H. Boas Aeneas' Arrival in Latium 1938
H. Boas Aeneas' Arrival in Latium 1938
H. Boas Aeneas' Arrival in Latium 1938
ARCHAEOLOGLSCH-HISTORLSCHE BIJDRAGEN
DEEL VI
ALLARD PIERSON STICHTING
UNIVERSITEIT VAN AMSTERDAM
ARCHAEOLOGIiSCH-HISTORISCHE BIJDRAGEN
UITGEGEVEN DOOR
P ROF. D R. G. A. S. SNIJDER, P ROF. D R. D. COHEN
EN P ROF . D R . H. FRANKFORT.
VI
D R. HENRIËTTE BOAS
BY
DR . HENRIËTTE BOAS
HENRIËTTE BOAS.
PREFACE.
with Augustus, to support his policy. For this reason e.g. the divine
mission of the gens Julia was the principal theme of the Aeneid; and, as
Augustus attached great value to the restoration of the ancient Roman
religion and other ancient-Roman virtues and customs, the Aeneid devotes
much space to subjects of ancient-Latin history as well as to sacral data,
and is above all a religious poem.
Moreover Vergil, as we all know, bestowed very great care on his
Aeneid, even to such an extent that he cannot have written more than
about three lines a day. So we may assume that he mostly gave a special
passage a special form not by chance, but on purpose, although we must
guard against the exaggerations of Servius and Servius Danielis. So it
does not seem too far-fetched to suppose that, as the general tendency of
the Aeneid favoured this policy of Augustus, and as some passages of
this work, as e.g. the review of the heroes in VI, or the description of the
shield of Aeneas in VIII, explicitly mention Augustus, so Vergil may also
implicitly have alluded to him, and sometimes perhaps even prepared his
measures, as has been demonstrated for some other passages of the Aeneid
in the little book by Drew.
So we must never forget to contemplate "Vergil's Aeneis im Lichte
ihrer Zeit", the- way for which has been shown by Norden in his
fundamental and beautiful paper of this title.
For this way of looking at Vergil's Aeneid we have for the eighth and
twelfth books, and for book seven from 1. 601 onward, the fine comment-
aries of Warde Fowler, for the sixth the well-known and most exemplary
work of Eduard Norden. It is somewhat astonishing that on the contrary
the beginning of the seventh book, especially as far as line 192, has hitherto
not drawn the attention, although in a small compass it contains a large
quantity of traditional Latin elements.
It had been my purpose to continue this commentary up to line 192;
for want of space I was> obliged however to break it off at 1. 135, as well as
to leave out in 1. 1—135 the treatment of several greater and minor
problems. I have not added an English translation, because, as English is
not my mother-language, I did not feel capable of giving an adaequate
translation myself.
Finally: nobody can be more conscious than myself, who have attempted
to collect and elaborate the material for this commentary, how hazardous
an enterprise this is. And often I was inclined to exclaim, like Vergil when
he was engaged on his Aeneid, in his letter to Augustus: "tanta res est
inchoata ut paene vitio mentis tantum opus ingressa mihi videar!"
AENEAS' ARRIVAL IN LATIUM.
In the books I—VI Vergil has made it clear, how Aeneas after the
sack of Troy left his native town, and how, guided by the gods, he finally
reached Italy, after long peregrinations, which are described to us. It took
seven years before the Homeric hero was able to set foot ashore in Latium.
In reality it took a much longer time. Before occupying ourselves with
the arrival of Aeneas in Latium as given by Vergil, I shall give an
exposition how Aeneas was actually connected with Latium, a topic, already
treated by many scholars, as O. Müller *), Hartung 2), Rubino 3),
Klausen4), Schwegler 5), Preller 6), Wörner 7), Mommsen 8), Ross-
bach 9), Boissier io), Cauer «), Pais J2), de Sanctis *3), and recently e.g.
Malten 14).
It may be that already in the time of the sack of Troy small groups from
Asia Minor, as Aeneas and his comrades, and other Trojans15), or
Cretans16), e.g. Daedalus17), or groups from Greece proper, as Ulysses18),
Diomedes19), EuanderSo), Telephus2i), Hercules 22), Telegonus 23),
the founders of Tibur 24) and of Ardea 25), Philoctetes 26), Telemachus 27)
the Argonauts, Achilles, Aiax, the Atridae, the Dioscuri and other
heroes 28), etc., as well as the Etruscans 29) actually sailed from the
Aegean to Italy, whether as merchantmen or to found colonies there.
