towards promoting the principle of ‘India for Sri
Lanka and Sri Lanka for India’.
Tell the emerging China-Sri Lanka relations After a prudent beginning by Sirisena government, and
delicate balancing with India-China for past two years, recent changes made a shift towards such
balancing. Sri Lanka has decided to sell 80% of the $1.5-billion Hambantota Port to a Chinese
company. China has also been offered an investment zone in the same region, in another bid to cut
the country’s debt burden.
Between 2009 and 2014, Sri Lanka’s debt tripled. The current total debt stands at around $65 billion.
Sri Lanka spends over 90% of all Government revenue to service its debts. China has now virtually
taken over the Hambantota Port, its surrounding areas and adjacent industrial park, despite
widespread local protests. Reports indicate that this ‘investment zone’ will be used by China to
manufacture a wide range of products for export to India. China will thus, in effect, be seeking to
export its products from Sri Lanka, making use of the free-trade advantages that Sri Lanka enjoys in
trade with India.
Give ideas of creative diplomacy Creative diplomacy can be pursued in ways like G Parthasarathy
suggesting that a vast majority of Sri Lankans are devout Buddhists. India could act much more
imaginatively in not only cultivating the Buddhist clergy, but also in focusing on its shared spiritual
heritage with countries in the Bay of Bengal rim including Bhutan, Myanmar and Thailand.
Suhasini Haidar suggests that India-Sri Lanka relationship historically comprises five different
dialogues: between New Delhi and Colombo, but also Delhi-Jaffna, Delhi-Chennai, Colombo-Jaffna
and Colombo-Chennai. The only way forward, from the vexed problem of fishing rights to the larger
question India’s strategic goals in the region is to promote each of those dialogues and knit them
together for a stronger comprehensive relationship.
Reports suggest that Lankan PM wants India and Singapore to collaborate in the development of a
port in Trincomalee-Batticaloa on Sri Lanka’s eastern seaboard. Familiar with the Japanese role in
the economic modernisation of South East Asia, India could contribute to the rapid economic
transformation of the Bay of Bengal littoral.
Conclude on following lines Hence as C Raja Mohan says India will have to move with considerable
political finesse and in taking up the Tamil question afresh with the new government. New Delhi
can't be seen as either abandoning the issue or trying to impose its will on Colombo. For the Modi
government, the challenge lies in finding ways to deepen its own economic and military cooperation
with Sri Lanka, and accelerate the implementation of a variety of projects with Colombo

11. What is the current state of relations between India and Latin America?
Answer :
Give historical relations of India- Latin America & why Latin America matters India’s relations with
Latin America and the Caribbean are more recent than with any other region of the world, for
geographical and historic reasons, without carrying any political baggage. It is a region often

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described as the last frontier for India’s diplomacy, which is open for greater business with India.
During the Cold War era, the world tended to look at Latin American countries in the context of the
United States, and many countries based their policies towards the region on that perspective. India-
Latin America relations remained lackluster throughout most of India’s post-independence history
primarily for two reasons: 1) the immense geographical distance separating the two regions, and 2)
competing domestic and international priorities.
After the 2008 financial crisis, though, the resilience shown by emerging Latin America economies
such as Brazil forced a rethink, and Latin America became increasingly viewed as a rising regional
and economic power in a multipolar world.
Latin America is important for India as the region boasts a combined GDP of $4.9 trillion and is home
to 600 million inhabitants, nearly half the population of India, but with a landmass five times that of
India. The region’s economic resurgence is an unfolding story, which has made it a powerful magnet
for foreign investment from near and far. Latin America, according to a report by Economic
Commission for Latin America and Caribbean of the United Nations, netted 179 billion dollars of FDI
in 2013, the highest record for any region in the world. Apart from trade and investment, ties with
Latin America have much to offer India, in areas such as energy, knowledge sharing, and cooperation
in multilateral forums on issues such as climate change and the environment.
Tell current state of relations In words of Deepak Bhojwani, political ties between India and LAC
have experienced an inflexion point from their limited levels during the Cold War. The emergence of
a democratic LAC and a liberalising India in an increasingly multipolar world interconnected like
never before through the communication revolution has removed key constraints that hampered
ties in the past. India and LAC are now free to entirely own their relationship with each other.
Currently Indian investment in Latin America is about 12 billion dollars. There is scope for further
investment in Latin America in sectors such as oilfields, shale fields, solar and wind energy,
agribusiness, mining, commercial forestry, pharmaceuticals, chemicals, auto parts, plastics, pumps
etc. Many Indian companies are having their developmental centres in the countries of the region.
Besides commercial activities which have provided gainful employment to the people of Latin
America, Indian companies are also involved in IT, Education. Indian IT/BPO/KPO companies operate
in most countries of the region employing over 25000 young Latin Americans.
India exports about a billion dollar worth pharmaceuticals to Latin America. The less-expensive
Indian generics have helped Latin American consumers and governments to reduce cost of
healthcare. Entertainment has become the new business between India and Latin America. Indian
film and TV show makers have shot scenes in Rio, Buenos Aires and Machu Pichu.
India has traditionally engaged LAC chiefly through state-to-state bilateral ties, and this remains true
currently, though regional engagements are on an upswing. Community of Latin American and
Caribbean States, known by its Spanish-language acronym CELAC is unique in that it is the first
regional grouping to include every single one of the 33 sovereign states within the LAC. Significantly,
the CELAC Troika picked India to be the first country for engagement, followed by China. Besides
CELAC, India has engaged with Mercosur, another key LAC regional organisation Mercosur is
primarily an economic bloc, which is why the PTA it signed with India is the cornerstone of the
relationship.
Conclude on following lines Hence as R Vishwanathan says India and Latin America are on course for
a sustainable long term business partnership. India can count on Latin America as a reliable long
term contributor to its energy security and also for agro products such as vegetable oil and pulses.
The Latin Americans are excited about India as a large and growing market for their exports. More
and more new complementarities and synergies are being discovered and explored by the business
on both the sides.

12. Discuss the current developments in Myanmar? What are the

implications on India?

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Answer : Give importance of Myanmar for India Myanmar is strategically important to India as it is
the only ASEAN country that shares a border with India. It is also the only country that can act as a
link between India and ASEAN. Myanmar is India’s gateway to Southeast Asia and could be the
required impetus to realize India’s Look East Policy. India and Myanmar have traditionally had much
in common, with cultural, historical, ethnic and religious ties, in addition to sharing a long
geographical land border and maritime boundary in the Bay of Bengal. India has recently focused on
assisting Myanmar with institution and capacity building, helping the country with English-language
training, IT and agriculture.
Tell the current developments Current developments include two major events: After more than
half a century, the first democratic nationwide multiparty elections were held in Myanmar in
November 2015 which led to the victory of the National League for Democracy which secured an
absolute majority in both chambers of the national parliament. The other one include Rohingya
Migrant Crisis where tens of thousands of Muslim Rohingya have fled Myanmar, many crossing by
land into Bangladesh, while others take to the sea to reach Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand. The
latest surge in refugees was prompted by a long-building crisis: the discriminatory policies of the
Myanmar government in Rakhine state, which have caused hundreds of thousands of Rohingya to
flee since the late 1970s.
Explain implications for India Regarding implications for Rohingya Migrant crisis for India, the
fallouts can be multiple and severe. Crisis has geopolitical implications for India as it shares a border
with Myanmar and has vested economic interests in the country owing to trade and investment ties.
Rohingya crisis could also rejuvenate various transnational militant actors. The Rohingya conflict and
Buddhist-Muslim strife has the potential to radicalize the youth and fill the ranks of organizations
like Jemaah Islamiya, Al Qaeda, and TTP. It could even provide an opening for Daesh into the Asia
Pacific. There are an estimated 36,000 Rohingya Muslims in India today, concentrated in the seven
states of Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Assam, Jammu and Kashmir and
Delhi. They live in tin-roof shanties and struggle for basic conditions like clean drinking water.
Regarding implications for emergence of democracy in Myanmar, in words of Harsh Pant it has given
India more strategic space to manoeuvre. Indian diplomacy has a tough job at hand as all major
powers are now wooing Myanmar. C Raja Mohan says that new dynamic of international position of
Myanmar offers both challenges and opportunities for the Modi government. For one, India no
longer has a privileged access to the markets in Myanmar. It has to compete with global businesses
in the country. At the same time, as Thein Sein told the PM, Myanmar wants to take full advantage
of India’s prospects for rapid economic growth under Modi. As it diversifies its international
relations, India remains an important political partner for Myanmar. Ashok Sajjanhar says transition
to a civilian government in Myanmar has given greater strategic space to India. Myanmar is looked
upon by India as a buffer between it and China.
Conclude on following lines Hence as Sridhar Ramaswamy says that while the basic foundation for
the relationship between India and Myanmar has been laid by previous governments, the onus is on
the present Indian administration to demonstrate that it can take the relationship to a higher level.
It can also become a strong regional player through a more proactive approach, cement India’s place
in the region and grow into a powerful, global country. This partnership could transform India into a
much stronger player in the region.

13. What are the geo economic and geo strategic influences of CPEC on India?
Answer :
Write about CPEC in brief China–Pakistan Economic Corridor s a collection of infrastructure projects
currently under construction throughout Pakistan. Originally valued at $46 billion, the value of CPEC
projects is now worth $62 billion. A vast network of highways and railways are to be built under the
aegis of CPEC that will span the length and breadth of Pakistan. Modern transportation networks
built under CPEC will link seaports in Gwadar and Karachi with northern Pakistan, as well as points
further north in western China and Central Asia

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Tell the geo-economic influences on India Looking at the CPEC corridor from an economic
perspective, CPEC offers a huge potential in terms of leveraging connectivity due to India’s unique
geographical position. India can use CPEC to increase its access to the Middle Eastern as well as the
Central Asian countries. The Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline could be constructed under the aegis of
CPEC, which can provide it with the requisite funds and geo-political support. China’s Iran railway
project is one project which will increase connectivity between India and Iran, an initiative which
India has been unable to pursue on its own due to resistance from Pakistan. Connecting CPEC with
the International North South Transport Corridor can further gravitate an economic power shift from
the US-EU axis to an Asia-EU axis, which will immensely benefit India.
Tell the geo-strategic influences on India Strategically, India needs to be cautious about joining
CPEC as it passes through the China-annexed parts of Jammu and Kashmir, and joining it can weaken
India’s claim over these territories. India does not have the option to sit in isolation because that will
further increase Chinese influence in Pakistan as well as in the Middle East and Central Asia.
Increased cooperation between Russia and China, under the auspices of CPEC, can further distance
Russia away from India and bring it closer to Pakistan, which is a potentially troubling scenario for
India.
New Delhi sees Gwadar - a deep-sea port located in Balochistan province - as part of China's "String
of Pearls" bases, that extends from its eastern coast to the Arabian Sea. China is also developing
ports in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh that are considered a potential military challenge to India. The
Gwadar port, overlooking one of the world's busiest shipping lanes in the Arabian Sea, has been
leased to Beijing for 40 years. New Delhi fears that the port might become a Chinese naval outpost,
thereby threatening India's energy and economic security, as more than two thirds of India's
petroleum imports pass through the area.
Conclude on following lines Hence as C Raja Mohan claims that is a deeper issue, one that has
hitherto underpinned India’s long-term Pakistan strategy. The very fundamentals of that strategy are
now under question. Indeed, CPEC is rewriting the economic geography and regional integrity of the
subcontinent in a manner that will require more than a tactical, episodic response.

14. Write Short notes on India's Africa policy.

Answer :
Write about importance of Africa to India India and Africa share a long and rich history of
interaction that dates back to ancient civilisations. India’s attitude towards its general relations with
Africa in the post–World War II era has been informed by principles of South–South cooperation,
such as respect for state sovereignty, non-interference, mutual benefit and equality. Originally
adopted in 1955 at the Bandung Conference, this approach was reaffirmed in the New Asian-African
Strategic Partnership of 2005. India’s shared colonial heritage with many African countries has
significantly contributed to this connection, as has the migration of many Indian workers to Southern
and Eastern Africa, establishing large diasporas in these areas.
Tell India’s Africa policy India considers itself a ‘development partner’ of Africa and has placed a
growing emphasis on this and other tools of economic diplomacy to ensure it continues to develop
and grow in a sustainable manner. Harsh Pant adds India is making a renewed push to regain
relevance in a rapidly evolving African strategic landscape. This sustained and systematic outreach to
all parts of Africa is a welcome move after years of only intermittent attention to a continent where
some of the world’s 10 fastest growing economies are located, and with which India shares old
historical ties. India is becoming an increasingly important economic partner for African countries. Its
ties with Africa can be traced to a strong, shared history based on the principles of South–South
cooperation, people-to-people linkages and common development challenges.
Describe positives of India’s Africa Policy Rajiv Bhatia says that India has a reasonably successful
policy towards the African continent, one that reflects a balance between our values and interests. It
takes into account the diversity of Africa as well as the policies of other key players — the United

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States, the European Union, China and Japan. On international fora, India played a leading role in
assisting and expediting Africa's de-colonisation process. The help it extended to the African
countries in gaining independence and to South Africa in its struggle against apartheid was
recognised widely and often. Later, when parts of Africa were torn by conflict, and restoring and
maintaining peace became a priority, India came forward to help in the United Nations
peacekeeping missions in Congo, Somalia, Liberia, Burundi and Sudan, among others. Development
has been a pressing need in sub-Saharan Africa. The Indian government has been generous in
extending assistance, giving African students access to higher education, mainly under the auspices
of the Indian Council of Cultural Relations, and in offering technical cooperation under Indian
Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) and related programmes.
An important element of Africa policy relates to defence cooperation with select countries such as
Nigeria, Zambia, Lesotho and Botswana in order to assist their forces through training programmes
and exposure to the best practices and professionalism of India's armed forces. Cooperation in the
IT, health care, agriculture, mining, small industry, infrastructure and hydrocarbon sectors have been
promoted. Another significant aspect has been to cultivate good relations with the Indian diaspora in
view of their role as a bridge between host countries and India. Our Africa policy has laid emphasis,
especially in recent years, on expansion and diversification of trade, investment and economic
relations.
Michelle DeFreese adds that Modi’s foreign policy strategy has aimed to increase assistance to
developing countries and vie for linkages with the African continent for increased trade, access to
agricultural land, and cooperation on maritime security, in part to buffer China’s influence in the
region. Both China and India have established roles as increasingly important powers in sub-Saharan
African trade and development. While India’s trade with Africa has increased from $25 billion in
2006 to $70 billion; China-Africa trade was valued at an estimated $222 billion in 2014.
Elaborate negatives of India’s Africa policy India lacks a African Doctrine or Pan-African policy unlike
Western nations who have holistic picture on how to go ahead with initiatives in Africa. Sanjaya Baru
says India’s attitude towards Africa cannot remain imprisoned in the ‘dark continent’ stereotype.
Neither can it be defined solely by the legacy of the colonial era. Our language of engagement needs
to create a new edifice defined by an aspirational Africa’s quest for a good life. India lacks diplomatic
missions in Africa which number around 30 as compared to around 50 for USA and China. Trade has
been getting stagnated in past 3 years at around $70billion unlike double digit growth seen earlier. It
is also pertinent to recall that recent attacks on African nationals have maligned India’s image with
some in the region questioning India’s openness to outsiders. This also underscores that despite
government’s efforts to build ties with Africa, this relationship has suffered because of a perception
of Africa being a far-off land for ordinary Indians. Unless the larger populace and the Indian private
sector decide to take Africa seriously, the Modi government’s outreach is unlikely to yield the results
it is perhaps hoping for. And Indo-Africa relations will struggle to reach their full potential. Indian
companies should follow a path different from that of European and Chinese firms who have been
accused of using fraudious means. They would do well to adhere to the basic canons of corporate
social responsibility (CSR) and to a partnership-oriented business culture.
Conclude on following lines Developments in Africa are fascinating, besides having a bearing on our
national interests. This exciting story is waiting to be told to audiences in India. As Rajiv Bhatia says,
a powerful triad of the Government of India, India Inc., and civil society can take the India-Africa
relationship to a new level of strength and vitality. India is viewed as a more productive partner by
many in Africa because Indian companies are much better integrated into African society and
encourage technology transfers to their African partners. New Delhi will have to leverage its own
strengths in making a lasting compact with Africa and regain its lost presence on the continent. What
Mr. Modi’s sojourn to the continent can do is to embed India in the futuristic minds, pocketbooks
and dreams of Africa.

15. Do you think Latin America is the last frontier of India's foreign policy?

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Answer :
Briefly tell about importance of Latin America for India India’s relations with Latin America and the
Caribbean are more recent than with any other region of the world, for geographical and historic
reasons, without carrying any political baggage. During the Cold War era, the world tended to look at
Latin American countries in the context of the United States, and many countries based their policies
towards the region on that perspective. India-Latin America relations remained lackluster
throughout most of India’s post-independence history primarily for two reasons: 1) the immense
geographical distance separating the two regions, and 2) competing domestic and international
priorities. After the 2008 financial crisis, though, the resilience shown by emerging Latin America
economies such as Brazil forced a rethink, and Latin America became increasingly viewed as a rising
regional and economic power in a multipolar world.
Explain whether it is last frontier of India’s Foreign Policy Calling Latin America as a region which is
the last frontier for India’s diplomacy is largely true as AN Roy claims that for long, the outside world
looked at Latin America with US-centric eyes and it was argued that unlike India whose culture was
defined millennia ago, Latin America did not have a grand narrative of cultural heritage as US
cartoon strips and Hollywood movies sought to portray Latin America very deridingly. Due to the
economic aid by US, Latin American regimes displayed what may be called pilot-fish behaviour—
staying close to the shark to avoid being eaten. Ash Narain Roy adds that the reasons for India’s
limited engagements with Latin America in the 1950s through the 1980s are not far to seek. Latin
America has been rightly described as the ‘Achilles heel’ of the Third World movement. Latin
American states showed a proclivity to break ranks with the Third World when their perceived self-
interest and Third World solidarity posed conflicting demands. Latin American countries remained
largely marginal players except for a few countries in the NAM and other Third World forums. It was
perhaps the result of a perception among the ruling elite that Latin America had very little in
common with the newly decolonized Asian and African states. It was also perhaps the result of a
realization among many countries that their economic integration with the US was the surest route
of upward mobility from the Third World to the First World. Latin America’s interest in NAM and
other Third World initiatives waxed and waned according to the political character of the different
regimes as also their domestic and foreign policy imperatives
Indira Gandhi visit in 1968 to the region was a voyage of discovery. She described her visit as an
effort to establish a ‘concord with people who are strangers to us’. Until the 1980s, the attitude of
the Indian government and private entrepreneurs was, ‘Latin America? Where is that?’
Unfortunately, the question was the same in Latin America if one substitutes India for Latin America.
Geographical distance, information gap and the lack of air and shipping links were often cited as
factors that came in the way of greater economic interaction between India and Latin America.
However, today Latin America is ready to play ball with India. It has real leeway to develop and
diversify its ties with countries such as China, Japan and India. The end of the Cold War, the decline
of US hegemony and the democratization of the region have given it the leverage to search for
partners and collaborative mechanisms far beyond North America and Europe. The decline of US
influence in Latin America has allowed the region to search for partnerships even with Washington’s
global rivals. The US can no longer dictate decisions that were once considered solely to be within its
purview. The spread of democracy has increased the political legitimacy of governments, including
those that dislike the US.
Conclude on following lines In the past few years, both Indian and Latin American economies have
undergone a paradigm shift. If India has emerged as a global player with its impressive economic
performance, Latin America too has come out of the boom and bust cycles in its economy and the
pendulum swings in power between civilian and military regimes. Ironically, a country that was until
recently hyphenated with Pakistan by Western analysts, is now bracketed with China in terms of its
rise and power projection. ‘Chindia’ seems to have become international flavour. In a way, India is
moving into Latin America because China has moved in a big way. India’s growing global footprints
now find place in Latin America’s policy discussions as well. That says a lot for the future of India’s

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engagement with the region. Good foreign policy requires prudence. But it also requires boldness
and imagination. That moment is knocking at India’s doors.

16. Discuss the flaws of India's Nepal policy and how Madhesi factor has
impacted India-Nepal relations?
Answer :
Write importance of Nepal for India Jayant Prasad calls India-Nepal relations as people centric, and
more multi-faceted than others. India- Nepal share common terrain, common culture, bound by
languages, cuisines, marriage, mythologies, civilizational contact from Lumbini to Bodhgaya,
Pashupaninath to Kashivishwanath, Muktinath to Tirupati. As close neighbours, India and Nepal
share a unique relationship of friendship and cooperation characterized by open borders and deep-
rooted people-to-people contacts of kinship and culture. There has been a long tradition of free
movement of people across the borders.
Discuss India’s Nepal policy SD Muni says that India's Nepal policy has revolved around sponsoring a
pliant political class who could become puppet of India which is the reason why India's hasn't
supported grassroot level leaders. India-Nepal have witnessed see-saw of relations where India's
policy towards Nepal is often called excessively security driven policy
Deb Mukherjee says that difference to be made between cultural connectivity & sovereign relations.
This is area where both countries mix up. Nepal is dealt like family affair, top policy makers have
direct family links, who are often accused of getting carried away. Moreover, there is a lack of
professionalism from MEA as ambassadors in Kathmandu have family relations there.
Tell the flaws in India-Nepal policy The fault lies in the historical understanding that treats Nepal
more as bu er state to protect Indian security concern in the Himalayan region.
Kanak Mani Dixit says that there is a lack of Nepal studies in India which is a result of overwhelming
preoccupation with geopolitics. India’s focus seems exclusively geo-strategic, to do with ‘controlling’
Nepal and its natural resources and countenancing China across the Himalayan range. India’s
diplomacy includes not only disapproval of the new constitution and expressions of open support for
Madhesi, but also a calculated restrictive movement of essential good to Nepal. New Delhi does not
believe Kathmandu’s attempt to mobilise China is a viable and long-term option. It hopes, therefore,
that eventually Kathmandu will be forced to see reason and seek ways to accommodate the
Madhesi. India also hopes that international pressure from elsewhere – particularly from the US,
Japan and the European Union – will come into play to discourage Nepal from using the China option
and persisting with its aggressive policy towards the Madhesi.
Explain how Madhesi factor has impacted India-Nepal relations Madhesis, who are inhabitants of
the Terai region, are opposed to the new Constitution that divides their ancestral homeland under
the seven-province structure and have led an ongoing blockade of key border trade points with
India. During the time of the promulgation of the constitution, New Delhi had felt vindicated not
only on its modalities, which it feels are not inclusive, but also on the way in which it was
promulgated, i.e. amid protests, disturbances and curfews imposed.
India is of opinion that Nepal should move new constitutional amendments in the near future to
address Madhesi grievances. Due to India’s reaction to the constitutional crisis in Nepal, it was
pushed towards China. It is said to have a filled the vacuum left by India. This will be a significant
step forward for China trying to make inroads into South Asia, led by the attraction of its OBOR
initiative. While it is true that the Nepali constitution did ignore some of the genuine concerns of
Madhesi people, resulting in tension in the border areas, the Indian mistake was to believe that it
still holds a position of privilege in political matters of Nepal. The inability of the Indian state to
understand its role and limitations in Nepal has affected bilateral ties.
Conclude on following lines For future as Rakesh Sood suggests the long-term objective should be to
address the changing political narrative in Nepal, our present challenge is to recover lost political
ground so that we can play the role of the trusted and irreplaceable interlocutor between the two
sides, but without resorting to micro-management. Nepali politicians have taken the description of

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Nepal as a “yam between two boulders” too seriously. Instead, many economists and businessmen
who have been looking at investment opportunities in Nepal rather focus on “connectivity” and the
advantages that could accrue to Nepal from its “bridge dipIomacy” without making it a barrier.

17. How domestic politics in Bangladesh has been a determinant for Indo-
Bangladesh relations?
Answer :
Briefly talk about India-Bangladesh history In words of Sheikh Hasina the friendship between
Bangladesh and India is like a flowing river and full with generosity. India was the first country to
recognize Bangladesh as a separate and independent state and established diplomatic relations with
the country immediately after its independence in December 1971. India's links with Bangladesh are
civilisational, cultural, social and economic. There is much that unites the two countries – a shared
history and common heritage, linguistic and cultural ties, passion for music, literature and the arts.
This commonality is reflected in our multi-dimensional and expanding relations. India and
Bangladesh’s geographical locations complement each other and present an opportunity for both to
further develop their connectivity links and economies.
Tell recent India-Bangladesh relations In the last more than four decades, the two countries have
continued to consolidate their political, economic, trade and cultural relations and have built a
comprehensive institutional framework to promote bilateral cooperation. Both countries share 54
rivers, out of which, a treaty is already in existence for sharing of the Ganges water and both sides
are working for early finalisation of agreements for sharing of water of other common rivers. Both
countries are also cooperating in the conservation of the entire Sunderbans ecosystem, which is a
common biodiversity heritage. Bangladesh is an important trading partner for India & largest
recepient of line-of-credit from India. Scholarships and training programmes under ITEC, TCS of
Colombo Plan, ICCR, AYUSH, Commonwealth, SAARC and IOR-ARC scholarships/ fellowship schemes
are being offered to Bangladesh nationals.
Explain how domestic politics has been a determinant for Indo-Bangladesh relations According to
Anand Kumar the foreign policy of a country generally changes incrementally but in the case of
Bangladesh it changes dramatically towards India depending upon which political party or alliance is
in power. The ideological cleavage prevailing in the country affects not only its domestic politics but
also its relationship with its neighbour India. Bangladesh polity is more or less equally divided in
terms of national identity, some emphasising the Islamic character of the polity, others secularism.
Awami League's ideological position is one of the most important facilitating factors for Hasina
government’s adoption of an India-positive foreign policy. The AL represents the views of the latter
group, which brings the party closer to India, which has a similar ideological orientation. As history
reveals, when the Indian National Congress and AL are in power at the same time in India and
Bangladesh respectively, the relationship between Dhaka and New Delhi tends to be closer
On the other hand, those who emphasise Islamic identity position themselves on the other side of
the scale; that is, if the secularists see India as a 'natural' friend, the Islamists see that country
primarily through the opposite lens. Revival of Islamic identity in Bangladesh politics after 1975 had
an anti-India tone. Several major political parties, including the BNP, represent this view. The division
within the Bangladesh polity on identity makes India an important factor in the political dynamics of
the country, particularly election politics. The implication of this factor for the AL government's India
policy is that it constrains Sheikh Hasina's and her government's freedom of action in pursuing an
India positive foreign policy. The scope and continuity of the Dhaka’s India policy is greatly affected
by the country’s domestic politics
Conclude on following lines Hence as Partha Ghosh says at present India-Bangladesh relations are
on even keel largely because Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed has been able to sideline the
Islamists and stands strongly in the way of her country being used as a hideout for India’s north-
eastern insurgents. Though an agreement over the sharing of the Teesta water remains problematic,

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several bilateral irritants like land border and maritime boundary disputes have been solved. Even
on the connectivity and energy cooperation issues, significant progress has been registered.

