(Women and Religion in The World) Sylvia Marcos (Editor) - Women and Indigenous Religions (Women and Religion in The World) - Praeger (2010) PDF

Sylvia Marcos
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Women and Indigenous Religions
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Women and Indigenous
Religions
SYLVIA MARCOS, EDITOR
Women and Religion in the World

Cheryl A. Kirk-Duggan, Lillian Ashcraft-Eason,
and Karen Jo Torjesen, Series Editors
Copyright 2010 by Sylvia Marcos
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Women and indigenous religions / [edited by] Sylvia Marcos.
p. cm. — (Women and religion in the world)
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 978-0-275-99157-9 (alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-08273-3 (ebook)
1. Women and religion. 2. Women—Religious life. 3. Indigenous peoples—Religion.
I. Marcos, Sylvia.
BL458.W5634 2010
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Contents
Introduction: Perspectives of Indigenous Religious

Traditions from the Americas, Asia, and Australia vii
PART I. WOMEN, FAMILY, AND ENVIRONMENT

1. Ngarrindjeri Women’s Stories: Kungun and Yunnan 3
Diane Bell
2. Feminine Rituality and the Spirit of the Water in Peru 21
Frédérique Apffel-Marglin
PART II. SOCIOECONOMICS, POLITICS, AND AUTHORITY

3. Indigenous Spirituality, Gender, and the Politics
of Justice: Voices from the First Summit of Indigenous
Women of the Americas 45
Sylvia Marcos
4. Authority and Ritual in the Caves of Tepoztlán, Mexico:
Women Priestesses in Popular Religion 69
Ana María Salazar Peralta
PART III. BODY, MIND, AND SPIRIT

5. Dressing up the Spirits: Costumes, Cross-Dressing, and
Incarnation in Korea and Vietnam 93
Laurel Kendall and Hien Thi Nguyen
6. Women and Sacred Medicines among the Khasis
in the Highlands of Northeast India 115
Darilyn Syiem
v
vi CONTENTS
7. The Not-So-Subtle Body in Dais’ Birth Imagery 127

Janet Chawla
PART IV. SEXUALITY, POWER, AND VULNERABILITY

8. Ritual Gendered Relationships: Kinship, Marriage, Mastery,
and Machi Modes of Personhood 145
Ana Mariella Bacigalupo
9. Sexuality and Ritual: Indigenous Women Recreating Their
Identities in Contemporary Mexico 177
Nuvia Balderrama Vara
PART V. WOMEN, WORLD VIEW, AND RELIGIOUS PRACTICE

10. Drawing the Connections: Mayan Women’s Quest
for a Gendered Spirituality 195
Morna Macleod
11. Decolonizing our Spirits: Cultural Knowledge and
Indigenous Healing 217
Renee Linklater
Suggested Reading 233
About the Editor and Contributors 241
Index 245
Introduction: Perspectives
of Indigenous Religious
Traditions from the Americas,
Asia, and Australia
Sylvia Marcos
T
he field of indigenous religions is commanding increased attention
from scholars of religion in a variety of cultural contexts. It is of great
significance that increasingly serious efforts are being made to un-
derstand indigenous religions as valid expressions of belief. In fact, such a
turning point has become an ethical imperative. For centuries, indigenous
religions have indeed been reduced to the “primitive,” “primal,” “native,” and
“animistic” (not to mention the terms “heathen,” “superstitious,” and “irra-
tional”). An initial step toward recognizing other worldviews in their own
terms and acknowledging the epistemic specificities of indigenous religious
beliefs was reached in the work of some scholars such as Ninian Smart.1
According to Jonathan Z. Smith2 such categories as “primitive,” “native,” or
“animistic” are part of the “history” of the study of religions. The first meth-
odological problem in the study of indigenous religions is the construction
of the category of religion itself by historians of religion, still under debate
among scholars.
Not all religions function in the same way. Indigenous religions are in-
deed quite complex, vary from society to society, and have been affected
considerably by change. Since naming, defining, and conceptualizing these
traditions is and will remain problematic, it is better to regard any definition
vii
viii INTRODUCTION
as a working definition.3 Graham Harvey, in Indigenous Religions, makes the

same point: “[Even if ] it is possible to find considerable common ground that
justifies the label [indigenous religions] . . . we will not forget that it remains
an imprecise tool, a broad category and a wide generic term.”4
Other scholars follow David Carrasco’s proposal that “when dominated
peoples choose and select from materials transmitted to them from the dom-
inant and [also from] the indigenous cultures, their creative work is always
incomplete and open-ended. I am emphasizing this point to encourage histo-
rians of religions to give greater value to the creative possibilities of incomplete,
open-ended contact zones and narratives” [emphasis in the original].5
It is an interesting fact that the first use of the term “religion” to de-
scribe indigenous forms of worship is to be found in the writings of the
Spanish friars who came to Mesoamerica. J. Z. Smith cites nobody less than
the conquistador Hernán Cortés and the letters he wrote to the emperor in
1520, as well as the learned Jesuit Joseph de Acosta, who, between 1590 and
1604, wrote a Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias.6 Although the conquer-
ors and the friars denounced the natives’ practices that they encountered as
“pagan,” they were nonetheless able to recognize a religion—or religions—in
the complex social organizations and highly elaborated rituals that they met
in the New World. It remains that, in most contacts with the inhabitants of
Asia, Africa, or the Americas, the European colonizers first refused to grant
the status of religion to the native’s practices and beliefs.
The relevance of studying indigenous religions is heightened by the
exciting challenge they offer to prevalent—Western—academic concepts
of and approaches to religion. It is important to advance some analyses
and propose insights on methodological approaches to multicultural re-
ligious categories. Ethnographers and anthropologists can contribute
further with what has been called an “engaged and embattled dialogical
anthropology.”7
Indigenous religious traditions are mainly oral traditions. Texts, even
if they exist, are not at the core of their belief structure. If we try to sys-
tematize the religions that are transmitted through oral traditions with the
methods used for systematizing religions rooted in textual traditions, we will
distort and misinterpret them. Historical and textual methods presuppose
a fixed narrative as a basis for analysis. Oral traditions are fluid, flexible,
and malleable. The subtle shifting and changing of words, metaphors, and
meanings easily slip through the “text” cast by historical and textual analy-
sis. New methods are needed to capture a tradition that is in continuous
change.
Some classical or typical characteristics of oral transmission within indig-
enous religions are: the use of redundancy as a means for the re-membering
of traditions, the metaphoric use of parallelism, the formulaic structure of
Introduction ix
songs and stories, the power of words and utterances that call reality into
being, and the indissociability of myth and history. For a deeper development
of how these processes shape indigenous religious traditions, please refer to
my book Taken from the Lips, in the bibliography.
Narratives and stories need to be kept in their integrity because they are
the “method” for transmission. We can find these aforementioned character-
istics exemplified in several of the chapters of this book, especially with the
stories from Australia, Peru, and Mexico. As an unwritten code of regula-
tions, tradition is the transmission of beliefs, rules, customs, and rituals by
word of mouth, and has nonetheless a regulating power that is often more
persuasive than written law and texts.
It is especially in religions that depend on oral performance and rituality
for their permanence and transmission that women play a prominent role.
They preside over rituals, preserve but also re-create traditions.
I consider that to approach respectfully and rigorously indigenous reli-
gious traditions in Asia, Australia, and in the Americas, we must propose a
shift in methodology for their study. First of all, careful ethnographic methods
are crucial for the study of indigenous religions. Some of the particularities
of these traditions that will become evident in the analysis of the materials
selected to form this volume are the concepts of nature and of the Divine,
in which a merging of transcendence and immanence occurs. Another trait
common to most indigenous religions is a belief in a bidirectional flow of
spiritual forces between the realm of the deities and human existence.
Metaphors are the selected vehicles for conveying hermetic meanings,
and beliefs are articulated implicitly rather than explicitly. Besides, the utter-
ance of certain words is considered efficient and powerful in itself.
In the chapters on Shamanism in South Korea and Vietnam as well as
on autochthonous religious practices and healing in Meghalaya (Northeast
India), we find that the same definition is pertinent. On the other hand,
Catholicism—as a colonizing enterprise—has permeated deeply into the in-
digenous traditions in the Americas. There is hardly any possibility of sepa-
rating pure indigenous traditions from Catholic rites, images, and symbols.
In the Americas, we prefer to delve deeper into those epistemic character-
istics of the native religions that set them radically apart from the Christian
paradigm. These indigenous traditions or forms of “spirituality,” as they are
called by the indigenous people themselves, are alive today, and remain dis-
cernible, especially through those characteristics aforementioned.8
The description of the transformations of indigenous religions that
do not occur through conversion, hybridization, or commodification, but
through their own internal metamorphoses and migrations, that is, through
their own processes, is our main purpose in this volume in the series Women
and Religion in the World.
x INTRODUCTION
NOTES
1. Smart, Ninian, Worldviews: Cross-Cultural Explorations of Human Be-
liefs, New York: Scribner’s, 1983, pp. 2–3.
2. Smith, Jonathan Z., “Religion, Religions, Religious,” in Mark C. Taylor
(ed), Critical Terms for Religious Studies, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago
Press, 1998, pp. 269 – 84.
3. Olupona, J., “Beyond Primitivism: Indigenous Religious Traditions and
Modernity,” in Religious Studies News, Bulletin of the American Academy of Re-
ligion, Nov. 1996, p. 16.
4. Harvey, Graham, “Introduction,” in Graham Harvey (ed), Indigenous Re-
ligions, London, New York: Cassell, 2000, p. 7.
5. Carrasco, David, “Jaguar Christians in the Contact Zone,” in Jacob
Olupona (ed), Beyond Primitivism, Indigenous Religious Traditions and Moder-
nity, New York, London: Routledge, 2004, pp. 128 –38.
6. J. Z. Smith, op.cit., pp. 269–70.
7. Mannheim, Karl and Tedlock, Dennis, 1995, cited in Kenneth Mor-
rison, “The Cosmos as Intersubjective: Native American Other-Than-Human
Persons,” in Graham Harvey (ed), op.cit., p. 24.
8. Marcos, Sylvia, Taken from the Lips: Gender and Eros in Mesoamerican
Religions, Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2006, pp. 109 –19.
PART I
Women, Family, and

Environment
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CHAPTER 1
Ngarrindjeri Women’s
Stories: Kungun and Yunnan
Diane Bell
There is a whole ritual in weaving, from where we actually start, the cen-
tre part of the piece, you’re creating loops to weave into, then you move
into the circle. You keep going round and round creating the loops and
once the children do those stages they’re talking, actually having a con-
versation, just like our Old People. It’s sharing time. And that’s where our
stories are told.
—Aunty Ellen Trevorrow 2007
ALL WE NEED IS IN OUR STORIES
H
ow are stories told? Who gets to tell them? Who gets to listen?
What happens when the spoken word is written down and may
reach a wider audience, an audience not necessarily bound by the
cultural rules of the storyteller? Ngarrindjeri take their stories seriously. Sto-
ries sustain and structure the Ngarrindjeri social world; explain the mysteri-
ous; provide a secure haven in an otherwise hostile world; bring order to and
confer significance on relationships amongst the living; hold hope for future
generations; and open up communication with those who have passed on.
Stories of cultural life recall the creation of the land, of the seas, rivers, lakes,
and lagoons. They tell of the differentiation of species and of languages.
They spell out the proper uses of flora and fauna. These are stories of human
frailty and triumph, of deception and duty, of rights, responsibilities and
3
4 WOMEN AND INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS
obligations, of magical beings, creative heroes and destructive forces. Every-

thing has a story, but not everyone knows every story. Nor does everyone have
the right to hear every story, or having heard it, to repeat the words.1
In many diverse ways—some highly visible, some almost invisible—
Ngarrindjeri women and men care for country. This care is all part of being
proud of Ngarrindjeri culture, past, present, and future. Knowing the stories,
passing on the stories, and being a storyteller are ways that Ngarrindjeri care
for country. This is what Ngarrindjeri miminar (women) had to say:
We have to keep our culture alive.

We want access to our special places, our lands and our waters.
We need to be able to protect our places, our ngatji [totems], our Old
People and restore damaged sites.
We want respect for our land and our water and we want to pass down
knowledge.
Respect is a core Ngarrindjeri value: respect for country, stories, the El-
ders, the Old People who have passed away. The respect system sets out the
proper way of behaving: it specifies who may know what, when, and in what
detail. The code is strictly followed and constantly reinforced. Of their grow-
ing up, older miminar say: “We listened to our Elders. We didn’t question
them. We wouldn’t have dared. We waited to be told.” Younger people dem-
onstrate their respect for their Elders in their daily behavior. They defer to
their Elders and never address them by a first name without prefacing it with
the appropriate kin term. Violating the respect system brings shame. In this
way “shame” reinforces the respect system. “Shame is an aspect of your miwi
[inner spirit] telling you things, letting you know what’s right and wrong.”
The stories of the Old People guide younger generations; the recount-
ing brings sorrow and joy. The stories told here are ones that are owned;
that highlight key aspects of caring for country; that emphasize how ngatji
(totems), ruwi (country), miwi (inner spirit), weaving, bush tucker and medi-
cine, care for children and care for country are interwoven in Ngarrindjeri
identity. The women are concerned that the stories are kept alive. “If we
Elders die, then who passes on our culture, heritage, and stories? We need
to look after our Elders with proper health care and housing and we need
culturally appropriate ways of recording our stories of the past and present.
We need to be telling those stories to young people,” Aunty Margaret Dodd
insisted. “Telling stories helps me know where I fit into things and who I’m
allowed to boss around and who can boss me around,” said Aunty Eileen
McHughes.
Younger women are aware that there is much to learn of Ngarrindjeri
ruwi and culture from their Elders. They asked:
Ngarrindjeri Women’s Stories 5
What was it like for Mum and Dad when they were growing up?
Tell me the good and the bad.
How are our families related?
What bush tucker did you eat?
Here are three stories, told by Ngarrindjeri Elders, explaining how they
care for country.
AUNTY LEILA’S STORY

The story of the funeral for Aunty Leila Rankine (1932–1993) is one
that is told over and over. Aunty Maggie Jacobs (1920–2003), defender of
her culture, storyteller, and singer extraordinaire, speaks with respect and
authority of the day her sister-in-law’s ashes were scattered on the Coorong.
While working with the Ngarrindjeri women on the application to se-
cure protection for their sacred places on Kumarangk (Hindmarsh Island)
under the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage Protection Act 1984,
and while they were explaining to me how ngatji— variously translated as
friend, totem, countryman, protector—bring messages, I asked for more de-
tails about ngatji. This is how Aunty Maggie told the story to Aunty Veronica
Brodie, Leila’s younger sister, and me in 1996.
I’ll tell you about ngatji, that totem. You know it was Leila’s wish to come
down and have one last look at all the countryside before she died. Well,
the pelican is her ngatji. We brought Leila from Camp Coorong to Rauk-
kan, and we had a bit of a service for Leila there. And when we went to go
off, to leave Raukkan, and we came down to the ferry and, you know that
little jetty at the Raukkan, there’s always hundreds of pelicans, you know,
they’re always sitting there. Una? [Isn’t it?] We started to come across but
there were no pelicans. You see them in the water swimming, see them
sitting, four of them sitting there. But that day there wasn’t a pelican to be
seen. We come along to the ferry and just before we pulled into the ferry,
one pelican was sitting there, and he just looked in and we had the win-
dow open, and he, only one pelican, he just looked in to Leila and he went
like this with his wings. [Aunty Maggie folds her arms in and out across
her chest.] You know, three or four times, and Veronica said to her sister,
“Leila, look, he’s saying goodbye to you.” And that is exactly what he was
doing, you know, he was saying goodbye. And Leila said, “Yeah.”
Then, after she died, and we were having a service at Pelican Point,
one pelican flew over, flew right over us, the group that was on the bank
there. And Lizzie Rigney said, she said, “Oh look,” she said, you know,
“There’s Aunty Leila, or old Granny Koomi [Leila and Veronica’s mother]
or somebody like that” because that’s their ngatji. Anyway, after we fin-
ished the service and we got to the ranger boat to come down to Ngarlung
and then all of a sudden there was another pelican. You usually see them
in the dozens you know, but this time there was only one pelican, Una?
[Isn’t it?], other than the one that flew over us when we started off, there
was one pelican, and when we got in the boat, the ranger boat. The peli-
can flew low on the water, like this, right in front of us. [Aunty Maggie
swoops with her arms.] It skimmed.
One pelican flew right in front of us, took us right over to where we
were. When we got off at Ngarlung the women were singing the hymn,
“God be with you.” I carried Leila’s ashes. Veronica and I went to walk up
and we found it a bit hard, you know, because the sand was a bit heavy.
And Tom [Trevorrow] said, “No, it’s not the place; it’s down further.” There
was only a few of us, those that were pretty close to Leila, and we started
off again. And this one pelican, just the one pelican again, he was just
almost touching the water and he flew right up, right to where we buried
Leila, to where we put Leila’s ashes, then he disappeared, see. All right,
then that was all right. You know, Roslyn Milera, Leila’s care person, she
couldn’t get over it. But we know what happens. Una, Veronica? That’s the
ngatji, you see. Our animals tell us everything.
By coming home to be buried, Aunty Leila made a statement about

whose country it was and who should care for it. Future generations are
being taught how to read the story, the significance of the single pelican lead-
ing the way; to remark on the spiritual associations with country; to watch
the behavior of ngori (pelican) and other ngatji; to see themselves as part of
this world. When the Old People were returned to their country in 2006, and
the pelicans led the way to the reburial site on the Coorong, Aunty Leila’s
story was recalled.
The only way Aunty Leila could be buried on her country was to have
her ashes scattered. There are no official cemeteries in the sand dunes of
the Coorong. The site to which her kin were led by the pelican was a favorite
Wilson [Veronica and Leila’s father line] lookout, with full oversight of the
spiritual breeding grounds of ngatji, and far enough back from the edge so
that erosion would not disturb the place. Uncle George Trevorrow explained:
“She said this is where the meeting of the fresh and salt waters began. So
that’s why we brought Aunty Leila here. That was her wish and we carried it
out. Aunty Leila is here.”
Aunty Leila Rankine is remembered as a storyteller, poet, speech-maker,
and fighter for the rights of her people. Her poems tell of her feelings for her
country and the importance of her spiritual ties to the area. In her poem,
“The Coorong” she wrote:
Oh the spirit of the long ago

And guardian of the past
As I stand beside your waters
My soul knows peace at last.
—Leila Rankine (c. 1980)
With the lack of water in the Murray-Darling system to flush the river,
lakes and Coorong, and increased salinity—the Southern Coorong is now
saltier than the Dead Sea—the ngori [pelican] breeding grounds are shrink-
ing. This ngatji is no longer thriving in its own ruwi. The stress on the ngatji
echoes the stressed ruwi and stressed people.
AUNTY ELLEN’S STORY

Aunty Ellen Trevorrow is a cultural weaver. “It’s a meditation,” she says.
Her work has been exhibited at home and abroad. The getting of the rushes
(Cyperus gymnocaulos), the preparation, the working, and the teaching are
core activities that connect Aunty Ellen to her ruwi. At various times over
the last decade Aunty Ellen has told her story of growing up on the river, of
moving to the Coorong, and has shared her feelings about the country. She
worries about the well-being of the land. She grieves the damage done to her
country. “When I went across to Kumarangk [Hindmarsh Island] for the first
time,” Aunty Ellen explains, “I was with my Elders and I felt it in my tummy,
all stirred up, and I cried. And that’s when I believed what my Elders were
saying about the island being sacred women’s business. When I went home
that night and told Tom, he said that it was my miwi speaking to me, so it’s
true.”
Here is Aunty Ellen Trevorrow’s story.
I was born at Raukkan, Point McLeay, and then I was taken with my
grandmother to live at Murrunggung [Brinkley], that’s just this side of
Wellington, so we were at the tail end of the River. I grew up there until
the age of 11. Everything was so plentiful. It was a beautiful area and it
still is today but then my grandmother would take us fishing. We’d fish, up
and down. She’d spin. We’d fish for some nice pondi [Murray Cods] and
row them up to Wellington and sell them. We’d go down to where Lake
Alexandrina and the River meet, to where we call “Leeches.” My grand-
mother would fish there and she would also go up and collect the thukabi
ngartheri [turtle eggs] to take back. We experienced a lot of the Lake there
and the River and where the River and Lake meet. That was my lifestyle
with my grandmothers, right up to the age of 11. It was a beautiful area to
us but when I go back up around the river area now, the river is going in a
bad way. The fish, the birds, it’s all in a bad way.
Basket weaving was all around me as a child, but it wasn’t my mother
or grandmother who taught me. They said I needed to have an education,
a white education. The welfare department would take children away if
they didn’t go to school. So I missed out on a lot as a child, but in my late
forties my mother started to pass on important cultural information to me
because we were running Camp Coorong. I was taught weaving by Aunty
Dorrie Kartinyeri [née Gollan], around 1980 at a workshop that was ar-
ranged by the South Australian Museum with Steve Hemming and Aunty
Dorrie. She was an Elder and I always thanked her for teaching me weav-
ing. I enjoyed weaving, because I reminisced on my life, my childhood and
my grandmother, my family and the basket weaving. From then on, I was
teaching the basket weaving and my first class was a Year Nine at Menin-
gie. I’ve been teaching ever since and working toward exhibitions.
The rushes like fresh water and a lot of considerate farmers leave them
so we have supplies. I move around and just thin out the good places.
I’m finding it very hard down our end close to the Coorong because there
was a lot there, but the salt water table is taking over. We need fresh
water. Sometimes along the roadside, because it’s not on the farmer’s
property, but just where the water runs off the road, the rushes are grow-
ing very nice, and you’ll see someone picking them. But I move around
in a cycle. I pick and move and let the other lot grow. They grow very
quick. Later I can return when the young ones have come up again. You
can see where I’ve been.
My Nanna Brown made baskets to sell or to make trade for some cloth-
ing or something for us. After the age of 11, I moved to Bonney Reserve
with my mum. I did my schooling at Meningie and straight from school
I went into a family with my husband Tom Trevorrow. He was working for
a fisherman at the time and we would eat a lot of fish. My life is based from
Murrunggung to Meningie and that’s where I still am today, here with my
family, weaving. It’s cultural weaving because I use the same rushes that
my Old People used—it’s the three-pronged type of fresh water rushes.
There’s a lot of different types of rushes, but this is one that was used
because it lasts a long time. Weaving is not just something I do to make
money. I don’t sell a lot. I work toward exhibitions. I love teaching. I love
sharing the basket weaving.
Aunty Ellen Trevorrow, eldest daughter of Mrs. Daisy Rankine, is named

after Nanna Ellen Brown, the daughter of Margaret “Pinkie” Mack whose
stories and songs were recorded by anthropologists Ronald and Catherine
Berndt in the early 1940s (Berndt, C. 1994a; Berndt et al. 1993). Pinkie
Mack’s mother, Louisa Karpany could remember the early white explorers
who came into her country. Aunty Ellen makes these connections for the
next generation: “Every time we go past Murrunggung, I tell the same story.
Luke gets sick of it. Una? But if there is a new face in the car, I tell it again.
I share with the nieces and nephews. ‘This is where Nanna collected rushes,’
I tell them. ‘It’s an honor to pick rushes where Nanna picked them.’ ”
Ngarrindjeri weaving is visible in the early European record of settle-
ment in South Australia. In 1833, explorer Charles Sturt (1833, p. 155) de-
scribed the circular mats on which women sat. In the 1840s, artist George
French Angas (1844, 1847) drew them. In the 1870s, the Rev. George Taplin
(1873, p. 43) wrote of women’s weaving and mentioned they had mats to sell.
In a 1915 photograph of “Queen” Louisa Karpany, there are baskets of the
design now made by her great, great granddaughter Aunty Ellen Trevorrow.
In a 1927 newspaper article about Granny Ethel Wympie Watson, we read
of how the “gift of a beautifully made basket made in green and red rushes
indicated that this primitive [sic] art is still being practiced” and of how the
reporter talked with Granny Ethel Wympie Watson about the old times “of
corroborees we had both witnessed and of the subsequent lavish suppers
provided by my mother. ‘Those were the days,’ said Ethel furtively wiping
away a tear.” (E.S.A. 1927). Baskets such as these are on display at Camp
Coorong and Ngarrindjeri miminar continue to demonstrate their skills and
knowledge with their weaving.
Aunty Ellen Trevorrow:
The thing is now, is today, I’m a weaver. The rushes are a part of our
culture that the land provides for us. The land is already salting up, and
pesticides are ruining our rushes. We have to travel a long way today to
collect our freshwater rushes for weaving. To go and collect the rushes
where my grandmother collected her rushes, there’s nothing there. There
isn’t any. It’s a really big change in our environment and it’s very important
to look after it. We’ve got to look after it, especially for our children. If you
look at us now, what are we leaving behind for our children? What are we
leaving behind?
The River is in a bad way. Now there’s talk about a weir down the end,
there past Wellington at Pomanda Island. What’s our direction? It’s very
important for us to look after what we’ve got because we’re leaving some-
thing behind. Like I said with the rushes, I’m looking all the time; I’m
coming right over to Strathalbyn, to collect rushes. That’s saying enough
just for the rushes, let alone the fish and the birds we caught around our
area. There were nice size fishes.
When I first moved to the Coorong, I thought, “Hey, look at this!” The
environment was so good because where I had been living, the land was
cleared. And then to go down to the Coorong, down at Bonney Reserve,
there was lots of everything. There was a big difference, but now there are
big changes. What I mean, I moved here when I was 11, I spent my life
there on the River, it was beautiful, there was lots of everything. On the
Coorong, there was lots of everything, but what do we have now?
What is our direction?
Where are we going?
What are we leaving behind?
There’s our young ones, our children and their children.
We’re all of an age. I’m talking of ages about what I’ve experienced. We
have to put things right for our young ones. It’s most important. I feel re-
ally bad when I hear us arguing about one bit of water. What about looking
after the whole river?
Uncle Tom and Aunty Ellen Trevorrow bring their knowledge of their
country and their concerns to their work at Camp Coorong (Hemming 1993).
They say: “We teach our Ngarrindjeri basket-weaving techniques. We tell of
our stories relating to the land, waters, trees, plants, birds and animals—
people call them our Dreaming stories. They are our way of life, our survival
teaching stories.”
AUNTY EILEEN’S STORY

Aunty Eileen McHughes had many opportunities for hearing stories
from her Elders and learning about the country first hand while living with
her extended family at the Three Mile Camp at Tailem Bend and holiday-
ing at the One Mile Camp at Meningie. The eldest of eight siblings, Aunty
Eileen traces her family line through her father to Old Kropinyeri who died
in 1875; through her mother’s father’s line to Old Gollan (1817–1877); and
through her mother’s mother’s line to Adeline Sumner (1890–1932), born on
the Coorong. These are important Ngarrindjeri lineages. Her mother died
when the youngest child was only five and Eileen became the one who told
the stories. “This was before television,” Eileen’s younger sister, Vicki Hart-
man, says, “Eileen shared with us. We’d sit around yunnan. She’d tell us
about the mulyawongk hole at Tailem Bend and not to swim until the dande-
lions had died off—otherwise you’d get sick and turn yellow.”
Here Aunty Eileen McHughes tells of the mingka bird, the messenger
of death. It is a story that many Ngarrindjeri know, but Aunty Eileen is one
of the few people who has seen the bird.
Down at the One Mile Camp at Meningie, I guess I was about 11 or

12. I remember Aunty Marj Koolmatrie and Bill, Aunty Tingie and Nulla
[Richards], Jean Gollan [Neville Gollan’s mother], Granny Rosie from
Kingston way, Aunty Pud and Uncle Mervyn, Uncle [George] Walker and
his wife, George Johnston and Aunty Thora Lampard [mother of George
and Tom Trevorrow] were all there. It was getting towards evening and all
us kids we were playing outside, running through the bushes and scaring
each other, when we heard this noise. We knew it was a bird, but we didn’t
know what kind of bird it was. The Old People just gathered us up and
popped us inside. They even covered the windows up. It was a mingka
bird. The next day we knew something had happened because they had
begun crying, and it wasn’t crying like we cry. It was wailing and it went
on all day and half the next.
Then, when I was about 12, it was when we had moved up to Tailem
Bend, and I was going down to the River for a swim. I walked past the
trees going down and something caught my eye. I felt a little bit scared
but I was nosey and wanted to know. I went back and parted the leaves
and there was this little bird. The face looked almost human, it had ac-
tual, real eyelashes. People really think I’m weird now [in telling the
story]. Dad came looking for me. When we walked back up the cliff,
I told Dad about the bird and showed him. He said it was a mingka bird.
Previously, I thought the mingka bird was a mopoke, but it’s not. It’s dif-
ferent. It’s a grey bird. The one I saw was about the size of a Murray
Magpie. When I close my eyes I can still see it. When you go up to a bird
it usually flies away. I know not many people have seen it but I’m sure
about what I saw.
They told me when it cries like a baby, a baby dies. When it cries like a
woman, a woman dies, and when it is a deeper sort of cry is when a man
dies.
We were taking a break from the workshop, sitting outside in the weak
winter sun and Aunty Eileen began talking about her ngatji. The tiger snake
is Aunty Eileen and Aunty Vicki’s ngatji on their father’s side. They tell stories
of a tiger snake, attracted by the music from the vibrations of an old wind up
player, coming up from the river. “It was at the Three Mile Camp. We had a
big tarp on the ground and the women were washing and yarning. The snake
came right up to the tub.” Eileen has many stories about snakes. “Grandfa-
ther Mike told us about one of his uncles putting a rag in a snake’s mouth,
pulling out the fangs and stitching up the lips.” Then there was a brown
snake that chased one of the grandchildren at Camp Coorong. “Just over
there,” says Aunty Eileen pointing beyond where we are sitting. And there
are stories of putting a snake under your shirt to keep it warm. Aunty Eileen
explains: “I was taught the tiger snake was my ngatji on my father’s side and
the huntsman spider is our ngatji on our mother’s side. We were taught to
have respect, not to harm our ngatji.”
The Ngarrindjeri miminar’s stories provide a framework for thinking

about the future. This is what they had to say:
Our ngatji need protection. We can’t just get up and move. This is our
place.
There are special places where we can show our kids Ngarrindjeri ruwi
and keep our culture alive, teach them about bush tucker and bush medi-
cine. There are places with long uninterrupted histories of Ngarrindjeri
care, places where we can fish on the Coorong, the ocean. Places like
Bonney Reserve, Warnung (Hack’s Point), Raukkan. Places where we col-
lect rushes.
We’d like to visit the Three Mile Camp at Tailem Bend, the One Mile
Camp at Meningie and tell younger ones about what life was like there.
It is good to visit the Granites, the 42 Mile, Boundary Bluff, but trans-
portation can be a problem.
Aunty Eileen recalls being taken on the back of a truck from Tailem
Bend to the Lakes to fish. Some would be cooked and eaten there and some
would be taken home. The women are sad that today they can’t get to some
of their places. In some places, developments and subdivisions along the
river and lakes have restricted Ngarrindjeri access to favorite camping sites
and resources.
We used to go to Leeches for turtle eggs.

Where can we go to gather bush tucker?
Where can we gather pelican feathers to make feather flowers?
Where can we gather swan eggs?
We want access to our traditional food, to the material resources we
need for events like for NAIDOC [National Aboriginal and Islander Day
Observance Committee] Day and cultural events.
Aunty Ellen and her granddaughter, Ellie Wilson, talk about times they
have been collecting cockles. “It was February this year [2007]. We crossed
the Coorong, near Hack’s Point, that’s the narrowest part, and walked to the
ocean side where we got cockles. We returned at Parnka Point and Tom met
us in the car. Tanya led the way across the Coorong. She’s in front, guiding
us across, and Hank is leading the group through the water. I was waiting on
the shore with the others. We had a girl who couldn’t do the walk and Tanya
came back and helped us across.” Ellie talks about dancing for cockles to
bring them up and demonstrates by swirling. When asked where she learned
the cockle dance, Ellie says, “With my family.” Aunty Ellen smiles, “They’re
always alongside us. I’ve got photos of Luke and Joe doing the same thing.”
THE KUMARANGK STORY

The dedication of Ngarrindjeri miminar [women] to caring for country
came to national attention with the struggle to protect sacred places in
the Kumarangk (Hindmarsh Island), Goolwa, and Murray Mouth areas.
Telling the story is painful.2 The legal history is tortuous, the ethnographic
facts contested, the media reporting uneven. The reality for the Ngar-
rindjeri is that their personal lives have become public property and the
knowledge of their Old People has been challenged and treated with disre-
spect. Healing is needed but it will take time and resolve along the lines of
the February 13, 2008, Apology to Australia’s Indigenous People by Prime
Minister Kevin Rudd (2008) to write “this new page in the history of our
great continent.”
Perhaps, at some future date, it may be possible to write this “new page”
without reference to the various legal proceedings that probed the authen-
ticity of the claim by the Ngarrindjeri women who brought two applications
under the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage Protection Act, 1984
(Heritage Act). Perhaps not, as some legal narratives have wider circulation
than others.3 Here is an outline of key moments in matters Hindmarsh.4
1994: The first Heritage application. The proposal to build a bridge from
the mainland at Goolwa across the channel to Kumarangk to service a ma-
rina on the island was opposed by a number of groups (environmentalists,
local residents, unionists). However, it was the Ngarrindjeri women, who
believed that the building of the bridge across those waters would desecrate
their sacred places, and the men who were supporting them, who took deci-
sive legal action and fought until they exhausted all legal remedies available
to them. A 25-year ban, the maximum possible under the Heritage Act, was
placed on development of the site. The ban was short-lived. It was set aside
on technical grounds: Robert Tickner, then minister of Aboriginal Affairs had
not read all the documents, but rather had respected the restrictions placed
on two appendices to the report of Cheryl Saunders (1994). Aunty Doreen
Kartinyeri had reluctantly agreed to write down part of the sacred story she
knew and have it placed in a sealed envelope labeled “TO BE READ BY
WOMEN ONLY.”
1995: The Royal Commission. The restriction was not honored for
long. The so-called secret envelopes were brandished in federal Parliament
in March 1995 by Ian McLachlan, then minister for the environment and
member for Barker, a district that takes in Goolwa and Hindmarsh Island
(see Fergie 1994, 1996). A group of Ngarrindjeri women spoke out say-
ing they did not know the story about “women’s business” (Wilson 1998).
The Royal Commission heard from these women but Aunty Dodo, as the
late Doreen Kartinyeri is fondly known, refused to appear before the Royal
Commission and in her absence, she and the other applicants were found
to have fabricated beliefs to thwart development on Kumarangk (Stevens
1995).
At the time, Aunty Ellen Trevorrow said, “I believe in my Elders and
I love them for what they’re doing and I’m sorry that all of this has happened
this way for my Elders because it’s drained us all.”
1996: The second Heritage application. As soon as the findings of the
Royal Commission were known, a second application was lodged but the
Mathews Report (1996) was set aside in mid-1996 when the High Court
ruled that the appointment by the commonwealth government of Justice
Jane Mathews, a federal court judge, as the person to report on the Heritage
application was ineffective.5
Victor Wilson of Murray Bridge paid tribute to the women in his 1996
song that was first sung at Amelia Park, Goolwa, the site of many protests
and the site of the Ngarrindjeri Embassy.
My clan woman sister,

We owe so much to you,
You’re our mother, our aunty, our grandmother too,
You’re a stateswoman, freedom fighter, defender of our
land.
My clan woman sister, we stand in awe of you.
1997–1998: Hindmarsh Island Bridge Act 1997. This piece of common-

wealth legislation said that sacred sites could be protected anywhere but on
Hindmarsh Island. The Ngarrindjeri High Court challenge to this legisla-
tion brought in the High Court by Doreen Kartinyeri and Neville Gollan
failed because the court held that the government could pass laws and the
government could amend laws.6 From this perspective, the new law was
not discriminatory, simply an amendment of an existing law. The outcome
for the Ngarrindjeri applicants was that Australian law had failed to protect
places sacred to women. The Ngarrindjeri applicants had not had their day
in court.
1997–2001: The Compensation Case.7 Federal court Judge von Doussa
heard from all parties to the dispute: those who knew the story and believed
that Kumarangk was sacred to women; those who contested the existence and
content of the knowledge; anthropologists, historians, and museum men; a
federal minister; and a law professor. There was rigorous cross-examination.
The hearings ran from December 1999 to March 2001 and produced thou-
sands of pages of transcript and hundreds of exhibits.
Judge von Doussa found Doreen Kartinyeri to be a credible witness:
“I am not prepared to find that her evidence about the circumstances in
which she received the restricted women’s knowledge from Auntie Rose,
and about the knowledge itself, is a lie” (von Doussa 2001, para 310). Aunty
Dodo used to say, “What was my intent? Why would I have lied about my
culture? No one ever asked me that.” It seems that it is easier to construct
the women as liars than to come to terms with their passionate commitment
to care for their country.
How to explain the finding of fabrication in 1995? In his Reasons for
Decision delivered on August 21, 2001, von Doussa (para 12) wrote:
The evidence received by the Court on this topic is significantly different

to that which was before the Royal Commission. Upon the evidence be-
fore this Court I am not satisfied that the restricted women’s knowledge
was fabricated or that it was not part of genuine Aboriginal tradition.
This vindication of the Ngarrindjeri offered some comfort to those who

had been labeled liars but came too late to stop the bridge. It was built and
opened to traffic on March 4, 2001. As foretold, women became ill.
In the course of the Royal Commission, the term “secret women’s busi-
ness” became the brunt of sexist, racist, and deeply offensive jokes. The
Ngarrindjeri fight for their ruwi,8 their country, became an inquiry into wom-
en’s ruwar, their bodies. The relationship between body and land is marked
in the language—ruwar is the plural of ruwi—and is evident in Ngarrind-
jeri beliefs and practices about their ngatji as their friend, country-man and
totem. As we heard in Aunty Maggie’s story of the scattering of Aunty Leila’s
ashes, ngori (pelican) led the way. Her ngatji brings her ruwar home to her
ruwi on the Coorong.
A number of women at the forefront of the struggle have passed away.
“I really miss her,” Aunty Ellen said at Aunty Veronica’s funeral on May 11,
2007. “She was such a support for us all.” Aunty Veronica was a respected
Elder, a trailblazer in the formation of many community initiatives and or-
ganizations. In her book, My Side of the Bridge, Aunty Veronica wrote: “It’s
been a long-drawn-out process and a lot of hurts have been brought out with
it, and a healing process needs to start now among the women”(Brodie 2007,
p.143). For her, the Old People are still on the island and “the spirits still
walk the island. You cannot take away the fact that the Ngarrindjeri women’s
business did take place on Hindmarsh Island” (p. 144).
Now there is a generation of young women who have come to maturity
during and since the struggle to protect Ngarrindjeri places on Kumarangk.
Any discussion that takes up the issue of the safety and integrity of women’s
bodies is likely to evoke bitter memories of the struggle to protect their sa-
cred places on Kumarangk. The stories are being kept alive. The Ngarrindjeri
Regional Authority (NRA) is the indigenous governance body with whom all
future developers will have to deal. The tragedy of Kumarangk must never
be repeated.
A STORY OF PRACTICAL RECONCILIATION

In September 2002, an excavation that was part of the Goolwa wharf re-
development project desecrated the burial site of a Ngarrindjeri mother and
child (Hemming and Trevorrow 2005). Ngarrindjeri knew their Old People
had been buried on the site. They had said so during the struggle to pro-
tect Kumarangk. The site was listed by the South Australian Department of
Aboriginal Affairs and Reconciliation. But the approach of members of the
Alexandrina Council had been that the site was part of the colonial history
of the river. Goolwa was a river port to be redeveloped: this was where the
wooden boats festival was celebrated. In their view, Ngarrindjeri interests
had been washed away. It seemed that little had changed since the bridge—
only meters away from the redevelopment—had been built. The Ngarrind-
jeri could have taken legal action against the Council. Instead, after a month
of intense negotiations, they chose to lead by example; to bring members of
the Alexandrina Council into their world of caring for country, stories, and
Old People by negotiating an agreement.
The Kungun Ngarrindjeri Yunnan (Listen to Ngarrindjeri Talking)
agreement signed on October 8, 2002, by the Alexandrina Council and the
Ngarrindjeri was a step toward rebuilding trust. In the letter of apology the
Alexandrina Council wrote:
To the Ngarrindjeri people, the traditional owners of the land and waters
within the region, the Alexandrina Council expresses sorrow and sincere
regret for the suffering and injustice that you have experienced since colo-
nization and we share with you our feelings of shame and sorrow at the
mistreatment your people have suffered . . .
We are shamed to acknowledge that there is still racism within our
communities. We accept that our words must match our actions and we
pledge to you that we will work to remove racism and ignorance.
(Bell 2008: 22)
By saying sorry for the wrong that was done, acknowledging the Ngar-
rindjeri as the traditional owners of the land and showing respect for their
culture, the Alexandrina Council has engaged in what the Ngarrindjeri lead-
ership terms an act of “practical reconciliation.” But the story does not end
there. The Old People whose grave had been desecrated had to be laid to rest
according to Ngarrindjeri law. On October 17, 2002, with proper ceremony
and support of the local council and state government, the Ngarrindjeri re-
buried the woman and child. In so doing, Ngarrindjeri Old People became
part of the renegotiated landscape of a major rural town (Hemming and Trev-
orrow 2005, p. 255).
FUTURE STORIES
Ngarrindjeri miminar’s stories offer insights concerning their priorities
and cautions regarding how best to proceed. They need access to their places
to gather materials, to be at peace in the home of their forebears, to be able
to teach their children and grannies (grandchildren). They need to be able to
share the stories of their places under conditions of their own making. They
have a contribution to make on issues such as the increased salinity of the
waterways and its impact on their ngatji, many of which are now endangered
or displaced. “It is,” as Aunty Ellen teaches the next generation, “an honor
to pick rushes where Nanna picked them.” “We were,” Aunty Eileen empha-
sizes, “taught to have respect, not to harm our ngatji.”
NOTES
I gratefully acknowledge the permission of the Ngarrindjeri storytellers to repub-
lish their words which first appeared in Listen to Ngarrindjeri Women Speaking
(Spinifex Press, 2008). This book was based on four workshops I conducted
with Ngarrindjeri women at Camp Coorong (South Australia) between June and
October 2007 where issues of “ownership” of stories and protocols regarding
who may tell what stories and under what conditions were negotiated. Thanks
to Spinifex Press, Adelaide, Australia, for permission to publish materials from
Listen to Ngarrindjeri Women Speaking, Diane Bell (ed.), 2008.
1. See Bell 1998, p. 45. The poetics and politics of Ngarrindjeri storytell-
ing have been explored at some length, particularly in the context of Kuma-
rangk (Hindmarsh Island), but also with reference to exhibits and publications
regarding Ngarrindjeri culture (see Bell 2001; Clarke 1995, 1996; Department
of Education 1990; Hemming et al. 1989; Mattingley and Hampton 1988; Pear-
son 1998; Simons 2003).
2. The case pitted women who claimed they did not know the story of the
sacred places against those who knew the story (Brodie 2007; Wilson 1998).
The authenticity of the story was further contested in the media (Brunton 1999;
Kenny 1996; Simons 2003), by anthropologists (Bell 1998, 2001, 2008; Fergie
1994, 1996; Hemming 1996; von Doussa 2001), in the courts (Mead 1995;
Stevens 1995; von Doussa 2001), parliament (Saunders 1994; Mathews 1996),
and the museum (von Doussa 2001).
3. The “Lies. Lies. Lies.” headline of the Adelaide Advertiser of Decem-
ber 22, 1995, has wide currency. Reporting of the von Doussa decision was
more muted.
4. See Fergie 1994, 1996; Saunders 1994 re the first Heritage application;
Hemming 1996; Mead 1995; Stevens 1995 re the Royal Commission; Bell 1998;
Simons 2003 re the second Heritage application.
5. Dorothy Anne Wilson and Ors v. Minister for Aboriginal Affairs, High
Court of Australia, September 6, 1996, challenged the ability of a Chapter III
judge to report to the federal minister under the Heritage Act. It was not that
the court thought Justice Mathews was not impartial but that there could be
an appearance that the judge, appointed by the minister, would be acting as his
agent.
6. Kartinyeri v. Commonwealth (‘Hindmarsh Island Bridge case’) (1998) 195
CLR 337.
7. The Chapmans sued the Commonwealth and others for compensation
for delays in building the bridge. Their appeal against the decision of 2001 was
dropped in 2002. Judge von Doussa’s findings stand uncontested. See Thomas
Lincoln Chapman and Ors v. Luminis Pty Ltd, 088 127 085 and Ors, Federal
Court of Australia, No. SG 33 OF 1997.
8. Also spelled ruwe; ngatji also spelled ngartji.
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Poppy Publishing.
CHAPTER 2
Feminine Rituality and the

Spirit of the Water in Peru
Frédérique Apffel-Marglin
F
or Marcela Machaca, a native Andean woman from the community
of Quispillacta in the high Andes and an agronomist (one who studies
soil management, land cultivation, and crop production), the festival
of Yarqa Aspiy in her community is carried out together with the water and
the other beings of the other-than-human world. For her and others in her
community water is not a “natural resource”; it is alive, a being that sings and
speaks, a being whose birthday is celebrated. Water is one of many beings in
her world. Although university instruction taught her to identify water as a
natural resource, she refused this knowledge.
Natural resources did not always exist. The idea of nature as inert and
there for the taking, a prerequisite for the emergence of the specific no-
tion of natural resources, came into being at more or less the same time as
modernity did, in 16th- and 17th-century Europe. This event was a momen-
tous one; momentous because it became a worldwide phenomenon, diffused
through modern education. The products of modernity may have penetrated
into the most remote corners of the world, but its adherents, its believers,
are overwhelmingly those who have received a modern education. The more
ardent the belief, the higher the degree received, in general. Yet, some two-
thirds of the world population is comprised of indigenous, peasant, and other
traditional peoples whose cosmovisions are not that of modernity, and for
whom the phrase “natural resources” is alien.1 Among this social majority, the
other-than-human world has not died. It has not become an inert material
21
mechanism, lying around for our exclusive use, but continues to be alive
with spirits, powers, deities of all kinds with whom people reciprocate and
converse, spirits and deities with whom one must share the bounties of this
world.
Assuming that such a consciousness is a magical or more simply, a meta-
phorical mode of thought representing a prescientific archaic stage in human
evolution is a perspective taken from within the paradigm of modernity. It is
one that shares modernity’s basic assumptions about the nature of reality.
This chapter approaches the issue of humans speaking with the water
from a standpoint that does not take the assumptions made by modernity
about the world for granted. This is no simple enterprise since I am a thor-
ough product of modern education. Being an anthropologist does not en-
sure my ability to step outside its basic framework. Anthropologists have
commonly interpreted natives’ beliefs in spirits as a metaphorical form of
thought. My approach begins by listening to the voice of an Andean native
woman from the indigenous community of Quispillacta in the central Peru-
vian Andes, Marcela Machaca.2 Her voice is highly unusual. She is the first
generation in her family and community, to go to university. What is unusual
here is that her long years of study failed to convert her to the modernist
worldview. This was not due to her inability to comprehend her course of
study; quite to the contrary, since she was at the top of her class.
Listening to her voice is intended to make us transition into the world
of her community by making us aware of our (that is our modern) taken-for-
granted assumptions. Her life story will allow us to empathize and hopefully
understand why she ultimately rejected what was taught to her. By the end
of her story, we may be ready to let her be our guide in the second part of
the essay. The second part is a description of the festival of the water in her
community based mostly on Marcela Machaca’s and her siblings’ own pub-
lished writings. In this part we are plunged in the very nonmodern world of
the inhabitants of the high Andean community of Quispillacta. Here again
we are invited to not stand on the sidelines as detached observers but rather
to enter vicariously into the world of Yarqa Aspiy, the festival of the water in
Quispillacta, feel its pulse, hear its songs.
The third part of the chapter is in my own voice. There I recapture how
natural resources came into being. I recognize how and why we forgot that
natural resources were invented at a certain time and place. I explore why
the spirits disappeared, why they died. It is a complicated story that I briefly
summarize. Remembering is the first step we need to take to realize that the
world bequeathed to us by the advent of the scientific revolution is not the
world as it really is but rather the world as it was invented for certain pur-
poses by certain people. I am not thereby inviting us on a road to discover
Feminine Rituality and the Spirit of the Water in Peru 23
what the world really is but rather to make us aware that such a journey is
impossible. Remembering is the first step in realizing that there are choices
that kill the spirits and with them the waters, soils, animal and plant species,
the air, our souls, among others, and that there are choices that nurture these
instead.
With this effort, hopefully we will once again learn to nurture the spirits
of the water, the soil, the minerals, the air, the plants, the animals, and ev-
erything that accompanies us in this world. We need to reverse the dying of
the waters, of the soils, of the species, of the air, of everything, for the sake
of the world, for the sake of our souls.
A NATIVE ANDEAN WOMAN’S TRAVAILS WITH

MODERN EDUCATION
In 1975, when I was a little girl and had finished elementary school, my
parents and all their children migrated to the city of Ayacucho. We were five
related families of one ayllu [this is a local kin group that also comprises all
the other local non-human beings, houses and other human-made things]
with 10 children entering high school in the city. This was a time when
development had come to our community in a big way. Various development
projects, originating from the Agrarian Faculty of the University of Ayacucho
through its extension programs as well as from a Swiss development proj-
ect (COTESU) reached Quispillacta in the 1960 and 1970s. They brought
chemical fertilizers, pesticides, improved pasture land, and so on. These pro-
fessionals of agronomy trained many community members to become promot-
ers of scientific agriculture in our community. My father became one of these
promoters. My father gave my own chacra [cultivated field] to be used as an
experimental plot by the agronomists. I remember clearly as a child that I did
not plant in it what we normally ate such as corn, beans, and Andean root
crops. Rather we used urea, a lot of agrochemicals and we planted hybrid
seeds in the chacra. In our pastures where we fertilized our native grass spe-
cies with chemicals, the grass grew tremendously tall. Now, conversing with
my father, we tell each other what a mad venture this all was.
What struck me then was the attitude of the professionals who came to
teach these technologies and these practices, which were said to have uni-
versal validity. These professionals possessed the solutions and the families of
Quispillacta, who were pressured to abandon their own ways of doing things,
had to adopt the professionals solutions. One of the professional agronomists
in charge of a project later became the dean of the Agrarian Faculty where
I studied and where I defended my thesis. All the professionals were arrogant
and aloof; they knew it all and bossed the promoters around telling them
what to do with the other Quispillactinos. These memories of my father as
an agricultural promoter in projects of rural development have impacted me

deeply and stayed with me.
In those years, my father used to tell us children: “you have to study to
become agronomists. You must go to the University and become professional
agronomists.” However, I think that what my father had in mind was not for
us to acquire the arrogant attitude of professional agronomists. Rather, he
wanted us to learn how to improve our potatoes, our crops. He wanted us to
help our community, not become arrogant professionals, not look down on
the native people. Later, I better understood his motives for having his chil-
dren become professional agronomists. It was because one is the target of a
great deal of scorn. There is a great deal of aggression aimed at native life, and
for the migrants to the city, such as we were, the aggression is very strong and
one way to not be victimized was to become a professional agronomist.
So I began my university studies in a technical institute that trained pro-
fessionals in agronomy and animal husbandry. I had set for myself the clear
goal of finding ways of somehow supporting our community. I spent five years
in this institute but when I graduated I had not found what I was looking for,
namely a way of relating to our own way of life, the life of the chacra. I only
learned technical questions, formulas such as how much fertilizer is needed,
how many seeds, how many inputs, and the like. Therefore, I left the Institute
disappointed. Then I was admitted to the Agrarian Faculty at the University
in Ayacucho. My sister Magdalena and I entered the Faculty of Agronomy at
the same time. We got our degrees after five years of study. I graduated first
in my class and got a prize for being the best student. I mention this, so that
my subsequent choices are not viewed as stemming from a lack of ability in
agronomy. In spite of this, I did not succeed in satisfying what I was looking
for in the University. I was not able to find answers to the questions I had put
to myself when I entered the University . . .
As a member of my community [comunera] I have my own experience of
living in the community, and the knowledge I lived with is for me extremely
valid and important. For example, let us take the case of a sign, a plant whose
state tells me that in that year, there will be a lot of rain and this knowledge
will enable me to have good crops. One does not find reference to this type of
sign in any course; nowhere in the University do they teach that such a sign-
plant can teach you how to cultivate crops. Quite the contrary, they teach you
to see things separately: the plants separately, the soil separately—not even
the whole plant but parts of plants, segmented, very separate. Whereas, in the
community, plants are sacred, and we focus on a more holistic approach.
During the first two years of University study, I learned basic science, such
as the carbon cycle, photosynthesis and the like. It was not possible to talk
about the native communities’ practices, such as the signs. Nowhere was An-
dean agriculture or the native farmers mentioned; rather the talk was of a
lovely agriculture system with tractors, pesticides, and about when a plant
does not grow properly one has to use hormones, accelerators, inhibitors, all
these things. Whenever one wants to, one can accelerate the harvest, just
when one desires it, wills it.
After graduating, the work of writing a thesis and its subject matter re-
mained. My sister and I decided to reject all the research methodologies we
were taught and to do it in our own way, even including Quechua words.
This would have nothing to do with the technical type of work required of
an agronomist. When we presented our proposed thesis project, they wanted
us to transfer into the department of anthropology & sociology. Our profes-
sors were very disappointed. Because we had been such good students, they
expected us to become efficient agents of development. They used to point
us out as examples for other students. After that, they never again used us
as examples to other students. However, since we had been such exemplary
students, our proposal was finally accepted. They were curious to see how we
would carry out the project . . .
For the thesis work, my sister and I went back to our community to col-
lect knowledge, testimonies in Quechua as well as in Spanish. I did my
work based on Quispillactinos’ testimonies. The time for the thesis defense
arrived. There was a great deal of anticipation: how would we defend an in-
defensible thing, without graphs, statistics, without a scientific method? De-
fending something that existed, that was alive, I was not afraid. I defended
with a great deal of cheek [frescura], in the Andean manner. The dean of
the Faculty of Agronomy was there and so was Professor Valladolid. Fortu-
nately, by the time I finished the thesis, several of the faculty had attended
the PRATEC course on Andean Culture and Agriculture and the topic was
being discussed. The faculty was divided between a pro-Andean agriculture
faction (led by Prof. Julio Valladolid) and a pro-science faction. At the end,
the dean asked why I distanced myself from my peers, from my professors who
loved me so much, and became something that was no longer an example
for others at the University. He said: “you have shown the knowledge of your
community; we know that you have been a brilliant student; of what use is
this going to be to you?” What I understood him to say to me is the following:
how will the knowledge imparted to you at the University serve you to carry
out cultural affirmation? Since the necessity for cultural affirmation was the
conclusion of my thesis. I answered him in what I thought was a diplomatic
fashion, namely that the knowledge of the University would not be of use
in my work of cultural affirmation. He took my answer as a total rejection.
With this “no” my professors concluded that all that they had taught me was
thrown overboard. One of my professors got very angry. He said that this
type of student should no longer be admitted in the University and that we
did not deserve the degree. This created great difficulties when our younger
brother Gualberto wanted to start his studies there. We had to fight for him.
This professor had done his studies in the US and said “how is it possible
that at the end of the twentieth century you talk about native knowledge
and about ritual?” He wanted to take away my degree. He said that I was
ruining the reputation of the professional agronomists of Ayacucho, who
were highly valued in the professional market and putting in jeopardy their
market value. How could I throw away everything the faculty of agronomy
taught? I understood clearly that the training at the university is to make us
into efficient agents of development.
We had returned to our community after 1987, during the period of vio-
lence [due to Shining Path and the Army] and were carrying out work for our
thesis. From the projects of development that started in the 1960s, nothing
remained. Many irrigation channels, reservoirs and other things are left as
witnesses to these projects of development. My sister Magdalena and I also
tried then to find out why there were so many development efforts and why
they did not work. We began working with our own relatives. One of the first
things we did was to document how these development efforts in the com-
munity had eroded the soils, the seeds, life in general, and the whole of the
culture. A central activity of ours became acting for the return of traditional
seeds, the return to the community’s own wisdom, and centrally, a return to
the practice of rituals. Eventually we and our other siblings as well as some
friends from Quispillacta created the non governmental organization Asocia-
cion Bartolome Aripaylla (ABA). All of us in ABA have done the PRATEC
course. Magdalena and I were the first; the others followed. We carry out this
work now within ABA.
The narrative illustrates that science—in this case the science of

agronomy—and its various applications in the form of rural development
schemes, scorns Andean ritual agriculture for being backward, obsolete,
and inefficacious. None of the 24 faculties of agronomy in Peruvian univer-
sities teach Andean agriculture. A remarkable fact since the Andes are one
of a handful of world centers where agriculture first emerged and is recog-
nized as one of the regions of the world with the highest level of biodiversity
in cultivars (Kloppenburg 1988). Marcela, her sister Magdalena, and her
brother Gualberto’s refusal to entertain the suggestion to shift into depart-
ments of social sciences such as anthropology or sociology is emphatic.
They are agriculturalists, and agriculture—along with animal husbandry
and herding—are the principal activities of native Andeans. Their hope in
entering the university was not only to escape the scorn meted out by pro-
fessionals and other university-educated folks toward the peasantry but also
to acquire a knowledge they could use to make improvements in agriculture
and animal husbandry in their communities. This latter goal could not be
attained in departments of anthropology or sociology.
Why the insistence on the part of ABA on rituals? Much of the activ-
ity of ABA consists in revitalizing collective rituals in Quispillacta. Are we
here dealing with a version of the well-known centuries old tension, if not
contradiction, between religion and science inaugurated by Galileo’s trial?
Marcela Machaca in the foregoing words has spoken eloquently of the close
connection between development efforts and science, of development as ap-
plied science. She has also repeatedly associated native wisdom and knowl-
edge with ritual activities. It may be useful, before delving in greater depth
into the specifics of rituals in Quispillacta, to situate native rituals vis-à-vis
established religions in the Andean context. Marcela’s brother, Gualberto
Machaca Mendieta, points out that since 1916 there has been a law in Peru
protecting freedom of religion. However, he maintains that the law is a dead
letter and that all the official religions delegitimize Andean spiritual practices
(G. Machaca 1998, p. 75)
Andean spirituality has been the object of tenacious persecution, first
on the part of the Catholic religion during the colonial period and in the last
several decades on the part of Evangelical sects, which have intensified the
persecution. By their exclusionist attitude, Evangelical sects label Andean
spirituality “mundane” and call the Andean deities “evil spirits” and the like.
Thus, various forms of Christianity have in the past, and some continue,
to persecute Andean spirituality. In particular, many Christians view the be-
lief in the existence of spirits or deities that inhabit the world as blasphe-
mous. Below, we will discuss the origins and implications of the similarity of
attitudes toward Andean ritual agriculture on the part of both developmen-
talists with their reliance on science and various forms of Christianity.
What characterizes Andean practices is that all the inhabitants of the
Pacha—and this includes the rocks, the waters, the sun, the moon, the stars
as well as the plants, the animals and the people—are alive and communi-
cate or converse with the human inhabitants through a multiplicity of signs.
Marcela mentioned a plant-sign; signs can also be animals—their cry, the
number of eggs or offspring in a given season—the brilliance or lack thereof
of the stars, the shape and color of the clouds, the quality of the winds, and
so forth. During certain moments of the agricultural cycle seeds, crops, flow-
ers, the soil, irrigation canals, water sources, and the like are the recipients of
offerings as well as the protecting mountain deities (Apus).
One of the development schemes in Quispillacta had to do with improv-
ing irrigation in the lower parts where every comunero has an irrigated cha-
cra. Many of the ancient earthen canals were lined with cement. The result
is that the water does not reach as far as it used to. In the words of Modesto
Cisnero of Quispillacta:
Before, our grandparents had only earthen irrigation channels, but the
water reached to the place called Puchquyaku, but now that these are
lined with cement the water does not even reach the Soqa chapel, that is
only half as far; it does not even reach far enough for the animals to drink;
instead of more water, there is less.
Before it was a fiesta to bring the water, drinking lots of good chicha
[fermented corn water] at the spring and burying the offering there. Like
that, the water traveled happily and quickly. Now we are ashamed of doing
these things. Pressured by the Evangelical religion, now they drink colored
water instead of chicha, and we clean the channels without enthusiasm;
so with what strength will the water travel? The water too will be lazy. We
have forgotten the Wamanis [sacred ones]; we no longer bring offerings to
the water, neither to the frost or the hail. Because of that they will have
become wild just like when we do not take care of our animals they get
emaciated and die; just like that the Wamanis are lost and forgotten, and
the frost and the hail also. (quoted in Gualberto Machaca 1998, p. 86)
Besides lining the existing irrigation channels with cement, a develop-

ment project also created a small reservoir and cement-lined channels lead-
ing from and to it in a certain location of the irrigated part of the community.
I visited the community with Magdalena and Lorenzo Nuñez of ABA in May
of 1999. The reservoir had only recently been cleared of an overgrowth of
water plants in it. It had not yet been used by anyone, nor had the channels
leading into and from it. Instead, the Quispillactinos had dug earthen chan-
nels that bypassed the reservoir. The official (as opposed to the traditional)
leadership of the community wants to convince everyone to use the reservoir
and the new canals. They fear that a rejection of this small project might
close the door to further projects. ABA’s response has been to support the
enactment of the traditional festival of Yarqa Aspiy, the annual cleaning of
the irrigation channels. This festival has been enacted in full force in the
last few years. It is a major communal event, mobilizing all 1,200 families
(some 5,000 persons) in Quispillacta. Marcela and Magdalena told me that
now everyone participates, including the official leadership as well as those
belonging to Evangelical sects. The only concession the former make to their
religious affiliation is that instead of drinking chicha they drink sodas.
In ABA’s office in Ayacucho, I asked Marcela why ABA promotes rituals.
This is what she told me:
Everything that has to do with agriculture relates to the feelings of the people.
The most important thing is those feelings. Agriculture deteriorates because
this relationship of affinity with nature is being broken; with the soil, the
trees, the water, a relationship of exploitation begins to emerge. This is be-
ginning to happen in Quispillacta. It has its origin in modern agricultural
practices, which separate productive activity from social activity. It begins in
the 40s and 50s but really comes in force in the 60s. What is most important
is to recover those feelings. The evangelicals openly promote individualism.
The festivals are communal and create solidarity and reciprocity. The evan-
gelicals say that these are mundane festivals; any rituals that have to do with
nature they call mundane. They call the Apus and other sacred being demons
and evil spirits. Evangelical religion is a more radical form of Catholicism;
they are fundamentalists. Evangelism entered in Quispillacta between the
60s and 70s with members of the Swiss development project COTESU that
comes in through the Peruvian government. And, with them also came bilin-
gual programs Spanish/Quechua as an evangelizing project. They captured
the allegiance of some leaders. Those who promulgated evangelism and those
who promulgated development were the same persons. It created a great deal
of conflict in the community and it has caused great damage to the commu-
nal rituals.
The conflict became worse in the 80’s with the dirty war which began on
May 18 1980, Sendero Luminoso or Shining Path burnt the electoral urns in
Chuschi (the district head and on the other side of the stream from the town
of Quispillacta; this event was the first act of violence in Peru on the part of
Shining Path). There was an enormous amount of violence on the part of
Sendero and the military. Both sides used the community as a shield. Sendero
gathered all the maestros [shamans] of the community, some eight of them,
and shot them dead. Only one survived, pretending to be dead. This one is
my uncle. Sendero went to get them in their houses and told them to come
and bring along their ritual bundles. They gathered all the people in the main
square to force them to witness the shooting. Before shooting them, they told
their victims to throw their ritual bundles in the fire. My uncle’s bundle did
not burn. For everybody, the question of ritual is difficult to eliminate and a
major danger. It poses a serious obstacle to their actions. The function of the
healers (shamans) is to harmonize the health of the community with that of
nature. It goes much further than simply the health of an individual.
YARQA ASPIY: QUISPILLACTINOS CONVERSE