For 30) gradually — especially by the excavations of Orsi 31) — evidence
is accumulating, consisting for the larger part32) in painted Mycenaean
vases 33), which tends to show that Aegean traders as early as the
neolithic period34) did venture as far West as Southern Italy and Sicily;
during the chalcolithic age these regions were in increasingly closer touch
with the more developed centres of civilization in the Aegean and elsewhere
in the Mediterranean area 35). And as there is abundant literary evidence
for an early coming of Greek and Aegean influence to the regions of the
Campanian coast3s), we might conclude that in those ages this influence
reached as far as Campania as well.
So it is not at all impossible that a small group of the fugitives from
Troy actually reached Italy in the end 36a).
Yet this does not necessarily mean, that the legend according to which
Aeneas reached Italy from Troy reflected the memory of what had
actually happened, no more than do the similar legends of other Greek
heroes (see above).
And as even Livy (I, 3, 2), Tacitus (Ann. XII, 58), and several scholars
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries37) for several reasons38) had
already doubted the historicity of the story of Aeneas, and for more
plausible reasons were followed by Niebuhr3»), A. W. Schlegel 40) and
the authors cited in n. 1—14, we must not follow in the tracks of Th. Ryck,
Gerlach, Bachofen, Wachsmuth, Kortuem and Rückert41), and assume
that the story of Aeneas was based on reality.
As is well-known the Romans in later times tried to add to their
antiquity and their glory, and moreover to justify their conquest of Greece
and Asia, and their domination of the world (more about this see below)
by tracing their descent to Aeneas, as for the same reason the inhabitants
of other Italian towns were supposed to have descended from other Greek
heroes42). And conversely by being connected with pre-Roman times
41); Solin. II, 9; Steph. Byz. s.v. ngaCvtotos); Lanuvium to Diomedes (App. BC II, 20);
Ardea to Ardeas (DH I, 72; Steph. Byz. s.v. locft'a) or to Danae (see above), Anti urn
to Anteias DH ib.; St. Byz. s.v. 'Avrtia). Politorium to Polites, the son of Priamus, the
Veneti to Antenor. many more instances see n. 15—28 and Schwegler, I, p. 310.
43) See Strab. XIII, p. 608; cf. Herod. V, 122; VII, 43.
44) See Schwegler, p. 293/5. Boissier, p. 102.
48) "-as" is an Aeolian suffix, denoting the eponym; see Malten, p. 42; and "Aeneas"
is not related to the Greek aivós or aTvos (cf. Hymn. in Aphrod. and Et. M.;
cf. Fick, Gr. Pers. Nam. 7, 149), nor is it a Phoenician word (Movers, Phoenicier, I,
627); meaning: son of Aïvtj = Avaing cf. Wörner, Roscher s.v.. or an abbreviated form
of Aïvinnog, cf. Rossbach, RE col. 1.
46) II. XIII, 460; XX, 302; Hymn. in Aphrod. 196.
47) Cf. also Hymn. in Aphr. 197; Conon 41.
45) Strab. XIII, 1, 52, p. 607; Conon, 41; DH I, 53.
49) Cf. Akusilaus ap. Schol. Venet. Hom. II. XX, 307.
8
he had in Troas 50), on Mount Ida 51), at Dardanus 52) or Berecynthia 53),
And the tradition that his son Ascanius, or one of his other sons, had
ruled at Skepsis 54), on Mount Ida 55) ( jn Phrygia 56) anc} on 0ther spots
in Troas and the adjacent regions 57) points in the same direction.
These Aeneads had come from Thracia, a little before or after the fall of
Troy58), as a part of a Thracian tribe who lived in Thracia and had
thence migrated to other parts of Greece and Asia Minor. This explains
why on several spots of the Thracian coast, and even in Greece, the names
Aineia, Ainos etc. are found 59).
It may be that in (some of) these other spots there existed a heros
eponymos Aineias as well. At any rate, by the epos the Trojan Aeneas,
originally not more important than the other eponymi60), was brought into
prominence, to such an extent that the others were altogether forgotten.