18. What is the relevance of Non Alignment in contemporary world scenario?

Answer : Define NAM Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) is a group of states which are not formally
aligned with or against any major power bloc viz-a-viz USA or erstwhile USSR. As of 2016, the
movement has 120 members. The organization was founded in Belgrade in 1961, and was largely
conceived by India's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru; Indonesia's first president, Sukarno;
Egypt's second president, Gamal Abdel Nasser; Ghana's first president Kwame Nkrumah; and
Yugoslavia's President, Josip Broz Tito.
Discuss the contemporary world scenario Shashi Tharoor in his article "Is the Non-Aligned
Movement relevant today?" says that born half a century ago in the middle of a world riven by
antagonism between the USA and the USSR and the alliances they led, Nam had been the vehicle for
developing countries to assert their independence from the competing claims of the two
superpowers. But with the end of the Cold War, there are no longer two rival blocs to be non-aligned
between, and many have questioned the relevance of a movement whose very name signifies the
negation of a choice that is no longer on the world's geopolitical table.
Give relevance of NAM NAM relevance has been in question after end of Cold War as S Jaishankar
said that in contemporary global politics, block & alliances are less relevant today as we are moving
towards largely loose arrangement. Harsh Pant added that NAM was okay when India wasn’t
economic or military power, now India has to compete with China which is increasingly taking lead
over India's leadership status. There is need to pursue new goals & policies, no point sticking to old
shibboleths. G Parthasarathy says that Non Alignment gave India flexibility, but NAM never been a
forum of any consequence. C Raja Mohan says that NAM was irrelevant even before end of Cold
War. It didn’t have any concrete achievement; as it was extremely idealist to harmonize interest of
so many countries which have collective interest. It never acted as platform for advancement of
collective interest of 3rd world. One of the most attractive components for media was India-Pak
meet.
However, Shashi Tharoor says that with the passing of the binary superpower-led world, Nam has
redefined itself as a movement for countries that are not aligned with any major power. Nam has
been shaping a persona that is increasingly vocal about resisting the hegemony of the sole
superpower, the US, and in asserting the independence of its members - overwhelmingly former
colonies in the developing world - from the dominance of "Western imperialism". TP Sreenivasan
says that the word "Non-Alignment" gave wrong notion that end-all of NAM was to remain Non
Aligned, but quintessence of Non Alignment was freedom of judgement & action, and hence NAM
remained valid whether there was one block or two. C Raja Mohan says that India's NAM has always
been “Tabula Rasa” with capacity to accommodate any idea, supported India's economic
pragmatism & muscular geo-politics.
Conclude on following lines Hence, to end the debate one can agree to MK Narayanan who says
that with non-alignment giving way to strategic alignment, organisations such as NAM may seem
anachronistic, but it should not be lost sight of that it still resonates with many Third World
countries. It also offers an alternative platform for putting forward a different viewpoint. It would,
hence, be premature to pronounce the death of NAM. The Indian Prime Minister’s decision to skip
the NAM Summit in Venezuela may well hasten its end, but does not take away from the fact that
NAM still has some relevance and India could still utilise NAM — perhaps less ideological but more
purposive than in the past — to counter newer challenges such as China’s not so ‘peaceful rise’.

19. Critically analyse India's case for permanent membership in UNSC.

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Answer : Describe permanent membership of UNSC UN Security Council (UNSC) is a group of up to

15 nations, of which there are 5 nations based on the great powers that were the victors of World
War II, who are double veto-wielding permanent members; plus 10 elected non-permanent
members with two-year terms, who don't have the veto power. A permanent seat in UNSC would
elevate India to the status of USA, UK, France, China and Russia in the diplomatic sphere and warrant
India a critical say in all global matters that matter globally.
Write about the points in favor of India’s case India believes that the UNSC, which was constituted
in 1945 after the World War II, does not reflect the geopolitical realities—the emergence of a
multipolar world order largely thanks to the rise of developing economies like China, Brazil and India.
Also, India is the largest contributor to the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), with nearly
180,000 troops serving in 44 missions since it was established. India is also among the highest
financial contributors to the UN, with the country making regular donations to several UN organs
like the United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF). India commands three distinct characteristics
which make its case for a permanent seat compelling. Currently having a population of 1.28 billion,
India will become the most populous country in the world by 2022. Such a large portion of the
planet's population cannot be altogether ignored or kept at a distance from the decision making
table of UNSC which brings with itself the "veto" power. Secondly, India happens to be the second
fastest growing economy in the world making it an ideal destination for foreign investment and
future growth. Thirdly, India is ruled by a democratic, secular government which has never been
upstaged by an army coup and can be labelled as a "responsible" nuclear power. India’s candidature
as a potential permanent UNSC member has received support from a vast majority of nations. At
several public occasions, four of the five permanent members have supported India’s bid. China is
the only permanent member that has been ambiguous in its support for India, owing to its close ties
with Pakistan. Other member states, like the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Singapore, Malaysia and
the whole of the African Union have also endorsed India’s bid. Prof Ramesh Thakur says that it is
time for India and the G4 to adopt a strategy of non-cooperation towards the UNSC and the United
Nations as a whole
Write about the points against India’s case Kishore Mahbubani says that like Sisyphus’s motion of
pushing a rock uphill, India's candidature in UNSC's permanent membership is destined to fail. He
adds that Latin America and Africa feel excluded from permanent membership of the UNSC and
have, like India, equally strong claims to have at least one permanent member on the UNSC.
Moreover, any reform of the UNSC will be a package deal. Despite India’s growing weight in the
world, there will be no reform just to let India in.
In acknowledgement of the fact that any reform will have to be a package deal, India decided to
form an alliance with three other aspirant states — Brazil, Germany and Japan — to mount its
campaign for a permanent seat on the UNSC. These four states (G4) mounted a determined push to
get permanent membership (without veto power for at least 15 years) through a UNGA resolution in
2005. While this push did gain some momentum, it ultimately failed. Relations between China and
Japan remain troubled and unsettled; China cannot acquiesce to Japan’s quest for permanent
membership. UK and France already taking up two permanent seats on the UNSC, Europe is already
over-represented in permanent membership which reduces Germany's chances.
India’s nuclear-armed rival Pakistan has been leading the opposition to its inclusion in the UNSC’s list
of permanent members. Other countries, part of an interest group called the “Uniting for
Consensus” (UfC), also curiously called “The Coffee Club”, formed in 1995, are opposed to India (and
the G4’s bid) for permanent seats. Italy, Pakistan, Mexico and Egypt were founder members of the
UfC. The list also includes Argentina, South Korea, Spain, Turkey and Indonesia.
Conclude on following lines Kofi Annan recently said that UN Security council should be reformed: it
cannot continue as it is. The world has changed and the UN should change and adapt. If we don’t
change the council, we risk a situation where the primacy of the council may be challenged by some
of the new emerging countries. India does have a strong case lined up, but expecting an early
favourable outcome is too far-fetched dream.

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20. Suggest major reforms in UN system to make UN relevant.

Answer:

Describe United Nations United Nations System consists of the United Nations, its subsidiary organs
(including the separately-administered funds and programmes), the specialized agencies, and
affiliated organizations. The principal organ of the UN System was the United Nations itself. It
consists of the six principal organs established by the Charter of the United Nations: UN General
Assembly, UN Secretariat, International Court of Justice, UN Security Council, UN Economic and
Social Council, UN Trusteeship Council.
Briefly tell the problems of UN system Brahma Chellaney says that the world has changed
dramatically since the United Nations was established after World War II, but the organization has
not adapted to reflect the 21st century. While the U.N. has had its share of successes, its aging
structure has struggled with new threats like Ebola and terrorist groups that control large areas of its
member countries. U.N. members have been discussing change for decades, but agreement has
proven impossible because of competing interests.
UN has outdated structure as same five countries — the victors of World War II — have been the
power players since 1945: the United States, Russia, China, Britain and France. They are the only
permanent members of the powerful, 15-seat Security Council. Each has veto power, which has led
to near-paralysis at the council on some major crises like Syria and Ukraine. U.N. has become a
sprawling system with 15 autonomous agencies, 11 semi-autonomous funds and programs, and
numerous other bodies. There is no central entity to oversee them all. The cumbersome structure
was recently blamed for the World Health Organization’s delay in recognizing the Ebola epidemic.
U.N. is almost constantly asking its member states to contribute troops for its far-flung peacekeeping
missions, currently numbering 16. The number of peacekeepers has risen to a record 130,000 —
compared to 11,000 at the end of the Cold War — but the system is under severe strain. More than
100 peacekeepers have died this year and dozens have been taken captive. Raising money is a
constant problem with so many crises vying for the world’s attention. Many U.N. agencies and
humanitarian operations are funded by voluntary contributions, and appeals aren’t getting enough
donations. All 193 member states contribute to the U.N.’s regular budget and a separate
peacekeeping budget, but some countries are chronically behind on their payments. There is
widespread behind-the-scenes jockeying for top jobs in the U.N. Secretariat and U.N. agencies, not
to mention seats on key bodies like the Human Rights Council and the Security Council. Every
country belongs to a regional group that lobbies to ensure it is well represented. There is often
criticism that those who get the seats are not the best qualified, such as dictatorships elected to the
rights council.
Tell the major reforms needed in UN Jeffrey D. Sachs in his study presented at World Economic
Forum suggests an increase in funding, with high-income countries contributing at least $40 per
capita annually, upper middle-income countries giving $8, lower-middle-income countries $2, and
low-income countries $1. With these contributions – which amount to roughly 0.1% of the group’s
average per capita income – the UN would have about $75 billion annually with which to strengthen
the quality and reach of vital programs, beginning with those needed to achieve the SDGs. Once the
world is on a robust path to achieve the SDGs, the need for, say, peacekeeping and emergency-relief
operations should decline as conflicts diminish in number and scale, and natural disasters are better
prevented or anticipated. Sachs then suggests that UN needs to strengthen its expertise in areas
such as ocean health, renewable energy systems, urban design, disease control, technological
innovation, public-private partnerships, and peaceful cultural cooperation. Some UN programs
should be merged or closed, while other new SDG-related UN programs should be created. UN
Security council simply doesn’t represent the world today. At its inception, the U.N. had 51 member
states. It now has 193, many of them clamoring for more clout. All countries are represented in the
General Assembly, but that body can only pass nonbinding resolutions. Often mentioned as
countries deserving of permanent Security Council seats are Germany, Japan, India, South Africa,

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Nigeria and Brazil. There is a need to review the relevance of trusteeship council and give a new
mandate. There is a need to amend UN Charter to include responsibility to protect, delete enemy
state clause and to clear UN role in domestic conflicts.
Conclude on following lines As the UN enters its eighth decade, it continues to inspire humanity.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights remains the world’s moral charter, and the SDGs promise
to provide new guideposts for global development cooperation. Yet the UN’s ability to continue to
fulfill its vast potential in a new and challenging century requires its member states to commit to
support the organization with the resources, political backing, and reforms that this new era
demands.

21. Discuss the elements of continuity and change in India's foreign policy.
Answer:

Explain foreign policy of a country A country's foreign policy consists of self-interest strategies
chosen by the state to safeguard its national interests and to achieve its own goals through relations
with other countries. The approaches are strategically employed to interact with other countries.
Indian foreign policy has been centered on the ideas of power culture, and cultural heritage due to
civilizational history of State. India's Foreign Policy is not just to secure National Interest, but also to
shape world order based on toleration, non-violence, cosmopolitanism. India's world view has never
been entirely realist, always there is strong ideational element.
Arvind Virmani in his article "Recalibrating India’s foreign policy" says that every country’s foreign
policy has elements of continuity and change following a change in government. India’s policy under
Mr. Modi is no different. The changes have not necessarily been explicitly articulated, but are
implicit in the government’s actions and view of the world.
Discuss the elements of change in India’s foreign policy S Jaishankar termed changes as “decisive
conclusions to an otherwise unfinished national agenda” that the bigger shifts were in how India was
conducting itself on the world stage and the tools of statecraft it was using in this process. In terms
of conduct, Jaishankar seemed to suggest that India’s added confidence and larger footprint was
indicative of a new proactive foreign policy in the works focused on actively shaping and driving
events as opposed to just reacting to them; on being active and nimble rather than neutral and risk-
averse. S Jaishankar talks of five “innovations” in the way India was using the tools of statecraft to
further this proactive foreign policy – narratives; lexicon and imagery; soft power; the Indian
diaspora; and the link between foreign policy and national development.
First, the Modi government was developing a narrative as part of a transition to making India a
leading power. Second, the creation of a new lexicon and imagery – whether it is from a “Look East”
to “Act East” policy or the image of a “first responder” in humanitarian assistance and disaster relief
– has been critical in signaling and driving foreign policy change. Third, the Modi government has
emphasized the use of soft power in Indian foreign policy, as evidenced by the International Day of
Yoga and its links with the country’s culture and heritage. The fourth “innovation” is related to the
Indian diaspora. While their achievements have long been broadly appreciated, the Modi
government has been more direct thus far in engaging with overseas Indians, as evidenced by the
turnout at Madison Square Garden during his visit to the United States earlier this year. Fifth and
finally, there has also been a more explicit link made between diplomacy and national development
efforts, with India working hard to leverage its international relationships to bring resources,
technology and best practices to further its own development such as through the Make in India
initiative.
Discuss the elements of continuity in India’s foreign policy Shashi Tharoor claims that India’s
economic and political engagement with the Southeast Asian countries and forms an integral part of
India’s Look-East Policy is a continuity of previous decades. Uttara Sahasrabuddhe says that the
policy on China, however, reflects more continuity. In case of multilateral fora, whether it is
acceptance of Shanghai as the headquarters of the proposed Brics Development Bank in exchange

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for the first presidency of the bank; or negotiations in the World Trade Organization (WTO),
particularly over the issue of food subsidy; the Modi government has not made any significant
departure from the previous government’s policies.
S Jaishankar recently noted that among other things, a reasonable but at times firm neighborhood
first policy, the forward momentum on the nuclear deal with the United States, and a coherent
Indian Ocean strategy now in the works were all examples of changes from the previous government
led by Manmohan Singh.
Conclude on following lines However, as Teresita Schaffer in her book "India at the Global High
Table" says that between Modiji and Jawahar Lal Nehru, only ends have remained same but means
have changed. Earlier Non-Alignment, 3rd world solidarity and soft power were the key essentials.
Now strategic autonomy, alignment with USA and Russia, use of smart power has become the key
pillars of India’s foreign policy. It can be concluded that Nehru’s foreign policies were inspired by
Buddhism and Ashoka whereas PM Modi’s foreign policies are inspired from Kautilya and Chandra
Gupta Maurya.

22. Discuss how culture acts as determinant of foreign policy with suitable
example in case of India.
Answer:

Briefly talk about foreign policy of a country A country's foreign policy consists of self-interest
strategies chosen by the state to safeguard its national interests and to achieve its own goals
through relations with other countries. The approaches are strategically employed to interact with
other countries. Indian foreign policy has been centered on the ideas of power culture, and cultural
heritage due to civilizational history of State. India's Foreign Policy is not just to secure National
Interest, but also to shape world order based on toleration, non-violence, cosmopolitanism. India's
world view has never been entirely realist, always there is strong ideational element.

Discuss how culture acts as determinant of foreign policy The cultural and historical traditions of a
country deeply influence the foreign policy. Generally people possessing a unified common culture
and historical experience can pursue an effective foreign policy because of the support of all sections
of society who share the same values and memories. During the process of interpreting and
formulating the objectives of national interest, the decision makers are always governed by their
cultural links, historical traditions and experiences. Strong cultural unity of the people is always a
source of strength for them. It materially influences their ability to secure the objectives of national
interest during the course of international bargaining.
Cultural diplomacy can be defined as a track II, non-conventional diplomatic practice, aimed at
identifying cultural patterns of behaviour as well as the commonalities of two or more competing
groups in order to find a common ground of dialogue, while preserving culturally sensitive aspects

Explain in context of India Pratap Bhanu Mehta says India has been the seat of a hoary civilisation
and a meeting place of great cultures. A deeper study of India's policy of non-alignment clearly
reveals its cultural foundation. As KS Murthy points out, "ancient Hindu foreign policy was one of
isolationism. There was a kind of Munroe Doctrine towards states outside India because Hindu
thinkers expressly forbade aggressive wars on other cultures and on states outside India". But there
was also the individualistic cultural philosophy of Sankhya and Advaita Vedanta, which exhort us to
recognise our true nature and to pass through this world as detached spectators. India developed in
the past an elaborate and carefully planned administrative system with well-defined rules and
maxims for diplomatic and interstate relations.
India's culture, recognises values as being more important than power. For centuries, India has
proclaimed the ideal of tolerance, the philosophy that truth has many facets, and has shown that
common endeavour can thrive in diversity. The close cultural links of Nepal with India gives strength

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to the case for the development of friendship and co-operation with India. Myanmar was a part of
India and as such there existed strong cultural and historical ties which provide a strong basis for the
growth of Indo-Burmese friendship and co-operation. India had long-standing, traditional, cultural
and regional ties with Tibet. When the Chinese military occupied Tibet, India offered shelter to the
exiled Tibetans including Dalai Lama. Ministries of External Affairs and Culture share the
responsibility for promoting cultural diplomacy. India has signed over 126 bilateral cultural
agreements and is currently implementing about 58 Cultural Exchange Programmes with other
countries. India set up a nodal body, called the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) in 1950.
Since its creation, ICCR has used a number of instrumentalities, like Cultural Centres, Festivals of
India, Chairs of Indian Studies, etc. in promoting not only cultural but broader linkages. Recently
launched Know India Program – to help familiarize Indian Diaspora youth, in the age group of 18-26
years, with developments and achievements made by the country and bringing them closer to the
land of their ancestors. The Annual “Pravasi Divas” – to connect India to its vast Indian Diaspora and
bring their knowledge, expertise and skills on a common platform. The ICWA organizes events,
including organization of Academic Conferences, specifically in relation to International Affairs &
Relations.
Conclude on following lines Recently 21 June was adopted as International Yoga Day by United
Nations which added another feather in the cap of India's growing soft power around the globe. C
Raja Mohan considers an intensive outreach to the diaspora and promoting India’s religious and
cultural links with the neighbours in addition to an equally important emphasis on the projection of
Indian culture abroad to be a special feature of Modi’s diplomacy.

23. "India should reconsider its stated position of shared interest with China
in view of China's repeated rebuffs in international fora"-Comment.
Answer:

Talk about India-China relationship & India’s stated position Ashley Tellis says China and India’s
emergence as global powers is unprecedented in modern history. Sino-Indian bilateral relations are
defined by a complex balance of competition and cooperation that Ashley Tellis characterized as co-
engagement. Traditionally, China has oriented itself toward North East Asia and the Pacific, while
India has focused on the South Asian subcontinent. However, their remarkable economic growth
and military expansions have led to more frequent and sustained political interactions. This
engagement has elements of both rivalry and cooperation. India has avoided military, political or
rhetorical confrontation with Beijing since the Sino-Indian War of 1962. In addition, Delhi seeks to
improve relations with China in the areas like trade. At the same time, Delhi has intensified relations
with other global players and, just like China, is focused on increasing its national power.
C Raja Mohan says India has long insisted that Delhi has shared global interests with Beijing and
must build on them despite enduring differences on the bilateral level.
Tell the repeated rebuffs of China in International for India Three multilateral developments during
2016 where first was Beijing’s ferocious opposition to Delhi’s entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group
that regulates international nuclear commerce. The second was China’s unyielding determination to
block Indian efforts to get the UN Security Council to designate Masood Azhar of the Jaish-e-
Mohammed a terrorist. In the third, China has dredged up a long forgotten UN Security Council
resolution to declare India’s nuclear deterrent illegitimate; in the same breath, it warned that it will
boost Pakistan’s atomic weapons programme.

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Answer whether India should reconsider this position C Raja Mohan says that on the face of it, the
proposition that nations with serious differences in one area must find ways to cooperate in others
is a sensible one. India’s problem with China is that Delhi’s ideas of shared global interest in the
multilateral domain have run into Beijing’s calculus on the regional balance of power in the
Subcontinent. If India has let idealism shape its thinking on China, Beijing never stopped seeing Delhi
through the lens of realism. It was a deep conviction about shared Asian identity and a common
agenda to counter western hegemony and build a multipolar world that has driven India to extend
unflinching support to China in the global arena. It received little in return. The three developments
in 2016 suggest Delhi should not be expecting any in the near future.
Conclude on following lines India’s experience in 2016 should remind Delhi that China's rebuffs in
multilateral forums only reflect underlying power politics in the international system; they can’t
transcend this. Hence, as C Raja Mohan suggests Delhi needs is a more purposeful strategy to
change the balance with China. It can no longer afford to mask the problem with rhetoric on shared
global interests.

24. How does the agenda of NAM and IBSA differ from each other? Do you
think IBSA is new NAM?
Answer:

Briefly tell about IBSA & NAM IBSA is a unique Forum which brings together India, Brazil and South
Africa, three large democracies and major economies from three different continents, facing similar
challenges. All three countries are developing, pluralistic, multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, multi-lingual
and multi-religious nations. Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) is a group of states which are not
formally aligned with or against any major power bloc viz-a-viz USA or erstwhile USSR. As of 2016,
the movement has 120 members. The organization was founded in Belgrade in 1961, and was largely
conceived by India's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru; Indonesia's first president, Sukarno;
Egypt's second president, Gamal Abdel Nasser; Ghana's first president Kwame Nkrumah; and
Yugoslavia's President, Josip Broz Tito.

Explain how the agenda of NAM & IBSA differ from each other According to Sandra Sequiera, one
of the main differences between IBSA and the NAM is that, while the NAM emphasised
independence from the superpowers, the IBSA members want to promote South-south cooperation
without directly opposing the developed world. In fact, they are integral to North-South relations,
and are regarded as playing a bridging role in this regard. After the first IBSA ministerial meeting,
Brazilian foreign minister Amorim made it clear that the group is “not against anyone”. The group’s
continued commitment to working with the North was again underlined in the 2011 Tshwane
Declaration, where the leaders “affirmed that South-South cooperation is complementary to, and
not a substitute for, North-South Cooperation’. This is illustrative of the fact that IBSA reflects the
position of its member states as reformist rather than transformative states.

Tell whether IBSA is new NAM Declaring IBSA as new NAM is far-fetched as IBSA’s soft balancing
strategy is a case unique in point. Rather than a strategy of counterhegemonic confrontation, IBSA
employs institutional strategies to delay and undermine the USA’s policies. These states do not
challenge the current world order in the way that states like Iran or Venezuela do in NAM, and
instead take the existing international order as a given. This approach is entrenched in the groupings
founding document, the Brasilia Declaration, in statements like “respecting the rule of International
Law, strengthening the United Nations and the Security Council”. IBSA started off with a very specific
aim in mind: to present a united front in the WTO, and in particular, to modify the TRIPS rules that
affect the international trade of antiretroviral drugs, and to pressure the USA and EU to scrap
agricultural subsidies unlike NAM which in initial days had very vast & broad agenda.

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However, there is also similarities with NAM as all the IBSA states still regard themselves as part of
the global South. All three have a strong history of involvement in the struggle of the global South,
and their shared identity is rooted in a common historical experience of colonialism, shared
principles and shared status as emerging powers of the global South. But whilst focusing on concrete
areas of collaboration, with their functional leadership most evident in WTO negotiations, the IBSA
states also present themselves as campaigners for the development of the countries of the South
through a more equitable international economic system unlike NAM which is gradually losing all its
agendas.
Conclude on following lines Hence as South African scholar Karen Smith says in the context of
potential global change, Brazil, India, and South Africa have therefore donned the mantle of
spokesmen for the interests of developing countries in general, claiming to be committed to
securing a redistribution of power, wealth, and privilege in the global economy. IBSA is characterised
by ambivalence: a populist thread, on the one hand, woven into a global pragmatism that embraces
market orthodoxy, on the other which makes it different from NAM.