WITH THE SPIRIT OF THE WATER
Yarqa Aspiy takes place on September 7, inaugurating the planting sea-

son.3 All the families of the territory of Quispillacta gather in the town the day
before. Very early the morning of the seventh, around 5 AM, all the traditional
authorities—husband-wife pairs—as well as the elected official authorities
gather in the municipal building and there they talk about the water, how
the water nurtures all the people, and how the people in return must nurture
the water. This mutual nurturance between the people and the water is en-
acted on a grand scale during the festival. Cleaning the irrigation channels
is nurturing (criar) the water by enabling it to travel. When the water is able
to travel, it is then able to reach all the community’s fields and thus make
the crops grow and nurture the community. The men do the arduous work of
cleaning the channels and the women cook the food that enables the men to
work. Some of the women become the running water, running fast and freely
at one point. At the end, all the young men and women together—in pairs—
dance along the channels, spiraling like water eddies. Women sing the “pas-
sion of the water,” becoming its voice. Some folks are in charge of making
everyone happy, the water as well as the runas (the humans), by performing
funny skits. Without laughter, the water and the people would become sad
and tired; the water would not reach the fields and nurturance would not
happen. After the cleaning is done, everyone feasts.
THE FESTIVAL OF YARQA ASPIY

During the month of September, irrigation water becomes the most be-
loved, pampered being as well as the central deity . . . For certain an-
thropologists, the festival of Yarqa Aspiy is . . . “a cultural presence that
has not yet vanished but is in a slow process of disappearance” (Condori,
1987). However, this is not true. Yarqa Aspiy is more than a festive com-
munal activity, it is all of Andean life in a dense form, making visible the
relationships between all the members of the Andean world. Humans,
water, seeds, stars, etc. all participate in the festival in order to fully re-
initiate life and make it bloom after a period of rest. (Marcela Machaca
1998, 61)
The previous three months, beginning in June—the very cold winter

months in the High Andes—is the period of almost no agricultural activi-
ties. The cattle have been brought down from the highest puna region to the
lower quechua region and people dedicate themselves to bartering products
from one ecological level to another, to building and fixing their houses, and
to weddings. Yarqa Aspiy marks the beginning of large-scale agricultural ac-
tivity. This is how Marcela has written about this festival:
Humans do ayni with the water: humans prepare the path of the water
and the water makes it possible to plant. The water is both a living being
and one who gives life (Grillo, 1991) and because of that it requires care
and love; one of this mode of caring or nurturing is to prepare the path
so that it may travel without complaints and help to plant the corn. Don
Julian Nunez, from the barrio of Puncupata, says the following about the
festival: “Yarqa Aspiy is work, getting tired in the cleaning of the channels
and above all it is joy” . . . We can then define Yarqa Aspiy as the festival
of work and joy; joy being the abundance of food served by the Alvaceres/
Alvaceras, Hatun Alcalde/Alcaleza and the Regidores/Regidoras.
Yarqa Aspiy is first of all the cleaning of the irrigation channels, the
ones that are very old and have always been there; they are from the
grandparents of our grandparents, as Don Alfonso Galindo of the barrio

of Pampamarca told us. These canals continue today to be maintained by
the comuneros through communal work done by the comuneros of all the
12 barrios of the community. The cleaning begins early in the morning
and lasts till about 3 in the afternoon; each work party cleans about two
kilometers of canal. All the comuneros arrive early in the morning and
gather in the plaza of the town of Quispillacta. From there they go in many
work groups to their assigned segment of canal which belongs to their bar-
rio, carrying their hoes and shovels and most of all with great enthusiasm
and joy so as to make the work seem lesser and lighter. One comes to the
communal work with one’s best clothes or with new clothes. All decorate
their hats with the wild matawayta flowers brought from the high moun-
tains by the Sallqa Alcalde . . . All participate in the cleaning: youths,
children, adults and even elders In this world-view, water is nurtured just
like another person and like a person it also has its saint’s day on the 7th
of September of each agricultural year which marks the beginning of the
corn planting in the quechua zone. (pp. 60–63)
Yarqa in the Quechua language means canal and aspiy means cleaning
and/or making a furrow. The authorities in charge of Yarqa Aspiy are the ones
chosen on January 1 for the duration of the year. They are the ones who are
in charge of all the rituals of the community as well as of various commu-
nal tasks for any given year. The authorities are always husband-wife pairs.
Bachelors are ineligible as are widows and widowers or divorced or separated
persons. To be chosen as an authority is spoken of as pasar un cargo, which
can be translated as “taking on a responsibility for a (year’s) time.” These
cargos are rotational and everyone in the community is expected to fill this
responsibility at least once in a lifetime.
There also exists what are called the “official, elected authorities.” These
are individuals—as opposed to husband-wife pairs—and typically male.
Their election fulfills a requirement of the state, which does not recognize
the traditional authorities. They are in charge mostly of the relationship be-
tween the community and the exterior: the state and its various institutions
such as public health and development projects, and this includes the uni-
versity’s extension program, as well as foreign projects.
AUTHORITIES AND THEIR RESPONSIBILITIES

The traditional authorities are collectively referred to as the varayoqs and
they are as follows:
The Hatun Alcalde and the Mama Alcaleza. This husband-wife pair
have passed through all the other cargos and are called father and mother
by all. They are in charge of both feeding and teaching the seven Alva-
ceres/Alvaceras couples who work for them during the whole year. The
feeding is not daily, but takes place during festival times. They teach them
how to be good chacareros (nurturers of the chacra). The Mama Alcaleza
also teaches the Alvaceras how to be good cooks, how to wash clothes,
spin, and take care of the children. The Alvaceras/Alvaceres are supposed
to present themselves in the house of the Hatun Alcalde/Alcaleza around
4 AM when there is work to do. If they fail in this or in any other duties,
they receive the lash (five for the men, three for the women). This way
they learn how to become responsible, moral, comuneros. During their year
of tenure, the Alvaceres/Alvaceras thus learn also how to become elder
authorities, how “to shepherd” the community as it is said.
Two pairs of Regidores and Regidoras. These are two couples that already
have several children and have passed one or preferably two other cargos.
They work with the Hatun Alcalde/Alcaleza. They also have the responsibil-
ity of feeding and teaching the seven Alvaceres/Alvaceras couples that work
for them for the whole year of the cargo.
The Campo Alcalde and Alcaleza. This is a mature couple in charge of
looking after the chacras from planting until harvesting. They are responsible
for seeing that no animals enter the fields while crops are in them.
The Sallqa Alcalde and Mama Sallqa Alcaleza are responsible for the herds
of the community. They must count the animals twice a year, are in charge of
the festival of branding the cattle, see to the health of the cattle, take care of
their illnesses, and appoint the shepherds. They also are in charge of visiting
all the households in the community and see to their cleanliness and orderli-
ness. When this is found wanting, they give out five lashes to men and three
to women in punishment.
Fourteen couples of Alvaceres and Alvaceras. These are recently married
couples that generally do not yet have children. Seven of these couples work
for the Hatun Alcalde and Alcaleza and seven for the two couples of Regidores/
Regidoras. They choose whom they would work with: the Hatun Alcalde/Alcaleza
or the two Regidores/Regidoras couples.
Six couples of Ministros/Ministras who work for the Campo Alcalde/Al-
caleza are also recently married couples.
OFFERINGS AND ASKING PERMISSION

It falls to the Sallqa Alcalde and his wife to gather a species of wildflower
from the puna zone located above 4,800 meters altitude. It is an arduous task.
It takes two days by horse to reach the place where those flowers grow. They
must gather flowers to adorn the hats of every comunero (some 5,000 persons)
during the festival. The task takes one whole week to accomplish. These flow-
ers are extremely important. Without them, the festival would be sad. Accord-
ing to Lorenzo, these flowers are the spirits of the water and they embody the
spirit of the mountain deity where they were gathered.
The night before the festival, the Campo Alcalde and Alcaleza prepare
the pago (the offering) for the water, gathering sacred coca leaves, fruits,
white and red carnations, liquor, and many other things. They meet with
their Ministros and the two waqrapukus. The latter blow on curled horn
trumpets. They all meet around 10 PM and after having set out the various
items in the offering on a mesa (altar), they hold a vigil. In this vigil, they ask
permission of the water to start the communal work. Then, just before the
light of dawn, the Campo Alcalde and whoever wants to accompany him,
walk in darkness upstream where the river water feeds the irrigation chan-
nels. There, they offer the pago to the source of water, after which they bury
it nearby, under a rock.
Meanwhile, in the predawn, all the authorities go to the church to ask
permission of God and the saints, carrying three crosses, which they take
to the municipal building. There the senior authorities kneel in front of the
elected official authorities and ask their permission to carry out the cleaning
of the irrigation channels. They all converse about how the water nurtures
the community and how the community must nurture the water in return,
in mutuality, in ayni. The conversation also bears on how everyone must
behave during the festival, how not to become excessively drunk. A little
drunkenness is a good thing, though; a sign of joy, the feeling at the heart of
the festival.
By that time all the comuneros have arrived, the men carrying their hoes
and shovels for the work of cleaning the canals; the women carrying pots,
pans, and all manner of cooking utensils; they all crowd the plaza. At that mo-
ment, all the authorities, traditional and elected, place their hats on the table
in the municipal building and the Alvaceres/Alvaceras of the Sallqa Alcalde/
Alcaleza place the flowers brought from the high mountains on all the hats
in the form of a cross. They distribute the remaining flowers to all the people
outside who place them on their own hats. The moment is extremely sacred.
Thus sacralized by the matawayta flowers, everyone walks to a small cha-
pel higher up, close to the irrigated fields. There one of the crosses brought
from the church is left and all the official elected authorities kneel in front
of the traditional elder authorities (varayoqs) asking them permission for the
festival as the latter had asked their permission earlier. The voices of the
Mama Alcaleza and the two Regidoras can be heard singing the “passion of
the water” to the sound of the waqrapukus’ horns; here is a small snippet to
give a flavor of the songs:
Crystalline water, dark water

Don’t carry me away
Don’t push me.
Muddy river, blood-red river
Where will you reach?
Where do you have to reach?
You have to reach all the way.
Do what you have to do.
Where you are going,
There I go too.
Where the muddy river goes
There goes the crystalline river,
There I go with you.4
At the moment when some men carry the other two crosses to some of
the barrios, the Mama Alcaleza steals away, running toward her house. When
the Alvaceras realize that she has left, they all run after her. They are the
water flowing, running in the channels; the energy with which they run is
the energy of the water running when it is released in the cleansed channels.
Meanwhile the compadres (godfathers) of all the elder authorities offer bowls
of chicha (fermented corn water) to all the authorities.
The moment has arrived; fortified, all the men go to the irrigation chan-
nels to clean them. The women go to prepare the food that has been brought
from the chacras of the parents and relatives of the Alvaceras. These parents
and their relatives are the parents-in-law of the Alvaceres (husbands of the
Alvaceras) and are their awras (in-laws).
When the work of cleaning the channel is done in the mid-afternoon,
everyone gathers in a cleared field near the irrigated lands to feast.
THE ANTICS OF THE INVISIONES

A group of men impersonate various characters and perform accompa-
nied by musicians. While the men work, they walk from work group to work
group, entertaining people even while they feast after the work is done. I was
fortunate to see a video that Magdalena made of Yarqa Aspiy and I confess
that I laughed so hard at the antics of one of these groups that tears were
running down my face. The topics of those skits refer to historical events that
have deeply affected the community.
A pair of men impersonating a Catholic priest and his sacristan parody
the mass and perform mock weddings and baptisms. In the video that I saw,
the priest, holding an upside down comic strip, chanted in mock solemn
tones a hilarious imitation of the Latin mass while liberally sprinkling people
with a bunch of twigs he kept dipping in a pot containing urine (as I was
told), in mock benediction, shoving people to make them kneel. Meanwhile
the sacristan wildly swung an incense holder with burning dung, smoking
everyone out. I found their exaggerated gestures, tone of voice, clownish
frocks, and other antics hilarious. I simply assumed that this parody was the
people’s revenge for the sordid and brutal history of “extirpation of idola-
try.” However, to my surprise, when I voiced this opinion, everyone present
seemed bemused by my interpretation and insisted that there was no ani-
mosity whatsoever against the Catholic religion in this and that it was simply
meant to make people laugh. I was told that people insist on having the
priest marry them and baptize their children, and that the whole community
comes out devoutly and in force to celebrate the community’s saint’s day, of-
ficiated by a Catholic priest.
Another skit is acted by a group of men dressed up as people from the
lowlands (the Amazonian region), wearing feathers on their heads, head-
dresses and beads. These are called the chunchos. With them are another
group of men whose faces are painted black and who hold wooden ma-
chetes. They mock fight with each other and the black faces appear to slice
the throats and disembowel the chunchos. They are after their fat because
it is said that the Catholic priests need this fat to smear on church bells so
that they will sound better.5
After they eat all the food, and the invisiones have finished, the younger
men and women hold hands and run along the cleared channels where the
water is running fast, singing. At interval, they pause and form muyunas (ed-
dies) echoing the movements of the water. Everyone returns to their barrios,
the men playing guitars and the women singing along with the laughing,
rippling water.
REMEMBERING HOW THE SPIRITS DIED

As Gualberto Machaca points out, Andean spirituality has been the ob-
ject of persecution on the part of both the Catholic Church and the Evan-
gelical Protestant sects. From Marcela’s two narratives, it becomes clear that
developmentalists, both local and foreign, as well as the Maoist Shining Path
are also bent on destroying Andean spirituality. For all of them, Andean spiri-
tuality is seen as a danger, an obstacle to their actions. The state, although
legally committed to the freedom of religious expression, ends up joining
most of these religious groups in its official support of the developmentalists,
particularly the local ones in the state universities.
From these narratives and the description of Yarqa Aspiy, Andean spiri-
tuality means essentially ritual agriculture, ritual animal husbandry, and
the activities on the part of the shamans of healing through harmonizing
humans with the nonhuman world. The world is alive and populated with
sacred beings such as plants, water in its many forms (river, lakes, springs,
rain, frost, hail, etc.), the earth, the stars, and other heavenly bodies, the
mountains, and so on. Among these are also found the Christian God, Jesus
Christ, Mary, and many saints. However, as a shaman explained to me dur-
ing a ritual I participated in, after he had recited a very Catholic sounding
prayer, God is the sun, Mary is Pachamama (the earth), and Jesus is the
moon. Although such explanations diverge greatly among shamans and other
native Andean persons, what they all share is that these Christian figures are
not located in a supernatural realm beyond the Pacha.
Andean ritual activity could be characterized as the mutuality between
the human collectivity and the other-than-human collectivity; very specifi-
cally, the doing of ayni between and among these two collectivities. The
other-than-human world is sacred and it nurtures humans, and humans in
reciprocity nurture all the beings of the Pacha as well as know how to let
themselves be nurtured by them. This is a process that requires humans to
act collectively, in solidarity and in mutuality among themselves, for only
thus can the nurturing of the human collectivity by the beings of the Pacha
be received and reciprocated. In other words, Yarqa Aspiy shows us that the
precise orchestration of human action can only be understood in terms of ef-
ficacious reciprocating action toward in this case, the water, whose birthday
it is.
The language of nurturance [crianza] captures what Marcela underlines
as being the most important thing, namely the feelings humans have for
the beings of the Pacha. The state’s and developmentalists’ language of “the
management of natural resources” is eminently inappropriate in such a con-
text. That is a language reflecting an ontological rift between the human
collectivity and the nonhuman one; a language that captures the hierarchical
and nonreciprocal nature of relations between these two collectivities. This
language conceives of the nonhuman world as nonsentient, nonintelligent,
and not alive. The nonhuman world has become profane, inert, mechanical
“nature.” And, this “nature” defines negatively what it is to have “culture.”
Culture is everything that nature is not. It is all that humans learn and cre-
ate. By definition, nature does not learn, does not consciously create. Nature
only repeats what has already been created, whereas true creativity is the
exclusive domain of humanity (and, of course, the original creativity belongs
to God alone for believers).
The term “natural resources” is inextricably associated with a view of the
world bequeathed to us by the scientific revolution. Modern science emerged
in its final form in the latter half of the 1600s in Western Europe as the most
convincing response to the loss of certainty brought about by the explosion of
new spiritual-cum-epistemological movements in the Renaissance as well as
by the event of the Reformation and its aftermath. The response was at once
epistemological and political and it was successful. The politico-religious
events of the period of the Renaissance and Reformation—corresponding to
the witch hunts—gave rise to a new cultural map of modernity. In this now
globalized map, natural resources are taken for granted as part of something
that has always been there and not something invented by a particular group
of people at a particular time and place.
The use of magic by the oral female peasant healers and herbalists, the
so-called witches, opened them to the allegation that they were practicing
black magic; that they were dangerous persons. They did not restrict them-
selves only to those places and objects authorized by the church as being
efficacious, that is as having inherent agency. From the point of view of the
church, they were thus engaged in superstitious and potentially satanic prac-
tices, that is, in magic.
The 16th and 17th centuries were marked by the violence of the witch
hunts and of the wars of religion. Catholics and Protestants each claimed
to have the One Indivisible Truth and thus came into violent conflict. The
16th century saw no less than eight bloody civil wars in France between the
Protestant Huguenots and the Catholics as well as major religious conflicts
in England. The voice of the tolerant Renaissance Humanists and that of the
more pluralistically inclined occult philosophers was drowned by the fury of
both Protestants and Catholics as well as the raging fires of the witch hunts.
A NEW NONRELIGIOUS CERTAINTY

The Catholic priest Marin Mersenne, close associate of René Descartes
and cofounder of the French Académie, paved the way for Descartes’s dualist
and mechanical philosophy by publishing in Paris his Quaestiones celeberri-
mae in Genesim in 1623. In this work, he devoted particular attention to the
attack on Giorgi’s occult philosophy as well as on that of the English occult
philosopher Robert Fludd and his Rosicrucian movement, both profoundly
influenced by Christian Cabalas as well as by the wise women (the so-called
witches). The historian Frances Yates argues that Mersenne rejected the
nondualist worldview thus appeasing the witch-hunters and strengthening
Descartes’ dualist, mechanical philosophy (Yates 1979, p. 174).
Stephen Toulmin in his book Cosmopolis gives us the context of Des-
cartes’s life.6 Toulmin focuses mostly on the conflict between Protestants
and Catholics and in particular on Henri IV’s assassination and the Thirty
Years War (the international war of religion from 1618 to 1648), both of
which touched Descartes’ life directly. It is, however, vital to include also the
attack on occult Renaissance philosophy and the popular magic of the wise
women and their successful erasure through the witch hunts as part of that
context. Descartes’ dualistic and mechanical philosophy was the antithesis

of that of the wise women and the occult philosophers. It was clear by this
time that a nondualistic, vitalistic philosophy was doomed, as the occult
philosophers were being doomed along with the witches. With the defeat
of occult philosophy and along with it, the cosmology of Europe’s oral peas-
antry, there only remained the two Christian churches with their intractable
insistence on possessing the one truth, locked in an irresolvable political and
epistemological deadlock.
The success of the new mechanistic dualistic philosophy was in great
part due to the fact that, unlike popular practices and occult philosophy,
this philosophy did not challenge either Protestant or Catholic doctrines. It
rather established itself in the epistemological space that they shared. In the
maelstrom of the early 17th century, escaping the wrath of the inquisition
and escaping from the deadlock between the two warring factions of Christi-
anity were not only epistemological moves, but survival tactics. These moves
were eminently political, and as argued by Toulmin, consciously undertaken
to restore the fractured certainty and unity without which Europe could not
imagine itself.
By the end of the 17th century, the end of the scientific revolution—
canonically dated with Newton’s publication of the Principia Matematica in
1687—it was no longer possible legitimately to hold that nature had agency
and sacrality. So much so that Newton assiduously hid his real alchemical
beliefs in which gravity was a sacred and intentional force of nature. By this
time, Renaissance movements such as alchemy, hermeticism, cabala, vital-
ism, Neoplatonism, and elite and popular magic, had been energetically and
violently repressed. Occult philosophers and wise women, the mostly female
practitioners of popular magic, remain the most well-known victims of the
inquisitions of both the Catholic and Protestant churches.7
The defeat of occult philosophy, popular magic, and other Renaissance
movements by both Catholics and Protestants severely constrained the pa-
rameters within which science was to establish itself. In other words, the
nondualist worldviews of Renaissance movements, as well as their pluralism,
became nonoptions.
When the church encountered native societies of the Americas, it de-
clared all their spirits as “demons” or “devils.” This appellation recognized
the agency of these beings of the other-than-human world but declared it to
be an evil one. The church, however, seems to have implicitly recognized the
potency and agency of most of the native sacred places by erecting churches
or installing crosses in those places. In other words, the possibility of aspects
of the nonhuman world having agency was never questioned by the church,
only the specific nature of that agency and its church authorization was
questioned. From the church’s point of view, it transformed the malevolent

local spirits into beneficent Catholic ones.
Today in Quispillacta, Marcela refers to the orientation of those comu-
neros who do keep the rituals as “Catholics.” Indeed, as the description of
Yarqa Aspiy makes clear, the festival is done in a Catholic idiom. The Evan-
gelical sects—a variety of Protestantism—which have swamped the Andes in
the last several decades, are, in contrast, totally opposed to the performance
of such rituals and strictly forbid them to their adherents, threatening them
with hell and damnation.
Of course, Europeans and their non-European emulators, have over-
whelmingly called the creation of an inert, mechanistic and material nature
a milestone on the road to progress. It has and continues to be used as a
justification for the conversion of everyone in the world to this particular
Eurocentric vision of things. The fact that this development is totally un-
precedented and that no other peoples have evolved such views, should, it
seems to me, be a source of self-questioning.
The new scientific language did not infringe on the domain of religion,
a domain that especially since the advent of modernity, is concerned with
the “supernatural,” that is, what is beyond the visible world as well as in
individuals’ personal and private relation to that domain. In other words, it is
a secular language. What Andean practices and languages do—from a Euro-
centric perspective—is to confound fundamental separations such as those
between the natural and the supernatural, between the natural and the cul-
tural, between ritual/spirituality and technology/science, between the divine
and the human, between the secular and the sacred, between the public and
the private and probably more beside.
The dominance of Western Europe worldwide, initiated with the inva-
sion by Spain of the Americas, and the concomitant spread of these ideas
and practices have lent an air of evolutionary inevitability to modernity. This
view has been fostered by the characterization of Western science as being
of universal import. The universal truth of science should progressively en-
lighten the whole world, reaching into its furthermost corners. This view is
forcefully articulated by one of Marcela’s university professors who in anger
exclaimed: “How is it possible that at the end of the 20th century you talk
about campesino knowledge and ritual?” The underlying assumption here
concerns an evolutionary-like inevitability for the spread of Western science
and technology and for modernization in general. The forward march of
modernization, spread by developmentalists and globalizers of all ilk, is per-
ceived as a natural, inevitable process. Marcela told me how often she and
the others in ABA have been called “backwardists,” accused of wanting “to
go backward.” Thus history is conceived of as an inclined plane, a rectilinear
process and all those resisting the inevitability of it are simply unrealistic
dreamers and romantics, doomed to the dustbin of history.
CONCLUSION: NURTURING THE SPIRITS BACK TO LIFE

It is difficult to find appropriate words in modern English that adequately
capture indigenous practices. Both the word “spirituality” and “ritual” in their
current connotations somehow imply that such practices belong to a nonutil-
iatrian, nonmaterially efficacious domain. It is precisely such connotations
that lead to the conviction that indigenous practices are inefficacious in the
material world. Such a view is born out of the assumption that indigenous
people practice their kind of agriculture and other utilitarian activities out
of an irrational attachment to their customs and their traditions, since these
are intertwined with what is perceived as “religious” or “spiritual” (in the ac-
cepted sense of the word) “beliefs.” The word “wisdom” seems to me a better
term because it conveys that the cognitive part is intimately intertwined with
affective, moral, and spiritual dimensions.
The response to indigenous communal rituals such as Yarqa Aspiy is
in the last instance based on the threat they pose, if taken seriously, to the
legitimacy of the separation between religion, government, and science as
well as the denied but implicit collusion between governments and science.
And, for these purposes it does not matter whether the government is liberal,
conservative, dictatorial, or socialist/communist.
For indigenous peoples, the world is not divided between a material re-
ality and a nonmaterial reality. The beings of the Pacha, such as the human
beings, the water in its many forms, the earth, the plants, the animals, the
stars, the sun, the moon, and so forth, all share the same world. Some among
them, on the model of the human authorities who take turns with the com-
munal responsibilities, the cargos, have greater authority. These beings are
concrete, tangible, experienceable, just like the water is during Yarqa Aspiy.
When new beings are introduced into the Pacha, such as for example the
Christian God, Jesus Christ, Mary, and saints, these also become identi-
fied with tangible beings. They lose their supernatural status. The deities or
spirits are not “believed in,” they are experienced; they are conversed with
and reciprocated with. Indigenous people of the Andes do ayni with them,
nurture them as they are nurtured by them, as is shown in the case of Yarqa
Aspiy.
Respecting, nurturing the water means that its ways of traveling is in-
timately known. In the place where the water is deviated to enter the ir-
rigation channels, the stream is surrounded by lush vegetation. In fact, the
whole stream is thus surrounded. These plants are the water’s companions,
its familiars. The water and the plants have an affinity for each other and the
ancient earthen channels are made lovingly, respectfully, so that the water
will not feel abandoned by its companion plants and will travel happily. The
native Andeans’ actions are ever mindful of the respect due to the beings
of the Pacha. The earth, the water, the sun, the seeds, and so on, all that is
needed to provide the sustenance for life is respected.
NOTES
1. See Darell Addison Posey, ed., Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiver-
sity, UNEP, 1999. See Posey, page 4 for a definition of tradition not as indicating
antiquity but a certain manner of sharing and learning knowledge, a knowledge
that as often as not is new.
2. Marcela spoke at the following events: The conference on “Decolonizing
Knowledge: Indigenous Voices of the Americas” organized by Frédérique Apffel-
Marglin and John Mohawk at Smith College, May 5–7, 1995. The conference
on “Mutual Learning in Theory and Practice” organized by F. Apffel-Marglin
and Kathryn Pyne Addelson, Shutesbury, Massachusetts, October 13–15, 1998.
The symposium on “Mutual Learning: Decolonizing Communities” organized
by F. Apffel-Marglin and Kathryn Pyne Addelson, Smith College, October 16,
1998.
3. This description is based mostly on Marcela Machaca’s published ac-
count of Yarqa Aspiy in Machaca et al., Kancha Chacra Sunqulla, 1998: 1–69.
I also visited Quispillacta in May 1999 and gathered clarifying information at
that time.
4. This was sung for me by Marcela Machaca in ABA’s office in Quechua
and she translated it for me into Spanish as well.
5. For a graphic historical account of such practices executed on the boss’s
order by black slaves on indigenous Peruvian Amazonian slaves during the rub-
ber boom in the early 20th century see Søren Hvalkof ’s essay: “Outrage in Rub-
ber and Oil,” People, Plants and Justice: The Politics of Nature Conservation, ed.
Charles Zerner, New York, Columbia University Press, 2000: 83–116.
6. Stephen Toulmin, Cosmopolis: The Hidden Agenda of Modernity, Free
Press, 1990.
7. See Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature, New York: HarperOne,
1990; Morris Berman, The Reenchantment of the World, Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 1981.
REFERENCES
Apffel-Marglin, Frédérique. “Rhythms of Life” in Time in India: Concepts and
Practices, Delhi: Manohar, 2007: 99–121.
Belmont, Nicole. “Superstition and Popular Religion in Western Societies” in
M. Izard / P. Smith, eds., Between Belief and Transgression: Structuralist
Essays in Religion, History, and Myth, Chicago: Chicago University Press,

1982: 9–23.
Berman, Morris. The Reenchantment of the World, Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univer-
sity Press, 1981.
Burke, P. “Historians, Anthropologists, and Symbols” in E. Ohnuki-Tierney, ed.,
Culture Through Time, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990.
Clifford, James. The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography,
Literature, and Art, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988.
Haraway, Donna. [email protected]_Meets_Onco
Mouse: Feminism and Technoscience, New York: Routledge, 1997.
Hvalkof, Søren. “Outrage in Rubber and Oil: Extractivism, Indigenous Peoples,
and Justice in the Upper Amazon” in Charles Zerner, ed., People, Plants, and
Justice: The Politics of Nature Conservation, New York: Columbia University
Press, 2000: 83–116.
Kloppenburg, Jack Jr. First the Seed: The Political Economy of Plant Biotechnol-
ogy, 1492–2000, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.
Machaca, Marcela, Magdalena Machaca, Gualberto Machaca, and Juna Vilca
Nunez, Kancha Chacra Sunqulla: La cultura agrocéntrica en el ayllu Quispil-
lacta, Lima, Peru: PRATEC publication, 1998.
Merchant, Carolyn. The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology, and the Scientific
Revolution, San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1983.
Noble, David. The Religion of Technology: The Divinity of Man and the Spirit of
Invention, New York: Knopf, 1997.
Noble, David. A World without Women: The Christian Clerical Culture of West-
ern Science, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992.
Polanyi, Karl. The Great Transformation, Boston: Beacon Hill, 1957 [1944].
Posey, Darrell Addison, ed. Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity, Nairobi:
United Nations Environmental Programme, 1999.
Scott, James. Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human
Condition Have Failed, New Haven and London: Yale University Press,
1998.
Uberoi, Jit Singh. Science and Culture, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1978.
Valladolid, Julio. “Andean Peasant Agriculture: Nurturing a Diversity of Life in
the Chacra” in F. Apffel-Marglin with PRATEC, The Spirit of Regeneration:
Andean Culture Confronting Western Notions of Development, London: Zed
Books and New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998.
Varela, F., E. Thompson, and E. Rosch. The Embodied Mind: Cognitive Science
and Human Experience, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1991.
Yates, Frances. The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan Age, London: Rout-
ledge, 1979.
P A R T II
Socioeconomics, Politics,
and Authority
CHAPTER 3
Indigenous Spirituality,
Gender, and the Politics of
Justice: Voices from the First
Summit of Indigenous Women
of the Americas
Sylvia Marcos
T
he indigenous women’s movement has started to propose its own “in-
digenous spirituality.” The basic documents, final declarations, and
collective proposals from the First Indigenous Women’s Summit of
the Americas, as well as at other key meetings, reveal an indigenous spiritual
component that differs from the hegemonic influences of the largely Chris-
tian, mainly Catholic background of the women’s respective countries. The
principles of this indigenous spirituality also depart from the more recent
influences of feminist and Latin American ecofeminist liberation theologies.
The participants’ discourses, live presentations, and addresses brought to
light other expressions of their religious background.
Extracts from the book Memoria, First Indigenous Women Summit of the Americas, Funda-
cion Rigoberta Menchu TUM, IAP, 1era edicion, Mayo 2003, Mexico. Used with permis-
sion of Proyecto Andino de Tecnologias Campesina (PRATEC).
45
Drawing on several years of interactions and work with women in Mex-

ico’s indigenous worlds, my intention in this chapter is to systematize the
principles that have begun to emerge from a distinctive cosmo-vision and
cosmology. Religious references to an indigenous spirituality are inspired by
ancestral traditions recreated today as the women struggle for social justice.
The inspiration for their fight for social justice is often anchored in indigenous
beliefs. These beliefs stem from ritual, liturgical, and collective worlds of
worship that, though often hidden under Catholic Christian imagery, reflect
a significant divergence from Christianity, revealing their epistemic particu-
larity. Working, as some authors have suggested, from “cracks of epistemic
differences,” I characterize these groups as undertaking a “de-colonial” ef-
fort. These women are actively recapturing ancestral spiritualities in order
to decolonize the religious universes they were forced to adopt during the
historical colonial enterprise.
The First Indigenous Women’s Summit of the Americas was a United
Nations meeting that took place in December of 2002. It was promoted
and organized by a collective of indigenous international leaders, such as
Rigoberta Menchú, Myrna Cunningham, Calixta Gabriel, and other regional
indigenous women leaders from communities in the Americas. They were
joined by Pauline Tiongia, an elder from a Maori community in New Zealand.
The meeting gathered around 400 indigenous women representing most
countries and many indigenous communities.1 In attendance were women
from remote and isolated places such as the delta of the Orinoco River in
Venezuela, where there are no roads, and the Amazon River basin. Prior to
the summit, the organizers arranged a series of focus groups designed by the
Centro de Estudios e Información de la Mujer Multiétnica (CEIMM) from
the Universidad de las Regiones autonomas de la Costa Caribe Nicaraguense
(URACCAN), Nicaragua’s indigenous university. The focus groups’ meth-
odology aimed at bringing together indigenous women representative of the
whole region to foster discussions on five main areas of interest: (1) Spiritual-
ity, Education, and Culture; (2) Gender from the Perspective of Indigenous
Women; (3) Leadership, Empowerment, and Indigenous Women Participa-
tion; (4) Indigenous Development and Globalization; (5) Human Rights and
Indigenous Rights. The selected women were invited to gather and partici-
pate in several of these preliminary focus groups around the region. Dur-
ing group interactions, they expressed their own thoughts, perspectives, and
experiences concerning spirituality, gender, education, empowerment, de-
velopment, and their relationships to international funding and cooperation
agencies. The groups’ discussions, which were transcribed and lightly edited,
constituted the basic documents for the summit meeting.
The importance of research led and designed by the same subjects-
objects of inquiry cannot be overemphasized. The asymmetrical power
Indigenous Spirituality, Gender, and the Politics of Justice 47
relations between urban women and indigenous peasant women are evident
throughout the Latin American continent. It is urban women who have ac-
cess to higher education, professional positions, and economic resources.
Usually it is they whose voices, proposals, and projects for research find sup-
port. The summit selected its participants from a pool of indigenous women
who are political leaders: senators, regidoras, congresswomen, heads of so-
cial organizations, leaders of political grassroots groups. All these women
had many years of experience exercising political and social influence and
leadership. The summit offered them a space where they could express
their experiences and priorities in their own voices, without the mediations
and interpretations of the area’s hegemonic institutions. One of the main
themes was “gender from the indigenous women’s vision.” This was and still
is a debated issue that has sometimes created barriers between mainstream
feminism and the indigenous women’s movement. I had the privilege of
being invited to be one of the few “nonindigenous” women participants at
the meeting and also a consultant for their gender and empowerment docu-
ments. The organizers knew of my research on early Mesoamerican cos-
mology and activist work, and expressed the desire to hear the opinion of a
feminist who has respect for indigenous cultures.
The theme of indigenous spirituality was transversal and intersected
with every other issue addressed at the summit. It was so prominent that a
study of the documents from the summit, voted by consensus, reveals the
priorities of the contemporary struggles, concerns, and agendas of indigenous
groups in the Americas. The documents set “indigenous spirituality” as an
origin and a motor for the recreation of collectivities and for the emergence
of a new pan-indigenous, collective subject in which women’s leadership is
emerging and potentially growing, defining the women as outspoken, strong,
and clear agents for change.
The term “indigenous women” had no positive connotations as recently
as a few years ago. It had never been used to name a self-constituted identity
by the indigenous peoples themselves. Now it is the token for a collective
subjectivity, a social actor that has been created by the indigenous women
themselves through their political and spiritual practices. As workshop
leader and consultant to indigenous women’s organizations from several eth-
nic groups of Mexico and Latin America, I have witnessed their ties, their
collective identification, and the strength of their spiritual and cosmological
references.
THE MODERNITY OF ANCIENT SPIRITUALITY

The Latin American continent has long been known as a stronghold of
Catholicism. Even today, the Vatican counts Latin America as one of the
regions that boasts the greatest numbers of Catholics in the world.2 Among
indigenous social movements, claiming the right to develop and define their
own spirituality is a novel attitude, yet one that is voiced with increasing
intensity.3 Beyond claiming a right to food and shelter, a decent livelihood,
and ownership of their territory and its resources, the indigenous are turn-
ing an internal gaze toward their traditional culture. They are also daring to
question the most ingrained sequels of Catholic colonization, rejecting the
contempt and disdain with which their spirituality, beliefs, and practices are
held by the Catholic majority. We will see an example of the mainstream
Catholic perspective toward the indigenous peoples in the “Message of the
Bishops to the Summit” below.
In spite of the conflicting perspectives held by scholars and others,
the indigenous social movements are the most visible transformational
force in the Latin American continent (Gil Olmos 2000a). The indigenous
peoples no longer accept the image that was imposed on them from the
exterior. They want to create their own identity; they do not want to be mu-
seum objects. It is not a question of reviving the past. Indigenous cultures
are alive, and the only way for them to survive is to reinvent themselves,
recreating a new identity while maintaining their differences (Gil Olmos
2000b). The work of anthropologist Kay Warren offers insights into the
genealogy of the pan-indigenous collective subject. What Warren calls the
“pan-Mayan collective identity” was forged out of the peoples’ need to sur-
vive the aggressions of the state in Guatemala. As the distinct ethnic groups
were threatened with cultural annihilation, their guides, true philosopher-
leaders, formulated a collective identity drawn from their inherited oral,
mythic, and religious traditions. As Warren explains, the bearers of cultural
wisdom began to set forth an “assertion of a common past which has been
suppressed and fragmented by European colonialism and the emergence of
modern liberal states. In this view, cultural revitalization reunites the past
with the present as a political force” (Warren and Jackson 2002, p. 11).
Whatever the possible explanations for the genesis of this pan-indigenous
collective social subject might be, it engenders a political collectivity, and
one of its central claims is often based on its own self-defined “indigenous
spirituality.”
As for indigenous women, they, too, are claiming this ancestral wisdom,
cosmo-vision, and spirituality. Theirs is a selective process. Issues within
tradition that constrain or hamper their space as women are being contested.
Meanwhile, those that have enhanced their position as women within their
spiritual ancestral communities are held onto dearly, their survival supported
and ensured by the community.
Addressing the Mexican Congress in March of 2002, Comandanta Es-
ther, a Zapatista leader from the southern state of Chiapas, expressed the
concern of indigenous women in this way: “I want to explain the situation

of women as we live it in our communities . . . as girls they think we are
not valuable . . . as women mistreated . . . also women have to carry water,
walking two to three hours holding a vessel and a child in their arms” (Mar-
cos 2005a, p. 103). After speaking of her daily sufferings under indigenous
customary law, she added: “I am not telling you this so you pity us. We have
struggled to change this and we will continue doing it” (p. 103). She was
expressing the inevitable struggle for change that indigenous women face,
but she was also demanding respect for their agency. They—those directly
involved have to be the ones to lead the process of change. There is no need
for pity and still less for instructions from outsiders on how to defend their
rights as women. This would be another form of imposition, however well
meant it might be. Comandanta Esther’s discourse should convince those
intellectuals removed from the daily life of indigenous peoples that culture
is not monolithic, not static. “We want recognition for our way of dressing,
of talking, of governing, of organizing, of praying, of working collectively, of
respecting the earth, of understanding nature as something we are part of ”
(p. 103). In consonance with many indigenous women who have raised their
voices in recent years, she wants both to transform and to preserve her cul-
ture. This is the background of the demands for social justice expressed
by indigenous women, against which we must view the declarations and
claims for “indigenous spirituality” that emerged from the First Indigenous
Women’s Summit of the Americas.
Among the thematic resolutions proposed and passed by consensus at
the First Summit, the following are particularly emblematic:
We re-evaluate spirituality as the main axis of culture. (Memoria, p. 61)4

Revaloramos la espiritualidad como el eje principal de la cultura. (Memo-
ria, p. 32)
The participants of the First Indigenous Women’s Summit of the Amer-
icas resolve: that spirituality is an indivisible part of the community. It
is a cosmic vision of life shared by everyone and wherein all beings are
interrelated and complementary in their existence. Spirituality is a search
for the equilibrium and harmony within ourselves as well as the other sur-
rounding beings. (Memoria, p. 60)
Las participantes de la Primera Cumbre de Mujeres Indígenas de América
consideramos: que la espiritualidad está ligada al sentido comunitario de la
visión cósmica de la vida, donde los seres se interrelacionan y se complemen-
tan en su existencia. Que la espiritualidad es la búsqueda del equilibrio y la
armonia con nosotros mismos y con los demás. (Memoria, p. 31)
We demand of different churches and religions to respect the beliefs
and cultures of Indigenous peoples without imposing on us any religious
practice that conflicts with our spirituality. (Memoria, p. 19)
Demandamos de las diferentes iglesias y religiones respetar las creencias y

culturas de los Pueblos Indígenas sin imponernos ninguna prctica religiosa
que contravenga nuestra espiritualidad. (Memoria, p. 19)
WHAT DOES INDIGENOUS SPIRITUALITY MEAN?

When I first approached the documents of the summit, I was surprised
by the frequent use of the self-elected term “spirituality.” Its meaning in this
context is by no means self-evident and hence needs to be decoded. It has
little to do with what the word usually means in the Christian traditions, in
which I include all denominations. When the indigenous women use the
word “spirituality,” they give it a meaning that clearly sets it apart from Cath-
olic and other Christian traditions that arrived in the Americas at the time of
the conquest and the ensuing colonization:
We indigenous Mexican women . . . take our decision to practice freely

our spirituality that is different from a religion but in the same manner we
respect every one else’s beliefs. (Message from Indigenous Women to the
Bishops, p. 1)
Las mujeres indígenas mexicanas . . . tomamos nuestras decisiones para
ejercer libremente nuestra espiritualidad que es diferente a una religión y
de igual manera se respeta la creencia de cada quien. (Message from Indig-
enous Women to the Bishop, p. 1)
This stance is strongly influenced by an approach that espouses transna-

tional sociopolitical practices. Indigenous movements and in particular the
women in them are being increasingly exposed to a globalizing world. The
presence of a Maori elder at the summit, as well as the frequent participation
of Mexican indigenous women in indigenous peoples’ meetings around the
world, have favored new attitudes of openness, understanding, and coalition
beyond their own traditional cultural boundaries. Through the lens of indig-
enous spirituality, we can glimpse the cosmo-vision that pervades the worlds
of indigenous women.
THE BISHOPS’ MESSAGE AT THE SUMMIT

AND THE WOMEN’S RESPONSE
Reports about the summit’s preparatory sessions, combined with the

public status of its main organizer, indigenous Nobel Peace Prize laureate
Rigoberta Menchú, attracted the attention of the Mexican bishops. They ap-
parently feared that the indigenous worlds, which they regard as part of their
domain, were getting out of control. Moreover, it was not only the indigenous
peoples but the indigenous women who were taking the lead and gaining
a public presence. There were also rumors about so-called reproductive
rights being discussed on the summit’s agenda. Catholic authorities spoke
out against indigenous agitation. They felt pressed to send a message and a
warning:
The Summit touches on indigenous peoples’ spirituality, education and

culture from perspectives such as traditional knowledge, loss and re-
construction of collective and individual identities, and also from indige-
nous women’s spirituality from a perspective totally distant from the cultural
and spiritual reality of the diverse ethnic groups that form our [sic] indig-
enous peoples. (Bishop’s Message, p. 2, emphasis added)
La Cumbre aborda la espiritualidad, la educación y la cultura de los pueb-
los indígenas desde conceptos de conocimiento tradicional, perdida y recon-
strucción de identidad individual y colectiva, asi como espiritualidad de la
mujer indígena, desde una perspectiva completamente alejada de la realidad
cultural y espiritual de las diferentes etnias que forman nuestros [sic] pueblos
indígenas. (Bishops’s Mensaje, p. 2, emphasis added)
This patronizing and discriminatory message was sent to the summit by

the Comision Episcopal de Indígenas, the Episcopal Commission for the
Indigenous. This message is paternalistic throughout. Its tone is one of ad-
monition of and condescension toward the indigenous subject. It assumes
that rationality and truth are the exclusive domains of bishops, who seem to
feel that it is their obligation to lead their immature indigenous women sub-
jects, that is, to teach them, guide them, and scold them when the bishops
think that the indigenous women are wrong. The reader gets the sense that,
to the bishops, this collectivity of women is dangerously straying from the
indigenous peoples as the bishops define them.
The indigenous women’s response, Mensaje de las Mujeres Indígenas
Mexicanas a los Monseñores de la Comisión Episcopal de Indígenas, emerged
from a collective meeting. In this document, the 38 representatives of Mexi-
can indigenous communities expressed their plight in the following words:5
Now we can manifest openly our spirituality. Our ancestors were obliged
to hide it . . . It is evident that evangelization was an imposition and that
on top of our temples and ceremonial centers churches were built. (Men-
saje Mujeres Indígenas, p. 1)
Ciertamente hoy podemos manifestar más plenamente nuestra espiritu-
alidad, lo que no pudieron hacer nuestros antepasados porque lo hicieron a
escondidas . . . Para nadie es oculto de la imposición de la evangelización y
que sobre la espiritualidad y centros ceremoniales se fundaron las iglesias en
nuestros Pueblos. (Mensaje Mujeres Indígenas, p. 1)
We Mexican Indigenous women are adults and we take over our right to
practice freely our spirituality that is different from a religion . . . we feel
that we have the right to our religiosity as indigenous peoples. (Mensaje
Mujeres Indígenas, pp. 1–2)
Las mujeres indígenas mexicanas somos mayores de edad y tomamos nues-
tras decisiones para ejercer libremente nuestra espiritualidad que es diferente
a una religión . . . nos sentimos con derecho a ejercer . . . nuestra religiosidad
como pueblos indígenas. (Mensaje Mujeres Indígenas, pp. 1–2)
We reconfirm the principles that inspire us to recover and strengthen
reciprocity, complementarity, duality, to regain equilibrium. (Mensaje Mu-
jeres Indígenas, p. 1)
Reconfirmamos nuestros principios que nos inspiran a recuperar y forta-
lecer . . . la reciprocidad, complementariedad, dualidad para recuperar el
equilibrio. (Mensaje Mujeres Indígenas, p. 1)
Do not worry, we are analyzing them [the customary law practices that
could hamper human rights], because we believe that the light of reason
and justice also illuminates us, and certain things should not be permit-
ted. (Mensaje Mujeres Indígenas, p. 1)
No se preocupen, las estamos analizando [los usos y costumbres que atentan
contra la dignidad y los derechos humanos], porque también creemos que nos
ilumina la luz de la razón y la justicia. (Mensaje Mujeres Indígenas, p. 1)
This last sentence makes a veiled reference to centuries of colonial and

postcolonial oppression. First the colonizers, and then the modern state, both
with the church’s approval, denied the indigenous peoples the qualification
of gente de razón (“people with the capacity of reason”). Even today, in some
parts of Mexico, this qualification is reserved for whites and mestizos.
As a voluntary, “only listening” participant of this collectivity of 38 Mu-
jeres Indígenas Mexicanas, I paid careful attention to all the discussions.
These speakers of several indigenous languages groped for an adequate
Spanish wording to convey the ideas sustaining their formal response to the
monolingual bishops. At one point, when I was asked directly what I thought
about the use of a particular term, I ventured an opinion. After they dis-
cussed it, they decided not to go with my suggestion. The significance here
is that my opinion was treated not as authoritative, but as simply as worthy
of consideration as any other. In their own classification, I was a “nonindig-
enous” supportive feminist. Fortunately, long gone were the days when an
urban mestizo university woman could impose an idea or even a word.
The women’s discussions were horizontally collective. The women pres-
ent represented the majority of the Mexican ethnic communities. Their na-
tive languages included Nahuatl, Tzotzil, Tzeltal, Tojolabal, Chol, Zapotec,
Mixe, Mazatec, Mixtec, and Purepecha, among others. The gathering was an
expression of the new collective subject that is taking the lead in struggles
for social justice. Notwithstanding traditional ethnic divides among them,

all the women involved chose to emphasize their commonalities and identify
themselves as Mexican indigenous women. Despite some language barriers,
their discussions of ideas and words have stayed with me. They struggled
with Spanish as they forged the language of their text. The editing of the
document took all of us into the early hours of the next day. It was finally
passed by consensus, in which my vote as “nonindigenous” counted as any
other, as it should in a consensus-building process.
In addition to dealing with the constraints posed by the multiplicity of
their languages, the women expressed the deeply pressing dilemma of having
to deal with a religious institution that, in spite of its evangelical roots, has
traditionally been misogynistic, as well as, for the most part, culturally and
ethnically prejudiced against indigenous worlds. The insistence of the women
on being adults (“las mujeres indígenas mexicanas somos mayores de edad”) is
a response to the assumption implicit in the Bishops’ message, namely, that
not only women but also indigenous peoples in general are minors and, as
such, in need of strict guidance and reprimand. The ecclesiastical message
also implies that they, the (male) bishops and archbishops, know better than
the indigenous social activists themselves what it means to be “indigenous”
in contemporary Mexico.
Considering the cautious reverence paid to Catholic authorities by most
Mexicans—whether they are believers or not—the indigenous women’s re-
sponse is a significant expression of a newly gained spirit of autonomy and
self-determination. The women’s declaration, in both tone and content, also
speaks of the erosion of the Church’s dominion over indigenous worlds.
These poor, unschooled women have shown themselves to be braver and
less submissive than some feminist negotiators at a recent United Nations
meeting with Vatican representatives.6
DECOLONIZING EPISTEMOLOGY
Several authors have argued that decolonizing efforts should be grounded
at the epistemological level Mignolo 2007; Tlostanova 2007; Marcos 2005b).
When speaking of the future of feminism, Judith Butler recommends a “priv-
ileging of epistemology” as an urgent next step in our commitments. She
also reminds us that “there is no register for ‘audibility’ ” referring to the dif-
ficulties of reaching out, understanding, and respecting “Other” subaltern
epistemic worlds (Butler 2004).
The following analysis of some basic characteristics of indigenous spiri-
tuality is an invitation to understand it in its own terms. It is an effort toward
widening the “register for audibility,” so the voices and positions of the indig-
enous may bypass the opaque lenses of philosophical ethnocentricity. This
deepening of understanding will facilitate a less domineering and impos-

ing relationship with women not only in society and politics but also in the
spiritual indigenous domains. As an indigenous woman from Moloj Mayib’, a
political Mayan women’s organization, complained regarding her encounter
with feminists:
They question us very much, they insist that we should question our cul-
ture . . . what we do not accept is their imposition, that they tell us what
we have to do, when we have the power to decide by ourselves. (I do not
mean) . . . that the feminist comes and shares tools with us and we are
able to do it: that she could support me, that she can walk by my side . . .
but she should not impose on me. This is what many feminist women
have done, be imposing. (Maria Estela Jocón, Memoria, pp. 274–275)
Ellas insisten mucho en que tienes que cuestionar tu cultura. Lo que no
nos gusta es la imposición, que te digan lo que tienes que hacer, cuando tu
tienes el poder de decidir sobre ti. No es que la otra . . . eminista venga y me
de las herramientas para hacerlo: que me puede ayudar, que puede cami-
nar conmigo, . . . pero que no me imponga. Eso es lo que tal vez muchas
mujeres feministas han hecho, imponer. (Maria Estela Jocón, Memoria,
pp. 274–275)
The opinion of this indigenous woman confirms Gayatri Spivak’s ob-

servation of “the international feminist tendency to matronize the Southern
woman as belonging to gender oppressive second-class cultures” (Spivak,
p. 407).
A WORLD CONSTRUCTED BY FLUID DUAL

OPPOSITIONS, BEYOND MUTUALLY
EXCLUSIVE CATEGORIES
Duality is the centerpiece of spirituality understood as a cosmic vision of
life. Duality—not dualism—is a pervasive perception in indigenous thought
and spirituality. The pervasiveness of a perception without equivalent in
Western thought could, perhaps, in itself largely explain the persistent bar-
rier to penetrating and comprehending indigenous worlds.
According to Mesoamerican worldviews, the dual unity of the feminine
and masculine is fundamental to the creation of the cosmos, as well as its
(re)generation, and sustenance. The fusion of feminine and masculine in
one bipolar principle is a recurring feature of almost every community today.
Mesoamerican divinities themselves are gendered: feminine and masculine.
There is no concept of a virile god (e.g., the image of a man with a white
beard as the Christian God has sometimes been represented) but rather a
mother/father dual protector-creator. In Nahua culture, this dual god/god-

dess is called Ometéotl, from ome, “two,” and teotl, “god.” Yet Ometeotl does
not mean “two gods” but rather “god Two” or, better, “divinity of Duality.”
The name results from the fusion of Omecihuatl (cihuatl meaning woman
or lady) and Ometecuhtli (tecuhtli, man or lord), that is, of the Lady and of
the Lord of Duality.
The protecting Ometeotl has to be alternately placated and sustained.
Like all divine beings, it was not conceived as all purely beneficial. Rather,
it oscillated–like all other dualities—between opposite poles and thus could
be supportive or destructive. In addition, a multiplicity of goddesses and
gods entered into diverse relations of reciprocity with the people. Elsewhere,
I have dealt more comprehensively with the gods and goddesses of the Me-
soamerican cosmo-vision (Marcos 2006). Scholars recognize that the religi-
osity of the entire Mesoamerican region is pregnant with analogous symbolic
meanings, rituals, and myths concerning the condition of the supernatural
beings, the place of humans, and the cosmos. One of our most eminent
ethnohistorians, Alfredo López Austin, refers to this commonality of percep-
tions, conceptions, and forms of action as the núcleo duro, the “hard core” of
Mesoamerican cultures (López Austin 2001).
Duality, defined as a complementary duality of opposites, is the essential
ordering force of the universe and is also reflected in the ordering of time.
Time is marked by two calendars, one ritual-based and the other astronomi-
cal. The ritual calendar is linked to the human gestation cycle, that is, the
time needed for a baby to be formed inside the mother’s womb. The other is
an agricultural calendar that prescribes the periods for seeding, sowing, and
planting corn. Maize (corn) is conceived of as the earthly matter from which
all beings in the universe are made (Marcos 2006). Human gestation and
agricultural cycles are understood within this concept of time-duality, as are
feminine and masculine, but dualities extend far beyond these spheres. For
instance, life and death, above and below, light and dark, and beneficence
and malevolence are considered dual aspects of the same reality. Neither
pole invalidates the other. Both are in constant mutual interaction, flowing
into one another. Mutually exclusive categories are not part of the epistemic
background of this worldview, whose plasticity is still reflected in the way
indigenous women deal with life and conflict. They seldom remain mired in
a position that would deny the opposite. Their philosophical background al-
lows them to resist impositions and at the same time to appropriate (modern)
foreign elements into their spirituality. This fluidity and selectivity in adopt-
ing novel attitudes and values speaks of the ongoing reconfiguration of their
world of reference.
The principle of fluid duality has held indigenous worlds together over the
centuries. It has been both concealed and protected by its nonintelligibility to
outsiders, and it has guarded this “subaltern Other” from inimical incursions
into their native philosophical depths. The hard core of indigenous cultures
has been a well-kept secret. Even today, among many native communities
in the Americas, exposing this concealed background to outsiders is consid-
ered a betrayal to the community.7 It is only recently that the unveiling has
started to be done directly by the indigenous women themselves. From my
position as an outsider, I felt pressed to seek permission of Nuvia, a Tepozt-
lán Nahua indigenous leader, regarding whether I could interview her about
her beliefs, conception of duality, and ritual in the ceremonies of her village.
She accepted but did not allow me to ask my questions without her explicit
previous agreement. Presently, some indigenous women and men are be-
coming vocal carriers of their religious and philosophical heritage and have
agreed to vocalize their heritage, to share it with the outside world.
The people incarnating living indigenous traditions have played almost
no part in the formation of academic theories about their way of life. They
were rarely consulted, but neither did they care to validate or invalidate the
views of the so-called experts who had officially defined their worlds. Silence
was their weapon of survival. Only recently have they learned to use, criti-
cally and autonomously, whatever knowledge has been collected about them.
The women explained that they want to “systematize the oral traditions of
our peoples through the elders’ knowledge and practices” (Memoria, p. 62).
DUALITY AND GENDER

In the indigenous Mesoamerican world, gender is construed within the
pervasive concept of duality (Marcos 1998, 2006). Gender, that is, the mas-
culine/feminine duality, is the root metaphor for the whole cosmos. Every-
thing is identified as either feminine or masculine, and this applies to natural
phenomena such as rain, hail, lightening, and clouds; living beings: animals,
plants and humans; and even to periods of time, such as days, months, and
years (López Austin 1988). All of these entities have a feminine or masculine
“breath” or “weight.” It is evident, then, that this perception of gender cor-
responds to a duality of complementary opposites, a duality, in turn, which
is the fabric of the cosmos. Duality is the linking and ordering force that
creates a coherent reference for indigenous peoples, the knitting thread that
weaves together all apparent disparities (Quezada 1997; Marcos 1993).
The documents from the summit foreground and help to explain the
concept that duality is also a basic referent of indigenous spirituality:
To speak of the gender concept presupposes the concept of duality emerg-

ing from the indigenous cosmovision . . . the whole universe is ruled by
duality: the sky and earth, night and day, sadness and happiness, they
complement each other. The one cannot exist without the other. (Summit
Doc. Género, p. 6)
Everything is ruled by the concept of duality, certainly, men and women.
(Memoria, p. 231)
Hablar del concepto de género supone remitirse al concepto de dualidad
manejado desde la cosmovisión indígena . . . ya que todo el universo se rige
en términos de dualidad: el cielo y la tierra, la noche y el día, la tristeza y la
felicidad, se complementan el uno al otro. (Summit Doc. Genero, p. 6)
Todo se rige en términos de Dualidad, indudablemente, el hombre y la
mujer. (Memoria, p. 231)
Duality is something we live through, it is there . . . we learn of it
within our spirituality and we live it in ceremonies, we live it when we
see that in our families women and men, mother and father take the
decisions. (Candida Jimenez, Mixe indigenous woman, Summit Doc.
Genero, p. 6)
La dualidad es algo que se vive, que se da . . . nos la enseñan en la es-
piritualidad y lo vivimos en la ceremonia, lo vivimos cuando vemos familias
en las que las mujeres y los hombres, el papa y la mama deciden. (Candida
Jimenez, Mixe indigenous woman, Summit Doc. Genero, p. 6)
Yet, despite the reverential espousal of the ancestral concept of gen-

der duality and complementarity, contemporary Indigenous women express
some reticence and even rejection of some aspects of it. Their arguments
are based on how it is lived today in many indigenous communities. For
example, in the document of the summit dedicated to “Gender from the Vi-
sion of Indigenous Women,” Maria Estela Jocón, a Mayan Guatemalan wise
woman, remarks that duality today
is something we should question, it is a big question mark, because as the-

ory it is present in our cosmovision and in our customary laws, as theory,
but in practice you see many situations where only the man decides . . .
mass media, schools, and many other issues have influenced this principle
of Duality so it is a bit shaky now. (Summit Doc, Genero, p. 7)
La Dualidad hoy en día es cuestionante, es un signo de interrogación
grandísimo, porque como teoría existe en nuestra cosmovisión y en nuestras
costumbres, como teoría, pero en la practica se ven muchas situaciones donde
solamente el hombre decide . . . los medios de comunicación, la escuela y
muchos otros elementos han influido para que ese principio de la Dualidad
esté un poquito tambaleante. (Summit Doc. Genero, p. 7)
Alma Lopez, a young indigenous self-identified feminist, who is a regi-

dora in her community, believes that the concept of duality of complemen-
tary opposites has been lost:
The philosophical principles that I would recover from my culture would

be equity, and complementarity between men and women, women and
women, and between men and men. Today the controversial complemen-
tarity of Mayan culture, does not exist. (Duarte 2002, p. 278)
Los principios filosóficos que yo recuperaría de mi cultura son la equidad,
la complementariedad entre hombres y mujeres, entre mujeres y mujeres,
entre hombres y hombres . . . Actualmente esa famosa complementariedad de
la cultura maya no existe. (Duarte 2002, p. 178)
However, beyond the reticence or even outright negations of the con-

temporaneous and lived practices of inherited philosophical principles, the
indigenous women are still claiming them, still want to be inspired by them,
and propose to reinscribe them in their contemporary struggles for gender
justice. They deem it necessary not only to recapture their ancestral cultural
roots and beliefs but also to think of them as a potent resource in their quest
for gender justice and equity.
Today there are big differences between the condition of women in rela-
tion to that of men. This does not mean that it was always like this. In this
case there is the possibility of returning to our roots and recovering the
space that is due to women, based on indigenous cosmo-vision. (Memoria,
p. 133)
En la actualidad existen grandes diferencias entre la situación de la mujer
con relación a la del hombre, no significa que siempre fue así, en este caso
existe la posibilidad de retomar las raíces y recuperar el espacio que le cor-
responde a la mujer basado en la cosmovisión indígena.(Memoria, p. 133)
The summit document dedicated to gender has the subtitle: De los aportes
de las mujeres indígenas al feminismo (On the Indigenous Women’s Contribu-
tions to Feminism). In this portion of the document, too, the women cast
off their role as recipients of a feminism imposed on them by outside forces
and instead proclaim that their feminist vision has contributions to offer to
other feminist approaches. Among their contributions to feminism are the
innovative concepts of parity, duality, and equilibrium. The first paragraph
explains that
some key aspects from indigenous movements have to be emphasized.