To explain the occurence of the names Aineia etc. outside Troas the
Trojan Aeneas now was said to have founded these other places
as well 61).
Already in Troas Aeneas had received not only a family, like all epical
heroes, a wife, Eurydike62), one or more children63), a pedigree, which
corresponded more or less with that of the Priamids, and i.a. a grandfather
Kapys, but also a mother, Aphrodite, as64) the Aeneads, dweiling near
Mount Ida, connected their heros eponymos with the Mother-Goddess of
the Ida, whom they afterwards identified with the Greek Aphrodite,
making Aeneas her son;
a father, Anchises, who 65) was originally also a heros eponymos of a
Thracian tribe, a part of which migrated to Greece (cf. the occurrence of
the name Anchises in some places there), an other to Troas; here Anchises
was in his turn connected with Aphrodite, as a figure which may be put
on a level with Attis, Adonis and other Minor Asiatic paramours of the
Magna Mater. At the same time he became the father of Aeneas. By these
circumstances the figure of Anchises was preserved, for in all other places
Anchises etc. is but an empty name;
and finally a son Ascanius (about him see below).
So Aeneas now could be connected not only with places which showed
the stem Aen-, but also with those showing the stem Anch-, Ask-,
Kap-, 66) or named Troja 6?) or having a cult of Aphrodite, and especially
a cult of Aphrodite Aineas.
(For several reasons 68) it seems unnecessary to me to assume, as several
scholars have done69) that the starting-point for the peregrinations of
Aeneas was the occurring in various spots, not of a tribe Aeneadae etc.,
or a place-name Aineia etc., but only of the cult of Aphrodite Aineias and
its gradual extension although the latter was often said to have been
instituted by Aeneas) 70).
Originally he might have founded these places before reaching Troas, or
during a temporary absence from it71). At a later stage however he was
said to have been there af ter having left Troas.
Yet these peregrinations of Aeneas outside Troas cannot be very ancient,
and most likely they were known neither to Homer nor to the Cyclic poets,
oo) Such as the town Capue (DH I, 49; Strab. XIII, 1, 53, p. 608) and the mount
Anchise (Paus. VIII, 12, 8 sq.) in Arcady, the harbour of Anchisos near Buthrotum
(Procop. B. Goth. IV, 22; DH I, 51).
6T) E.g. near Buthrotum (DH I, 51).
6S) 1. Not at all the places where Aeneas is said to have been, was there a temple
of Aphrodite (Aineias);
2. Aeneas was not said to have been at all the places where there was a temple of
Aphrodite (Aineias);
3. We first find the name Aphrodite Aineias in Dionysius (I, 50, 4; 53, 1). It is not
even certain, whether this epithet of Aphrodite is really connected with Aeneas or the
Thracian Ainos etc., or whether it was a Phoenician word (Wörner), or a Greek word,
meaning "the shining one", or whether it was actually due to her later connection with
the legend of Aeneas. So there is no reason to assume, as Uschold p. 302 does, that
"Aeneas" was originally an epithet of Aphrodite;
4. At the places where Aeneas was said to have landed, and where there existed a
cult of Aphrodite (Aeneas) this cult had not a different character from that in other places.
See also de Sanctis p. 196.
69) E.g. Preller; Schwegler, p. 301/2; cf. also Uschold, Gesch. d. trois. Krieges,
p. 301—352; Bamberger, op. cit. p. 86 sqq.
70) On Pallene (DH I, 49); Cythera; Zacynthos; near Actium, Ambracia (DH I, 50),
Leucas (ibid., SA III, 279); at Anchisos (DH I, 51); on the Eryx (DH I, 53; VA V, 759;
Diod. IV, 83; Tac. Ann. IV, 43; Mei. II, 7, 17); and on the Laurentine beach. Cf. also
Paus. III, 22, 11; VIII, 12, 8; 9.
71) Cf. the tradition, mentioned by Dionysius I, 53, 20 sq., that Aeneas luuuainGuvia
löv öxXov 'iTdXCav civcmoftiGS-iivcii rt«Atv oi'xctcft xal paOiXtvöai t»]s T(tofa$,
10
nor even to Sophocles 72), although the Mikra Ilias 73) relates that Aeneas,
as a prisoner of war of Neoptolemos, was abducted to Thessaly, and a
coin from the Thracian Aenos74) dating from the last quarter of the
sixth century B.C., represents Aeneas, carrying on his shoulders his father
Anchises, and next to him his wife, who is carrying a child.