25. Is joining issue with the hands of Japan in its territorial dispute with China
is a wise strategic step by India?
Answer:

Write about the territorial dispute of India with China Sino-Indian relations have always bordered
on mistrust because of outstanding border disputes, an unfortunate historical legacy. India, after the
debacle of a brief war with China in 1962, has been cautious when dealing with its neighbor. India
has always approached the “China threat” with timidity. McMahon and McDonald / Johnson Line
boundary dispute is at the heart of relations between China and India. China has land and sea
boundary issues with 14 neighbors, mostly for historical reasons. The Chinese have two major claims
on what India deems its own territory. One claim, in the western sector, is on Aksai Chin in the
northeastern section of Ladakh District in Jammu and Kashmir. The other claim is in the eastern
sector over a region included in the British-designated North-East Frontier Agency, the disputed part
of which India renamed Arunachal Pradesh and made a state. Japan and China are also Traditional
rivals, Japan has disputes on islands. Explain how India-Japan are coming together C Raja Mohan
says Japan and India share an interest in shoring up ties with each other to balance off China and
both are seeking to maximise their gains, something fairly normal in international relations.
India and Japan are creating a “Special Strategic and Global Partnership”, even as the Sino-Indian
“Strategic and Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity,” deepens. Harsh Pant says the
relationship between India and Japan is perhaps the best it has ever been, largely because both
countries have Prime Ministers who view the region and the world in very similar terms. Abe, a long
standing admirer of India, has been a strong advocate of strategic ties between New Delhi and
Tokyo. He was one of the first Asian leaders to envision a “broader Asia”, linking the Pacific and
Indian Oceans to form the Indo-Pacific. And as he has gone about reconstituting Japan’s role as a
security provider in the region and beyond, India seems most willing to acknowledge Tokyo’s
centrality in shaping the evolving security architecture in the Indo-Pacific.
Tell whether this is a wise strategic step by India Alignment with Japan largely looks to compliment
India’s original strategy to cooperate and compete with cooperate and contain. Sanjaya Baru says
both Japan and India have come to understand the strategic importance for themselves of their
bilateral partnership in a world in which China looms larger and the United States and Europe
remain preoccupied with their own problems. Kanchi Gupta agrees that rising convergences in the
economic, political and security realms make New Delhi and Tokyo natural partners in linking the
scope of their cooperation to securing common interests in the Persian Gulf. Beyond the economic
imperatives of trade and infrastructure, India-Japan cooperation could be a game-changer in the
power dynamics of Asia. C Raja Mohan argues that India-Japan relationship can actively shape the
outcomes in US-China relations and promote a stable Asian balance of power. Malabar exercises

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reflect convergence of India’s Act East policy, Japan’s growing focus on freedom of navigation in the
South China Sea and the Obama administration’s “strategic rebalance” towards the Indo-Pacific.
Other trilateral configurations are also emerging with Japan, Australia and India interacting at a
regional level. There is a growing convergence in the region now that the strategic framework of the
Indo-Pacific is seen as the best way forward to manage the rapidly shifting contours of Asia.
Conclude on following lines Hence as Sanjaya Baru says all present signals point to a new level of
partnership between Asia’s two great democracies, imparting new self-confidence to both nations at
a particularly critical moment in Asia’s emerging power structure. As the two Asian rivals to China,
India and Japan might need the partnership even more in the days to come, as the U.S. President-
elect has indicated a lower level of interest in playing policemen in the region.

26. India needs a sound and sustainable policy towards Russia. Suggest
measures in this regard.
Answer:

Briefly describe India’s relation with Russia According to Nilova Roy Chaudhury, relations with
Russia are a key pillar of India's foreign policy. Under the special and privileged partnership the two
countries share, several institutionalized dialogue mechanisms operate at both political and official
levels to ensure regular interaction and follow up on cooperation activities. The two countries have
established substantial trust and understanding, a convergent worldview, and a stake in preserving a
relationship that few countries can claim to have. However, the issue of Russia’s increasing ties with
Pakistan has the potential to strain bilateral relations. After the first ever joint military exercises, the
first ever foreign office consultations were held between them in December 2016. Pakistan recently
approved Russia’s request to use the strategic Gwadar Port for its exports which has brought long
standing relationship to a downturn.
Suggests measure to have sound & sustainable policy C Raja Mohan suggests Russian actions would
nudge some sort of realism to India atleast. India has been dealing with Russia with idealism, it must
come out of Soviet nostalgia, and India shouldn’t get hurt as Russia isn't Soviet. For creation of any
sound & sustainable policy, two countries should communicate with each other as China is common
threat for both Russia, India. Ashok Sajjanhar suggests that India-Russia are natural allies and Modi-
Putin need to give much greater personal attention to building and strengthening the India-Russia
partnership. This task cannot be delegated to Foreign Ministers or Foreign Offices. In the current
scenario also, it would devolve upon Modi to take charge of bilateral ties with Russia, as he has done
with several other significant partners. He further adds that there is an urgent need to train and
raise a new generation of Indologists in Russia. Scholars and academics have always played a critical
role in promoting cooperation between the two countries and India's participation in EEU to be
encouraged. Russia feels that India is virtually entering into a military alliance with USA, which will
severely restrict Russia's ability to share sophisticated defence technology such as for India’s nuclear
submarine programme with it. India must assure Russians India’s expanding ties with USA are
neither at the expense of Russia nor are they in any way directed against Russia or detrimental to its
interests. Strategically they are designed to provide greater political space as well as maneuverability
for healthy relations with China.
Harsh Pant says that there is attitude problem in both nations, Russia has started looking all
relationships thru prism of zero-sum games whereas problem with India that it fails to accept "new
normal" of India-Russia relationship.
Conclude on following lines Hence, as Dr. Subhash Kapila points out that whether India goes close to
USA or not, Russia will go close to Pakistan due to its geo-political importance. Russia has previously
also supplied weapons to Pak but India need not look into relationship with sentimentalism, &
nostalgia. India needs to remind Russia of its disintegration due to Pakistan and the fact that there is
no other country which has genuine interest in Russian rise with no reason to oppose Russia. Russia
needs to take calculated risk, and India need not worry too much.

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27. Discuss the evolution of India- US relations since the election of Trump as
president of USA.
Answer:

Briefly write about India-US relations India-U.S. bilateral relations have developed into a "global
strategic partnership", based on shared democratic values and increasing convergence of interests
on bilateral, regional and global issues. In words of Ashley Tellis, Indo-US Partnership has reached
Plateau and the partnership has been one of the few areas that have been non-controversial and a
bright spot for the USA on the foreign policy front in recent years. It can be confidently asserted that
India-US relations enjoy bipartisan support in the US Congress and across the board among the US
citizens. Starting with Bill Clinton’s visit to India in March, 2000, the state of partnership today is the
highest ever between the two countries.
Discuss how things seem to change since election of Trump as President Since election of President
Trump has taken place merely 3 months before, a lot is still to be unfolded on how relations will
proceed. However, till now the signs look varied with multitude of possibilities. Donald Trump has
hence inherited a vigorous and vibrant relationship between India and the USA.
Recent visit of US National Security Advisor Gen McMaster and subsequent meetings with PM Modi,
NSA Doval points toward cordial continuation of Indo-US relationship. The two sides discussed a
range of bilateral and regional issues, including their shared interest in increasing defense and
counter-terrorism cooperation. NSA McMaster emphasized the importance of the US-India strategic
relationship and reaffirmed India’s designation as a Major Defence Partner,” it added while noting
that the meetings were “productive”.
According to a White House statement, Trump emphasised that Washington considers India a “true
friend and partner in addressing challenges around the world.” Both leaders were said to have
discussed opportunities to strengthen their partnership on the economy and defence. Several visits
by Foreign Secretary, National Security Advisor after the coming of new dispensation have
reportedly discussed contentious issues like H1B visa, safety of Indians, and a wide range of bilateral
security issues related to the defence relationship. Recent killings of Indian origin people in America
have been flagging concerns in both the countries, and If Trump acts on his promise of bringing
down the corporate tax in the USA from 35% to 15% & policy of “Buy American, Hire American”, it
could encourage and tempt some US companies currently based in India to relocate to USA. This
could have an adverse impact on the Make in India initiative of the Indian government if some
companies leave the country.
As Manoj Joshi writes, a perusal of statements made by Trump during his campaigning would
demonstrate that he did not make any sharply critical comments about India as he did for many
other countries. On the contrary, he by and large made positive and laudatory references to India.
He said that if he got elected, India will have a true friend in the White House. He showered
encomiums on Prime Minister Modi saying that he is very energetic and that he (Trump) was looking
forward to working with him.
Conclude on following lines In conclusion, As Manoj Joshi writes it appears highly likely that in
strategic, political, security, defence and economic terms, relations between India and the USA will
continue their upward trajectory under President Trump. Impact of USA’s relations with Pakistan on
India is likely to be beneficial and positive. As far as implications for India with respect to USA’s
evolving relations with China and Russia are concerned, it will be better to wait for further
denouements to unfold. It is too early to speculate how they will evolve and what ramifications they
might entail for India.

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28. Do you think IORA is a credible institution? Is it a talking shop? Can it be a

game changer? Substantiate your views.
Answer:

Briefly tell what IORA is Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), is an international organisation
consisting of coastal states bordering the Indian Ocean. The IORA is a regional forum, tripartite in
nature, bringing together representatives of Government, Business and Academia, for promoting co-
operation and closer interaction among them. It is based on the principles of Open Regionalism for
strengthening Economic Cooperation particularly on Trade Facilitation and Investment, Promotion as
well as Social Development of the region.
Address whether IORA can be game changer C Raja Mohan says that for the pessimists, the IORA is
a talking shop that is unlikely to turn the diverse littoral into a coherent region. Realists will concede
that IORA is not yet a credible regional institution. However, such viewpoints represent
oversimplification of futuristic discourse as IORA's existence is a reminder of the untapped potential
of Indian Ocean regionalism. Today, the IORA underlines the region’s agency in shaping its own
future.
C Raja Mohan further adds that IORA can be a game-changer as New Delhi, Canberra seems to
reinvest in Indian Ocean regionalism lately but it's success would depend, to a large extent, upon
what the middle powers of the Indian Ocean littoral, like Indonesia, Australia and India, can do.
Together the three countries have already breathed new life into an organisation that few had heard
of. Those who did had taken IORA for dead. Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) celebrated its 20th
Anniversary when Indonesia, as the current Chair of IORA, hosted the first ever IORA Leaders'
Summit on 7 March 2017 in Jakarta under the theme "Strengthening Maritime Cooperation for a
Peaceful, Stable, and Prosperous Indian Ocean". In a historic first, the Summit brought together the
Leaders of the 21 IORA Member States and its 7 Dialogue Partners as well as other special invitees
including the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. Member States issued the Jakarta Concord -
Promoting Regional Cooperation for a Peaceful, Stable and Prosperous Indian Ocean - which sets out
a vision for a revitalized and sustainable regional architecture. Conclude on following lines However,
IORA has a challenging task ahead. The ideas of regional and global integration that held sway since
the turn of the 1990s has taken some beating amidst the resurgence of the dark forces of de-
globalisation in the West. While Indonesia, Australia and other middle powers are important players
in the Indian Ocean, their regionalist priorities are elsewhere. As the largest economy and biggest
military power, it is largely up to India to shape the future of Indian Ocean regionalism.

29. Analyze Russia's current engagement in South Asia. What are the
implications over India?
Answer:

Write about Russia-India engagement American scholar Lavina Lee says India-Russia story is one of
consistent engagement from the late 1960s, which over time has resulted in a relationship based on
a deep level of trust unsurpassed in their relations with any other state. Despite the end of the Cold
War, Indian-Russian relations have, if anything deepened in many sectors. Traditionally, the Indo-
Russian strategic partnership has been built on five major components: politics, defence, civil
nuclear energy, anti-terrorism co-operation and space. Russian PM Dmitry Medvedev says that
India-Russia mutual ties of friendship are filled with sympathy, and trust, and openness.
Briefly talk about Russia’s current engagement in South Asia According to Harsh V Pant, there
seems to be a reversal in Russia’s South Asia policy, with New Delhi and Moscow drifting apart.
Russia is looking the region through the prism of its larger geopolitical struggle with the West and
seems ready to join the China-Pakistan axis. Harsh Pant adds that China seems found a new ally in
Russia, which is keen to join with China, even as a junior partner, to scuttle Western interests.

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Jettisoning its traditional antipathy to the Taliban, Russia is now indicating that it is ready to
negotiate with the militant group against the backdrop of the growing threat of the Islamic State
(ISIS) in Afghanistan. Pakistan has emerged an important player in this context, where China and
Russia are now converging to challenge a number of Western objectives. Moscow and Islamabad
held their first-ever joint military exercise in September 2016 and their first-ever bilateral
consultation on regional issues in December. In September 2016, China and Russia conducted joint
naval exercises in the South China Sea, where China has grandiose territorial claims.
Analyze Russia’s current engagement Vinay Kaura writes that Russia's diplomatic efforts to
accommodate the Taliban as an instrument against the ISIS, in tandem with Pakistan and China, may
also have unexpected ramifications for Indo-Russian ties. The Indian leadership, both publicly and
behind diplomatic corridors, has been trying to convince Russia that Pakistan is the fountainhead of
terrorism in the region. But India's traditional ally Russia seems not convinced. Moscow's diplomatic
outreach toward the Taliban has provided legitimacy to the Taliban insurgency and frustrated the
efforts of the Afghan government to militarily defeat the Taliban. Moreover, after initially denying
Pakistani media reports that Russia would join the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and
acquire access to the Gwadar port, Russia's ambassador to Pakistan has now clarified that Moscow
and Islamabad have held discussions to merge the China-backed CPEC with Russia-backed Eurasian
Economic Union.
Although Russia continues to insist that its ties with Pakistan will not come at the cost of its ties with
India, Moscow's tilt towards Islamabad has certainly injected growing uncertainty in the direction of
the India-Russia relationship.
Tell about their implications over India Vinay Kaura adds that Russia's engagement with the Taliban,
its military cooperation with Pakistan and possible support for the CPEC have the potential to harm
India's vital strategic interests. Even as Russia is more worried about the ISIS than about losing
India's friendship, Pakistani policymakers are making all-out efforts to be seen as acting in Russian
interests. Islamabad does not want to miss the historic opportunity of exploiting Russia's sense of
vulnerability arising from the ISIS threat. Russia's major strategic partners in the region Iran and
China have also increased their engagement with the Taliban. Strategically, these circumstances
have put Pakistan in a more advantageous position than India.
After officially lifting an arms embargo against Pakistan in 2014, Pakistan’s military will be receiving
four Russian-made Mi-35M attack helicopters this year. This could bring concerns in India regarding
this new found love between Moscow and Islamabad. India’s policy vis-à-vis Afghanistan will also
have to evolve with these changing ground realities. New Delhi has been demanding dismantling of
safe havens and terror sanctuaries in the region, besides pressing for deeper engagement of various
stakeholders for Kabul’s stability and security.
Conclude on following lines Although there may be uneasy times ahead for India's relationship with
Russia, the Indian diplomacy will have to be both dynamic and imaginative to secure New Delhi's
security interests in Afghanistan. As Harsh Pant says that with a pro-Russia Donald Trump assuming
office in Washington, New Delhi will be hoping that a rapprochement between the U.S. and Russia
might realign Indian and Russian priorities on Afghanistan. How India addresses this challenge will in
all likelihood determine the final size of India’s footprint in its neighborhood.

30. Do you think Japan is India's natural ally or India-Japan relations are sub
set of India-US relations?
Answer:

Define India’s relations with Japan Former Foreign Secretary Kanwal Sibbal defines Indo-Japanese
partnership passing through "cherry blossom" times. Former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, used
the label “transformational” to describe India’s relations with only two countries – the US and Japan,
and the relationship with both these countries have been phenomenally becoming the pillar of New
Delhi’s Foreign policy.

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Explain why India-Japan relations are said to be sub-set of India-US relations Manoj Joshi says that
relations with Japan are a subset of ties with the US, and again, serve mutual needs—India wants
Japanese investment and technology, while Tokyo seeks India’s participation in the East Asian
coalition. He adds that India-Japan relations thrive not because we have an identity of interests, but
a congruence of needs that the other can fulfill. India needs the world’s foremost military power to
maintain a balance against China, while the US needs India because it is the only credible partner it
has in building a coalition in East Asia including Japan to confront China. This makes India-US-Japan a
formidable alliance where India-Japan relations are pursued as per the entire scheme of East Asian
security balance theme.
Explain why Japan is India’s natural ally However, Japan as India’s natural ally is rather true till a
large extent as Shyam Saran says that friendship between India and Japan has a long history rooted
in spiritual affinity and strong cultural and civilizational ties. The modern nation states have carried
on the positive legacy of the old association which has been strengthened by shared values of belief
in democracy, individual freedom and the rule of law. Over the years, the two countries have built
upon these values and created a partnership based on both principle and pragmatism. Today, India
is the largest democracy in Asia and Japan the most prosperous. Moreover, India’s growing strategic
alignment with USA, and ambivalence with Chinese have cemented partnership with Japan further.
In 2007, Abe wrote it would “not be a surprise if in another decade, Japan-India relations overtake
Japan-US and Japan-China ties”. Abe wants Japan to become a “normal” country in diplomacy and
defence which makes him aligned towards partnership with India. When PM Modi went to Japan last
year, this two-way domestic tie-up was tightened with Tokyo agreeing to help his flagship projects
such as Digital India and Skill India. Japan through successes such as the Delhi Metro and Maruti
Suzuki, has helped India expand its mindset. Recent Nuclear deal of Japan with India despite being
Non-NPT signatory was a marked exception from Japanese principle position and prove that
relationship with India is no more a mere sub-set of India-USA relationship.
Hence, India and Japan are creating a “Special Strategic and Global Partnership”, even as the Sino-
Indian “Strategic and Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity,” deepens.
Conclude on following lines Harsh Pant says the relationship between India and Japan is perhaps the
best it has ever been, largely because both countries have Prime Ministers who view the region and
the world in very similar terms. Abe, a long standing admirer of India, has been a strong advocate of
strategic ties between New Delhi and Tokyo. He was one of the first Asian leaders to envision a
“broader Asia”, linking the Pacific and Indian Oceans to form the Indo-Pacific. And as he has gone
about reconstituting Japan’s role as a security provider in the region and beyond, India seems most
willing to acknowledge Tokyo’s centrality in shaping the evolving security architecture in the Indo-
Pacific which reflect relations to be independently managed as per India’s National Interest.

31. Discuss the implications of BREXIT on India.

Answer:

Define Brexit Brexit is a commonly used term for the United Kingdom's planned withdrawal from the
European Union.

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Brexit took place on 23 June 2016 in the United Kingdom (UK) and Gibraltar to gauge support for the
country either remaining a member of, or leaving, the European Union (EU). The referendum
resulted in 51.9% of voters voting in favour of leaving the EU.
While capital markets across the globe were quick to react and bounce back, long-term ramifications
of this verdict on geopolitics and geo-economics will unfold in the months to come. The decision
certainly does not bode well for the world economy that is still grappling in the clutches of recession
and austerity. However, this verdict may have positive implications for India, especially in economic
and trade ties, according to experts.
Give positive implications for India Brexit could potentially open up new trading opportunities with
Britain and EU. With Britain freed of strict EU regulations, one can only hope that it will be easier for
India to engage in business with the fifth-largest economy in the world.
Moreover, now is the time for India to enter into an FTA with the UK. A depreciating pound also
means cheaper British imports into India, especially in the field of food, technology, fine liquor and
capital machinery. Also, in the longer run, Brexit could help strengthen India-UK economic
relationship as the UK seeks to compensate for loss of preferential access to EU markets.
Give negative implications for India The immediate, short-term effect must be negative, with its
severity depending on the extent to which the major economies in Europe are affected. If Brexit
results in a sharp contraction in these economies, then their demand for Indian exports will shrink.
This process will be faster for those Indian companies which compete with British manufacturers in
European markets since the British companies can no longer treat continental Europe as a “home
market” in so far as import taxes are concerned. Moreover, the devaluation of the pound implies
that imports will be costlier in Britain and this will be another source of decrease in imports over and
above that caused by a shrinking economy. Since Britain is an important destination for Indian
exporters, this will also have a non-negligible impact on Indian exports. Indian firms which use
Britain as a base for their European operations will now experience an increase in trading costs since
they will face increased tariff barriers once Britain formally leaves the EU.
Brexit may have the potential to affect immigration negatively, through "work and study routes"
from non-EU nations, as the nation has done in a move expected to make it difficult for British firms
to hire professionals from countries like India. The most worrying issue is that this exit might prompt
other nations to go ahead with shifting the power back to national governments in areas like
immigration, while maintaining the trading union. Impact of Brexit on higher education
opportunities for Indian students appears beneficial. A cheaper pound will benefit Indian students
seeking education in the UK.
Conclude on following lines Following the 2016 referendum vote to leave, the UK government
started the withdrawal process on 29 March 2017 invoking Article 50 of Lisbon Treaty, putting the
UK on course to leave by April 2019. These stormy developments in Europe should be a wake-up call
for India to fine-tune its negotiating strategy with Brussels now, and the UK in future. Situation of
the Indian economy is also such that it is calibrating and making assessment of the situation. India is
resilient to any financial shocks that may arise due to a credit crunch in the global market. With
comfortable foreign exchange reserves, inflation coming down and structural reforms on path, India
will be able to deal with all eventualities, as it did after stocks markets and rupee dropped on results
from UK referendum on EU membership showed the “leave” camp doing better.
Hence, as C Raja Mohan says New Delhi must immediately signal strong solidarity with Britain and
Europe, both of whom are likely to be weakened in the near term. Finding ways to rejuvenate the
economic and political ties to both should now be at the top of India’s diplomatic agenda.

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PSIR MODEL ANSWERS FOR PREVIOUS YEAR QUESTIONS PAPER-II

TOPIC: CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL CONCERNS SUB TOPIC: GENDER JUSTICE

11. Comment: Basic issues in Movements for Gender Justice? (05/II/1(c)/20).

Gender Justice: Gender Justice entails ending the inequalities between women and men that are
produced and reproduced in the family, community, market and the state. It also requires that
mainstream institutions are accountable for taking injustice and discrimination that keep too many
women poor and excluded gender justice is a basic human rights every women and girl is entitled to live
in dignity and freedom without fear gender justice is indispensable for development, poverty reduction,
and crucial to achieve human progress it requires sharing of power and responsibilities.

Despite tremendous advancements in the society and placing women on a pedestal of ‘mother of
mankind” rather women are treated equals and afforded equal opportunities, most horrendous cruelties
have been inflected upon her, often without reason and mostly without just cause. They are still at
peripheries of economic, political, social and cultural rights. About 70% of the worlds hungry women
less than 10% of parliamentarians globally.

Majority of world poor are women. Also they are the most vulnerable in the post disaster and conflict
situations. According to the UN women basic issues in gender justice and gender Inequality includes:

1) Female Suffrage: Some Countries still do not have Universal Suffrage for example in the Middle
East it is said that a quiet “women spring” is taking place in Arab World. Women Participated in big
number in popular up springs known as Arab Spring, show their keenness to play bigger role.

2) Discrimination within the Constitution and laws: In Many countries in Middle East, constitutions
discriminate against women. For example women rights are severely restricted in both Iran and Saudi
Arabia lack of universal citizenship impact their ability to effectively voice their needs and thus address
the exclusion.

3) Breakdown of Peace and Security: This leads to increase of physical & sexual violence. In conflict
areas women need special protection, hence it is recommended to integrate gender perspectives in peace
and security.

4) Early Child Marriages: Child marriage, a practice that hurts young women’s health, education and
long term ability to earn an income, is considered a human rights violation. According to the report of
“Pew Research” over 116 countries allow people under the age of 18 to wed. In the Arab region, one in
seven girls marries before her 18th birthday.

International day of girl child inaugurated on October 11, 2012, with the theme to end child marriage.
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5) Feminization of Poverty: The gap between men and women caught in the cycle of poverty has
continued to widen in recent years. This alarming trend is called ‘the feminization of poverty’.70% of
the world's poor are women. The majority of the 1.5 billion people living on $1 a day or less are women
caught in the cycle of poverty they lack access to resources, credit education, skills to change their
situation.

“Women and poverty” is among twelve critical areas of concern as per Beijing platform for Action.

6) Women trafficking, Victimization of Widows: According to International Labour Organization

estimates that 21 million people are victims of forced labour globally. United Nations office on Drugs
and crime have mentioned that the most common form is sexual, and victims are predominantly women.

7) Genital Mutilation: According to WHO “More than 200 million girls and women alive have
undergone FGM (Female Genital Mutilation) in 30 countries in Africa, the Middle East and Asia
Somalia, Guinea has the highest record.

Despite being forbidden by national and international law, there is no sign of abating. In Dec 2012,
UNGA has adopted a resolution on elimination of female genital mutilation.

8) Honour Killings: So called “Honour Killings” are an extreme symptom of discrimination against
women, state institutions have failed to check this culture of Impunity worse thing that in number of
countries domestic legal systems still fully or partially exempt individuals guilty of Honour killings.

9) Female Foeticide: According to the report released by UNICEF, which suggest one of the worst
form of genocide is taking place in India, killing one million females in India annually with far reaching
and tragic consequences.

Steps taken by International Community:

United Nations Organization is the focal agency to initiate coordinate measures for protection of
women. It took following steps:

1. Declared 1975 as international women year. Since then, 8 March is observation as “International 1st
women day”.

2. 1979. UNGA adopted CEDAW convention on elimination of all forms of discrimination against
women often described as an “International Bill of Rights for women”.