They are the concepts of duality, equilibrium and harmony with all the
implications we have mentioned already. (Summit Doc. Genero, p. 31)
[ hay que] puntualizar algunos visiones de equilibrio, dualidad y ar-
monia, con todas las implicaciones anteriormente citadas. (Summit Doc.
Gener, p. 31).
It also proposes
[t]o all indigenous peoples and women’s movements a revision of cultural

patterns . . . with the objective of propitiating gender relations based on
equilibrium. (Summit Doc. Genero, p. 37)
[a] todos los Pueblos Indígenas y movimientos de mujeres indígenas,
revisión de los patrones culturales con capacidad autocrítica, con el fin de
propiciar unas relaciones de género basadas en el equilibrio. (Doc. Genero,
p. 37)
Duality, equilibrium, and harmony are among the basic principles of

their feminist practices. Indigenous women claim that the demands for
equality by other feminist movements could better be interpreted within
their spirituality and cosmo-vision as a search for equilibrium.
EQUILIBRIUM AS GENDER EQUITY

Equilibrium, as conceived in indigenous spirituality, is not the static re-
pose of two equal weights or masses. Rather, it is a force that constantly
modifies the relation between dual or opposite pairs. Like duality itself, equi-
librium, or balance, permeates not only relations between men and women
but also relations among deities, between deities and humans, and among
elements of nature. The constant search for this balance was vital to the
preservation of order in every area, from daily life to the activity of the cos-
mos. Equilibrium is as fundamental as duality itself.
Duality, thus, is not a binary ordering of “static poles.” Balance in this
view can best be understood as an agent that constantly modifies the terms
of dualities and thereby bestows a singular quality on the complementary
pairs of opposites that permeate all indigenous thought (as seen in the sum-
mit documents and declarations). Equilibrium is constantly reestablishing
its own balance. It endows duality with a flexibility or plasticity that makes
it flow, impeding stratification. There is not an exclusively feminine or ex-
clusively masculine being. Rather, all beings possess feminine and mascu-
line qualities in different nuances or combinations. Whether rocks, animals,
plants, or people, all have an imperceptible feminine of masculine “load” or
“charge.” Frequently, entities possess both feminine and masculine capaci-
ties simultaneously in different gradations that perpetually change and shift
(López Austin 1988).
The gender documents were direct transcriptions from the focus group
discussions. The following rich and spontaneous evaluations of equilibrium
express the indigenous manner of conceiving gender equity:
We understand the practice of gender perspective to be a respectful rela-

tionship . . . of balance, of equilibrium—what in the western world would
be equity. (Summit Doc. Genero, p. 6)
Se entiende así la practica de enfoque de género como una relación res-

petuosa, . . . de balance, de equilibrio-lo que en occidente sería de equidad.
(Summit Doc. Genero, p. 6)
Equilibrium means taking care of life . . . when community values of
our environment and social community are respected, there is equilib-
rium. (Memoria, p. 132)
El equilibrio es velar por la vida . . . Cuando los valores de la comunidad,
de nuestro medio social y de nuestro entorno son respetados hay equilibrio.
(Memoria, p. 132)
Between one extreme and the other there is a center. The extremes and
their center are not absolute, but depend on a multiplicity of factors . . .
variable and not at all exact . . . [Duality] is equilibrium at its maximum
expression. (Memoria, p. 231)
Entre extremo y extremo se encuentra el centro. Los extremos de la escala,
asi como su centro, no son cualidades absolutas, sino dependen de multitud
de factores . . . variables y en absoluto exactos . . . [ la Dualidad] es el equi-
librio, en su maxima expresión. (Memoria, p. 231)
Indigenous women refer to equilibrium as the attainable ideal for the

whole cosmos, and as the best way to express their own views on gender
equity.
THE SPIRITUALITY OF IMMANENCE

In the fluid, dual universe of indigenous spiritualities, the domain of the
sacred is all-pervasive. There are strong continuities between the natural
and the supernatural worlds, whose sacred beings are closely interconnected
with humans who in turn propitiate this interdependence in all their activi-
ties. Enacting this principle, at the summit, every single activity started with
an embodied ritual. The women from Latin American indigenous communi-
ties woke up early in the morning. I was given a room on the second floor, di-
rectly above the room of Rigoberta Menchú. The sounds of the early morning
sacred ritual were a reminder that I was hosted, for those days, in an indig-
enous universe. The processions and chants were led by a couple of Mayan
ritual specialists: a woman and a man. We prayed and walked through the
gardens and premises of the hotel where we were hosted. A fancy four-star
hotel that had never witnessed anything like this was taken over by the indig-
enous world. Nothing ever started, at this United Nations protocol, without
rhythmic sounds and chants, offerings to the four corners of the world, of
“copal” (a sort of Mexican incense), fruits, flowers, and colored candles. The
sacred indigenous world was there present with us; we could feel it. It was
alive in the atmosphere and within each of the participants. It was also in the
flowers, candles, and fruits and in the rhythmic repetition of words.
In striking contrast with indigenous spirituality, the dominant tradition

in Christian theology stresses “classical theism,” defined as centered on a
metaphysical concept of God as ontologically transcendent and independent
from the world. This concept of God has met with increasing criticism, par-
ticularly among ecofeminist and process theologians (Keller 2002; Gevara
2001). In indigenous spirituality, the relationship to the supernatural world
lies elsewhere:
The cosmic vision of life is to be connected with the surroundings, and

all the surroundings have life, so they become SACRED: we encounter
earth, mountains, valleys, caves, plants, animals, stones, water, air, moon,
sun, stars. Spirituality is born from this perspective and conception in
which all beings that exist in Mother Nature have life and are interrelated.
Spirituality is linked to a sense of COMMUNITY in which all beings are
interrelated and complementary. (Memoria, p. 128)
La visión cósmica de la vida es estar conectado con el entorno y todo los
que hay en el entorno tiene vida, por lo que adquiere un valor
SAGRADO: Encontramos tierra, planicies, cuevas, plantas, animales,
agua, aire, luna, sol, estrellas. La espiritualidad nace de esta visión y concep-
ción en la que todos los seres que hay en la Madre Naturaleza tienen vida y se
interrelacionan. La espiritualidad está ligada al sentido COMUNITARIO,
donde los seres se interrelacionan y se complementan. (Memoria, p. 128)
Ivone Gevara, a Brazilian ecofeminist theologian, recalls how an Aymara

indigenous woman responded to her theological perspective: “With eco-
feminism I am not ashamed anymore of expressing beliefs from my own cul-
ture. I do not need to emphasize that they have Christian elements for them
to be considered good . . . they simply are valuable” (Gevara 2001, p. 21).
Ecofeminist theology promotes complex and novel positions centered
on a respect for earth and reverence for nature. Many indigenous women
perceive this feminist theology to be easier to understand and closer to
the standpoint of their indigenous spirituality than Catholic theism. These
bridges between Christian and indigenous spiritualities become more intel-
ligible when we reflect on the main characteristics that shape indigenous
spirituality’s relationship to nature: its divine dimensions, the personifica-
tion of deities in humans, the fluidity between the immanent and the tran-
scendent, and the fusion with the supernatural that women can and should
enact. There is no exclusive relationship to a transcendent being called God;
there is no mistrust of the flesh and the body; there is sanctity in matter:
We recover indigenous cosmovision as our “scientific heritage,” recogniz-

ing the elders as ancestral carriers of wisdom. (Memoria, p. 60)
Retomamos la cosmovisión indígena o ciencia de los Pueblos indigenas,

reconociendo a los ancianos y ancianas como portadores de sabiduría ances-
tral . . . (Memoria, p. 31)
That the indigenous women of different cultures and civilizations of
Abya Yala do not forget that they are daughters of the land, of the sun, of
the wind and of fire and that their continuous relation with the cosmic
elements strengthen their political participation in favor of indigenous
women and indigenous peoples. (Memoria, p. 63)
Que las mujeres indígenas de las diferentes culturas y civilizaciones de
Abya Yala no se olviden que son hijas de la tierra del sol, del viento y del
fuego y que su relación continua con los elementos cosmogónicos fortalecerá
su participación política a favor de las Mujeres indígenas y de los Pueblos
indígenas. (Memoria, p. 34)
The woman’s body, a fluid and permeable corporeality, is conflated with

Earth as a sacred place; they regard themselves as an integral part of this
sacred Earth. The spirit is not the opposite of matter and neither is the soul
of the flesh.
EMBODIED RELIGIOUS THOUGHT

According to dominant Western epistemic traditions, the very concept
of body is formed in opposition to mind. The body is defined as the place
of biological data, of the material, of the immanent. Since the 17th century,
the body has also been conceptualized as that which marks the boundaries
between the interior self and the external world (Bordo and Jaggar 1989,
p. 4). In Mesoamerican spiritual traditions, on the other hand, the body has
characteristics that vastly differ from those of the Western anatomical or
biological body. In the Mesoamerican view, exterior and interior are not sepa-
rated by the hermetic barrier of skin. Between the outside and the inside,
permanent and continuous exchange occurs. To gain a keener understanding
of how the body is conceptualized in indigenous traditions, we must think of
it as a vortex, in whirling, spiral-like movement that fuses and expels, absorbs
and discards, and through this motion is in permanent contact with all ele-
ments in the cosmos.
A SPIRITUALITY OF COLLECTIVITY
AND THE INTERCONNECTEDNESS OF ALL BEINGS
For indigenous peoples, then, the world is not “out there,” established
outside of and apart from them. It is within them and even “through” them.
Actions and their circumstances are much more interwoven than is the case
in Western thought, in which the “I” can be analytically abstracted from its
surroundings. Further, the body’s porosity reflects the essential porosity of
the cosmos, a permeability of the entire “material” world that defines an
order of existence characterized by a continuous interchange between the
material and the immaterial. The cosmos literally emerges, in this conceptu-
alization, as the complement of a permeable corporeality. It is from this very
ample perspective that the controversial term “complementarity” should be
revisited according to its usage by indigenous women. From their perspec-
tive, it is not only feminine and masculine that are said to be “complemen-
tary,” but, as Comandanta Esther insisted in her address to the Mexican
Congress, complementarity embraces everything in nature. She explained
that earth is life, is nature, and we are all part of it. This simple phrase
expresses the interconnectedness of all beings in the Mesoamerican cos-
mos (López Austin 1988). Beings are not separable from one another. This
principle engenders a very particular form of human collectivity with little
tendency to individuation. This sense of connectedness has been found
consistently within contemporary indigenous medical systems and also in
the first historical primary sources (López Austin 1988). The “I” cannot be
abstracted from its surroundings. There is a permanent transit between the
inside and the outside (Marcos 1998). Lenkesdorf (1999) interprets an ex-
pression of the Tojolabal language (a Mayan language of Chiapas): “Lajan,
lajan aytik.” The phrase literally means “estamos parejos” (we are all even) but
should be understood as “we are all subjects.” Lenkesdorf holds that this
phrase conveys the “intersubjectivity” basic to Tojolabal Culture. According
to the women at the Summit:
[s]pirituality is born from this vision and concept according to which all
beings that exist in Mother Nature are interrelated. Spirituality is linked
to a communitarian sense for which all beings are interrelated and com-
plement each other in their existence. (Memoria, p. 128)
La espiritualidad nace de esta visión y concepción en que todos los seres
que hay en la Madre Naturaleza se interrelacionan. La espiritualidad esta
ligada al sentido COMUNITARIO, donde los seres se interrelacionan y se
complementan en su existencia. (Memoria, p. 128)
Among the examples of several pervasive spiritual and cosmological ref-

erences reproduced anew by the indigenous women of the Americas, this
one seems to be at the core: the interconnectedness of everyone and ev-
erything in the universe. The intersubjective nature of men and women is
interconnected with earth, sky, plants, and planets. This is how we must
understand the defense of the earth “that gives us life, that is the nature that
we are,” as Comandanta Esther explained to the Mexican legislators (2001).
The final documents of the summit of Indigenous women states:
Indigenous peoples’ spirituality revives the value of nature and humans in

this century. The loss of this interrelationship has caused a disequilibrium
and disorder in the world. (Memoria, p. 134)
En la Espiritualidad de los pueblos indígenas se recupera el valor impor-
tante de la naturaleza y el ser humano . . . la pérdida de esta relación ha
desatado una serie de desequilibrios en el mundo. (Memoria, p. 134)
A cosmic and conscious spirituality aids to re-establish equilibrium and
harmony . . . as women we have the strength, the energy capable of chang-
ing the course for a better communal life. (Memoria, p. 135)
Una espiritualidad cósmica y consciente conduce al equilibrio, a la ar-
monía . . . Como mujeresn tenemos la fuerza, la energía capaz de cambiar
rumbos hacia una mejor vida comunitaria. (Memoria, p. 135)
Spirituality emerges from traditional wisdom, but the document also

stresses that “we have to be conscious of the richness of the worldwide cul-
tural diversities” (Summit Doc. Género, p. 31). Here again, we perceive a
characteristic of openness, a “transnational” consciousness that has been
influenced by women’s movements and feminist practices.
Indigenous ethnicities are not self-enclosed but rather envision them-
selves in active interaction with a world of differences: national, binational,
and transnational. The international indigenous movements are building
bridges all over the world and gaining momentum. There is a growing trans-
national language of cultural rights espoused by the “indigenous” worldwide.
They all acknowledge the damage that diverse colonialisms have done to
their worldviews and have begun to echo each other concerning the value of
recovering their own spiritualities and cosmologies.8 In recent years, indig-
enous peoples have intensified their struggle to break free from the chains
of colonialism and its oppressive spiritual legacy. Indigenous women’s initia-
tives to recover their ancestral religious legacy constitute a decolonizing ef-
fort. Through a deconstruction of past captivities, they recreate a horizon of
ancestrally inspired spirituality. They lay claim to an ethics of recovery while
rejecting the violence and subjugation suffered by their ancestors within
the religious and cultural domain. “We only come to ask for justice,” the
organized indigenous women have repeatedly declared. Yes, justice is their
demand: material, social, and political justice. They also seek recognition of
and respect for their cosmological beliefs as an integral part of their feminist
vision.
NOTES
1. There are numerous definitions of the term, “indigenous.” Here are
some: According to Linita Manu’atu (2000), writing on Tongan and other Pacific
islands peoples: “Indigenous refers to the First Peoples who settled in Aotearoa
(New Zealand), United States, Canada, and so on. Other terminologies are Tan-
gata Whenua, First Nations or simply the People” (80). According to Kay War-
ren’s writings on Guatemala, “indigenous . . . is itself, of course, a historical
product of European colonialism that masks enormous variations in history, cul-
ture, community, and relations with those who are considered non-indigenous”
(112). The UN ILO Convention, n.169, specifies:
Indigenous communities, peoples, and nations are those groups who
have a continuous history that originates from earlier stages to the pres-
ence of the invasion and colonization. Groups that develop in their ter-
ritories or part of it, and consider themselves different to other sectors
of the society that are now dominant. These groups are today subaltern
sectors and they are decided to preserve, develop, and transmit to the
future generations their ancestral territories and their ethnic identity.
These characteristics are fundamental to their existential continuity as
peoples, in relationship with their own cultural, social, institutional,
and legal systems. (“Movimientos étnicos y legislación internacional”
Doc. UN, ICN.41 Sub.2/1989/33 Add.3 paragraph 4, in Rincones de
Coyoacán, 5. February–March, 1994. Convention n.169 of the ILO of
United Nations)
2. During the last 20 years, the percentage of Catholics has been decreasing
consistently. In Mexico now (2006), only roughly 82 percent of the population
identifies as Catholic in contrast to 96.5 percent of two decades ago. The main
domain of Catholic believers had been the impoverished and dispossessed of
Mexico. Among them stand the 62 distinct indigenous peoples in the country.
3. This theme resounds around the world with other indigenous peoples.
See the Maori claims in Linda Tuhiwai, Decolonizing Methodologies, Research
and Indigenous Peoples (2003).
4. Quotations from the Memoria, the raw materials and transcriptions
from focus groups, and documents from the summit vary in translation. Some
of the documents are translated into English as part of the document, in which
case the Spanish translation of a particular section has a different page number
from the English. In some cases, the Spanish was not translated in the docu-
ments; this is particularly the case for the position statements, whereas the
declarations and plans of actions are often in both Spanish and English in the
documents. Unless otherwise noted, I am responsible for all translations.
5. The document was produced collectively after hours of proposals and
debate. It was finally agreed on by a consensus vote, the only way to be truly
“democratic” among indigenous peoples.
6. During several UN meetings of the reproductive rights network here in
Mexico and in New York, I consistently noticed that many feminist activists,
journalists, and academic researchers, though not necessarily Catholic believ-
ers, manifested a mix of fear and respectful reverence to the ritual garments and
other paraphernalia of church officials, which prevented them from effectively

negotiating with the Vatican representatives, despite their deeply ingrained an-
tireligious stand.
7. Inés Talamantes, a Native American Professor of Religious Studies who
does ethnography on her own Mescalero Apache culture, once confided to me
that she was forbidden by her community to reveal the deep meanings of their
ceremonies.
8. See Kepa 2006; Tuhiwai 1999; Syiem 2005; Palomo et al. 2003; Manu’tu
2000; Champagne and Abu-Saad 2005; Villebrun 2005.
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CHAPTER 4
Authority and Ritual in the

Caves of Tepoztlán, Mexico:
Women Priestesses in
Popular Religion
Ana María Salazar Peralta
T
his work addresses two main objectives. First, it reflects upon the
religious figures and symbolic production that lay groups with Me-
soamerican indigenous roots have created in order to connect them-
selves to the sacred amid full-fledged globalization. Second, it considers the
religious phenomenon of women’s prominence within rain-invoking rituals.
The ethnographic research that we carried out in northern Morelos has
allowed us to witness, over the years, an interesting repositioning of indi-
vidual beliefs and the inertia of mass religious movements in Mexico. Par-
ticularly, among Tepoztlán’s community of indigenous peoples, we find a
significant religious syncretism.
I am interested in exploring the nature of women’s participation within
the gender order of popular religiosity, specifically among Tepoztlán’s indig-
enous community. We maintain that religion has become one of the central
axes in the collective identities of these modern traditional societies of cen-
tral Mexico.
Cultural and religious practices, specifically rituales de peticiones de
lluvia (rain-invoking rituals), exemplify the long-standing sociocultural dy-
namic of Tepoztlán’s indigenous peoples. These rituals represent the sacred
69
dimension of ancient culture and its significance for these modern tradi-
tional societies.
The central inquiry in the contemporary secular world is the follow-
ing: What do nonbelievers, that is, intellectuals, believe in?1 However, this
question can also apply to other social segments whose local history links
mystic-religious practices—expressions of the nature of sacred things, vir-
tues, and powers—to the profane.2 These practices highlight the complexity
of sociocultural reality in a multiethnic and multicultural context, like the
one we are investigating.
In today’s world, we observe a range of modern conceptual frames that
impose themselves on diverse cultural realities—realities defined by the in-
dividual cultures’ ever globalizing codes of modernity. It is for that reason that
we are interested in addressing the religious context of rituals and cultural
practices linked to Mesoamerican cosmo-vision, the basis for contemporary
popular Catholic religiosity among indigenous peoples.
Ancient history and Mesoamerican religion provide us with an extraor-
dinary documentary source to interpret the popular religiosity based in Me-
soamerican cosmo-vision. Therefore, as a point of departure, we will address
the wide repertory of cultural practices associated with the airs and the hills,
whose titular gods Tlaloc, Quetzalcoatl, and Ehecatl act as both deities and
cultural mediators to provide rain, fertility, and sustenance.
Modern ethnography reveals an extensive register of Mesoamerican cul-
tural practices; in light of that, we would like to understand the role that
contemporary rain-invoking rituals plays in religious syncretism, insofar as
the survival of indigenous cosmo-vision is concerned. Clearly, the cultural
phenomenon of rain rituals has a long history that shapes and constitutes
the Tepozteca identity.
The power structure that results from the asymmetrical relationship be-
tween popular religiosity and institutionalized religion arises from a process in
which believers are continually negotiating their position in relation to religious
leaders. Thus, believers go through the motions of creating symbolic capital,
founded in both their faith and the legitimacy of their ritual practices.
The prominence of women in rain-invoking rituals does not simply invite
us to examine the nature of this religious phenomenon, which is necessary
to methodological positioning regarding gender order. This order is, in turn,
determined by the manner in which Tepoztlán’s indigenous peoples organize
their ceremonial life and rituals.
In that sense, gender is a category of relational analysis that maps cul-
tural practices, constructing social meanings of men and women. It per-
mits a better, more in-depth understanding of the hard data of the research.
Through gender we understand the cultural construction of sexual differ-
ence. Authors like Bourdieu, explaining the asymmetry between the genders,
Authority and Ritual in the Caves of Tepoztlán, Mexico 71
have suggested a sort of male-centric unconscious that would underlie all

forms of patriarchal domination.3
Patriarchal domination is a result of historically determined cultural
practices. Cristina Oehmichen tells us that social actors endowed with
multiple resources and types of economic, cultural, and symbolic capital,
fight to impose or modify the meanings attributed to masculinity and femi-
ninity.4 They do not use symbols and practices to establish communication
but rather to persuasively impose a sense of power. In this sense, culture
does not just cover up or mask power relations; it also contributes to their
reproduction and realization. Looking through a gendered lens, we can re-
lationally approach the sum of all social spheres in order to understand
the social institutions, representations, and ideologies that adhere to gender
order, including social roles instituted in both popular Catholicism and Me-
soamerican cosmo-vision.
In analyzing rain-invoking rituals, we must consider sacred spaces both
historically and symbolically in order to correctly apply a cultural interpre-
tation to the social subjects who constitute indigenous communities. For
21st-century Tepoztecas, sacred spaces are a fundamental component of
collective memory. Their historic, symbolic basis comes from a particular
indigenous worldview, which modern rituals now reflect.
It is worth noting that, today, the religious practices of Tepoztlán’s in-
digenous peoples not only reproduce Mesoamerican precepts, but also in-
corporate external cultural concepts circulating in the globalizing electronic
media. This fusion of beliefs could be explained as a textbook phase of global
or globalized culture—a culture that does not yet exist. Gilberto Giménez
has pointed out that:
there is not a global culture, but a globalized culture in the sense that there
is a growing interconnection between all cultures by virtue of communica-
tion technologies. We cannot speak about a global identity because there
is no homogenous culture to sustain it, or common symbols to express it,
or a collective memory to support it.5
In that sense, Tepoztlán’s modern traditional societies are a synthesis

of historic processes in which ancient and modern cultural symbols coexist,
interconnect, and interact. Today, agrarian communities and indigenous peo-
ples express this coexistence through ritual and popular religiosity. Calling
upon Mesoamerican religious tradition, they maintain a close relationship
between humans and nature.6
In these contexts, ritual or sacred spaces acquire symbolic value; as an
example of how this happens, we can take the collective notion of com-
munity land, which the axis mundi represents, and which constructs one of
the founding elements of Tepozteca identity. This example calls attention to

the connection between otherness and normativity. Otherness, that is, the
concept of communal space, is subject to normativity, such as, the idea of
individual space contrasted with that of others: new neighbors and foreign-
ers with whom inhabitants interact on various levels. Consequently, the land
acquires an ethic validation from the community.
Land, therefore, is the result of a geographic space that a culture has
transformed, manifesting religious thought. Tepoztlán’s land consists of a
mountain range of the same name: the Tepozteco, an important ritual space
endowed with symbolic content;7 consequently, the land transforms itself
into sacred space, thus surpassing its simple utilitarian function.8
The land is also the place of residence for the cultural hero, Tepoztecatl:
man-god-governor, alter ego of indigenous peoples, and core of the Tepoz-
teca ethic. In his capacity as a god, because of his link with Quetzalcoatl,
Petecatl, and Mayahuel, he is associated with the gods of fertility.
Among the various community spaces in Tepoztlán, rural areas have a
collective identity that connects ceremonial life and rain-invoking rituals to
both gods whom Tepoztecas have always venerated and people who faithfully
maintain agrarian traditions by adapting to and resisting modernity through
global cooperation.9 The preservation of the agrarian way of life embodies the
principles of indigenous Mesoamerican cosmo-vision. Thus, the contempo-
rary conception of the cosmos is grounded in the cosmo-vision of Tepozteca
ancestors. This ancestral cosmo-vision recalls a thought process structured
around the agrarian cycle, particularly around the nascence of corn. Corn,
the basis of agriculture and the core of rituals that facilitate links with the
divine, operates as a founding notion of the mythic universe. In agrarian so-
cieties women are in charge of organizing the ceremonial life and the rituals,
and this strengthens the primordial links with their ethnic territory.
These contemporary farming societies base their daily life upon agricul-
ture and the continued cultivation of corn (together with beans, squash, and
chilies). Their agrarian rituals bring about a harmonic equilibrium between
humanity and the gods who will provide sustenance. This equilibrium results
from human effort—ritual sacrifice and human labor—and the divine will
that provides generosity of land, abundance of rain, and control of natural
disasters. To achieve this equilibrium, people throughout the area worship
the yeyecatl-yeyecame deities through festivities and ritual.
Hence, ritual is dedicated to fertility. Believers derive energy from the
Mesoamerican pantheon, specifically from Tepoztecatl and the yeyecatl-
yeyecame. They devote an intense, complex ritual to these deities, which
we will illustrate with the case of San Andrés de la Cal, analyzing the tasks
of los tiemperos or los graniceros (rainmakers or weather shaman).10 These
traditional specialists invoke the strength of the gods in order to bring about
a good and abundant crop. The power of rainmakers is their ability to control
and appease the rebuffs of the gods through ritual.
THE CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY OF

THE MUNICIPALITY OF TEPOZTLÁN
The Tepozteco mountain range has presented a challenge to human sur-

vival since the appearance of its first small villages.11 Settlers there, vulner-
able to landslides, erosion, and flooding, have had to precariously seize small
parcels of cultivatable land. Populations located in the highlands confront
cold and sudden frosts, capable of destroying an entire crop in one night
alone. Very frequently, mountainous areas intercept rain-filled clouds, sup-
plying hills and valleys with water, while leeward lands end up depleting.
Under these conditions, water for drinking and watering crops becomes a
fundamental element for social production and reproduction. Nature, unfor-
tunately, has not provided favorable conditions for the existence and repro-
duction of Mesoamerican populations and, in particular, the inhabitants of
the Central Altiplano (Mexican high plain).
Therefore, the residents of northern Morelos have developed an elabo-
rate ideological system surrounding water, one of agrarian society’s most basic
needs. Where there is not a water system in place, women are often in charge
of bringing water from the springs and other sources. Water shortage has always
fostered technological creativity, and for millennia, Tepoztecas have developed
strategies for efficiently conserving water resources in order to ensure human
survival. Interestingly, Eric Wolf has noted that hundreds of place names in
these towns and sites are related to the need for and lack of water.12
The mountainous region of the Tepozteco gives shelter and sustenance
to a picturesque collection of indigenous towns. Over time, new settlements
and neighborhoods have arisen, but they remain linked to the municipal
organization of Tepoztlán’s indigenous community, the seat of political and
economic power.
In Las Relaciones Geográficas (Geographic Relationships), Acuña de-
scribes the Tepozteca seigniory as a dominion in the midst of crags and
cliffs.13 At the end of the 16th century, Tepoztlán was made up of seven
towns subject to the nobility of Cuauhnahuac and Gustepec. The hills and
mountains of the Tepozteco housed altars to the gods, and the great devil
lived in Tlahuiltepetl, where believers performed sacrifices and made fire.
Tepoztecatl also lived there.
The Tepoztecas have always maintained an ironclad belief in supernatu-
ral entities and deities. Tepoztecatl, their titular god, represents one of the
400 rabbits, the gods of pulque (fermented sap of the agave, a kind of cac-
tus) and fertility. But he also represents a synthesis of the wind gods. In the
various towns that comprise these modern traditional societies, there is still
an extensive record of oral tradition and religious practice associated with the
airs and the rain. For instance, a belief exists that bathing in a ravine can be
motive for a divine spell, since the airs that harm people and make women
pregnant live there.
We affirm that Mesoamerican cosmo-vision is the basis for contempo-
rary indigenous religious practices and shapes a fundamental part of popular
religiosity within these modern traditional societies. Throughout their long
history, Mesoamerican communities have established two mythic-religious
systems: popular beliefs and religious practices, which are manifested
through an extensive range of cultural regional variations and temporal rep-
resentatives of each creator society.14 In contrast, we understand that wor-
ship of the hills is entirely related to Tepozteca ritual geography, which stems
from Mesoamerican cosmo-vision. Ritual geography refers to a geographic
landscape transformed or created by human groups, for example, temples,
rock altars, carved stones, petroglyphs, and cave paintings, all channels for
worship and ritual.
Tepoztlán’s cultural geography encompasses hill worship and ritual.15
Cultural geography refers to geographic space transformed and inhabited
by different social groups. In this context, we are interested in emphasizing
ritual geography in order to explain and interpret the nature of sacred space
and the diversity of this space in the mountains of Tepoztlán.
Johanna Broda has stressed the importance of sacred spaces and hill wor-
ship in a Mesoamerican context.16 She points out that sacred spaces are a
symbolic representation of indigenous cosmo-vision; we can add that they are
also the outcome of symbolic production on the part of indigenous commu-
nities. Druzo Maldonado, in turn, indicates that they result from the trans-
formation of a profane space into a landscape that has acquired significance
through ritual.17 Finally, sacred spaces are geosymbols and places where the
community carries out its religious ceremonies, establishing the crucial, iden-
tifying link between individuals and their native territory, their motherland.18
Studies on ancient Mesoamerican history offer us an extensive record of
the repertory of religious practices and beliefs derived from the millennia-old
indigenous cosmo-vision. Accordingly, these modern traditional societies con-
tinue to strengthen themselves by worshipping hills, caves, streams, rocky
shelters, and springs; they perform rituals that reproduce indigenous Meso-
american cosmo-vision and culture.
EHECATL, QUETZALCOATL, AND TLALOC

Tepoztlán’s religious pantheon consists of Tepoztecatl, Ometochtli, and
the yeyecatl-yeyecame, as well as a symbolic system of fertility and sustenance
gods: Ehecatl, Quetzalcoatl, and Tlaloc. The themes of fertility and suste-
nance dominate the festivities of the 18-month agricultural calendar and the
ritual pre-Hispanic calendar, both readapted to the modern agricultural cal-
endar.19 In the field of indigenous cosmo-vision, the importance surrounding
the presence of Tlaloc—god of rain and life and numen of the earth—is
associated with the gods of wind, sometimes represented by Ehecatl, some-
times by Quetzalcoatl. Quetzalcoatl emerges as one of the oldest and most
worshipped figures among the peoples of the Mesoamerican Altiplano.
Tlaloc’s territory was the Tlalocan, depicted as a large cave or under-
ground path, where the gods of rain, thunder, and lightning lived. The major-
ity of Mesoamerican peoples were farmers, and the preeminence of the gods
Ehecatl, Quetzalcoatl, and Tlaloc was absolutely central to their life and
sustenance. They dedicated feasts and rituals to the gods. They believed that
the gods fed themselves and lived off sacrificial blood, while humans fed off
the land, plants, and animals.
Tlaloc Tlamacazqui was the rain god. It was held that he offered rains in
order to water the earth, rain that nourished all the grasses, trees, fruits,
and sustenance. It was also held that he sent hail, lightning, rainstorms,
and dangers of rivers and sea. Tlaloc Tlamacazqui means god who inhab-
its the earthly paradise and who gives men the sustenance necessary for
bodily life.20
Tlaloc personified the fundamental figure in the renewal of life and

nature.21 Sacrifice assured the continuation of the lives of the gods.22 Un-
derwater caves were perceived to be the entryways into the subterranean
reign. Some authors interpret these caves in the form of a tree or uterus.
Caves, hills, and their symbolic production are closely related; they create
a conceptual unity within indigenous Mesoamerican cosmo-vision, which
is linked with ancestors and origin, and gives legitimacy to ethnic-territorial
identity.23
The thirteenth month was called Tepeilhuitl. In this month they held a
feast to honor the eminent, cloud-shrouded mountains that run through-
out New Spain. The people made statues of human figures for each one
of them, using dough that was called tzoal, and they offered these statues
out of respect for the mountains.24
Indigenous communities fervently worshipped mountains because of

their function as water catchers and providers, and storm controllers. They
considered mountains terrestrial deities who sent storms, hail, and disease.
But mountains also had beneficial properties, for example, making plants
grow, and their intervention determined agricultural success.
In the ancient world, during the Tepeilhuitl, or hill festival, people made
miniature statues of the hills in gratitude for agricultural fertility and in
memory of the dead.25
Tepeilhuitl. To honor the mountains, they made snakes out of sticks or tree
branches, and carved the head like a snake. They also made some pieces
of wood as thick and long as a wrist; they called them ecatotonti. They
covered both the snakes and the wooden pieces with the dough they call
tzoal. They dressed these wooden pieces as mountains; on top they put
their head, like the head of a person. They made these statues in memory
of those who had drowned in the water or had died such a death that they
weren’t burned, but buried. After they had placed these statues on their
altars with much ceremony, they offered them tamales and other foods,
and also sang chants of praise and drank wine in their honor. Upon arrival
to the party, in honor of the mountains, they sacrificed four women and
one man. The first of the women was called Tepóxoch; the second called
Matlalcuae the third called Xochtécatl; the fourth called Mayáhuel; and
the man was called Milnáhuatl. They dressed these women and man with
many papers full of ulli, and carried them in berths atop the shoulders of
heavily costumed women. . . . Then, after having broken up the mountain
statues to eat, they hung the statues’ dressing papers in the calpul.26
Even during mid-20th-century festivals for Tepoztecatl, worshippers still

made miniature depictions of the main hills, which served as a stage for the
theatre piece The Challenge Against the Tepozteco: Ecaliztli ihuicpan Tepoz-
tecat. The actors perform the play in the Nahuatl language in order to invoke
the ancient gods.27 Today, it is fascinating to observe how modern cultural
practices, which inform the daily lives of indigenous peoples, originate from
ancient history and parallel early beliefs and rituals.
Over the last few years, during our anthropological research in northern
Morelos, I have been able to observe and record a series of rain-invoking
rituals, as well as observe offerings in caves, rocky shelters, springs, watering
holes, wells, and modern water faucets in San Andrés de la Cal.
It is important to point out that in 1993 a surprising archeological dis-
covery occurred in one of the innumerable caves that dot the Tepozteco
mountain range. A group of speleologists discovered the Chimalacatepec
cave in San Juan Tlacotenco, a mountain town located in the north of the
municipality. This cave has a long, wide entrance pitch with two chambers,
in which scientists found numerous objects associated with rituals and gods.
The archeological discovery consisted of three offerings, made up of more
than 90 worship objects, among them: cajetes (glazed bowls), incense burn-
ers, and small figurines made of chalchihuite or green jade.28
The archeological evidence surrounding the hills of northern Morelos

has stimulated research. Several local intellectuals took it upon themselves
to video record not only the discovery of the speleologists but also the cave
paintings found in the hills of Tepoztlán.29 The majority of the paintings
feature iconography associated with Tlaloc: serpents and lightning bolts,
negative hands, and some other esthetic motifs that are difficult to recognize
because of rock deterioration. Alive and intangible, rain-invoking rituals in
Tepoztlán are a rich heritage; their relevance allows each town to have their
own cave or group of caves, their own sacred spaces, and their own special-
ists. Each annual cycle, residents bring offerings and develop rituals con-
nected to the agrarian cycle.
RAIN-INVOKING RITUALS
In Tepoztlán, hill worship belongs to a millennia-old tradition. Her-
nando Ruíz de Alarcón, charged by the Neo-Spanish Inquisition with travel-
ing throughout the modern-day states of Morelos and Guerrero in search of
superstitions, recorded his findings in the 17th century. During his travels,
Ruíz de Alarcón found altars in
mountaintops and high hills, with paths so marked it was as if they were
for carriages. In those piles of rock they made sacrifices and said prayers;
certain elderly people were responsible for the ministry of the sacrifices.
They called them tlamacazque or priests. On the altars, there were idols
of different makes and names. Their supreme god, lord of the world,
was called Tlalticpaque, whom the Tlamacazque or Tlamazcaqui, the
old priest, and the Tlamaceuhqui, the penitents, accompanied on the
pilgrimage.30
Icpalican or Temaxcalitan, also named Acacueyecan, place of saya or

faldellín de caña (a type of skirt or overskirt made of reeds), today known as
San Andrés de la Cal, is a community located to the south of Tepoztlán.31
Toward the end of the 16th century, this village appeared in Las Relaciones
Geográficas. The records discuss a spring that flows out next to a particular
spot in San Andrés:
During the summertime, there is a little water in some of the crags, and
in the rainy season, there is a greater amount. It runs about a fourth of a
league down and then feeds into a cave between some limestone crags.
They say that it plunges in there, but no one knows where it comes out. In
the past, they would enter the cave to worship—they would lower them-
selves down with ropes and light the space with ocote pine torches. They
say worshippers found corncobs and other things, which they took out and
exhibited for a tidy sum.32
Modern rain-invoking rituals in San Andrés de la Cal take place annu-

ally in mid-May; during these rituals, offerings are made to the wind and airs
so that they’ll bring rain. The Tlamazcaqui (the priest) is Doña Jovita Jimé-
nez, an elderly woman, specialist and person in charge of continuing local
tradition. The modern Tlamaceuhqui (the penitents) are the pilgrims who
accompany Jovita; they continue the tradition described in the Florentine
Codex, with the belief that the hills and mountains are like vessels, entities
replete with water.
Hill worship and rain invocations reproduce the meaning and signifi-
cance of water, land, corn, life, fertility, that which is female, that which is
dark, and the serpent.
Modern worship of hills and caves in San Andrés de la Cal is a seasonal,
ritual activity, headed by a specialist: la Tlamazcaqui, la granicera, la tiem-
pera, or la rayada (one who has gained shamanic powers through surviving a
lightening strike). Regionally, people use these titles to refer to male special-
ists, but San Andrés stands out because, there, these epithets are feminine.33
The person in charge of conducting rituals and communicating with the
yeyecatl-yeyecame is a woman. In Amatlán de Quetzalcoatl, weather fore-
casters were called sabios (sages); they were important figures with the ability
to cross the hills until they reached the Xochiatlaco waterfall. These sabios
remind us of the weather-carriers of Teotihuacan.
The municipal representative is in charge of organizing the people in
order to assist Jovita with her tasks. The people meet in the town hall, where
the ritual delegation finalizes details, and everyone begins to organize com-
mittees to solicit economic contributions from neighboring towns like Santa
Catarina, which accompanies San Andrés on the requisite pilgrimage that
precedes the offerings.
Doña Jovita will buy everything necessary for the offerings using
community-donated funds. Several women go along with her to the market
in Cuernavaca. They buy fruit there—the most fragrant of the season—as
well as little toys (dolls that represent gender duality: feminine-masculine; as
well as little snakes, animals, and toy soldiers). They buy the ingredients for
green mole, a dish prepared with pumpkin seeds. They buy candies, aguar-
diente (a Mexican liquor), candles, bright and colorful tissue paper, as well
as colored yarn and freshly cut flowers, mostly gladiolas. Then they add the
pyrotechnic material: fireworks and gunpowder. Finally come the cigarettes,
a necessary element for protection against bad airs.
With all these products on hand, the committee in charge of the of-
ferings meets in the town hall, where they distribute the tasks of preparing
tortillas and tamales, as well as blue corn gorditas (thick tortillas) in the
shape of little figures: stars, snakes, and lightning bolts. They cook the mole
and distribute it into several small jugs for transit.34 They wrap the candies
in the colorful tissue paper, along with the fruits, and decorate the bottles
with pieces of colorful yarn. Then they place the offerings—food, drinks,
fruit, toys, pulque, dolls, flowers, fireworks, gunpowder, all the necessary
trappings—in large baskets. Everything is put together with a great deal of
ingenuity and an extraordinary sense of esthetics. The municipal representa-
tive organizes the committee that will transport the prepared baskets to the
altar of the small church.
The following morning, fireworks and ringing church bells awaken the
community. A Catholic mass begins, officiated by the priest from Tepoztlán.
In previous years, there were priests who refused to officiate mass because
they considered this cultural practice to be a superstition. It is worth men-
tioning that, after the social conflict sparked by an attempt to build a golf club
in Tepoztlán, there was a violent reaction against the bishop and the parish
priest of Tepoztlán, the bishop’s cousin, who supported the investors. The
conflict provoked reactions of rejection and polarization among the popula-
tion. Consequently, the bishop had to retract his statements and name another
priest to replace his nephew. The substitute priest was Father Filiberto, ex-
perienced in indigenous ministry and sensitive to Tepozteca traditions. Upon
Father Filiberto’s return to his home parish in Totolopan, the ecclesiastical
headquarters of Cuernavaca appointed Father Ignacio to Tepoztlán, another
priest who is sensitive, tolerant, and in favor of preserving popular culture.
These priests have gladly officiated the opening masses of rain-invoking ritu-
als. When the mass concludes, the pilgrimage to the caves begins.
In recent times and owing to the advanced age of Doña Jovita, two groups
have been formed to officiate the rituals: one group that advances to the high
caves and another group that distributes offerings to the low caves, near
Texcal. Felipe directs the former, Doña Jovita the latter. Felipe is a young
man originally from San Andrés, a “captain of Mexicanidad” who has been
learning from Doña Jovita so that when the moment arrives, he can replace
her as Tlamazcaqui.35 Alicia María Júarez Becerril, in her recent research on
the topic, has detected a rivalry between the two Tlamazcaqui; essentially,
Felipe’s followers harshly criticize and slander Doña Jovita in their attempt
to strip her of her power as Tlamazcaqui.36
As a possible explanation for this conflict, we can point to modern ide-
ology about aging: Old age is the counter-discourse to youth, beauty, and
power—characteristics that capitalism favors. Modern ideology opposes and
implicitly looks down upon the experience, wisdom, and strength of spirit of
the elderly, who once held a privileged status precisely because of these attri-
butes. On the other hand, we can infer how nativist or new Indian followers
perceive the role of Tlamazcaqui. They uphold that the legitimate director of
the rituals must be a “captain of Mexicanidad” in order to cohere to the ori-
gin of ceremonial tradition. However, both explanations reveal an ideological
and political gender bias.
The established respect for the female Tlamazcaqui in San Andrés de la
Cal represents a transgression to patriarchal order, given that Tlamazcaqui in
other bordering communities are mainly men. However, knowledge of ritual
and ceremony is a form of cultural capital, a currency easily convertible in
politics, which, of course, can devolve into an arena for social conflict. Even
though the young “captain of Mexicanidad” has his followers, he does not
represent the collectivity. Doña Jovita has extensive experience and social
prestige that he cannot easily replace.
In order to carry out the rituals, an older man accompanies Doña Jovita.
He carries the baskets of offerings and prays with her, getting closer to the
gods. Let’s recall what Alfredo López Austin says about the fundamental as-
pects of Mesoamerican religious tradition:
Men were supposed to worship the gods and pay for godly assistance, be-
cause gods were offended by lack of worship and unpaid debts. The treat-
ment between gods and men was intense. The gods were loved, but also
feared. Most importantly, men could communicate with them and influ-
ence their will through pleas, prayers, offerings or insults and threats.37
The rituals begin in Tepepulco la Corona. Tepepulco is the most distant

cave on ritual land. Next comes Ayocatipac, known as the Elephant. Tepeco-
lihuiyan is the longest and largest cave; Oztocauiauha is the closest to Texcal;
Tlanancitepec is known as the New Window; Xochiocan is a crossroads; Xo-
chonpantla is a spring (an image of the virgin of Guadalupe can also be seen
here); and Xochitengo is another crossroads. At a specific site in Mexcono-
lapa, pilgrims set off fireworks and leave flowers to announce to the lords of
the caves that the faithful have come to ask for water.
The pilgrims begin to smoke cigarettes so as not to catch a bad air. Ev-
eryone is sahumado (encircled by burning incense), but especially those who
want to enter the caves. The basic belief is that the caves produce airs. These
airs are the yeyecatl, that help Tlaloc by sweeping the wind that brings rain
and water. Water is life. It is also a property guarded by the owners of the
caves, so if the pilgrims do not ask permission properly, the yeyecatl can send
a bad air.
Doña Jovita sweeps and picks up remnants from past offerings. The area
must be clean so that a new offering can be left. Afterward, she arranges the
colored paper like a tablecloth, designating the ritual space. Immediately fol-
lowing, the prayers begin in alternating Nahuatl and Spanish:
worker Lords, forgive those who do not know what they do,
but we who are here respect the custom.
All-powerful God, I come to ask you for a good rainy season,
your child is here, amen.
Doña Jovita begins to put everything in place: the feminine-masculine

dolls, the little animals, the candles, the flowers, the fruit, the candies, the
tortillas, the little tamale figures, the aguardiente, the pulque, the cigarettes,
the gunpowder, and so on.
They wanted to capture you, lords.

here is this girl, this lovely girl is here
so that she can do chores for you like a servant,
for you worker lords.
Take this girl away to work, to help you.
Worker lords, come closer to this holy table,
here are tortillas and food and drink.
The gunpowder is for the worker lords who are going to work.
Soldiers, come to work. We didn’t bring you to rest . . .
You lords, rest today . . .
But afterwards, you are going to work all season like little soldiers . . .
Zochipizintle, zochipizintle (here Doña Jovita blows a whistles three times.)
Lords ahuaquetezintle, I came all the way here.

Our Father, Most Holy Sacrament
Our Father, Most Holy Trinity
Our Father, Most Holy
Our Father, Holy.
You all are going to forgive us, not scare us . . .
Lords, Holy temple, Holy cave
Lords yeyecatl
Lords yeyecame
Worker lords,
Lords of the airs,
Worker lords of weather and storms
We want and we ask you for a favor,
We beg and implore you for rain aplenty . . .
May God grant us water, without wind, without hail; well . . . that is
what I would say; but if you all do not want it, you know, you provide . . .
Worker lords, you should deserve what I brought you. What other peo-
ple send you—people who work and earn but a cent, those who think and
those who do not.
You must forgive them and excuse them, because they do not know
what they do or say.
Forgive them for not cooperating with more strength.
May you have peace and happiness in your house, may you work con-
tentedly and happily in your labors . . .
In the name of the father, the son, and the holy spirit, amen
Ave Maria Most Pure, Ave Maria Most Pure, may God our lord forgive
us and aid us in what we ask. Thank you, lords.
Doña Jovita blows the whistle again and leaves the cave of Tepepulco.
She and the other pilgrims follow these ritual prayers in every cave, using
variations on the same theme.
After visiting the caves, crossroads, and ritual spaces, the pilgrims re-
unite with all the townspeople and visitors around the patio of the town hall.
Everyone is served green mole, white tamales, and tamarind juice. Then
everything returns to normal, and the town waits for a good season and a
good crop.
It is worth mentioning that Doña Jovita is also one of the local healers.
Tepoztlán has always been a cradle of shamans and healers. This tradition
has inspired knowledge surrounding the organization of ceremonial life, as
well as Doña Jovita’s expertise in herbs and healing. Doña Jovita’s mother-in-
law taught her about plants, cures, and treatments to fight common diseases.
Considering her background, and with everyone gathered at the town hall,
it was not strange that several people, both men and women, approached
Doña Jovita to solicit consultations and treatments. They asked for services,
advice, and tried to make appointments for treatment. This episode sheds
light upon the community’s recognition of the knowledge and abilities of the
Tlamazcaqui.
FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
In summary, rain-invoking rituals mark a cyclical and seasonal activity
that takes place at the beginning of the planting season. I am interested in
recovering two important aspects of community life that rain rituals make
visible, acting as social catalysts in the generation of social agency, social re-
sistance, and reactivation of collective memory. One of these is the collective
resistance that arose around the construction of the golf club, and the other
is related to the climate change that is becoming more pronounced every
dry season. Both cases have provoked significant anxiety and uncertainty,
causing believers to appeal fervently to their gods.38 The continuance of
rain-invoking rituals also allows San Andrés and other indigenous communi-
ties in Tepoztlán to identify as modern traditional societies.39 These societies,
paradoxically, incorporate and coexist with both the elements of modern life
and the cultural symbols of Mesoamerican cosmo-vision.
The yeyecatl-yeyecame—lords of weather, wind, rain, and fertility—are
fundamental in the daily lives of Tepoztecas. They are closely linked with
Tlaloc, Ehecatl, and Quetzalcoatl and are an apparition and representation
of the tlaloque, Tlaloc’s helpers. Known as fighters and tireless laborers, they
are represented in rain rituals by the toy soldiers.
The small tamales figures directly allude to natural world representations
of wind and rain deities: snakes, lightning bolts, and stars. Furthermore, the
feminine-masculine dolls that are used during the offering refer to gender
order; they represent the creator gods Omecihuatl and Ometecutli, a clear
reference to the duality of the maker deities of weather and life.
The colors and gunpowder refer to rainbows and thunder, offshoots of
rain. They allude to an intangible composition, made visible by a colorful light-
ning bolt that comes before the storm and rain. The scent of the fruit directly
alludes to the characteristics, preferences, and telluric qualities of the gods.
Tepoztecas offer fruits of the earth and pulque, a sacred drink, to the
gods. This action renews the presence of the centzontotochtin or four rab-
bits, apparitions of Tepuztecatl, Quetzalcoatl, Mayahuel, and Petecatl, gods
of pulque and fertility. Hence, rain-invoking rituals are an example of popular
religious syncretism. Over time, worshippers have incorporated rain rituals
into their religious life, appropriating Catholic symbols. However, they have
neither undermined Mesoamerican beliefs, nor the worship of terrestrial
deities, that is, hills and caves.
I believe that these rituals continue because of the persistence of the
agrarian way of life, which, aside from providing subsistence, allows indig-
enous peoples to organize their ceremonial life. The agrarian way of life also
serves as a reservoir of knowledge about the nature and biodiversity of the
land. Furthermore, it is the foundation that legitimates indigenous cosmo-
vision, belief, and ritual, thus allowing social production and reproduction—
but most importantly, the reproduction of rural ideology, popular religiosity
and, in turn, Mesoamerican cosmo-vision. The cultural practice of rain-
invoking rituals within agrarian society is a living example of a “long duration”
tradition that constantly redefines itself according to the present.
Rain invocations are complex, dynamic processes in which millennia-old
cultural symbols are imbued with modern cultural signs and codes. They
allow us to recognize internal characteristics of social organization, including
ceremonial life and ritual. Thus, the agrarian way of life becomes a backdrop
for social production and reproduction, and stimulates persistence and con-
tinuity of Mesoamerican cosmo-vision.
Tepoztlán’s agrarian tradition gives us a lens through which we can ob-
serve the complex structure and scope of each period of the life cycle. Work
in the cornfield calls for family labor, while shortage of water requires the
entire community to work and cooperate, reinforcing fundamental notions
of collectivity and religious and spiritual solidarity.
Regarding the organization of ceremonial life, the work involved in rain-
invoking rituals remains autonomous from mayordomías (a highly respected,
traditional form of community leadership linked to a patron saint) and other
traditional institutions. The mayordomías maintain their own sphere of re-
sponsibility, including caring for the chapel’s cornfield and organizing the
festival of the patron saint.
In terms of authority, the Tlamazcaqui is in charge of rain-invoking ritu-
als. Her symbolic authority subordinates other forms of sociopolitical power.
The municipal representative’s authority, or constitutional civil authority,
represents the town. Supposedly the “captains of Mexicanidad” are another
“authority,” but their influence is restricted to the people affiliated with the
Mexicanidad dance group, not to the town as a whole.
In Julio Glockner’s ethnography of Mexico’s Sierra Nevada, where the
Popocatepetl is located, rainmakers are known as the teciuhtlazque. These
specialists set up a relationship with gods and ancestors in order to keep
the tradition of rain invocations strongly rooted.40 Sahagún refers to them
as hechiceros estorbadores de granizos, or hail-deflecting sorcerers, named for
their knowledge of spells to get rid of hail or set it off its course, far from
the sown land. Their gift may come from one of several sources: surviving a
lightning strike, the effect of dreams, predestination, or the induction of vi-
sions through consumption of hallucinogenic or psychoactive plants. These
modern sorcerers use ritual and offering, or huentle, in order to persuade the
primordial deities to help restore sacred order.
By contrast, in San Andrés de la Cal a woman directs the rainmakers—a
woman who learned her vocation (practically speaking) not through the
maternal line, but through gender sharing with her mother-in-law. Doña
Jovita says that she gained her knowledge as a rainmaker and healer from
her mother-in-law and husband. She remembers her mother-in-law as a
simple woman who cared for her family, cured everyone in town, and who
knew about plants and prayers. Today, Doña Jovita is the one who continues
this tradition, caring for others and attending to the needs of the yeyecatl-
yeyecame.
The singularity of women’s leadership in rain-invoking rituals in San
Andrés de la Cal evidences Tlamazcaqui Doña Jovita’s preeminence and
knowledge. It also highlights the societal recognition of women’s power
and empowerment within this indigenous community, and reminds us of
women’s political primacy in other historical moments. In the order of 17th-
and 18th-century Nueva España, Tepoztlán was considered a República de
Indios (Indian Republic).41 In the 18th century, cacique Doña Juana María
governed Tepoztlán, and it was she who launched a decades-long dispute to

defend land and men’s work from the abusive hands of Spanish and criollo
(Mexican-born Spanish) governors.42
We observe then that gender has played a fundamental role in the
social organization of these indigenous peoples. Therefore, within Tepoz-
teca historical memory, the female condition has not always been one of
patriarchal subjugation; rather, there has been acknowledgement and per-
haps even balance between the genders—a dynamic balance that adapts
to changing historical contexts. We can say that it is a dynamic equilib-
rium, intergender complementarity, depending on the changing historical
contexts.
I believe that hill worship, in the context of sacred geography, is not
simply a past social reality; on the contrary, it is a modern, thriving cultural
phenomenon in which believers reclaim their ownership of the past, strength-
ening collective identities. For believers, the relevance of hill worship lies in
controlling and neutralizing the chaos of modernity, providing balance in the
face of an uncertain future.
Hill worship associated with rain invocations and major gods (Tlaloc,
Ehecatl, Quetzalcoatl, Tepoztecatl, and the yeyecatl-yeyecame) is a modern
religious practice that reestablishes not just the meaning of ritual discourse,
but also of daily life. In Mesoamerican indigenous cosmo-vision, speech and
words have profound ethic implications that give major symbolic value to re-
ligion as a social absolute of daily life. For that reason, in rain-invoking rituals
the community transmits their words through an elderly woman, a woman
with experience, wisdom, and strength of spirit, an expert on weather, and an
authority on human pettiness, which ritual overtakes.
I believe that rain-invoking rituals do not merely correspond to Meso-
american millenarianism [the belief that the world undergoes a major trans-
formation every thousand years]. They also cannot be understood as a simple
“nativist” practice, a folkloric tradition, or a New Age scheme. On the con-
trary, the complex rain-invoking ritual in San Andrés de la Cal embodies an
enduring Mesoamerican religiosity that resignifies and reinterprets itself in
light of the modern globalized world.
Therefore, in modern traditional societies, indigenous Mesoamerican
cosmo-vision and religion continue to strongly influence the normative order
of daily life. This ceremony symbolically expresses and redefines the fun-
damental link with nature and the fertility and generosity of the land. The
land, along with human labor, generates sustenance, thereby strengthening
the relationship between humans and nature. Rain-invoking rituals renew
fundamental indigenous Mesoamerican beliefs about links to the land, rep-
resented by Mother Earth. These links express the idea of community as the
container of ethnic-land identity.
The Tlamazacaqui, rainmakers, and weather shaman who preside over

hill worship and rain-invoking rituals transmit and reproduce tradition and
culture. Modern Tlamazacaqui redefine and modernize ritual and hill wor-
ship, feeding into Mesoamerica’s abundant ethnographic inventory that con-
tinues paradoxically, to enrich itself in the midst of social contingencies, like
global climate change and the predatory advance of capitalism.
Hill worship and rain-invoking rituals reveal how ritual—in both its
meaning and function—concerns gender within a Tepozteca context. In this
way, we find an opposite-complement dialectical relationship within gender
order that crosscuts the political order regulated by modern society’s norma-
tive ethics.
I maintain that the logic of ritual overrides and displaces patriarchal
order. During ritual, the differentiation between women and men empha-
sizes women’s power and influence. A female Tlamazcaqui mediates, dem-
onstrating women’s pedagogical ability to reproduce ritual normativity and
social ethic. Ritual, therefore, is a social metaphor whose actors constantly
search for gender balance and equity, not just in the past, but in the present
and future as well. In this context women have a primordial importance not
only because they are the majority of the population, but also because they
are responsible for social transformations such as migration; women have
taken the social roles of men. And finally because they are really committed
to their cultural traditions.
In closing, I believe that Tepoztlán, and by extension the state of More-
los, offers an inexhaustible cultural inventory—customs, traditions, feelings,
symbols, and beliefs passed down from generation to generation—that feeds
into the greater national cultural heritage. Agrarian traditions and ways of life
constantly evolve as they incorporate new modern, globalizing realities. The
modern Tepozteca experience reminds us that traditions act as foundation
for resisting/adapting to change, and protection from a complex and shifting
world. Traditions manifest the values that define human existence, the past,
and the ethnic-territorial identity of these modern societies. These values
are solidarity with the collectivity, among those, the family, neighborhood,
community, and the elderly. Specifically, communities view the elderly as a
moral, organizing authority that the land has bestowed to protect and project
themselves toward the third millennium.
NOTES
1. Umberto Eco and Carlo Maria Martini, ¿En qué creen los que no creen?
Un diálogo sobre la ética en el fin del milenio [What do nonbelievers believe in?
A dialogue about ethics at the end of the millennium] (Madrid: Ediciones Temas
de Hoy, S.A., 1997).
2. Emilio Durkheim, Las formas elementales de la vida religiosa [The funda-

mental elements of religious life] (México: Colofón, 2000), 41.
3. Pierre Bourdieu, La domination masculine (France: Collection Liber,
Éditions du Seuil, 2000).
4. Cristina Oehmichen Bazán, Identidad, género y relaciones interétnicas.
Mazahuas en la ciudad de México [Identity, gender, and interethnic relationships.
Mazahuas in Mexico City] (Mexico City: UNAM, 2005), 68 and following.
5. Gilberto Giménez, “Territorio y Cultura,” Estudios sobre las culturas con-
tempoáneas [Land and culture, Studies on contemporary cultures, 2, no. 004]
(December 1996): 505.
6. Ana María Salazar Peralta, “Las peticiones de lluvia en el norte de Mo-
relos: signos culturales y significados en una moderna sociedad tradicional,”
Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos [Rain Invocations in the northern
Morelos: Cultural symbols and meanings in traditional modern society, Mexican
journal of anthropological studies] TXLIX (2006): 101–116.
7. Gilberto Giménez, “Cultura, identidad y metropolitanismo,” Revista
Mexicana de Sociología [Culture, identity, and metropolitanism, Mexican journal
of sociology] 3 (2005).
8. Guy Mercier and Gilles Ritchot, “La dimensión moral de la geografía
humana,” Diógenes [The moral dimension of human geography, Diogenes] 166
(1997): 48–61.
9. Enrique Florescano, “La reconstrucción del pasado,” La Jornada Se-
manal, domingo 23 enero [Reconstruction of the past, Weekly Journal, Sunday,
June 23], 2000.
10. Julio Glockner, Los volcanes Sagrados. Mitos y rituales en el Popocatepetl
y la Iztaccihuatl [Sacred volcanoes. Myths and rituals in the Popocatepetl and
the Iztaccihuatl] (Mexico: Grijalbo, 1996).
11. The complex mountainous system of the Volcanic Transversal moun-
tain range (also known in Mexico as the Sierra Nevada) spans Mexico from east
to west; it is the spinal column of the Central Altiplano [Mexican high plain].
These mountains house the ecological corridor, Ajusco-Chichinautzin, in whose
foothills are found the small mountain range, the Tepozteco.
12. Eric Wolf, Pueblos y Culturas de Mesoamerica [Peoples and cultures of
Mesoamerica] (Mexico: Ediciones Era, S.A., 1979).
13. René Acuña, ed., Relaciones Geograficas del siglo XVI: México [Geo-
graphic relationships of the 16th century: Mexico] (Mexico, UNAM, 1986).
14. Alfredo López Austin, “La religión y la larga duración: Consideraciones
para la interpretación del sistema mítico religioso mesoamericano” [Religion and
the long term: Considerations for the interpretation of the Mesoamerican mythic
religious system] (paper presented at the symposium Languages of the Heavens
and Rituals of the Earth: Interpreting Native American Religious Systems, 47th
International Conference of Americanists, New Orleans, USA, July 1991).
15. Pedro Armillas, Pedro Armillas: Vida y Obra [Pedro Armillas: Life and
work] (Mexico: INAH, 1991).
16. Johanna Broda, “Cosmovisión y observación de la naturaleza: el ejem-

plo del culto a los cerros en Mesoamérica,” Arqueometría y Etnoastronomía en
Mesoamerica [Cosmovision and observation of nature: the example of hill wor-
ship, Mesoamerica, Arqueometry and Archeoastronomy], ed. Johanna Broda,
Stanislaw Iwaniszewki, and Luprecia Maupamé (Mexico City: UNAM, 1991).
17. Druzo Maldonado Jiménez, Deidades y espacio ritual en Cuauhnahuac
y Huastepec. Tlahuicas y xochimilcas de Morelos (siglos XII–XVI) [Dieties and
ritual space in Cuauhnuac and Huastepec. Tlahuicas and Xochimilcas of More-
los (12th–16th century)] (Mexico City: UNAM, 2004).
18. Luís González and González, “Patriotismo y matriotismo, cara y cruz de
México,” El nacionalismo mexicano [Patriotism and matriotism, face and cross
of Mexico, Mexican nationalism], ed. Cecilia Noriega Elio (México: Zamora,
1992): 480.
19. Fray Bernadino de Sahagún, Códice Florentino: Historia General de las
cosas de Nueva España [Florentine Codex: General history of the things of New
Spain], Tomo I, Josefina Quintana y Alfredo López Austin, estudio introductorio,
paleografía y glosario, Conaculta (Mexico: Alianza Editorial Mexicana, 1989)
Second Book: 77–179.
cosas de Nueva España [Florentine codex: General history of the things of New
paleografía y glosario, Conaculta (Mexico: Alianza Editorial Mexicana, 1989)
Volume 1, 38.
21. Paul Kirchhoff, Principios estructurales en el México antiguo [Structural
principles in ancient Mexico], ed. Teresa Rojas (Mexico: Centro de Investiga-
ciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social, 1983), 3–27.
22. María el Carmen Anzures, “Tlaloc señor del monte y dueño de los ani-
males,” en Historia de la Religión en Mesoamerica y Areas afines [Lord Tlaloc of
the mountain and owner of animals, in History of religion in Mesoamerica and
neighboring areas], 2nd Symposium, (Mexico City: UNAM, 1990).
23. Johanna Broda, “El culto en la cueva de Chimalacatepec. Una inter-
pretación,” Memoria del tercer Congreso Interno del Centro INAH Morelos [Cave
worship in Chimalacatepec. An interpretation, Report from the Third Internal
Congress of the Morelos INAH Center] (Mexico City: UNAM, 1996).
paleografía y glosario, Conaculta, Alianza Editorial Mexicana, Mexico, 1989),
239–241. Second Book, Chapter XXXIII.
25. Johanna Broda, “El culto mexica de los cerros de la cuenca de México:
apuntes para la discusión sobre graniceros,”en Graniceros, Cosmovisión y me-
teorología indígena de Mesoamerica [Mexica hill worship in the Mexican basin:
Notes for discussion about rainmakers, in Rainmakers, cosmovision, and indig-
enous meteorology in Mesoamerica] (Mexico City: UNAM, 1997).

paleografía y glosario, Conaculta (México: Alianza Editorial Mexicana, 1989),
Second Book: 93.
27. Víctor Flores Ayala, Tepoztlán nuestra historia. Testimonios de los habi-
tantes de Tepoztlán, Morelos [Tepoztlán our history. Testimonies from the resi-
dents of Tepoztlán, Morelos] (Mexico: INAH, 1998), 35 and following.
28. Johanna Broda and Druzo Maldonado, “El culto en la cueva de Chi-
malacatepec. Una interpretación,” Memoria del tercer Congreso Interno del Cen-
tro INAH Morelos [Cave worship in Chimalacatepec. An interpretation, Report
from the Third Internal Confernece of the Morelos INAH Center] (Mexico:
INAH, 1996).
29. Las pinturas rupestres de Tepoztlán [The cave paintings of Tepoztlán],
VHS, directed by Inocencio Rodríguez and Eduardo Barrón (Mexico City: Cen-
tro de Investigaciones y Servicios Educativos, Universidad Nacional Autónoma
de México, 1997).
30. Hernando Ruíz de Alarcón, Tratado de las Superticiones y costumbres
gentilicias [Treatise on ethnic superstitions and customs] (Mexico City: Im-
prenta del Museo Nacional, 1892.)
31. Gordon Brotherston, El Códice de Tepoztlán. Imagen de un pueblo resist-
ente [The Tepoztlán Codex. Image of a resistent people] (San Francisco: Edito-
rial Pacífica, 1999).
32. René Acuña, ed., Relaciones Geograficas del siglo XVI: México [Geo-
graphic relationships of the 16th century: Mexico] (Mexico, UNAM, 1986),
191–192.
33. Translator’s note: In Spanish, the article la and the suffix - a are femi-
nine, while el and -o are masculine. Thus, male specialists would be referred as
el Tlamazcaqui, el granicero, el tiempero, or el rayado.
34. A dish made with ground pumpkin seeds, chilies, garlic, and onions;
sautéed in lard and accompanied by alberjones [dried peas]. Served with white
tamales to sop up the sauce.
35. Translator’s note: La Mexicanidad (“Mexicanness”) is a contemporary,
mostly urban religious movement that lays claim to knowing the indigenous
origins/traditions and bringing the ancestral past to the present.
36. Alicia María Juárez Becerril, “Peticiones de lluvia y culto a los aires en
San Andrés de la Cal, Morelos” [Rain invocations and worship of the airs in San
Andrés de la Cal, Morelos] (MA Thesis, UNAM, 2005).
37. Alfredo López Austin, “Religión, magia y cosmovisión” in Historia An-
tigua de México [Ancient history of Mexico], ed. Linda Manzanilla and Leon-
aro López Lujan (Mexico: Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas, 2001),
227–272.
38. Cornelius Castoriadis, Un mundo fragmentado [A fragmented world]
(Buenos Aires: Altamira, 1997).
39. Renato Ortíz, A moderna tradiçao brasileira. Cultura brasileira e Indús-

tria cultural (Sao Paolo: Editorial brasiliense, 2001).
40. Julio Glockner, Los volcanes Sagrados. Mitos y rituales en el Popocatepetl
y la Iztaccihuatl [Sacred volcanoes. Myths and rituals in the Popocatepetl and
the Iztaccihuatl] (Mexico: Grijalbo, 1996).
41. Pedro Carrasco, “La transformación de la cultura indígena durante la
colonia,” en Los Pueblos de Indios y las comunidades (El Colegio de México,
México, 1991).
42. Robert Haskett, “Activist or Adulteress? The Life and Struggle of
Doña Josefa María of Tepoztlan,” in Indian Women of Early Mexico, ed. Susan
Schroeder, Stepanie Wood, and Robert Haskett (Norman: University of Okla-
homa Press, 1997).
P A R T III
Body, Mind, and Spirit

CHAPTER 5
Dressing up the Spirits:

Costumes, Cross-Dressing,
and Incarnation in Korea
and Vietnam
Laurel Kendall and Hien Thi Nguyen
K
ut, performed by costumed shamans in Korea, and len dong, per-
formed by costumed spirit mediums in Vietnam, have both com-
monly been interpreted as practices of ritual compensation whereby
women with forceful personalities perform masculine authority in drag and
“effeminate” men temporarily become pretty female spirits. The develop-
ment of more sophisticated gender theory, allowing for complex, inconsis-
tent, and multiple combinations of “masculinities” and “femininities” allows
us to look at these rituals with fresh eyes, both with respect to the spirit
mediums and shamans who perform them and most critically, with respect
to the range of gender styles enacted within the ritual itself. In this chapter
we briefly examine the social and religious identities of female Korean sha-
mans and Vietnamese spirit mediums before and after their initiations, then
consider how the medium or shaman crosses and recrosses gender boundar-
ies in alternating categories of deities, dressing and undressing the particular
colorations of status, age, and ethnicity. As a further complication, shamans
and spirit mediums manifest the spirits, recognizable by type, in distinctive
individual styles. We will use the array of costumes deployed in both tradi-
tions as a means of understanding how a range of stock masculinities and
93
femininities are realized, what is happening in terms of the ritual “work” of

costumes in spirit manifestations, and how these costumes combine with
other performance elements to convey a spirit presence. We will argue that
rituals involving multiple sequential manifestations of costumed spirits, like
the Vietnamese len dong and the Korean kut, suggest funhouse mirrors on
multiple and sometimes contradictory ways of doing, being, and performing
“masculine” and “feminine” in both societies.
Kut, performed by Korean shamans (mudang, mansin, male: paksu mu-
dang), and len dong, performed by Vietnamese spirit mediums (male: ong
dong; female: ba dong) are spectacular ritual events involving music, colorful
costumes, and theatrical accoutrements.1 The spirits’ sequential costuming
in antique fancy dress, the most striking similarity between these two ritual
forms, makes an obvious contrast between them and the shamanisms of
Northeast Asia where a single magical robe enables flight and protects the
shaman from attack by malevolent forces.2 In Vietnamese len dong and Ko-
rean kut spirits are called into the here and now, called into the space where
the ritual takes place, when the mansin or ba dong manifests them in her own
body. This incarnation is the most visible and dramatic sign of her relation-
ship with the divine that makes her who she is.
Within the ritual frame of Korean kut and Vietnamese len dong, female
shamans and mediums have occasion to stride in the costumes of warriors,
wielding antique weaponry, and male shamans and mediums have occasion to
preen coquettishly in feminine attire, rendering “masculinity” and “feminin-
ity” theatrical as they assume multiple forms of women and men. There is
some indigenous wisdom in both places for the notion that opposites attract,
some cultural expectation that practitioners exhibit personality attributes for
cross-gendered spirits, but this is not the whole story; indeed, it simplifies and
consequently obscures the array of gendering at play in the rituals that we will
be describing. We will argue that this variety is itself an important part of how
these rituals deal with gender. Although some female Korean mansin and some
Vietnamese ba dong are forceful personalities and although the opportunity
to perform as beautiful goddesses certainly enhances the creative potential
of gay male subculture in both places, a reductionist interpretation—women
and men become shamans and mediums because they want the prerogatives
of their gender opposite—does not suffice to explain these traditions. The
assumption that male spirit mediums and shamans want to be women and
female spirit mediums and shamans want to be men obscures at least three
critical dimensions of women’s participation as shamans and spirit mediums
in Korea and Vietnam: the depth of the religious commitment that Korean
shamans and Vietnamese spirit mediums make when they accept this role, the
complex possibilities of gendered mixing and matching that both of these tra-
ditions recognize in relationships between humans and spirits, and the range
Dressing up the Spirits 95
of different ways of performing “masculine” and “feminine” that shamans or

spirit mediums enact during a single ritual. Gender studies have taught us
that ways of doing “masculine” and “feminine” can be complex and multiple3
and have saved us from the kinds of social-psychological reductions that were
popular in anthropology some decades ago.4 Judith Butler’s interpretation of
gendered behavior as “performance” allows us to look at the Korean kut and
the Vietnamese len dong with fresh eyes, both with respect to the spirit medi-
ums and shamans who perform them and the range of gender styles they enact
within a single ritual.5
In South Korea, most shamans (mansin, mudang) are women and male
shamans (paksu mudang) have traditionally put on women’s clothing, down to
the full slip and pantaloons, before donning the spirits’ robes and performing
kut.6 In Vietnam, women (ba dong) and men (ong dong) seem equally likely
to become spirit mediums in the Religion of the Four Palaces (Tu Phu), also
called the Mother Goddess Religion (Dao Mau). No strong cultural expecta-
tion favors one gender over the other. Some South Korean shamans suggest,
impressionistically, that the number of male shamans is on the rise, changes
they attribute to the improved status of Korean shamanship, now widely
recognized as “Korean culture” and celebrated in the media. Some shamans
have been appointed by the government as official performers of national
heritage. Some Vietnamese scholars, familiar with the world of len dong,
suggest that since the opening of the market in 1986 and the gradual easing
of other social constraints, more male mediums are being initiated than ever
before and that they tend subsequently to form loosely organized groups
defined by their dual identities as spirit mediums and gay men. The relation-
ship of male shamanship and mediumship to emergent gay cultures in South
Korea, Vietnam, and Burma as well is a fascinating topic but beyond the
scope of this volume.7 In this chapter, we will examine the (gendered) social
and religious identities of female Korean mansin and Vietnamese ba dong be-
fore and after their initiations and how these identities link them to gods of
masculine and feminine genders, then consider how the individual medium
or shaman crosses and recrosses gender boundaries to incarnate different
categories of deities, dressing and undressing the particular colorations of
status, age, power and authority, and (in Vietnam) ethnicity. Because our
primary subjects are women, we will use the feminine pronoun.
BECOMING A SHAMAN, BECOMING A MEDIUM

Adherents of popular religion in both Korea and Vietnam hold that when
the spirits choose a woman, she cannot escape her destiny, although many
initiates resist for years on end before capitulating to the inevitable. Korean
mansin attribute their calling to an unlucky birth horoscope that brings them
all manner of misfortune and causes them to lead miserable lives until they
accept the will of the spirits. Vietnamese also hold that mediums experi-
ence a great deal of suffering in their lives. In both traditions, and in clas-
sic shamanic fashion, the spirits choose a prospective mansin or ba dong by
afflicting her with mysterious illness, madness, poverty, broken family ties,
and other misfortunes. In Vietnam, many destined ba dong also experience
an unusual knotting and matting of their hair which they can only comb out
with the spirits’ permission, and if they neglect their obligations to the spirits,
their hair becomes matted once again. In Korea, some destined shamans
exhibit an uncanny knack of spontaneous prophecy, taken as a sign of pow-
erful divine inspiration and for some the true mark of an authentic shaman,
a shaman who has inspired speech suddenly burst out of her. In both Korea
and Vietnam, the prospective initiate may experience disturbing dreams
and spend periods of semicrazed, distracted wandering and other bizarre
behavior, sometimes mistaken for insanity, and she may fall into spontaneous
trances during other peoples’ rituals.8
In Korea, would-be shamans and their families resist the calling, in part
because this was traditionally an “outcast” (ch’ônmin) profession requir-
ing women to sing and dance in other people’s houses like courtesans and
dancing girls, embarrassing their kin and compromising their children’s and
grandchildren’s future marriage prospects. For much of the 20th century,
different regimes mounted antisuperstition campaigns against the mansin,
regarding them as practitioners of backward rural superstition and their
rituals as the irrational squandering of material resources toward nonma-
terial ends. The most vehement opposition came during the early 1970s
New Community Movement of the Park Chung-hee regime when local au-
thorities interrupted rituals and threatened shamans with arrest, local zeal-
ots burned down shrines, and urban development schemes caused other
shrines to either relocate or disappear completely. The newly elevated status
of Korean shamans as exemplars of “national culture” rather than “backward
superstition” and the gradual liberalization of attitudes toward women’s pub-
lic behavior—including dance and performance as part of the liberal arts
curriculum in the best women’s universities—has somewhat alleviated the
old onus against shamans in Korea, although hostility from within Korea’s
sizeable Christian community sometimes erupts in incidents of harassment.
Owing to the relatively positive contemporary image of shamanship, mansin
now complain that there are more initiates than ever before but that many of
them are insufficiently inspired and inadequately trained.9
In Vietnam, the number of mediums has increased exponentially since
the late 1980s with the gradual liberalization of many social policies, includ-
ing those regarding popular religion and “superstitious practices,” although
mediums are still subject to periodic harassment by local authorities.10 With
the opening of the market economy since 1986, market traders, who were
enthusiasts for spirit medium rituals in the 1950s have returned to popular
religion, seeking the favor of the Mother Goddess and her pantheon as a
hedge on their necessarily risky enterprises.11 The Vietnamese media, how-
ever, has continued to portray spirit mediums as “liars and swindlers” and to
describe them as “uneducated, ignorant people.”12 Even in a more liberal so-
cial climate, the government continued to discourage all rituals and practices
that involved mustering supernatural forces in “dealing with human agonies
and anxieties.”13 A tremendous change occurred on November 15, 2004,
when a new ordinance on folk beliefs and religion legitimated the venera-
tion of spirits in popular religion as an extension of the—generally favorably
regarded—veneration of national heroes.14 The ordinance recognized activi-
ties associated with folk belief including ancestor worship, the commemora-
tion of historical figures, and the veneration of spirits.15
The physical, emotional, and economic demands of shamanship and
mediumship are another reason for resistance. Accepting a divine calling
requires a total life commitment, and shamans or mediums who break their
relationship with their spirits risk illness and serious misfortune, afflicting
both themselves and their families. In both traditions, shamans and medi-
ums maintain shrines to their spirits, which they keep clean and replenished
with fresh offerings; purify their bodies before performing kut or len dong;
sponsor expensive periodic rituals for the benefit of their own spirits; and
make pilgrimages to sacred sites (mountains in Korea, famous temples in
Vietnam) to secure the spirits’ favor and thereby enhance their own powers.
Even minor infractions, such as a delay in performing a ritual or an inappro-
priate arrangement of ritual paraphernalia will bring divine displeasure.
DOING THE SPIRITS’ WORK

In Korea, initiation as a mansin brings a new identity—social, religious,
and professional. Experienced shamans will repeatedly tell the initiate, “You
must change completely” in order to receive the spirits. Marriage is usually a
casualty of the mansin profession, either because a destined shaman experi-
ences early widowhood, divorce, or flight from an abusive marriage as part
of her ill-fated destiny, or because husbands subsequently abandon shaman
wives out of shame or jealousy. By cultural stereotype, the shaman’s husband
is a man who lives off of money earned by his wife, in effect a kept man, and
a mansin’s work requires both days and nights away from home, provoking
suspicion.16 In mansin terms, male spirits are themselves jealous and make
normal married life with a mortal man untenable so that even mansin who
continue to live with husbands seldom share a common bed.17 Typically,
the destined mansin accepts her calling only when she has been forced into
marginal and desperate circumstances and holds her initiation kut (naerim
kut) out of desperation, usually by going into debt to cover the cost of the
ritual and the requisite costumes and paraphernalia she must assemble in
order to perform it. At the critical moment of a successful initiation, her
“gates of speech” (malmun) open and she pours out divinations in “the true
words of the spirits.” With this ability, she not only receives clients for indi-
vidual consultations but can begin to perform simple tasks at a kut, eventu-
ally gaining the ability to manifest all of the spirits and ancestors who appear,
manifesting their persona and mannerisms in her own body and, most impor-
tantly, speaking in their voice. Speaking the spirits’ words convincingly and
shaping chaotic, random, or absent visions into a coherent divination is the
most difficult task of an initiate, but without it, she is no mansin.18 With the
power to divine, a new mansin can begin to make a living, supporting herself
and if necessary, her children and other family members, and paying back
her debts.19 Full competence in music, song, chants, performance business,
and ritual lore requires years of apprenticeship under the tutelage of an expe-
rienced “great shaman” (k’ŭn mansin), ideally the “spirit mother” (sin ŏm ŏni)
who conducted her initiation kut. Many mansin complain that unseasoned
shamans are greedy to conduct initiations for naïve clients, perpetuating a
cycle of insufficiently inspired, badly initiated, and poorly trained shamans
who do not really know how to serve the spirits and who, as a consequence,
cause much mischief and unnecessary misfortune to themselves and their
clients. Since the 1990s, some disappointed initiates have been turning to
new shaman schools, trying to learn in a classroom setting the performing
and ritual arts that their spirit mothers should have taught them.20
Vietnamese ba dong eschew any notion of paid professionalism, and in
addition to their new identity as spirit mediums, they continue to think of
themselves as the farmers, traders, or civil servants they were before their
initiations. In effect, and in contrast to Korean mansin, they keep their day
jobs. Many mediums, particularly Hanoi women market traders who con-
sider their relationship with the spirits good for their own business, health,
and general well-being, only perform periodic len dong for the sake of their
own businesses and families; they do not receive clients. Even so, they feel
an obligation to perform a len dong ritual at least twice a year. Their partici-
pation is somewhat analogous to the activities of the mansin’s regular clients
who make offerings in her shrine two or three times a year and dance in
the shamans’ clothing during interludes at a kut to achieve a mild euphoria
or, more rarely, a full-on trance, engaging and entertaining their own body-
governing spirits (momju) for similar personal and familial benefits.
Master mediums (dong thay) are mediums that have powerful connec-
tions to their spirits and are experienced and knowledgeable ritual perform-
ers somewhat analogous to mansin.21 Depending on the spirits who work
with them, master mediums can divine, exorcise, heal illness, and initiate
other mediums, but most master mediums will insist that they receive only
token compensation for these services. Sister Nga says that out of sympathy
for poor and desperate patients, she assumes the cost of mounting their len
dong ritual herself, including furnishing all of the offerings and votive paper
sculptures. She assumes that these grateful people will pay her back later
on. Ba dong complain that some master mediums have become greedy and
charge too much when other mediums use their shrines for their own rituals,
but even famous master mediums will point out that they give back to the
spirits whatever they earn by performing their own len dong and by honoring
their spirits with ever-more elaborate temple fittings and statues and more
beautiful costumes. Master mediums frequently perform len dong for their
own spirits, saying that they will feel ill for no otherwise explicable reason if
they do not regularly “sit” for the incarnating spirits by performing len dong.
Mansin also feel obliged to celebrate their own spirits, hosting a kut attended
by their regular clients at least once a year if they can afford the expense, and
also claim that neglecting this obligation will adversely affect their health,
income, or family well-being. But with the exception of these special kut, the
other kut that a mansin performs are her primary source of livelihood.
RITUALS, RITUAL OFFERINGS, AND CASH

As a central dynamic of kut, the spirits demand cash which the client
supplies, usually with comic bantering. In and around Seoul, the client pays
the cost of her kut up front with a significant sum given back to her to use as
stage money in her dealings with gods and ancestors. The gods will also ex-
tract some previously uncommitted cash from her and encourage other spec-
tators to spend small sums on divinations and on cups of “lucky” (pok) wine
and sweets. In other words, the gods and ancestors draw wealth in and give
back auspiciousness for a large or small fee. Although len dong also involves
honoring the spirits with a tribute of cash and food, the dynamic is very dif-
ferent. The medium who performs len dong gives out all of the offerings and
cash that have been piled on the altar and all of the offerings and cash that
guests have offered on heaping trays. Mediums make some redistribution
during every spirit incarnation, and in the end, everything gets shared out
again to the assistants, the musicians, and all of the other participants as a
bestowal of the spirits’ auspicious favor (loc). Even a casual visitor returns
home with a small sum of cash and a bag containing beer or soda, cookies,
fruit, paper flowers, and some small plastic items like combs and pocket mir-
rors. A Korean mansin who had occasion to visit Vietnam and witnessed a len
dong was profoundly impressed by what she saw as the mediums’ extreme
generosity which she contrasted with the dynamics of a kut where mansin
and spirits make demands, but give little back.22 These distinctions further
underscore the mansin’s identity as a professional practitioner who depends
upon income from the rituals she performs, and the ba dong’s denial of profit.
These similar-seeming religious experiences have been shaped by different
cultural expectations of what and how mansin as shamans and ba dong as
spirit mediums are expected to perform.
The range of performance skills required of a mansin, and in particular,
the necessity of exhibiting inspired speech, distinguish her from the ba dong.
As a shaman, the mansin orchestrates her dealings with the gods and ances-
tors, summoning them into the ritual space that she and her colleagues have
purified, winning their good will on behalf of her clients, and sending the gods,
ancestors, and any lingering noxious influences away in proper sequence.
Mansin spell each other at drumming and making the percussive music that
accompanies spirit manifestations. Mansin occasionally hire additional pro-
fessional musicians who play the fiddle, flute, and Chinese military horn to
please the spirits when the occasion and the client’s pocketbook merit this ad-
ditional expense, but these musicians are not essential to the critical work of
invoking spirits and enabling the mansin to manifest them. A mansin is more
nearly a shamanic “master of the spirits” than is the ba dong, who requires a
ritual master to make appropriate petitions to summon the spirits for len dong
and performers of chau van music and songs to call down particular spirits and
later send them on their way at the end of an incarnation.23 Although it is the
medium who cues the musicians once she senses the presence of a particular
spirit, Hien Nguyen’s observations suggest that even when musicians miss
their cue, the spirits wait for the singer to invite them to descend, and depart
only when the singer bids them farewell.24
Both Korean and Vietnamese traditions encourage communities of
adherents. In Vietnam, disciples of a particular master medium become
a close circle, serving in their master’s temple and assisting at or simply
attending each other’s len dong as happy, celebratory events. Mature me-
diums who become masters themselves become the nuclei of new groups.
In Korea, mansin make up teams to perform kut in shifting combinations
of congenial colleagues (“sisters”) and their respective apprentices, making
networks and shifting alliances of people who work well together. With
respect to clients, the country kut of a few decades past were boisterous
parties that drew enthusiastic female kin and neighbors to the sponsors’
house. Although kut are now performed in near privacy in commercial sha-
man shrines, celebrations of Buddha’s Birthday and the Seven Stars of the
dipper on the seventh day of the seventh lunar month, and seeking divina-
tions in the first two weeks of the new year bring celebratory crowds of long-
time clients to a shaman’s house as does her annual celebration of her own
spirits. Like many other communities of coreligionists, the world of mansin
or the world of ba dong creates occasions of social conviviality and pleasure

and broadens the adherent’s social networks.
SPIRITS AND SPIRITS’ GENDER

Although she honors a full pantheon of deities in her shrine, a Korean
mansin claims the special protection of a Body-governing God (momju
taesin). The spirits in her shrine and in particular, her Body-governing God,
demand fierce loyalty, sometimes expressed as “marriage” and while a few
shamans describe this relationship in sexual terms, the idiom evokes more
broadly the Confucian notion of life-long wifely fidelity. As Roberte Hamayon
notes, many different shamanic traditions describe the relationship between
a shaman and his or her spirits as marriage, but the expectations of a mari-
tal contract vary considerably across cultures.25 A Confucian marriage bond
may be the proper metaphor for the kind of loyalty a Body-governing Fairy
Maid, a feminine spirit, exacts of a female shaman in a decidedly asexual
relationship. A positive relationship with powerful spirits enables the mansin
to practice as a mansin, a relationship closely bound up with her identity as
a professional shaman who is paid for what she does; the spirits bring her
clients and empower her to give accurate divinations and perform efficacious
kut. Mansin read a sudden falling off of business as a symptom of divine dis-
pleasure, and more catastrophically, angry spirits can cause a mansin to lose
her inspiration altogether. A mansin with an elaborate shrine, gold jewelry,
and heavy rings on her fingers is a mansin whose spirits have brought her
many satisfied clients. By stereotype, mansin are greedy, just as powerful and
efficacious spirits are demanding spirits, and even loyal adherents assume
that a mansin will encourage them to perform expensive rituals that might
not be merited, even as an ambitious doctor might be suspected of advising
unnecessary and costly medical procedures. The assumption of greed and
potential charlatanry contributes to the negative image that mansin bear.
The relationship with a Body-governing God is complex because the
spirit is both a “type”—a certain General, a Spirit Warrior, a Great Spirit
Grandmother—and usually also a known ancestor who has more-or-less
been appointed to this slot. Yongsu’s Mother honors a Spirit Warrior (Sinjang)
who is her own deceased husband and their prickly relationship continues.
Because most mansin are women, and most spirits are men, female mansin
usually have masculine spirits, sometimes characterized as jealous and pos-
sessive of their chosen mansin. By cultural expectation, female deities are
attracted to male paksu mudang. But these lines are far from absolute. Man
can have men and women can have women as their Body-governing Spirits.
Deceased shaman kinswomen, or kinswomen who ought to have been initi-
ated as shamans, often assume this role and possess a female descendant;
in the initiation kut filmed by Diana Lee and Laurel Kendall the shamans
identify the initiate’s dead sister in the role of Princess Hogu (Hogu Taesin)
as her Body-governing God, retrospectively describing the dead girl as a
destined shaman whose calling was not recognized.26 Many female shamans
have a special relationship with the Fairy Maid (Okwang Sŏngnyŏ), as the
formidable Chatterbox Mansin once did. In addition to enjoying a particular
spirit’s favor, a mansin is said to “play well” when she manifests spirits of
a similar type to her Body-governing God in kut. Many female mansin do
masculine spirits particularly well, and many male shamans have a special
penchant for prettily manifesting female spirits—performances that by the
aptness of their characterization, testify to the alterity of spirits, their ab-
solute difference or otherness, and to their uncanny presence in the here
and now.
In Vietnam, the “root” of medium destiny (can) can also be gendered
masculine or gendered feminine, and men or women may have the root of a
spirit of either gender. Those men and women who have a male spirit root are
said to have glowing faces and red, restless eyes, hot tempers and impulsive
natures; those who have a female spirit are said to be “feminine” or in the
case of men, “effeminate.” When a woman initiate displays a hot-temper,
the mediums call her “manly” (dan ong) and say that her root comes from a
male spirit, a Mandarin (can Quan) or a Prince (can Ong Hoang), while the
root of an effeminate male medium is attributed to a female deity. Mediums’
identification with the personality traits of particular spirits (in the man-
ner of a Korean Body-governing God) extend into the mediums’ quotidian
personalities. A ba dong with the Seventh Prince’s root has a masculine look
and is strong in mind and character. A male medium that is identified with
the Ninth Damsel usually has a frail carriage and walks coquettishly; he is
addressed as “Miss.” In both Vietnam and Korea today, many young practitio-
ners claim a special relationship with a Child Spirit (Tongja in Korean, Cau
Be in Vietnamese) who is playful, mischievous, and likes to be indulged. In
Vietnam, the Child Spirit is always a boy and in Korea, usually so, but these
spirits are more nearly marked by age than gender and in Korea both boy and
girl Child Spirits speak with the same falsetto voice.
SHAMAN ROBES AND SUITCASES FULL OF COSTUMES

This mixing and matching of spirits, shamans, and mediums of the same
and of contrasting genders is hardly an ethnographic aberration particular to
East and Southeast Asian state societies. In other places, Marjorie Mandel-
stam Balzer, Barbara Tedlock and Ana Mariella Bacigalupo27 have drawn on
their own fieldwork and on the shreds and patches of older ethnographies28
to describe bigendered shamans, gender categories in permanent flux, and
shamans whose multiple or ambigendered identities are contingent on gene-

alogies of ritual transmission and upon the particular identities of spirits who
show up during a given performance. They have also shown how, in different
shamanic traditions separated by time and space, the empowering robes and
other accoutrements that shamans wear combine attributes of masculine
and feminine identity to enhance the powers of the shaman.
The robes or cloaks that have such a strong association with northern
Eurasian shamanisms are replaced in Korea and Vietnam by suitcases burst-
ing with brightly colored costumes for rituals where Korean mansin and Viet-
namese ba dong change their dress and accoutrements to receive a sequence
of spirits, both male and female, who give these rituals the air of costumed
historical dramas. In both Korea and Vietnam, the spirits come garbed in the
imagery of antique courts and armies, populating ritual imaginaries with an
imagery very different from that of North Asian shamanisms where power
emerges from a harsh natural landscape and spirits may have animal form.29
In both Korea and Vietnam, premodern states adapted Chinese statecraft
and some of its imagery to convey temporal power. Where spirit power ap-
pears in the idiom of state power, as it does in both kut and len dong, popular
religious imagery in Korea and Vietnam draws on similar historical models
for weapons, battle flags, and a five-element scheme of bold primary color,
although the cut of the clothing, the music, dance, historical allusions, and
even the aesthetics and flavors of offering food are unmistakably Vietnamese
or Korean. Vietnamese who see Korean kut and Koreans who see Vietnam-
ese len dong are immediately struck by their many visual similarities and the
words “kut” and “len dong” have been deployed as reciprocal translations for
these rituals. In the remainder of our discussion, we will consider how the
bursting suitcases of costumes that accompany Vietnamese len dong and
Korean kut contain in their range of dress multiple masculinities and femi-
ninities that the mansin and ba dong perform into being.
We use the word “costume” because particular robes are identified with
specific spirits, but we want to also emphasize that in both traditions, these
are more than secular theatrical properties. The costume is also an offer-
ing, an item of religious transaction which, once it is dedicated, is closely
identified with the spirit who wears it and must be treated with respect as an
extension of the spirit’s presence. It must be stored carefully and kept apart
from ordinary clothing. In Korea, shamans offer new robes to their spirits
on the strength of a dream or a divination from another shaman, but many
of their costumes are gifts from clients, marked with the client’s name as a
durable sign of an active relationship between the shaman, the spirits in her
shrine, and the client and her own family’s spirits. The costume is a sign and
extension of the spirit’s presence; mansin dust clients with auspiciousness by
shaking the hems of their costumes into the client’s clothing and when the
mansin removes her costume after manifesting a particular spirit, she casts it
into the client’s outstretched skirt as a sign that the spirit bestows blessings
on the client. Each time the mansin wears the robe dedicated by a particular
client to feast and play at kut, even kut for the benefit of a client other than
the client who dedicated the robe she wears, the first client’s spirit is satis-
fied by the dancing and play and consequently favorably disposed toward
the client’s household. An experienced Korean mansin with a large number
of clients will have multiple robes for each of several spirits. When she per-
forms her annual kut for her own spirits and her community of clients, she
will bundle on multiple versions of the same robe to bestow simultaneous
blessings on several clients. By so doing, she also evidences that her spirits
are powerful spirits who have brought her much business over several years
of practice, a thickening of client relations made literal through several lay-
ers of costume.
During an interval in the kut, clients are encouraged to dance to enter-
tain their own personal spirits, either wearing the costumes that they have
dedicated or in robes identified with spirits who are also powerful in the
client’s own household pantheon. Such dancing carries the risk that women
who are destined to become shamans will be claimed by the spirits while
they are dancing, and minor temporary possessions can also occur through
the medium of dance, music, and clothing. During the initiation ritual that
Lee and Kendall recorded on film, the experienced shamans urge the initi-
ate to grab whatever robe strikes her fancy on the assumption that it would
lead in an urgent spirit who will enable her to speak and act like a shaman.30
Eventually, the presiding mansin covered the initiate in the robe of the Heav-
enly King whose powerful aura would overcome the troublesome spirits that
were blocking her flow of inspiration.
In Vietnam, each spirit has a specific costume in which the medium’s
assistants (tu tru, meaning “four pillars”) dress the medium once she has
identified the spirit and while the singer invites the spirit to descend. At a
len dong performed by master medium Tinh, one of the damsels expressed
urgent rage when the attendants failed to produce the appropriate costume
and would not dance until an inappropriate pink robe was replaced with the
desired one; this happens often. Before her initiation into the service of the
spirits (ra dong or mo phu), the medium must purchase suitable costumes,
especially those of his or her patron spirits, those whose root she carries.
Some Mother Goddess temples maintain extra costumes that poor mediums
can use. A medium of the Mother Goddess Religion is supposed to possess
all of the costumes for all of the spirits that she will potentially incarnate
when she performs len dong. In addition to her obligation to perform appro-
priate rituals during the year, she must wear beautiful costumes to “dress up”
the spirits in order to receive more favor and compassion, but some mediums
will purchase costumes for only the most frequently incarnated spirits until
they can afford to purchase the others. One medium told us, however, that
if a spirit arrives and does not find the appropriate costume, the attendant
must petition the spirit on the medium’s behalf, asking the spirit to bless the
medium with good fortune so that she will be able to purchase the costume
in the future. (A similar transaction takes place in kut when an initiate or cli-
ent cannot meet a god’s unanticipated demand for clothing or accessories).
A ba dong told us that she felt badly when she could not incarnate a spirit
in the appropriate costume. When a ba dong’s circumstances improve, she
acknowledges the spirits’ favor by buying them more spectacular and ex-
pensive costumes, carefully preserving the old ones and maybe allowing the
mediums she has initiated to use them.
Devotees of the Mother Goddess religion will sometimes offer to pro-
vide costumes to a medium. Some mediums refuse this on the grounds that
purchasing costumes is their own personal act of devotion to the Mother
Goddess. One ba dong told us that she made an exception for a devotee
who was also a close friend and this produced an interesting story about
the relationship between spirits and clothing. The woman sold meat in the
market. Being short on cash, she delayed in picking up the costume from
the tailor on the specified day. As midday approached she had not sold most
of her stock, which would spoil, forcing her to take a loss. She prayed to the
Mother Goddess and asked for help selling her stock, promising to pick up
the costume in the evening. That afternoon, her luck changed and she was
able to sell out her stock and collect the costume. A young overseas ba dong
described how the young damsel (Co be), her patron spirit, was not happy
when the medium incarnated her in a borrowed costume rather than pur-
chasing a robe for the damsel.
Now let us examine the range of spirit manifestations these different
Korean and Vietnamese costumes enable.
THE PERFORMANCE OF GENDER

Both kut and len dong are theatrical, highly artistic popular religious
forms, full of music, dance, and performative business, and both have links
to more secular artistic genres.31 At their most basic level, these rituals are
intended to pleasure the spirits who bestow favor upon the human sponsors.
Both rituals last for many hours and are said to make the participants feel
better both during and after the performance. The spirits who appear are
stock characters, types readily identified by their clothing and behavior.
Korean mansin say that the kut has twelve sequences or kôri, and can
usually list them, but they will also admit that in contemporary practice,
segments are combined and simplified and some of the spirits are conflated.
In the more recent kut Kendall observed in the tradition of Seoul (Hanyang
kut, Hansông kut), each of three shamans might perform one major segment
that lasts from 90 minutes to two hours, with preliminaries and denouement.
Such kut are usually divided into a segment for the Mountain God and spir-
its associated with pure high places, prayers for fertility, and for the benefit
of children; a segment for the family’s ancestors who are led to the kut by an
ancestral shaman; and a segment for warriors and officials, which involves
feats such as balancing the offering meat on a battle trident and more spec-
tacularly, may involve the shaman herself balancing on knife-blades. The kut
begins with a long drum song expelling pollutions and inviting the spirits and
ancestors into the house. It ends with manifestations of the House Tutelary,
the Mountebank, and some minor gods and a final send-off of ghosts and
other unclean entities. The dynamic for encounters between a spirit and a
client typically begins with the spirit deriding the client for having ignored
rituals and offerings in the past. The mansin’s words combine stock phrases
with pointed references to the client’s current troubles. The language be-
comes more direct and less larded with archaic vocabulary as the encounter
continues, with the client and the other mansin repeatedly asking for forgive-
ness and understanding, bestowing more cash on the spirit whose prognos-
tications become increasingly benevolent as the spirit promises to shower
blessings on the client.
When a shaman prepares to perform a segment, she dresses in layers of
robes; some manifestations of spirits will be accomplished by removing lay-
ers of clothing, others by switching outer robes. The spirit with the highest
status in the segment appears first, followed by spirits in descending order
of status until the segment is complete, the costumes are all removed, and
another shaman begins to costume herself for the next segment. As high
spirits, Mountain Gods and Generals are the first to appear in their respec-
tive sequences. They stride regally to a processional clash of cymbals and
assume an arrogant posture. They extend their fans in an elegant gesture
to receive cash from the client. They would not deign to dun the client for
cash. Officials, by contrast, are highly demanding, the greedy and corrupt
underlings who appear with the other military spirits but may also show up
as underlings in other sequences. Their performance is characterized by ap-
petite: they demand wine, meat, cash, and dancing partners, and they exhibit
their lust with phallic play, taking a dried fish or a drum stick and bouncing
it up and down under their costume while leering at the giggling client. In
other words, all of these spirits are “masculine” but they are masculine in
different ways. Generals and Mountain Spirits have the demeanor of high
officials (positions traditionally enjoyed by men, but a minority of men); their
dignity is a measure of their status. Officials and Spirit Warriors have less
couth personas, sometimes conflated with narrative portrayals of demanding
husbands, a comically unflattering, bothersome, demanding masculinity.32

Child Spirits are capricious—the source of potential trouble—and they can
be mollified with sweets. A boy child’s masculinity, where marked, is that of
a spoiled child. The two authors witnessed a surprise appearance by Child
Spirits who, in the manner of bothersome toddlers, announced to one of the
shamans “I don’t like you,” chased another shaman around the offering table
because she had failed to make a promised pilgrimage to Mount Paektu,
and delayed the ritual by refusing to depart on schedule. While manifesting
the boy Child God, the mansin kept twisting the cloth of her skirt into an
approximation of a tiny phallus, the only distinction between her manifesta-
tion of the little girl and the little boy. When the segment was over, she was
overheard to remark that she “couldn’t help herself ” from making the crude
gesture with her clothing. Knowing that the Child Spirits always delay the
ritual, she had not brought out their costumes, but they had come anyway
and she had found herself involuntarily extracting their little sets of clothing
from a zippered storage bag.
Most of the spirits who appear in kut are male, but Princes Hogu is a
young woman, a virgin who died of smallpox and asks for “make-up” money
to cover the scars on her face so that she can get married. She appears with
a red skirt cast over her head, which is “opened”—a parallel to “opening” the
client’s luck, when the client gives her sufficient cash. This spirit is flighty
and flirtatious; unattended she stirs up trouble between husband and wife.
The Buddhist Sage, Seven Stars, and Birth Grandmother appear in the white
robes and hoods of Buddhist liturgical dancing, and like Buddhas, they are
vegetarian spirits, but also identified with ancestral family grandmothers
who fasted, bathed with cold water, and prayed on mountains to conceive
and raise healthy male children. Usually, they are addressed and referred
to as “Grandmother” and appear in dreams and visions as “white-haired
grandmothers.” Their complaints over neglect are not unlike those of aging
mothers-in-law. The Great Spirit Grandmother is a dead shaman, often a
shaman known to the shaman participants, whose strong personality marks
her continuing relationship with her former apprentice. In other words, the
particular “femininity” of Korean spirits is colored by type as determined by
age and social circumstance.
The spirits of len dong are historic or quasi-historic figures, described in
legends and the stories that the chau van singers recount in the songs they
sing to entertain each particular spirit who appears during the ritual. Over
the course of several hours, a single spirit medium will incarnate multiple
deities, evoking their presence with appropriate mannerisms, dance ges-
tures, and sometimes verbal statements. Any of 36 spirits might possess a
spirit medium during a len dong but only a few of them will appear in a sin-
gle ritual and some make more regular appearances than others. The spirits
come from the four palaces governed by the Mother Goddesses and their
robes are in the color of each domain: red for the palace of heaven, yellow for
earth, white for water, and blue or green for the mountains and forests. The
spirits’ offerings are also color-coded to match the palaces they inhabit. Spirit
types are also ranked and mediums incarnate them in descending order and
alternating gender: Mandarins, Dames, Princes, Damsels, and Boys.
The medium sits under a red cloth, awaiting the deity’s presence, then
signals with her hands to cue the musicians and chau van singers. The right
hand signals for female spirits and the left hand for male spirits. For example,
one finger of the left hand would signal the presence of the First Manda-
rin, two fingers of the right hand would signal the Second Dame. Switch-
ing hands, say from left to right, signals the appearance of deities from the
next lowest rank. For example, if the medium were performing Mandarins,
a switch to the right hand would signal the arrival of Dames; if performing
Princes, then Damsels. Once a ba dong has cued the musicians, the four
assistants scramble to assemble the appropriate costume and spend several
minutes dressing the medium and decorating her turban with appropriate
accessories. Now the medium is ready to dance and mime the spirit she has
incarnated, but without the extended verbal encounters of a Korean kut.
Since each spirit has a distinctive quasi-historical biography, we find
even more variation in type than in the Korean kut. The Second Mandarin,
who bestows wishes for talent and a good career, is a General and appears as
a strong, austere military figure. The Fifth Mandarin is a secret inspector, a
powerful and righteous investigator. The dames, closely identified with the
Mother Goddesses they serve as ladies in waiting, are elegant and, as mature
women, more serious than the younger Damsels. The Second Dame has
healing powers; she is identified with mountain-dwelling minority people
who have herbal lore. Her lively dance with fire sticks suggests the low-
lander’s view of exotic mountain people. The Princes, who are all legendary
figures, lack the military austerity of the mandarins. The Seventh Prince, a
playboy who craves beautiful girls, drinks and smokes a great deal when he
incarnates the medium. The Tenth Prince has more artistic tastes. A liter-
ary connoisseur, he enjoys the music of the chau van singers whose song
describes him composing poetry with his friends. The Prince smiles and
expresses his pleasure by tapping the pillowed arm rest that is part of the
ritual paraphernalia, and shouting for joy. Then, he rewards the singers by
showering them with money. The Tenth Prince is always open-handed in
distributing favors in the form of money, cakes, sweets, and jewelry, particu-
larly to women. Everybody receives his favors with deep respect, and some
participants give him offerings, asking for his protection. He returns some
of these offerings to the contributors, accompanied by good advice and good
wishes.
Following the incarnations of the Princes, some of the 12 Damsels ap-

pear. The Damsels are young and unmarried, so their incarnations are always
cheerful, with colorful costumes and fluttering dances. Like the Dames, the
Damsels are usually portrayed as ethnic minorities. Their costumes use fab-
rics and accessories associated with ethnic minorities, albeit without ethno-
graphic precision. The Second Damsel performs a coy dance, carrying flower
baskets on a pole, flaunting her girlish femininity. The Third Damsel has a
different style; wearing a long pink dress and a long scarf, her movements
exhibit grace and beauty. This is a sweet and gentle spirit.
Among the 10 Boy attendants, only the Third Boy-attendant (Cau Bo)
and the youngest Boy-attendant (Cau Be) often descend and are incarnated.
The Boy’s costumes, gestures, and words are childlike, reflecting his playful
nature. In addition to the requisite rituals, today the little Boy attendant also
performs unicorn and lion dances, shaking his belled heo stick to the amuse-
ment of the spectators.
CONCLUSION
We have described how Korean mansin become shamans and Vietnam-
ese ba dong become spirit mediums through an idiom of unavoidable fate
that enjoins a powerful obligation to their guardian spirits and affects other
domains of their lives. They observe various ritual duties and thorough their
relationships with the spirits, establish new social relationships with core-
ligionists. The Korean mansin’s identification with her new role is total and
requires mastery of a range of new and difficult skills, which she uses both
to serve the spirits and make a living. In both traditions, the alterity of spirits
and their powerful presence in the quotidian world is sometimes manifest in
cross-gendered identification with male or female guardian gods, but as in
many other shamanic and shaman-like traditions, the possibilities for gender
identification are fluid and variable. Moreover, in the performance of kut
and len dong as costumed and theatrical rituals, the spirits exhibit a vari-
ety of masculinities and femininities, dressing and undressing the particular
colorations of status, age, and (in Vietnam) ethnicity, permitting a theatrical
mimesis—the compelling evocation of what one is not—in a fun-house mir-
ror of stock types, a sometimes humorous, sometimes seductive, sometimes
overbearing commentary on gender itself.33
NOTES
Our work together on this project was supported by the Jane Belo Tannenbaum
Fund of the American Museum of Natural History and a Ford Foundation grant
which provided Hien Nguyen with a postdoctoral fellowship at AMNH. We are
grateful to the many shamans and mediums who allowed us to observe their
rituals and discuss their work and to Seong-nae Kim, Sung Ja Kim, Pham Quynh
Phuong, and Ngo Duc Thinh, who joined our conversation about the compari-
sons and contrasts between Korea and Vietnam. We, alone, are responsible for
the shortcomings of this effort.
1. In both Korea and Vietnam, there is significant regional variation in

these rituals. In general, we are describing kut in and around Seoul and len dong
in and around Hanoi.
2. In English-language translations, the entities that Korean shamans
manifest are conventionally “gods” (sin, sinyǒng) and “ancestors” (chosang). Viet-
namese popular religion distinguishes between “gods” (than) and “saints” (thanh)
who once had mortal lives. In this chapter, we use the less precise term “spirits,”
which is used in writing about shamans and mediums in many parts of the world,
to override these differences of language in a manner that does no violence to
the content of our descriptions.
3. Ortner, 1996.
4. Lewis, 1966, 1969; Spiro, 1967.
5. Butler, 1993.
6. We have met one exception to this general expectation, a male shaman
who wore traditionalist-modern male clothing under his costume and performed
masculine deities. There are undoubtedly others but men who favor feminine
deities are far more numerous.
7. Kumada, 2003.
8. For accounts of shamanic destiny in Korea see Harvey, 1979, 1980;
Kendall, 1985, 1988, 1996; and Kim, 1995. For Vietnam, see Fjelstad, 1995;
Nguyen, 2002; and Pham, 2006.
9. Kendall, 2009.
10. Truong, 1998; Norton, 2000; Malarney, 2002.
11. Durand, 1959.
12. Norton, 2000.
13. Endress, 2006.
14. The policy document was actually passed by the Standing Committee
of the National Assembly on June 18, 2004, but did not take effect until No-
vember 15, 2004.
15. Ordinance on Folk Beliefs, 2004.
16. Harvey, 1979.
17. Kendall, 2000.
18. See, for example, the struggles of Chini, the initiate described in Ken-
dall, 1996, and in the accompanying film, An Initiation kut for a Korean Shaman
(Lee and Kendall, 1991), who is repeatedly told that the gods will not move her
tongue for her, that she has to make the manifestation happen, whether the
spirits are present or not.
19. Until recently, Korean family law granted legal custody to fathers in the
event of divorce. A woman abandoning an abusive spouse or fleeing an otherwise
untenable domestic situation was usually forced by circumstance to relinquish

her children as well, a common circumstance for destined shamans.
20. However much mansin romanticize the relationship between a spirit
mother and a spirit daughter “in the old days,” these relationships were often
brittle; then as now, many spirit daughters found other shamans to mentor them.
The schools evidence both an individualization of shamanship and a commoditi-
zation of the shaman’s training. See Guillemoz, 1998; Hogarth, 2003.
21. Larsson and Endres, 2006.
22. Ch’ǒn, 2001. In fact, clients at a Korean kut also take home fruit and
rice cake and offer it to the spirits in their own households. At the end of a kut,
shamans commonly offer fruit and rice cake to any other participants, but this
is not part of the dynamic of the ritual itself which emphasizes the sprits’ de-
mands as a measure of their power. When kut were held in clients’ houses, as
was common in the 1970s, the rice cake and offerings would be the clients’ to
redistribute—with the expectation of generous portions to the shamans, but all
of the cash, grain, and significant portions of meat would be the shamans’ share.
23. Cf. Shirokogoroff, 1935 cited in Jakobsen, 1999.
24. There are also differences in what is supposed to happen to a ba dong
when she incarnates a spirit and what happens when a mansin manifests a spirit,
but we will reserve that discussion for another place. Many chau van musicians
and ritual masters have a dual identity as initiated mediums.
25. Hamayon, 1998.
26. Lee and Kendall, 1991; Kendall, 1996.
27. Balzer, 1997; Tedlock, 2005; and Bacigalupo, 2004, 2007.
28. eg., Bogoras, 1904–1909.
29. Vitebsky, 1995a and b.
30. Lee and Kendall, 1991.
31. For Vietnam: Ngo, 1999; Nguyen, 2002; Norton, 2002; To et al., 1999.
For Korea: Yim, 1970; Lee, 1969, 1982, 1996.
32. Kendall, 2000.
33. cf. Morris, 1995.
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CHAPTER 6
Women and Sacred Medicines

among the Khasis in the
Highlands of Northeast India
Darilyn Syiem
T
his chapter is based on information obtained from personal inter-
views, informal talks, the author’s personal knowledge (she being
part of the tradition), and available literature. At times you will find
references to the past, which I have made with the intention of conveying
the following message: that the past cushions the present thus keeping alive
these traditional practices in spite of criticism, resistance, and at times even pro-
hibition. Throughout I have focused largely on indigenous healing practices
among the Khasi community
In a country as diverse as India, there are various systems of belief and
worldviews, but the systems of medical religious practices can be divided
primarily into a folk stream and a classical stream. Within this larger division
there are myriad subdivisions, and each community brings to the tradition
a distinctiveness and identity that are determined by the worldview of that
community. With the advent of modernity and conversion to other religions,
much about these traditions that is largely oral in nature is at risk of being
lost. This is especially true of the northeastern region of the country, which
is peopled by over 200 groups with distinct ethnic identities (Goswami et al.,
2005, p. 3) that underwent rigorous proselytizing after the arrival of Ameri-
can Baptists in 1836, Welsh Calvinist Methodists in 1841, and Catholic
priests in the latter part of the 19th century.
115
In the tiny state of Meghalaya in this northeast region, however, two

major communities resisted total conversion to Christianity. These are the
Khasis and the Jaintia (Pnar), tribes that follow a matrilineal system. As one
scholar observed, “The Khasis are the only race or community of the Austro-
Asiatic race who have been able to stand unchanged against the test of time
and to resist against the forces of social and historical evolutionary processes”
(Lyngdoh Nongbri, 2006). These few educated Khasi-Pnars, whom Christi-
anity had not succeeded in drawing to its fold, started a revival movement in
1899, and established an organization called the Seng Khasi with the objec-
tive of keeping alive their ancestral customs, culture, and religion.1
Against this backdrop, this chapter will examine and analyze the cus-
tomary beliefs that underlie the healing traditions of the Khasi tribe.
A BRIEF PROFILE OF NORTHEAST INDIA AND MEGHALAYA

Northeast India is bordered by Bangladesh in the south, Myanmar in
the east, and China in the north. It is a landlocked region and connected to
the rest of India by a thin strip of land commonly referred to as the chicken
neck. The region comprises eight states: Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Ma-
nipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura, and Sikkim. It is different
from the rest of the country in terms of culture, tradition, beliefs, lifestyle,
landscapes, and people’s appearance. The dialects spoken in each state and
by each ethnic group differ from one to the other.
Meghalaya is squeezed between Bangladesh in the southwest, Burma
in the east, and Bhutan in the north. This small hill state of the Indian na-
tion is some 40,000 square kilometers, at an elevation between 4,000 and
6,000 feet. The seven districts of Meghalaya are inhabited by three tribes:
the Khasis, the Jaintias and the Garos. Each speaks its own language and
has its own culture. The Khasis are of Mongolian stock, and their speech has
Mon-Khmer affinities and is connected with Cambodian. For centuries they
lived intact, preserving their system of beliefs (Skolimowski, 1993). Anthro-
pological, ethnological, sociological, and linguistic research shows that the
Khasis belong to the Austro-Asiatic or the Austro race.
KHASIS LINEAGE
The Khasis are divided into a number of clans that are bound together
by strict ties of religion, ancestor worship and funeral rites. The Khasis draw
their lineage through the mother and trace their origin back to ‘Ka’ Iawbei
(‘Ka’ is feminine). Ka Iawbei is the primeval ancestress of the clan (kur).
She is to the Khasis what the “tribal mother” was to old Celtic and Teutonic
Women and Sacred Medicines among the Khasis 117
genealogists, and we have an interesting parallel to the reverence of the Kha-

sis for Ka Iawbei in the Celtic goddess Brigit, the tribal mother of the Brig-
antes (Gurdon, 1906, p. 112). Among the Khasis, Ka Iawbei is the ancestral
mother who establishes a particular lineage or clan. She has the sacred trust
of increasing and ensuring the preservation of her kur with the sanction
and help of ka Leilongkur ka Leilongjait (goddess of clan preservation). Her
daughters, known as Ka Iawbei Khynraw, are handed over this sacred trust
for perpetuation and preservation of the clan. Oral traditions say that an-
cestral mothers of several clans have a supernatural origin and are a part
of the tradition of ancestor-worship. Hasting’s Encyclopedia notes: “Of the
deceased ancestors the Khasis revere Ka Iawbei the most and a large number
of the flat table-stones to be seen in front of the Khasi menhirs are erected
in her honor” (Choudhury, 1993, p.110).
Again, the youngest daughter and the ancestral home—called ka khad-
duh and ka iing seng iing khadduh, respectively—are the focus of this spiri-
tual heritage. Since religious activities related to the unity, preservation, and
well-being of the clan center around the khadduh and her home, she can be
seen as symbolically keeping alive the family ritual and worship She is, in
this sense, the keeper of religion. On the other hand, the ancestral maternal
uncle (U Suidnia) is the one who formally establishes and seals the sacred
pact of God and man in his family worship and rituals. The ancestral father
(U Thawlang) is the co-creator along with Ka Iawbei. He has the responsibil-
ity of providing and caring for the family (Lyngdoh Nongbri, 2006, p. 240).
Traditionally, the performance of sacrifices by a Lyngdoh (Khasi priest)
requires the assistance of a female priestess known as Ka Lyngdoh (female
priestess). This female collects all the articles and places them in the Lyn-
gdoh’s hands at the time of sacrifice. He merely acts as her deputy when sac-
rificing (Gurdon, 1906). Another venerated key figure is the mother or sister
of the Chief (Syiem) in the Khasi native state. She is known as the Syiem
Sad. As the nearest female relative of the Chief, the Syiem Sad is seen as a
moral force behind the throne. Some scholars have even defined her as the
High Priestess and Spiritual Head of the State (Nongbri, 2003).
THE BELIEF SYSTEM OF THE KHASIS

The Khasis are traditionally governed by a set of commandments that
are orally and mentally pronounced from generation to generation. These
are: (1) Kamai ia ka hok, connoting that people should live righteously;
(2) Tipbriew Tipblei, connoting that people who know God are those who
know their own fellow human beings; (3) Tipkur Tipkha, connoting that
people should honor and respect their relations on the mother’s side as
well as the father’s (Rymbai, 1993, p. 73). The Khasis believe that U Blei
(God) is the Creator, Protector, and the Provider. God to them is formless
and is unidentifiable with any animate or inanimate object in nature. They
believe in a single God whose gender changes contextually. God appears to
be either female or male. So he is U Leilongspah (Male God of Prosperity)
or Ka Leilongkur ka Leilongjait (Female Deity who increases and protects
the clan, more specifically the matrilineal lineage). When a prayer is offered
for the welfare of the house, the clan, or the community, God is addressed
as Ka Blei (feminine gender). When a prayer is offered for the hima (state),
God is addressed as U Blei (masculine gender). Other records also tell us
that, to the Khasis, God has no gender. They explain their invocation of the
various names of God as divine attributes. God dwells up and above the
land; the land itself is referred to as Ka Dwar u Blei, or “where God stays.”
The temporal world is called Ka Pyrthei Shong Basa (a world of temporary
sojourn) and it is believed that the soul of the dead can reach Ka Dwar U
Blei only with the performance of rituals by the kinsmen of the deceased
(Nongkynrih, 2002, p. 130).
The Khasis also believe in the unique gift of Ka Rngiew. They believe
that every individual has in himself or herself an inner spirit in varying mea-
sures known as Ka Rngiew. An individual’s well-being, good health, and lon-
gevity depend upon the strength of Ka Rngiew (Nongkynrih, 2002, p. 149).
This is also the capacity to bring rational considerations to bear upon a per-
son’s understanding of his or her own situation. When a person has lost this
inner spirit, which is like a spiritual amulet, he or she is virtually reduced
to a lower species of creation, such as an insect or a bird. Even one’s good
fortune and material success in life desert a person on the loss of Ka Rngiew.
In this case, it is said that Ka Rngiew has fled to the devils or to other evil
powers, and the real cause of it is that the person has gone astray from God
and so God must forsake him or her. The only power in this world that can
restore a person’s lost Ka Rngiew is his or her own sincere endeavor toward
peace with God.
The intention of the focus on the religious aspect above is to highlight
the interweaving of the social order with the religious order. The former can-
not be promoted or maintained in abstraction from the latter. We can, in a
certain sense, even go so far as to claim that the two are one and the same
(Miri, 1981, p. 17).
THE CONCEPT OF HEALTH AMONG THE KHASIS

Human beings are compelled by necessity to find answers to questions of
health and survival. Among the Khasis, there are no straightforward answers
to good health and their approach to health is overarching and comprehen-
sive. An understanding of the Khasi worldview and belief system is therefore
necessary as it informs all practices of the Khasis and is the fundamental
organizing principle of life of the entire community. The three command-

ments mentioned earlier would, if followed rigorously, ensure health, wealth,
and happiness, and would strengthen Ka Rngiew. The Khasis describe the
experience of continually falling ill as La Jem Ka Rngiew (weakening of inner
spirit). In this case it is the mind which must have the power to Pynksan Ka
Rngiew (strengthen the inner spirit). It would appear then that the Khasi ap-
proach to health is more from a mental and spiritual perspective. They believe
that when the mind is calm and at peace, the body will also be healthy. Again,
the focus on righteous conduct, it would seem, would also naturally ensure
good health as well as entry into the Heavenly Abode (Ka Dwar U Blei).
Keeping the philosophy of complete well-being in mind, the Khasis also
have a very sophisticated and practical understanding of the environment
and the need for conservation. Traditionally, at the edge of every village,
there would be an area of protected green cover called law kyntang, or the
sacred grove. Even now these sacred groves still exist, and it is taboo to cut
trees or even branches of living trees, although dead wood could be removed
and greens from the ground could be gathered for home consumption only.2
The traditional unwritten message is that anyone who cuts timber or any
plant from these groves for a commercial purpose would be haunted by the
evil spirit. No amount of education and awareness about deforestation and
climate change could make the Khasis react as strongly as does this tradi-
tional belief. These sacred forests thus guarantee the presence of water and
greenery and fresh air for inhabitants of the village, as well as valuable herbs
and plants that are widely used for medicinal purposes. The preservation of
the sacred grove clearly has a positive impact on the health of the people.
Everyday life of the traditional Khasis also is governed by a whole list
of dos and don’ts (bit and ym bit). The practices of washing their feet before
entering the house, washing their hands outside, prohibiting the cutting of
one’s nails in the night or sleeping through the sunset have all been imposed
with the sole intention of warding off disease. Nowadays, many of these dos
and don’ts are no longer seriously adhered to, yet deep in the heart and mind
of the Khasis, they still live and can be called to action anytime. I use this
strategy to make young girls adopt civic sense: when I see them discarding
used sanitary napkins carelessly I remind them that such actions expose
their personal well-being and would bring ill fortune (thad ia ka long rynieng
bat jem daw). As expected, it works!
ILLNESS, DISEASE, AND THE SACRED

ROLE OF THE SYIEM SAD
When a person falls ill, relatives would usually give some kind of cure,
be it within the traditional or the modern systems of medicine. The for-
mer consists mostly of oral traditions, the carriers of which are millions
of housewives, thousands of traditional birth attendants, bone setters, vil-

lage practitioners, and herbal healers. In fact, before the Welsh missionaries
came to these Khasi hills, this traditional system of medicine was the only
health system among the Khasis. When the patient fails to respond to the
long spell of medical treatment, the kinsmen begin to show anxiety and start
suspecting that some evil is influencing the patient. In a manner similar to
that of modern medicine—treating symptoms first, then performing tests
and prescribing additional treatment—they continue the medical treatment
while they contact the nongduwai (medicine man) for the diagnosis and
cure of the problem. The nongduwai tries to find the cause (ka daw) of the
suffering. He starts by looking for the cause within the household (ka daw-
ïing). He tries to find out whether any member of the household has ever
committed ka pap ka sang (acts of sin and breaking of taboo, such as mar-
rying within the same clan) for which no forgiveness has been asked from
U Blei (God). If this is the case then the medicine man performs a prayer
ritual whereby he implores God to exonerate the sinner and take away the
disease.
If the suffering is diagnosed as caused by some keeper of u thlen, then
no nongduwai has the power to affect a cure.3 This power resides only with
the Syiem Sad, and the patient has to be taken to her. The Syiem Sad heats
up an iron rod in the fire of the hearth in the ïing sad and touches the hair-
lock on the head of the patient with it while saying prayers to U Blei. She
then dips the same rod in water, which is given to the patient to be used for
drinking, massaging, and bathing. This ritual is believed to cure the patient
by “burning away” the evil spell of u thlen (Nongkynrih, 2002, pp. 151–152).
The Syiem Sad does not perform rituals and sacrifices; only males who are
specifically sanctioned by their clan or by the indigenous religious commu-
nity do these. As the caretaker of traditional religious ceremonies, however,
she offers fervent prayers and chants to U Blei. From the beginning, the
Khasi ancestors have relegated to her the power to dispose of any unclean
aspect of life, evil existence, and so on, within her clan; hence, the Syiem Sad
is expected to have the power to heal evil afflictions.
Other female members of the Syiem clan also practice rituals of burn-
ing, symbolic sanctifying using rice or water or even ka kiad (local liquor).
For instance, a handful of rice that has been sanctified is given to the patient
who then keeps it under the pillow until the illness disappears. Though these
other women of the Syiem clan can effectively bring about a cure, the major-
ity of the Khasis who believe in the efficacy of this kind of healing prefer to
go to the Syiem Sad.
Another cause of illness or disaster is believed to be caused by the past
wrongdoings of an ancestor or clan. Elderly people would often remark,
“Beware of your ill doings for they may come back to you or your offspring
in some form or the other.” When such predictions come true, the clan
to which the ailing person belongs appeals to the medicine man to offer
prayers to a deity through rituals that include the practices of chanting,
egg-breaking, and cock-sacrifice. Many times these rituals are performed in
a nearby forest, grove, or river, as the Khasis closely associate their deities
with nature. In “egg-breaking,” known as shat pylleng, only the chicken’s egg
is used for it is considered improper to use any other egg (Wolflang, 2003,
p. 120).
These kinds of beliefs and practices are slowly dying out with the in-
creasing numbers of Khasis converting to Christianity. Ironically, however,
people who are Christians by birth or by conversion often fall back on the
indigenous beliefs and practices when everything else fails. Often, in case of
sickness, “they [Christian villagers]still depend on the traditional medicine-
men for diagnosing and curing the sickness by performing traditional rituals”
(Nongkynrih, 2002, p.145). Rymbai (1993) also said: “Christianity follows
now some of the aspects and rites of the old religion which its followers see
as eternal truth of all religion.” It is also interesting to note that in the Chris-
tian Bible, it is written that Jesus demystified the pagan belief that diseases
occur due to the sins of parents but at the same time used symbolic items
for healing. Jesus made a paste out of mud and spittle, applied it to the blind
man’s eyes, and then told him to wash his eyes—the blind man obeyed the
instructions of Jesus and was able to see.4 The use of elements such as water
and mud is also traditional among the indigenous Khasi healers. These natu-
ral elements, however, are called upon by other local names. For instance
a healer would call upon the name of the water followed by a chant, after
which the person being treated is made to drink a liter of the water (Khar-
mawphlang, unpublished paper).
OTHER WOMEN HEALERS

Among the Khasis there are other women healers. These do not have the
status of the Syiem Sad because they are not of the Syiem clan, but they are
also gifted with the power to heal. These women, some of them Christians,
often perform rites and call upon the deities in order to cure many illnesses
and afflictions. Being viewed as ordinary women, some of them have received
skeptical responses from their community when performing rituals consid-
ered to be the privilege of the Syiem clan. But many of these women have
devised ways of practicing healing without raising objections from their com-
munity. For example, one woman, who as it happens was a Christian, healed
the sick by praying, chanting, and even performing healing rituals She was
questioned by her community, which considered her activities to be sorcery
and branded her as one possessed by the devil. To enable herself to continue
with the healing without criticisms and accusations, she announced that she
saw the Holy Spirit in her dreams, who gave her sanctity to pray and chant to
heal the sick. This declaration received the sanction of the community, and
she was able to continue with her healing practices till her death.
This kind of healing usually begins with ka jing phah peit (diagnosis),
where the female (or male) possessing god-given healing abilities would use
rice, egg, or water to find out if the afflicted person has been possessed by
any evil spirit. An image or vision (seen only by the healer) would appear if
suspicions proved to be true. When this happens, the healer would offer fer-
vent prayers to the respective deity, imploring the deity to remove the illness.
Sometimes, the ailing person would be taken to a hillside or other secluded
place and prayers and chanting would be performed. The indigenous faith
healer would address the deity as Blei Nongbuh, Nongthaw, (deity who cre-
ates) and would implore the deity to take away the affliction. Other clinical
problems like the niang-sohpet (pain in the umbilical area), common among
infants, can be effectively cured by the woman healer other than the Syiem
Sad. No fees are charged by her, but any token of gratitude and respect is
graciously accepted.
Currently there are a number of Khasi women who use playing cards to
read a person’s problem and diagnose it, somewhat like the modern Tarot
reader, but with the difference that they use normal playing cards and follow
their own system of interpretation. They would even pray if the patient so
wishes, and then refer the patient to other healers (who may be indigenous),
herbal, or even allopathic doctors. Many of these women are Christians, but
they engage in this kind of healing practice and their prayers address God
(though not necessarily the Christian God). They claim that they were born
with this gift and their mothers and grandmothers were involved in similar
activities. One such woman (from North Shillong) said in an interview that
she did not know that she had this healing power but stumbled upon it quite
by chance when she jokingly tried to prophesize her friends’ conditions and
then discovered that her prophecies were true.5 Her first husband barred her
from this activity, but she did not stop and continued in secret. Many people
claimed they were cured by her advice. Like most such healers, the woman
is extremely diffident and reluctant to talk about her ability. It is difficult to
say whether this reluctance is connected to fear of being branded a “witch”
or fear of backlash from a woman who has “power.”
THE GUARDED SACRED-SECRET KNOWLEDGE