3. 1980, II World Conference on women was held in Copenhagen.

4. 1985, World conference to review and apprise the achievements of UN Decade for women was held
in Nairobi. It was the event which made movement for gender quality, truly global (Birth of global
feminism).
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5. 1995, Beijing Conference on women, the fourth women conference asserted “Women rights as
Human rights” committed to specific actions to ensure respect for these rights. Beijing Platform for
Action is an Agenda for women’s empowerment it calls for strategic action plan in 12 critical areas of
concern:

1. Women and Poverty 2.Education and training 3.Women and health 4.Violence against women
5.Women and armed conflict 6.Women and economy 7.Women in power and decision making
8.Institutional mechanisms for advancement of women 9.Human rights of women 10. Women and
Media 11.women and environment 12.Women and girl child.

6. In 2005, UN had adopted Millennium development goals, to improve the lives of people living in
global south by reducing poverty and hunger, improving access to health, education, water and
sanitation. 6 out of 8 goals mention women and girls as priority target. Goal 3, sought to promote gender
equality and empower women.

7. In February, 2008, Mr Ban Ki Moon Launched the secretary-general global campaigning “Unite to
end violence against women”. He held that we “cannot wait” anymore 25th November is observed as the
international day for elimination of violence against women.

8. The United Nations is now focusing on 17 “sustainable Development Goals”. Women have critical
role to play in all of SDG’s with many targets specifically recognizing women equality and
empowerment as both objective and as part of solution.

Conclusion:

Gender Justice is not only a fundamental human right, but a necessary foundation for peaceful,
prosperous and sustainable world. According to Anuradha M Chenoy, gender justice will make world
more egalitarian, responsive and democratic. To quote Hillary Clinton “Women are the largest untapped
reservoir of talent in the world”.

“Human rights are women’s rights and Women’s rights are Human Rights”.

12. Comment in what sense has gender justice become an urgent global concern today?
(07/II/1(d)/20).

Gender Justice:

Gender justice is a human right, in which every woman and Man is entitled to live in dignity and in
freedom, without any fear. Man and woman are two halves of humanity. Neither can reach its highest
creative excellence without the cooperation of the other.

Through the ages we have placed woman on a pedestal of ‘mother of mankind’. Paradoxically, the
most horrendous cruelties have been inflicted upon her, often without reason and mostly without just
cause.
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In the words of former UN secretary general Ban Ki Moon “Until women and girls are liberated from
poverty and injustice, all our goals peace, security, sustainable development stand in jeopardy.”

Why Gender Justice has become a Global concern:

Gender justice is one of the most burning issues that today’s states face in International Politics which
affects both domestic politics and their international relations. Thus states are in the need to be clear that
gender equality is not just a moral issue, and it shares meanings beyond that. According to the Global
Gender Gap Report 2015, it would take another 118 years to fill the economic gender gap.

According to Feminist Scholars like Cynthia Enloe, Rose Susan “Gender justice has become urgent
global concern because they suggest that the Participation of women in International Politics leads to
peace and security” and also including women in political decision-making leads to more effective
governance, since women’s presence in government brings greater diversity and different experience to
the process. Anne Tickner says Research has also shown that international relations theory and practice
has been a ‘womanless world’ which certainly hinders peace-talks and Climate Negotiations.

According to the UN women Report “Gender inequality holds back the growth of individuals, the
development of countries and the evolution of societies, to the disadvantage of both men and women. It
makes sense – if women and girls can gain access to improved education, they will eventually get better
jobs and be able to better contribute to the economy”.

The inclusion of “Empowerment of women” as key factor in achieving Millennium Development

Goals (MDG’s) and Sustained Development Goals (SDG’s) by United Nations Organization and the
present status of women in various fields reveals, How Gender Justice has become an urgent global
concern.

Status of Women in Access to Education:

 Worldwide 37 million girls were not in primary school in 2008, compared to 32 million boys.
 Globally, the rate of Gender parity in secondary enrollment of schools remained very low (76
girls out of 100 boys) especially in the Sub Saharan Africa, South and West Asia.
 According UNDP report of the world's 979 million illiterate adults, two-thirds are women.
A recent study shows that the Increase in Women’s Education made the greatest contribution to
reducing the rate of child malnutrition, accounting for 43% of the total reduction.

Gender Gap Status:

 Only four out of over 135 nations have achieved gender equality including Costa Rica, Cuba,
Sweden, and Norway. Yemen was scored the lowest across all dimensions. The World
Economic Forum recently ranked the United States as 19th, India stands at 87th ahead of China
99 in the world on its gender gap index.
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Status of Women in Political Power:

 Some countries still do not have Universal Suffrage. Among them are Brunei, Kuwait, Oman,
Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates.
 Women hold only 6.4% of the seats in Arab states Parliaments, 14.4% of seats in sub-Saharan
African, 17.6% of seats in Europe and 18.5% of seats in Americas.
Economic status:

 Only 1% of the World’s assets are in the name of women. Over $7 trillion worth of women’s
work goes unpaid.
 2.1 billion Women live on less than $2 a day, and 330 million women live on less than a dollar a
day.
 In the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia, only 40 women per 100 men are economically
active in the formal economy.
Health Status:

 More than half a million women die from complications related to pregnancy and childbirth
every year. 99% of these deaths occur in the Developing world.
 Providing basic maternal and newborn health services to Developing countries would cost an
average of $3 per capita per year. However, once complications develop, saving the life of a
mother or Infant costs about $230.
 Of the estimated 40 million people worldwide living with HIV, about 2/3 are in sub-Saharan
Africa, and young women are 2.5 times more likely to be infected as their male counterparts.
Violence against Women and girls:

 Gender-based violence against women - female infanticide, sexual trafficking and exploitation,
dowry killings and domestic violence - causes more death and disability among women in the 15
to 44 age group than cancer, malaria, traffic accidents and war combined.
 Over the past 30 years, 30 million women and children have been trafficked for sexual
exploitation.
 An estimated 130 million women worldwide have undergone Female Genital Mutilation and 2
million more are mutilated every year. 98% of Somali women have been mutilated.
 41% of women in Columbia report having been physically abused in a current relationship. Up to
47% of women report that their first sexual intercourse was forced.
Wage gap, Labour participation status:

 According to UN women report of 2015-2016, women are paid 24% less than men globally.
 Women Participation is less than 50% in labour intensive works whereas men’s participation is
75%.
“Not all women are poor, and not all poor people are women, but all women suffer from discrimination”
says Kabeer.
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According to Post-colonial feminists the issues of women in post-colonial countries revolves around
caste, religion, Ethnic factors. Worldwide at least 54 countries had discriminatory laws against women.

Steps Taken by UN:

UN support for the rights of women began with the Organization's founding Charter. Among the
purposes of the UN declared in Article 1 of its Charter. 1st world conference on women in Mexico city,
followed by “International bill of rights” then 2nd world conference held in Copenhagen in 1980.
The Beijing Platform for Action asserted women’s rights as human rights and committed to specific
actions to ensure respect for those rights.

Women and Sustainable Development goals: The United Nations is now focusing its global
development work on the recently-developed 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Women have
a critical role to play in all of the SDGs, with many targets specifically recognizing women’s equality
and empowerment as both the objective, and as part of the solution.

Goal 5, to "Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls" is known as the stand-
alone gender goal, because it is dedicated to achieving these ends. Deep legal and legislative changes are
needed to ensure women’s rights around the world. While a record 143 countries guaranteed equality
between men and women in their Constitutions by 2014, another 52 had not taken this step.

Women and the Millennium Development Goals: In September 2000, building upon a decade of
major United Nations conferences and summits, world leaders came together at United Nations
Headquarters in New York to adopt the “United Nations Millennium Declaration”, committing their
nations to a new global partnership to reduce extreme poverty and setting out a series of time-bound
targets -with a deadline of 2015. These have become known as the Millennium Development Goals.

Women-Related Goals: Tangible Time-bound Targets by UN:

Eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education preferably by 2005, and at all levels by
2015. Reduce the under-five mortality rate by two-thirds, between 1990 and 2015.
Reduce the maternal mortality ratio by three quarters, between 1990 and 2015. Achieve universal access
to reproductive health by 2015.

Conclusion:

Gender Justice is indispensable for development, poverty reduction, and is crucial to achieving human
progress. Realizing it includes sharing of power and responsibility between women and men at home, in
the workplace, and in the wider national and international communities.

Cynthia Enloe in her book Bananas, Beaches and Bases explains how feminist IR scholars have
emphasized the importance of looking at how gender shapes the current global political economy.

Social, political and economic equality for women is prerequisite for the achievement of all
Millennium Development and Sustained Development Goals. It is essential that we work together and
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use our influence to create just and equitable relationships between women and men in order to achieve
fair, sustainable, resilient and thriving communities.

23) Identify the role and place of gender in the global economy? (13/II/4(c)/15).

Introduction:

Gender equality is considered a critical element in achieving Decent Work for All Women and Men, in
order to effect social and institutional change that leads to sustainable development with equity and
growth in Global economic prospectus. Gender equality refers to equal rights, responsibilities and
opportunities that all persons should enjoy, regardless of whether one is born male or female.

Given that women are usually in a disadvantaged position when it comes to Gender Justice, Gender
issues are prominent within the context of an increasingly globalized economy. As reflected in the
slogan «think globally, act locally» that became popular at the 1985 Third Conference of the UN
Decade for Women in Nairobi, the perspective of gender issues is well understood within international
institutions and women's groups.

In the words of Hillary Clinton “Women are the Largest untapped reservoir of economic talent in the
world”. Gender equality remains the greatest human rights challenge of our time. Economic
empowerment is a uniquely potent way for women to achieve greater control over their own lives.

Former UN General Secretary Ban Ki Moon says “The economic empowerment agenda must, first
and foremost, be pro-poor and pro-marginalized”.

Feminists View of Gender in Global Economy:

According to Feminists gender is a Social Construct. If gender is a social construction, it can be

changed. It also enabled feminists to explore different meanings of gender.

In the words of “Simon de Beauvoir” we live in a gendered society which give privilege to one
particular gender and which is a matter of disadvantage to another gender.

We can trace the origins of the contemporary gendered division of labour back to seventeenth-
century Europe. At that time, definitions of male and female were becoming polarized in ways that were
suited to the growing division between work and home required by early capitalism.

Feminist Criticism of Capitalism:

There has been a long tradition of feminist theorizing about economic issues, particularly undertaken by
socialist feminists. The central idea of social feminism is that patriarchy and capitalism are overlapping
and “Interlocking systems of oppression”. The sexual division of labour, through which men dominate
the public sphere, has served the economic interests of capitalism in a number of ways.
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For some social feminists, women constitute a ‘reserve army of labour’, which can be recruited
into the workforce when there is a need for increased production, but easily shed and returned to
domestic life during a depression, without imposing a burden on employers or the state. In bearing and
rearing children, women are producing the next generation of capitalist workers.

The traditional family also provides male workers with the necessary cushion against the alienation
and frustration of life as a ‘wage slave’. However, such gendered processes are largely ignored by
conventional theories of political economy which concentrate only on commercial exchange and paid
labour, thus rendering much of women’s contribution to productive activity invisible. This can be seen
in particular in the feminist critique of the notion of ‘economic man’ written by J.Ann Tickner in
1992.

Feminization of Poverty:

The gap between men and women caught in the cycle of poverty has continued to widen in recent years.
This alarming trend is called ‘the feminization of poverty’.70% of the world's poor are women. The
majority of the 1.5 billion people living on $1 a day or less are women. “Sustainable development is not
possible if feminization of poverty continues” says Lakshmi Puri.

According to the United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women, women living in
poverty are often denied access to critical resources such as credit, land and inheritance. Their labour
goes unrewarded and unrecognized. Their health care and nutritional needs are not given priority, they
lack sufficient access to education and support services, and their participation in decision-making at
home and in the community are minimal. Caught in the cycle of poverty, women lack access to
resources and services to change their situation.

The Beijing Platform for Action blueprint highlighted twelve critical areas of concern, one of which
was ‘women and poverty’. It urged the international community, governments and civil society to act
in concert.

Why is women’s economic empowerment so important?

Women’s economic empowerment and gender equality are first and foremost about basic human rights
as enshrined in international human rights and labour conventions, laws and norms. Strong and
accumulating evidence suggests that lower levels of gender inequality are associated with gains in terms
of income, economic growth and national competitiveness.

According to the recent IMF, closing the gender gap in the labour market would raise the GDP of the
USA by 5 per cent, the UAE by 12 per cent, and Japan by 9 per cent and Egypt by 34 per cent.

Gender equality can reduce poverty and foster a more equitable distribution of income. Companies
with greater gender equality in their workforce and top management are better able to attract and retain
female talent, to motivate their female workers, to understand and respond to the needs of female
customers and to better address complex problems by incorporating more diverse views. Gender
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equality can bring dramatic gains in human development and well-being for individuals, families and
societies.

Role of Gender in Global Economy:

Since women account for almost 50 percent of the world's population, the sustainability of development
of the global economy can be greatly impaired if the state authorities in individual countries pay less
attention to the improvement in the socio-economic status of women relative to men.

Hiring and Promoting talented women is the right thing to do for societies and it’s an economic
Imperative says Carlos Ghosn. Women are key agents for achieving the transformational economic,
environmental and social changes required for sustainable development. But limited access to credit,
health care and education are among the many challenges they face, which are further aggravated by the
global food and economic crises and climate change.

According to UN women reports role of women in global economy is seen in various quarters such
as when more women work, economies grow. An increase in female labour force participation or a
reduction in the gap between women’s and men’s labour force participation results in faster economic
growth as reflected in the UN Labour Force Participation report.

Evidence from a range of countries shows that increasing the share of household income controlled
by women, either through their own earnings or cash transfers, changes spending in ways that benefit
children. Women are the gatekeepers in most families, controlling 70% of global consumer spending.

Gender inequalities in time use are still large and persistent in all countries. When paid and unpaid
work are combined, women in developing countries work more than men, with less time for education,
leisure, political participation and self-care. Women comprise an average of 43 per cent of the
agricultural labour force in developing countries, varying considerably across regions from 20 per
cent or less in Latin America to 50 per cent or more in parts of Asia and Africa.

Increasing women and girls education contributes to higher economic growth. Increased
educational attainment accounts for about 50 per cent of the economic growth in OECD countries over
the past 50 years. A study using data from 219 countries from 1970 to 2009 found that, for every one
additional year of education for women of reproductive age, child mortality decreased by 9.5 per cent.

It is calculated that women could increase their income globally by up to 76 per cent if the
employment participation gap and the wage gap between women and men were closed. This is
calculated to have a global value of USD 17 trillion. Studies show that when taking part in government
and business, women are leaders, stabilizers, savers, collaborators, galvanizers and entrepreneurs.

State of Women in Global Economy:

In the past fifty years, women have made significant strides toward achieving economic equality around
the world. According to Women, Business and the Law 2014, more than half of the legal restrictions
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affecting women’s economic opportunities around the world in 1960 were removed by 2010, raising the
status of women under the law. More and more women are able to own land, open up bank accounts,
apply for business loans and participate in the economy.

Despite such progress, economic equality for women has not yet been achieved. According to
the Global Gender Gap Report 2014 and 2016, the gender gap for economic participation and
opportunity stands at 60% worldwide – measured by the difference between women’s labor force
participation, wages, and incomes as compared to men.

According to McKinsey Global Institute projections, India could add $700 billion to its gross
domestic product by 2025 if it made faster progress toward gender equality, just by matching the
momentum toward gender parity made by its regional neighbors. The World Economic Forum, in
its 2016 Global Gender Gap Index, places India 87th out of 142 countries.

In the words UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres “Women’s economic empowerment is at

the heart of the 2030 Agenda. We will not achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG’s) if there
is no accelerated action to empower women economically. We know that women’s participation in all
spheres of life, including in the economy, is essential to sustainable and durable peace and to the
realization of human rights”.

Conclusion:

Women’s economic empowerment is a pre-condition for sustainable development, say UN High-Level

Panel members at held an event titled, “Accelerating Women’s Economic Empowerment to achieve
the 2030 Agenda”. Investing in women’s economic empowerment sets a direct path towards gender
equality, poverty eradication and inclusive economic growth.

Gayatri Vasudevan says “Girl power can translate into economic power”. Widening opportunities
for girls, especially in South Asia, has been one of the main drivers of global progress toward broader
development goals. However, in order to reach the potential from this expansion, more far-reaching
policy efforts, and data to monitor progress, are needed. And because of persistent poverty and cultural
norms, more grass-roots efforts are also needed.

Integrating gender has the potential to make global economic system more resilient, successful, and
impactful. However, understanding the potential gains of gender integration is just the beginning.
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25) State and place of Gender Justice in global political agenda? (13/II/5c/10).

Gender Justice:

Gender justice can be defined as ‘the protection and promotion of civil, political, economic and social
rights on the basis of gender equality’.

It necessitates taking a gender perspective on the rights themselves, as well as the assessment of
access and obstacles to the enjoyment of these rights for both women, men, girls and boys and adopting
gender-sensitive strategies for protecting and promoting them.

The Greek philosopher Aristotle held that the masculine was an active, creative force, while the
feminine was passive. Since the establishment of equality on civil rights made by the women’s suffrage
movement in the late 19th and Early 20th centuries, women have increased their presence in the
International political arena.

Women’s participation in all spheres of decision-making and policy formulation is both a form of
justice and redress and a necessary element of “real democratization”.

Carol Hanisch says “The personal is political”, is a political argument used as a rallying slogan
of student movement and second-wave feminism from the late 1960s. It emphasized the connections
between personal experience and larger social and political structures.

Feminist view of Gender in global Politics:

To understand the lack of women in higher places of international politics, Cynthia Enloe questions
“where are the women?” in her book and suggests that we need to look in unconventional places, not
normally considered within the boundaries of global politics.

There are many feminist theories. They include liberal, Marxist, socialist, post-colonial and post
structural. All feminist theories are trying to explain women’s subordination in global political agenda.
However, they all have different reasons for women’s subordination.

Liberal Feminists document various aspects of women’s subordination. They have investigated
problems of refugee women, income inequalities between women and men. Liberal feminists believe
that women’s equality can be achieved by removing legal and other obstacles that have denied them the
same rights and opportunities as men. Sandra Whitworth is a feminist critical theorist in her book,
“Feminism and International relations” 1994, claims that understanding gender depends only in part on
the material conditions of women and men in particular circumstances.

Post- Liberal feminists argue that we must look more deeply at unequal gendered structures in order
to understand women’s sub-ordination. Post structural feminists claim that there is a link between
knowledge and power. Since men have generally been seen as knowers and as subjects of knowledge,
this influences how we see global politics.
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Post-colonial feminists suggest that women’s subordination must be differentially understood in

terms of race, class, and geographical location.

Role and Importance of Gender Justice in global political Agenda:

According to Feminist Scholars like Cynthia Enloe, Rose Susan “Gender justice has become important
in global politics and suggest that the Participation of women in International Politics leads to peace
and security” and also including women in political decision-making leads to more effective
governance, since women’s presence in government brings greater diversity and different experience to
the process.

Anne Tickner says Research has also shown that international relations theory and practice has been
a ‘womanless world’ which certainly hinders peace-talks and Climate Negotiations in Global Political
scenario.

She also says Feminist perspectives, constructed out of the experiences of women, can add a new
dimension to our understanding of the world economy; since women are frequently the first casualties in
times of economic hardship, we might also gain some new insights into the relationship between
militarism and structural violence in international arena of politics.

According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union survey, female parliamentarians tend to prioritize

social issues such as childcare, equal pay, parental leave and pensions; physical concerns such as
reproductive rights, physical safety and gender-based violence and development matters such as poverty
alleviation and service delivery.

As more women reach leadership positions within their political parties, these parties tend to
prioritize issues that impact health, education and other quality of life issues. Strong evidence suggests
that as more women are elected to office, policy-making that reflects the priorities of families, women,
and ethnic and racial minorities also increases.

Using data from 19 member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD), researchers found that an increase in the number of women legislators results in
an increase in total educational spending.

Women are also more likely to work across party lines, even in highly partisan environments. Since
assuming 56 percent of the seats in the Rwandan parliament in 2008, women have been responsible for
forming the first cross-party caucus to work on controversial issues such as land rights and food
security.

From the book “Women War Peace” Research also shows that women tend to be deeply committed
to peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction and have a unique and powerful perspective to
bring to the negotiating table. Peace agreements, post-conflict reconstruction and governance have a
better chance of long-term success when women are involved.
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The role of women in international relations theory and global politics is thus so important because
they give attention to those issues overlooked in our patriarchal system. Their thought provoking
contributions stimulate the problem solving apparatus that enhances new ideas and solutions to global
issues.

Place of Gender Justice in global Political agenda:

The field of international relations, much like global politics, has been deeply embedded in the western
tradition of making man as the political actor. This shows that international relations theory may well
actually be gender bias or even androcentric.

However, the emphasis on males as citizens and political actors, as seen in several classic works of
political thought such as Thomas Hobbes Leviathan and Niccole Machiavelli’s
The Prince, has completely disregarded the role of women. Taking history into account, women were
first allowed to vote in 1919 and this actually sparked a debate on how far they should be integrated into
the arena of foreign affairs via the Diplomatic Service and the League of Nations (now the United
Nations).

As of 2012, less than 6 percent of the world’s heads of state were women and most of the world’s
military personnel were men. Women remain vastly under-represented in democratic institutions
globally; women represent less than 10 percent of parliaments in a third of the world countries.
Gender equality outcomes in aid effectiveness are less prioritized overall. In post disaster and conflict
settings, women often suffer from lack of security and are excluded from decision making processes in
economic, social, and political spheres.

The modern global conversation around women’s rights and political participation has been taking
place for almost 40 years. Beginning in 1975 with the adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), it has continued with the Beijing Declaration
and Platform for Action and led most recently to the United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals.
Through the conferences, declarations and action plans, a consensus has emerged that: women should be
able to play an equal role in politics; temporary special measures, such as quotas, are an effective means
to increasing women’s political roles.

But women have gained little ground in political leadership around the world, with men still in about
80 percent of key elected and appointed positions, according to the World Economic Forum’s annual
Global Gender Gap Report 2014 and 2016.
In places such as Rwanda and South Africa, an increase in the number of female lawmakers led to
legislation related to land inheritance and reproductive rights. Only five years after the women’s
suffrage movement achieved the rights of women to vote and run for office in Kuwait, newly elected
female legislators introduced new labor laws that would give working mothers mandatory nursing
breaks and provide onsite childcare for companies with more than 200 employees.

The candidature of Hillary Clinton for the US presidential Election, The recent historic win of
Teresa May in United Kingdom elections which came after the David Cameron’s resignation following
Brexit referendum. Substantial support of Germans for Angela Merkel decision for the opening up of
borders for the refugees as a part of Humanization of foreign relations. Appointment of Nirmala
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Sitaraman as India’s Defense Minister. All these moves shows the present improving status of women
in Global Political scenario.

Conclusion:

The dynamic change in international relations and global politics has brought about the need for new
approaches in dealing with global security and other issues such as gender-Inequality, global poverty
and environmental degradation.

According to Anne J. Tickner many male scholars have already noted that we are desperately in
need of changes in the way world politics is conducted; many of them are attempting to prescribe such
changes to involve female gender into action.

There are a number of current overlooked issues that require immediate attention. Important issues
such as the environment and gender equality are greatly overlooked by international relations scholars
female scholars are needed now more than ever to bring such issues to lime light.
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SUB TOPIC: HUMAN RIGHTS

1. Comment Human Rights in the US foreign policy? (92/II/5(a)/20)

Human Rights:

Human rights are considered as those rights which all humans should possess irrespective of their caste,
color, creed, race, gender and nationality. If we take out the Dimension of equality we destroy the idea
of human rights. These are the norms that help to protect all people everywhere from severe political,
legal, and social abuses in the global society. Five Fundamental features of human rights are “Equality,
Universality, Inalienability, permanence and individuality”.

In the words of Dworkin, Rights are Trumps that means rights are claims which will have priority
over all other claims.

History of Human Rights:

Historical sources for bills of rights include the Magna Carta (1215), the English Bill of Rights (1689),
the French Declaration of the Rights (1789), and the Bill of Rights in the United States Constitution
(1791).

Early philosophical sources of the idea of human rights include John Locke who says “Intuition or
reason rather than institution is a source of right” and Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) who iterates moral
theory of rights.

The main sources of the contemporary conception of human rights are the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights “UDHR” (United Nations, 1948). UDHR and two covenants on civil, political, social
and educational rights 1966 together known as “International Bill of rights” The philosophy of human
rights addresses questions about the existence, content, nature, universality, justification, and legal status
of human rights. International Criminal court ICC established under Rome Statute is also the essential
component of global HR regime.

US foreign policy:

The foreign policy of the United States is the way in which it interacts with foreign nations and sets
standards of interaction for its organizations, corporations and system citizens of the United States. The
officially stated goals of the foreign policy of the United States are "to build and sustain a more
democratic, secure, and prosperous world for the benefit of the American people and the international
community.

The protection of fundamental human rights was a foundation stone in the establishment of the
United States over 200 years ago. Since then, a central goal of U.S. foreign policy has been the
promotion of respect for human rights. As claimed by the US Department of state “Promoting freedom
and democracy and protecting human rights around the world are central to U.S. foreign policy”.
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Human rights in the US foreign policy:

Human rights have always played a role in foreign policy throughout American history because this
country was founded on a constitution and bill of rights that proclaimed freedom and individual
liberties. But it was not until the US became one of the world’s superpowers after World War II, that the
government was expected to define what it stood for on the international stage. Roosevelt spoke of the
four freedoms and John F Kennedy mentioned human rights in his inaugural address but it took until
the late 1970s for human rights to be explicitly made a major part of US foreign policy formulation.

For more than three decades, U.S. administrations have projected human rights as an important part
of their foreign policy. Two presidents in particular - Democrat Jimmy Carter and Republican
George W. Bush - made the promotion of rights central to their foreign policy objectives, although both
were accused of uneven fidelity to their rhetoric. The policy of realpolitik, the hallmark of Henry
Kissinger, did not include human rights calculations in his foreign policy, In fact downgraded the
concept of human rights which reflected in the opposition to the formation of Bangladesh despite a
genocide raged by Pakistan inflicting human rights violations across East Pakistan.

The idea for the human rights policy, however, did not originate with President Carter. It originated
with Congress, pushed by the public – human rights groups, lawyers associations, church groups, labor
unions, scientists, academics and others. In the 1970s, many Americans felt that the US had reached a
moral lowest point in protecting human rights after the Vietnam War, the secret bombing of
Cambodia, the killing of civilians at Mylai by American troops, the Watergate scandal, and disturbing
revelations about US military and economic support for police states in the Americas, Asia and other
parts of the world.

In the Clinton years, democracy and elections occupied a central place in diplomacy, and the name
of the Bureau of Human Rights was changed to the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor.
During this time economic interests overrode the pursuit of human rights when it came to China. In fact,
it was argued that the opening up of China economically would inevitably lead to greater democracy and
human rights in the country. President Bush’s presentation of a Congressional Gold Medal to the Dalai
Lama is a good example of a symbolic gesture targeting China in the human rights front. The Bush 2
Administration has placed great emphasis on using private and public diplomacy to promote democracy
and freedom in the Middle East.

In a 2011 speech at the State Department Obama said U.S. support for universal rights “is not a
secondary interest” but a “top priority that must be translated into concrete actions, and supported by all
of the diplomatic, economic and strategic tools at disposal.” But the truth is, a careful review of
Obama’s major human rights decisions shows a mixed record. In fact, he has often treated human rights
as a secondary interest.

Obama has taken a few important steps, some of which Trump is now threatening to reverse. Obama
passed health-care reform, going a long way toward upholding the right to the highest attainable
standard of health by enhancing Americans’ access to health insurance. His support for LGBT rights
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also became an increasingly important part of his foreign-policy agenda. On the foreign-policy front, the
biggest stain on Obama’s record has been his ineffective response to the widespread slaughter of
Syrian civilians by forces under Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, aided by the militaries of Russia,
Iran, and Hezbollah. The administration granted Israel an unprecedented military aid package despite
its war crimes in Gaza.

In Asia, the Obama played an important role in pushing for greater pressure on North Korea to curb
its totalitarian repression, encouraging the U.N. Human Rights Council to appoint a commission of
inquiry. With respect to China, the Obama administration sought cooperation on North Korea, climate
change, trade, and other issues but was unwilling to apply sustained pressure on Beijing’s disastrous
rights record. Under President Xi Jinping, China saw its most significant human rights erosion since
the 1989 Tiananmen massacre, yet Obama failed to strategy to support those across China struggling to
defend basic freedoms.

Amid the endless post-mortem of Donald Trump’s first overseas trip to Saudi Arabia, human rights
advocates have focused more fire on his failure to call out rights abuses in Saudi Arabia or anywhere
else left activists speechless. Yet, nearly five months into Trump’s administration, his attitude toward
human rights can come as no surprise. The president doesn’t go much for strictures of any kind, much
less international legal standards and softer norms developed by humanitarians, activists, and lawyers.
He has little regard for precepts and edicts enshrined in treaties and overseen by U.N. institutions. He
isn’t moved by the invocation of universal values, principles, or truths.

Criticism of US foreign policy in Human rights front:

Amartya Sen criticizes US foreign policy and its administration on human rights front. He says United
states is not neutral towards the foreign countries in the protection and promotion of human rights as a
comprehensive subject as USA talks about human rights violation and intervenes in the Syrian conflict
whereas overlooks the similar human rights violations in case of women in Saudi Arabia, Israel war
crimes in Gaza, Baluchistan in Pakistan and Xinxiang province in china.

Criticism of United States foreign policy encompasses a wide range of opinions and views on failures
and shortcoming of United States policies and actions. This belief is sometimes termed American
exceptionalism. It has widespread implications and transcribes into disregard to the international norms,
rules and laws in U.S. foreign policy. For example, the U.S. refused to ratify a number of important
international treaties such as Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Vienna Convention
on the Law of Treaties, and American Convention on Human Rights; and routinely conducts drone
attacks and cruise missile strikes around the globe.

Many Human rights activists criticizes the current Trump administration’s foreign policy as Rex
Tillerson the current secretary of the state says goodbye to human rights diplomacy, He made crystal
clear that when it comes to actual policies and national security, economic interests come first rather
than well-meaning principles like freedom and human rights.
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Conclusion:

Human Rights Watch advocates for a US foreign policy that is consistent with its international
human rights obligations. The US government should integrate human rights into its wider foreign
policy agenda, engage regularly with independent civil society abroad, and work closely with allied
governments to promote and protect human rights where they are most at risk. Influencing US foreign
policy, whether directly with other governments or in intergovernmental organizations, is an essential
tool to address, highlight, and promote human rights globally.

2. Comment: Sovereign Nation state and International concern for Human Rights.(94/II/1(c)/20)

Sovereign Nation State:

In international politics, no concept is less understood and more misused than that of sovereignty.
Sovereignty came to be regarded as the hall mark of the nation-state. The concept of sovereignty
implied internal and external sovereignty. Internally, the state had the right to order the behavior of all
its citizens and their associations in all respects. Externally, sovereignty implied the right of the state to
act out its desired role in international relations on the basis of its desired policies.

The right to secure the goals of national interest by the use of national power got recognized as the
supreme power of the nation-state. The right of each nation to use war as an instrument of its policy
came to be defined as the sovereign right of each nation to protect and secure its sovereignty. In fact,
International Law recognized the sovereignty, territorial integrity and legal equality of all the nation-
states. “International relations came to be recognized as relations among sovereign nation-states”.

Human rights:

Human rights are rights inherent to all human beings, whatever our nationality, place of residence, sex,
national or ethnic origin, color, religion, language, or any other status. We are all equally entitled to our
human rights without discrimination. These rights are all interrelated, interdependent and indivisible.

Sovereignty and International Concern for Human Rights:

Human rights are fundamentally concerned with the relations between states and their nationals;
precisely the area previously thought to have been reserved most emphatically to the freedom of the
former. This is the basis for the common view that human rights and sovereignty are essentially
antithetical, that a gain for one is automatically and inevitably a loss for the other.

State sovereignty and human rights typically have been seen as fundamentally opposing one
another the right to control the people and events within one’s border versus the rights of the individual
to a certain standard of living and treatment. Throughout the world, and on a daily basis, we see gross
violations of these rights by governments and regimes, all committed and justified by their claim to
sovereignty over their people.
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Sovereignty is paramount over military intervention in human rights violations. There are many
cases throughout even the 20th century where intervention was sacrificed in the name of state
sovereignty. One clear example is the genocide in Rwanda. In 1994, ethnic Hutus slaughtered 800,000
innocent Tutsis. The international community, specifically the United Nations forbidden to intervene
in internal affairs was slow to react, as not to breach Rwanda’s sovereignty. Examples of military
intervention precipitating the end of these violations are after the deaths of an estimated 850,000 to 2.5
million people, in 1978, the Vietnamese army invaded Cambodia and removed the Khmer Rouge
from power. This put an end to their tyrannical extremist form of Communism, and liberated most of the
country. Similarly in the case of genocide raged by Pakistan

On its East Pakistan territory (Bangladesh) India Intervened and liberated East Pakistan into
Bangladesh ending severe human rights violation.

Conceptual Challenge:

Prior to World war II states treatment of their citizens was a matter of exclusive domestic jurisdiction.
In half a century this perception has changed significantly with the idea of human rights legitimizing this
issue as part of a global, ethical discourse. That is contrary to the traditional aim of public international
law, which is to regulate the interactions of states, as opposed to their internal practices. Human rights
question the primacy of states in the international system, stressing the importance of individuals and
non-state actors. Human rights give individuals grounds to claim rights, goods, treatments, services,
protection and opportunities of their states.

As such, they stand in stark contrast to what is traditionally considered the black letter international
law: the sovereign equality and legal supremacy of states. Furthermore, while the principle of the
jurisdiction of a state gives it authority over all persons, property and activities in its territory, airspace
and waters, human rights are concerned with individuals regardless of which jurisdiction they belong
to. The conflict so revolves around “Jurisdiction”, which is also reflected in recent case of
Khulbhushan jadhav at ICC Hague. Pakistan claims that the case is out the Jurisdiction of ICC as it
was an internal matter of their Sovereignty.

This is not to say that the concept of sovereignty is not important. In fact, our entire current
international system revolves around the concept of independent political units each possessing a
government that asserts its sovereignty over a percentage of the earth’s surface. That is the definition of
a state. However, each of these states is made of individuals; and these individuals, in general, enjoy
living in freedom and with dignity, the ability to express themselves, having their own opinion,
worshiping, working, creating a family, moving freely, associating with others, having a nationality, and
belonging to a community. And, in general, they like to experience these freedoms without fear of
physical harm, or threats of slavery, revenge or torture. These are Human Rights, guaranteed to all
humans. These basic “rights” are taken directly from the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of
Human Rights “UDHR”, drafted in Paris in 1948, just after the egregious atrocities against mankind in
the Second World War.
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Conclusion:

National sovereignty is very important to many aspects of our societies the prevention of terrorists from
crossing our borders, the ability to raise or lower interest rates to adjust for market fluctuations, national
identity, etc. However, when gross violations of individual’s human rights occur such as genocide,
endemic sexual abuse, children recruited as soldiers, and total population repression, it is the
responsibility of the entire world as a whole to protect those people despite arbitrary delineations of a
political map.

Jack Donnelly in his book “Universal Human Rights” says International legal human rights are
instrumentalities rather than challenging state sovereignty are constrained by it their interpretation,
implementation and enforcement rely on states.

Today implementation takes many forms, ranging from top down monitoring by human rights treaty
bodies and adjudication by international courts and tribunals, to capacity building in civil society
organizations and human rights education at the grass-roots level. We should recognize that effective
implementation includes not only retrospective complaint mechanisms, but also forward-looking efforts
to cultivate respect for human rights.

6. Moral claims to today become the human rights of tomorrow. Trace the efforts in the
international protection of human rights in the twentieth century? (01/II/4/60)

Human Rights:

Human rights are the rights inherent to all human beings irrespective of their nationality, ethnicity,
gender, religion, language or any other status. These rights are universal, inalienable, interdependent,
indivisible, equal and non-discriminatory. The rights are often expressed and guaranteed by domestic
laws, international treaties, general principles and other sources of international law.

Morality and Human Rights:

Morality which is basically an individual need will transform into a human right with evolution of the
society. For example, having a clean environment is once a moral need, now is part of third generation
of human rights. Similarly, Moral claims to today become the human rights of tomorrow.

In the midst of all the distorted inhumanities of the twentieth century, the emergence of a discourse
of human rights in international law is a heartening story. Indeed, Human rights has become the
dominant global morality of our time the language of human rights is as close to a morality, as we
human beings are likely to achieve. Jurgen Habermas has noted, “In Asia, Africa, and South America,
human rights now constitute the only language in which the opponents and victims of murderous
regimes and civil wars can raise their voices against violence, repression, and persecution, against
injuries to their human dignity.
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What exactly does the morality of human rights hold is reflected in the International Bill of Rights,
as it is informally known, consists of three documents: the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; and the International Covenant on
Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights. Emphatically these documents assert “the inherent dignity of
the human person,” and insist that from this dignity derive “the equal and inalienable rights of all
members of the human family.” Thus the morality of human rights exerts a normative force upon us.

Human rights in twentieth century:

Historical sources for bills of rights include the Magna Carta (1215), the English Bill of Rights (1689),
the French Declaration of the Rights (1789), and the Bill of Rights in the United States Constitution
(1791).

Early philosophical sources of the idea of human rights include John Locke who says “Intuition or
reason rather than institution is a source of right” and Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) who iterates moral
theory of rights. Theory of natural rights has remained a dominant idea and has been incorporated in
form of Fundamental Rights in the constitutions of many nation-states and by the United Nations
through Universal Declaration of human Rights.

Though the rights were first emphasized in UDHR in 1948, Czech jurist Karel Vesak proposed its
division into three generations at the international institute of human rights in 1977. The first generation
of rights focuses on civil-political rights like traditional civil and political liberties, freedom of speech,
religion, press etc. It was result of democratic revolutions in Europe and USA at the end of 18th
century. These rights are strongly individualistic which presupposes a duty of non-interference of
government towards individuals.

The second generation focuses on socio-economic rights like right to work, food, social security
etc. These rights came to the fore during fight for economic and social rights at the end of 19th century
and beginning of 20th century. These rights require affirmative action on part of the government for
their realization. These are exercised by all people collectively or set of people and is reflected in
Mexican constitution, German constitution and USSR constitution.

Third generation of rights are “collective developmental rights” of the people like right to
development, right to peace, right to healthy environment etc. These are the most recent inclusion to the
set of rights and its realization is predicted not only upon affirmative and negative actions of the state
but also upon behavior of each individual.

The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has lead responsibility in
the UN system for the promotion and protection of human rights. The office supports the human rights
components of peacekeeping missions in several countries, and has many country and regional offices
and centers.
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Human Rights Council: The Human Rights Council, established in 2006, replaced the 60-year-old UN
Commission on Human Rights as the key independent UN intergovernmental body responsible for
human rights. In addition to the council there are certain other bodies which works for the protection and
promotion of human rights they are Human Rights Treaty Bodies, UNDG-HRM “UN development
group’s human rights main streaming mechanism”, Responsibility to protect and special advisers on the
prevention of genocide.

United Nations also developed other offices and bodies that are responsible for the protection of
human rights are:

Security Council: The UN Security Council, at times, deals with grave human rights violations, often in
conflict areas. The UN Charter gives the Security Council the authority to investigate and mediate,
dispatch a mission, appoint special envoys, or request the Secretary-General to use his good
offices. The Security Council may issue a ceasefire directive, dispatch military observers or a
peacekeeping force. If this does not work, the Security Council can opt for enforcement measures, such
as economic sanctions, arms embargos, financial penalties and restrictions, travel bans, the severance of
diplomatic relations, a blockade, or even collective military action.

Third committee of the General Assembly: The General Assembly’s Third Committee (Social,
Humanitarian and Cultural) examines a range of issues, including human rights questions. The
Committee also discusses questions relating to the advancement of women, the protection of children,
indigenous issues, and the treatment of refugees, the promotion of fundamental freedoms through the
elimination of racism and racial discrimination, and the right to self-determination.

UN Peace Operations: Many United Nations peacekeeping operations and political and peace building
missions also include the human rights-related mandates aimed at contributing to the protection and
promotion of human rights through both immediate and long-term action.

Conclusion:

According to Kofi Annan former secretary general of United Nations that “People everywhere still look
to the United Nations to uphold respect for universal and indivisible rights”.

Since there is lot of criticism that is going on the efficiency and working of the United Nations
Human rights Council, since 1948 United Nations Organization has diligently protected human rights
through legal instruments and on-the-ground activities. Though the work done and the programmes
conducted by UN bodies and offices is not yet satisfactory, United Nations requires a strong
political will and comprehensive effort from the membered countries as well.
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7. Comment Human rights and Humanitarian Intervention. (02/II/1(c)/20).

Human rights:

In the words of Dworkin, Rights are Trumps that means rights are claims which will have priority over
all other claims.

Human rights are the rights inherent to all human beings irrespective of their nationality, ethnicity,
gender, religion, language or any other status. These rights are universal, inalienable, interdependent,
indivisible, equal and non-discriminatory. The rights are often expressed and guaranteed by domestic
laws, international treaties, general principles and other sources of international law.

Human rights as a Prime Parameter played a critical role in the various Humanitarian Intervention
missions from the end of cold war to recent French Intervention in Mali.

Intervention and International Law:

Intervention is ordinarily defined as coercive foreign involvement in the internal affairs of a state;
violation, short of war, of a state’s sovereign rights imposition that impairs a state’s policy
independence. Foreign policy usually aims to influence the behavior of other states, thus “interfering”
with their decision making. Persuasive diplomatic “interference,” however, stands in sharp contrast to
intervention, which coercively seeks to impose one’s will. Thus defined, intervention is, on its face,
illegal. Nonintervention is the duty correlative to the rights of sovereignty. As Article 2.7 of the UN
Charter puts it, “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to
intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state.”

One of the first champions of the duty of humanitarian intervention to prevent atrocities around the
world, was the Victorian liberal John Stuart Mill, who wrote in his 1859 essay A Few Words on
Non-Intervention. According to Mill's opinion (in 1859) barbarous peoples were found
in Algeria and India where the French and British armies had been involved. Mill's justification of
intervention was overt imperialism.

Humanitarian Intervention:

An intervention is typically called humanitarian if undertaken to halt, prevent, or punish genocide,

understood as gross and systematic and severe human rights violations involving extensive political
killing, or in response to humanitarian crises such as famines or massive refugee flows. The nationality
of those aided is also relevant. Rescue missions to save one’s own nationals, although sometimes called
humanitarian interventions, are more accurately seen as self-defense.

There is no one standard or legal definition of humanitarian intervention in various field of

analysis. Often influences the definition that is chosen. Differences in definition include variations in
whether humanitarian intervention is limited to instances where there is an absence of consent from the
host state; whether humanitarian intervention is limited to punishment actions; and whether
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humanitarian intervention is limited to cases where there has been explicit UN Security Council
authorization for action.

The customary international law concept of humanitarian intervention dates back to Hugo
Grotius and the European politics in the 17th century. The subject of humanitarian intervention has
remained a compelling foreign policy issue, especially since NATO's intervention in Kosovo in 1999,
as it highlights the tension between the principle of state sovereignty a defining pillar of
the UN system and international law and evolving international norms related to human rights and the
use of force. During the Cold War, hundreds of regimes were guilty of gross, systematic, and persistent
violations of internationally recognized human rights. We can count on our fingers, though with digits
to spare the interventions with a central humanitarian intent. The regular practice of states when faced
with grossly repressive regimes was not to intervene. And this was almost universally seen as a matter of
obligation.

The Potential examples of Military Humanitarian interventions include Russian, British and
French Anti-Ottoman Intervention in the Greek War of Independence (1824), United States occupation
of Haiti (1915), United Nations Operation in the Congo (1964), US intervention in Dominican Republic
(1965), Indian intervention in East Pakistan against brutal genocide (1971), Vietnamese Intervention in
Cambodia ending Authoritarian Khmer Rouge Regime (1978), NATO bombing of Yugoslavia (1999),
Coalition military intervention in Libya (2011), Military intervention against the Islamic State of Iraq
(2014- present).

Humanitarian Intervention holds an important place even in the foreign policy Doctrines of Blair,
Clinton and Obama.

Dilemma around Legal grounds:

Humanitarian intervention is a concept that can allow the use of force in a situation when the UN
Security Council cannot pass a resolution under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations due to
veto by a permanent member. Chapter VII allows the Security Council to take action in situations
where there is a "threat to the peace, breach of the peace or act of aggression". However, any resolution
to that effect must be supported by all five permanent members. The reference to the "right" of
humanitarian intervention was, in the post-Cold-War context for the first time invoked in 1990 by the
UK delegation after Russia and China had failed to support a no-fly zone over Iraq. Therefore, in
addition to humanitarian objectives the concept is designed to circumvent the UN Security Council by
invoking a right.

Thus, because both proponents and opponents of humanitarian intervention have their legal grounds
on the charter of the United Nations, there is still an ongoing controversy as to whether sovereignty or
humanitarian causes should prevail.
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Current approaches to humanitarian intervention:

Although most writers agree that humanitarian interventions should be undertaken multilaterally,
ambiguity remains over which particular agents – the UN, regional organizations, or a group of
states – should act in response to mass violations of human rights. Thus Humanitarian interventions
are broadly classified into authorized and Non-authorized interventions.

In several instances states or groups of states have intervened with force, and without advanced
authorization from the UN Security Council, at least in part in response to alleged extreme violations of
basic human rights. Fairly recent examples include the intervention after the Gulf War to protect the
Kurds in northern Iraq as well as NATO's intervention in Kosovo. These certainly come under non-
authorized interventions.

Criticism of Humanitarian Intervention:

Many criticisms have been levied against humanitarian intervention. Some argue that humanitarian
intervention is a modern manifestation of the Western colonialism of the 19th century; the subjects of
such intervention are ruled not by one sole party or entity, but by a mix of local institutions, NGOs and
the interveners themselves

Others argue that dominant countries, especially the United States and its coalition partners, are
using humanitarian pretexts to pursue otherwise unacceptable geopolitical goals and to evade the non-
intervention norm and legal prohibitions on the use of international force. Noam Chomsky and Tariq
Ali are at the forefront of this camp, they argue that the United States has continued to act with its own
interests in mind, with the only change being that humanitarianism has become a legitimizing ideology
for projection of U.S. Hegemony in a post–Cold war world. Tariq Ali in particular argues that NATO
intervention in Kosovo was conducted largely to boost NATO's credibility. Chomsky’s expression of
“our excess of righteousness and disinterested benevolence” is often used to describe Kennedy’s
invasion of South Vietnam, which spread to all of Indo-china. Nobel Laurate Amartya Sen also
criticizes the Dual sidedness of US in intervening in the Syrian conflict in the name Human rights
violations whereas overlooking the similar human rights violations in Saudi-Arabia and Israel.

Another criticism argues that humanitarian intervention has historically consisted of primarily actions
directed by so-called Northern states within the internal affairs of so-called Southern states, and has
also led to criticism from many non-Western states.

Responsibility to Protect:

Responsibility to Protect is the name of a report produced in 2001 by the International Commission on
Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) which was established by the Canadian government in
response to the history of unsatisfactory humanitarian interventions. The report sought to establish a
set of clear guidelines for determining when intervention is appropriate, what the appropriate channels
for approving an intervention are and how the intervention itself should be carried out.
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It argues that the notion of a 'right to intervene' is problematic and should be replaced with the
'responsibility to protect'. Under Responsibility to Protect doctrine, rather than having a right to
intervene in the conduct of other states, states are said to have a responsibility to intervene and protect
the citizens of another state where that other state has failed in its obligation to protect its own citizens.
United States and Western Lead air strikes Ousting Qaddafi from Libya Promoted criticism from
Security Council members like Russia that the R2P doctrine was cover for a regime change strategy.

Conclusion:

Criticisms challenging the effectiveness of humanitarian interventions are multiple. Nonetheless, United
Nations efforts to promote and defend peace and human rights since the end of the Second World War
are endless.

In spite of opposition to military interventions, experience has proven that such measures can Free
State populations from dictatorships and abusive government restrictions. The recent intervention in
Mali by France provides a fair example of the success and prevention of a military intervention. Hence,
human rights violations can justify humanitarian intervention if one can prove that the intervention is
based on an ethical and selfless duty to intervene. The responsibility to protect should be the moral
basis on which humanitarian intervention is founded.

8. Critically examine the protection and enforcement of Human Rights under the UN system?
(03/II/4/60)

Human Rights:

Human rights are rights inherent to all human beings, regardless of race, sex, nationality, ethnicity,
language, religion, or any other status. Human rights include the right to life and liberty, freedom from
slavery and torture, freedom of opinion and expression, the right to work and education, and many
more. Everyone is entitled to these rights, without discrimination.

Status of Human Rights:

Despite United Nations Peace missions and Human rights Declarations the status of Human rights is
not yet satisfactory as it deemed to be. Human rights advocates agree that, sixty years after its issue, the
“Universal Declaration of Human Rights” is still more a dream than reality. Violations exist in every
part of the world.

As per the latest Amnesty International’s World Report and other sources of United Nations itself
show that individuals are Tortured or abused in at least 81 countries, Face unfair trials in at least 54
countries, Restricted in their freedom of expression in at least 77 countries. Not only that, but women
and children in particular are marginalized in numerous ways, the press is not free in many countries,
and dissenters are silenced, too often permanently. While some gains have been made over the course of
the last six decades, human rights violations still plague the world today.
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Protection and enforcement of Human Rights under the UN system:

Democracy, based on the rule of law, is ultimately a means to achieve international peace and security,
economic and social progress and development, and respect for human rights – the three pillars of
the United Nations mission as set forth in the UN Charter.

According to Kofi Annan former secretary general of United Nations that “People everywhere still
look to the United Nations to uphold respect for universal and indivisible rights”. He also points out the
basic challenges to the protection of Human Rights are Poverty and global inequities, Discrimination,
Armed conflict and violence, Democracy Deficits, Weak Institutions. The challenges to the
implementation includes Knowledge gap, capacity gap, commitment gap, security gap among the
world countries.

The term “human rights” was mentioned seven times in the UN's founding Charter, making the
promotion and protection of human rights a key purpose and guiding principle of the
Organization. Since then, the Organization has diligently protected human rights through legal
instruments and on-the-ground activities.