Similarly, the women healers belonging to the Syiem clan were not will-
ing to talk. They gave various reasons to avoid the interviews. Here, this
reluctance could be interpreted as a feeling of fear of the divine or the wrath

of the gods to whom they pray if the secret knowledge is shared with others
or the prevailing Christian influence. It could also be connected to the belief
that talking would take away the power and efficacy of the divine healing and
cause it to become ineffective, thus depriving the many people who depend
on them to take away illnesses and evil spirits. This analysis acknowledges
the common belief among the Khasi indigenous healers that the power of
healing should not be documented, nor should fees be charged for the ser-
vices rendered. As tokens of gratitude, patients or their relatives usually offer
gifts in kind or just place (pynkham) some amount of money in their hands
without actually disclosing the amount.
From a conversation with a Seng Khasi man, who is actively involved in
the preservation and conservation of Khasi culture, it is deduced that most
indigenous faith healers avoid talking about their healing power mainly be-
cause the healers seem to be in a sort of trance when they pray, chant, and
perform rituals to invoke the deity for a cure of the illness.6 He said that, as
such, they may be unaware of the process after its completion and thus can-
not narrate it. There is also the probability that the indigenous healer may be
unable to narrate such sacred performances because these come naturally,
and only when the need arises. As Kharmawphlang of North Eastern Hill
University, Department of Culture, said: “The healing ritual performed by
the indigenous healers is such that it cannot be explained and can only be
understood when observed.”
GENDER ANALYSIS
Even though Ka Iawbei, the primeval ancestress of the clan, is not di-
rectly involved in social or religious rituals and practices, she is the perpetu-
ator and the preserver of the clan, so she symbolically hands over the baton
to her kinsmen and kinswomen. In this sense, the survival of ka jaid bynriew
khasi (the khasi community) depends on Ka Iawbei, who spells out traditional
norms and customs such as shunning from ka pap ka sang (acts of sin). Again,
as the Khasi concept of health is embedded in the socioreligious fabric, com-
mitting ka pap ka sang would bring about affliction and disease. In this con-
text, therefore, Ka Iawbei indirectly plays a critical role in the recovery from
illness and disease. Further, we cannot belittle the role of Ka Lyngdoh which,
on the surface, appears to be that of servitude to a male, a socially expected
norm. However, as related earlier, she is the one whose presence is crucial for
the smooth performance of rituals and sacrifices. But the striking observation
is the power and influence of the Syiem Sad and the exalted office held by
her. Since Khasi Chiefs are not only administrative and political heads, but
also custodians of the religious cult of the state, the Syiem Sad is seen as the
key figure in the rights and ceremonies that are performed (Nongbri, 2003).
Again, information from interviews with those who are not healers, but
who follow the indigenous faith, shows that both women and men who pos-
sess the divine power of healing perform rituals and prayers in line with their
faith. There is no bar for women though it is the Syiem Sad whom people
prefer to go to as traditionally it is the Syiems who can cure afflictions by the
evil spirits. Even among the males who belong to the Syiem clan, it is the
ancestral maternal uncle who has the divine power to perform healing rituals
and prayers; this further emphasizes the deep implications of the matrilineal
lineage.
CONCLUSION
The Khasis are traditionally a people who respect and give due acknowl-
edgement to their womenfolk. But the social and religious changes that
have taken place are posing a serious threat to this unique culture and its
practices. The adoption by a matrilineal community of a new religion that
is essentially patriarchal in nature presents great challenges to fully under-
standing and retaining the centrality of the “feminine power and energy.” The
lack of sufficient literature does not help the cause, and a time will come
when the beliefs and the practices will be history. For me writing this article
was a dilemma, as I had to depend mostly on informal interviews with those
who follow the indigenous Khasi faith, those who have been cured by the
Syiem Sad or other women healers, and on personal observations and orally
preserved traditional beliefs. Given a few exceptions, it was impossible to get
interviews with indigenous faith healers. Portions of this article, therefore,
have been based on conversations with academics from the North Eastern
Hill University, Shillong, who have done studies on the Khasi society and on
my own understanding of my own community. Until today, there is no litera-
ture on this form of healing which is characterized by the undaunted belief
that it should only be preserved orally and handed down by word of mouth
only to the next of kin.
My acknowledgement goes to all those who have shared their knowl-
edge and thoughts with me. It has been very difficult to write this article,
but I was inspired by those who spurred me on with the argument that there
is always a beginning to everything and the beginning is the most intimidat-
ing. My sincere gratitude goes to Roshmi Goswami, who not only helped
with the editing but, more importantly, presented challenging questions that
I could not and did not want to pass by. Finally, I am indebted to my daugh-
ter Evanshainia Syiem, who helped me with the required referencing for-
mat, which I must admit, was unfamiliar to me.
NOTES
1. The Seng Khasi includes male and female members, who follow the
Khasi indigenous faith.
2. For example the famous sacred groves of Mawphlang (a village in East
Khasi Hills) and much referred to by environmentalists as good practices.
3. A u thlen is a devil in the form of a serpent that demands human blood
from its keepers and in return showers them with wealth. One of the ways to get
a human being into its grasp is by cutting off a little of his/her hair or a piece of
garment and then offering this as a sacrifice by means of which the rngiew of the
victim is captured to give as an offering to u thlen.
4. Gospel of John 9:1–8.
5. Shillong is the Capital of Meghalaya.
6. See note 1.
REFERENCES
Chowdhury, J. N. (1993). Indigenous Religion of the Khasis: An Anthropological
Approach. In Religion in North-East India by S. Sen, 110. New Delhi: Uppal
Publishing House.
Goswami, R., Sreekala, M. G., & Goswami, M. (eds.) (2005). Women in Armed
Conflict Situations (A Study by North East Network). Guwahati, Assam:
North East Network.
Gurdon, P. R. (1906). The Khasis. Delhi: Low Price Publications.
Kharmawphlang, D. (unpublished article). Healing Chants of the Khasis: A Study.
Lyngdoh Nongbri, M. W. (2006). Basic Foundation of Khasi Culture: Community
and Change, 240. Unpublished PhD thesis submitted to the North Eastern
Hill University, Shillong, Meghalaya.
Miri, S. (1981). An Introduction to the Study of Tribal Religions. In The Khasi
Milieu by H. O. Mawrie, 17. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company.
Nongbri, T. (2003). Khasi Women and Matriliny: Transformation in Gender Re-
lations. In Gender Relations in Forest Societies in Asia: Patriarchy at Odds by
G. Kelkar, D. Nathan, & P. Walter. New Delhi: Sage Publications.
Nongkynrih, A. K. (2002). Khasi Society of Meghalaya: A Sociological Understand-
ing, 130, 145, 149, 151–152. New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company.
Rymbai, R. T. (1993). Christian Missions and the Indigenous Religion of the
Khasi-Pnar. In Religion in North-East India by S. Sen, 73. New Delhi: Uppal
Publishing House.
Skolimowski, H. (1993). Early Eco-Philosophers Among the Tribal People: Letter
from India. Trumpeter, Vol. 10, No. 4.
Wolflang, B. M. (2003). Khasi Myths–An Interpretative Study, 120. An unpub-
lished PhD thesis submitted to the North Eastern Hill University, Shillong,
Meghalaya.
CHAPTER 7
The Not-So-Subtle Body

in Dais’ Birth Imagery
Janet Chawla
D
ais’ imaging of the body, and their use of expressions such as narak,
nasae, and nadi (the latter terms shared by the more conventional
ideas of “subtle body”), have been considered in terms of imagery
serving them in their role as midwives, hands-on practitioners of indige-
nous birth knowledge and skills.1 In this chapter Motherhood and Tradi-
tional Research, Information, Knowledge and Action (MATRIKA) data will
be examined—along with other scholarly material—from the perspective
of notions of the subtle body, using that term in its broadest sense.2 The
woman-centered nature of this exploration is intended to challenge preva-
lent hierarchies that privilege the subtle body over the gross body and con-
sequently the male “spiritual” body over the female material, reproductive,
and maternal body.
In Indian imagistic traditions, the female body and the earth (body) have
been abidingly conflated. This is not a symbolic relationship. The earth is
not a symbol of woman, nor is woman a symbol of the earth. Rather song,
image, myth, and medicine have all celebrated the fertility of both, in the
same breath, so to speak. The Sankhya philosophical system is foundational
to this imagery in which Prakriti represents the entire phenomenal world,
and Purush, consciousness. Strictly speaking the Prakriti-Purush dyad is con-
ceptual, abstract, and ungendered. But in fact its exoteric, popular, and gen-
dered manifestation has had disastrous consequences for what is commonly
termed “the status of women.”
127
Woman is identified with the field/matter (Prakriti) and man, with

“knowledge of the field” (Purush). Although, in pure Sankhya, this “knowl-
edge of the field” is equivalent to consciousness,” in social history it has
played out as power, privilege, and patriarchy.
In a morning newspaper, the Hindu, on June 26, 2007, a religion column
titled “Rise above the Gunas,” exhorted the reader to detect the observer
of the body-mind complex. This is the classical nonattachment teaching of
Hindu text and practice. Krishna is invoked to describe the human dilemma
utilizing the language of subtle and gross bodies and equating them with the
“knower of the field” and the “field.”
Lord Krishna explains the difference between the observer and the ob-
served in terms of Kshetrajna (the knower of the field) and Kshetra (field),
where the two entities—the subtle soul and the gross body—are seen to
be together and yet distinct. (p. 12)
From the perspective of a practitioner of yoga or meditation, one can

experientially identify the terms “field-knower” and “field” as aspects of the
inner lila of attention (dhyan) and objects toward which attention is directed.
Society, however, is not composed exclusively of philosophers, yogis, and
meditators.
Sociologist Leila Dube’s Seed and Earth: The Symbolism of Biological
Reproduction and Sexual Relations of Production (1986) exposes the socio-
political consequences of this philosophic and folk homology. She quotes
the Narada Smriti: “Women are created for offspring; a woman is the field
and a man is the possessor of the field.” Dube shows how this analogy has
functioned to legitimize male rights over female sexuality (right to “plow” the
field), rights to both agricultural land and children (“the crop should belong
to him who has sown the seed”).
Furthermore, the assumption is that the earth/woman can “bear” or sup-
port life—that women can suffer or bear pain in the support of life (i.e.,
children, family, domestic, and agricultural responsibilities). This image or
conflation translates into the common perception that pain is somehow “nat-
ural” to woman in other domains as well as childbirth—and feminist writers
have roundly critiqued that assumption. This naturalization of female pain
is similar to the biblical curse on Eve for eating the apple in the Garden of
Paradise: “To the woman he (Yahweh God) said I shall give you intense pain
in childbearing, you will give birth to children in pain” (New Jerusalem Bible,
1985, p. 18). A review and reclamation of the woman-earth conflation need
not valorize female suffering and victimization.
I have modified and elaborated on this essential equation of earth equals
woman in “The Conflation of the Female Body and Earth in Indian Religious
The Not-So-Subtle Body in Dais’ Birth Imagery 129
Traditions: Gendered Representations of Seed, Earth and Grain” (2000),

where I make a distinction between “earth” and “field.” A scrutiny of the
dais’ traditional use of grain in a ritual performance facilitating birth displays
a woman-centered conflation of earth body and female body, a conflation
valorizing the fecundity of both earth and woman. The custom entailed atta
being placed on a tali in one mound and the woman separating that mound
of atta into two with her hand, invoking the goddess Bemata and the help of
the dai. “With the power of Bemata, and the support of the dai, may the baby
separate from me as easily as I separate this one mound into two.” Interest-
ingly the word “dai” derives from dhatri, also related to dharti (earth)—the
key sense is “to support” or “to bear.”
Foregrounding data from dais and birth traditions interrogate and chal-
lenge androcentric assumptions inherent in the “religion” propounded by
the newspaper article quoted above, refining the feminist analyses of Dube’s
paper. Data from dais, privileging their voices and customs, lead us to other
understandings of female physiological processes. Their perceptions of birth-
giving and the conflation of earth and female bodies require us to make an
epistemological shift—allowing us to empathetically access their knowledge
skills and lives. We are also provided with an imagistic mapping of reproduc-
tive bodies earthy, whole, and sacred, which stands apart from the priestly,
biomedical or “new age” views.
Geoffrey Samuel writes of the use of subtle body imagery and its power
to situate the individual within culturally specific body praxis in both healing
and birthing arenas (2005, pp. 121–135). He also writes:
One of the more significant aspects of the subtle body language is the
way in which it can open our picture of the individual out to include the
relationship with others. It is particularly relevant to any consideration of
subtle body practices in the context of healing, since healing is always at
some level about relationships between people. Such an approach would
involve looking at childbirth practices in South Asia simultaneously in
terms of physiology, and in terms of what these practices communicate to
the birthing mother and other participants in the childbirth about how to
make sense of the process of childbirth. (Samuel, 2006, p. 123)
To paraphrase Samuel, “What a woman has between her ears (i.e., her
mind-culture-beliefs) has more to do with the process of her labor than
does the width of her pelvis And, of course, the labor is also affected by
who is supporting and accompanying her, midwifing her. (And here I must
acknowledge that in circumstances of poverty her all-too-real deprivation
of basic bodily needs profoundly and negatively affects her at the time of
parturition).
DIRTY OR FERTILE? BIRTH TRADITIONS AS A CONTESTED SITE

Today dais serve the poorest of the poor—and have always been associ-
ated with embodiment and not enlightenment—thus negotiating the energy
flowing through the mother’s body (not to mention the family!), getting the
baby born, and ensuring the survival of mother and baby are their central
concerns. Nevertheless, cosmos/body understandings have emerged from
our analysis of their indigenous medical imagery and ritual enactments.
Sociopolitical and economic realities, however, do impinge on any con-
sideration of birth attendants and practitioners. Dais and other birth work-
ers in the informal sector still occupy the nether end of the caste hierarchy.
Caste was a geographically varied social organization that was reinforced by
Western imperial interventions. Privileged Indians in proximity to colonial
powers and attitudes reflected and often exaggerated colonial disdain for
lower caste birth work and women’s health traditions. Katherine Mayo, in her
now infamous, but then very influential, Mother India (1927)—a book Ma-
hatma Ghandi referred to as “a gutter inspector’s report”—devotes a chapter
to motherhood. She quotes a Dr. N. N. Parikh: “Ignorance and the purdah
system have brought the women of India to the level of animals. They are
unable to look after themselves, nor have they any will of their own. They
are slaves to their masculine owners” (1927, p. 119). Dais and birth customs
were a terrain for bitter ideological writings about “backwardness” and “filth.”
Again to quote from Mayo:
The first dhai that I saw in action tossed upon this coal-pot, as I entered
the room, a handful of some special vile-smelling stuff to ward off the evil
eye—my evil eye. The smoke of it rose thick—also a tongue of flame. By
that light one saw her Witch-of-Endor face through its vermin-infested
elf-locks, her handing rags, her dirty claws, as she peered with fes-
tered and almost sightless eyes out over the stink-cloud she had raised.
(pp. 93–94)
I would argue that colonial ideologies segue into the contemporary

scene. And that any kind of continuity or reclamation of “traditional” birth
practices among middle and upper class women and their families are chal-
lenging because of attitudes and economics.
The attack on dais was an aspect of the way in which the new middle
class and upper caste elites were defining themselves and shaping their
identity. Interwoven with this attack were questions of who were the high
and the low of the society, and how spaces hitherto accessible to women
and the lower castes were to be prized open and appropriated for middle
class men and women.
Further, the newly worked out concept of cleanliness was important for
the definition of the middle class as well as the lower caste. The colonial
state, entering the competitive world inhabited by a number of medical
and semi-medical practitioners, picked on the “dirt” and the “filth” of the
lower caste dai and the customs related to birthing to assert its hygienic,
scientific and moral superiority. The colonial state used the notion of
aseptic cleanliness as a weapon to introduce Western medicine, while for
the Punjabi upper castes, sanitized cleanliness became an ideology for as-
serting middle class identity as it worked in tandem with notions of caste
purity and pollution. (Malhotra, 2006, p. 201)
Not only were dais and traditional birthing practices “dirty” aspect of
low castes and classes, they were also harmful displays of female ignorance.
Women and tradition needed to be revamped in the name of “ideal mother-
hood”; that is, nationalist reconstruction involved imported Western notions
of ideal motherhood.
Lack of knowledge and education amongst women was seen as causing

harm not only to the family but even to the nation. It was pointed out that
women who were ignorant of the rules of the body would not only harm
themselves, but by producing weak and deficient children, would also
destroy the nation. Thus, with the emergence of the family as a site where
nationalist restructuring was to be carried out, women were awarded a
special augmented status in remodeling the private domain of the nation.
In the twentieth-century reconstruction of ideal motherhood, and in the
activities of women’s organizations, we find a broadening of the class basis
of future mothers of the nation and incorporation of the poorer classes as
being in need of education in mothercraft. (Mukherjee, 2001, p. 209).
These ideological constructions were pervasive and still exist. A bulwark

of “safe motherhood” trainings has been the “Five Cleans,” a continuing at-
tempt to clean up Mayo’s filthy midwife—a project totally devoid of the cul-
tural awareness put forward in this chapter. The enterprise of “development”
extends these ideologies into domains of the modern and even the postmod-
ern and globalization. It should not surprise us that today dais are considered
dirty, ignorant, and superstitious by “educated” Indians and held primarily
responsible for high maternal-infant mortality and morbidity by global health
establishments. Women who handle birth occupy the nether regions (pun
intended) of all hierarchies—class, caste, and even gender (thanks to the
wholehearted acceptance by feminists of the biomedical, delivery-of-services
approach to women’s health).
MATRIKA research methodology and analyses invert these hierarchies,
foregrounding the dais’ worldview, philosophy and cosmology. Dais, demeaned
with the term TBAs (traditional birth attendants) by the global and national
health establishments, are the inheritors of India’s birth knowledge, ritu-
als, and hands-on skills. One woman Ayurvedic practitioner claimed, “Dais
are the obstetricians of Ayurveda” (Dr. P. Girija in a seminar titled “Back to
the Future: Indigenous Medicine in Contemporary India,” Jawaharlal Nehru
University, 2006.) Midwife literally means “with woman”—being with her
and mediating her own cultural understanding of the birth process.
I once conducted a workshop for an NGO (nongovernmental organiza-
tion) in Koraput District of south Orissa, helping them document a remote
and primitive tribe’s birth practices. I was told by the doctor and nurses who
had worked in the area for 10 years that these women gave birth alone—no
system of dais and certainly no biomedical practitioners or facilities existed
in the area. The first day, in a role-play, an older tribal woman grabbed hold of
a curtain (simulating a rope) with her legs straight out in front of her. Soon a
neighbor came in and sat behind her, spooning her body with her own, then
another and another—a train of laboring women. I felt in my own body the
energy that would flow from one into the other, the laboring woman’s back
leaning against this literal support system—and I had been told that these
women labored alone! These were “midwives” with laboring women. (I am
not, however, making claims about these tribal women’s body knowledge in
this chapter.)
DIRTY MATTERS AND MATERNAL CONNECTIONS

When I first encountered the fact, confirmed in all our MATRIKA re-
search locales, that traditional birth always involved severing the umbilical
cord only after the placenta was delivered, I thought that such practice was
so appropriate in this society that valued family bonds in general and the
mother-child bond in particular. The dais reported their practical reasons
for retaining this connection: they would stimulate the placenta with heat
to revive a seemingly lifeless baby; the placenta was easier to deliver with
the cord connected; and (illustrating the decentralized knowledge-culture
system) the women attendants or family members would blame them if any-
thing bad happened had they cut the cord!
On another level the umbilical cord is understood by dais to contain
channels/nadi and it is through this thread that the jee, or life force, flows
into the fetus. But the significance of this cord-connection is diverse. One
dai in Rajasthan claimed to read the sex of women’s subsequent births in the
form and twists of the cord; one Punjabi dai said she would never cut the
cord of women in her own family, because that would be like cutting off her
own roots (those of her family). Another very elderly dai claimed that it was
said by others that cutting the umbilical cord was a great paap or sin.
None of the dais would have, of their own volition, cut the cord before
the placenta emerges. As one dai said, “The placenta and the baby have been
together for nine months. What is the hurry to separate them?” It is unfortu-
nate that most “dai training” teaches them to cut the cord immediately. The
biomedical approach is a totally functional one. The purpose of the cord/
bond has been served—now cut it. Delayed cord-cutting displays comfort
with the “mess” of merger, birth, and the process of emerging slowly.
I have often speculated that the “sin,” filth, disdain, and pollution as-
sociated with the cutting of the cord—and the extent of this “traditional
belief ” cannot be exaggerated in my experience—involve problematizing a
form of violence. One can imagine a razor blade (or bamboo slice, sickle, or
arrowhead) encountering the rubbery, fleshy cord-of-life connecting mother-
placenta-newborn. One Rajasthani dai claimed:
The new mother can also cut the cord. If she is not fully conscious then
Dai cuts it. Dai Mai (Dai mother) is as loveable as a mother . . . but the
dai is Mai, Vaid, Kasai (mother, Ayurvedic practitioner, butcher). Dai cuts
the cord, nobody else because it’s a dosh (blemish, transgression). There
is life in the naala equivalent to the life of a baby—it has 72 naari and by
cutting one commits paap (sin). (MATRIKA data)
As Sara Pinto writes of her respondents in Uttar Pradesh:
Even if they do not refer to their tasks as sinful, their work and silences
speak of the cutting of the umbilical cord as a momentary and perma-
nent violence in which bringing-into-life entails a small act of death, the
severing of a channel for jivan and the bond between the earthly baby
and not-quite-earthly placenta . . . the placenta enters the realm of death
and decay and the baby enters the world, becoming human, social, alive.
(2006, p. 228)
The “stuff ” of relationship, connection, is often not visible, acknowl-

edged. The placenta in polite parlance (even in biomedical, public health,
and safe motherhood discourses) is relegated to the domain of trash or the
repulsive, the abject. It is the ultimate polluting substance in Brahmanical
Hinduism.
A common practice is the dai’s burial of the placenta in the house or the
angan, or even in the fields. I once heard of a resident of one of the villages
swallowed up by Delhi—his younger brother challenged his right to inherit
the family home because his placenta was not buried on that land, the man
having been born in Safdarjang Hospital. Often it is only the boy baby’s
placenta which will be buried—because he will stay (the land going to “he
who has the seed”), but the girl’s placenta, in Pinto’s research, was tossed on
the trash heap, because she will move on to another family, to “belong to”
another place (Pinto, 2006, p. 206).
However we interpret it, the act of severing that “ma-babe” connection,
and the handling of the placenta, is fraught with meaning in the subcontinent.
Ayurveda provides us with a concept relevant to this exploration of the most pri-
mal of all relationships in nomenclature of the pregnant woman as dauhrdaya,
or the “two-hearted one.” Anuradha Singh writes of this seeming paradox:
In this enigmatic state (of being both one and two persons) the usual dis-
tinction between self and other is obliterated. The embryo is not “other”
nevertheless it is a different self. The umbilical cord that characterizes the
one-who-is-two is said to have about 1600 nadi-s or channels. Interest-
ingly both dais and texts make this claim. (2006, p. 155).
Advaita philosophy, found in its purest form in the Upanishads, is founda-

tional to this epistemological and ontological system. What has been termed
in some Western cultural analysts’ parlance “cognitive dissonance” is actually
a civilizational orientation toward both/and not either/or. Singh describes the
Ayurvedic view of the maternal body during parturition as “. . . a microcosmic
workplace, the site of creation and regeneration. Here macrocosmic forces
were transacted in microcosmic bodily form.” (2006, p. 137).
And yet the female bodily power to manifest new life had been usurped
long before colonial ideologies: by Tantric male rites utilizing menstrual blood
of virgins and semen retention in couplings; yoni worship with no consideration
of women as persons; early coins with yoni image. All these are constructions
that harness “barkat,” or the energetics of the female power of manifestation,
various forms of the “magic” of concretizing desire, to specific ends.
THE RELATIONAL BODY

Some feminist slogans make absolutely no sense to me. “My body is
mine” is of limited value during parturition. Not only because of the baby but
also because of the support a mother needs during that time. The following
sohar, or birth song, sung at one of our MATRIKA workshops is blatantly
proprietary of the jachcha (birth-giving woman). “My jachcha” is the first
line. We don’t know the relationship of the singer to the jachcha, allowing
everyone to claim her.
My jachcha is the full moon of Sharad [as round/full/

bright/radiant/beautiful as]
Beneath the mahal the dai waits
With all that’s needed for the jachcha.

Beneath the mahal saas (mother-in-law) waits
With all that’s needed to make charua.
Beneath the mahal jethani (HBW) waits
With all that’s needed to make laddoos.
Beneath the mahal nandi (HZ) waits
With all that’s needed for sathiya.
Beneath the mahal devar (Hb) waits
Ready to play the flute.
Not only is the pregnant woman conflated with the most beautiful “full”
moon of the year, but also the activities of all her attendants are listed: the
mother-in-law makes the herbal concoction; the older sister-in-law makes the
celebratory sweets; the husband’s sister prepares to draw the auspicious sym-
bols on the walls—and the husband’s younger brother is ready to play the
flute—and they are all beneath the mahal/woman/jachcha (Rao, 2006, p. 91).
This sohar exemplifies Samuel’s notion of “modal states” or ways of being
(and modes of action) that are both individual and cultural. Samuel sees
these emotive states as “a repertoire of personal states . . . internalized dur-
ing their lifetime” (Samuel, 2006, p. 123). Birth, especially if a son is born,
is when the young wife reaps the benefits of her position in the family as
mother.
The young wife has specific relations of deference, service, and compli-
ance toward her husband, her mother-in-law, father-in-law, and other kinds
of patterned relationships with her husband’s elder brother and his wife, her
husband’s younger siblings and their spouses if any, and so on. Equally, she
has expectations of specific forms of behavior in response from each of these
persons (Samuel, 2006, p. 123).
The MATRIKA data are full of what we might term social or familial
facilitations of birth. In one Bihar workshop, we were told that a laboring
woman might be made to drink a glass of water in which her mother-in-law’s
big toe was dipped. We were rather aghast at that until we learned that in
Ayurveda the nadi for pran vayu (understood to be the carrier of knowledge
and experience) exited the body through the big toes. Touching the feet of
the elders may transmit wisdom; drinking the toe-water grants permission
for the birth to proceed. “The social hierarchy of mother-in-law/daughter-in-
law is perhaps encoded in this rite, transmitting the respected female elder’s
permission for the birth to proceed—granting the status of maternity to the
bahu, but at the same time asserting her authority and primacy” (Chawla,
2002a: 147–162).
Another fascinating ritual I encountered in the once polyandrous moun-
tain area of Jaunpur in the state of Uttaranchal was Matri masaan ka puja.3
If a young woman had signs of a threatening miscarriage, she would walk

back, with her male sasural kinsmen, dressed in a black blanket, to perform
this puja at the water source, spring, river or tap, of her natal home—where
she herself had drawn water as a child. The understanding was that she had
been afflicted by the figure Matri Masaan, who resided there and needed to
be worshipped and relinquished. Matri means mother, and masaan means
the ashes-bone remnants of a cremated body in the cremation grounds. The
woman performed puja, took off her shringar ka saman: bindi, bangles, ear-
rings, kumkum, and so forth, which were offered, and she was not supposed
to return to her maike throughout the pregnancy. I read the term masaan as
referring to memories (now ashes) of life with mother in the natal home,
before marriage—the girl’s incomplete transfer emotionally to her sasural.
The emotionally and socially profound switch from her natal home to
her married home is implicated here—“out-married daughters” leave their
maternal home and enter that of strangers (often at a very young age). Obei-
sance is paid to this entity (bhut, prêt, deity), and also the marks of feminine
beauty are left here—speaking the transition not only from daughter to wife,
but also that of wife to mother. The ritual performance of Matri Masaan ka
puja is a public display of the vulnerable state of the young woman. Word-
lessly her anguish is showcased to family, neighbors, all in the vicinity, invit-
ing their care and consideration.
Both mother-in-law’s big toe ritual and Matri Masaan can be read to-
gether insofar as each bestows permission on the new mother for the labor to
proceed, and to carry the pregnancy to term. There are two kinds of female
lineages, that of the sasural and of the maike “mother’s home”—which the
new mother is betwixt and between. Reconciliation and relocation are ritu-
ally enacted; healing is effected.
COSMIC MOORINGS AND EARTHLY CONNECTION

Matri Masaan and another female deity/demon, Bemata, whom we will
now consider, signify complex and multiple realities in what I have come to
think of as geomysticism. According to some dais, Bemata lives deep within
the earth (narak). She rules that domain and is responsible for the concep-
tion, growth, and birth of humans as well as all vegetation and animal life.
Bemata, invoked at the onset of labor, must gradually leave the mother’s body
via the postpartum bleeding, lest she be responsible for problems for the
mother. It seems that the Bemata figure functions as a tracking modality for
women postpartum, in much the same way that the biomedical Apgar score
is for the neonate.4
The meaning of narak, a residence of Bemata, is classically understood
as one of the three worlds (triloka). The triloka are swarg-bhu-narak, or the
celestial realms, the mundane earthly and visible, and the underground,
unseen foundations of life—accepted categories of Puranic and classical
Hinduism and folk culture as well. The dais’ concept of narak allows for a
mapping of the unseen, inner world of the body, privileging senses and ca-
pacities other than the visual, primarily touch and intuition. And indeed dais
have practiced noninvasive techniques that negotiate and affect the inner
body without violating the integrity of the skin/body/life force. Their holistic
health modalities utilize touch (massage, pressure, manipulation) and natu-
ral resources (mud, baths and fomentation, herbs) and application of “hot
and cold” (in food and drink, fomentation, etc.) and isolation and protection
(from domestic, maternal, and sexual obligations).
In our MATRIKA data, the postbirth time, that of the “closing” body was
inextricably entwined with conceptions of narak. What is normally closed
(the vagina, cervix, psyche of the birthing woman), is now open, vulnera-
ble and leaking bodily fluids along with new life. Women who attend birth
are more comfortable with this openness and fluidity than the rest of us.
Narak ka samay, voiced by dais, carries a totally different valence than that
of the pundits—and this is what I investigate here in terms of body/matter
(mother, matrix, material—all etymologically connected in Indo-European
languages).
The concept of narak structures and gives meaning to the time, care,
and social relations of the mother postpartum—and in keeping with the phe-
nomenon of the “open” body, menstruation is included in this rubric. My
intent in this chapter is to insert “fertility” into health and healing debates
and discourses rather than simply jettison the “pollution” and uncleanness
associated with menstruation and postpartum.
In our Bihar MATRIKA workshops we were told:
Girls are considered holy before puberty. The marriage of a young girl
(who has not had her periods) is performed with her sitting on her father’s
lap. After puberty the woman is considered unclean, and is unholy, be-
cause she bleeds, and this is narak.
The common term for the ritual that progresses the mother postpartum
from the time of narak back into the social world is chatti or sixth—though
this may have traditionally fallen on different days with different castes and
in different areas. In the quote below we see the infant handed to the women
who will co-mother him or her!
On Chhati day (after birth) the narak period ends. The dai checks if the
umbilical cord has fallen off. Then she bathes the baby and beats a thaali
(plate) and gives the baby to Chachi (husband’s younger brother’s wife).
Chachi does Namaskar to God and gives the baby to Jethani (husband’s
elder brother’s wife). Then the woman is bathed and she wears new
clothes. The dai then cleans the room where the delivery took place and
the mother was kept separately for six days.
And from Rajasthan, we heard that the place for dirt, blood, narak (and
rest for the new mother) is located in her maternal home. Whereas the well
worship is only done when she returns to her married home.
Rukma: It’s the jachcha’s mother’s duty to have her daughter’s birth in her
pihar. Then her daughter gets rest. But jalwa puja is done only in sasural
no matter how long the jachcha spends in her pihar.
Manori: this is because after delivery nau mahene ka narak nikalta hai
(nine months of narak comes out). This is also called narak ka kund (res-
ervoir of narak).
The phrase narak ka kund speaks the language of what I have called geo-
mysticism. A kund is a spring-fed pond, again an earth body analogy with the
maternal reproductive body—ritually and socially “polluted” yet fertile.
A GENDERED POETICS OF REPRODUCTIVE BODIES

Martha Ann Selby’s exploration of the Ayurvedic texts (2005) attends
to the poetics of sexed bodies. The schema of maleness and femaleness she
describes, especially the openness and susceptibility of the pregnant woman,
is omnipresent in our MATRIKA data. Selby uses the word “poetics” in a
broad cultural sense, which she claims is grounded both in texts as well as in
practice; what she terms a “cultural semiotics.”
Women and the “feminine” are red; men and the “masculine” are white.
The redness of women and the whiteness of men are based on the colors of
their observable sexual effluents: menstrual fluid in the case of women, and
semen in the case of men. White and red exist in a dominant/subordinate
relationship, both in the medical texts themselves and within the larger and
more articulated contexts of quasi-Hindu social hierarchy. In general, white
always predominates, with red and other colors ranked below it. White is the
color of coolness, celibacy, virility, purity and goodness, whereas red repre-
sents heat, sexuality, permeability, taint and energy (2005, p. 261).
Selby’s writing contributes to our consideration of the relational body.
The male body/self is more “individual” and the female body/self is more
permeable: white is “male” and “closed”; red is “female” and “open.” It is
a woman’s redness and openness that cause her susceptibility to all kinds
of outside influences, both good and bad, and her porousness and fluidity
allow for an exchange to occur in which elements in the environment—
sights, sounds, and smells, as well as foods and medicines that are actually
prescribed and ingested—all leave impressions in a woman’s body that are
incorporated into any embryo that she is actually carrying or might soon
be carrying. (2005, p. 261)
The valuation of white over red hearkens back to the gendered polar-
ity of the “field knower” and the field. Interestingly, in one of our Rajasthan
workshops, discussions turned toward death. We learned that, in accordance
with common funereal practice, a stillborn baby or dead neonate was ush-
ered into the next life according to this poetics. “If a dead baby is born then
we dig a place with hoe and bury it and plant a bush there. If the baby is a
boy, then we cover him with a white cloth and if it is a baby girl, then a red
cloth is used.” And touchingly, it was mentioned that if the family was too
poor, just a little square patch of red or white fabric was buried along with
the tiny body.
THE COSMIC NARAK—NOT “HELL” BUT WOMB

FOR THE UNBORN
I had always interpreted narak as referring to the innards of the female

body and the earth body and made brief incursions into its Puranic meanings
until I listened to teachings by Khentse Rimpoche at Deer Park in Himachal
Pradesh.5 There, the Tibetan text that he was teaching, used the term narak
in its Sanskrit version, and I asked him the meaning of narak in this context.
From his reply, I understood that narak was a kind of holding space for the
atma of those awaiting rebirth.
If I consider narak in light of this more cosmic notion of the cycles of
birth/death/rebirth, my understanding of dais meanings extends beyond the
more “spiritual” concepts of the transcendent and escaping endless cycles of
death and rebirth and the curse of the womb. From dais’ mouths the phrase,
in keeping with geomysticism, may denote the sacred cyclicity of cosmic
processes (seasons, lunar and menstrual rhythms, reincarnations) of which
human beings are a part. Geomystical, because the earth element, along with
matter and mother is sacralized and not demonized. A seamless web of life
and death, spirit (or rather jee, life force), and matter emerges from our data.
In the philosophical traditions of India, there has been an abiding merger
between form and meaning, not only the fertility of woman and earth but
also between the image and what is signified—there is wholeness, a oneness.
The British colonizers perceived this as weakness and this cultural semiotics
of representation has been deeply disturbed by modernity.
Dais, their sacrality and birth rituals, are dying, literally. Oxytocin in-
jections are replacing rituals invoking Bemata—because the power to birth
is increasingly understood not to reside in the mother’s body, but rather
“science”—the ritual use of scientific medicine.
NOTES
1. “Dai” as used in common parlance in India today means a woman (al-
most always poor) who cares for a woman (also poor) during labor and post-
partum. Public health discourse uses the term “traditional birth attendant” to
denote such women, assuming them to be unskilled. Latest data from the Indian
National Family Health Survey uses the category “dai and ‘other’ women” and
indicates that they attend more births than any other category of caregiver.
The dai today is not always a Dalit. What one could say with some amount
of accuracy is that in most areas of India dais and other birth workers were
traditionally low and outcaste (Dalit) women. Many scholars also suggest that
health, healing, and body knowledge (including Ayurveda) probably originated
with tribal and low and outcaste peoples—codified later by upper castes.
2. MATRIKA (Motherhood and Traditional Research, Information, Knowl-
edge and Action) was a nongovernmental organization (NGO) research project
devoted to documenting traditional midwives’ skills, knowledge, and religio-
cultural context. Workshops were conducted in four areas of North India—
Bikaneer District, Rajasthan; Fategarh District, Punjab; Gomia District, Bihar;
and the resettlement colonies of Delhi. See matrika-india.org.
3. For more about this ritual see Chawla and Pinto (2001).
4. See Chawla, Janet, “Understanding ‘Narak’ Rethinking Pollution: An In-
terpretation of Data from Dais in North India,” 2007.
5. See Chawla, Janet, “Negotiating Narak and Writing Destiny: The Theol-
ogy of Bemata in Dais’ Handling of Birth,” 2002.
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P A R T IV
Sexuality, Power, and

Vulnerability
CHAPTER 8
Ritual Gendered
Relationships: Kinship,
Marriage, Mastery, and
Machi Modes of Personhood
Ana Mariella Bacigalupo
At this moment, I beg you to remain by my side, father of the sky, mother
of the sky, old people from above, old grandmother, old grandfather. You
who are the owner of all remedies that live in the blue sky, don’t allow
me to remain truncated. . . . I humble myself before you. Mount me on
your horse and don’t allow me to weaken. . . . You have remedies at the
tip of your rewe. I ask you to give them to me for my work, to help people.
I also ask you not to punish me as my only job is to use the remedies that
you make me see. Isn’t it you that made me be in this job to serve others?
That is what I am saying, father God, mother God. (From pelontun, or
divination, by machi José, December 21, 2001. Translated from Mapu-
dungun to Spanish by Armando Marileo.)
From “Ritual Gendered Relationships: Kinship, Marriage, Mastery, and Machi Modes
of Personhood.” Journal of Anthropological Research (2004), 60(2): 203–229. Reprinted
with permission from the Journal of Anthropological Research, University of New Mexico,
NM, USA.
145
M
apuche shamans have different kinds of spiritual relationships
that are shaped by the gendered power dynamics of colonial mas-
tery and domination, marriage and seduction, possession and ec-
stasy, and hierarchical kinship systems. These spiritual relationships reflect
a complex understanding of personal consciousness in which shamans are
agents of their actions but at the same time share self with the spirits and are
dominated by them.
Kinship, marriage, and mastery—the closest and most durable gendered
social relationships among Mapuche in Southern Chile—are used by machi
(Mapuche shamans) in ritual to create bonds with the spirit and animal
world. Machi are individual women and men in their everyday lives, but in
ritual contexts their sex and age becomes secondary as they engage in vari-
ous relational personhoods that link machi, animals, and spirits. Elsewhere
I have analyzed the role of gender in the ethnic identity, lives, and ritual
practices of machi (Bacigalupo 2007). I have shown that machi are women
or feminized, cross-dressed men, who assume multiple masculine, feminine
and co-gender identities—people who embody and bring together the per-
spectives of both genders and combine the gendered occupations of both
women and men—for the purpose of healing.1 Machi “become” men, both
young and old, to exorcize illness, bad thoughts, and suffering from their pa-
tients’ bodies. They “become” women, again both young and old, to heal and
reintegrate their patients back into their communities. They also embody the
four aspects of the deity Ngünechen (male, female, young, and old) in order
to transcend gender, and “become divine” to create new world orders and
gain spiritual power (Bacigalupo 2005). Gender is one of the metaphors used
by machi to mark polarizations, boundaries, and tensions between local and
national identities as well as a way to express integration and create broader
understandings of humanity, health, and healing.
In this chapter, spiritual kinships ties, spiritual marriages, and relation-
ships of mastery between machi, animals, and spirits in initiation and heal-
ing rituals reflect historical ethnic/national relationships, social and gender
dynamics, as well as complex understandings of personhood. Machi spiri-
tual relationships reflect the gendered power dynamics of colonial mastery
and domination, marriage and seduction, possession and ecstasy, and hier-
archical kinship systems. These gendered spiritual relational personhoods
and their associated altered states of consciousness are shaped by the legacy
of colonization: political and religious authorities, the loss of autonomy of
Mapuche communities, the incorporation of horses and sheep, the imposi-
tion of agriculture, and the reservation system and missionization. Machi
are kin to their spirit animals and other machi who initiate them; they are
spirit brides who seduce their machi husbands into possessing them; and
Ritual Gendered Relationships 147
they are masters of spirit animals and masculine mounted warriors who
travel in ecstatic flight to other worlds. These spiritual relationships re-
flect a complex understanding of personal consciousness in which machi
are agents of their actions but at the same time share self with the spirits
and are dominated by them. Machi’s gendered spiritual positionalities in
ritual contexts are both embodied and ensouled. They gain varied forms of
knowledge and power through the exchange of bodily substances as well as
through spiritual means, and experience the world as different people offer-
ing a new perspective to current discussions on embodiment, ensoulment,
and personhood.
Machi relational personhoods vary according to the region, machi school
of practice, and the individual machi. Selected here are those machi ini-
tiation and healing rituals and narratives collected between 1991 and 2002
that best illustrate the gendered relationships machi hold with other spirit,
human, and animal beings in communities near the towns of Temuco, Freire,
Nueva Imperial, and Chol-Chol.
MARÍA CECILIA’S INITIATION: THE FORGING OF SPIRITUAL

KINSHIP WITH MACHI AND ANIMALS
Eighteen-year-old María Cecilia bowed her head as she sat beside her
newly planted rewe, the step-notched trunk of a pellin tree which connects
the human world with spiritual ones. María Cecilia wore a blue head scarf
and an elegant black shawl with a pink stripe. Her necklaces of blood-red ko-
piwe flowers (Lapageria Rosa) and llankalawen leaves (Lycopodium Panicu-
latum) and her heavy silver breastplate (trapelakucha) swayed as she turned
from side to side, beating her new drum, the kultrun with four red suns
painted on its face. María Cecilia’s machi spirit—her machi püllu, or fileu
(literally the knowledgeable one)—lived simultaneously in the Wenu Mapu
(the Mapuche sky), in María Cecilia’s head, kultrun, and rewe, and in the
spirit horse and sheep with whom she exchanged breath and blood. Pos-
session, spiritual travel, dreams, and visions would give María Cecilia the
knowledge to divine, heal, and grant blessings.
During her initiation ritual, María Cecilia has forged her spiritual kin-
ship ties with animals and other machi by exchanging bodily substances
with machi Javiera and machi Elena—her initiating machi—as well as with
a cock, sheep, and horse who became her spirit animals.2 Machi and ani-
mals share essences and qualities of being—as do family members. They
gain various types of power from each other and protect each other from
illness and sorcery. By virtue of her initiation, Maria Cecilia became part
of the machi school headed by Javiera, where machi have similar symbols,
spiritual concepts and practices, and heal each other. In addition, Maria
Cecilia’s initiation recognized her machi spiritual inheritance—which is or-
dinarily passed down through the mother’s side of the family and stands in
opposition to social kinship, inheritance and succession, which is patrilineal.
María Cecilia had inherited her machi spirit from her great-grandmother.
She had experienced visions of drums and winter’s bark trees (Drymis Win-
teri) and felt chronic pain in her bones and stomach. She finished secondary
school despite her illness and then went to live for a year with machi Javiera,
from whom she learned to control her altered states of consciousness, read
dreams, perform rituals, and prepare herbal remedies.3
I became close to María Cecilia and her family during the eight months
preceding her initiation ritual. I visited her natal home, where her father,
Edmundo, lived with his eldest wife, Marcela, his younger wife, Carolina,
and his and Carolina’s two daughters and 10-year-old son. Eduardo and
María Cecilia asked me to photograph the initiation so that they would have
mementos of the event, despite Mapuche taboos on photographing rituals.
Mapuche often believe that photographs steal their soul and can be used for
sorcery or, as is often the case with tourists, to objectify them.4 On April 16,
1992, the day of María Cecilia’s machiluwün (machi initiation) machi Javi-
era and machi Elena visited María Cecilia in the community of Trarilonko.
For two days from dawn to dusk, they healed María Cecilia of the spiritual
illness (machi kutran) caused by a machi spirit to pressure the neophyte to
become a machi. Maria Cecilia legitimated her status as a machi by publicly
demonstrating her ability to drum, sing, and enter and exit altered states of
consciousness in order to speak to humans and spirits.
Edmundo, her father, tied the animals to stakes on the left-hand side of
her rewe. He circled their eyes, noses, and mouths with blue paint, the color
of the Wenu Mapu, or sky, so that their senses and skills would be put at the
service of María Cecilia’s spiritual gifts. He then slit the ears of the sheep
and the cock’s crest and collected the blood in a shallow wooden bowl. Some
of the blood he rubbed on the underside of the horse’s stomach, and the rest,
María Cecilia drank. María Cecilia tried to strengthen the spiritual kinship
among her animals by making the horse drink sheep blood with her. The
horse resisted and bucked, so María Cecilia sprinkled blood over her rewe
instead to reinforce the connection between her spirit horse and her own
machi powers she inherited from her great-grandmother. A young man rode
María Cecilia’s horse around the field, after which she inhaled the horse’s
breath (neyen)—a source of newen (strength, power)—and forced her own
breath through its nostrils. The ritual exchange of blood (molfuñ) and breath
unites machi, animals, and spirits in kin relationships. Blood, breath, and sa-
liva are spiritual foods that can be magically acted upon to give a machi or an
animal particular powers, but they are also profound indications of kinship
and life force shared among machi and between machi and spirit animals.
Their symbolic dimension is inseparable from the ontological aspect of the
machi, the spirit and animals that it signifies.5
Javiera and Elena moved slowly up the path toward María Cecilia’s
house, turning from side to side with each beat of the drum, each followed
by an entourage of helpers: four ñankan, men to play flutes and dance with
the machi while she was in küymi, or altered state of consciousness (ASC);
a dungumachife, who spoke to the machi while she was in ASC and inter-
preted the metaphoric language spoken by spirits into a language understood
by all; two yegulfe, or women helpers to heat and play the machi’s drum and
hand her herbal remedies; and four afafanfe, male helpers to crash coligüe
(koliu) canes over the head of the patient, help the machi enter or exit ASC,
and help her exorcise evil spirits.
María Cecilia mirrored the movements of her two machi professors. The
three of them danced around the rewe in slow purposeful movements, play-
ing sleigh bells and holding knives and foye branches to their ears in order
to protect themselves from evil spirits. The three machi circled the rewe
counterclockwise as they danced forward, side by side. Each machi faced
a male partner who danced backward. Two young men led María Cecilia’s
sheep and cock around the rewe and made them “dance” to the kultrun
rhythms played by the machi’s helpers in order to endow these spirit animals
with machi powers.
María Cecilia lay on the bed of herbal remedies while Javiera and Elena
smoked and then rubbed her with the sacred leaves of the foye, triwe, and
klon trees, spraying her periodically with mouthfuls of water. They sang and
drummed over María Cecilia to heal her from her machi kutran. They begged
her fileu to grant her power and healing knowledge and divined her future
as a machi. Then, each machi prayed and played the kultrun. A cacophony
of prayers, drumbeats, and flutes filled the air. The eight male helpers peri-
odically clashed coligüe canes above María Cecilia’s head to help her enter
into ASC. Each dungumachife in turn conversed with his assigned machi,
blocking out the words and sounds of the others. The dungumachife listened
intently, memorizing the machi’s words in order to repeat them later to the
participants after the ritual. Any omission could cost him his health or that
of the machi.
While possessed by fileu, each of the machi in turn climbed María Ceci-
lia’s rewe, her tree of life that would allow her to communicate effectively with
other worlds; they swayed between the foye and triwe branches planted on
either side. I danced counterclockwise around the rewe, too, holding hands
with a group of Mapuche women. All of us wore blue head scarves and black
shawls and carried triwe iaf-iaf (bunches of laurel leaves). A group of men
danced clockwise around the circle of women. Javiera and Elena exhaled
over María Cecilia’s head in order to grant her their powers and initiate her
into their machi school as spiritual kin. Two men slashed the neck of a sheep
and bled it into a bowl. The three machi drank the blood to consolidate their
personal and spiritual kinship ties and to feed their respective fileu.6
The participants celebrated the consolidation of María Cecilia’s spir-
itual kinship ties over a dinner of roasted sheep meat and potatoes. The
dungumachife summarized and interpreted what each machi had said while
in ASC. They discussed similarities and differences in interpretation and
concluded that María Cecilia’s ritual had been successful and that she now
belonged to Javiera’s machi school of practice. The fileu was satisfied with
her performance and offerings but warned her that she must live a life of
sacrifice, or her fileu would leave her.
Kinship created by ritual sharing of breath and the blood of sacrifice
supersedes the blood ties of biological kinship. Just as Mapuche sons and
daughters are incorporated into the social patrilineage through blood ties with
the father, so María Cecilia was incorporated into the spiritual matrilineage
of machi by acknowledging the spirit of her machi great-grandmother and
by sharing breath and sacrificial animal blood with machi and spirit animals.
She often referred to machi Javiera as “mother” and to her cohorts within the
school as “sisters.” María Cecilia’s spiritual kinship ties express a larger notion
of an ordered social body comprised of various bodies and souls (human and
animal) and their social relationships. Once spiritual kinship is established
with spirit animals, machi bodies and those of their spirit animals become in-
terchangeable. Machi animals can experience illnesses on the machi’s behalf,
and machi become ill if their spirit animal or machi cohorts are hurt or killed.
As with the Kulina (Pollock 1996:320) bodies and souls are believed to share
the qualities of social relationships. Mapuche spiritual kinship is an expres-
sion of the relational dimensions of personhood that is acquired, shared, and
transformed rather than constrained in a single human body.
SEDUCING A SPIRIT, BECOMING A BRIDE

“Machi make necklaces out of kopiwe flowers and llankalawen, like jew-
els,” said machi Rocío. “The fileu, the machi of the sky, looks down, he sees
these ancient jewel plants, and he likes it. He sees the silver shining in the
sun. ‘Eeeeh, how pretty,’ he says. It attracts him. He sees the machi’s head,
all blue in the headscarf like an offering calling him, and down he comes into
the machi’s head.”
Machi passages from and between the spirit and human worlds are ne-
gotiated individually through intimate relationships with spirits involving se-
duction and marriage. Spirits and humans, like women and men, are people
with different qualities of being with various (culturally defined) interests

and roles but are united as couples through marriage and seduction. The
machi-bride is a human body dressed in women’s clothes, open to the spirit
world. Male and female machi become spiritual brides who seduce and call
their fileu—at once husband and master—to possess their heads to grant
them knowledge by wearing symbols of femininity and wifeliness: blue or
purple head scarves, necklaces of red kopiwe flowers and llankalawen leaves,
women’s black shawls, and silver jewelry.7 The fileu-husband is interested
in the performance of wifeliness, not in the sex under the machi clothes.
The ritual transvestism of male machi does not transcend the categories of
woman and man but rather draws attention to the relational gender catego-
ries of spirit husband and machi wife as a couple (kurewen). María Cecilia,
like most other machi, periodically renews her marriage ties with her spirit
in a ritual called ngeikurrewen. The action of ngeikun refers to the machi
swaying between the foye and triwe branches tied to the rewe and the term
kurewen (couple) refers to the coupling of machi bride and spirit husband
(Bacigalupo 1996a:83; Métraux 1942:201; Titiev 1951:120).
Perceptions of erotic relationships between machi and fileu and the
symbolism of the head both mirror and transgress Mapuche gender relation-
ships. Just as the community chief, or lonko (head), represents the com-
munity, so machi’s heads are the loci of spiritual brideliness. Rural Mapuche
women typically place great value on modesty so they hide their hair by
braiding, tying, or covering it with head scarves, straw hats, or cloth baseball
caps. They perceive young urban Mapuche women who cut their hair or
wear it loose as seductive and promiscuous. Machi use traditional Mapuche
women’s head scarves, shawls, and silver jewelry in novel ways to attract and
seduce the spirits. Contrary to Mapuche women’s seduction of men, how-
ever, machi’s seduction of fileu is positively valued as a skill available only
to those who have power and enhances machi’s reputations. Machi spiritual
seduction offers a unique perspective on erotic spirituality that privileges
gender identity and performance over anatomical sex or sexual penetration.
Studies of gender identities in Latin America have focused on the ways in
which specific sexual acts—that is, acts of penetrating or being penetrated
by others—create gender.8 They associate gender variance with sexual vari-
ance, whereas machi do not. Machi of either sex may, in their everyday lives,
perform penetrating acts, receptive acts, or both with either men or women,
or they may remain celibate, yet they still become spiritual brides in order to
seduce the spirits. Male machi who do not construct themselves explicitly
as brides of spirits or God in the same way that female machi do still view
their commitment to machi practice as a marriage. Machi Sergio stated:
“I cannot get married because I am a machi. All my time and dedication is to
heal others. I am committed to my profession, and God does not allow me

to have a family.”
The power of spiritual seduction is so great that a machi can use it to
delay initiation and alleviate spiritual punishment. On May 27, 1995, machi
Pedro invited me to a healing ritual (daahatun) for a young girl who had a
machi calling but who was being punished by her fileu because she had not
yet been initiated. The girl’s feet bled with open sores, and she went into
an altered state of consciousness (ASC) frequently and uncontrollably for
hours on end. Pedro drank a concoction made from the juice of foye leaves
and metal particles scraped off a knife. He covered the girl’s body and the
four stakes of foye and triwe branches placed at each corner of her sheepskin
bed on the dirt floor with silver jewelry and necklaces made from kopiwe
flowers. This was in order to seduce the spirit and decrease the severity of
the girl’s spiritual illnesses. After the four introductory prayers (llelipun) in
which Pedro narrated his calling to be a machi and described his powers,
and the metremtun or calling of the spirits, Pedro rubbed the girls’ body with
triwe leaves. He then threw a knife toward the door four times to expel evil
spirits that made the girl ill and to divine the outcome of the ritual. If the
knife pointed toward the doorway, the spirit had accepted the offering but if
it faced inward, the spirit was unhappy. The spirit’s response was ambiguous.
Twice the knife fell pointing toward the doorway and twice facing the inside.
Pedro asked us all to donate some silver jewelry to the girl to wear in order
for her to “look prettier for the spirit,” and he repeated the ritual again at five
AM the next morning. He asked the spirit to be patient, arguing that the girl
would be initiated as a machi as soon as she learned to speak Mapudungun
and her family saved enough money to pay for the initiation. This time the
knife pointed toward the doorway three of the four times. Five years later the
girl had learned to speak Mapudungun and became initiated as a machi.
There is a certain homology between machi spiritual marriages and
human marriages. By marrying a machi püllu, a machi commits herself or
himself to an exclusive lifelong relationship with a spirit which conflicts
with machi sexual and romantic relationships with humans regardless of the
sex of the machi and his or her sexual orientation. Jealous spirits punish
machi who have romantic and sexual encounters with illness and must be
appeased with offerings, gifts, and prayers (Bacigalupo 1995). Machi Pamela
explained, “The machi püllu, God, does not like the smell of husband and
wife together; he does not want it. One had to ask for forgiveness and give
him prayers.” The result is that machi are often widowed, single, or have
exceptional partners who are willing to break away from the conventional
gender roles and accept that machi must attend to their patients and ritual
obligations over and above their families and partners. Scholars have often
viewed the practices of female shamans as an extension of the reproductive
processes of motherhood and fertility (Sered 1994; Glass-Coffin 1998). Ma-

puche shamans, on the contrary, believe that parenthood, fertility, sex, and
family life conflict with a machi’s spiritual roles and weaken their powers.
As spiritual brides, machi participate in the cosmic process of fertility and
reproduction which hold priority over and conflict with their own personal
sexual and reproductive lives.
The relationship between a machi-bride and the fileu-husband who also
possesses her reflects colonial hierarchical relationships where male colonial
authorities—saints, apostles, mounted generals, Spanish kings (Bacigalupo
2004)—held power and authority over indigenous people and women. Machi
brides express the limited participation of women in the patrilineal social and
political realm. At the same time, machi brides demonstrate that through
ritual practice, wives actively negotiate relationships between male lineages
and between male-dominated structures of social and political power. Spirits
do not spontaneously possess machi brides; machi seek to seduce them.
Furthermore, machi control their altered state of consciousness and willfully
embody the spirit and gendered hierarchies that order their worlds.
Machi’s spiritual marriages are both similar and different from the sex-
ualized hierarchical power relationships between Voodoo and Oyo-Yoruba
Shango priests and the spirits that possess them. These priests are viewed as
horses who are ridden by the spirits. The mounting action of the spirit rider
suggests a form of control whereby horsemanship, spirit possession, and sex-
ual penetration are homologous and the bride/horse is inferior to the master/
husband and has no self-control (Bourguignon 1976; Matory 1994:7, 69).
Machi brides are inferior to their spirit husbands, but their possession ex-
periences are neither involuntary nor uncontrolled.9 Machi are not horses
penetrated and subsumed by the will of their riders but humans who control
their interactions with their spirits husbands through seduction. A machi’s
seduction of spirits and deities who are superior to her is a way for her to gain
control over the sociospiritual hierarchies that run her life. Furthermore,
Mapuche spirit horses are not slaves or messengers for spirits but represent
the power of the sky.
MASTER OF ANIMAL SOULS: THE MACHI MOUNTED WARRIOR