The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has lead responsibility in the
UN system for the promotion and protection of human rights. The office supports the human rights
components of peacekeeping missions in several countries, and has many country and regional offices
and centers.

The United Nations has created a global structure for protecting Human Rights. The organization’s
work on Human Rights is carried out by a two bodies namely charter based Human Rights bodies and
treaty-based Human Rights, bodies, aimed at advancing democracy, Human Rights and the Rule of Law
throughout the world.

The General Assembly Resolution mandates a “Universal Periodic Review” of each states
fulfilment of its Human Rights obligations and commitment. The General Assembly and the Economic
and Social Council has contributed much for the protection of Human Rights through its various
commissions and bodies. For long the nearest approach machinery for the supervision of the problem of
protection is the commission on Human Rights established by the Economic and Social Council in 1946.
In 2006 growing uneasy with the way in which the commission functioned led to its replacement by the
Human Rights Council consisting of 47 member states. The United Nations condemned the Apartheid
and other Human Rights violations. The International Court of Justice repeatedly quoted the Human
Rights provisions of the U.N Charter, which paved the way for the development.

The Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide acts as a catalyst to raise awareness of the
causes and dynamics of genocide, to alert relevant actors where there is a risk of genocide, and to
advocate and mobilize for appropriate action; the Special Adviser on the Responsibility to
Protect leads the conceptual, political, institutional and operational development of the Responsibility to
Protect. The ‘Human Rights Up Front’ is an initiative by the UN Secretary-General to ensure the UN
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system takes early and effective action, as mandated by the Charter and UN resolutions, to prevent or
respond to serious and large-scale violations of human rights or international humanitarian law.

UN Peace Operations: Many United Nations peacekeeping operations and political and peace-
building missions also include the human rights-related mandates aimed at contributing to the protection
and promotion of human rights through both immediate and long-term action; empowering the
population to assert and claim their human rights; and enabling State and other national institutions to
implement their human rights obligations and uphold the rule of law. Human rights teams on the ground
work in close cooperation and coordination with other civilian and uniformed components of peace
operations, in particular, in relation to the protection of civilians.

Commission on the Status of Women: The Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) is the
principal global intergovernmental body dedicated to the promotion of gender equality and the
advancement of women.

Criticism of UN system Protecting Human Rights:

According to the author Geoffrey Robertson protection of human rights under UN system is almost a
failure process He sites some reasons for failure and made suggestions for the effectiveness of United
Nations in enforcing human rights

Government Mouthpiece: The eighteen “experts” that make up the Human Rights Committee of
United Nations are more often government mouthpieces than independent experts. Some of the
Committee members are actually in government service as ambassadors or cabinet ministers. This biases
the Committee toward defending state actions rather than censuring them. Until the Committee is made
up of truly independent experts, there is little hope of serious state accountability.

Meets infrequently: The Committee meets three times a year for only three weeks each. Robertson
says that expecting the Committee to be able to do a year's worth of work in nine weeks is ridiculous. If
the Committee is to become effective, it will need to have sufficient time to carry out its commitment to
monitoring and problem-solving.

Dependence on UN secretariat: The Committee is a UN “organ,” not a quasi-judicial body—much less

a court. It depends totally on the UN Secretariat for structure, budget and status. The UN's Tendency
to avoid member criticism is reflected in the work of the Committee. The Committee must be able to
criticize states in more than polite “comments.” To do this, it needs to be independent of UN apron
strings.

No Independent Fact Finding Capacity: The Human Rights Committee does not have any
independent fact-finding capacity. This is a crippling weakness since it prevents the Committee from
effectively monitoring state activities. Even though the Committee has access to the Human Rights
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Commission's fact-finding reports, these are inadequate. The Committee must have the ability to gain
information necessary in order to carry out its mandate effectively.

Not focused on Individual rights: The Covenant on Civil and Political Rights focuses on state duties
toward individuals and not individual rights against states. It has no power as a court to protect
individual rights. It cannot compel or even pressure states to abide by their Covenant duties. The
Committee needs some way of protecting individual rights rather than simply encouraging states to do
their duty. There also needs to be some way of putting pressure on states to live up to the Covenant's
standard of human rights.

No Enforcement Power: The Human Rights Committee cannot enforce its views. Assuming that
member states even file reports, they can easily ignore Committee views. In fact, rather than increase a
state's support of human rights, an individual's appeal to the Committee may even have a perverse effect.
Robertson says that death row inmates are sometimes targeted for execution precisely because they have
filed a complaint with the Committee. Without any mechanism to enforce Committee views, states will
have little incentive to take the Committee's views seriously.

Conclusion:

Minimizing the Institutional Problems and strong political will of the member countries of United
Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and all Veto Powered Nations is the Need of hour in protection
and enforcement of Human Rights.

In fact, the problems are endemic to the UN system. Because the UN is made up of member states, it
will often go out of its way to avoid criticizing its members. Though the UN Security Council will
occasionally level sanctions against a member state, the balance of history demonstrates that UN organs
are more likely to turn a blind eye to human rights abuses.

18. Human Rights constitute the third Generation of rights. Analyze the range and complex
dimension of human rights in the globalized era. (12/II/5(b)/12)

Introduction:

Rights of man is a concept of modern times. In medieval times the theory of Divine rights of the King
was prevalent. Rights belongs to the liberal discourse. Rights are considered as claims of persons. In
the words of Dworkin, “Rights are trumps” means rights are claims which will have priority over all
other claims.

John Locke was one of the Earliest Proponents of “theory of natural rights”. According to it Intuition
or reason rather than institution is a source of right.

Human Rights: Human Rights are the rights inherent to all human beings irrespective of their
nationality, ethnicity, gender, religion, language or any other status. These rights are universal,
inalienable, interdependent, indivisible, equal and non-discriminatory. The rights are often expressed
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and guaranteed by domestic laws, international treaties, general principles and other sources of
international law.

Though the rights were first emphasized in “Universal Declaration of Human rights” UDHR in 1948,
Czech jurist Karel Vesak proposed its division into three generations at the international institute of
human rights in 1977.

Generation of Human Rights:

The First generation of rights focuses on civil-political rights like traditional civil and political
liberties, freedom of speech, religion, press etc. It was result of democratic revolutions in Europe and
USA at the end of 18th century. These rights are strongly individualistic which presupposes a duty of
non-interference of government towards individuals.

The Second generation of rights focuses on socio-economic rights like right to work, food, social
security etc. These rights came to the fore during fight for economic and social rights at the end of 19th
century and beginning of 20th century. These rights require affirmative action on part of the
government for their realization. These are exercised by all people collectively or set of people and is
reflected in Mexican constitution, German constitution and USSR constitution.

The Third generation of rights are “collective developmental rights” of the people like right to
development, right to peace, right to healthy environment etc. These are the most recent inclusion to the
set of rights and its realization is predicted not only upon affirmative and negative actions of the state
but also upon behavior of each individual.

The Key theme of ‘third generation of rights’ (post 1945) is Fraternity. Stockholm convention on
the Human environment 1972 and Rio ‘Earth summit’ 1992 are the Key Documents involving third
generation of rights.

Human Rights as Third Generation of Rights:

Since 1945, a further set of rights have emerged in the form of solidarity, or so called ‘third generation’
rights. These encompass a broad spectrum of rights whose main characteristic is that they are attached to
social groups or whole societies, as opposed to separate individuals. They are sometimes, therefore, seen
as collective rights or people’s rights. Whereas ‘first-generation’ rights were shaped by liberalism and
‘second-generation’ rights were shaped by socialism, ‘third generation’ rights have been formed by the
concerns of the global South.

The right to Self Determination was thus linked to the post-1945 process of decolonization and the
rise of national liberation movements. Other such rights include the right to development, the right to
peace, the right to environmental protection and multicultural rights. Solidarity rights have
therefore been used to give issues such as development, environmental sustainability and cultural
preservation a moral dimension. Nevertheless, critics of ‘third generation’ rights have high lightened
their inherent vagueness and more seriously, questioned whether the human rights can actually belong to
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peoples or groups as opposed to individuals. From this perspective, the very idea of human rights is
based on model of individual self-worth, which is in danger of being weakened whenever people are
thought of in terms of group membership.

Dimension of human rights in the globalized era.

There is a compelling case for pursuing development policies within the framework of human rights,
with or without globalization. But the need for framing policies on the foundation of human rights
becomes even more compelling in a rapidly globalizing world. The process of globalization can have a
profound impact on the process of development, in positive as well as negative ways.

The Intended goal of the Universal Declaration of Human rights as a common standard of
achievement for all people is still a dream yet to come true. The role and scope of the UN’s actions in
the promotion and protection of human rights has expanded enormously during the last six decades.
Consciousness about the rights has also increased widely. Under the collective efforts of the UN, global
standards of acceptable national behavior haven been set. Several funds and Donations by Individuals,
organizations and states have been used to improve common standards of human life. People’s
awareness has also increased. The work of Non-Governmental organizations has immensely
contributed towards the popularization of human rights.

But hurdles, too, are many. The realization of a common standards of human rights is still a
challenging task. Even violations of human rights have increased many times than before. “Ethnic
Cleansing” has taken disastrous forms in many parts of Asia and Africa. Fascist political regimes exist
in many regions. Racial Discrimination is being nurtured in suburban areas of even developed
societies. The Gap between the poor and the rich has widened. Eradication of poverty is yet to be
achieved though the Millennium Development Goals have been spelt out by UN members. The
developing societies face financial challenges to realize equal economic, social and Developmental
rights for their peoples. The third Generation of rights or the right to development, right to clean
environment, and so on, seem far too difficult to be achieved. Extreme lack of resources, infrastructure,
political willingness, illiteracy and ill health have posed many challenges to the underdeveloped world
in the era of globalization.

Conclusion:

The major cause of democracy and development have been integrated with the concern for human
rights. Now, international relations has recognized human rights as a major issue of concern under the
UN, the creation of comprehensive body of human rights law is one of the greatest achievements of the
organization.

A wide range of Human rights from first to second and now to third generation have been
conceptualized and documented, which all nations can operationalize. These instruments include civil,
political, economic, social, cultural, rights as well as the right to development and the right to a clean
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environment. The struggle is spread over a long period of time and there are many challenges and threats
in the path of realization, promotion and protection of human rights.

31. Do you endorse that the conventional discourse on human rights has failed to include women's
rights. Explain in the context of feminist theories. (15/II/3(a)/20)

Introduction:

For many Feminist scholars, in spite of a concerted effort by the international community towards
international legislation on women’s rights as human rights, including the Convention on the
“Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women of 1979 (CEDAW)” the only matter for
contention surrounding human rights is not whether they are gender equal, but rather, whether the entire
concept of human rights is “gender-biased and gender-blind”.

Drawing on the work of feminist lawyers and analysts, as well as human rights groups, Many
feminist scholars argue that a non-feminist approach to women’s human rights all too often sees them as
separate or in some way secondary to other human rights concerns, does not take women’s lives and
daily experiences into account, and sees women’s human rights as conflicting with other rights such as
religious practices, the rights of men. As there are overwhelming numbers of examples of violations of
all aspects of women’s human rights including their political, social and economic rights.

Many Feminist scholars such as Hannah butt, Uma Narayan re-iterates that the present convention
of Human rights failed to stop Human rights violations against women in domestic sphere, trafficking,
sexual abuse, Genital Mutilation, Honour Killings, forced labour etc... So, one can endorse that the
conventional discourse on human rights has failed to include women’s rights.

According to Shazia Qureshi, the human rights discourse is an extension of a gendered international
legal system that fails to take into consideration the voices of women. She argues philosophy behind
human rights is unsatisfactory for women because the core theme it reflects a male viewpoint which
may not necessarily resonate with the lived realities of women’s lives.

‘Public arena’ in most societies is predominantly occupied by men, women are restricted to private
sphere of home and family. Given the sanctity attached to it, private realm is often beyond the reach of
state regulation which makes the position of women vulnerable within domestic sphere.

Catherine MacKinnon opines that being a woman is ‘not yet a name for a way of being human’.
She also argues that the subject of human rights reflects a distinctly masculine experience, first
generation of rights is androcentric in its construction of the opposition between the public sphere of
rights and the private sphere of family, intimacy and household relations outside the scope of rights
discourse For example, the UDHR defines the family as entitled to ‘protection from society and the
state. This means that violence against women in the private sphere is not seen in human rights terms as
a contravention of civil rights that is limited to a man.
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The second set of rights is set out in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights (ICESCR). Although this set of rights is more socialist than liberal, it nevertheless constructs a
public/private distinction that maps closely on to that of liberal rights. Again, it is assumed that power
rests with the state and that it is exercised over civil society so that power in relation to the domestic
sphere is denied. Charlesworth in this regard explains that “In terms of economic rights, for example,
only paid labour is valued women’s unpaid work goes unrecognized and unreported as a contribution
to national wealth”.

Peterson and Parisi Analyzes that the third generation of rights is similar in intent and
consequences to the rights to cultural self-determination are equally problematic insofar as culture and
religion are seen as ‘private’ and protected from legal regulation they are frequently invoked to justify
‘traditional’ practices enacting or contributing to the subordination of women.

Will Kymlicka says “At first glance, it seems fundamentally at odds with liberalism insofar as
rights are accorded to collectivities rather than to individuals, but political philosophers have justified
group rights in liberal terms”.

Feminist re-workings of human rights in practice have been greatly facilitated by the “Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)”. It was adopted by the
United Nations General Assembly in 1979 and has now been ratified by most states albeit with the
greatest number of reservations on any Convention, a serious constraint on its practical efficacy says
Lawson, James and Charlesworth. The Convention has been used to argue against discrimination
against women in human rights declarations themselves, challenging the androcentric exclusion of
women from the humanity they construct.

Conclusion:

Hillary Rodham Clinton at the United Nations Fourth world conference on women in Beijing also
reiterated that "As long as discrimination and inequities remain so commonplace everywhere in the
world, as long as girls and women are valued less, fed less, fed last, overworked, underpaid, not
schooled, subjected to violence in and outside their homes—the potential of the human family to create
a peaceful, prosperous world will not be realized."

Clinton declared that it is no longer acceptable to discuss women's rights as separate from human
rights. She followed this by saying "If there is one message that echoes forth from this conference, let it
be that human rights are women's rights and women's rights are human rights, once and for all."

Many Feminist scholars like Nash Kate, Cynthia Banham also had a strong belief that the fight they do
on the domestic front and the global front for women’s rights are not two separate battles, they are one
and the same. Women’s rights are human rights.
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SUB TOPIC: ENVIRONMENT

4. People are concerned about the degradation of the environment and the problems that go with
it. Discuss the international response. (98/II/3/60)

Introduction:

The environment is often viewed as the archetypal example of a global issue. This is because
environmental processes are not just restricted to national borders they have an intrinsically
transnational character. Environmental Degradation is not only the most prominent global
environmental issue, but it is also, the most urgent and important challenge currently confronting the
international community.

As countries are environmentally vulnerable to the activities that take place in other countries,
meaningful progress on environmental issues can often only be made at the international or even global
level.

Environmental Degradation and problems that go with it:

Environmental degradation is the disintegration of the earth or deterioration of the environment through
consumption of assets like air, water, soil, the destruction of ecosystems, habitat destruction,
the extinction of wildlife and pollution.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has stated "Climate change is
not just a distant future threat. It is the main driver behind rising humanitarian needs” and we are seeing
its impact in several forms such as:

Global Warming: Global warming, referred to as climate change, is the observed century-scale rise in
the average temperature of the Earth's climate system and its related effects. In 2013, (IPCC) Fifth
Assessment Report concluded that "It is extremely likely that human influence has been the dominant
cause of the observed warming since the mid-20th century." This is due to emission of greenhouse gases
(GHG’s) such as carbon dioxide, methane and nitrous oxide.

The problems that arise with global warming are melting of ice caps there by rise in sea levels,
expansion of deserts and it’s detrimental to food security. Abrupt climatic changes occur causing
Typhoons, Hurricanes, early volcanic eruptions, recently occurred Hurricane IRMA which devastated
the Caribbean islands and Florida is one such clear example of environmental degradation due to global
warming.

Melting of Ice-caps: If current increases in sea level persist, one-sixth of the land area of Bangladesh
could be lost to the sea by the middle of this century, if not earlier, leaving 13 per cent of the country’s
population with nowhere to live or farm. The increased incidence of extreme high sea levels also causes
a greater risk of death and injury by drowning, especially in the world’s great river deltas, such as the
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Bengal delta in Bangladesh, the Mekong delta in Vietnam, the Nile delta in Egypt and the Yangtze
delta in China.

Ozone Layer Depletion: Ozone layer is responsible for protecting earth from harmful ultraviolet rays.
The presence of chlorofluorocarbons, hydro chlorofluorocarbons in the atmosphere is causing the ozone
layer to deplete. As it will deplete, it will emit harmful radiations back to the earth which has numerous
effect on Human and plant Health, marine ecosystems, biological cycles etc.

Over Population: Rapid population growth puts strain on “natural resources” which results in
degradation of our environment. Mortality rate has gone down due to better medical facilities which has
resulted in increased lifespan. More population simple means more demand for food, clothes and
shelter. You need more space to grow food and provide homes to millions of people. This results in
deforestation which is another factor of environmental degradation.

Deforestation: Deforestation is the cutting down of trees to make way for more homes and industries.
Rapid growth in population and urban sprawl are two of the major causes of deforestation. Apart from
that, use of forest land for agriculture, animal grazing, harvest for fuel wood and logging are some of the
other causes of deforestation. Deforestation contributes to “global warming as decreased forest size
puts carbon back into the environment”.

Landfills: Landfills pollute the environment and destroy the beauty of that area. Landfills come within
the city due the large amount of waste that gets generated by households, industries, factories and
hospitals. Especially the plastic waste generated takes year to decompose pose a great risk to the health
of the environment and the people who live there. Landfills produce foul smell when burned and cause
huge environmental degradation.

Pollution: Pollution, in whatever form, whether it is air, water, land or noise is harmful for the
environment. Air pollution pollutes the air that we breathe which causes health issues. Water pollution
degrades the quality of water that we use for drinking purposes. Land pollution results in degradation of
earth’s surface as a result of human activities.

Oil spills: These occur due to the leakage of chemical, toxic, biological substances into the marine water
when transported through Cargo ships posing a serious threat to marine ecology which involves coral
bleaching, extinction and endangerment of marine species.

International response:

Climate change is a global challenge and requires a global solution. The international response to
climate change was launched in 1992, at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, with the signing of the
“United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)”. The Convention established
a long-term objective of stabilizing greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere "at a level that
would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system". Currently 191 parties,
including the US, have ratified the UNFCCC.
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The “Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change” (IPCC) is an international panel of scientists and
researchers that provide advice on climate change to the international community. The most significant
work of IPCC is in publishing Assessments Reports. Another most significant international agreement
on climate change was the Kyoto Protocol to the FCCC, negotiated in 1997. The significance of the
Kyoto Protocol was that it set binding targets for developed states to limit or reduce their greenhouse
gas emissions by 2012.

The targets were designed to reduce total emissions from the developed world to at least 5.2 per
cent below their 1990 levels. However, the Kyoto Protocol also had significant limitations USA’s
failure to ratify the treaty dealt Kyoto a fatal blow and set the process of tackling climate change back
for over a decade. Moreover, China’s carbon emissions continued to rise steeply, and have exceeded
those of the USA since 2008, meaning that climate change could no longer be seen merely as a
developed world problem, “eight out of ten of the world’s most polluted cities are in China”. This was
the context in which the UN Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen took place in December 2009.
However, the Copenhagen Summit has widely been seen as a severe disappointment, highlighting yet
again the difficulties of achieving international agreement on the issue of climate change.

Recently organized 2016 United Nations Climate Change Conference was an international meeting
of political leaders and activists to discuss environmental issues. The conference incorporated the
twenty-second Conference of the Parties (COP22), the twelfth meeting of the parties for the Kyoto
Protocol (CMP12), and the first meeting of the parties for the Paris Agreement (CMA1).

The purpose of the conference was to discuss and implement plans about combatting climate change
and to [demonstrate] to the world that the implementation of the “Paris Agreement is underway".
Paris Agreement was adopted by consensus by all by bottom-up approach consisting INDCs
(“Intended Nationally Determined Contributions”) of the 195 UNFCCC participating member states and
the European Union to reduce emissions as part of the method for reducing greenhouse gas. Members
promised to reduce their carbon output "as soon as possible" and to do their best to keep global warming
"to well below 2 degrees C", it adopted CBDR (Common but Differentiated Responsibilities) – RC
(Respective Capabilities) with provisions for market mechanisms and long term plan of ‘zero
emissions’.

Difficulties in achieving International Co-operation: Effective international action to tackle climate

change will only occur if solutions are found to a series of obstacles to international cooperation. The
most significant of these obstacles are the following:

 Conflict between the collective good and national interests.

 Tensions between developed and developing states.
 Economic obstacles.
 Ideological obstacles.
 Another problem is that the issue of climate change exposes significant divisions between
developed world and the developing world. (North–South divide).
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Conclusion:

In the Words of Vandana Shiva “we must remember that there is no peace between if we do not make
peace with the mother Earth”.

Climate change has dominated the international environmental agenda since the early 1990s.
Although some disagreement persists, there has been a growing consensus that climate change is
happening, and that it is the product of human activity, notably the greenhouse gas emissions. Climate
Change talks after change in US Presidency i.e., Trump’s decision to stay out of Paris Agreement
might see a shift in future which needs to be watched closely and the next summit on climate change in
Fiji (COP23) will be crucial in this regard.

5. Comment: Agenda 21 and after responses of international community towards environmental

concerns. (99/II/1(b)/20).

Introduction:

The environment is often viewed as the archetypal example of a global issue. This is because
environmental processes are not just restricted to national borders they have an intrinsically
transnational character. Environmental Degradation is not only the most prominent global
environmental issue, but it is also, the most urgent and important challenge currently confronting the
international community.

As countries are environmentally vulnerable to the activities that take place in other countries,
meaningful progress on environmental issues can often only be made at the international or even global
level.

Agenda 21:

Agenda 21 is a comprehensive plan of action to be taken globally, nationally and locally by

organizations of the United Nations System, Governments, and Major Groups in every area in which
human impacts on the environment.

Agenda 21, the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, and the Statement of principles
for the Sustainable Management of Forests were adopted by more than 178 Governments at the United
Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) held in Rio de Janerio, Brazil, 3 to
14 June 1992.

The “Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD)” was created in December 1992 to ensure
effective follow-up of UNCED, to monitor and report on implementation of the agreements at the local,
national, regional and international levels. It was agreed that a five year review of Earth Summit
progress would be made in 1997 by the United Nations General Assembly meeting in special session.
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Agenda 21 and after responses:

The “Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change” (IPCC) is an international panel of scientists and
researchers that provide advice on climate change to the international community. The most significant
work of IPCC is in publishing Assessments Reports. Another most significant international agreement
on climate change was the Kyoto Protocol to the FCCC, negotiated in 1997. The significance of the
Kyoto Protocol was that it set binding targets for developed states to limit or reduce their greenhouse
gas emissions by 2012.

The targets were designed to reduce total emissions from the developed world to at least 5.2 per
cent below their 1990 levels. However, the Kyoto Protocol also had significant limitations USA’s
failure to ratify the treaty dealt Kyoto a fatal blow and set the process of tackling climate change back
for over a decade. Moreover, China’s carbon emissions continued to rise steeply, and have exceeded
those of the USA since 2008, meaning that climate change could no longer be seen merely as a
developed world problem, “eight out of ten of the world’s most polluted cities are in China”. This was
the context in which the UN Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen took place in December 2009.
However, the Copenhagen Summit has widely been seen as a severe disappointment, highlighting yet
again the difficulties of achieving international agreement on the issue of climate change.

Recently organized 2016 United Nations Climate Change Conference was an international meeting
of political leaders and activists to discuss environmental issues. The conference incorporated the
twenty-second Conference of the Parties (COP22), the twelfth meeting of the parties for the Kyoto
Protocol (CMP12), and the first meeting of the parties for the Paris Agreement (CMA1).

The purpose of the conference was to discuss and implement plans about combatting climate change
and to [demonstrate] to the world that the implementation of the “Paris Agreement is underway".
Paris Agreement was adopted by consensus by all by bottom-up approach consisting INDCs
(“Intended Nationally Determined Contributions”) of the 195 UNFCCC participating member states and
the European Union to reduce emissions as part of the method for reducing greenhouse gas. Members
promised to reduce their carbon output "as soon as possible" and to do their best to keep global warming
"to well below 2 degrees C", it adopted CBDR (Common but Differentiated Responsibilities) – RC
(Respective Capabilities) with provisions for market mechanisms and long term plan of ‘zero
emissions’.

Conclusion:

In the Words of Vandana Shiva “we must remember that there is no peace between if we do not make
peace with the mother Earth”. Climate Change talks after change in US Presidency i.e., Trump’s
decision to stay out of Paris Agreement might see a shift in future which needs to be watched closely
and the next summit on climate change in Fiji (COP23) will be crucial in this regard.
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9. Comment the need for and the Hindrances to the development of a common global approach to
ecological concerns. (04/II/1(d)/20)

Introduction:

While an unusually stable global ecology and environment has been the precondition for
unprecedented human development over the last ten thousand years, this stability is now under threat
from human activity. Most critically, energy consumption has skyrocketed owing to rapid population
and economic growth, resulting in unprecedented concentrations of CO2 in the atmosphere and
anthropogenic climate change which threatens ecological atmosphere of the environment.