Father creator of the sky . . . take me over the earth, show me the earth
above. “May he ride on his horses,” you are saying, mother creator, father
creator. May they protect me. The horse of the earth above has me with
my head hanging. They lift my heart. They lift my head. I come from
ancient grandparent machi. They gave me power. I want to ride on the
horses from the upper worlds. Here I am, the child of the ancient people
waiting for your horse to lift me . . . I am a being that rides on horses, that
knows herbal remedies. . . . My other self, my other power is riding on a

horse.
—Excerpt from machi José’s divination prayers
Machi gain knowledge, power, and control over the spirit world through
horsemanship and mastery over spirit animals in the same way that Span-
ish horsemen and colonial institutions gained control over Mapuche people.
While machi brideliness reflects subtle forms of agency whereby machi gain
knowledge through feminine seduction, horsemanship is a spiritual relation-
ship that involves explicit hierarchy and domination over spirits and is associ-
ated with masculinity and warfare. Horsemanship, mounting, and mastery
over animals are symbols of masculinity, fortitude, agility, and prestige for
machi, as they were for colonial Spanish and Mapuche warriors who battled
each other between the 16th and late-19th centuries. Mounted Spanish
conquistadores believed they were defeating infidels and evil while gaining
land and riches for Spain, and later Chilean mounted warriors defended
the independence of the new Chilean nation. Some machi mimic powerful
conquistadores on horseback to bring out their spiritual power. As masculine
mounted warriors and masters of animals, machi defeat evil spirits and for-
eignness and gallop to other worlds to gain knowledge of the universe. His-
tory is replayed and transformed in ritual. Machi gain sacred power from the
performance of the Spanish colonial and Chilean national armies and can
use it for healing or destruction.
In some contexts, Mapuche view horsemanship, dogs, horses, and bulls
as foreign and associate them with colonization and sorcery. Usually, how-
ever, machi view horses, sheep, and cattle as indigenous, associate them
with well-being and abundance, and value horsemanship and mastery over
animals. Mapuche warriors quickly incorporated Spanish horses, sheep, and
cattle into their livelihood. They created a cavalry to defend their land and
liberty. Cattle raising became a main source of sustenance for the Mapuche
until the imposition of reservations in 1883, when they turned to seden-
tary agriculture. Having many animals was a symbol of power, prestige, and
wealth (Alvarado 1991:84, 87, 89). Horses and, to a lesser extent, sheep and
cattle became important parts of Mapuche sociopolitical, ritual, mythical,
and military ideologies. In one version of the Mapuche deluge myth, only
humans who rode on horses were saved. Collective nguillatun rituals always
include the awun—an event in which Mapuche mounted warriors (weichafe
pura kawellu), carrying flags and lances and shouting war cries, gallop coun-
terclockwise around the nguillatuwe, or altar. They do battle with the winds
in order to control the weather (Alvarado 1991:145) and celebrate the power
of horsemanship, the horse, and Mapuche identity.
Machi strengthen their bodily defenses and ability to heal by personify-

ing male mounted warriors (machi weichafe pura kawellu), often referred
to as “guardians,” “nobles,” and “kings,” who shelter machi during ASC.10
A machi must mount a spirit horse in order to become initiated: “I saw the
saddled horse in my dream,” said machi Rocío. “I knew that if I rode I would
be a machi.” After initiation, machi ride spirit horses during rituals in which
they experience themselves as spirits that have knowledge and power (Juan
Ñanculef, personal communication, September 26, 2002). Machi Ana ar-
gues that machi ride spiritual horses to other worlds in order to gain power
and knowledge—to “know the situation of the universe.”
Machi are also described as warriors who ride their rewe like a horse
as they ascend the steps in their travel to other worlds in magical flight.
Weapons and war imagery give the machi knowledge and strength. Machi
view themselves as masculine mounted warriors who defeat evil, illness, and
suffering. They use guns, knives, and war cries to kill illness or drive it from
the bodies of their patients or from their lands, households, or communi-
ties. Awinkamiento, or becoming like a non-Mapuche, is often cited as the
root of illness, evil, and alienation, three enemies that threaten the Mapu-
che individually and collectively. To help them defeat evil, machi often call
on the power of chueca sticks—sticks used in playing the ritual game of
chueca during nguillatun rituals and on other festive occasions. An all male
game, chueca is semantically equivalent to warfare, and in the past it helped
strengthen Mapuche warriors before battle. Machi perform spiritual warfare
as a way of aggressively advocating the opposition between self, Mapuche
tradition, and life, on one hand, and otherness, non-Mapuche culture, and
death, on the other (Bacigalupo 1998). Traditional Mapuche norms dictate
that ritual objects, deities, and ritual actions be referred to in sets of twos
and fours, but the Catholic notion of the 12 apostles has also been incorpo-
rated into Mapuche sacred numerology. Machi Javiera prayed:
With all your teachings I will ride my horse for this ill son of mine. I will
incense the horse with smoke; I will sweat knowledge. I will sweat peti-
tions. . . . Come, become my tongue and come into my head. Come and
live in my heart. . . . Take me, you twelve chueca sticks of war. My twelve
arrows of war. My twelve knives of war that will allow me to travel through
the universe and give me my knowledge. My twelve horse breaths. My
twelve walking horses. My twelve spirit horses. . . . My superiors have given
me my strength. They feed me with knowledge and advice. They take me
to the sky. I shall go to the sky. I shall be doing war . . . knowledge of war,
teachings of struggle. . . . This is the end of my greeting, my petitions, old
woman of discourse, old man of discourse, warrior chiefs, wise people.11
Machi are also masters of other animals: they gain power, strength, and
life force from special sheep, horses, chickens, and sometimes cows or bulls.
Machi drink the saliva of their spirit animals and blood from the ears. They
receive the animals’ breath on their faces, heads, and backs, to strengthen
them while the ritual participants eat horse and sheep meat. During initia-
tion and nguillatun rituals, Mapuche tie a sheep, a horse, and sometimes a
bull or cow to a stake near the nguillatuwe or rewe, and horsemen take their
horses to the machi so that he or she can feel the horses’ breath on the face,
head, and back. Sometimes the horse’s breath is the “breath of life” (Alvarado
1991:91) that restores the machi’s strength after he or she enters into a ASC
state, embodies a spirit, and travels to the Wenu Mapu. Machi also receive
breath from their spirit animals daily. Machi José sang the life-giving quali-
ties of his spirit horse’s breath: “My heart has strength again. My head has
strength again. Your breath has lifted my being.”
Most machi choose a sheep, a horse, a chicken, a cow, or any combina-
tion thereof, and these spirit animals are initiated along with the machi, just
as María Cecilia’s were. Machi do not ride these spirit animals, make them
work, or slaughter them. Instead, the animals are expected to protect and
help the machi. The human machi’s well-being receives higher priority than
that of her spirit animal. If a machi is ill or is cursed, ideally the spirit animal
will get sick or die on her behalf. If a spirit animal dies, the machi must re-
place it with another, or she will become weak and ill. The term machi-fileu
or püllu refers to the machi spirit as such but also to the physical embodi-
ment of the spirit, usually human, but sometimes animal.12
Not all machi can afford a spirit horse at home; they keep other animals
with different power attributes to protect them. Machi Rocío, for example,
kept a sheep and a cow. Instead of exchanging saliva with them or drink-
ing their blood, she bathed them in herbal remedies. Machi Pamela had a
machi-sheep with whom she exchanged breath. She prayed: “My heart is
happy that my sheep has arrived again. By having my sheep I can scream
louder. . . . Before, my tongue was stuck. My tongue was small. . . . Now this
did not happen, I am revitalized. I have recovered my strength.”
Bulls are strong and grant powers to machi, but horses are considered
more powerful in the spiritual world because of their gracefulness and agility.
Gloria, a Mapuche potter, said, “When bulls are castrated they lose their
strength, but horses have much more power than any cattle. . . . The spirit
asks the machi to have a horse. . . . Bulls are not as useful to machi.” Other
machi believe that the agility and spirituality of the horse can be combined
with the strength of the bull. Machi María Cristina prayed, “I am looking for
teachings. I implore for a horse-bull and for a ox-bull.”13
Machi share spirit and life force with their spirit animals, and their
lives are intertwined. If a machi’s spirit animal is killed, part of the machi
dies, too, and she suffers drastic physical and spiritual consequences. When
78-year-old machi Pamela’s son died from heart failure in 1994, she ritually
sacrificed her spirit horse to feed the mourners at the funeral and to ensure
that her son would travel to the Wenu Mapu on the horse instead of lurking
nearby and tormenting the living. Pamela became sad and weak after her
son’s death and felt pain in her chest, stomach, and head. She experienced
fever, fainting, confusion, and amnesia, which she interpreted as soul loss.
When Pamela fell into a cataleptic state, machi Ana came to heal her. After
40 minutes of massage, drumming, and prayers, Pamela regained conscious-
ness. Ana said that Pamela’s spirit horse was angry because she had killed it,
and that in doing so had killed herself in the same way the horse had been
slaughtered—stabbed with a knife in the heart and lung. Pamela had been
hospitalized a few weeks before and diagnosed with cardiac weakness; blood
and fluid were accumulating in her lungs. Pamela interpreted the diagnosis
as a reflection of the spiritual suicide and soul loss she had experienced
when her spirit horse was killed.
Ana obtained the power to heal Pamela from the deity Ngünechen in
the guise of four mounted warriors. She asked them to revitalize machi
Pamela: “Old Man mounted on your horse, Old Woman mounted on your
horse, Young Man mounted on your horse, Young Woman mounted on your
horse. . . . Come together with your four saddled horses to see this sister and
strengthen her spirit of service, strengthen her heart. . . . This sick machi
with a clean heart will mount her horse. . . . She must mount her horse with
good faith to regain her vitality and the activities of her being.” Machi Pamela
agreed: “I need a horse to make me feel happier, stronger. I will not get sick,
because Chau Dios will be watching over me. I will be invincible.”
Machi share self with horses, master them, and become spiritual
mounted warriors who appropriate the power of Spanish conquistadores
and Chilean generals to literally or symbolically ascend the rewe, travel in
ecstatic flight to other worlds, and kill evil spirits. At the same time, machi
are neither horses nor riders but humans who propitiate the powers of the
Wenu Mapu in the form of horses. They draw on the power of Ngünechen
in the deity’s guise of four mounted warriors. These multiple machi powers
and positions, along with those of seduction and brideliness, are paired with
different altered states of consciousness that grant machi a broad experience
of the universe.
Machi’s varied gendered relationships with spirit beings in ritual are
both embodied and ensouled. The paradigm of embodiment alone—the
lived experience of being in the body—is insufficient as a model for under-
standing machi ritual relationships. Rather, machi, like other non-Western
people experience a continuum of states of being that include body, mind,
personalities, consciousness, and self/soul (Halliburton 2002) where people
possess not only bodies, but also multiple spirits (Laderman 1992; Pollock
1996).14 Different states of individual and collective bodies (trawa), con-
sciousness (zuam) and soul (püllu) are continuously interacting with each
other in machi ritual relationships. Spiritual kinship and spiritual mastery
are marked by exchange of bodily substances such as voice, breath, blood,
and saliva while spiritual marriage involves shamanic illness and the symbol-
ism of the mounting of the head. At the same time machi have many non-
tangible modes of experience separate from the body during altered states of
consciousness in which their own soul, or püllu, remains distinct or merges
with those of other spirit beings such as the fileu (the generic spirit of ances-
tral machi), machi püllu (the specific spirit that guides machi actions) and
the Ngünechen (the Mapuche deity).
PERSONHOOD, POSSESSION, AND ECSTATIC TRAVEL

Machi’s varied ritual gendered relationships with spirit beings offer new
perspectives of shamanic altered states of consciousness. In this section,
I analyze the problems with some of the previous approaches to gender and
shamanism and explore how three different machi perceptions of self and
their ritual gendered relationships with spirits contribute to current discus-
sions on shamanic altered states of consciousness and personhood. First,
I explore how machi view themselves as independent persons with symbi-
otic relationships with spirits in their everyday lives. Second, I examine how
machi share personhood with spirits during ecstatic flight. And third, I ana-
lyze how machi have a persona separate from that of the spirit during posses-
sion, although it is the persona of the spirit that predominates temporarily.
Many ethnographers continue to accept older Euro-American as-
sumptions about personhood, gender, and sexuality as natural, precultural
universals and to project these concepts onto shamanic altered states of
consciousness. Many ethnographers throughout the world still subscribe to
the classic male-dominant paradigms proposed by Eliade (1964:328–329,
346–347, 411, 453, 507) and Lewis (1966:321–322; 1969:89), in which
men are shamans because they travel to other worlds and experience ec-
static, transcendent spiritual knowledge, which they control and remember
while women and passive homosexual men, who are like women in affect
and dress (Matory 1994:228–229), are not defined as shamans, but as medi-
ums because they are physically and spiritually mountable by the spirits who
possess them.15 These embodied possession experiences are characterized as
unwilled, involving impersonation and a change of identity (Rouget 1985:3,
325), and therefore amnesic and uncontrolled (Bourguignon 1976:12).16
Some researchers of Mapuche shamanism replicate these older gen-
dered notions of possession and ecstasy. They argue that spirits possess
female and feminized male machi and that the machi’s soul is displaced
(Alonqueo 1979; Kuramochi 1990; Métraux 1973). San Martín (1976:192)
argues that male machi do not experience possession but travel with their
spirits in ecstatic flight to other worlds and gives no information on female
machi. This perspective does not account for the fact that machi—male and
female—experience both possession and ecstasy, engage with spirits of dif-
ferent genders, and incorporate both female and male symbols and roles in
their practices. Anthropologists have viewed the distinction between ecstasy
and possession as one of control or lack of control over ASC, but if the al-
tered state is sought, however, “then the question of ‘control’ or ‘possession’ is
a matter of ideology, techniques, theatrics, or audience perception” (Tedlock
2003:5). Machi entrance and exit from both possession and ecstasy is willed
and controlled. When unwilled possession occurs among Mapuche, it is not
considered shamanic. Those Mapuche who experience unwilled possession
are either characterized as neophytes who have a spiritual calling but need
training, or as people who are possessed by evil spirits.17 Machi ecstasy is
not superior to possession but involves greater risk and skill. The ecstatic
machi may be captured by an evil spirit as it travels through different worlds
and must be able to control her spirit horse. Machi do not cease to experi-
ence possession because they are shamans, but engage in possession and/
or ecstasy according to the specific ritual situation.18 Machi call their spir-
its and become possessed at the beginning of healing and initiation rituals
and engage in ecstatic fight to gain more healing knowledge and to rescue
lost souls in other worlds. These machi experiences are echoed by other
scholars who argue that shamans engage in alternate states of consciousness
(Frigerio 1988), and although the ability to undergo ecstatic magical flight
may require greater skill than mastery of possession (Peters 1981:109), most
shamans can experience ecstasy, possession, and visionary ASC (Hultkrantz
1973:29; Basilov 1976:149; Tedlock 2003:5).19
Many authors have linked the alleged predominance of female medi-
ums and the lack of female shamanism with women’s social or sexual de-
privation. In societies where possession cults are “peripheral to the morality
system,” participants—namely women and effeminate men—are said to be
drawn from the periphery (Lewis 1966: 321–322, 1969:89, Mircea Eliade
(1964:507). According to Lewis (1969), women only become shamans in
areas where state bureaucracies and doctrinal religions have discredited the
practice of shamanism. Scholars have followed Lewis’s lead to argue that the
power female shamans gain in their families and communities from their
spiritual callings to heal others compensates for women’s peripheral social
status (Basilov 1997; Lewis 1969; Harvey 1979; Wolf 1973). Female me-
diums too are often constructed as women who seek to heal themselves by
compensating for sexual deprivation (Spiro 1967; Obeyesekere 1981), and
resisting the power of men (Lambek 1981; Boddy 1989). Yet, if women are
in fact universally deprived as Lewis argues, why is it that more women do
not become shamans? (Kendall 1999: 893).
Contemporary authors have demonstrated that the deprivation hypoth-
esis does not explain the predominance of female shamans around the globe
(Balzer 1996; Basilov 1997; Humphrey and Onon 1996; Kendall 1985; Ted-
lock 2003) independently from the suppression and discrediting of shamanic
practice by state authorities. Women are shown to become shamans because
of specific historic conditions (Balzer 1996; Kendall 1999:894) and to create
“new forms of speech and new local and global histories” (Tsing 1993:254)
and work alongside male shamans (Tedlock 2003:2). This is particularly no-
ticeable among the Mapuche where women and men shamans coexist with
one or the other predominating according to specific economic, social, and
political circumstances and the gendering of social and spiritual space (Baci-
galupo 1996a, 2007).
Many scholars, however, continue to focus on the everyday gender iden-
tities of shamans as women or men neglecting the different gender iden-
tities assumed by shamans during altered states of consciousness. I argue
that possession and ecstasy are expressions of different gendered relation-
ships between spirits and hosts but that they are not direct comments on
the everyday gender, sex, or sexuality of the machi practitioner. Rather, by
rendering these everyday identities secondary, ritual personhoods use gender
to express the hierarchical relationships between Mapuche authorities and
Chilean authorities, masters and servants, parents and children, husbands
and wives. I argue that machi’s descriptions of their altered states as ecstatic
flight as a masculine action or possession as a feminine action are contin-
gent on machi’s personal consciousness in relationship to that of spirits and
deities.
In everyday life and in ordinary states of consciousness, machi are gener-
ally viewed as persons who possess zuam (consciousness) and are authors and
agent of their own thoughts, actions and emotions. In order to be a person, a
Mapuche must have a piuke (heart) the locus of nünkün (emotion) as well as
rakiduam—thoughts, knowledge and wisdom. Seeing, knowing, and empa-
thy are central to machi practice. Machi decide whether and whom to marry,
make friends, vote, and are involved in politics. Machi autonomously decide
which patients to see and what rituals to perform, how much to charge, and
how to bolster their popularity and compete with other machi.
But although machi are held accountable for their actions in everyday
life, they are never true agents of their destiny. After initiation, a machi’s
personhood is shaped by his or her relationship with spirits and their de-
mands. Machi usually inherit a machi püllu, an individual spirit of an an-
cestral machi and also gain divinatory and healing knowledge from fileu, a
generic powerful ancestral machi who guides them through their ecstatic
travels to other worlds. Ngünechen, the Mapuche deity that fuses Mapuche
ancestral spirits and colonial authorities with the Christian God, Jesus, and
the Virgin, also provides advice and punishes machi who stray from tradi-
tional norms.
These spirit beings expect machi to live up to impossible ideals. They
ask machi to dedicate their lives exclusively to the spirits, not to marry, to
avoid modern technology, and to speak exclusively in the Mapuche language,
Mapudungun, not in Spanish, the official language of Chile. Spirits place
taboos on drinking, dancing, socializing, sex, and nontraditional clothing.
Spirits are angered if machi have lovers or spouses, travel in cars, or use cel-
lular phones, and punish them with illness and suffering.
Machi negotiate their needs and desires with those of their spirits, ap-
peasing them continually with prayers and offerings. Machi Rocío described
one of her struggles with her machi püllu in a dream narrative:
In my dream there was a machi who didn’t show her face. ‘Extinguish the
fire,’ she said. ‘No,’ I said. And the spirit was mad. ‘You are not your own
owner,’ the spirit said. ‘I command you. Extinguish the fire. . . . Play your
kultrun (drum) and pray for that poor ill man.’ And that is what I did, be-
cause if one does not do what the spirit says in the dream, one becomes ill.
Some machi find the burden of spiritual marriage unbearable. Machi

Fresia was unable to fulfill the demands of the spirit she inherited from
her machi great-grandmother or to resolve the conflicts she had with her
spirit. She finally decided to uproot her altar and abandon her machi practice
(Bacigalupo 1995).
During ordinary states of consciousness, machi and their spirits are per-
ceived as separate persons in symbiotic relationship. The fileu is the power,
or newen, that makes the machi, and the machi is the human who makes
the power tangible and effective through ritual practice. Thus, even human
machi may be spoken of as fileu, just as fileu may be referred to as machi.
Although machi are subject to the fileu’s demands and desires, and the fileu
influences the machi’s personality, they remain separate persons. Ramiro, a
Mapuche intellectual, elaborates on the relationship between machi person-
hood and that of spirits:
R AMIRO : There are two elements to the machi person: the physical,
which is individual, and the püllu, which is inherited. . . . Machi
Jacinto is physically Jacinto. But his püllu is that of his great-grand-
mother. So when the püllu comes into him, which is the character
who acts? The character of the machi—a great-grandmother.
M ARIELLA : When machi Jacinto dies, which is the spirit that is inherited
by another machi? That of machi Jacinto? That of the great-grand-
mother machi? Or that of the great-grandmother machi transformed
by machi Jacinto?
R AMIRO : That of the great-grandmother machi, because it is the machi
identity that is inherited. But there is also the individual püllu of
machi Jacinto, so the spirit says, I have also served this other fileu
called So-and-So.
During ecstatic states, machi share self with the fileu. The fileu is the
intermediary or messenger between humans and the deity Ngünechen, who
speaks its demands, knowledge of remedies, and advice through the machi.
Mapuche consider ecstatic flight (as a mounted Mapuche or Spanish war-
rior), a masculine action in which male and female machi travel to other
worlds to obtain power objects, acquire knowledge about healing, and re-
cover lost souls from the hands of evil spirits. Machi describe themselves
as the fileu “flying to the sky,” “riding the spirit horse,” and “sitting beside
Ngünechen to listen to his words.” At the end of complex healing rituals or
daahatun, machi experience an ecstatic state labeled konpapüllu. The term
konpapüllu has multiple meanings: “the spirit who enters and does here”
derived from the terms konün (to enter), pa (to do here), and püllu (living
spirit); “the spirit who divines here” derived from the terms koneu (divina-
tion), pa (to do here), and püllu (living spirit); or simply “with the spirit.”
At this time the deity Ngünechen or the fileu merges with the machi to
reveal the cause of the illness, and gives advice and knowledge about healing
remedies. Machi remember their experiences as spirit beings in detail and
recount them often.
The way in which machi share personhood with spirit beings during ec-
static flight is complex. Machi draw on the discourse of possession to describe
ecstatic flight as multiple, multilayered possessions in which the machi and
the fileu go into küymi (ASC), and the fileu “speaks the words of Ngünechen
through the machi’s mouth.” Mapuche sometimes refer to machi in trance
as fileu, or as Ngünechen. Ramiro, the Mapuche intellectual quoted earlier,
argued that “the machi püllu, the fileu, and Ngünechen can be the same or
different according to context.” Machi Rocío explained this process:
M ARIELLA : When you are possessed, what spirit comes?

R OCÍO : The spirit that one has, the machi püllu. A machi without power
is no good. One has to have power.
M ARIELLA : When your head becomes drunk and you go into küymi
[ASC], who arrives?
R OCÍO : Fileu, Ngünechen, machi püllu. They are all the same.
M ARIELLA : But if you inherit a machi spirit from your grandmother, that
spirit is not Ngünechen.
R OCÍO : One has to inherit a spirit first to be a machi. That is the machi
püllu. That is the spirit that comes to one. The words of Ngünechen,
the fileu, come through the machi püllu. When the machi is in küymi,
the machi püllu, fileu, and Ngünechen are the same. (Interview on
December 28, 2001)
These multiple multilayered possessions between the machi person, the

machi püllu, or fileu and Ngünechen are comparable to the two sets of mi-
mesis observed by Taussig: one between the person and the copy represented
by his or her soul; and the second, the mimetic conjunction between the soul
and the spiritual cosmos (1993:120). Machi, like Panamenian Kuna chant-
ers, have a decisively mimetic component built into their speech where the
speaker is always retelling, reviewing, or reinterpreting something said before
(Taussig 1993:109). Machi hear the message of Ngünechen through the words
of the fileu and the machi püllu who interpret them. The machi repeats and
interprets the words of the fileu and the machi püllu in her ecstatic discourse
and gains power. The machi’s words in turn are repeated and interpreted by
the dungumachife, or master of words, on behalf of the community.
During possession states, the machi becomes a feminine bride and her or
his head is mounted by a spirit, a process labeled lonkoluupan. The machi’s
personhood remains distinct from that of her spirit and the spirit speaks di-
rectly through the machi’s mouth and body while he or she remains absent.20
While possession thickens the interpersonal ties between spirits and their
human spouses (Boddy 1994:421), it also keeps their personhood separate.
Machi claim they do not remember the possession experience because they
separate themselves from the spirit, who speaks. In practice, however, machi
possession states are always under control, and machi are both aware and
unaware in what Carol Laderman calls “a balance between remembering
and forgetting” (1991:88). Machi distinguish between light and deep posses-
sion and consider the latter more prestigious, and powerful.
During light possession, the spirit inhabits the body of the machi but
does not replace his or her soul, a phenomenon that Rolf Foerster refers to as
“revelation”(1993:106). Machi are aware of the spirit’s presence and under-
stand its advice and demands, but it is the spirit, not the machi, who speaks.
The possessed machi serves as a spokesperson for spirits. Machi forget their
own persona but remember the ritual, the performance, and sometimes the
actions and words of the possessing spirit. Machi Pamela describes her per-
sonal soul, or püllu, as “sitting beside” her body while she is being possessed
by the fileu. Machi Marta described the experience this way: “The fileu is
up in the sky but also in the rewe guarding the püllu. When the fileu comes
to me I feel a heat rising in my body and I am gone. I stay at the rewe, I am
Marta. The fileu takes over. While God talks to the fileu, the machi talks to
the people. The word of God is repeated.”
During deep possession, there is a complete separation between the
machi’s person and that of the spirit who takes over and replaces the machi’s
soul. Machi rarely remember anything about what transpired except for the
drumming rhythms. Machi Fresia explained: “When the spirit is here I dis-
appear. So there is a change. When the spirit is not with me then I am here.
When the spirit arrives then I am not here where the spirit is talking. Machi
are double persons because sometimes she is here and sometimes she is
not the person with whom people are talking” (Interview on November 24,
1991). Like the Voodoo practitioners observed by Erika Bourguignon, machi
view a continuity between the identity of the subject and the possessing
spirit but a discontinuity between the latter and the human vehicle, who
does not have memory or responsibility for the actions carried out by her
or his body when it becomes the residence for a more powerful spirit. At
the same time, some cases of possession show an obvious continuity with
the conscious motivation of the possessed (Bourguignon 1965:47, 53, 57).
In this case, the temporary substitution of the machi’s self with that of a
spirit does not challenge the integrity of the machi self but rather provides
increased scope for fulfillment by providing the self with an alternate set of
roles. Possession becomes an idiom of communication where spirits have a
place not only during public ceremonies but in their everyday domestic life
as well (Crapanzano and Garrison 1977:10–12; Lambek 1980:121–123).
During Mapuche rituals, machi or candidates to machihood (machil) are
the only people who are possessed or who engage in ecstatic travel. Knowl-
edgeable elder Mapuche, ngenpin, dungumachife, and some dancers and
musicians understand the power and meaning of Mapuche ritual prayers,
songs, and dances, but the machi alone is responsible for establishing the
connection between the Wenu Mapu and the Earth. Machi criticize, for ex-
ample, the collective possessions that typically take place in Cuban santería.
When machi Abel participated in an international folk music festival in Ger-
many, he was struck by the Afro-Cuban music and dance troop: “Not every-
one can be a communicator, a spiritual messenger. How it is that one spirit
possesses all those people at once? They must be possessed by the devil.”
Machi stress the relational nature of humans, animals, and spirits, but
in practice they operate in both relational and individual modes of person-
hood. They stress their relational selves in order to legitimate themselves as
machi with strong spiritual powers who gain power from colonial authori-
ties, ancestral spirits and spirit animals. But they emphasize their individual
personhood when asserting their agency and volition in everyday life and in
distancing themselves from possessing spirits who take over their bodies and
speak through them.
CONCLUSION
Machi operate in both relational and individual modes of personhood,
and their ritual experiences are embodied and ensouled. The complex work-
ings of machi personhood offer a new way to think about the relationship be-
tween body, mind, and spirit and the ways in which shamanic altered states
of consciousness are gendered. Mapuche consider out-of-body ecstatic flight
a masculine action associated with the image of mounted conquistadores
and Mapuche warriors, and embodied possession as a feminine action as-
sociated with brideliness to possessing spirits. Machi, however, experience
both of these drum-induced ASC regardless of their sex, using one or an-
other according to purpose and the specific ritual context. Contrary to classic
theories of shamanism, Mapuche do not view ecstasy as superior, more con-
trolled, or more transcendent than possession, nor does possession involve
a loss of self. In fact, machi experiences of possession and ecstatic flight
have much in common. Both altered states of consciousness are voluntarily
induced and controlled. Possessed machi are double persons who have cer-
tain awareness of the ritual performance, while machi conceive of ecstatic
flight as multiple, multilayered possessions where the shaman’s self merges
with that of their spirit while this spirit in turn is possessed by other deities
and spirits.
Shamanism, however, is not just a question of varying altered states of
consciousness nor about expressions of power and resistance (Comaroff
1995; Stoller 1995; Boddy 1989). Shamanism is not a “desiccated and in-
sipid category” (Geertz 1966) but a widespread “historically situated and
culturally mediated social practice” (Atkinson 1992) connected both to local
circumstances and histories as well as to national and transnational con-
texts (Atkinson 1992; Balzer 1996; Joralemon 1990; Kendall 1998; Taussig
1987; Tsing 1993). The different relational personhoods and positionalities
of shamans, animals, and spirits are expressions of cultural meaning, ethnic/
national relationships in various social and political contexts. Machi ritual
relationships through kinship, marriage, and mastery and their associated
altered states of consciousness reflect the complex and contradictory rela-
tionships between Mapuche and Spaniards, women and men, humans, ani-
mals, and spirits. These relationships can be hierarchical or complementary
and highlight the agency of the machi or merge her personhood with that of
other spiritual beings. On the one hand, kinship merges human, animal, and
spirit worlds. I have demonstrated that exchange of bodily substances among
machi and between machi and spirit animals creates an ordered social body
where machi and animal bodies and souls share the qualities of spiritual kin-
ship. On the other hand, social kinship, inheritance, and succession remain
independent from spiritual kinship. Machi inherit the spirits of machi on
the mother’s side of the family and share personhood with her independently
from the social patrilineages.
Machi spiritual marriage represents the contradictions over feminine
control and power in a patriarchal social system. When machi brides are
possessed by husband spirits they illustrate the superiority of spirits and dei-
ties over humans, of Chilean authorities over Mapuche ones, as well as the
limited participation of women in the patrilineal social and political realm.
At the same time, spiritual betrothal illustrates how women are able to ne-
gotiate pragmatically with local male authorities in the same manner that
Mapuche negotiate with Chilean ones. Machi’s positive valuation of spiritual
seduction as the tool for entering the spirit world and the prioritization of
spiritual marriage over social marriages set machi apart from other women
and offer a new reading of feminine sexuality in a spiritual context.
As masters of animals and mounted warriors who travel in ecstatic flight,
machi gain control over the hierarchical institutions that regulate Mapuche
people and use their power for their own purposes. Multiple, multilayered
possessions provide the context for the merging of machi personhood with
that of mounted masculine Mapuche and Spanish warriors as well as the
Chilean religious and civil authorities that control their lives and futures.
In this context shamans are not the children or brides of hierarchical spirits
and deities, but deities and authorities themselves. It is from this position of
power that shamans know about the universe and are able to change situa-
tions. By becoming male authorities in order to change the world, machi re-
verse the inferior position that Mapuche hold in relation to the Chilean state
in an attempt to define their own destinies. At the same time, machi masters’
powers, destinies, and lives are intertwined with the animals they dominate.
Machi are part of a larger social body where Mapuche and non-Mapuche,
masters and animals, share personhood and where foreign authorities and
beings become part of and transform the Mapuche self.
NOTES
1. Barbara Tedlock introduced the term co-gendered to refer to a partly fem-
inine and partly masculine personality (Tedlock 2003:6).
2. Alfred Métraux (1942) and Robles Rodríguez (1911, 1912) described
machi initiation and renewal rituals.
3. Machi such as María Cecilia, who belong to a machi school of practice,
invite their cohorts to heal them and grant them blessings. Machi who do not
belong to a school of practice hire other machi to perform these functions in
their rituals. Machi initiation and renewal rituals are grouped together under the
generic term machi purrun or baile de machi (dance of the machi).
4. Photographing María Cecilia’s ritual could be particularly dangerous.
Her relationship with her spirit was new and tenuous, and I was uncertain which
soul would be captured on film when she was in an altered state of conscious-
ness (ASC), and her personal soul might be traveling or displaced by a possess-
ing spirit. I expressed my concerns to her, but she responded, “We know you.
You are not a Mapuche and you have no power or bad intentions. . . . The photo
captures the soul when the photo is taken close up and the eyes are open. Take
photos when the machi’s heads are covered with the headscarf, from behind,
from far away, or when the eyes are closed. . . . If someone else tells you to stop
taking photos, don’t stop. If the machi tell you to stop, then stop.” I followed her
instructions and took photographs during the first day of the ritual.
5. Michael Taussig observes a similar process where semen and pubic hair
are used to effect love magic through contagion, but they are also profound indi-
ces of sexual attachment, impregnation, and the making of children. “It becomes
virtually impossible to separate their being sign from their being ontologically
part of the sexually partnered” (Taussig 1993:55).
6. Some machi transfer power to their initiates by cutting crosses into
the palms of their hands and rubbing them together in order to mix their blood.
Javiera and Elena considered the ritual exchange of animal blood and breath to
breath to be sufficient.
7. The kopiwe flowers and llankalawen vines that machi wear during
initiation rituals have explicit spiritual, sexual, and reproductive connotations.
Kopiwes are viewed as female symbols of traditional lore and machi practice,
which resist urbanity and modernization. Crushed kopiwe flowers are used to
help machi with the symptoms of initial calling and sudden encounters with evil
spirits. Llankalawen, a wild plant that grows intertwined with the kopiwe vine,
is the male counterpart of the kopiwe and is often associated with the fileu. It
serves as the masculine complement to the machi, who is perceived as feminine
when seducing the fileu.
8. Studies that have explored the way in which gender identities are nego-
tiated in various Latin American contexts have centered on male transgendered
prostitutes (Kulick 1998; Prieur 1998; Schifter 1998) or ordinary men (Lancaster
1992) but not on male and female shamans. The focus of these studies has been
on the way specific sexual acts—penetrating or being penetrated by others—
creates gender. They associate “gender variance” with “sexual variance.”
9. The involuntary and uncontrolled possession common to Voodoo and
Oyo-Yoruba priests only occurs among Mapuche neophytes who experience a
calling or among Mapuche who are possessed by evil spirits.
10. Carol Laderman (1992:191) describes a similar phenomenon among
Malay shamans, who mobilize their inner resources, personified as the Four Sul-
tans, the Four Heroes, the Four Guardians, and the Four Nobles.
11. Prayer collected by Juan Ñanculef.

12. Pollock notes a similar process among the Kulina where the term dzupi-
nahe refers to the physical embodiment of the spirit either by humans or animals
(1996:330).
13. Prayer collected by Juan Ñanculef.
14. In the last two decades, anthropologists have focused on the phe-
nomenology of the body and used the paradigm of embodiment in an effort to
compensate for previous mentalistic perspectives and transcend the Cartesian
mind-body dualism (Scheper-Hughes and Lock 1987; Stoller 1989; Roseman
1991; Csordas 1999; Lock 1993; Stewart and Strathern 2001). These perspec-
tives often view non-Western people as grounding their experience in the body
and not distinguishing between mind and body (Scheper-Hughes and Lock
1987; Scheper Hughes 1992; Low 1994; Pandolfi 1993; Strathern 1996) while
nonmarginal European American groups are depicted as unaware of their bod-
ies and failing to distinguish between mind and body. Many anthropologists
interested in the relationship between personhood and spirits have drawn on
the paradigm of embodiment to focus on the relationship between bodies and
persons (Lambek and Strathern 1998), the personification of bodies (Lamb
2000; Lambek and Strathern 1998; Scheper-Hughes 1992) and the relation-
ship between bodies and spirits (Boddy 1998; Rasmussen 1995:155; Corin
1998:89).
15. Mastery of control is viewed as the central element of shamanism and
is described as “voluntary” by Oesterreich (1966), “solicited” by Lewis (1969),
and “desired” by Bourguignon (1968).
16. Erika Bourguignon recently stated that uncontrolled possession is
characteristic of first possession or occurs during “crisis situations” and is rare
among Voodoo and Oyo Yoruba priests (Bourguignon e-mail message, January 26,
2004).
17. These two forms of possession are easily confused. Machi Marta, for
example, began training a young woman whom she thought would become a
machi but gradually realized she was possessed by an evil spirits because she
danced like a meulen (a wekufe whirlwind).
18. Most machi argue that they experience diverse levels of conscious-
ness, including ecstasy and possession, but machi Sergio believes machi can be
grouped according to their different altered states of consciousness:
Only select groups of machi are possessed by the fileu. The fileu is an
ancient spirit, the biggest and wisest machi of the Wenu Mapu, the
central head of all machi that takes machi to the magnetic field. The
fileu looks for worthy machi heads in which to deposit its tradition.
This takes many years. The fileu protects all machi who inherit this
tradition. A machi who is possessed by the fileu remembers nothing
afterward because the words come from God. It takes over the machi’s
mind and body completely. The fileu is a messenger for Ngünechen,
who tells it what it has to do. The fileu transmits the machi’s prayers,
and it also speaks the messages and prayers from Ngünechen. Those
that are possessed by machi püllu are different. They are earthly, pagan
machi. They learn from the knowledges of other machi. They learn from
perimontun [visions], and they remember what they said or did while
possessed because the spirit is also from this earth, like them. The spirit
wanders around the mountains and the forests, but it does not go up
to the Wenu Mapu. They have less power. (Excerpt from telephone
interview, May 18, 2002)
Mapuche intellectual Juan Ñanculef, on the other hand, encountered machi

who view the term fileu as something excessively mysterious and powerful to the
point that it is sometimes associated with sorcery (Phone interview, September 26,
2002).
19. According to Larry Peters (1981), male Nepalese shamans are possessed
in some instances and engage in spirit travel in others, but women never become
shamans at all. He characterizes possession as an inferior form of involvement
experienced by male neophytes while advanced men shamans gain control of
their spirits and have encounters with them in ecstatic flight.
20. I disagree with several researchers who have argued that machi share
personhood with the spirit that possesses them (Alonqueo 1979; Kuramochi
1990; Métraux 1973).
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CHAPTER 9
Sexuality and Ritual:

Indigenous Women
Recreating Their Identities
in Contemporary Mexico
Nuvia Balderrama Vara
I
n many forms of community organization, what stands out are the ritu-
als, ceremonies, and different religious practices that are associated
and closely linked with so-called usos y costumbres (custom and usage).
Many community customs are mainly carried out or exercised by the male
gender, who stake out their territory and at times limit the participation of
the female gender.
This custom of creating unique spaces based on gender does not allow
for a broad view of the community dynamic, or it is just that we only “see” it
from one side.
Seeing my community from one side is what inspired me to want to
see the other side. It made me seek, research, question, in a word, investi-
gate, in many other words, attempt to know why there was such limited and
under-valued participation of women in some of the Tepoztlán’s community
rituals.
My initial question was: “Why can’t we as women direct the event Reto
al Tepozteco (Tepozteco Challenge)?1 That’s how I began to see “this other
side” of my community. I became interested in understanding the principle
of women’s nonparticipation, or, better said, their relegation to secondary
177
roles and responsibilities. I also wanted to understand why the men refused
to share this territory.
The denial of feminine spaces in the community of Tepoztlán has to
do with the exercise of political power and the symbolic representation of
authority. Not seeing women in the Reto al Tepozteco event is not seeing the
importance of women’s participation and community work in Tepoztlán and
their contribution to Tepoztlán’s identity.
As this ritual is so key for the indigenous identity of the collectivity
(town), being active participants as women, and playing an important role
in it, enhances the visibility of women’s prestige, value, and contributions to
the community.
In the town of Tepoztlán, whoever has power controls traditional spaces.
How can we make these physical and symbolic community spaces also be-
long to women? In the Tepozteco legend, a 16th cacique (chieftain), some-
times called God-Man, was converted to Christianity. On one occasion he
was eaten by the King-Monster of Xochicalco to satisfy his hunger. In the
monster’s stomach, the Tepozteco began to cut and scratch the monster’s in-
nards with obsidian stones in order to get out and not die. Only in this way,
from inside, was he able to overpower the King-Monster of Xochicalco to
then protect and guide the people of Tepoztlán.
In light of the metaphor struggle from within, I was able to focus on
the dynamic that is repeated every year in preparation for this event. First,
I became interested in the Náhuatl language and studied it to be able to
understand the dialogue. Then I read part of my people’s history. I began to
establish social relationships with certain moral authorities of my commu-
nity. I attended my neighborhood’s meetings and assemblies, in which affairs
and problems exclusively related to the neighborhood are discussed. I ac-
companied community and ejido (communal land) authorities on walks to
identify the physical borders of Tepoztlán’s municipal territory. I participated
in improvement tasks. In other words, I became involved in my town.
Moved by my interest in learning about Tepoztlán in-depth, I wanted
to know if its current population still had something in common with the
Tepoztlán the grandmothers talk about, the one that is seen in old photo-
graphs, and beyond that, the one that is documented in the codices. I dared
to take on positions and responsibilities traditionally reserved for men, which
allowed me to better recognize, even in generational terms, how certain ritu-
als, beliefs, customs, and traditions can change and become modified. I was
bold enough to open up opportunities for many women, to encourage them
to take leadership positions that were previously reserved for men. I studied
the consequences of these changes.
By breaking into public spaces traditionally reserved for men, voicing our
opinions in the assemblies, deciding and suggesting modifications regarding
Sexuality and Ritual 179
participation in some of Tepoztlán’s rituals, I have been able to contribute to a

certain reinvention of Tepoztlán’s feminine identity. Thus new spaces for fem-
inine public participation were made possible, and more importantly, people
in the process of liberation, women and young people, were given a voice.
The Reto al Tepozteco is now an example of a situation in which men
and women complement each other, in which girls, boys, the elderly, and
disabled people express themselves. It’s a space in which people can inter-
act freely, in which the main role represents intelligence and the ability to
transcend time. It’s a space in which beliefs are made present and religions
are fused into one. In the exercise and practice of my community’s rituals,
I have been able to see the essence of the dualities, of coming and going, of
the recomposition of genders without modern conflicts.
COMMUNITY AWARENESS BUILDING

MY CHILDHOOD
The Hairdo: An Initiation to a Girl’s Participation in Ritual
A gourd bowl full of water, tomato juice, and colorful ribbons are what
my mother put in my hair. In front of me, a mirror reflected my small, bored,
and angry face. Bored because of what my mother always did with me, and
my not knowing what she was doing, or why she was doing it, or where she
was going to take me. Angry because of the hair pulling and the rigid position
I had to adopt for the hairdo to come out just like it had been requested of
my mother.
Every once in a while, I listened to the talk of adult women, especially
during preparations for the festivals. They would be in a circle, sitting around
the fire where they were cooking the food and talking “women’s talk.” The
laughter and tears gave flavor to the banquet that would later be eaten as an
offering to God, but they always said nobody should get angry so the tamales
wouldn’t turn into mocahuix.2
Mixcoton Pipiltzín, The Boys and Girls Party

“Can I borrow your daughter?” is what a neighbor woman asked my
mother, who had just finished with my hairdo. I was surprised: how could she
loan me out? I was not a toy but a little five-year old girl, a little solitary, that
liked to dance even then and it could be said that I was a little introverted.
I listened attentively to the entire request and then realized that, more than
a loan, it was an invitation to an exclusive party for girls and boys.
The hairdo ritual was repeated several times. The second time, I was
once again in front of a mirror, but unlike the first time, my face had a smile
but also signs of concern that the hairdo might not come out just right.
Dressed in white and holding my mother’s hand, we arrived at the party at
the house of the neighbor who had wanted to “borrow” me. One room was
decorated with colorful cut paper and full of smoke from the copal incense.
The hostess asked us to sit down on petates (straw floor mats). They sat me
down between a boy and another girl, and we made a circle with girls and
boys combined in this way.
My mother and the other women were in a nearby room. I heard that the
party was for a boy who ate raw meat, a lot of meat, and that this made him
very grouchy and not able to concentrate on boy things.
They began by giving us some kind of sweet food. That’s when the boy
we were celebrating came in with his mother, who put him in the center of
the circle. He was given the same food as everybody else. A woman prayed
continuously at the boy’s side. She threw bougainvillea and cocoxochitl flow-
ers on him and continued praying. Then she threw candy on him and con-
tinued praying. Every time this happened, we were given the same thing as
the boy.
At the end, they brought us green mole (a sauce) and white lard tamales
without salt on small plates. They gave us toys in the shape of small animals,
baskets, cars, and little flutes. The boy ate a chicken leg (and I imagined it
was raw!) and the woman who was praying asked him to put it in the plate
of mole. She came close to him and made him throw the mole all over his
clothes, which he did repeatedly as if it were a game. At that moment, the
woman invited all of us children to do the same and we all ended up covered
in green mole, eating with our hands, decorated with flowers, and happy that
the boy was cured. We played and a red mixcoton was placed on the boy,
which he had to wear for several days until he was completely cured.3
The gesture of throwing food on one’s clothes reminds me of part of
the legend of the Tepozteco, the god-man and king Tepoztecatl-Ciztli who
governed the town of Tepoztlán during the time of the conquest. It is said
that when he was invited to eat together with the neighboring kings from
Tlayacapan, Oaxtepec, and Yautepec in the kingdom of Cuahunahuac, he
arrived wearing his best clothes, with a large entourage of guards accompa-
nying him and the best chimalli to show his rank.4 According to the legend,
they were well into the feast when the king of Tepoztlán threw food on his
clothes. Surprised, the other kings asked him why he was doing this and
Tepoztecatl responded by saying that it seemed like they cared more about
clothes than the person wearing them, because a few hours earlier he had
gone to the Palace of Cuahunahuac dressed in common, simple clothes.
When he said he was the King of Tepoztlán, they didn’t believe him and
wouldn’t let him in.
Years later, when I brought up the subject of the girls and boys party
with my mother and aunt, they wouldn’t confirm it with me. To the contrary,
they asked if I hadn’t maybe dreamt it up. I responded that it wasn’t a dream,
that even my mother was at the party with me. After a few days my mother
admitted to remembering the ceremony and my aunt shared that when she
was little, they did a chachahuate for her because she had no appetite, was
pale, wouldn’t eat and was weak.5 Chachahuate is a ceremonial meal they
made especially for her. In order to prepare it, one must hunt a field mouse,
cook it in a small clay pot with garlic, and add ground cilantro. Then, while
the person without an appetite is eating it, everyone asks the mouse to cure
the person and the aigres (wind) to make the person well again.
The Virgin-Girls
The colorful ribbons became part of my memories. But now it was flow-
ers that my mother hurried to put in my hair. I was wearing a white dress,
huaraches (sandals), and my first gold earrings. I asked my mother why she
was dressing me like this and why I couldn’t eat whatever I wanted. Hur-
riedly, my mother explained that we had to be present in the church to ac-
company the Virgin and that I would be guiding her with the sahumerio
(incense) during the procession.
With the sahumerio in my hands and the copal smoke, I could barely
breathe. The sun was in my eyes and, since I couldn’t look up, I couldn’t see
beyond my feet. I felt like I wasn’t fulfilling the task my mother had given me
and for a moment I lost the hope of being recognized by the virgin.
Several girls who were no older than 15 or 16, dressed in black, with san-
dals and a hairdo similar to mine, carried the virgin on their shoulders with a
look of suffering. I didn’t want to suffer and during one of the most difficult
moments for me, I gave the sahumerio to my mother and refused to continue
with the procession. My mother calmed me down by saying that if I finished
the procession, the virgin would take care of me and that when I became a
young woman I could carry her. When I heard this promise, my lips trembled
with fear and anger and I said loudly to my mother: “I don’t want to be one of
those girls who suffer. Don’t bring me back to the church.”
We spent all afternoon next to the virgin and the women in charge of the
procession were with me, commenting about the privilege of being chosen
to serve the virgin, about how the girls dressed in black had given themselves
over to her since they were young and that, when they were adults, they
would be in charge of taking care of her. I listened and watched the girls
dressed in black who were quiet, with sore, swollen feet from walking so
much, trying to keep their hairdos intact, and mainly serious, very serious.
I could not understand why they didn’t play or laugh, nor could I understand
why, since I was dressed in white, the same was demanded of me.
Ixpocatl, A Young Man and Woman

“They’ve come to get you for the virgin of Tlayacapan,” my mother told
me. Days later I was with a group of teenage girls trying to learn the danza
de las pastoras (dance of the shepherd girls). When we were ready, we would
walk to the church of the Virgin del Tránsito in the town of Tlayacapan. I had
gone to the practices only a few times because I was more interested in the
dance classes.
At about 5 AM in Tepoztlán I was in front of a mirror, making sure that
the woven flowers in my hair didn’t fall due to the white veil that my mother
had just placed on my head. My first gold earrings matched my dress and
white sweater. My cane, which my father had decorated, was beautiful and
with it I would make the music to dance in front of the virgin. My family
and I arrived by car at the church of the Virgin in Tlayacapan. The other
“shepherds” hadn’t arrived yet because they were walking. My mother and
I entered the church.
The entire church was decorated with white agave flowers and was full
of copal smoke that didn’t stop flowing. My mother and I were alone in front
of the Virgin. We got on our knees and began to pray. I repeated what my
mother said. At a certain moment, she took me by the hands and began to
say the following: “Young Virgin, my mother, virgin of the water . . . I bring my
daughter to you so you will guide her way . . . So you will take care of her now
that she is yours . . . don’t leave her alone during the night or day you who
understand us, make her a strong woman” . . . and she took off my veil.
Sometime later, the “shepherds” arrived and we began to dance, sing,
and make figures with our canes. During the first break, I left the church.
My mother didn’t say anything and my father hugged me, put his sweater on
me, and they let me sleep. When I opened my eyes, the sun was with me.
I no longer was wearing my veil, or anything I owed to my mother or to the
virgin. I was a girl dressed in white who had fulfilled her responsibility to give
herself over to the virgin without protest. We ate red mole and milk candy,
then I changed clothes and played all afternoon around the trees until I was
exhausted and fell again into my father’s arms, who took the last of the flow-
ers out of my hair.
Ichpocame, Telpocame Xinelotl, Girls and Boys

Moving Their Hips
After seeing the colors of my blouse reflected in the mirror, I left my
house. I had a childhood friend and he was waiting for me at the corner in
our neighborhood. We were about to leave when my mother’s voice offer-

ing her final indications stopped me: “Be careful and don’t do good things
that seem bad.” Those were her words before seeing us leave alone for the
first time to go to a carnaval celebration. I was 15 years old; the church was
behind me, and the introverted, solitary girl no longer existed. I was now a
young woman from Tepoztlán, willing to discover what happens at carnaval,
how you do the chinelo jump and why it made everyone happy.6 What made
people jump and jump the chinelo without getting tired?
My body began to move to the rhythm of the music; my shoulders went
up on one side and the other; I felt my strong abdomen and my hips rocking
in harmony with my legs; my feet found the exact moment to lift and my
breathing got lost; it was lost between my breasts that jumped, expressing
my happiness. I felt like something was running down my back. I touched it
with my hands and it was the sweat that wet my body. I was doing the chinelo
jump!
I got lost and then found myself in the midst of hundreds of people.
There was laughter, breathing, sounds, colors, shouts, music, rhythms, col-
ored fabric and feathers; it was like a windmill of emotions and I couldn’t
leave, nor did I want to. Some arms picked me up and put me on top of some
shoulders—my brother invited me to be on top of a human pyramid. Without
realizing it, I was in the center of one of the dance groups called “Central
America of the Ants.” One of the “ants” from my neighborhood and I were
among the few women “ants” who dared to be in the middle of that windmill
of masculine emotions. Feeling excitement and suspense, I got up to the
highest part of the human pyramid. I got on my knees and in an instant the
group flag was waving in my hands. I heard more shouts, applause, and that’s
how I became a zicatl, an ant together with other ants. I was a subversive
right in the middle of carnaval. No woman before me had done what I had
just done.
For a moment I felt confused. I didn’t know if what I was doing was cor-
rect, but the excitement invaded me. It was the first time I entered a space
that was just for men, where physical strength was what distinguished some-
one. I continued because I didn’t feel it was a competition. I didn’t feel ex-
cluded. In some way, I felt like this was my complement, like it became part
of me. After this, I wondered why women didn’t participate or have a role in
these festivals, why there were no women musicians, women chinelas, may-
ordomas (church leaders); after all, we were women and men at the festival.
With this reflection in mind, I thought about other areas. I asked myself
similar questions about school, dance, neighborhood festivals, soccer. Here
I must recognize that in order to enter into mainly masculine spaces, I had to
simulate their attitudes, because by imitating masculine attitudes and poses
it was easier for me to access these spaces.
“It’s better to dance the xochipizahuatl, which is just for women,” I was
told. And I danced it, but it seemed slow, like a decoration. Nothing changed
when it was danced, and then I realized that activities in which women par-
ticipated in Tepoztlán were like that; nothing transcended. It was just repeat-
ing something and nothing really exciting was offered to the women.
I started wondering why there was no presence of women in different
rituals and ceremonies, or why the few women who did participate had in-
ferior activities, why women participated by transferring domestic activities
to public spaces. Why their opinions were hardly ever considered or were
only vaguely taken into account. Why they didn’t make decisions about com-
munity organization and why women were not represented in municipal
politics.
That’s how, with these types of questions and reflections in mind, I began
to physically install myself in spaces that were not for women. Later, some
friends helped me to be able to participate, mainly in sports. I began my
entry into male spaces through sports. I was one of the first women to be-
come a member of the only gym in Tepoztlán. I was the woman who played
soccer with the men, who talked with friends in the streets at night and had
some beers with them, who ran up the mountain to the Tepozteco (archaeo-
logical site) alone.
Maybe now these activities are common in my town, but while I was
running in the mountains in the mornings, I thought a lot about the activities
and things women could not do. In my case, I was already seen as strange
because I ran so much, because I dressed in the colors of light and because
I didn’t accept what people said about the way things should be. Sitting on
top of the mountain and viewing the diversity that surrounded me, my series
of doubts and suspicions began to emerge regarding rituals, festivals, and
ceremonies of Tepoztlán. Had they always been the way they are today? How
had women participated in the past? Did men participate in the same way
they do today? If there are priests now, were there priestesses then? Why do
the young maidens who now participate in the Reto al Tepozteco ceremony
look fragile, without presence, just there to fill in a gap. At another time,
were the maidens the priestesses who walked and created the Tepozteco
together, the place where I live?
With these doubts and suspicions, I began to participate in political and
social spaces. I saw how people took a position.
New Spaces
Among a group of friends, we decided to attend the organizational meet-
ings for the Reto al Tepozteco ceremony. At first we just listened to the peo-
ple who had participated for years. We observed the group dynamic and
understood that the first thing we had to do was to respect the opinions of
the elderly, that they couldn’t be questioned, contradicted, or challenged. It
was a small group of no more than 15 people, all adult men from Tepoztlán,
some with professions such as teachers, accountants; others had significant
community representation, such as mayordomos or neighborhood representa-
tives. Due to this situation, our patience and our desire to participate and
make proposals kept us from intervening in any way.
After some time (between a month and a half or two), they finally real-
ized we were there. First they asked us: “What family are you from? Who is
your father/mother?” And then, “What do you think about this?” This opened
the door for us to begin to offer our own opinions and later suggestions.
I felt uneasy and had doubts about how to intervene, how to ask for
the floor, because as a young woman I couldn’t do it directly. Only an older
adult could grant me permission to speak. I knew I had the right to state my
opinions and make suggestions as a woman, but the dynamic of the group
didn’t allow it. So I began to speak with each older person before and after
each meeting. We spoke about their youth, their achievements, their char-
acterizations in the Reto al Tepozteco, the ceremony, the offering, and how
they would like to carry out this ritual now. We spoke of how the community
should participate, the authorities, and what they thought about the town’s
politics. With these words in the air, I made my presence noticed at the
meetings.
FESTIVALS AND RITUALS: WOMEN REINVENTING OUR IDENTITIES

How Everything Began: The Origin, Cause . . . Why?
On the main street in the center of Tepoztlán, more people than usual
can be observed. It’s six o’clock in the afternoon and night is upon us. It’s
September and the rains, together with a soft wind, are constant company.
We can hear the far-away sound of the teponaztli echoing in the mountains.7
It’s been almost a week since many people sleep and awaken to this rhythm,
almost a week that the hearts of many people who live in Tepoztlán beat to
the sound of the teponaztli. Today is September 7, the day of benedictions
for the Tepozteco God, and I wonder:
• Who gives this offering?

• How did this ritual come about?
• How is the Tepozteco God represented?
• What is needed in order to be chosen?
• Why is it only the men who are in charge of this ritual and festival on Sep-
tember 7 and 8?
• Why do the women who represent the maidens look so weak?
• What does it mean to be a maiden in this representation?

• Why don’t they allow women to touch the shells?
• Who prepares the offering that is deposited at the house of the Tepozteco?
• Who was the mother of the Tepozteco?
Asking myself one question after another, I walked up the mountain,

questioning the form and act of this ancestral ritual. I arrived at the pyramid
on top of the mountain, called “the Tepozteco” in honor of this pre-Hispanic
god. Some authors mention that Tepoztlán . . .
“was a religious center of importance . . . in 1532 Fray Domingo de la

Anunciación arrived in Tepoztlán and . . . destroyed a famous idol, which
was celebrated all over this kingdom and visited by outsiders through pil-
grimages made in its service. They brought it offerings from the kingdoms
of Chiapas and Guatemala. This idol was called Ometochtli, which means
two rabbits.” (Davila Padilla, 1955, Book.2:617–618)
Juan Dubernard Chauveau commented that
[t]he Tepoztécatl statue was destroyed by the missionary Fray Domingo de

la Anunciación before September of 1532, because by the 8th of Septem-
ber, the last cacique of Tepoztlán, named Cihtli (hare), received the bap-
tismal water from the hands of this evangelizer at the site called Axihtla
(where the water comes from), in a place called Tlacualoyan (place where
one eats) . . . According to tradition preserved in the town, this place con-
tinued to be used for awhile to celebrate baptisms and weddings until the
first chapel was built. (1983: 47)
After doing some reading, I realized nighttime had arrived and I went up
the mountain to the Tepozteco. There I saw many people. We lit each other
up with torches and flashlights. The smell of copal inundated the space and
the sounds of the teponaztli, the chirimilla, and the drums gave the signal
to start dancing. People from the town and neighboring areas came together
to follow the rhythm. At one side of the pyramid, another group of people
was listening to stories and legends of the Tepozteco. At the pyramid’s main
altar, the “offering” could be seen, which had been placed there hours earlier
by those in charge of the ritual. Two men were guarding this area so no one
could enter.
I looked in and asked for permission to get closer, which was granted.
Then I could see that the offering had bougainvillea flowers all around it. At
the center was a gourd full of water, a sling, and an agave fiber (ixtle or lazo)
rucksack, a bottle of mescal, tobacco, gourds full of pulque (a drink made
from fermented agave sap), small candles . . . that was all I could see because
the men wouldn’t let me stay.
A little bothered by their attitude, I walked toward the steps to leave.
It began to rain again and I walked quicker. I went by a lit tlecuil.8 Some
women offered me atole (a hot corn drink) and tamales. They offered this
in outstretched hands, with a smile that made it impossible to say no. I re-
mained while the rain came down. Suddenly everything began to move: some
people were running, others were covering themselves from the rain with
plastic, and the two men who were guarding the offering came to shelter
themselves from the rain under the same cloth roof where the women and
I were. The women gave the men food and we all ate together. I asked the
men why they hadn’t let me stay longer to look at the offering, and one of
them said, without taking his eyes off his tamales, “Women can’t get close
to the offering or touch it because it’s a man’s thing,” quickly adding, “The
Tepozteco can get mad and then this water that’s falling turns into a storm;
bad water can fall.”
It was only because my mouth was full of tamales that I didn’t say any-
thing else, but my eyes opened wide. Then my eyes met with those of one
of the women and, in a language of gestures and signs, she made me under-
stand that not all of this was true. We finished eating, the rain had stopped
and many people had left. I got up from the floor, the women finished pick-
ing up their utensils and with a firm voice said to the men present:
“Let’s go because tomorrow you need to be rested and so do we. We have
to sleep this is all for today.” The men took the baskets and without saying
anything, we began to walk down the mountain. I had been eating in the
company of the person who would represent the Tepozteco God the next day,
September 8. I had begun to question part of my town’s history. Something
in me began to question the role of women in the community’s custom and
usage, rituals and practices.
To take a look at the social and gender roles played by women in Tepoz-
tlán is to open one’s way of seeing things and be sensitive enough to ap-
preciate their role. Tepoztlán is a territory that has transformed itself within
a context of political construction, of temporality (where history is always
present). It’s a region with political forces and a place where a social network
is beginning to be built that sustains economic, political, social, and cultural
structures. We are told that the territory is part of what allows us to have
an identity, and the reason why we can answer questions like, “Where am
I from?” or “Where do I come from?” “Who am I?” To speak of territory is to
speak of more than a piece of land.
Being rhetorical about my culture allowed me to realize that the myths,
sociocultural premises, religions, and sociostructural determinants involve
the woman and convert her into a reproductive agent of the dominant
ideologies; thus, the woman is the main reproducer of much of the patri-
archal system. By questioning this role with the women in Tepoztlán, I was
able not only to go beyond researching the structure of women’s personali-
ties based on men’s perceptions, what others impose on them, but also to
discover who they are based on what they say, propose, resolve, do, and feel
themselves. This is why I speak of looking at the woman of Tepoztlán with
sensitivity. These are women with a high level of psychological resistance
and a high level of dignity. The women of Tepoztlán identify themselves as
struggling and not only do they have this characteristic, they have also been
able to change their personalities in accordance with the intensity of the
social movements they have participated in and the way in which they have
been involved.
El Reto al Tepozteco
The main players of the Reto al Tepozteco are men; those who play the
teponaztli, musical instrument of prehispanic origin used in practices and
rituals, as well as the chirimilla and the drums, are men. Those who organize
and manage the budget for this event are men. Those who do the casting for
the roles of maidens and the Tepozteco are men. Those who correct, propose
or limit . . . are men. What was happening with the women? When did they
come onto the scene?
By mandate, the women were given secondary or classic tasks supposed
to correspond to their gender: making the tamales, preparing the offering,
sewing the dresses, among other tasks in which they didn’t have to make
decisions or give opinions about what happens in the Reto al Tepozteco.
This moved many things inside of me. I couldn’t accept that women’s
opinions were not taken into account. Women were always present but didn’t
give their opinions. I decided to offer my opinion about this ritual for the first
time. I began by speaking about the stage, the infrastructure of the Tepozteco
pyramid’s replica raised in Tepoztlán’s plaza. I did this on purpose, since the
members of the Tepozteco Association were interested in knowing how the
replica looked and if it could be improved. Then I voiced my opinion about
the clothes worn by the characters representing the kings and how they
should be worn, the dances, the maidens’ dress, the veil dance. Little by little,
without interfering in their original plans, I gave my opinions and expressed
my concerns. All of this took time, involving meetings, lobbying, practices,
visits, festivals, interviews, talks. I also spent a lot of time researching the
rituals, ceremonies, clothing, gods and goddesses, and ways of life during
pre-Hispanic times in central Mexico, mainly among nahua and xochimilca
cultures. My goal was to be able to defend my proposals since two teachers,
who were the main leaders, didn’t allow any changes in this ritual and their
argument was: “this is the way it’s always been and it can’t be changed.”
I asked older people who had participated in the Reto al Tepozteco many
years ago to remember what it was like. I had long conversations with older
men, with grandmothers and grandfathers. I asked them many things and
they were glad to listen and respond. I think this step was decisive for me to
be allowed into this event. I was interested in knowing about these people’s
experiences, what they had felt, what they thought, and what they would do
now for things to be better.
The grandparents were excited when they spoke to me about how they
saw the Reto al Tepozteco 30 or 40 years ago and how they saw it now, what
had been taken out, what had been added. I included their comments and
proposals in my talks with the authorities, especially with the Tepozteco As-
sociation. Each time I dared to express an opinion or make a proposal, I em-
phasized the fact that I had consulted previously with a grandfather, or that
such and such a codex indicated this. One example was the issue of adding
color to the clothing. Usually the clothing was not dyed but had the natural
colors of the cloth, which was usually white cotton. Through my research,
I discovered that the clothing of the mexica royalty, and thus that of the
tepozteca, was multicolored and consisted, in a beautiful way, of embroidery,
feathers, calico cloth, huipiles, and maxtlas that were painted in a style simi-
lar to tie-dye. Decorations and body painting, jewelry with gold, jade, silver,
and seeds complemented the women’s and men’s clothing.
Altepehuitl, the Town’s Festival

By organizing, we were able to participate in the Reto al Tepozteco.
Young men and women participated in moderate numbers, but in a way that
hadn’t occurred in a long time. Preparations for a festival implies a commu-
nity organization strategy. It also offers an opportune place for the exchange
of roles. Now, with the thought on my lips and as a representative of this
ceremony, I didn’t forget that listening and having patience were the main
ingredients for the success of my participation and my proposals.
I felt the community consciousness. when I was at the meetings of the
representatives from the neighborhoods, towns and colonies that make up
the municipality of Tepoztlán. I felt it when I asked my companions point
blank if they liked what we were doing. When we played around during
breaks and were able to chat, when all of the participants sat around to lis-
ten to a legend while eating roasted corn on the cob, when something was
requested and always provided. The general lesson I learned can be summa-
rized in these words: “always what is just and necessary.”
Success came with the growing presence of women in this ritual. By
transcending their traditional roles, they revealed themselves as women with
confident bodies, with long looks and with pride for being their own women
and not just the Tepozteco’s maidens. Women with clothes that spoke for
themselves, girls and boys who were happy to be girls and boys, men who
were happy to be able to share their roles, men and women accompanying
each other in a ritual.
These achievements have affected the lives of each person who has par-
ticipated in the Reto al Tepozteco that I call El reto nuevo del Tepozteco
(the new Tepozteco challenge). They have grown to include participation
of women in public and political spaces, in the nomination and election of
mayordomas and municipal assistants, in the constant search for men and
women to be equal but not the same.
Those of us who participated in El reto nuevo del Tepozteco first took our-
selves back to historic, pre-Hispanic times. We collectively situated ourselves
without losing our individuality. We each made a commitment to be ourselves
in order to become integrated as a group. We asked ourselves how we wanted
to live, how we wanted to transcend, where we wanted to go after we die.
This ceremony is one of the many open windows for observing and un-
derstanding the indigenous cosmo-vision, in this case, a way of seeing life in
the community of Tepoztlán, a way of reinhabiting the earth.
NOTES
1. The Reto al Tepozteco (Tepozteco Challenge), which is celebrated every
September 8 in the town of Tepoztlán, is the theatrical interpretation, in the
indigenous Náhuatl language, of a mythical-historical event. The cacique who
was converted to Christianity was also, according to legend, a manifestation of
the Tepoztecatl god, born from a virgin maiden, and associated with the moon
and with pulque, a drink made from fermented agave (cactus) sap. After his
conversion, at the beginning of the Conquest, Tepoztecatl (“the Tepozteco”) was
challenged by the caciques of neighboring villages to go back to following an-
cestral beliefs, especially by the cannibal king of Xochicalco, the main sacred
place of the region’s ancient religion. After he escaped from the monster’s stom-
ach, the Tepozteco brought the people of Tepoztlán to the Catholic faith and,
with his good manners, converted the neighboring villages by showing them that
Christian conversion is compatible with respect for their own customs and the
Nahuatl culture’s own values.
2. Mocahuix is a Nahuatl word that means “to remain raw, to not be
cooked.”
3. Mixcoton is a Nahuatl word that refers to a piece of clothing similar to
an overcoat or poncho.
4. Chimalli is a Nahuatl word that means “shield.”
5. Chachahuate is a Nahuatl word that refers to a ceremonial dish made
with a field mouse (teporingo).
6. The brinco del chinelo is a dance that integrates indigenous, cultural
elements (dancing, rhythm and, in part, the hat that is used), African elements
(rhythm, musical instruments) and Spanish elements (dress and masks). Xinelotl
is a Nahuatl word that means movements of the hip. The word became chinelo in
Spanish and is the name of the dance we just described, in which the indigenous
people make a parody of the hip movements of the Spaniards.
7. Pre-Hispanic instrument with strong sounds, similar to a drum, used in
ceremonies and rituals.
8. Pre-Hispanic kitchen made of stones, mud, and wood. It is still used
today in some homes or in an improvised manner in the field.
REFERENCES
Davila, Padilla, Agustín Historia de la fundación y discurso de la provincia de San-
tiago de México de la orden de predicadores, título 2, pp.617–618. Edit. Aca-
demia Literaria, Mexico, 1955.
Dubernard, Juan. Apuntes. ara la historia de Tepoztlán (Morelos), p. 47. Edición
del autor, Cuernavaca Morelos, México, 1983.
Maldonado Druzo, Cuauhnáhuac y Huaxtepec (Tlahuicas) México: UNAM.
Centro Regional de Investigaciones Multidiciplinarias, 1990. 296 pp.
INTERVIEWS
Sr. Camerino “n” Barrio de la Santisima Tepoztlan, Morelos, México, 2001.
Dra. Bertha Baheza Gallardo Barrio de San Miguel Tepoztlán, Morelos, México,
2002.
Sr. Ramiro Rodriguez Barrio de Santo Domingo Tepoztlán, Morelos, Mexico,
2001.
PART V
Women, World View,

and Religious Practice
CHAPTER 10
Drawing the Connections:

Mayan Women’s Quest for a
Gendered Spirituality
Morna Macleod
O
ver the last decade (1996 –2006), there has been a growing tendency
among indigenous women in Guatemala to deepen their sense of
dignity and self-worth, and promote gender equity through Mayan
cosmovision or worldview. Cosmovision comprises cultural values and be-
liefs, concepts of time, space and order, spirituality and practices in which
human beings, every element of nature, the universe and the cosmos are all
interconnected and therefore affect one another, thus opposing the prevail-
ing western assumption of the centrality of human beings and their belief in
dominating nature. This does not mean that all indigenous people today still
share this worldview: the extent of Guatemalan Mayans being “culturally
shaped” by cosmovision depends on a complex mix of factors, including their
varying contact with modernity, the handing down and practice of ancestral
knowledge, and customs in their families,1 and their desire or not to reclaim
culture.2 Resignifying the values or principles of complementarity, duality,
and equilibrium has been a way chosen by indigenous women of enhancing
their empowerment, and for struggling for equitable relations between men
and women. It consists in a strategy rooted in—rather than contesting—
Mayan culture, philosophy, and cosmovision.
Whereas feminism has tended to regard culture as the main cause of
women’s subordination,3 through which practices against women’s well-being
195
and rights are legitimized and naturalized, many Mayan women see culture
and cosmovision as sites of resistance and liberation,4 or, as members of the
Mayan movement put it, a horizon to “Build a future for our Past.”5 How-
ever, Latin American indigenous movement appeals to cosmovision and the
philosophical concepts of duality, complementarity, and equilibrium can dis-
cursively conceal unequal power relations between men and women; and
indeed these movement claims are often pitted against feminism and gender
analysis. The few feminists who have addressed the term “complementarity”
conclude that the concept does not redress the issue of gender inequity, that
is, while men occupy public spaces and leadership roles, women hold “com-
plementary” roles in the private sphere of the household.6 However, a growing
number of Mayan women—with different levels of appropriation of interna-
tional human rights and women’s rights discourse and acceptance of gender
analysis—are resignifying these cosmogonic precepts. In so doing, they not
only urge Mayan men to “walk the talk” and put these principles into practice,
but they also decenter feminist discourses and demands, by insisting on the
recognition of difference and diversity amongst women, and questioning their
narrow and regulatory definitions of culture.7 While cosmogonic discourse
has great resonance and an increasing appeal to many Mayan women, some
are more wary, cautioning that though it sounds wonderful in theory, it has
little to do with everyday lived experience.
Thus, the meanings of complementarity and duality are contested and
negotiated in the Mayan movement in Guatemala, often through regulatory
and emancipatory discourses,8 with a range of intermediate positions, giving
rise to what Carrasco—in the introduction to the present volume calls “the
creative possibilities of incomplete, open-ended contact zones and narratives.”
In recent years, Mayan women in particular are gaining strength and recog-
nition in their emancipatory reading and positioning of this discourse, and
are beginning to permeate international women’s movements, as the follow-
ing declaration of the International Indigenous Women’s Forum at the Asso-
ciation of Women in Development’s (AWID) meeting in Bangkok (October
2005) suggests:
We cannot work for changes in gender inequality in our communities if we

do not incorporate the dual vision of indigenous cosmovision, where men and
women are complementary. . . . As indigenous women are recognized in our
communities as the basis for preserving the cultural and social patrimony of
our peoples, it is important that our demands to improve our situation take on
the cultural aspects which give meaning to our collective identity.
The redefining of feminism by indigenous women seeks to break with the
racist and discriminatory legacy of traditional feminism, which does not take
into consideration the specific needs of indigenous women (as well as other
Drawing the Connections 197
traditionally excluded ethnic groups). Traditional feminism has set out a sys-
tem of centre and periphery, and indigenous, black, poor women have always
been on the margins; we have had to accept the ideas and ways of conceiv-
ing feminist struggle with their homogenizing and discriminating bias; their
analysis establishes hidden power relations and hierarchies within the femi-
nist movement which exclude indigenous women. (International Indigenous
Women’s Forum, Bangkok, October 2005: 4 –5, my translation)
This does not mean that feminists from different parts of the world ac-
cept and agree with the views expressed by indigenous women during the in-
ternational conference in Thailand, but it does mean that indigenous women
are gradually having more voice in global women’s movements, and are in-
creasingly able to publicly articulate their grievances as well as their specific
demands and claims.
In this chapter, after first exploring the concepts of complementarity,
duality, and equilibrium in philosophical and spiritual terms, I set out—
through interviews with and articles written by organized Mayan women—to
understand how different Mayan women understand these concepts, how
they relate them to their own lives, and to their visions of gender equity and
social transformation.9 Self-representation and the political-cultural produc-
tion of meaning, ideas and demands by Mayan women are central to this
aim, although I recognize the role I play and the risks of (mis)translation.10
By creating “dialogue and debate” between different Mayan women, I seek to
draw out some of the more contentious issues, as well as highlight the simi-
larities and differences these concepts hold, particularly in view to emanci-
patory strategies toward social justice and gender equity. The essay draws
on my experience of collaboration with the Mayan movement in Guatemala
as a nonindigenous foreign woman, first as an international aid agency field
representative, trying to work—in consultation with its indigenous counter-
parts—from an indigenous perspective; from an ongoing process over many
years of sharing with and learning from Mayan friends and mentors; and
more recently, in the research work for my doctoral thesis, “Cultural-Political
Struggles and Mayan Self-Representation in Guatemala.”
THE COSMOGONIC PRINCIPLES OF DUALITY,

COMPLEMENTARITY, AND EQUILIBRIUM
There seems to be a common need as well as a real problem in translat-
ing Mayan hermeneutics into western thought and interpreting meaning, as
the following rather pat attempt illustrates: “These concepts can rather sim-
plistically be defined accordingly: complementarity signifies that all people, in-
cluding men and women, are an important part of the cosmos; duality implies
that everything in the cosmos has two sides, or presents positive or negative
energies; equilibrium refers to the harmony between all elements and their en-
ergy.” The following description of complementarity is even more problem-
atic: “that men and women are different, have complementary roles and that it
is indeed this difference and complementarity that brings balance and harmony
into society.”11 The need for precise and clearly defined explanations—and
the corollary criticism leveled at Mayans as to their inability to successfully
convey meaning, and to individually analyze or describe “complementar-
ity, duality, and equilibrium” as separate, discrete concepts—would appear
at odds with a less verbal apprehension of spirituality, and such efforts
tend to render flat, rigid, and nonmalleable readings of concepts that defy
translation.12
Another rather surprising initiative comes from a group of European an-
thropologists who set out to “define and perhaps resolve, some of the problems
which arise in the use of the notion of complementarity” (Perrin and Perruchon,
editors, 1997: 7), basing themselves on what has been written on the subject
by social anthropologists, without asking indigenous intellectuals how they
perceive and understand the concept.13 On the other hand, attempts by Ma-
yans to translate these complex notions into Spanish (here retranslated into
English) can prove quite obscure to a western audience. These difficulties
are not simply due to language differences, but to trying to span different
epistemologies and worldviews.
Doña Virginia Ajxup and her husband Juan Zapil, Maya K’iche’ spiritual
guides living in Guatemala City, attempt to bring Mayan cosmovision to life
both through their practice of Mayan spirituality—ceremonies, divination
with the Tz’ite,’14 and living according to Mayan values and principles—as
well as by nurturing their own learning processes by accompanying and
learning from spiritual guides in communities, whose longstanding practice
and millenary knowledge has been handed down from generation to genera-
tion.15 They also study the written literature on the subject and promote the
teaching of Mayan cosmovision. Doña Virginia writes:
Each person is an essential being with his or her own dynamism. Each person
is dependent on time and space, and exists in relation to others, sharing to-
gether common experiences. These experiences permit us to grow and develop
our true Countenance and Heart, the primary basis of our individual identity.
A person is also duality and complement. Our hearts preserve and refine
knowledge . . . Our grandmothers and grandfathers, mothers and fathers cre-
ated concepts which enhance the quality of life and of society, capturing the
essence of life’s energies, the environment’s elements. Father sun summons
the dawn and takes part in the intricacies of biological dynamics with his
clarity (daylight). Mother moon looks after the darkness, the tranquility and
complexity of the night. The understanding of new concepts regarding the

profile of humanity in all its specificities emanates from her. Thus harmony
provides a basis for new ideas in the social fabric woven by the daughters
and sons of time. They live together amid their differences, understanding
the complementary and dual nature of being. Through this process, desir-
able norms are derived from the experience of great events. These are handed
down with the quality of representation and transcendence to the new gen-
erations. (Ajxup, 2003: 68, 69–70)
Through her description, Doña Virginia draws out the interconnections

between nature, human beings and the cosmos, and a particular sense of
time—which at once contains permanence and change—through the hand-
ing down of experience and wisdom from generation to generation. In her
writing, she continually makes reference to the practice of her Mayan ances-
tors in observing nature and the stars, as the main source on which Mayan
wisdom is based and recorded in glyphs and codices.16 She also refers to
the duality of “countenance” and “heart”;17 Sylvia Marcos notes that for in-
digenous peoples, the heart “is the seat of the highest intellectual activities.
Memory and reason reside in it. The heart is not a reference to feelings and love;
it is the origin of life” (Marcos, 2005: 91).
Don Juan, presently doing a degree in linguistics, gives an insight into
the interconnected nature of the cosmovision, through his analysis of lan-
guage. He takes the example of kotz’i’j, the Maya K’iche’ word for flower, to
illustrate the interconnections between nature, cosmos and human beings:
• Kotz’i’j = flower
• Kotz’i’jaal = the nature of flowering
• Kotz’i’jab’al = the place where Mayan ceremonies are held
• Kotz’i’janeem o Kotz’i’janik = the flowering of plants, previous to their
reproduction; human sexual relations
• Kotz’ijab’alil q’ij = the day to philosophize
• Kotz’i’jal riij, Kotz’i’jal uwach = the terms used to refer to mothers and
fathers who live in the same house as their married children
• Kotz’i’jam raqan uq’ab’ = the term used to refer to persons chosen to carry
out an important authority role in the community
• Kotz’i’janinaq upam ub’e upam ujook = said of persons who have achieved
a life of plenitude and harmony in their family, society and community
• Kotz’i’jaxik = the act of decorating a place for a special activity (Zapil,
2006)
This gives a clear insight into the crossovers and linkages between na-
ture and human beings, nature, culture and intellect, and the way authority
and respect are envisaged and conveyed in metaphors drawing upon nature.
Complementarity, duality, and equilibrium, each in their way, all refer to

this interconnection; “complementarity,” writes Maya Poqomam María Estela
Jocón, “refers to the interrelation between environment and being (physical,
cosmogonic and spiritual); men and women; it cannot be reduced to the idea of
sexual complement, but rather refers to a wider scope of exchange and interrela-
tion between animals, human beings, the cosmos, nature and energy” (Jocón,
2005: 36). The idea of interconnection or intersubjectivity as Lenkersdorf
calls it (1999),18 is expressed in the principles of kulaj and tzaqat, explained
by Maya Kaqchikel Juana Batzibal: “I am you and you are me. This also means:
I am your mirror and you are my mirror. It is a fundamental principle to main-
tain respect for our personal identities in view to the collective identity. As I re-
spect the identity of my brother, so too, he will respect my identity. Furthermore,
the exercise of my freedom is equally conditioned to others’ freedom” (Batzibal,
2003: 28). Doña Virginia Ajxup explains that kulaj tz’aqat—meaning dual-
ity and complement—is the principle of life, that is, all life is based on the
principle of dual and differing energies (e-mail correspondence June 2007).
Duality is the integration and relational articulation between opposites as a
life-giving and life-conserving principle: “Feminine and masculine energies
are both necessary to be able to live, to generate life, this is understood as ‘kulaj’
and ‘tz’aqat’ in K’iche.’ The two energies are necessary, it is the ‘other I’ that
seeks the other. When one says ‘kulaj’, one is asking ‘have you found your other
countenance? Or your other ‘I’ necessary in order to prosper; both male and fe-
male are necessary for nature and for persons”19 (Interview, July 2003). Finally,
equilibrium “implies equality, equity and harmony or well-being of the cosmos.
The lived experience of equilibrium permits equal opportunities to live, love,
feel, create, debate, contribute, work” (Jocón, op. cit.: 37).
When I mentioned to María Estela Jocón that some feminists criticize
the idea of complementarity as they consider it regulatory not only socially
but in terms of sexuality (permitting only heterosexual married couples),
and thus excluding and actively invisibilizing single mothers, single men and
women, gay and lesbian couples, María Estela explained that duality and
complementarity do not just refer to, but rather go beyond relationships be-
tween men and women:
Duality refers to the way elements interrelate and cannot exist without the
other. If we are speaking of nature, we talk about the sun and the moon,
the sky and the earth, water and fire; everything in terms of two, men and
women. But I cannot say that single mothers don’t partake of duality; they
are incomplete as no one is complete, that would imply that we are all per-
fect, and we’re not. Because if you were complete, you wouldn’t need this
interview, nor your other interviews. Why? Because if I were self-sufficient,
I would be able to write the document on my own; but I need help, that’s the
complement, that’s the relation. But the relation is two-way, because you are
contributing with your questions, and I am contributing with my answers.
That is complementarity. (Interview, July 2003)
In this sense, the concept of complementarity is less regulatory than

feminists often believe, although this is not to deny that single mothers,
homosexuality, and promiscuity are often censured, and indeed complemen-
tarity can be mobilized with a regulatory bias. It is also difficult to disen-
tangle Mayan values from moral values arising from the church, the state,
and community life, as these are not pure and discrete sets of principles,
reproduced in a vacuum. However, indigenous people are understandably
incensed when critics go to the opposite extreme denying difference (that is,
indigenous epistemologies and hermeneutics), or considering that everyone
is hybrid or mestizo (see numerous newspaper columns by Mario Roberto
Morales, Siglo Veintiuno, especially 1996–1997, Guatemala).20 Indigenous
movement reaction to this homogenizing inclusion into modernity stimulates
strategic essentialism and resistance positioning (Macleod, 2006).
COMPLEMENTARITY, DUALITY, AND EQUILIBRIUM

IN MAYAN WOMEN’S LIVES
During the interviews I held with Mayan women one of the things
that struck me time and again was that rather than eliciting theoretical ex-
planations when I asked about complementarity, duality, and equilibrium,
the women always answered by relating them to specific experiences in
their own lives, often referring to their grandparents and particularly to their
grandmothers. As Marta Juana López says: “Spirituality is knowledge gained
from experience, it is practice, it is human, it refers to values. It is more about
action: ‘more verb and less noun.’ It implies being congruent between discourse
and practice” (Interview, December 2004). The importance placed on the
spoken word, on doing what you preach and gaining moral authority through
setting the example, suggests that the gap between “discourse” and “prac-
tice” is particularly deplorable for Mayan women and men.
Complementarity can refer specifically to what women and men do, but
it cannot be reduced to gender roles. Marta Juana López, thinking back to
her own childhood, considers that the different roles assigned to boys and
girls did not imply a lack of equality, whereas in other cases, it very much
does. The following two texts show these differences:
When I analyze my childhood experience, my parents would always say to us:

“girls have to do this, but boys also have to do the other” both in domestic and
social roles. A girl needs to be more modest, more careful, but boys need to
respect girls highly. We had very specific chores, but we also had joint tasks.
I had to wash the dishes, but my brother had to sweep the patio. My brother
had to feed the horses, I had to feed the pigs and chickens, because this was
less dangerous than feeding the horses as they could kick, boys are better
trained for this and can run faster. Often, when my brother finished first, he
would help me, we negotiated. I didn’t feel uncomfortable, they were domes-
tic chores, perhaps mine involved more time, but in any case, we’d help each
other out. And we were treated as equals in everything to do with education
and health. In other families we knew it was the same. Families were more
interested in constructing the identity of “being a woman” or “being a man,”
but I don’t think this is happening any more, which is worrying. This was the
family context . . . but there was also school, and school is patriarchal and
racist. And then, the role of the church is also important: school/church is a
secondary space of social relation, and they are very strong, very determining.
(Interview with Marta Juana López, op. cit.)
Marta Juana recognizes the difference between women’s and men’s roles,
but in her own experience considers that the inequality in gender arises from
socializing outside the home; other professional Mayan women I interviewed
felt the same way.21 However, Lucía Willis’s experience was quite different:
From adolescence on, I was taught my role as a woman. This included having
household responsibilities, looking after our livestock and crops, gathering
firewood, fetching water, making tortillas [corn pancakes], washing, cooking,
and seeking the strength to do all this with enthusiasm. I was also taught the
proper way to act and speak to people and the right way of doing things. If a
woman does not adhere to these codes, she gives herself a bad image. What
I found hard to accept was that my brother was free to go out, to work and
play, and he never had to do household chores. Sometimes we would go out
together to sell home grown fruit and vegetables.
My mother did not take a very broad view of the usefulness of me receiving
a formal education. For her it sufficed that I learn my signature and to read
and write. This way people would not take advantage of me, which is often the
case when one is illiterate. She did not think that a school education would
be useful to me, but only to my brother, as being a man he would seek work
outside the home. In practice, we as women are more prepared, as we learn
to do women and men’s work. From that time on, I was aware of the different
access men and women had to education. (Willis Paau, 2002: 85–86)
Whereas Marta Juana and Lucía refer to gender roles when talking
about complementarity, Ixtz’ulu’ Elsa Son relates it to the bicultural forma-
tion and education she received from her parents. Asking what complemen-
tarity means to her, she answered:
I don’t know if my lived experience helps. My father only attended the first
year of primary school; he practically taught himself to read and write.
I have no idea whether my grandfather went to school, but he did write and
speak Spanish; my great-grandfather was the municipal council secretary. So
there were two or three generations in which the grandfathers spoke Spanish
and knew how to write . . . My mother is monolingual and illiterate. I don’t
know whether they made an agreement to do this, I’ve never had the curiosity
to ask, but my father took charge of us in terms of reading, in [developing]
our intellect . . . my mother—whether consciously or unconsciously I’m not
sure—was the “guardian of culture”22 we could call it, in my family. By this
I am not saying that this is the case in all families, I am speaking about my
family. Maya Kaqchikel as a language, spirituality and more material expres-
sions of culture such as weaving, and the explanation of woven designs, care
for Mayan culture, these were all given to us by my mother.
My father helped us to face the outside world which was unlike our Mayan
world, that was his emphasis. He sent us to school—we’re five, one brother
and four sisters, with no difference between male and female siblings; and he
would say: “You must act in this manner, as school is somewhat different.” For
example, we would kiss our grandparents’ hand as that is a sign of respect;
we learned to never kiss a “ladino’s”23 hand; he taught us that it was different
with ladinos, it wasn’t a question of not respecting them, but rather a differ-
ent way of expressing it, saying “good-day” was different . . . In a way, I feel my
father took charge of the intercultural part, intercultural education, whereas
my mother strengthened our Mayan culture; as I say, I don’t know whether
this was a conscious decision or agreement or not, but that’s the way it was.
(Interview, 2003)
But “complementarity” is not only found in women’s childhoods. Amalia

Velásquez speaks of her courtship and marriage with Mayan movement ac-
tivist and intellectual Máximo Ba, illustrating the way many intellectual and
professional Mayans living in cities are reclaiming culture and living Mayan
spirituality:
Complementarity means, well, I will tell you about it from my experience,

because that is the way I understand it. When Max and I started our relation-
ship, we first made consultations to see if we were compatible, if Max would
be able to understand me, with my weaknesses, my defects and my virtues,
and whether I would be able to understand him, as he is, with his negative
aspects and his values. We made this consultation with elders, with the great
uncles and forefathers . . . I went to Max’s house and learned of many things,
about what he is, what he has done and not done; his parents were very clear:
“You will be going with our son, he has his defects but he also has his virtues.”
Then one asks: “Do we suit each other or not?” The other thing is to check
whether our “nawales”24 are compatible; and if they are not, there is a way of
solving this through ceremonies, giving offerings to the hills, as hills have to
do with resolving this kind of conflict; one can’t just go anywhere, as other
places are used in other ways and have different kinds of spirit. As a result, we
embarked on our path as a couple. We even consulted my deceased parents;
we held nine ceremonies to reach them, on the fourth they responded. All of
this is complementarity.
So for me, complementarity doesn’t just mean that men are breadwinners,
but rather that both of us can do housework, that we are satisfied in our
professional careers, that we give service to the community, and that we also
attend our family. Because I can’t conceive of complementarity if a woman
is only in the office and neglects her children, her home, her family. Nor a
man who spends all his time out of the house, in the office . . . So there’s a
responsibility for both men and women to keep this equilibrium, this is what
equilibrium means to me. (Interview, July 2003)
Amalia eloquently conveys the way in which reclaiming culture entails

returning to community practices and at the same time as giving them new
nuances of meaning and significance. Her understanding of complementarity,
duality, and equilibrium is a far cry from a regulatory discourse and pressure
for women to remain in the home, although she also defends the importance
of the home and children. Her vision is forward looking and transformational,
while at once reclaiming community customs and practices of spirituality, as
well as becoming a professional and partaking of modernity.
COMPLEMENTARITY, DUALITY AND EQUILIBRIUM:

REGULATORY OR EMANCIPATORY FRAMES?
The above contributions by Mayan women convey the way Mayan val-
ues can be a source of inspiration for social transformation. One of the prob-
lems is that not everyone who proclaims these principles puts them into
practice in their own lives; nor does everyone conceive of them in the same
way, as many men and even women often have a regulatory set vision about
how women should act, what they should and should not do. Then, too, if
the gap between the ideal vision and reality is too great, the interconnections
between the two and strategies to breach the divide may simply not be ap-
parent. This has led organizations like the Kaqla women’s group to state:
Identity and cosmovision are fundamental issues for the Mayan women of
Kaqla. . . and amongst us we have diverse positions, opinions and feelings
about them. However, many of us have been modifying or clarifying our
respective positions after stopping to reflect upon our daily life experience
rather than our discourse . . . For most of us, what is said about cosmovision
is so utopian that it doesn’t help us to ensure a greater quality of life, to relate
to people better and to organize. This is why there continues to be inequity
between men and women in so many indigenous organizations, because they
say we have the same rights, but when it comes down to who manages the
money, who decides when and how it will be spent, the answer is always
the men. (Kaqla, 2004: 35 and 37)
Others are skeptical. Maya K’iche’ Irma Alicia Velásquez Nimatuj con-
siders that the concepts of complementarity, duality, and equilibrium have
been appropriated and controlled by men in discourse which naturalizes and
invisibilizes unequal power relations between men and women:
In my opinion, it is a discursive concept that remains discourse, it doesn’t

work in practice. Mayan men in their conferences—not so much now as a
few years’ back—used to use it as a political banner. They’d talk of the rela-
tions between men and women in Mayan communities as complementary,
night-and-day, and they would give a series of examples. But in reality, it
wasn’t so, in reality, “complementarity” meant oppression, it meant that only
men could go out, participate politically, speak in public, that is, occupy
public spaces, whereas women had to stay in the private sphere and occupy
a few economic spaces, but that was it. I’ll give you a concrete example.
In the case of Quetzaltenango, there are very few K’iche’ women who have
a national presence, the majority are men. Rather, we find that at a certain
age, control is exerted on women to get married, husbands also exert control
over women, as do parents-in-law and the community itself, as it is not well
regarded that a married woman leaves her home, travels, speaks in public,
or enters the public sphere. There are many restrictions. I have heard K’iche’
women who have held public office as town councilors tell of their dramatic
experiences of repression, in the sense that their ideas are not taken seriously,
their proposals looked down upon or simply ignored, jokes made at their ex-
pense, their ideas laughed at. I would say it is highly complex, difficult. From
the outside, it would appear that complementarity exists and it sounds good
as a discourse, but internally, it’s not like that.
For me, the concept of complementarity in Guatemala has been used
to maintain the oppression of Mayan women. That is how it has been up
to now, it’s only recently that this oppression is being questioned in the
works of Amanda Pop, in the works of Emma Chirix and other (Mayan)
women, they have questioned and deconstructed this discourse. Now one
rarely hears men talking publicly about complementarity; they are far more
measured in what they say; and on the contrary, recently I have heard many
more women than men defending the concept of complementarity. We
need to understand how women are thinking about it. If it is only the men
who talk about complementarity, I’d have my serious doubts, but if women
are promoting the concept, it should be taken on board. I would say that
complementarity is something yet to be constructed, in principle I see it as
something negative, but if it’s a project in construction I could accept it.
But the problem is that men assume it’s a given, and that is simply not the
case. If we see it as something in construction, something which will start
taking place, that’s fine, let’s create it. And it should be women who say
how they want complementarity to be, and that men put it into practice.
But if men are going to talk about it when women—their partners, their
daughters, their relatives—live in situations of severe oppression, then no.
Or, for example, if a male leader can have (relationships with) six women,
if that’s complementarity, then I cannot accept it, I question it. (Interview,
July 2003)
Appealing discursively to complementarity in order to cover up injus-

tice produces indignation in many.25 Thus, Mayan women place great em-
phasis on discerning between the philosophical precepts of cosmovision
and the way it is—or is not—put into practice and lived. Maya Kaqchikel
Emma Chirix questions the way the concept of duality is often invoked in
abstract, ethereal terms, but what do these concepts mean for everyday
life? Emma exemplifies the ways the concept could apply to day-to-day
living:
For me the word duality implies two: “me with you and you with me” . . .
I am always on about domestic chores. Why is duality not spoken about
when it comes to household tasks? Why do these tend to weigh inordi-
nately on women? Women have so many chores that they are unable to
go out. So if we are talking about duality in terms of gender relations,
I support duality when it comes to household chores, so that both men
and women assume joint responsibility. I say: duality in household chores
and in raising our sons and daughters. Why is duality never mentioned in
this context? Duality usually refers to the very mythical, the very mysti-
cal. Mayan cosmovision has a philosophy, I agree with its philosophy, but
when it comes to practice, that’s where I say it’s not on. I think the philoso-
phy needs to be reviewed as well. Etymologically, what can we say about
duality? We can decide what duality is going to mean to us women at
this given moment in time . . . I say it’s not right that generally it’s men,
and particularly leaders, who tell us that “it has to be like this,” “it should
be so.” I say those dictates are not created by culture, they’re an imposi-
tion, it’s a question of power relations. So let’s think about it, let’s discuss
it, if we want to build a more democratic culture, let’s talk about it . . .
but not on the basis of imposition and on the back of power relations,
I don’t agree with that. (Interview, July 2003)
CRITICIZING SEXISM WITHOUT DISQUALIFYING COSMOVISION

Ixtz’ulu’ Elsa Son and Marta Juana López agree with Emma Chirix’s
criticism of the common gap between men’s philosophical discourse and
sexist practice. However, the way Mayan culture and cosmovision are often
dismissed and disqualified on the grounds of sexism bothers them intensely.
Here, it is not a question of divided loyalties, but rather a criticism they make
of the way other people—particularly feminists and aid agencies—conflate
sexist attitudes with culture, and as such, they feel it sets up a trap that is
easy to fall into. In this context, one can understand it when Marta Juana
says that “Mayan men are sexist because they are men, not because they are
Mayan.” Ixtz’ulu’ Elsa Son argues this point in greater depth:
So one thing is cosmovision and quite another is putting cosmovision into

practice. [Mayan men] shielding themselves by saying that in Mayan cos-
movision there is duality and complementarity, thus arguing that machismo
doesn’t exist, this should not be so and is something I cannot validate . . . How
can there be complementarity if there is sexism? But then the attack comes,
that “Mayan culture is worthless because of men’s attitudes, Mayan men are
currently sexist, and therefore Mayan culture is worthless” . . . I can’t share
this view, even though sexist positions and attitudes do exist amongst Mayan
men. (Interview, July 2003)
In a context where indigenous culture has historically been and continues

to be belittled and invisibilized, it is understandable that Mayan women are
particularly sensitive to nonindigenous feminist criticism of indigenous cul-
ture. Then, too, the feminist tendency to situate gender roles in culture, and to
reduce culture to gender relations and expressions, places indigenous women
in a double bind, having to opt between gender equity or culture; this is remi-
niscent of Homa Hoodfar’s (1993) grievance of western feminists’ attitudes to-
wards Muslim women.26 This is clearly a false dichotomy, as by resignifying and
promoting the concepts of complementarity, duality, and equilibrium, these
pioneer Mayan women are reclaiming culture, but also opening up meanings,
venues, and strategies to bridge theory and practice, discourse and the daily
lives of Mayan women, fostering more equitable relations with men—fathers,
husbands, brothers, sons, and colleagues—and also with other women.
It is interesting that most of the Mayan women I interviewed spoke
more about complementarity and duality, and less about equilibrium. A no-
table exception was Ana María Rodríguez, a Maya Mam leader of Madre
Tierra, an organization of mainly indigenous women refugees (in the south of
Mexico) who returned to Guatemala at the end of the 1990s. Ana María sees
equilibrium as the pivotal force between a critique of inequitable power rela-
tions between men and women, and her respect for culture, whilst at once
recognizing that exile in Mexico had a weakening effect on cultural practices

and ties. However, by naming power relations and many men’s resistance to
change, indigenous women like Ana María receive regulatory pressure not
only from men but often women who try to dissuade them from talking about
gender equity:27
There are Mayan men “compañeros” who show more integrity and have kept
their cultural principles in maintaining respect for women; this is very valu-
able and it does exist, but it is not the case of the majority of men. I would
venture to say that a lot of these values have been lost, for example, amongst
the refugee population, both among men and women. There are relations
of power, and to change this I have to affect that order to achieve equilib-
rium. First I have to analyze the imposition of inequality that I am living,
to be aware of my condition both as a woman and as being indigenous. If
I understand my situation and make my partner understand that his relation
of power over us as women is not ideal, is not healthy, that we cannot go on
living in these conditions, then this brings his power into question and that’s
when conflict begins . . . Cosmovision doesn’t mean that men should impose
(their power) on women, but rather that there should be a balance, there
should be complementarity. However, in some practices there is complemen-
tarity, but also subordination . . . men doing this and women staying at home,
subordinated; here there is no equilibrium, the balance is broken, as is the
order established by our values and principles.
. . . I do think that Mayan men still hold our values and our customs, but
they are also influenced by sexist culture which is everywhere and permeates
all of society. Once a Mayan leader warned us: “Watch out, you are grab-
bing hold of western values and you’re forcing them onto Mayan culture, be
careful, because this is going to divide us, and it will destroy families.” This
is what a Mayan leader said to us when we were speaking about gender;
he’s from one of the many expressions of the Mayan movement, not everyone
thinks like him.
I realized that for this indigenous leader, complementarity meant that
women should assume “their role,” and if we didn’t, we were to blame for
family conflict. (According to him), that is why there are so many cases of
divorce, so many couples separating, and that we were assaulting family har-
mony and unity; that is the way a lot of them reason. I also think that a lot
of our Mayan male companions don’t give much time to analyzing gender,
that’s the main point for me, because they’re so focused on ethnic equity, they
only keep to ethnic and cultural struggle, that’s where they leave off. So men
need to open up and analyze the significance of gender equity. We can’t build
a (historical) Mayan project without taking into account the gender inequal-
ity that currently permeates our people . . . I believe we have to find a focus
where women aren’t discriminated against, nor men either, that we be equal,
and for there to be balance. We as women are seeking equilibrium, that’s

what we want. (Interview, July 2003)
Whereas feminists conflate sexism and Mayan culture, Mayan men, like
the leader mentioned by Ana María, conflate analysis and criticism of sex-
ist attitudes with western feminism, thus foreclosing the space for Mayan
women to criticize subordination and violence against women. Again, Mayan
women find themselves in a double bind, as they are often criticized for
voicing their criticism, as being disloyal and divisive to indigenous peoples
and causes. However, despite these problems, indigenous women are in-
creasingly challenging sexist attitudes, although they frequently choose their
spaces to do so, often privileging internal indigenous spaces, but keeping a
united front to the outside.
FINAL REFLECTIONS
Through the voices of different Mayan women, it is clear that while
the concepts of complementarity, duality, and equilibrium constitute a con-
tested terrain, they also provide an opportunity for indigenous women to
at once claim culture and push for gender equity. None of the women
I have interviewed or whose publications I have read reject these values
per se, but rather are critical of the use they are sometimes given, and
the way they can be mobilized to invisibilize or negate gender inequity.
Gender analysis tends to raise uncomfortable questions not just about the
frequent breach between discourse and practice, or what the discourse can
and should mean in practical terms; it also raises issues of power differen-
tials and naturalized oppression; this can be threatening not just to Mayan
men, but also to Mayan women. Then, too, cultural difference can also
be threatening to nonindigenous people, particularly when ethnocentric
or racist assumptions are questioned; and indigenous people tend to close
ranks against what they perceive as racist attacks. This puts the issue of
positionality at the fore of the debate, as Mayan women with longstanding
commitment to gender equity who critique sexism may close ranks with
the same men they criticize if they feel that their culture is being dismissed
or disqualified, or if they feel an imposition to adopt the other’s vision,
whether the other is an aid agency, a feminist organization, an academic, a
ladino, mestizo, or foreigner.
Thus, many Mayan women tend to close ranks with Mayan men when
faced with skepticism from others—particularly, but not only ladinos—who
dismiss Mayan culture as being idealized by the Mayan movement, and negate
indigenous cosmovision on the grounds that everyone has been “touched” or
shaped by modernity. This is countered with an equally dismissive rejection by
many Mayans declaring they do not want to be “contaminated” by ladino cul-

ture. This highlights the difficulties that abound in a society as highly racialized
as the Guatemalan one is; there are few spaces and conditions for serene re-
flection and debate, as both Mayans and ladinos tend to act defensively. Thus,
even though many Mayan women recognize and deplore male sexism, the race/
culture cleavages tend to outweigh gender considerations, and in public Mayan
women tend to put race and culture first and side with Mayan men.
Another complex issue surrounding complementarity, duality, and
equilibrium—apart from the frequent gaps between discourse and practice—
is the meaning of the concepts themselves. Epistemologically, these values span
very different terrains, from the philosophical and even esoteric domain that
Doña Virginia and Don Juan seek to promote and make accessible to Mayan
women and men—as well as to nonindigneous people—to more mundane,
everyday issues such as gender roles, who looks after the children and who
washes the dishes. The working out of strategies to bridge these very differ-
ent dimensions is an ongoing challenge, particularly as the former is centered
more around deepening knowledge and valuing the philosophical dimensions
of cosmovision, while the latter resides in the analysis of power and conflict.
This has a parallel in the seemingly unbridgeable gap between academic
frames, for example, between Carlos Lenkersdorf ’s (1999) hemeneutical ap-
proach and the more common and academically accepted historical con-
structionism.28 However, I consider this to be yet another false dichotomy;
researchers working with indigenous peoples and culture need to take on
board their worldviews and the epistemological challenges these present to
academia (that is, overcome a frequent ethnocentric western bias), whilst
power relations, oppression, and subordination in the daily lives of indig-
enous peoples are also a reality needing to be broached both academically
and in daily life. The way in which many Mayan women today in Guatemala
are looking to their roots, seeking clues and guidance from their ancestral
culture, and resemanticizing these concepts to make them relevant to pres-
ent day reality constitute powerful means in the reclaiming culture while
simultaneously pushing for gender equity. These Mayan women are setting
a pathbreaking example conceptually, by decentering western approaches
to gender equality and providing innovative strategies for addressing gender
issues; they also show immense bravery in standing up to double binds, pres-
sure, and censure from different flanks and multiple others.
NOTES
1. For example, a Mayan professional will have a great deal of exposure to
modernity, having passed through the entire education system; and by university
level, she will be in absolute minority amongst her nonindigenous classmates
and professors. However, if she comes from a municipality and a family where
Mayan culture and practices are still strong, and holds a commitment to main-
taining and strengthening indigenous culture in the face of assimilation, she
will have a stronger sense of and commitment to her cultural identity than, for
example, a bonded-laborer whose family has been tied to a large coffee estate
or finca for generations, and whose immediate interests and pressing needs are
focused on basic survival.
2. Cultural reclamation does not mean a “return to an idyllic past,” but
rather the way in which the knowledge, wisdom, and cultural pride of Mayan
civilization is recovered to inform the present and future of today’s living Ma-
yans. Cosmovision has a particularly strong appeal in a country like Guatemala,
emerging from a 36-year internal armed conflict, in which indigenous people
and the cultural difference they represented were the primary targets of exter-
mination and ethnocide.
3. In this article, I situate oppression and asymmetric power relations in
ideology rather than culture: “Ideology, according to the latent conception, is a
system of representations which conceal and mislead and which, in so doing, serves
to sustain relations of domination” (Thompson, 1990:55). Thus, ideology perme-
ates all spheres of life, including the cultural, social, political, economic, and
psychological.
4. See Egla Judith Martínez, 2004, unpublished work.
5. Building a Future for Our Past: The Rights of the Mayan People and the
Peace Process is the name of a book published by the Council of Mayan Orga-
nizations in Guatemala (COMG) in 1995. All translations from Spanish are my
own, except when otherwise stated.
6. See Tania Palencia, 1999, and Angela Meentzen, 2000.
7. See Rosalva Aída Hernández Castillo, 2001.
8. See Boaventura de Sousa Santos, 2005.
9. The Mayan movement is not a discrete umbrella organization with reg-
istered filiations; rather, I understand it as a loose grouping of heterogeneous
NGOs and mass organizations, intellectuals, grassroots community groups, and
collective organizing around indigenous claims. The interviews with Mayan
women (carried out for my doctorate thesis) do not include indigenous women
in mestiza-based feminist organizations; all have in common their commitment
to equity in gender relations, to equal conditions and opportunities, and the dig-
nifying and empowerment of women, though the way to achieve this, and what it
actually means, can differ. I also opted to carry out my research work with what
Gramsci calls “organic intellectuals,” both professionals and leaders, who are
extremely clear and articulate about their ideas and positions.
10. Ruth Bejar explains her role in writing up and publishing the life history
of Esperanza, “As the one who is no longer just expanding her capacities to listen
but sitting here snipping and snipping at the historias Esperanza told me, only to
sew them back into this book as a life history, I fear I am somehow cutting out Es-
peranza’s tongue. Yet when I am done cutting out her tongue, I will patch together
a new tongue for her, an odd tongue that is neither English nor Spanish, but the
language of a translated woman. Esperanza will talk in this book in a way she never
talked before” (Bejar, 1993:19).
11. I have opted to keep the authorship of these quotes anonymous, as they
are not published documents; my intention in citing them is to highlight the
difficulties in pinning down meaning, running the risk of reductionism and/or
meaning becoming lost in translation.
12. In the numerous Mayan ceremonies I have attended, I have opted to
not situate myself in the role of anthropological participant observer, nor have
I tried to intellectually analyze what goes on, as I understand that these are
not appropriate means or tools for comprehension. Rather, I intuit that Mayan
ceremonies are an invitation to open ourselves to feeling and perceiving, to ap-
prehend the experience of fire and burning of aromatic offerings (candles, sugar,
resins, incense, flower petals, alcohol, sesame seeds); and of simply partaking
in ceremony together with the spiritual guides and other participants. This evi-
dently makes academic analysis difficult.
13. The book Complementarity between Men and Women, Gender Relations
from an Amerindian Perspective (in Spanish), edited by the well-known indigenous
publishing house Abya-Yala in Ecuador, led many of us to scoop it up, thinking
that it promised an innovative insight into the Ecuadorean indigenous movement’s
take on such issues, rather than European experts’ conclusions. This brings into
question the issues of representation and who decides what constitutes an Am-
erindian perspective. This is not to say that nonindigenous people cannot write
about indigenous issues, but some level of consultation with—rather than study-
ing of—indigenous people would seem to be not only desirable, but necessary.
14. Tz’ite’ are usually small red beans used for divination, similar to
the sticks or coins used for consulting the I Ching. For a comprehensive
study of Mayan divination see Barbara Tedlock’s Time and the Highland Maya
(1982).
15. Rather than a “fixed essence,” millenary knowledge communicated
through oral tradition imperceptibly changes whilst remaining (cambiar per-
maneciendo), adapting to changing world conditions. On another note, with the
spreading of Catholicism, Protestantism to a lesser degree and the subsequent
rise of Evangelical sects, spiritual guides had to go underground, as their spiritual
practices were and still often are regarded as witchcraft; only in recent years has
the practice of Mayan spirituality become more open. The intolerance shown
by Christian institutions is bitterly remembered by many spiritual guides and
members of the Mayan movement; others have no problem in combining their
practice of Catholicism or Evangelism with their Mayan spirituality, whilst still
others do so in secret, given their respective churches’ reprimands. A spiritual
guide I knew, though a member of an Evangelical sect, received the knowledge
of the Mayan sacred text “Popol Vuj” through a series of dreams. Dreaming has
particular significance in indigenous worldviews, spanning different levels or di-
mensions of consciousness.
16. Members of the Mayan movement are fascinated with the study of
ancient texts—often hieroglyphs sculpted on statues and buildings in sacred
sites and scrolls of parchment, as in the Dresden, Madrid, and Paris codices;
international epigraphy experts such a Linda Schele, Nikolai Grube, and the
Guatemalan Federico Fahsen have supported them in their search to reclaim
Mayan history, and Kay Warren, amongst others, in the study of the sacred writ-
ings of the Popol Vuj and Annals of the Kaqchikels. See Warren (1996).
17. To illustrate these two different dimensions, my Maya K’iche’ teacher
Saq Chumil Blanca Estela Alvarado discerns between asking the frequent ques-
tion “How are you?”: “la utz wach la?” (literarily, “Is your countenance well?”)
and the much deeper question: “Jas kub’ij le k’u’x la?” “What does your heart
say?” That everything—sky, earth, mountains, water-has a heart, soul, or essence
expresses the idea that all things are alive (Lenkersdorf, 1999).
18. Through his study of linguistics and many years living amongst Tojola-
bal Mayans in Chiapas, Mexico, Carlos Lenkersdorf explains that there are no
objects in Tojolabal; sentences are constructed through the relationship between
subjects, for example, instead of saying “I told you,” in Tojolabal one says, “I said,
you listened” (1999:25).
19. “Kulaj is the other I, or the other countenance which brings fulfillment
to a human being; this can be referred to as duality. Tz’aqat is completion, nothing
is missing. We can refer to this as complementarity.” Juan Zapil Xivir, e-mail cor-
respondence with the author, June 29, 2007.
20. See Nestor García Canclini, 1989.
21. It seems probable that Mayan women who become professionals have
experienced less gender discrimination in the home and more opportunities to
study than many other indigenous women.
22. One of the research questions for my thesis was whether Mayan women
are—or want to be—“guardians of culture”; Ixtz’ulu’ had discussed this before
the question on complementarity, hence she is referring back to another part of
the interview.
23. “Ladino” is the term usually used in Guatemala to talk about nonindig-
enous people; it is similar though not interchangeable with the term “mestizo,”
as it makes no reference to indigenous heritage, whereas the latter explicitly
recognizes population of mixed blood (of Spanish, indigenous and/or African
descent). It is a contested term, and has not been sufficiently studied, a task
pending for identity construction in Guatemala.
24. “Nawal” or “nahual” is like the guardian spirit, usually in the form of an
animal or bird, that accompanies a person in once again, a manifestation of dual-
ity. One’s “nawal” depends on one’s day of birth on the cholq’ij: the Mayan lunar
or spiritual calendar (160 days divided into 20 months of 13 days each).
25. For example, I had the following experience with a Mayan organization.
Whilst carrying out an external evaluation, we discovered that male leaders were
getting women in their organization pregnant and sending them home without
maternity leave. When we raised the issue, a male leader got up and said with
fury that the organization promoted Mayan cosmovision and rejected western
feminism. Many Mayan women—and men—reject the way cosmovision is mo-
bilized to cover up sexism and such obvious abuse of power, and the way these
attitudes discredit cosmovision in the eyes of others.
26. “Western feminists, by buying into a racist construction of the veil, and
taking part in daily racist incidents force Muslim women to choose between fight-
ing racism or fighting sexism. The question is why should we be forced to choose?”
(Hoodfar 1993:16)
27. A frequent criticism of workshops on gender is that these create conflict
(rather than bringing out into the open mistreatment of women and gender in-
equalities). It is one thing to criticize the methodology used in workshops, which
can sometimes be confrontational, quite another to state that “everything was fine
before” when power relations between men and women were simply naturalized.
28. See Ramón Máiz 2004, José Bengoa, 2000, among others.
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CHAPTER 11
Decolonizing our Spirits:

Cultural Knowledge and
Indigenous Healing
Renee Linklater
Severed roots
fragmented
becoming whole
reconnect
time, energy, resistance, love
re-enforcing twine
roots merge
bone marrow melts
together.
T
he journey of acquiring knowledge often involves a lifetime of experi-
ence, opportunities, and reflective inquiry. My journey as a mixed-
blood indigenous woman born on Turtle Island has placed me in a
position that inevitably confronts colonization and has inspired my search
for an inherent connection to my ancestors’ ways of being in the world.1 This
chapter explores my personal journey of decolonizing, seeking Anishinaabe
cultural knowledge and bringing these teachings into the contemporary con-
text of healing from colonial trauma.2
There is no doubt that colonization has interfered with the transmis-
sion of cultural knowledge from generation to generation. My colonial story
217
begins shortly after my birth in 1969. At four months of age, I became part
of what is referred to as the “Sixties Scoop,” when thousands of indigenous
children were removed from their families and placed into foster care or
adopted out—largely to nonindigenous families. Fortunately, at six-months
old, I was placed with a nurturing and loving Ukrainian family. I was not
routed through endless foster homes and institutions, as were many other
indigenous children. I grew up in a small village and felt like I was part of
the family and community. Nonetheless, I always wondered where my birth
family was, and I could never quite comprehend why I was not with them.
I grew up distanced from indigenous culture and knowledge. Yet I always
knew that some day I would return to my indigenous roots, and to my indig-
enous teachings. It was a spiritual understanding that was deeply imbedded
inside me. My soul grieved for the loss of my family, lands, and ancestors.
In 1988, a little more than 18 years after my separation, I returned home.
My life had come full circle and I reconnected with my family and began
the journey of discovering “who I am” and what had happened to indigenous
peoples in Canada.
I found comfort in the cultural knowledge that my family maintained
and felt the need to embark on a path that provided the skills and resources
that would bring me closer to understanding how my world came to be.
I enrolled in an undergraduate university program and completed a degree in
Native Studies. This essential opportunity allowed me, alongside my fellow
students, to learn about the colonial history that our people had endured.
This information was pivotal for my personal development, and I soon real-
ized that the social chaos in our communities was a direct result of being
colonized by European nations.
LEARNING THE COLONIAL STORY

The colonization of the indigenous peoples of Turtle Island was first ex-
perienced with the immigration of settlers and the creation of colonies under
British, French, and Spanish rule. These events brought an onset of mis-
sionary activity, which created churches and schools throughout indigenous
territory. Initially, indigenous peoples were able to resist cultural breakdown
and still engage in relations with the settlers through fur trade, war alliances,
and treaty negotiations.
With the creation of Canada in 1867, the signing of the numbered trea-
ties (1871–1921), and the consolidation of Indian policy in 1876, indigenous
peoples were systematically displaced from their lands and forced to settle on
reserves. Limitations and restrictions under the Indian Act (1876) legislated
the mobility of Indians to Indian reserves, outlawed traditional ceremonies,
Decolonizing our Spirits 219
set mandatory attendance at residential schools, replaced traditional clan

and leadership systems, and for the most part, reorganized how and where
indigenous peoples lived their lives.
My family originates from the territory that is now under the terms of
conditions set out in Treaty Number 3. This Treaty covers 55,000 square
miles of northwestern Ontario and southeastern Manitoba and was signed
between Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland and the Saul-
teaux Tribe of the Ojibbway Indians in 1873.3 Despite the adjustments to
stationary sites, efforts were made to create communities and utilize the
agricultural assistance provided for under the terms of the Treaty. Indigenous
peoples continued to cultivate farms and gardens to stimulate growth in the
economy and to provide for the community. In 1881, the government passed
legislation, which prohibited the purchases of produce from Indians. This
had devastating effects on the economy of indigenous peoples. Until that
point, they had relied heavily on sales from settlers for the means to trade or
to purchase necessary materials or food items. “The penalties and regulations
were significant deterrents to Ojibway commerce. During 1883, many chiefs
from each Treaty 3 agency complained about the effects of the legislation.”4
This move to limit the economy of “Indians” is an example of the systematic
approaches used to violate the rights of indigenous peoples, and more so,
encouraged a climate of poverty.
Many indigenous nations quickly began to protest the government’s abil-
ity to fulfill the terms of the treaties or began to dispute other land and
resource issues. In response to this situation, in 1927 Canada amended the
Indian Act to make it illegal for Indians to raise money to hire lawyers for
land claims. This amendment remained legislation until 1951. In the 1960s,
indigenous peoples developed political organizations, with the assistance of
federal funding provided by the government of Canada. It was then that a
major contemporary political movement emerged; however, Canada main-
tained a high degree of power over indigenous political expression, as they
controlled the funding for these organizations.
Indigenous peoples maintained deep connections to the land, despite
hundreds of years of colonial presence in their lives. In writing about the
importance of the land for the health of First Nation’s Peoples, Wilson
writes, “The land represents more than just a physical or symbolic space
in which Anishinabek carry out their lives. Individuals have physical, sym-
bolic, and spiritual relationships with the land by putting down tobacco,
hunting, trapping, fishing, harvesting food and medicine, and taking part in
ceremonies.”5 In recent decades, there has been a resurgence in the prac-
tice of indigenous cultural ceremonies, land-based activities, and learning
traditional ways of life.
The systematic approach used by the Canadian government thrived off

the use of Indian policies as their vehicle for state rule over Indians. Coloni-
zation came as a forceful attack on many aspects of indigenous life, includ-
ing the following: health, autonomy, sovereignty, self-sufficiency and ways of
organizing in families, clans, and economic trading systems among nations.
And most compelling was the influence of oppression, violence, and reli-
gious domination.
Perhaps the most damaging effect on the indigenous spirit was the resi-
dential school system, which consisted of church-run, government-funded
institutions intended to assimilate, civilize, and Christianize indigenous
children. Milloy and Miller documented the extensive spiritual, emotional,
psychological, physical, and sexual abuses, and other violations that were ex-
perienced by thousands and thousands of indigenous children that attended
these residential schools.6 Quite thoroughly, this school system created com-
munities of intense chaos and crisis. It has become apparent that coloniza-
tion has caused a displacement in cultural knowledge, as well as violent
assaults on and oppression of the spirits of indigenous peoples. Losses of
language, traditional ways of living and relating, and sense of life disrupted
a very important reference point that Gregory Cajete would describe as a
“sense of place.”7
The residential school system was first launched in the late 1800s and
rapidly expanded throughout the 1900s. By 1930, 75 percent of Indian chil-
dren between the ages of 7 and 15 were enrolled in one of 80 such schools
across the country. In the 1940s, attendance was expanded to included Inuit
children as well. The schools began closing after the federal government as-
sumed direct control of residential schools by ending church partnerships in
1969. However, there were seven schools in the 1980s, and the last federally
run residential school closed in Saskatchewan in 1996.8
The abusive and exploitative treatment of indigenous children at resi-
dential schools continued to create havoc in various ways. Public light was fi-
nally shed on the issues in the early 1990s when survivors publicly disclosed
experiences of being sexually and physically abused at residential schools.
During this time, the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples was hold-
ing hearings across Canada and recorded many testimonies of residential
school experiences of abuse, the current conditions in the communities, and
the general disruptions that colonization brought to the lives of indigenous
peoples.
Apart from the abuse, there was an explicit attitude toward the chil-
dren that was particularly damaging. Chansonneuve provides examples of
degradation at the schools, “There was name-calling and put-downs of kids,
parents, culture and language; children were forced to wear dirty or soiled
clothes as punishment; sick children were forced to eat their own vomit;
children were hit while eating; children were forced to crawl at the feet of
nuns and priests; children were forced to wear diapers for bed wetting; and
children were taught that women were below men in all things.”9
In 1998, the government of Canada issued a statement of reconciliation
and announced a healing fund, which essentially established the Aboriginal
Healing Foundation. This Foundation published a research series, devised a
funding strategy for healing programs, and distributed 3.5 million dollars in
funding to support local community initiatives that offered healing services
to residential school survivors and their descendants.
MOVING FORWARD INTO HEALING

There have been times during the learning process when I have felt the
persistent agony and agitation of continually being reminded that European
values, language, and religion have influenced and altered much of the pres-
ent indigenous world. Even the word “religion” is often met with distressing
response, because of the role that organized religion has played within the
colonization of indigenous peoples. It wasn’t easy to learn how devastated
our peoples were by European populations. I remember the responses that
we had as undergraduate students learning colonial history, and facing the
fact that our families were so damaged as a consequence of Europeans popu-
lating our lands. We were at a loss about how to deal with our anger, our
resentment, and our multiple unresolved grievances.
I developed an intense revulsion about Catholicism and the church in
general, upon learning that my mom and grandparents attended a Catholic-
run residential school. I became aware of the abuses and cultural oppression
that was experienced at these schools, and felt the personal effects of com-
ing from a family in which two generations had been removed from family,
community, and culture. I came to the understanding that my journey into
the child welfare system was a direct result of my mother’s residential school
experience, and her fractured family unit that never learned how to be sup-
portive and nurturing. I also realized that I was part of Canada’s systematic
approach to colonizing and assimilating indigenous children into dominant
society.
In November 2005, the government announced a compensation agree-
ment for all survivors of Canada’s residential schools. In a press release is-
sued by the Assembly of First Nations, details of the Agreement in Principle
were mentioned: “This includes a national apology; an improved compensa-
tion process for victims of sexual and physical abuse; a lump sum payment
for former students; and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission with both
national and regional processes. The Aboriginal Healing Foundation will
also receive additional funding for another five years . . . The Agreement
in Principle also calls for an expedited process to resolve the claims of the
elderly.”10 This announcement was a well-deserved victory for the indigenous
residential school survivors who lobbied the government to compensate each
individual for the “common experience” of losses of culture and spirituality.
The government had previously held a negotiating position to compensate
for only sexual and physical abuse, which did not include abuses committed
on a cultural or spiritual basis.
I remember the day in October 2006 when my 90-year-old gramma had
traveled on the Greyhound bus for two days to visit her grandchildren and
great-grandchildren who lived in southern Ontario. When I arrived at my
cousin’s apartment to visit her, she called me into the bedroom where she was
sitting on a bed in the corner of the room. As always, I was happy to see her.
She said, “My girl, come and sit down.” I leaned over to kiss her on the cheek
and sat beside her as she requested. She looked at me with intense thought,
and then counted out five 20-dollar bills—she said, “This is for Blaze” (my
son Blaze was 16 years old at that time). She then counted out another five
20-dollar bills, and said, “This is for you.” I was puzzled, and said, “We’re
okay gramma, you don’t need to give us any money.” She then said, “I got my
residential school money and I wanted to share it with my grandchildren.” At
that moment I burst into tears. The rush of emotion overwhelmed me. All
I could think about was how my mom had died in 1985, at the age of 34, and
her story of residential school was never told, nor was she part of the com-
pensation that was being offered to survivors. I also felt the deep love that my
gramma had for us, and sensed that this was her way of saying sorry for the
pain that we had experienced in our family. My gramma passed away the fol-
lowing spring. Although I miss her dearly, I knew that she was tired and ready
to return home to the Creator.
DECOLONIZING MYSELF
In graduate school, I learned about the process of decolonization and
I was excited to participate in this evaluation of the colonial influences that
had contributed to our lives. Wilson and Yellow Bird write: “Decolonization is
the intelligent, calculated, and active resistance to the forces of colonialism
that perpetuate the subjugation and/or exploitation of our minds, bodies and
lands, and it is the ultimate purpose of overturning the colonial structure and
realizing Indigenous liberation.”11 I felt that this “academic theory” was going
to help significantly in my healing journey and I began to produce academic
work that encouraged my expression of the need to address colonial damage.
Over the years, I made extensive efforts to put myself on an indigenous
healing and educational path. Many people refer to this as the “Red Road.”
Through teachings from Elders, cultural knowledge carriers, and healers,
I began to develop an Anishinaabe worldview, from which I was able to un-

derstand my connection to my ancestors, and begin to understand indige-
nous epistemologies. Through ceremonies, social networks, and by attending
powwows, I was able to connect with other indigenous peoples who shared
the same desire to celebrate indigenous cultures. My spirit continued to
grow and my heart began to fill with gratitude and love for the world—the
same world that had caused so much injury and pain.
I soon discovered that healing is a bumpy road, full of sharp turns and
roadblocks. At times I felt that I had been going in circles, often revisiting
troubling circumstances and disturbing places. I accepted the value of these
circles when I acknowledged the growth that had occurred as a result of
revisiting these experiences—each time discovering another important piece
in my story. Eventually I had to face my own disconnect, and accept that
I had been operating in survival mode. There was no easy way through the
pain, and so I persisted—despite my often-exhausted state of being.
As I continued along this journey I realized that I was developing an
identity. To that point I had not put much thought to how important iden-
tity formation was in terms of developing a positive and healthy self-image.
I began to understand that I lacked an identity, which resulted from the re-
moval of myself as a baby from my indigenous family. I accepted that I had
grown up without a cultural foundation. The Ukrainian/Canadian environ-
ment of my adoptive family enabled me to develop a deep respect for Ukrai-
nian culture, and through this I learned that culture and language provided
for a plentiful life experience. Nonetheless, I did not assume a Ukrainian
identity. I was very aware that my blood was of mixed cultures, and I was
finally at a place in my personal development where I needed to learn about
my Scottish and English ancestors. I had reached a place of facing my own
resistance to accepting that part of me that benefited from the devastation
of indigenous nations.
For many years I was not interested in identifying with or learning
about my British ancestors. Although I initially became warm to the idea
of my Scottish roots, because of the Celtic origins, I still felt ashamed of
my English blood. Even though I had learned to love my family members,
I did not fully process or acknowledge my shame of being part of peoples
that have caused so much global damage. Furthermore, my fair skin was a
constant reminder of the conflict that existed inside of me. Adding to my
personal resistance was the punishing remarks that I endured because of
what I represented to other indigenous people. Being a half-breed was not
an easy card to play. I continued to pursue the notion of wholeness and
began to accept my mixed cultural heritage. I was learning that a major key
to healing was forgiveness, and, moreover, that peaceful resolution came
with acceptance.
In the summer of 2005, I boarded an airplane and for the first time in
my life I flew away from Turtle Island. The next day I landed in London,
England. I was excited to finally embrace my painful and shameful history.
My spirit came alive as I journeyed through the land, making peace with
the church and searching old village graveyards for my ancestors, and, most
importantly, coming into contact with beautiful human spirits who I realized
held kindness in their hearts and did not deserve the anger and shame that
once dominated my view of English people. Letting this anger and shame go
and coming to a peaceful resolution provided a sense of relief in my spirit.
I could now understand the effects of spiritual unrest on an individual’s
health and wellness.
As I continued on this journey of decolonizing myself, I made concerted
efforts to ensure that my academic work remained rooted in indigenous phi-
losophies, rather than adhering to Western concepts that I felt only entrenched
the disregard of indigenous knowledge. I knew in my heart that indigenous
philosophies and cultural healing practices were legitimate forms of healing,
and I was committed to providing a space for indigenous health care practi-
tioners to participate in research that brought forward this belief. I first prayed
for guidance and began by talking to my Elders and teachers. I listened to the
people in my communities. I prepared my spirit ceremonially by Fasting, and
made offerings to my ancestors and spirit helpers. I knew that if I were to
move forward and bring integrity to this work, I couldn’t do it alone.
The teachings around conceptualizing our health and wellness moti-
vated my desire to seek out the methods and tools that indigenous peoples
were utilizing in the area of learning and healing. Medicine Wheels had
become popular symbols in indigenous communities, so I began to seek out
these teachings, both through oral history and within the literature. I soon
discovered that I was able to make sense of the information that I was learn-
ing, and use Medicine Wheels as a way to understand the impact of trauma
on a person, and furthermore, draw on Medicine Wheels as a way to talk
about wellness. It was the beginning of developing my position that cultural
knowledge was essential for indigenous healing.
MEDICINE WHEEL TEACHINGS