Ecological Concerns: The global climate is changing and it’s going to affect the ecology, environment,
and resources. It will also change the biodiversity on the planet. Global warming, climate change,
pollution, and ecological imbalance – these are some of the major concerns of the ecologists and
environmentalists around the world today. Ecologists already know that climate change is here and it’s
changing the life on earth.

Need for the development of common global approach:

There is need for the development of a common global approach for the sustainable development
because of the following ecological concerns that certainly threatens the life on earth some of them are:

Water Scarcity: Today, we don’t think of water as a valuable commodity but many ecologists and
environmentalists like Raman Sukumar, Vandana Shiva, believes that in the future fresh water could
become as rare and valuable as oil and gold. Scientists have even made speculations that there will be
Future wars between nations to take control of freshwater resources.
According to the United Nations report on water scarcity “The world could suffer a 40 percent
shortfall in water in just 15 years unless countries dramatically change their use of the resource”.

Air pollution and climate change: Burning of fossil fuels, deforestation for agriculture, and industrial
activities have pushed up atmospheric CO2 concentrations from 280 parts per million (ppm) 200 years
ago, to about 400 ppm today. That's an unprecedented rise, in both size and speed. The result of which
is ecological disruption. Carbon overloading is only one form of air pollution caused by burning coal,
oil, gas and wood.
The World Health Organization recently estimated that “one in nine deaths” in 2012 were
attributable to diseases caused by carcinogens and other poisons in polluted air.

Deforestation: Species-rich wild forests are being destroyed, especially in the tropics, often to make
way for cattle rearing, soybean or palm oil plantations, or other agricultural monocultures. Tropical
forests used to cover about 15 percent of the planet's land area; they're now down to 6 or 7 percent.
Much of this has been degraded by logging or burning. Not only do natural forests act as
biodiversity reserves, they are also carbon sinks, keeping carbon out of the atmosphere and oceans.
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Loss of Bio-Diversity: Our activities are directly impacting the ecology and biodiversity of the earth.
Deforestation, pollution of land, air, and water, over fishing, hunting, climate change, and unplanned
agriculture, all affect natural evolution and biodiversity, giving rise to more serious ecological
imbalances. Humans have destroyed and are continuously destroying wildlife and habitat and causing
damage to biodiversity.

According to the convention about life on earth “At least 40 percent of the world’s economy and 80
per cent of the needs of the poor are derived from biological resources”.

Habitat destruction: Habitat destruction happens when the ecosystem is disturbed or lost and the
biological beings in the ecosystem can no longer function or live their normal lives. The loss and
destruction of habitat are also major factors contributing to a wave of extinction, IUCN's Red List
of threatened and endangered species continues to grow.

According to World Wild life Fund (WWF) “without a strong plan to create terrestrial and marine
protected areas important ecological habitats will continue to be lost”.

Overpopulation: The increase and over population of the human race, especially high density of
population in the urban areas, is one of the biggest issues faced by our environmentalists and ecologists.
With the increase of population comes demand for resources, waste management, energy requirement
and other aspects of governance and control over resources.
If we don’t use our resources sustainably, we may not have anything at all in the future, and scientists
are realizing that.

Hindrances to the development of common global approach:

Though, many Conventions and Agreements such as CITES “Convention on the International Trade in
Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna” 1973, CBD convention on Biological Diversity, Nairobi
1992, UNFCCC, Kyoto protocol, Copenhagen summit, Paris Agreement 2015 there are still many
hindrances to the common global approach in protecting ecology and environment as a whole.

For many years the US refused to sign the international agreement on climate change, the Kyoto
Protocol (the forerunner to the 2015 Paris agreement), thus blocking many international efforts to reduce
global carbon emissions. It is hard to make countries commit to specific conservation goals (in forest
policy) or emission-reduction targets (in climate policy) or standards for pollution in rivers (in water
policy) because each nation has its own national development objectives that may conflict with other
countries goals, thus making it hard to find common ground for collaboration.

Technology transfer from developed nations to developing nations in tackling the growing
ecological and environmental concerns is one of the major hindrance towards a common approach

Effective international action to tackle ecological and environmental concerns will only occur if
solutions are found to a series of obstacles to international cooperation. The most significant of these
obstacles are:
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 Conflict between the collective good and national interests.

 Tensions between developed and developing states.
 Economic obstacles.
 Ideological obstacles.
 Another problem is that the issue of climate change exposes significant divisions between
developed world and the developing world. (North–South divide).

Conclusion:

It is clear that we still have a lot of work to do with regard to our shared understanding of what
constitutes strong, robust, effective and efficient global ecological and environmental governance. We
need to better integrate regional and transnational initiatives with domestic policy strategies to tackle
these problems. This means creating the conditions for a model of governing the environment that is
flexible and cuts across different levels, from the local to the global.

10. Comment Sustainable development (05/II/1(b)/20).

Introduction:

Sustainability is a dynamic concept born out of the environmental debate of the last quarter century.
There is growing concern nationally and internationally about biodiversity and protection of plants and
animals and community based activity. The Rio Summit emphasized on economic growth and poverty
alleviation for sustainable development.

The Agenda21 called all countries to develop national strategies for sustainable development to
translate the words and commitments of Earth summit into concrete policies and actions. The important
issue in the 21st century is to create “greater economic and societal well-being without deterioration of
the environment and depletion of the resources”.

Sustainability Development:

Sustainable Development as a norm has been accepted in the literature ever since the publication of the
Brundtland Commission report in 1987.The Brundtland Commission defined Sustainable
Development as that which "meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of the
future generations to meet their own needs".

It is also defined as “a pattern of social and structured economic transformations that optimizes the
economic and societal benefits available in the present, without jeopardizing the likely potential for
similar benefits in the future”. A primary goal of sustainable development is to achieve a reasonable
and equitably distributed level of economic well-being that can be perpetuated continually for many
human generations.

It also implies using renewable natural resources in a manner that does not eliminate or degrade
them, or otherwise diminish their usefulness for future generations. Sustainable development also
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requires depleting non-renewable energy resources at a slow enough rate so as to ensure the high
probability of an orderly society transition to renewable energy sources.

Need for Sustainable Development:

In the Words of Mahatma Gandhi “There's enough in the world to meet the needs of everyone but
there's not enough to meet the greed of everyone”. But in contemporary world situation negation to the
statement is occurring which is a serious global threat for the sustainable development.

Over the past 20 years total population in the industrialized countries has increased by 28%. These
countries are facing many problems such as environmental degradation, over dependence on non-
renewal sources of energy, declining standards of living. These problems are more acute in developing
countries. These countries have formed their economic systems on western models ignoring their
indigenous requirements.

The percentage of cultivable land has been decreasing over the years due to increase in population
and non-judicial use of resources. Forests are being destroyed and concrete jungles are taking their
place. This has been compounded further by the long-term impact of past industrialization,
exploitation and environmental damage.

Traditional diseases such as malaria and cholera, caused by unsafe drinking water and lack of
environmental hygiene, have not yet been controlled. In addition, people are now falling prey to modern
diseases such as cancer and AIDS, and stress-related disorders. Many of the widespread ailments
among the poor in developing countries are occupation-related. The problems are complex and the
choices difficult. “Our common future can only be achieved with a better understanding of our common
concerns and shared responsibilities”.

Ways to achieve Sustainable Development:

In Order to achieve Sustainable Development United Nations Organization has come up with
Sustainable Development Goals (SDG’s) which are new, universal set of goals, targets and indicators
that UN member states will be expected to use to frame their agendas and political policies over the next
15 years. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) follow and expand on the millennium
development goals (MDGs), which are due to expire at the end of 2015.

These SDGs came into being in 2015 with a deadline of 2030. It has a set of 17 global goals and 169
targets, all of which, directly or indirectly, focus on poverty, health, education, climate change and self-
sustainability. Some of them are illustrated as

1) People: to ensure healthy lives, Knowledge, and the inclusion of women and children.

2) Dignity: to end poverty and fight inequality.

3) Planet: to protect our ecosystems for all societies and our children.
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4) Partnership: to catalyze global solidarity for sustainable development.

5) Prosperity: to grow a strong, inclusive and transformative economy.

6) Justice: to promote safe and peaceful societies, and strong institutions.

22. Compare and Contrast Sino-India approaches to global Environmental Concerns

(13/II/2(c)/15).

Introduction:

There are more commonalities than differences between the Indian and the Chinese approach on issues
of global environmental concern, such as the debate on global climate change. A common approach on
the issue of climate change brings the two countries together within the BASIC (Brazil, South Africa,
India and China) framework.

As large developing countries, their common concern is about the carbon space that they need in
order to develop their economies and improve the living standards of their population. They also have
common concern with regard to the provision for finance and technology and capacity building,
before they take on any commitments about capping and ultimately reducing their gross national
emissions.

Chinese Approach to global Environmental Concerns: China being a largest global emitter of GHGs
contributor of 29.5% of total global emissions, it’s a key challenge to Chinese leadership in the
environmental protection. Both as result of domestic and International pressures, Chinese leaders have
become increasingly cognizant of the need in protecting global environment.

China’s per capita and gross emissions are higher than that of India. This is primarily because a
large amount of products made in Chinese factories are for exports. To make these products, China still
relies on coal which is not always efficient and leads to higher emissions. As China is home to some of
the world’s most polluting industries and companies, it is shifting rapidly towards the increase in “Solar
Capacity building”.

China is negotiating with the United States on a bilateral climate deal which could be a game
changer as far as the global agreement on the issue is concerned. The US and China are two largest
Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emitters and their deal could boost the prospect of a global deal or could even
derail it. Nearly a dozen other developed countries like Japan and Germany have bilateral energy deals
with China that helps it improve efficiency and reduce emissions per unit of the GDP produced. China
intends to achieve the peaking of CO2 emissions around 2030 and to make best efforts to peak early and
intends to increase the share of non-fossil fuels in primary energy consumption to around 20% by 2030.

Emerging practices in China: China's NDRC announced a variety of green stimulus measures. Over
one-third of the massive Chinese stimulus package and nearly 27% of the 2009 budget was allocated to
green themes, mostly rail, grids, and water infrastructure, along with spending on environmental
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improvement. As the key intermediary agents of indirect financing, banks are powerful forces to guide
economic restructuring in China. China is the first country to establish the green credit policy system.

India’s Approach to Environmental Concern:

As Indian ancient text says; "Keep pure! For the Earth is our mother! And we are her children!"
The ancient Indian practice of Yoga, for example, is a system that is aimed at balancing contentment and
worldly desires, that helps pursue a path of moderation and a sustainable lifestyle. Environmental
sustainability, which involves both intra-generational and inter-generational equity, has been the
approach of Indians for very long.

In the words of former vice-president Hamid Ansari India Prefers ‘Aspirational’ rather than
‘Prescriptive’ approach to global environment Concerns. India being the world’s fourth largest carbon
emitter ratified the historic “Paris Agreement on Climatic change” and submitted its INDC’s
integrated nationally determined contributions. India Plans to reduce its carbon emissions Intensity
emission per unit by GDP by 33-35% from 2005 levels over 15 years. India aims at producing 40% of
its installed electricity capacity by 2030 from non-fossil fuels. Another Initiative is to increase its forest
cover by 5 million hectares.

India Recently in 2015 initiated the Prestigious Project to harness solar energy i.e., “International
Solar Alliance” (ISA) which is a treaty based international inter-governmental alliance of 121 solar
resource rich countries lying fully or partially between the Tropics of Cancer and Capricorn. The
headquarters will be set up in India with an initial investment of $30mn. India will endorse “clean
energy, sustainable environment, public transport, and climate adaptive agriculture” through this
initiative.

India has also launched a tool named IESS 2047 (India Energy Security Scenarios 2047 calculator)
which aims to explore the potential of future energy scenarios for India.

Emerging Practices in India: In June 2008, India launched its NAPCC that encompasses a multi-
pronged, long-term and integrated framework for addressing climate change as a core development
issue. As of March 2016, the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC) has
endorsed 30 state action plans.

Contrast between India and Chinese approach:

Though there are numerous examples of similarities, there are certain core differences of both the
nations in approaching environmental concerns. India takes “Protection of Global Environment and
Ecology” as its Global Responsibility whereas, China limited it to mere achievement of national
Interests. On one hand China acting towards to cleaning its own environment and on other hand it is
exploiting the natural resources of Africa and Latin American nations. In contrast India is working on
Capacity Building and Inclusive Development through Initiatives such as “Solar Mamas” which is huge
success.
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Apart from different stances at the domestic and multilateral policy levels, China and India have
reaffirmed their Commitment to work together on climate change at the bilateral level also. To
strengthen the bilateral ties between the two countries the Indian government has set the goal of “INCH
(India–China) towards MILES (Millennium of Exceptional Synergy)”. In May 2015, the two countries
issued a Joint Statement on Climate Change between the Government of India and the Government of
China, promoting bilateral partnership on climate change and reaffirming their commitment to engage
through the UNFCCC process.

Conclusion:

Globally, there is an increasing awareness of the need to move away from a carbon-intensive
development model. This, however, requires fundamental policy changes in key sectors of the
economy including, but not restricted to, the energy sector. For China and India, beyond the energy
sector, factors such as overall level of development, governance structure and vulnerability to climate
change will also determine a country's targets and strategies.

India and China were key players in tackling the abrupt climatic changes and increasing Global
warming. As both nations have vibrant emerging societies, to safeguard them through sustainable
development goals is the need of hour for both the nations.

28. Critically evaluate the approaches of global south towards addressing environment concerns.
(14/II/2(b)/15).

Introduction:

Global South is a group of economically least developed, emerging and developing countries whereas
Global North is a group of well-placed advanced countries. Both the groups are concerned about the
worsening climatic condition due to change in climate resulted out of carbon emissions. Major countries
of both the groups are signatory of climate pacts like Paris Climate Agreement.

The Approach of Global south towards environmental concerns is critical in achieving sustainable
development around the world.

Environmental Concerns: Why it matters for global south Countries?

Developing countries are the key to achieving sustainable Ecology and Environment in two major
ways. Firstly, the potential economic and social impacts of environmental degradation are particularly
important for developing countries. They are the most vulnerable to climate change and tend to be more
dependent than advanced economies on the exploitation of natural resources for economic growth.
Secondly, many developing countries face severe economic, social and ecological threats from energy,
food and water insecurity to climate change and extreme weather risks.
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Approach of Global South Addressing environmental concerns:

In the words of Ram Chandra Guha environmentalism shown by global south (Developing nations) is
like “Empty stomach” and whereas it is like “Full Stomach” for Developed nations.

India, Brazil, China and South-Africa are the forerunners in measures adopted against the climate
change and global warming. A number of other large developing countries (such as the ‘Next 11’ -
Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan, Philippines, Turkey, South Korea and
Vietnam) have also contributing to the environmental protection though they lack of institutionalized
technology and Funding.

In 21st century, the emerging economies have come under increasing pressure from other countries to
reduce their GHG emissions. In the lead up to the fifteenth Conference of the Parties (COP15) in
Copenhagen in December 2009 the “BASIC group” – Brazil, South Africa, India and China - was
created. They pledged voluntary mitigation targets for the first time. Thus, in in context of global
south, COP15 was a significant milestone.

India’s Response to Climate Change: India is a key global player with its huge population, set to
become the largest in the world by 2025, and rapidly growing economy. The Government of India (GoI)
has been involved in addressing climate change since the 1970’s although the key drivers were energy
security and natural resource management.

Under the Copenhagen Accord, India voluntarily pledged to reduce the emission intensity of its GDP
by 20-25% by 2020 relative to 2005 levels. India has made significant progress in wind, solar and
hydropower and grid transmission efficiency. In 2011 India achieved a record USD 10.3 billion in
clean energy investments, up 52% year-on-year, to have the fastest growth of any major country
globally. India being the world’s fourth largest carbon emitter ratified the historic “Paris Agreement on
Climatic change” and submitted its INDC’s integrated nationally determined contributions. India Plans
to reduce its carbon emissions Intensity emission per unit by GDP by 33-35% from 2005 levels over 15
years. India aims at producing 40% of its installed electricity capacity by 2030 from non-fossil fuels.
Another Initiative is to increase its forest cover by 5 million hectares.

India Recently in 2015 initiated the Prestigious Project to harness solar energy i.e., “International
Solar Alliance” (ISA) which is a treaty based international inter-governmental alliance of 121 solar
resource rich countries lying fully or partially between the Tropics of Cancer and Capricorn. India is
guided by the Principle of CBDR (Comprehensive but differentiated Approach) and takes climate
protection as its global responsibility.

China’s Response to Climate Change: China has substantial environmental problems associated with
the extremely fast growth of the economy. Air quality in China’s cities is among the worst in the world.
China has come under increasing international pressure to limit its GHG emissions. In 2009, China
submitted its first national mitigation target to the Copenhagen Accord following COP15. China’s
pledge outlined that it would undertake to lower its CO2 emissions per unit of GDP by 40 – 45% by
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2020 compared with a 2005 base level. China’s pledge also stated that it would aim to increase the share
of non-fossil fuels in primary energy consumption to around 20% by 2030. It would also increase forest
coverage by 40 Million hectares. It had also ratified Paris Agreement and submitted its INDC’s.

China is currently extremely successful as one of the fore-runners in the green technology race.
ACCC (Adapting to Climate Change in China) was set up in 2009 in collaboration with UK
Switzerland as well as adaptation planning in three pilot provinces; Guangdong, Ningxia and Inner
Mongolia. On the international stage, China’s stance on action on climate change is in line with that of
developing countries and the BASIC group.

Brazil’s Response to Climate Change: Brazil has a leading role to play in global efforts to mitigate
climate change due to its emissions. McKinsey estimates that Brazil is one of the top five countries in
potential to reduce emissions, primarily due to emission reduction potential in the forestry sector.

However, Brazil has also been a world leader in low carbon agriculture and renewable energies,
including hydropower and biofuels. In the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development, hosted in Rio de Janeiro, the Ministry of Environment (MMA) was responsible for
Brazil’s negotiations pertaining to the Biodiversity Convention. Brazil has ambitious targets to reduce
deforestation over the next decade. It had ratified Paris Agreement 2015 and also submitted its
INDC’s. Brazil being a developing country is working in line with India, china and South Africa in
mitigating climatic changes and global warming.

There are many other global economies like Bangladesh, Srilanka, Vietnam, Egypt, Indonesia and
Iran that are working together with BRICS nations in addressing global environmental concerns.

Paris Accord 2015 and Status of Developing Countries:

Global climate talks have been mixed with regards to developing countries. The Paris Agreement
acknowledges the development imperatives of developing countries by recognizing their right to
development and their efforts to harmonize it with the environment, while protecting the interests of the
most vulnerable. Paris agreement sets a binding obligation on developed countries to provide
financial resources and Technology transfer to developing countries.

Paris Agreement acknowledges that peaking of emission in developing countries will take longer and
calls upon developed countries to take the lead in mitigation actions and to support developing countries
for implementation of climate change actions.

Sunita Narayan calls environmentalism in south as conservative utilitarian and in North as

conservative protectionism.

Conclusion:

While the global South has been and will continue to be disproportionately affected by global
environmental degradation, it has been a site of innovation with respect to the environmental interface.
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Compared to their Northern Counterparts, countries of the global south have been the most active in
incorporating environmental rights into their constitutions and their courts have been very active in
enforcing environmental obligations even where no legal instrument provides for explicit environmental
rights, such as in India. It is also noteworthy that the human rights frameworks in many global south
countries are specifically aimed at the protection of environmental related rights.

33. Examine the main problems and challenges involved in looking after environmental concerns
in world politics? (16/II/7a/20).

Introduction: Environment is now a key component of international relations and, given the rising
attention climate change receives in particular, a matter that now has high priority in diplomatic
circles. With states in danger of disappearing below rising seas and major disruptions to water supplies
and food systems projected for future decade’s environmental matters have become central plank to
contemporary international politics.

As countries are environmentally vulnerable to the activities that take place in other countries,
meaningful progress on environmental issues can often only be made at the international or even global
level.

Problems Involved in looking after the environmental concerns:

As there are numerous number of Problems involved in addressing environmental concerns some of
them are illustrated as:

Global Warming: Global warming, referred to as climate change, is the observed century-scale rise in
the average temperature of the Earth's climate system and its related effects. In 2013, (IPCC) Fifth
Assessment Report concluded that "It is extremely likely that human influence has been the dominant
cause of the observed warming since the mid-20th century." This is due to emission of greenhouse gases
(GHG’s) such as carbon dioxide, methane and nitrous oxide.

The problems that arise with global warming are melting of ice caps there by rise in sea levels,
expansion of deserts and it’s detrimental to food security. Abrupt climatic changes occur causing
Typhoons, Hurricanes, early volcanic eruptions, recently occurred “Hurricane IRMA” which
devastated the Caribbean islands and Florida is one such clear example of environmental degradation
due to global warming.

Melting of Ice-caps: If current increases in sea level persist, one-sixth of the land area of Bangladesh
could be lost to the sea by the middle of this century, if not earlier, leaving 13 per cent of the country’s
population with nowhere to live or farm. The increased incidence of extreme high sea levels also causes
a greater risk of death and injury by drowning, especially in the world’s great river deltas, such as the
Bengal delta in Bangladesh, the Mekong delta in Vietnam, the Nile delta in Egypt and the Yangtze
delta in China.
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Ozone Layer Depletion: Ozone layer is responsible for protecting earth from harmful ultraviolet rays.
The presence of chlorofluorocarbons, hydro chlorofluorocarbons in the atmosphere is causing the ozone
layer to deplete. As it will deplete, it will emit harmful radiations back to the earth which has numerous
effect on Human and plant Health, marine ecosystems, biological cycles etc.

Over Population: Rapid population growth puts strain on “natural resources” which results in
degradation of our environment. Mortality rate has gone down due to better medical facilities which has
resulted in increased lifespan. More population simple means more demand for food, clothes and
shelter. You need more space to grow food and provide homes to millions of people. This results in
deforestation which is another factor of environmental degradation.

Deforestation: Deforestation is the cutting down of trees to make way for more homes and industries.
Rapid growth in population and urban sprawl are two of the major causes of deforestation. Apart from
that, use of forest land for agriculture, animal grazing, harvest for fuel wood and logging are some of the
other causes of deforestation. Deforestation contributes to “global warming as decreased forest size
puts carbon back into the environment”.

Landfills: Landfills pollute the environment and destroy the beauty of that area. Landfills come within
the city due the large amount of waste that gets generated by households, industries, factories and
hospitals. Especially the plastic waste generated takes year to decompose pose a great risk to the health
of the environment and the people who live there. Landfills produce foul smell when burned and cause
huge environmental degradation.

Pollution: Pollution, in whatever form, whether it is air, water, land or noise is harmful for the
environment. Air pollution pollutes the air that we breathe which causes health issues. Water pollution
degrades the quality of water that we use for drinking purposes. Land pollution results in degradation of
earth’s surface as a result of human activities.

Oil spills: These occur due to the leakage of chemical, toxic, biological substances into the marine water
when transported through Cargo ships posing a serious threat to marine ecology which involves coral
bleaching, extinction and endangerment of marine species.

Challenges Involved in looking for Environmental concerns:

In 1968 Garrett Hardin published a hugely influential article that suggested that many challenges could
be understood in terms of a ‘tragedy of the commons’. Conflict between the collective good and
national interests, Tensions between developed and developing states, Economic obstacles, Ideological
obstacles are some of the challenges in achieving global common approach, In addition to these there
are other challenges such as:

North-South Differences: ‘Global South’ wants to differentiate the responsibility in accordance with
the contribution to the climate change whereas ‘Global North’ wants to share equal responsibility saying
that climate change effects equally to all. Global South insist upon mandatory transfer of fund and
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technology to the them to counter climate change but Global North say that it should be voluntary.
Global North wants to move completely towards clean energy but Global North argue that they can't
shun the use of conventional fuel abruptly and agree on step-by-step transformation.

Sunita Narayan calls “environmentalism in south as conservative utilitarian and in North as

conservative protectionism”.

Ensuring a low-carbon future: Fossil fuels account for roughly 75 percent of the global emissions
causing climate change. To limit global warming to less than 2 degrees Celsius, we must drive changes
in energy policy that accelerate our transition to a clean energy future. Maintaining the momentum of
ambitious commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, such as the Paris Agreement, will be key
to accelerating the transition to clean energy solutions worldwide.

Maximizing nature’s role as a climate solution: Nature is the sleeping giant in solving climate change.
Increased investment in nature based solutions such as avoiding forest loss, reforestation, investing in
soil health and coastal ecosystem restoration gives us the best opportunity to prevent catastrophic
warming.

Improving management of the world’s fisheries: Fisheries represent a $130 billion industry that spans
and feeds the entire world. But 57 percent of fish stocks are fully exploited and another 30 percent are
overexploited, depleted or recovering. Solutions lie in engaging directly with fishermen to pilot and
replicate worldwide new practices and technologies.

Expanding sustainable agricultural practices: Humans have already cleared or converted nearly 40
percent of Earth’s ice-free surface for agriculture. Additionally, agriculture is the second largest source
of greenhouse gas emissions globally after fossil fuels. Encouraging more productive agricultural
activities will be essential to meeting the growing demand for food and securing water, all while
ensuring nature continues to thrive.

Creating a green urban future: By 2050 two-thirds of the world’s population will live in cities.
Humans have already made tremendous investments in the buildings and transportation, water and
energy systems that sustain cities, but the sheer demand for the additional urban infrastructure necessary
to support growing cities is straining both natural resources and public finances.

Conclusion:

Much before the climate change debate began, Mahatma Gandhi, regarded as the father of our nation
had said that we should act as ‘trustees’ and use natural resources wisely as it is our moral
responsibility to ensure that we bequeath to the future generations a healthy planet. This should be the
motive of every nation in combating climate change.
Climate Change talks after change in US Presidency i.e., Trump’s decision to stay out of Paris
Agreement might see a shift in future which needs to be watched closely and the next summit on climate
change in Fiji (COP23) will be crucial in this regard.
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SUB TOPIC: TERRORISM

14. “Either terrorism triumphs or civilization triumphs”. (11/II/1(a)/20)

Terrorism:

Violence or rebellion by armed means as an expression of disagreement with/opposition to ideologies

have been an integral part of mankind since longstanding. However, terrorism as we know it today is a
more recent phenomenon, evolving specifically towards the latter half of the 20th century. Terrorism
has no universal definition but broadly it refers to unofficial or unauthorized use of violence, in order
to purport a political, cultural, religious, or ideological change. Terrorism can be committed in several
ways.

Clash of Civilizations and birth of Terrorism:

After the end of Ideological war, In Post-cold war era “conflicts between civilizations struggling for
influence on a new world order gave birth to global threat called Terrorism which pose the greatest
danger for international stability and peace”.

In response to Francis Fukuyama's “End of History” thesis Samuel P.Huntington in 1996 wrote a
book called “The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order”, in which he describes clash
of civilizations as a hypothesis which explains that people’s cultural and religious identities will be the
primary source of conflict in the Post-cold war world.

Huntington divided the world into the eight "major civilizations" mutually deeply antagonistic
because of great divisions ( tectonic ‘fault-lines’) based on more or less immutable characteristics such
as history, language, tradition and religion namely the western, orthodox, Latin American, Hindu,
Buddhist, Islamic, Sinic and African. Huntington argues that future wars would be fought not between
countries, but between cultures, and that Islamic extremism would become the biggest threat to world
peace.

Spread of terrorism

Despite the fierce criticism of Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” in 1996 it became prominent after the
attacks of 9/11, perpetrated by Islamic terrorists and targeting buildings widely considered to be
symbols of America, capitalism and the western world. Indeed, it acts as a proof of the validity of the
‘Clash of Civilizations’ theory for several reasons. First of all, these attacks were proclaimed by ‘Islamic’
terrorists who were vocal in support of religious justifications.

Indeed, they led to what was called the ‘War on Terror’, which appeared not only to be a reaction
against these particular attacks but an illustration of the ‘war between civilization Predicted by
Huntington.
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Furthermore B. Lewis stated that Bin Laden himself declared war on America and the western world
in order to vindicate the purported values of Islam. This phenomenon soon turned out into the spread of
Islamic terrorism which has become a grave threat to whole world peace and security.

ISIS Ideology and threat to civilization:

The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria now rules a substantial piece of territory within the borders of two
states in Middle East, administering its own form of justice, persecuting religious minorities, collecting
taxes, and exploiting natural resources. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), has risen dramatically
throughout the last decade and has gained a greater importance in the international relations. ISIS does
undoubtedly represent a threat to democratic values and modern civilization.

The Caliphate is the concept of an Islamic religious state that would be composed by every Muslim
on earth. Indeed, their violence against people that are not from the same civilization or even the same
religious group within Islam can be understood by their objective to re-implement an Islamic state and
the ending modern civilizations of the other religions in order to extend their domination and
territories.

Steps to tackle all forms of terrorism:

To create an effective global counter terrorism regime, foremost step should be to arrive at consensus on
definition of terrorism. Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (CCIT) presented by
India is under discussion in 6th Ad-hoc committee of UN. Making it reach its logical end should be a
priority for world community. There needs to be formation of global alliance based on overlapping
consensus & not an alliance of convenience as per every country's real political gain.

Many scholars also suggest to Impose sanctions and isolate the state-sponsored terrorist nations like
Pakistan to achieve immediate results. In the same context of curbing state sponsored terrorism Hillary
Clinton says “It's like that old story - you can't keep snakes in your backyard and expect them only to
bite your neighbors. Eventually those snakes are going to turn on whoever has them in the backyard”.

Sushma Swaraj Minister of External Affairs of India also stressed the implementation of global counter
terrorism regime that is CCIT at recently held 72nd session of United nations General Assembly UNGA
2017.

Brahma Chellaney suggests launching a concerted information campaign to discredit radical ideology
in Saudi Arabia, Qatar. Praveen Swami suggests better intelligence services, military, police & most
importantly better politics.

Conclusion:

Though the Terrorism is a contemporary phenomenon and can be destroyed anytime, with many nuclear
weapons available today and increase in state sponsored terrorism for political gains, the threat to
civilization by terrorism is a reality. Civilization is a continuous growth in human population, culture,
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societal values and can never be wiped out. With the current globalized world, only a nuclear war which
can destroy the whole planet and can remove the signs of civilization. Thus, civilization always
triumphs, but not terrorism.

SUB TOPIC: NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION

24. What roles do norms, taboos and epistemic communities play in the context of nuclear
nonproliferation? (13/II/3(a)/20).

Nuclear non Proliferation:

Nuclear Proliferation is a term used to describe the spread of nuclear weapons and weapons-
applicable nuclear technology and information, to nations which are not recognized as
"Nuclear Weapon States" by the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, also known as
the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty or NPT.

The subject of nuclear proliferation has been the focus of numerous studies in the International
Politics. However, mainstream approaches in IR such as Realism and structural theories have not been
able to offer a satisfying explanation to the nuclear proliferation puzzle. On the other hand, only a
relatively small number of patterns like role of nuclear taboo, norms and epistemic communities that
have analyzed their effect towards “nuclear nonproliferation”.

Role of taboos and Norms:

According to Nina Tannen Wald “we cannot overlook the role of taboos, norms and values in nuclear
nonproliferation. USA is the only state to use Nuclear Weapon so far. She explains that we have recently
witnessed the fiftieth anniversary of the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the only use of Nuclear
weapons in warfare.

The non-use of Nuclear weapons since then remains the single most important phenomenon of the
nuclear age. Yet we still lack a full understanding of how this tradition arose and maintained and of its
prospects for the future. The widely cited explanation is deterrence, but a normative element must be
taken into account in explaining why nuclear weapons have not been used since 1945, which has
stigmatized nuclear weapons as unacceptable weapons of mass destruction. Without these normative
stigma, there might have been “use of nuclear weapons”. So the real credit goes to the taboos, norms
and values that have developed international treaties and academic communities in nuclear
nonproliferation.

In addition to the norms, taboos and values there exists another pattern i.e. epistemic communities and
nonproliferation.

Role of Epistemic communities and nonproliferation: In recent years, the role of epistemic
communities – groups of experts knowledgeable in specific areas are shaping international policies
towards nuclear non-proliferation.
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Examination the role of an Argentine and Brazilian epistemic community in the creation of the
“Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials” (ABACC) is one such
clear example of ‘epistemic communities’ influence towards non-proliferation.

ABACC is one of the key factors in the non-proliferation of Argentina and Brazil, two countries that
could have pursued a nuclear weapons Programme but chose to remain non-nuclear, because it
created a binational system of mutual inspections and verification of indigenous non-safeguarded
nuclear installations between the two states, verifying the non-nuclear weapon status of the two states.
Despite these patterns of analysis scholars like Kenneth waltz a structural realist and Scott D. Sagan
debate around nuclear non-proliferation.

Debate between Kenneth waltz and Scott D. Sagan:

Kenneth Waltz supports Nuclear-Proliferation, and states that “nuclear weapons are the weapons of
peace”. He even suggests arms race and Nuclear Balance. Whereas, Scott D. Sagan says that “Nuclear
Deterrence” may fail, he supports “Madman theory”. He suspect of accidental usage of nuclear weapons
as third world countries do not have democratic culture. Militaries may be more tempted to use nuclear
weapon as many were failed states, hence he does not support Non-proliferation.

Conclusion: However, role of taboos, norms, and epistemic communities play a significant role in
nuclear non-proliferation, the issue around “Use of Nuclear weapons” is never ending and debatable in
modern world. Due to increase in number of failed states like Pakistan an alleged terror sponsoring state
by many neighboring states, the threat of Nuclear weapons in the hands of Non-state actors is a reality.
As NPT and CTBT have almost failed, United Nations recent treaty “Comprehensive Nuclear
Prohibition Treaty” which is yet to be ratified is a key factor in this regard.

30. Discuss the theory of Nuclear Deterrence. Did Nuclear Deterrence prevent a superpower war?
(15/II/2(b)/15)

Nuclear Deterrence:

Nuclear Deterrence is a realist approach to the security concerns. The term ‘deterrence’ comes from
Latin word “De terrere” means to frighten. Deterrence strategy is to frighten the advisory or the potential
aggressor. It works realist game theory which is to make “the game of war so costly that victory is not
worth the cost”. Hence, deterrence automatically implies arms race. Deterrence by punishment was
based on the concept of MAD (Mutually Assured Destruction) which implies massive retaliation in
case of nuclear attack.

Theory of Nuclear Deterrence:

Deterrence is supported by realists but rejected by liberals and social constructivists like Nina
Tannen Wald says deterrence has lost its relevance so far only USA is the only country that has used
Nuclear weapon and that too once. USA also could not dare to use Nuclear weapon second time.
According to Henry Kissinger deterrence does not work for suicide bombers.
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According to realists, Nuclear Deterrence will help in achieving “balance of power”. They are
supporters of limited nuclear proliferation. According to Mearsheimer, Nuclear weapons acts as superb
deterrence and nuclear weapons makes world safer. With the development of first and second strike
ability by USA and USSR, "Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD)" was assured. States become
extremely cautious when they possess nuclear weapons and they will not fight. Rather they will go for
diplomatic solutions. Thus ND led to the balance of terror and hence balance of power.

Did Nuclear Deterrence prevent a superpower wars:

When the USA dropped two nuclear bombs on the Japanese cities of Nagasaki and Hiroshima in
August 1945, the world witnessed the first and so far the last use of these weapons. Their devastating
effect led to a worldwide fear of atomic bombs, but could not, however, prevent a number of states from
developing these fatal devices.

By the mid-1960s, unilateral deterrence of 1950’s gave way to "mutual deterrence," a situation of
strategic stalemate. The superpowers would refrain from attacking each other because of the certainty of
mutual assured destruction, better known as MAD Theory which is still a major part of the defense
policies of the United States and Russia.

In fact, the two superpowers engaged in the subsequent arms race during the Cold War, but did not
went for a face to face nuclear war. This is because that Nuclear Deterrence changed the perception of
conflict from the confrontation of army in battle field to Political Dimension (Threat of use of Force).

Possession of N-weapons has made states more responsible and cautious. Realists give the example of
Cuban missile crisis to support this view. Many believe that the world has witnessed long duration of
peace between the super powers after the invention of N-weapons. The Adoption of treaties like SALT
(strategic arms Limitation Talks) namely SALT 1, SALT 2 comes as immediate example to this and
which led to Anti-ballistic Missile treaty between United States and Soviet Union.

Nuclear Deterrence led to ‘The war that must never be fought’ but it also led to the arms race and
nuclear proliferation. Although these weapons exist in huge amounts, they have never been used
for military purposes since. This distinction is important to make, because superpowers did make use of
their nuclear arsenal on a political level, namely with the strategy of nuclear deterrence. Based on the
US assurance that a Soviet attack on the USA or its allies (NATO countries) would be answered with
massive retaliation, and vice-versa this strategy has prevented a nuclear war between superpowers.
Though, it prevented the direct war between USA and USSR after the 2nd world war, but it led to
Pseudo conflicts in the form of Cold war and even exists in post-cold war era such as in Syria.

Both the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT) and Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty
(START) treaties all reflected attempts by the superpowers to manage strategic nuclear developments in
such a way as to stabilize mutual deterrence. Ballistic missile defenses were outlawed; "first strike"
weapons were decommissioned; civil defense was discouraged. However, neither the U.S. nor the Soviet
Union was comfortable basing their country's defense on deterrence. As the essence of Nuclear
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Deterrence is not physically to obstruct or prevent a particular course of action, but to make such a
choice costly and unreliable. Thus, it can be said that nuclear deterrence is one of the factor and to an
"extent" has prevented a superpower war.

However, Liberals believe that nuclear deterrence is naive and dangerous. According to them, deterrence
will fail due to miscalculations and incase of increasing non state actors in Syria, Iraq and Pakistan.

Conclusion:

Nuclear deterrence is still relevant in dealing with contemporary security issues. Nuclear deterrence is
still an important part of the official strategy of the US and Russia to fight traditional threats, and has
been adapted to meet today’s new security concerns. The other nuclear armed states, the traditional as
well as the non-traditional ones, have shown their willingness to maintain the nuclear taboo, pursuing in
most cases a “minimal deterrence” policy.

However, nuclear deterrence alone cannot be the answer to every security issue in the contemporary
world, and its application needs to be strengthened by other strategies. The main role it held during the
First Nuclear Age is lost, but its relevance still exists. However, it changed the military strategy
fundamentally from the “Purpose of winning wars to Purpose of preventing wars.
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PSIR PREVIOUS YEARS’ Q&A – POLITICS OF REPRESENTATION AND PARTICIPATION

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Qn. How does functioning of interest groups differ from political parties? Discuss with appropriate
examples. (2008/II/Q.2/60m)

Answer: Interest groups and political parties are political actors. Both are organisations with
respectively typical natures, agendas, structures, functioning methods and target areas.

Interest groups are organisations seeking to advance a particular interest, concern or cause, while
not actively seeking to form a government or part thereof. They are actors of groups politics. They
usually rely on a variety of campaigning and lobbying methods to exert influence on government
action (e.g. policies). They constitute one of the major linkages between government and the
governed, in modern societies.

Political parties are groups of people that are organised for the purpose of winning government
power, by electoral or other means. Characteristics include pursuance of political office,
membership system, broad issue focus, shared political preferences and/or common ideological
identities.

Interest groups differ from political parties in the following ways: (1) Interest groups seek to exert
influence from the outside, rather than win or exercise government power, which remains the
primary motive of political parties. (2) Interest groups typically have a narrow group focus – in that
they are usually concerned with a specific cause or the interests of a particular group. Political
parties typically have a broader focus, and sometimes strive to be (or at least appear) inclusive. (3)
Interest groups seldom have the broader programmic or ideological features that are generally
associated with political parties. (4) Techniques employed by interest groups are lobbying, strikes,
protests, bandhs, gheraos etc. Those adopted by political parties are political socialisation, reaching
out to masses, influencing public opinion, debating legislations etc.

Examples of interest groups can be scrutinised as per its main types – viz., communal groups,
institutional groups and associational groups. (1) Communal groups are embedded in the community
or social factors, i.e. membership is based on birth, not recruitment e.g. families, tribes, castes and
ethnic groups. (2) Institutional groups are part of the machinery of government. e.g. bureaucracies
and militaries. (3) Associational groups are formed by people coming together to pursue shared but
limited goals, usually in industrial societies. e.g. gender rights groups, trade unions, environmental
groups, animal welfare groups etc.

Examples of political parties can be correlated to it classifications – viz., cadre and mass parties;
representative and integrative parties (Sigmund Neumann); constitutional and revolutionary parties;
and left wing and right-wing parties. (1) Cadre parties denote those parties with trained, professional
and committed party members, relying on politically active elite and/or ideological leaders. e.g.
Chinese Communist Party, Communist Party of Soviet Union, Nazi Party of Germany, Fascist Party of
Italy etc. Mass parties are those which emphasise on broadening membership and constructing a
wide electoral base. Stress is on recruitment and organisation, rather than on political conviction
and ideology. e.g. European socialist parties (such as German Social Democratic Party and UK Labour
Party). (2) Representative parties primarily seek votes in elections – attempting to reflect, rather

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than shape, public opinion and preferring pragmatism over principles - adopting ‘catch-all’
strategies. Otto Kircheimer terms most modern political parties as ‘catch all’ parties – those which
reduce ideological baggage to appeal to maximum voters. e.g. Republicans and Democrats of US,
German Social Democrats, UK Labour parties, Christian Democratic Union in Germany and so on.
Integrative parties are those which adopt proactive rather than reactive political strategies – wishing
to mobilise educate and inspire the masses. e.g. Ideologically-disciplined cadre parties and mass
parties such as some socialist parties, UK Conservative Party under Margaret Thatcher et al.

(3) Constitutional parties, acknowledging the rights and entitlements of other parties, operate within
a framework of rules and constraints. They acknowledge and respect rules of electoral competition.
e.g. mainstream parties in liberal democracies. Revolutionary parties are anti-system and anti-
constitutional, either on the left or right and suppress rivals. e.g. quasi-legal Nazi and Fascist parties,
parties indulging in outright insurrection and popular revolution, many parties which are declared by
governments as ‘extremist’ or ‘anti-democratic’. (4) Left-wing parties are characterised by a
commitment to change such as to social reform or economic transformation. Their supporters are
poor and disadvantaged. e.g. progressive, socialist and communist parties. Right-wing parties are
those which uphold existing social order, i.e. support continuity. Their supporters include business-
and middle classes. e.g. conservative and fascist parties.

Conclusion: Interest groups and political parties are both important linkages between the
government and the governed. They have partially distinct and partially overlapping functions
regarding membership organisation, goal formulation, interest articulation and social mobilisation.
They play crucial roles in social, political and economic spheres.

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Qn. In what respect is the new social movement ‘new’ in nature? Discuss. (2014/II/Q.1b/10m)

Answer: Social movements are organizational structures and strategies that may empower certain
sections of the population to challenge and resist other sections. Such movements have been
academically studied since the 19th century. The second half of the 20th century saw a new wave of
movements – ‘new’ social movements - with changed dynamics and new causes, as the context
evolved.

A social movement is a particular form of collective behaviour or mass action in which the motive to
act is rooted largely in the attitudes and aspirations of members, typically acting within a loose
organisational framework. Being part of it requires a level of commitment and political activism.

Earliest social movements can be traced back to the 19th century and include: (1) labour movements
(for improved conditions for the growing working class), (2) nationalist movements (for
independence, especially from European colonialism), (3) Catholic movement (for legal and political
rights of Catholics) and even (4) 20th century fascist and right-wing authoritarian groups (sometimes
considered movements rather than conventional political parties).

New social movements are labelled to select collective actions that emerged and flourished since
the 1960s, in the West, and 1970s, in the East. These were facilitated by globalisation and fuelled by
information and communication technology. These mainly include: (1) the women’s movement
(pursue gender equality and anti-patriarchy, including equal pay and opportunities etc.) (2) the

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environmental (or green) movement (advocating valuing and conservation of the environment, as
per recognition of its fragility and deterioration by anthropogenic factors), (3) peace movement
(shunning violence and promoting compassion), (4) anti-capitalist or anti-globalisation movements
(such as ‘Occupy Wall Street’ movement, 2011 and ‘battle of Seattle’, 1999) – these involve
environmental, developmental, ethnic-nationalist, anarchist and revolutionary socialist groups, inter
alia.

New social movements are ‘new’ in nature, as compared to traditional social movements, in the
following ways: (1) Traditional movements were carried by the oppressed or disadvantaged. New
social movements attract the young, more educated and relatively affluent. (2) Traditional
movements were focused on emancipation, freedom or social advancement. New movements
typically have a post-material orientation i.e. with increasing economic advancement, concern
shifted to ‘quality of life’ issues. (3) Traditional movements had little in common and seldom worked
in tandem. New movements subscribe to a common ideology (may not be clearly defined) – viz.,
New Left ideas and values (such as rejection of conventional society as oppressive; disillusionment
with the working class as revolutionary agent; and preference for democracy etc.) (4) New social
movements tend to have organisational structures that demand decentralisation and participatory
decision-making. Such traits were minimal or absent in traditional movements.

(5) Traditional movements, in the backdrop of totalitarianism around the World Wars, was seen as
an attempt by alienated individuals to achieve security and identity (Eric Fromm; Hannah Arendt).
New social movements imbibe new forms of political activism, being in an altered context. These are
seen as rational and instrumental actors using informal and unconventional means (Zald; McCarthy).
(6) Class based politics of old movements has been replaced by a new politics – ‘democratic
pluralism’ (Laclau; Mouffe). (7) In comparison to traditional movements, new ones offer fresh and
rival centres of power and diffuse power more effectively by resisting bureaucratisation, having
spontaneity and inculcating decentralised organisation.

Conclusion: The emergence of a new generation of social movements practising new styles of
activism has significantly shifted views about the nature and significance of movements. Their
emergence is evidence that power in post-industrial societies is becoming dispersed and
fragmented.

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Qn. What is the difference between interest groups and pressure groups? (2015/II/Q.1c/10m)

Answer: Interest groups and pressure groups are both actors of groups politics - they are organised
efforts aspiring for a particular cause. Although sometimes considered similar, there are debated
and slight differences between the two entities.

Interest groups are organisations seeking to advance a particular interest, concern or cause, while
usually not seeking to form a government or part thereof. They rely on a variety of campaigning and
lobbying methods to exert influence on government policy.

It is often used synonymously with pressure groups, organised groups and catalytic groups. Other
scholarly labels include ‘anonymous empire’ (S. E. Finer), ‘invisible government’ (D. D. McKean) and
‘unofficial government’ (T. Sellin and R. D. Lambert).

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Pressure groups are non-profit and (usually) voluntary organizations whose members have a
common cause, for which they seek to influence political or corporate decision-makers to achieve a
declared objective. They are studied for the “extend to which they enter the political process” (Jean
Blondel).

Differences between interest groups and pressure groups, though contested, minimal and vague,
can be pointed out as: (1) Nature: Interest groups are more or less protective while pressure groups
are both protective and promotive. (2) Structure: Interest groups are formally organised, while
pressure groups are more strictly structured. (3) Orientation: Interest groups are interest-oriented,
while pressure groups are focussed on pressure tactics. (4) Outlook: Interest groups are softer in
outlook while pressure groups tend to be harsher in attitude. (5) Output: Interest groups may or may
not influence the governmental action. On the other hand, pressure groups are comparatively more
successful in influencing policies.

(6) Classification: Interest groups are classified into communal, institutional and associational groups
(Andrew Heywood). Pressure groups are classified into associational, non-associational, institutional
and anomic groups (Gabriel Almond). (7) Usage: The term ‘interest group’ is used in the U.S. and
elsewhere to describe all organised groups. In the U.K., ‘interest group’ is used only for those that
forward interests of their members and ‘pressure group’ is used to broadly describe organised
groups. (7) Connotation: Interest groups are varyingly judged. But pressure groups sometimes
attract disapproval due to their group concern or methods employed, i.e. it is a relatively negatively
perceived. (8) JD Reynand, distinguishing between them, said: “when the interest groups act at the
political level, they are called pressure groups”.

Conclusion: Interest and pressure groups are manifestations of group action. These groups play a
role in governments accruing legitimacy. They are often used synonymously, so it remains difficult to
make dichotomous distinctions between the two.

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Qn. Is the rise of social movements a sign of opening up of popular space in political process or
decline of representational politics? Examine. (2013/II/Q.4a/20m)

Answer: Society and politics are inseparable. The rise in social movements (or collective behaviour)
is considered a sign of changing political processes.

Social movements are a type of group action. Having distinctive organisation and strategies, they
carry out, resist, or undo a social change. Traditionally social movements were focused on social
advancement such as nationalist movements and labour movements. Rise of social movements (or
‘new’ social movements) is changing trends in collective behaviours which concern aspects regarding
‘quality of life’, such as gender-rights, environmental and anti-globalisation movements. It is linked
to leftist politics. Liberals prefer to call it ‘resource mobilisation’. New social movements ignited in
the West since the 1960s. In the East (Third World countries), they started in the 1970s. These
occurred due to growth of globalisation, rise of trans-national networks, communication revolution
etc.

Political process can be defined as the process of the formulation and administration of public policy
usually by the interaction between social groups and political institutions or between political

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leadership and public opinion. Representational politics may be defined as the art or science of
directing or administering a political unit (e.g. a state), by political representatives (elected
individuals, standing in for a person or a group, for a certain time period). Commonly, it is the
activity of making citizens' voices, opinions, and perspectives “present” in public policy making
processes.

The rise of social movements can be interpreted both as opening up of popular space in politics as
well as the decline of representational politics. The disconnect between the parliamentarians and
people is being exposed. Social movements show the assertion of civil society, as it becomes
increasingly aware of its rights. Such movements target political dysfunctions, opening up political
space. Also, a global civil society is emerging. The Information Age accelerates knowledge
distribution and steers public opinion. Mass media helps these movements to gather momentum
and have responsive co-ordination.

In India, one can consider: (1) Judicial activism depicts the proactivity of a constitutional institution
to preserve democratic sanctity. (2) Right to Information movement contrasts to the previous red-
tapism and secrecy that hallmarked Indian politics, bringing in much transparency and
accountability. It also shows the political will to evolve with the times. (2) Corruption movement
highlighted assertion of public dissatisfaction with governmental dysfunctions. For instance, the
Lokpal Bill had been brought and failed many times. (3) Delhi rape case protests vented the gender
rights concerns of Indian women. It showed a lack of confidence in the patriarchy-driven system. The
upsurge was aided by the greater voice that women get today. (4) Various environmental
movements in India have displayed sentiments of political negligence but also, empowerment of
masses.

Conclusion: Rise of social movements can be linked to political processes, although not necessarily in
an exclusive manner. These movements are a hallmark of modern political societies. It exhibits how
the flow of democracy is from vertical to horizontal.

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