Medicine Wheels are contemporary teaching tools that are used to ex-
amine and explain concepts, philosophies, and traditional teachings. By na-
ture, they emphasize wholeness and balance. Anishinaabe student Arlene
Barry shares that the Medicine Wheel was “originally explained orally with
the circle being drawn in the earth and a gradual overlaying of symbols, as
meanings were explained by an elder. The elder would usually begin with
an explanation of the Four Directions and the center of the wheel which
represents the Sacred Mystery.”12 There are extensive teachings that the
Medicine Wheels capture, and this tool has proved to be successful in many
circles of learners and teachers.
Historically, the concept of Medicine Wheels arose from sacred sites
located throughout central North America, specifically Alberta, Saskatch-
ewan, Montana, South Dakota, and Wyoming. There are many variations of
Medicine Wheels, with different numbers of “spokes” and stones; however,
the wheels are all consistently circular. The English term “Medicine Wheel”
was first applied to the Big Horn Medicine Wheel in Wyoming.
The Bighorn Medicine Wheel in Wyoming has been a significant sacred
site for the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Plains Cree, Salish-Kootenai, Shoshone,
Bannock, Crow, Blackfeet, and Sioux peoples who have traveled from their
respective territories and traditional camps to pray, give offerings, fast, and
conduct ceremonies. They regard the circle as a piece of religious architecture
and an astronomical structure.13 However, not all indigenous peoples accept
the English terminology of the Medicine Wheel. As my late Uncle Gordon
Nelson (Anishinaabe) articulated, “These aren’t medicine wheels, they tell
stories of the universe” (personal communication: March 12, 2006).
Indigenous Elders and cultural teachers began using the ancient symbol
of the Medicine Wheel as a contemporary tool, because it had an inherent
way of upholding the teachings. It also provided a framework for organizing
thought, examining philosophies, and explaining teachings. In 1955, the late
Cree traditional teacher Eddy Bellrose (Thunder Child) drew on the Medi-
cine Wheel to provide a teaching model or framework that was rooted in
Cree teachings of the pipe. The Elders in the Circle at that time concurred
with Bellrose, agreeing that what he was explaining accurately represented
the teachings as they understood them (Lloyd Martin [Cree]: personal com-
munication, May 17, 2005). Since then, the Cree Medicine Wheel teach-
ings have been widely used by indigenous practitioners.14
In 1982, a historic council of over 100 Elders, cultural leaders and vari-
ous professionals, representing over 40 nations from North America, was
held in Lethbridge, Alberta. This council was convened to discuss the root
causes of alcohol and drug abuse within indigenous communities, and in-
spired the work of the Four Worlds Development Project. This project es-
tablished philosophy, guiding principles, activities, and strategies for human
and community development. This vision was articulated in the Sacred Tree
(1988), which utilized the Medicine Wheel as a framework for the teachings
of the sacred tree. “Just like a mirror can be used to see things not normally
seen (like behind us, or around a corner), the medicine wheel can be used to
help us see or understand things we can’t quite see or understand because
they are just ideas and not physical objects . . . All things are interrelated.
Everything in the universe is part of a single whole. Everything is connected
in some way to everything else. We can understand something only if we can

understand how it is connected to everything else.”15
Medicine Wheels are used by many different indigenous nations. As
such, the teachings vary depending on the teachings of the Elder, cultural
teacher, or professional practitioner. There is no “correct” or “incorrect” way
to use a Medicine Wheel; however, it must be rooted in indigenous episte-
mologies and worldviews, which hold values of reverence and reciprocity. For
this reason, it is common to see Medicine Wheels that put certain teachings
in different quadrants. For example, the Cree Medicine Wheel, as taught
by Eddy Bellrose, will have the color red, for red people, in the East (Lloyd
Martin [Cree] personal communication: May 17, 2005). While Edna Mani-
towabi, an Anishinaabe Elder, will put the color yellow in the east to sig-
nify the sunrise, a teaching she received from her Elder (Anishinaabe), who
derived her teachings through dreams (personal communication: June 20,
2005). Herb Nabigon (Anishinaabe Elder) advises people to use the teach-
ings of the Medicine Wheel as they have received them (personal communi-
cation: April 1, 2005).
ANISHINAABE WELLNESS
Wellness is a model to assist us in living our lives. It is a [w]holistic and
integrated approach to health and well-being . . . Wellness is composed of
four directions or components: physical wellness, mental wellness, emo-
tional wellness, and spiritual wellness. When we travel this [w]holistic
path in all directions, we are in balance with ourselves. It is important
to acknowledge that the indigenous peoples of Turtle Island have long
understood and lived the ‘wellness way.’16
The wellness movement began in North America during the 1970s and
was largely influenced by many movements, particularly that of [w]holistic
health, women’s rights, consciousness raising, ecology interests, physical fit-
ness, futurism and health and/or natural food groups.17 Wellness character-
istics focus on a balanced approach. According to Ardell, the “five commonly
employed areas or dimensions of wellness are: self-responsibility, nutritional
awareness, stress awareness and management, physical fitness, and envi-
ronmental sensitivity.”18 Since then, wellness philosophies have become an
important element of health care and community programming.
Conceptualizing wellness within indigenous communities is often rooted
in teachings of the Medicine Wheel. The Medicine Wheel, as a model, pro-
vides a wholistic framework for understanding balance and harmony. The
Medicine Wheel’s four quadrants are often used to provide us with an un-
derstanding of the areas of the individual: spiritual, emotional, mental, and
physical. With this, we are able to understand what balance and imbalance
might look like as we move around the Wheel. We can also consider what
happens to a person under duress, illness and trauma.
This model is particularly helpful in terms of understanding the healing
process and what might constitute a wholistic healing plan. Indigenous per-
spectives on health and balance would conclude that if even one of the areas
of the person was out of balance, other areas would be affected. Further in
time, that individual’s whole health would be jeopardized.
Conventional medicine and traditional indigenous methods differ greatly
in diagnosis and treatment. Where conventional medicine is more likely to
treat symptoms with prescription medication, an indigenous healer might
bring in ceremony, sacred medicines, bodywork, therapy, and intellectual
stimulation through teachings and storytelling as approaches to restoring
balance in the person.
Indigenous peoples have their own understanding of how people have
been created and, thus, how it is that we “think, perceive, and reason.” In
a Master’s level course, Anishinaabe Psychology: Ways of Being and Behav-
iour, at the Seven Generations Education Institute, Elder Jim Dumont gave
teachings on the “Total Anishinaabe Person.”19 Dumont, an Anishinaabe who
is Fourth Degree Midewiwin, shared how Anishinaabe philosophy conceptu-
alizes our way of being and behavior.20
Dumont’s teaching explains the four levels of the person. He begins by
acknowledging our life force, the entrance of our spirit into the person. Our
spirit (or soul) comes directly from the Spirit World upon inspiration from
the Creator, who propels our spirit and gives us life. In our mother’s womb
we begin the next phase of our development and our hearts begin to beat.
From there we are given a mind, and lastly we are given a vessel. This ves-
sel, or body, is connected to all the levels inside us as well as all that is in
Creation (course lecture, April 24, 2004). A fundamental Anishinaabe phi-
losophy is that we are connected and related to all of Creation—including
the trees, the rocks, the animals, our families, the community, other peoples,
the spirits, and all that is alive and part of our universe.
In Dumont’s explanation of this teaching, he shares that the spirit—our
life force—talks to the heart, the heart talks to the mind, and the mind talks
to the vessel. This is how we understand the world. Through the heart we
know how to live. The mind has to do with belief, and our life will be accord-
ing to our beliefs. Belief creates one’s reality, reality doesn’t create belief, and
the belief comes directly from the heart.21 The vessel is the thick bark around
us, which includes our internal and external responses. This vessel protects
the mind, the mind protects the heart, and the heart protects the spirit. Du-
mont also acknowledges that blood memory is at every level (course lecture,
April 24, 2004).
Using Dumont’s teaching of the Total Anishinaabe Person, I draw on the

Medicine Wheel as a way to conceptualize a person, understand how trauma
impacts a person, and to understand how to support a person in healing and
achieving wellness. The Medicine Wheel quadrants include the Spiritual
(soul), Emotional (heart), Mental (mind), and Physical (body), which repre-
sent the four levels of the person as conveyed by Dumont’s teaching.22 The
Medicine Wheel begins in the east, as this is where our beings are given the
first burst of life, and continues clockwise, to explain the creation of the per-
son. This philosophy has serious implications for not only understanding the
impact of trauma on Anishinaabe peoples, but also for healing trauma.
The Medicine Wheel provides us with a wholistic concept of view-
ing personal trauma. At the same time, this teaching inherently connects
the person to various aspects of other trauma, which includes historical
trauma.23 Importantly, the Anishinaabe person first experiences the trauma
spiritually, as an attack on the spirit; the person then experiences the trauma
emotionally, as an impact on the heart; then the person experiences the
trauma mentally, as the mind makes sense of the injury; and lastly, the per-
son experiences the trauma physically, and often exhibits bodily/behavioral
responses. Trauma that is not resolved at a level that addresses the whole
person becomes deeply rooted and manifested in various imbalances. These
could play out as spiritual, emotional, mental, and/or physical turmoil. This
model of the Medicine Wheel provides a culturally based assessment tool to
understand trauma, while at the same time providing a wholistic approach to
support individual healing and wellness. Furthermore, this model supports
indigenous healing concepts, such as that noted by Duran and Duran, “In
Native American healing, the factor that is of importance is intensity, not the
passage of time.”24 Taking this into consideration, a healing plan that focuses
on the spiritual, emotional, mental, and physical aspects of the being, con-
currently, may very well increase a person’s ability and likelihood to advance
along the wellness path and reach a place of balance and harmony.
CONCLUSION
The journey to wholeness and wellness involves deep personal reflec-
tion that can be inspired by processes of decolonization and the desire to
heal. Our connections to ourselves, our ancestors, and the universe around
us provide a comfort and security that nurtures our spirits and enriches our
lives. The path toward reclaiming indigenous knowledge and bringing these
teachings into our everyday experiences and practices will support indig-
enous peoples in our journey to heal from colonial trauma. It is my hope
that the sharing of my story will inspires others who are on a journey toward
wellness.
NOTES
1. Turtle Island is an indigenous concept that refers to the North Ameri-
can countries of Canada, United States, and Mexico; some teachings include
Central and South America. Oral history stories share that a Turtle came to the
surface of the water and life began to grow on her.
2. Anishinaabe is the indigenous nation that my mother’s family originates
from. Depending on geographical location, people of this nation may also be
referred to as Ojibwe/Ojibwa/Ojibway, Chippewa, and Saulteaux. The term “An-
ishinaabe” derives from the Anishinaabe language, and is the preferred term that
many individuals use to self-identify.
3. Wayne E. Daugherty, “Treaty Research Report Treaty Three (1873),”
(Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 1986).
4. Leo G. Waisberg and Tim E. Holzkaam, “A Tendency to Discourage
Them from Cultivating: Ojibway Agriculture and Indian Affairs Administration,”
Ethnohistory 40, no. 2 (1993).
5. Kathleen Wilson, “Therapeutic Landscapes and First Nations Peoples: An
Exploration of Culture, Health and Place,” Health and Place 9, no. 2 (2003): 91.
6. See J. R. Miller, Shingwauk’s Vision: A History of Native Residential
Schools (Toronto, Ontario, Canada: University of Toronto Press, 1996), John S.
Milloy, A National Crime: The Canadian Government and the Residential School
System 1879–1986 (Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada: University of Manitoba
Press, 1999).
7. Gregory Cajete, Native Science: Natural Laws of Interdependence (Sante
Fe, NM: Clear Light Publishers, 2000).
8. Madeleine Dion Stout and Gregory Kipling, Aboriginal People, Resil-
ience and the Residential School Legacy (Ottawa, Ontario, Canada: Aboriginal
Healing Foundation, 2003).
9. Deborah Chansonneuve, Reclaiming Connections: Understanding Resi-
dential School Trauma among Aboriginal People (Ottawa, Ontario, Canada: Ab-
original Healing Foundation, 2005).
10. “Assembly of First Nations National Chief Applauds Historical Recon-
ciliation and Compensation Agreement as a Major Victory for Residential School
Survivors,” November 23, 2005.
11. Waziyatawin Angela Wilson and Michael Yellow Bird, For Indigenous
Eyes Only (Sante Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 2005).
12. Arlene Barry, Kinoomaadiwinan Anishinaabe Bimaadiziwin (Book of
Brochures) (Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, Canada: 2001).
13. Jurgita Saltanaviciute, Native American Sacred Sites: Battle for Protec-
tion (University of Wyoming, 2000).
14. See Herb Nabigon, The Hollow Tree: Fighting Addictions with Tradi-
tional Native Healing (Montreal, Quebec, Canada and Kingston, Ontario, Can-
ada: McGill-Queens University Press, 2006), Herb Nabigon and Anne-Marie
Mawhiney, “Aboriginal Theory: A Cree Medicine Wheel Guide for Healing First
Nation,” in Social Work Treatment: Interlocking Theoretical Approaches, ed. Fran-

cis J. Turner (New York: The Free Press, 1996).
15. Julie Bopp et al., The Sacred Tree (Lethbridge, Alberta, Canada: The
Four Worlds Development Project, University of Lethbridge, 1988).
16. Billy Rogers, “A Path of Healing and Wellness for Native Families,”
American Behavioral Scientist 44, no. 9 (2001).
17. I spell the word “wholistic” with a “w” at the beginning, rather than the
dictionary form “holistic.” It was first pointed out to me in 2001 by Alice Olsen
Williams of Curve Lake First Nation that I should be not be spelling the word
without a “w” as it reminded her of the word “holy” which referenced mascu-
line, a male god and the Bible—with further implications of patriarchal power
and force. She further noted that the word described an empty space. After
much thought, I decided that there were many good reasons to spell the word
using a “w,” particularly because I felt that the word conveyed different mean-
ings when spelt with or without the “w.” In the context that I was using it, I felt
that wholistic needed to convey wholeness, and describe an all encompassing
perspective. Spelling it as “holistic” seemed to limit the notion of wholism. I have
since learned that many indigenous peoples, including writers and Elders, prefer
that we use the spelling with the “w.”
18. Donald B. Ardell, The History and Future of Wellness (Dubuque, IA:
Kendal/Hunt Publishing Company, 1985).
19. Seven Generations Education Institute is Indigenous Institute located
on Coochiching First Nation in northwestern Ontario.
20. Midewiwin is a Medicine Society, which is traditionally for Anishinaabe
peoples that had been initiated into the Lodge through ceremony.
21. In precolonial times, Anishinaabe belief systems were developed
through their life experiences, which were consistently cultural in context. Colo-
nization brought an onset of foreign beliefs that shifted the Anishinaabe belief
system and created complex realities in which foreign beliefs now became part
of the complex systems of those colonized.
22. Many indigenous peoples use the Medicine Wheel to discuss the spiri-
tual, emotional, mental, and physical aspects of an individual. However, each
educator/practitioner may position the aspects in different locations, which will
represent their teachings. I have located the aspects of the being in specific
quadrants, which reflects Dumont’s teaching of the “Total Anishnaabe Person.”
23. See Eduardo Duran et al., “Healing the American Indian Soul Wound,”
in International Handbook of Multigenerational Legacies of Trauma, ed. Yael Dan-
ieli, The Plenum Series on Stress and Coping (New York: Plenum Press, 1998);
also Maria Yellow Horse Brave Heart-Jordan, “The Return to the Sacred Path:
Healing from Historical Trauma and Historical Unresolved Grief among the La-
kota” (Smith College of Social Work, 1995).
24. Bonnie Duran and Eduardo Duran, “Applied Postcolonial Clinical
and Research Strategies,” in Reclaiming Indigenous Voice and Vision, ed. Marie
Battiste (Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada: University of British Columbia

Press, 2000).
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London and New York: Cassel, 2000.
Tong, Rosemarie. Feminist Thought. London: Routledge, 1993.
Touraine: see Gil Olmos, José.
Vera, Ramón. “Autonomía no es independencia, es reconciliación.” La Jornada,
March 27, 2001, p. 6.
Viqueira, Juan Pedro. “El discurso usocostumbrista.” Letras Libres. Mexico,
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Vogt, Evon Z. Zinacantán. A Mayan Community in the Highlands of Chiapas.
Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University, 1969.
Yolanda, Comandanta. “El viaje de la palabra.” Perfil de la Jornada, February 17,
2001, p. 4.
Yuval Davis, N., and D. Stasiulis, eds. Unsettling Settler Societies: Articulations of
Gender, Race, Ethnicity and Class. London: Sage Publications (Sage Series
on Race and Ethnic Relations), 1995.
Zapatista Women. “Ley Revolucionaria de Mujeres.” In Las Alzadas, ed. Sara
Lovera and Nellys. pp. 59–60. Palomo. Mexico: CIMAC—La Jornada, 1999
(2nd edition).
About the Editor and Contributors
Frédérique Apffel-Marglin is Professor Emerita, department of Anthro-

pology, Smith College, Massachusetts, and Director of the nonprofit Centro
Sachamama in the Peruvian High Amazon. Her latest book is Rhythms of
Life: Enacting the World with the Goddesses of Orissa. She is finishing a book
based on her experiences in Peru entitled Subversive Spiritualities and Sci-
ence: Beyond Anthropocentrism.
Ana Mariella Bacigalupo is Associate Professor of Anthropology at SUNY

Buffalo. She researches Mapuche shamans in Chile. Her books include Sha-
mans of the Foye Tree: Gender, Power and Healing Among the Chilean Mapu-
che (2007) and The Voice of the Drum in Modernity: Tradition and Change in
the Practice of Seven Mapuche Shamans (2001).
Nuvia Balderrama Vara is a Nahua indigenous woman working with

CIDAHL AC on women’s rights and citizenship issues. She is also a dancer
and has been committed to revitalizing the indigenous identity of her native
town, Tepoztlan and to foster environmental care. She has contributed to the
academic domain with writings and analysis in research collaboration with
CRIM (CentroRegional de Investigaciones Multidisciplinares) of UNAM,
Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico.
Diane Bell is a feminist anthropologist who, over the past two decades,
has written with passion and courage about the rights of indigenous women
241
242 ABOUT THE EDITOR AND CONTRIBUTORS
(with a particular focus on the Aboriginal people of Australia), indigenous

land rights, human rights, indigenous religions, violence against women,
and the writing of feminist ethnography. Her books include Daughters of the
Dreaming (1983/93), Generations: Grandmothers, Mothers, and Daughters
(1987), Law: The Old and the New (1980); Religion in Aboriginal Australia
(co-edited 1984), Radically Speaking: Feminism Reclaimed (co-edited 1996),
Ngarrindjeri Wurruwarrin: A World That Is, Was, and Will Be (1998), Evil:
A Novel (2005), and Kungun Ngarrindjeri Miminar Yunnan: Listen to Ngar-
rindjeri Women Speaking (2008).
Janet Chawla holds an MA in Theology and directs MATRIKA, a non-

governmental organization advocating traditional midwifery and noninvasive
birth methods. Based in New Delhi, she researches, lectures, and writes
on the religiocultural and ethnomedical traditions of dais. Her edited work,
Birth and Birthgivers: The Power behind the Shame, explores Indian women’s
birth culture.
Laurel Kendall is Curator of Asian Ethnographic Collections at the Ameri-

can Museum of Natural History and Adjunct (full) Professor at Columbia
University. Among her publications are Shamans, Housewives and Other Rest-
less Spirits: Women In Korean Ritual Life (1985), The Life and Hard Times
of a Korean Shaman (1988), Getting Married in Korea: Of Gender, Morality,
and Modernity (1996), and Shamans, Nostalgias, and the IMF: South Korean
Popular Religion in Motion (2009).
Renee Linklater is a PhD candidate at OISE/University of Toronto. Her

research is entitled Decolonising Trauma Work: Indigenous Practitioners
Share Stories and Strategies. She is the author of Weaving the Web of Families:
My Journey through Adoption (2003), Journey of Our Spirits: Challenges for
Adult Indigenous Learners (2002), and Aboriginal Women and Community
Development (1998).
Morna Macleod is a freelance researcher and development consultant

based in Mexico City, currently working on a book based on her doctoral
thesis: Culture and Politics and the Struggle for Mayan Self-Representation in
Guatemala, 1970–2005. She has written widely on local power and indig-
enous women and indigenous movements in Guatemala.
Sylvia Marcos researches and writes on gender and women’s issues in an-
cient and contemporary Mexico. She has taught at Harvard University, Union
Theological Seminary, and Drew Theological Seminary, among others. At
About the Editor and Contributors 243
Claremont Graduate University, School of Religion, she has been Visiting Pro-
fessor since 1996 of Gender in Mesoamerican Religions. She is the author or
editor of several books and many articles on the history of psychiatry, religion,
and women’s popular culture in pre-Hispanic and contemporary Mexico.
Among them are: Religion y Genero, Volume III, Encyclopedia Iberoamericana
de Religiones, (Madrid: Trotta, 2004), Dialogue and Difference: Feminisms
Challenge Globalization (coeditor, 2005), Gender/Bodies/Religions (editor,
2000), and Taken from the Lips: Gender and Eros in Mesoamerican Religions
(2006). Dr. Marcos has conducted extensive ethnohistorical research on the
construction of gender and sexuality in both indigenous and colonial religious
culture. She is a member of the editorial board of RELIGION, International
Editor of Gender and Society, International Editor of Journal of Feminist Stud-
ies in Religion (JFSR), and International Editorial Advisor for the journal
ALTER/NATIVE. She is founding member of the International Connections
Committee of the AAR (American Academy of Religion) and a member of the
permanent Board of Directors of ALER (Asociacion Latioamericana para el
Estudio de las Religiones). In Mexico Dr. Marcos is a founding senior mem-
ber of the Permanent Seminar on Gender and Anthropology with the IIA
(Instituto de Investigaciones Antropologicas) at UNAM (Universidad Na-
cional Autonoma de Mexico). She teaches seminars at Colegio de Mexico’s
PIEM (Programa Interdisciplinario de Estudios de la Mujer) and at CEIICH
(Centro de Investigaciones Interdisciplinares en Ciencias y Humanidades) of
UNAM.
Ana María Salazar Peralta is Anthropologist at the Research Institute in

Anthropology of the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México; Profes-
sor of Graduate Studies in Anthropology, Philosophy School, UNAM; and
founder of the Permanent Seminar on Anthropology and Gender (1991).
Among her recent studies is Ethnopolitical Movements in the Community of
Original Towns of Tepoztlán (2009).
Darilyn Syiem is a teacher and women’s rights activist. She is currently

with the Shillong Polytechnic, the North East Network and People’s Learn-
ing Center in Shillong, Meghalaya. Her concerns are bridging social commu-
nication gaps, gender sensitivity, and natural resource management.
Hien Thi Nguyen got her bachelor of literature and Russian in Russia in
1987, and master’s (1999) and PhD (2002) in folklore with a minor in reli-
gious studies at Indiana University. She worked as a postdoctoral fellow at
American Museum of Natural History in New York (2003) and at the Uni-
versity of California, Los Angeles (2004). She is currently a researcher at
Vietnam Institute of Culture and Arts Studies, Ministry of Culture, Sports
244 ABOUT THE EDITOR AND CONTRIBUTORS
and Tourism. Her recent interest and work focus on transnational rituals
will be incorporated into a book coauthored with Karen Fjelstad, San Jose
State University. Her newest coedited book is Possessed by the Spirits: Medi-
umship in Contemporary Vietnamese Communities (Cornell Southeast Asia
Program, 2006).
Index
Machi Abel, 164 See also Costumes; Religion/religious

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander practices; Ritual(s)
Heritage Protection Act, 5, 13 Andean culture, 22–27, 35–41. See also
Aboriginal Healing Foundation, 221–22 Yarqa Aspiy festival
Advaita philosophy, 134 Angas, George French, 9
Aging ideology, 79–80 Animals: caring for, 28, 32, 136; cattle
Agreement in Principle, 221–22 festivals, 32; gender equity and, 56, 59,
Agriculture: affinity with nature and, 61; horses/horsemanship, 32, 146–48,
28–29; Andean rituals for, 23–27; 153–57, 159, 162; husbandry, 26, 35;
calendar/cycle for, 55, 75; rain-invoking kinship with, 75, 147–50, 164, 165–66,
rituals and, 69–71, 77–86; of Tepoztlán 200; in rituals, 32, 146–47, 155–56;
peoples, 72, 82–84 souls of, 153–58; as spirits, 40, 153–58;
Agronomy, 23–26 wisdom from, 6, 10, 23, 27
Ajxup, Doña Virginia, 198–99, 200 Anishinaabe wellness, 223–28
Alexandrina Council, 15 Anunciación, Fray Domingo de la, 186
Altepehuitl festival, 189–90 Apology to Australia’s Indigenous People,
Altered state of consciousness (ASC), 13
146, 148–49, 155–56, 158–66 Apprentice/apprenticeship, 98, 100, 107
Alterity of spirits, 102, 109 Asociacion Bartolome Aripaylla (ABA),
Amelia Park, Goolwa, 14 26–27, 28–29, 39
American Baptists, 115 Assembly of First Nations, 221
Machi Ana, 155, 157 Association of Women in Development’s
Ancestors/ancestral traditions: cosmo- (AWID), 196–97
vision and, 72, 75; following, 116, Austin, Alfredo López, 55, 80
186, 195, 199; gender duality and, Authorities for rituals, 31–34
57; indigenous spirituality and, 46, Axis mundi, 71–72
51, 58, 61–64; manifesting, 98, 106, Aymara indigenous women, 61
107; Mayan, 199; mother (Ka Iawbei), Ayurveda, 132, 134, 135
116–17, 123; relationship with, 84,
99–101, 120, 217–18, 223–24; wisdom Bacigalupo, Ana Mariella, 102–3
from, 48, 124, 160–61, 164, 210. Ba dong. See Vietnamese shamans
245
246 INDEX
Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam, 102–3 Cattle festivals, 32

Basket weaving, 3–4, 7–10, 203 Cave rituals, 76–82
Batzibal, Juana, 200 Centro de Estudios e Información de la
Becerril, Alicia María Júarez, 79 Mujer Multiétnica (CEIMM), 46
Bellrose, Eddy, 225 Chachahuate (ceremonial meal), 181
Bemata deity/goddess, 129, 136 Chacra (cultivated field), 23–24, 27
Berndt, Ronald and Catherine, 8 Chatterbox Mansin, 102
Bighorn Medicine Wheel, Wyoming, 225 Chau van music, 100, 107, 108
Big toe ritual, 134, 135 Chauveau, Jean Dubernard, 186
Bihar workshop, 135 Chicha (fermented corn water), 28, 34
Birth Grandmother spirit, 107 Chief/chieftans, 117, 120, 121, 124–25,
Birth traditions, 95–96, 120, 130–32. See 178
also Dais (midwife) birth imagery Childbearing: agrarian life and, 83;
Black magic, 37 Catholic religion and, 51; fertility
Blood (molfuñ), 148–49 rituals for, 72–73, 75; gender roles and,
Body-governing God (momju taesin), 127, 138–39; geomysticism and, 138;
101–2 mapping and, 129; power through, 71,
Body-mind complex, 128 73, 83, 187–88; shamans and, 152–53.
Bonney Reserve, 12 See also Reproduction/reproductive
Boundary Bluff, 12 rights
Bourguignon, Erika, 164 Child/children: basket weaving and,
Boy attendant spirits, 109 8; bond with, 132; burial site of, 16;
Breath-sharing kinship, 149–50 care of, 4, 32, 98, 128, 131, 204, 210;
Broda, Johanna, 74 complementarity and, 203; education
Brodie, Aunty Veronica, 5–6, 15 of, 8, 23–24; environment and, 9–10;
Brown, Nanna Ellen, 8 foster care and, 218, 221; gender roles
Buddha’s Birthday, 100, 107 and, 201; marriage prospects of, 96;
Buddhist Sage spirit, 107 religion and, 220–21; rituals and, 31,
Burma, 95, 116 106–7, 179–80; stories and, 17
Bush tucker, 4, 5, 12 Child Spirits, 102, 107
Butler, Judith, 53, 95 Chilean shamans. See Mapuche shamans
Chimalacatepec cave, 76–77
Cabalas, Christian, 37 Chinelo jump, 183
Cajete, Gregory, 220 Chinese statecraft, 103
Camp Coorong, 5, 6–10 Chirix, Emma, 205–6
Canadian indigenous populations. See Christians/Christianity: ancestral spirits
Colonization and, 161; Andean spirituality and, 27;
Caste, in birth traditions, 130–32 in Canada, 220; “classical theism”
Catholic religion: abuse from, 221; and, 61; Eve in, 128; as faith healers,
Andean spirituality and, 27; conflict 121–22; in India, 115–16, 121;
over, 37–39; cosmo-vision and, 70; indigenous spirituality and, 40, 45–46,
ecofeminist theology vs., 61; in India, 50, 54–55; shamans and, 36, 38, 96.
115; indigenous spirituality and, 45–46, See also Catholic religion
79; in Latin America, 47–48; Mapuche Chueca sticks, 155
sacred numerology and, 155; Mexican Cisnero, Modesto, 27–28
bishops, 51–53; rituals and, 34–35, 83; Clan (kur), 116–17
social roles in, 71 Cleanliness concept, 131
Index 247
Climate change, 82, 86 Courtesan, 96

Clothing. See Costumes Cree teachings, 225, 226
Cockles, 12 Crianza (language of nurturance), 36
Co-gender identities, 146 Criar (nurturing), 29
Collectivity: Andean spirituality and, Cultural affirmation/roots: colonization
36; as collective memory, 80, 82; and, 217–28; community (comunera),
indigenous spirituality and, 51–52, 24, 27, 29, 31, 39, 71, 133, 189;
62–64, 84, 86, 178; political, 48 gender and, 58; of geography, 73–74;
Colonialism, 48, 64, 65, 222 of indigenous women, 48–49; in
Colonization: Anishinaabe wellness and, rain-inducing rituals, 71; shamanism
223–28; decolonization and, 222–24; and, 97–98; sociocultural dynamics,
healing from, 221–22; history of, 69–70; stories and, 3–5, 10, 17. See
218–21; Medicine Wheel teachings also Ancestors/ancestral traditions;
and, 224–28; overview, 217–18 Elders; Old People; Ritual(s)
Comandanta Esther, 63 Cunningham, Myrna, 46
Comision Episcopal de Indígenas, 51
Community (comunera), 24, 27, 29, 31, Daahatun (healing ritual), 152, 162
39, 71, 133, 189 Dais (midwife) birth imagery: caste and,
Complementarity: as controversial, 63; 130–32; cosmic/earthly connections,
gender equity and, 85; in Mayan’s 136–38; gender poetics, 138–39;
women’s lives, 201–4; principle of, maternal connections, 132–34; narak
52, 57–58, 195–201; regulatory or and, 136–38, 139–40; overview,
emancipatory frames in, 204–6 124–29; during postpartum, 137–38;
Confucian marriage bond, 101 relational body in, 134–36
Consciousness: altered states of, 146, Damsel spirits, 108–9
148, 149, 155–56, 158–66; community, Dancing, 12, 96, 104, 182–84
189; magic, use of, 22; zuam as, 160 Dao Mau. See Mother Goddess Religion
Cord-cutting traditions, 132–33 de Alarcón, Hernando Ruíz, 77
Cosmology/cosmo-vision: ancestral Decolonization, 53–54, 222–24
traditions and, 72, 75; cultural Deities: Bemata deity, 129, 136; Catholic
practices and, 70–71, 75; defeat of, religion and, 27; gender roles of, 102;
38; ethnic-territorial identity and, geomysticism and, 136; inert material
75; Mayan gendered spirituality and, and, 21–22; Matri Masaan deity, 136;
197–201; Mesoamerican, 74, 75, 85; Ngünechen deity, 146, 161, 162–63;
modernity and, 21; overview, 209–10; personification of, 61, 70, 146;
principles of, 46–48, 50, 56–64; possession by, 165, 166; protection by,
sexism and, 207–9; of Tepoztlán 101, 157, 162; relations among, 59,
peoples, 72 101; rituals for, 84, 121–23, 160–61;
Costumes: Korean shamans and, 93–95, seduction of, 153; shamans and, 93,
97, 100, 102–5; kut and, 93–95, 95, 107–8, 155; of Tepozteca’s, 73, 75,
97, 100, 105–6; magic and, 94; for 83–84; water as, 30, 33, 40; yeyecatl-
mediums, 104–5; in rituals, 76, 93–95, yeyecame, 72. See also Spirit(s)
189; Vietnamese shamans and, 93–95, Descartes, René, 37–38
97, 100 Destiny, 95, 97, 102, 160
COTESU (Swiss development project), “Divinity of Duality,” 55
23, 29 Divorce, 31, 97, 208
“Countenance” concept, 199 Dodd, Aunty Margaret, 4
248 INDEX
Domination, 146–47, 154, 166, 195, 220, Faith healers, 121–22

224. See also Patriarchy/patriarchal Families, 54–55, 72–73, 75. See also
domination Child/children; Motherhood
Dong thay (master mediums), 98–99 Fatherhood, 54–55
Duality principle: gender and, 56–59; Feminine/femininity: feminine-masculine
in Mayan’s women’s lives, 201–4; dolls, 81, 83; ignorance by, 131; “manly”
overview, 54–56; principle of, 197–201; females, 102; masculine/feminine
regulatory or emancipatory frames in, duality, 54–56, 59, 63, 71; meanings of,
204–6 71; pain assumption by, 128; in rituals,
Dube, Leila, 128 94, 109; by spirits, 107, 151. See also
Dumont, Jim, 227–28 Gender/gender issues
Dungumachife (translator), 149 Feminism: complimentarity and, 196,
Duran, Bonnie and Eduardo, 228 200–201; cosmo-vision and, 195–97;
duality and, 58–59, 196, 200;
Earth (narak), 136–38 ecofeminist theology, 45, 61–62; future
Ecofeminist theology, 45, 61–62 of, 53–54; nonindigenous criticism of,
Ecstasy state. See Altered state of 207; subordination and, 195–96
consciousness Fertility rituals, 72–73, 75
Education: of children, 8, 23–24; Machi fileu, 160–64
environment and, 119; lack of, 131, 202; First Nation’s Peoples, 219
in Latin America, 47; modern, 23–26, “Five Cleans,” 131
39; residential schools and, 219, 220–22; Fludd, Robert, 37
tradition knowledge and, 51, 222 Fluid duality, 55–56
“Effeminate” men, 93, 102 Foerster, Rolf, 163
Ehecatl culture, 70, 74–77 Folklore tradition, 85, 97
Elders: authorities for rituals, 31–34; Food(s), 103, 106, 148–49, 179
health warnings by, 120–21; as inner Four Worlds Development Project, 225
spirit, 7; Medicine Wheels teaching by, Freedom of religion, 27, 35, 52
222–28; oral traditions and, 56; respect Machi Fresia, 164
for, 4. See also Old People
Machi Elena, 147–50 Gabriel, Calixta, 46
Eliade, Mircea, 159 Galindo, Alfonso, 31
Emancipatory strategies, 196–97, 204–6 Gates of speech (malmun), 98
Embodiment, 62, 130, 147, 156–57 Gay subculture, 94
Ensoulment, 147 Gender/gender issues: co-gender
Environmental concerns, 8–10, 13, 60, identities, 146; cosmo-vision and,
119, 139, 200, 226 196–97; cultural construction of,
Episcopal Commission for the 70–71; duality and, 56–59; equilibrium
Indigenous, 51 and, 59–60; of God, 117–18; of
Epistemology, 53–55, 210 Khasi tribe, 123–24; male-centric
Equilibrium principle, 58–60, 197–206 unconscious and, 71; performance
Erotic spirituality, 151 of, 105–9; poetics of, 138–39; spirit
Estamos parejos (we are all even), 63 gender, 101–2; in Tepoztlán spirituality,
Esther, Comandanta, 48–49 177–79. See also Mapuche shamans;
Ethnography, 70, 158 Masculine/masculinity; Mayan
Eurasian shamanisms, 103 gendered spirituality; Patriarchy/
Evangelical religion, 27, 28, 35, 39, 51 patriarchal domination
Index 249
Gender-opposite rituals, 93–95 “Heart” concept, 199

General spirits, 106 Heavenly Abode (Ka Dwar U Blei), 119
Gente de razón (capacity of reason), 52 Hemming, Steve, 8
Geographic space, 72–74, 77–78, 85–86, Hill worship, 74, 77–78, 85–86
116, 219, 220 Hindmarsh Island Bridge Act, 14
Geomysticism, 136, 138, 139 Hinduism, 136–37
Gevara, Ivone, 61 Holistic health, 137
Ghandi, Mahatma, 130 Hoodfar, Homa, 207
Giménez, Gilberto, 71 Horses/horsemanship, 32, 146–48,
Girija, P., 132 153–57, 159, 162
Globalization, 46, 69, 70, 131 Huntsman spider totem, 11
Glockner, Julio, 84 Husband(s), 29, 31–32, 107, 122, 135,
God(s)/Goddess(es): ba dong and, 94; 152, 166
Bemata goddess, 129, 136; Body-
governing, 101–2; brides of, 151–52; Immanence, spirituality of, 60–62
Child God, 107; in Christianity, 36, 40, Indian Act, 218–19
54, 61, 122, 161, 178; gender issues Indian sacred medicines/healers. See Dais
with, 117–18; invoking, 33, 129, 164, (midwife) birth imagery; Khasi tribe
168; Mountain, 106; Ometéotl, 55; Indigenous spirituality, 46, 50, 51, 56, 58,
pre-Hispanic, 186, 188; relationship to, 61–64
61–62, 117–18; reverence for, 81–82, Indigenous women. See Dais (midwife)
117; rituals to, 138; Tepoztecatl, 72, 73, birth imagery; Feminine/femininity;
180, 185; Tepozteco, 187; Tlaloc, 75; Indigenous Women’s Summit of
Tlalticpaque, 77; U Blei, 117–18, 120; the Americas; Khasi tribe; Korean
wind gods, 73. See also Deities; Mother shamans; Mapuche shamans; Mayan
Goddess Religion; Spirit(s) gendered spirituality; Ngarrindjeri
Gollan, Neville, 10, 14 people; Tepoztlán peoples, spirituality;
Goolwa wharf, 16 Vietnamese shamans; Women’s issues
Granny Koomi, 5–6 Indigenous Women’s Summit of the
Great shaman (k’un mansin), 98 Americas: decolonizing epistemology,
Great Spirit Grandmother, 107 53–54; duality and, 54–59; embodied
Guatemalian Mayans. See Mayan religious thought, 62; equilibrium
gendered spirituality and, 59–60; gender issues and,
56–59; indigenous spirituality and, 50;
Hair/hairdo rituals, 96, 151, 179–81, 182 Mexican bishop’s response to, 50–53;
Hamayon, Robert, 101 modernization of spirituality, 47–50;
Harmony principle, 58–59 overview, 45–47; resolutions proposed
Hartman, Vicki, 10 by, 49–50; spirituality of collectivity,
Healing. See Medicine/healing 62–64; spirituality of immanence,
Health/health care: among Khasis, 60–62
118–19, 123; of cattle, 32; community Individualism, 28
and, 29, 31, 133; for Elders, 4; gender Initiation(s): hairdo rituals and, 179;
roles and, 146; holistic, 137; land possession and, 159; religious identity
importance and, 219, 220; rituals and, during, 93, 95–99; as shamans, 101–5;
149; spirits and, 98–99, 107, 118, 224; spiritual kinship and, 146–50, 152–56,
Syiem Sad and, 119–21; wellness and, 160, 166
226–28. See also Medicine/healing Inner spirit (Ka Rngiew), 118–19
250 INDEX
Insanity, 96 Lord Krishna, 128

Inspired speech, 100 Kumarangk (Hindmarsh Island), 5, 7,
In Tepoztlán spirituality: gender/gender 13–16
issues, 177–79 Kungun Ngarrindjeri Yunnan agreement,
International Indigenous Women’s Forum, 16
196–97 K’un mansin (great shaman), 98
Invisiones antics, 34–35 Kur (clan), 116–17
Irrigation rituals, 21–22, 27–31 Kurewen (couple), 149, 151
Ixpocatl ritual, 182 Kut (costumed rituals), 93–95, 97, 100,
105–6
Machi Jacinto, 162 Küymi (altered state of consciousness),
Jacobs, Aunty Maggie, 5–7 162
Jaintia tribe, 116
Machi Javiera, 147–50 Land (geographic space), 72–74, 77–78,
Jee (life force), 132 85–86, 116, 219, 220
Jiménez, Doña Jovita, 78–82 Latin America, 45–48, 196. See also
Jocón, María Estela, 57, 200–201 Indigenous Women’s Summit of the
Machi José, 145 Americas
Lee, Diana, 102
Ka Iawbei (ancestral mother), 116–17, Leeches, 7, 12
123 Len dong (costumed rituals), 93–95, 97,
Kaqla women’s group, 204–5 100
Ka Rngiew (inner spirit), 118–19 Lenkersdorf, Carlos, 210
Karpany, Louisa, 8–9 Llankalawen leaves, 147, 150, 151
Kartinyeri, Aunty Doreen (née Gollan), 8, Lopez, Alma, 57–58
13–15 López, Marta Juana, 201–2, 207
Kendall, Laurel, 102 Lower castes, 130–31
Khasi tribe, Indian indigenous healers: Lyngdoh (Khasi priest), 117
belief system of, 117–18; gender
analysis of, 123–24; geography of, 116; Machaca, Marcela, 21–31, 39–40
health among, 118–19, 123; lineage of, Machi: brides, 153; kutran (illness), 148,
116–17; medical treatment by, 119–20; 149; machiluwün (machi initiation),
other women healers of, 121–22; 148; Mounted Warrior, 153–58. See
sacred-secret knowledge of, 122–23. also Mapuche shamans
See also Dais (midwife) birth imagery Mack, Margaret “Pinkie,” 8
Kinship: animal, 147–50; breath-sharing, Madness, 96
149–50; spiritual, 146, 147–50, Magic: beings, 4; black, 37; consciousness
152–56, 158, 160, 166 and, 22; costumes for, 94; flight and,
Konpapüllu (spiritual state), 162 155, 159; in foods, 148; witch hunts
Kopiwe flowers, 147, 150–52 and, 36, 37–38
Korean shamans (mansin): becoming, Maldonado, Druzo, 74
95–97; costume rituals and, 93–95, 97, Male-centric unconscious, 71
100; gender performances by, 105–9; Malmun (gates of speech), 98
inspired speech by, 100; performing Mandarin spirits, 108
spirits’ work, 97–99; rituals and cash, Manitowabi, Edna, 226
99–100; robes/costumes for, 102–5; “Manly” females, 102
spirit gender and, 101–2 Mansin. See Korean shamans
Index 251
Mapuche shamans (machi): altered states McLachlan, Ian, 13

of consciousness and, 158–66; animal Mechanistic dualistic philosophy, 37–38
kinship and, 147–50; animal souls Medicine/healing: Ayurveda, 132,
and, 153–58; gendered relationships 134, 135; colonization and, 221–22;
and, 158; overview, 145–47; sacred daahatun (healing ritual), 152, 162;
numerology and, 155; seducing a spirit, Elder warnings and, 120–21; faith
150–53 healers, 121–22. See also Health/health
Mapudungun language, 152, 161 care; Khasi tribe
Marcos, Sylvia, 199 Medicine man (nongduwai), 120
María, Doña Juana, 84–85 Medicine Wheel teachings, 224–28
María Cecilia’s initiation, 147–50, 156 Meditation, 7, 128
Machi María Cristina, 156 Mediums: Body-governing God and, 102;
Marriage: Confucian marriage bond, female, 159–60; spirit costumes of,
101; divorce and, 31, 97, 208; kurewen 104–5; spirit possessions by, 106–9. See
(couple), 149, 151; pregnancy and, also Shamans/shamanism
135–36; prospects, 96; shamanism and, Menchú, Rigoberta, 46, 50, 60
97–98; spiritual, 161, 188 Mendieta, Gualberto Machaca, 25–27, 35
Martin, Lloyd, 226 Meningie, 8, 10, 12
Masculine/masculinity: altered states of Menstrual rhythms, 139
consciousness and, 160, 162, 165–66; Mersenne, Marin, 37
co-gender identities and, 146; “manly” Mesa (altar), 33
females, 102; masculine/feminine Mesoamerican millenarianism, 85
duality, 54–56, 59, 63, 71; in rituals, Mesoamerican spiritual traditions.
93–95, 167, 183, 200; by spirits, See Indigenous Women’s Summit
101–3, 106–7, 109, 154–55. See also of the Americas; Tepoztlán peoples,
Gender/gender issues; Patriarchy/ spirituality
patriarchal domination Mexican bishops, 50–53
Master mediums (dong thay), 98–100 Mexican spiritual traditions. See
Matawayta flowers, 32–33 Indigenous Women’s Summit of the
Maternal body, 127, 134 Americas; Mayan gendered spirituality;
Mathews, Jane, 14 Tepoztlán peoples, spirituality
Matri Masaan deity, 136 Milera, Roslyn, 6
Mayahuel culture, 72 Miller, J. R., 220
Maya K’iche’ spirituality, 198, 199, 205 Milloy, John S., 220
Mayan gendered spirituality: Miminar (women), 4, 9, 12, 13, 17
complimentarity and, 201–4; Mingka bird (messenger of death), 10–11
cosmogenic principles, 197–201; Miscarriage prevention, 136
duality and, 201–4; equilibrium and, Miwi (inner spirit), 4, 7
201–4; overview, 195–97, 209–10; Mixcoton Pipiltzín ritual, 179–81
regulatory or emancipatory frames in, Modal states of being, 135
204–6; sexism and, 207–9. See also Modernization: cultural geography
Indigenous Women’s Summit of the and, 74; of education, 23–26, 39;
Americas globalization and, 70; of spirituality,
Mayo, Katherine, 130–31 47–50, 82–83
Mayordomías (traditional community Molfuñ (blood), 148–49
leadership), 84 Moloj Mayib’, 54
McHughes, Aunty Eileen, 4, 10–12, 17 Momju taesin (Body-governing God), 101
252 INDEX
Morales, Mario Roberto, 201 Nguillatun rituals, 155–56

Mother Earth, 85 Ngünechen deity, 146, 161, 162–63
Mother Goddess Religion (Dao Mau), 95, Nicaragua, 46
97, 104–5, 108 Nimatuj, Irma Alicia Velásquez, 205–6
Motherhood, 54–55, 127, 131, 132–34. Nonbelievers, 70, 86
See also Reproduction/reproductive Nongduwai (medicine man), 120
rights Nonreligious certainty, 37–40
Motherhood and Traditional Research, Numerology, 155
Information, Knowledge and Action Nuñez, Julian, 30
(MATRIKA), 127, 131–32, 137 Nunez, Lorenzo, 28, 33
Mountain Gods, 106 Nünkün (emotion), 160
Mounted warriors, 147, 153–58, 166
Mudang. See Korean shamans Occult philosophy, 38
Mulyawongk hole, 10 Oehmichen, Cristina, 71
Murray-Darling system, 7 Offerings: benedictions with, 185–86; at
Murray Magpie, 11 Bighorn Medicine Wheel, 225; failure
Murray Mouth areas, 13 in making, 107; food as, 103, 106,
Murrunggung (Brinkley), 7–9 179; funding, 78; pago, 33; preparing,
Music/musicians: Reto al Tepozteco and, 188, 224; in rituals, 27–28, 60, 76–84,
188; during rituals, 34, 94, 99–100, 98–101, 108, 186–87; in shrines, 97;
105, 108, 164; shamans and, 98, 104, spirits and, 150, 152, 161; during Yarqa
182, 183. See also Songs/singing Aspiy festival, 32–34
Official spirits, 106–7
Nabigon, Herb, 226 Ojibway Indians, 219
Narak (earth), 136–38, 139–40 Old People: burial sites of, 16–17; mingka
National Aboriginal and Islander Day bird and, 11; pelicans and, 6; spirits of,
Observance Committee (NAIDOC), 12 15; stories of, 4, 13; weaving and, 8.
Nativist followers, 79–80 See also Elders
Natural resources, 21, 22, 36–37 Ometéotl, 55
Nelson, Gordon, 225 Ometochtli culture, 74, 186
New Community Movement, 96 One Indivisible Truth, 37
Newen (strength, power), 148, 161 One Mile Camp, 10, 12
Newton, Isaac, 38 Ong dong. See Vietnamese shamans
New Zealand, 46 Otherness, 72, 102, 155
Neyen (horse’s breath), 148 Other-than-human world: Catholic
Ngarlung, 6 religion and, 38–39; communal space
Ngarrindjeri people: Kumarangk and, 5, 7, and, 72; sacredness of, 36; “subaltern,”
13–16; McHughes, Aunty Eileen and, 56; supernatural entities, 73–74; Yarqa
4, 10–12, 17; practical reconciliation Aspiy festival and, 21–22. See also
for, 16–17; Rankine, Aunty Leila Deities; Spirit(s)
and, 5–7, 15; stories and, 3–5, 17; Oyo-Yoruba Shango priests, 153
Trevorrow, Aunty Ellen and, 3, 7–10,
17; weaving by, 3–4, 7–10 Pago (the offering), 33
Ngarrindjeri Regional Authority (NRA), Paksu mudang. See Korean shamans
15–16 Machi Pamela, 152, 156–57, 163–64
Ngatji (totems), 4, 5, 11–12, 15, 17 Panamenian Kuna chanters, 163
Ngori (pelican) totem, 5–7 Parikh, N. N., 130
Index 253
Park Chung-hee regime, 96 Rankine, Aunty Leila, 5–7, 15

Paternalism, 51 Raukkan, 5
Patriarchy/patriarchal domination: Redness of women, 138–39
male-centric unconscious, 71; of “Red Road,” 222–23
Mapuche, 150, 153; matrilineal The Reformation, 36–37
tradition and, 124; in school, 202; Relational body rituals, 134–36
socio-political power and, 153; Religion of the Four Palaces (Tu Phu), 95
transgression to, 80; women’s role in, Religion/religious practices: American
85–86, 187–88 Baptists, 115; Andean spirituality,
Pelican totem, 5–7 22–27, 35–41; embodied thought, 62;
Performance of gender, 105–9 Evangelical sects, 27, 28, 35, 39, 51;
Personhood. See Mapuche shamans freedom of, 27, 35, 52; nonbelievers
Peru, 23–27. See also Andean culture and, 70, 86; nonreligious certainty
Petecatl culture, 72 vs., 37–40; power structure of, 70;
Pinto, Sara, 133–34 Protestants, 37, 38; syncretism in, 83.
Placenta traditions, 132–34 See also Catholic religion; Christians/
Pondi (Murray Cods), 7 Christianity; Ngatji; Prayers; Ritual(s);
Popular beliefs, 74 Shamans/shamanism; Spirituality;
Porosity principle, 63 Tepoztlán peoples, spirituality; Yarqa
Possession state. See Altered state of Aspiy festival
consciousness Remembering, 22–23, 35–37, 84
Postpartum imagery, 137–38 The Renaissance, 36–37, 38
Poverty, 53, 96, 99, 129–31, 139, 219 Reproduction/reproductive rights:
Prakriti (field matter), 127–28 Catholic church and, 51; cosmo-vision
Prayers: Catholic-based, 36; for and, 83; fertility and, 138; gendered
fertility, 106; for marriage, 152; for poetics of, 138–39; mapping of, 127;
remembering, 84; during rituals, 77, patriarchy and, 187–88; shamans and,
80–82, 120–21, 124, 149; shamans 152–53; spiritual vs. material body and,
and, 164, 169; for welfare, 118, 122, 127; water and, 73
157, 161 Residential schools, 219, 220–22
Pregnancy rituals. See Dais (midwife) Respect system, 4, 11–12, 40–41
birth imagery Reto al Tepozteco event, 177–79, 184–85,
Princes Hogu spirit, 107 188–89
Prince spirits, 107–9 Rewe, 145, 147–49, 155
Principia Matematica (Newton), 38 Rigney, Lizzie, 5
Prophecy, 96, 122 Rimpoche, Khentse, 139
Protestant religion, 37, 38 Ritual gendered relationships. See
Puberty, 137 Mapuche shamans
Machi püllu, 160–63 Ritual(s): Andean spirituality and, 35–37;
Purush (consciousness), 127–28 animals in, 32, 146–47, 155–56; cash
and, 99–101; in caves, 76–82; children
Quetzalcoatl culture, 70, 72, 74–77 and, 31, 106–7, 179–80; dancing
Quispillacta, 23–28. See also Yarqa Aspiy at, 12, 96, 104, 182–84; for fertility,
festival 72–73, 75; geography and, 73–74;
hairdo, 96, 151, 179–81, 182; for
Rain-invoking rituals, 69–71, 77–86 irrigation, 27–29; logic of, 86; Mayan
Rakiduam (thoughts), 160 spirituality and, 60; in Mesoamerican
254 INDEX
region, 55; object representation in, (k’un mansin), 98; initiation as, 101–5;
82–83; prayers during, 77, 80–82, Mapuche, 146; marriage and, 97–98;
120–21, 124, 149; during pregnancy, music/musicians and, 98, 104, 182,
134–38; rain-invoking, 69–71, 77–86; 183; of Northeast Asia, 93–95; poorly
sacrificial, 75; for sustenance, 75; of trained, 98; prayers and, 164, 169;
Tepoztlán peoples, 69–70, 72. See songs/singing by, 96, 107, 148; spirit
also Costumes; Initiation(s); Magic; possession by, 106–9; suffering and,
Mapuche shamans; Music/musicians; 95–96. See also Korean shamans;
Offerings; Yarqa Aspiy festival Mapuche shamans; Mediums;
Machi Rocío, 155, 156, 161 Ritual(s); Vietnamese shamans
Rodríguez, Ana María, 207–9 Shining Path, 29, 35
The Royal Commission, 13–14, 15 Signs, 24–25, 27
Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, Singh, Anuradha, 134
220 Sinomoni (spirit mother), 98
Rudd, Kevin, 13 Sister Nga, 99
Runas (humans), 30 “Sixties Scoop,” 218
Rushes (for weaving), 8–9 Snake symbols, 76
Ruwi (country), 4, 7, 12, 15 Social justice, 46, 49, 53, 197
Sociocultural dynamics, 69–70
Sabios (sages), 78 Sociopolitical practices, 50
Sacred places, 5, 13, 15, 38, 71, 85 Son, Ixtz’ulu’ Elsa, 202–3, 207
Sacred-secret knowledge, 122–23 Songs/singing: during burial rites, 6; in
Sacred Tree teachings, 225 rituals, 30, 33, 35, 182; by shamans,
Sacrificial rituals, 75 96, 107, 148. See also Music/musicians
Sahumerio (incense), 181 South Australia, 8–9
Samuel, Geoffrey, 129 South Australian Museum, 8
San Andrés de la Cal, 77–78, 80, 82, 84 South Korea. See Korean shamans
Sankhya philosophical system, 127 Spirit(s): alterity of, 102, 109; animals
Saunders, Cheryl, 13 as, 40, 153–58; Birth Grandmother,
Scientific process, 23, 39 107; Boy attendant, 109; Buddhist
“Secret women’s business,” 13, 15 Sage, 107; Child Spirits, 102, 107;
Seduction, 109, 146, 150–54, 157, Christianity and, 161; Damsel,
166–67 108–9; Elders as, 7; feminine, 107,
Selby, Martha Ann, 138–39 151; foods for, 148–49; gender and,
Seven Generations Education Institute, 101–2; General spirits, 106; Great
227 Spirit Grandmother, 107; health care
Seven Stars spirit, 107 and, 98–99, 107, 118, 224; horses/
Sexism, 207–9, 210 horsemanship, 147–48, 153–57,
Sexuality and ritual. See Gender/gender 159, 162; inner spirit (Ka Rngiew),
issues; Tepoztlán peoples, spirituality 118–19; Ka Rngiew (inner spirit),
Shamans/shamanism: becoming, 95–99; 118–19; konpapüllu (spiritual state),
Body-governing God and, 101–2; 162; Mandarin spirits, 108; masculine/
childbearing and, 152–53; Christianity masculinity, 101–3, 106–7, 109,
and, 36, 38, 96; cultural affirmation/ 154–55; mediums and, 104–9; miwi
roots, 97–98; dancing and, 12, 96, 104, (inner spirit), 4, 7; mother (sinomoni),
182–84; deities and, 93, 95, 107–8, 98; Official, 106–7; of Old People, 15;
155; Eurasian, 103; great shaman possession by, 106–9; Prince, 107–9;
Index 255
seducing, 150–53; Seven Stars, 107; 73–74; gender and, 177–79, 185–88;
supernatural entities, 73–74, 96–97; initiation ceremonies, 179–85;
Warrior, 106–7. See also Deities; overview, 69–73; rain-invoking rituals,
Korean shamans; Mapuche shamans; 69–71, 77–86; religious pantheon
Other-than-human world; Vietnamese of, 74–77; Reto al Tepozteco event,
shamans; Water spirit 177–79, 184–85, 188–89; rituals of,
Spirituality: in Andean culture, 22–27, 69–70, 72
35–41; authority and, 177–78; Thirty Years War, 37
Catholicism and, 46, 79; of collectivity, Three Mile Camp, 10, 11, 12
62–64; erotic, 151; family life vs., 153; Three worlds (triloka), 136–37
freedom of, 52; gender and, 56–59; of Tickner, Robert, 13
immanence, 60–62; indigenous, 46, Tiger snake totem, 11
50, 51, 56, 58, 61–64; kinship and, Time-duality, 55
146, 147–50, 152–56, 158, 160, 166; Tiongia, Pauline, 46
machi and, 146–50, 153; marriage to, Tlaloc culture, 70, 74–77
161, 188; Maya K’iche’, 198, 199, 205; Tlamazcaqui (priest), 78–80, 84, 86
modernization of, 47–50; multiplicity Tokens of gratitude, 99–100, 123
in, 55; respect system in, 40–41; Total Anishinaabe Person, 228
sacredness of, 61; theme of, 46–47. Toulmin, Stephen, 37, 38
See also Indigenous Women’s Summit Traditional birth attendants (TBAs),
of the Americas; Mayan gendered 131–32
spirituality; Religion/religious practices; Trance state, 98, 123, 162
Tepoztlán peoples, spirituality Trevorrow, Aunty Ellen, 3, 7–10, 14, 17
Spivak, Gayatri, 54 Trevorrow, Tom, 6, 7, 8, 10, 12
Stories, 3–5, 10, 17 Trevorrow, Uncle George, 6
Strength, power (newen), 148, 161 Triloka (three worlds), 136–37
Sturt, Charles, 9 Truth and Reconciliation Commission,
Subordination, 195–96 221
Subtle body. See Dais (midwife) birth Tu Phu (Religion of the Four Palaces), 95
imagery Turtle eggs, 12
Suffering, 95–96 Turtle Island colonization. See
Sumner, Adeline, 10 Colonization
Supernatural entities, 73–74, 96–97
Sustenance rituals, 75 U Blei (God), 117–18, 120
Syiem Sad (Chief ’s female relative), 117, Umbilical cord traditions, 132–33
120, 121, 123–24 United Nations (UN), 46
Syncretism, 83 Universidad de las Regiones autonomas
de la Costa Caribe Nicaraguense
Tantric male rites, 134 (URACCAN), 46
Taplin, George, 9 Upanishads, 134
Teciuhtlazque (rainmakers), 84 Usos y costumbres (custom and usage),
Tedlock, Barbara, 102–3 177
Tepeilhuitl (hill festival), 76
Tepepulco la Corona, 80–82 Valladolid, Julio, 25
Tepoztlán peoples, spirituality: agriculture Varayoqs (authorities for rituals), 31–34
and, 72, 82–84; Altepehuitl festival, Veintiuno, Siglo, 201
189–90; cultural geography and, Velásquez, Amalia, 203–4
256 INDEX
Vietnamese shamans (ong dong/ba Women priestess. See Tepoztlán peoples,

dong): becoming, 95–97; costumed spirituality
rituals and, 93–95, 97, 100; gender Women’s issues: becoming a shaman,
performances by, 105–9; harassment 95–99; divorce, 31, 97, 208;
of, 96–97; performing spirits’ work, ecofeminist liberation theology, 45;
97–99; rituals and cash, 99–100; robes/ female ignorance, 131; husbands,
costumes for, 102–5; spirit gender and, 29, 31–32, 107, 122, 135, 152, 166;
101–2 motherhood, 54–55, 131, 132–34;
Virgin ritual, 181–82 rain-invoking rituals and, 84; “secret
von Doussa, John, 14–15 women’s business,” 13, 15; spiritual
Voodoo priests, 153, 164 authority, 177–78; urban vs. indigenous,
47; witch hunts and, 36, 37–38. See
Wamanis (sacred ones), 28 also Child/children; Costumes; Dais
Warnung (Hack’s Point), 12 (midwife) birth imagery; Feminism;
Warren, Kay, 48 Indigenous Women’s Summit of the
Warrior spirits, 106–7 Americas; Khasi tribe; Marriage;
Water spirit: irrigation rituals, 27–29; Miminar; Patriarchy/patriarchal
modern education and, 23–26; natural domination; Reproduction/reproductive
resources vs., 21–22; remembering and, rights; Weaving
22–23. See also Yarqa Aspiy festival
Watson, Ethel Wympie, 9 Xochipizahuatl dance, 184
Weaving, 3–4, 7–10, 203
Wellness teachings, 226–28 Yarqa Aspiy festival: invisiones antics,
Welsh Calvinist Methodists, 115, 120 34–35; as irrigation ritual, 21, 22, 28,
Wenu Mapu (the Mapuche sky), 147, 29–31; offerings/asking permission,
148, 156, 157, 164, 168–69 32–34
Whiteness of men, 138–39 Yates, Frances, 37
Willis, Lucía, 202 Yeyecatl-yeyecame (lords of weather), 83,
Wilson, Ellie, 12 85
Wilson, Victor, 14
Wind gods, 73 Zapil, Juan, 198
Witch hunts, 36, 37–38 Zuam (consciousness), 160

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What are some of the topics covered in the book?

What are some of the topics covered in the book?

What rituals are discussed related to the Tepoztlán peoples?

What rituals are discussed related to the Tepoztlán peoples?

Sylvia Marcos

Women and Christianity

Women and Judaism

Women and New and Africana Religions

SYLVIA MARCOS, EDITOR

Women and Religion in the World

Introduction: Perspectives of Indigenous Religious

PART I. WOMEN, FAMILY, AND ENVIRONMENT

PART II. SOCIOECONOMICS, POLITICS, AND AUTHORITY

PART III. BODY, MIND, AND SPIRIT

7. The Not-So-Subtle Body in Dais’ Birth Imagery 127

PART IV. SEXUALITY, POWER, AND VULNERABILITY

PART V. WOMEN, WORLD VIEW, AND RELIGIOUS PRACTICE

as a working definition.3 Graham Harvey, in Indigenous Religions, makes the

Women, Family, and

ALL WE NEED IS IN OUR STORIES

obligations, of magical beings, creative heroes and destructive forces. Every-

We have to keep our culture alive.

AUNTY LEILA’S STORY

By coming home to be buried, Aunty Leila made a statement about

Oh the spirit of the long ago

AUNTY ELLEN’S STORY

Aunty Ellen Trevorrow, eldest daughter of Mrs. Daisy Rankine, is named

AUNTY EILEEN’S STORY

Down at the One Mile Camp at Meningie, I guess I was about 11 or

The Ngarrindjeri miminar’s stories provide a framework for thinking

We used to go to Leeches for turtle eggs.

THE KUMARANGK STORY

My clan woman sister,

1997–1998: Hindmarsh Island Bridge Act 1997. This piece of common-

The evidence received by the Court on this topic is significantly different

This vindication of the Ngarrindjeri offered some comfort to those who

A STORY OF PRACTICAL RECONCILIATION

Rankine, Leila. (c.1980). Poems. Adelaide: self-published.

Feminine Rituality and the

A NATIVE ANDEAN WOMAN’S TRAVAILS WITH

an agricultural promoter in projects of rural development have impacted me

The narrative illustrates that science—in this case the science of

Besides lining the existing irrigation channels with cement, a develop-

YARQA ASPIY: QUISPILLACTINOS CONVERSE

Yarqa Aspiy takes place on September 7, inaugurating the planting sea-

THE FESTIVAL OF YARQA ASPIY

The previous three months, beginning in June—the very cold winter

grandparents of our grandparents, as Don Alfonso Galindo of the barrio

AUTHORITIES AND THEIR RESPONSIBILITIES

OFFERINGS AND ASKING PERMISSION

Crystalline water, dark water

THE ANTICS OF THE INVISIONES

REMEMBERING HOW THE SPIRITS DIED

A NEW NONRELIGIOUS CERTAINTY

context. Descartes’ dualistic and mechanical philosophy was the antithesis

questioned. From the church’s point of view, it transformed the malevolent

CONCLUSION: NURTURING THE SPIRITS BACK TO LIFE

Essays in Religion, History, and Myth, Chicago: Chicago University Press,

Drawing on several years of interactions and work with women in Mex-