Apart from these isolated testimonies our oldest 75) source as to Aeneas'
peregrinations, and at the same time as to his connection with the West,
is Stesichoros. On the Tabula Iliaca76) is a representation of Aeneas, with
his little son, his old father carrying the sacra, and the trumpeter Misenus,
leaving cape Sigeum; above this scene are added the words: Aivrjag avv
tóïs tdióïg ana'iQiov els rr/v 'Eojiegiav. This scene must have been
borrowed from the Iliu Persis of Stesichoros 77).
The Sicilian poet Stesichoros may have mentioned Aeneas not only, as
Momsen says: "um die Fabelwelt seiner Geburts- und seiner Wahlheimat,
Siziliens und Italiens, durch den Gegensatz der troischen Helden gegen
die hellenischen poëtisch zu bereichern", and may have been induced to
this not only by the view, that "die italischen Barbaren den Hellenen
minder fern als die übrigen standen, und das Verhaltnis der Hellenen und
der Italiker dichterisch angemessen dem der homerischen Achaer und Troer
gleichgefasst werden konnte"78). But he may have been induced to this
by the very fact, that to him, the Sicilian poet, to whom perhaps 79) the
traditions of Ainos and Aineia were not even known, the figure of Aineas
was already familiar.
For 80) in the most Western part of Sicily resided the Elymi, who, as
modern linguistic and historical research 81) has taught us, and as was
also the tradition in Antiquity 82), had come from the North Western
part of Asia Minor before the eighth century b.C. Likewise the Aphrodite
72) Proklos Chrest. 1. 1. (Kinkel, ep. gr. fr. 1, p. 17); ib. p. 49.
73) Cf. Schol. Eur. Androm. 14.
74) Head, Hist. Numm. 214.
75) As to the date of the Iliu Persis of Stesichoros, according to Moramsen and Cauer
this Stesichoros was the poet from Himera, living from 632—552. According to W. Schur,
Klio XVII, 1921, p. 49 sqq., who follows v. Wilamowitz (Sapph. u. Sim. p. 232 sqq.;
Sitz. Ber. Berl. Ak. 1925, 16) this was the Locrian Stesichoros from the Sicilian Mataurus.
living about 485, who was also the author of the songs of Helena. Malten p. 47/8 leaves
this question open, although he is inclined to adopt the view of Schur.
76) Mancuso, Mem. dei Lincei XIV, 1911, Fase. VIII.
77) See Schwegler, p. 298/9.
7S) Cf. also Cauer, p. 462.
79) So also Cauer, p. 464.
80) See Malten, p. 42—48.
81) Krethschmer, Einl. i. d. Gr. Sprache; Gercke-Norden, Einl. I, 6, 109 sq.. Giotta,
XIV, 319.
82) Strab. XIII, 608; DH I, 47, 52 sqq.; Lyk. 951 sq., 961, 965; SA V, 73; Thuk. VI,
2; cf. Hülsen, RE V, 246/7.
11
of the Eryx had been brought with them by the Elymi from Asia Minor 83),
and was originally identical with the mater Idaea84). "Als historisch hat
also zu gelten, dass die Elymer, die in Klein-Asien mit der Dynastie der
Aeneaden sich irgend wie berührten oder von ihnen wussten, entweder
Angehörige der Dynastie selber unter den Genossen ihrer Wanderung
gehabt haben, oder, wenn nicht dies, so doch Kunde von den Aeneaden
mit nach Sizilien nahmen" (Malten, p. 45).
As in the case with the Aeneads in Troas, so the figure of Aeneas may
also have lived on among the Elymi, and thus Stesichoros may have taken
cognizance of him. This poet, relating Aeneas' journey to the West
"dachte sich nicht etwa aus dem Nichts aus, sondern er gestaltete aus
seinem Wissen von den westsizilischen Dingen. Seine Dichtung zeichnet
die Linien der Geschichte nach Aineias ist mit der göttlichen Mutter
nach Westsizilien gewandert, dem "Westland" — auch vom Standorte
des weiter östlich beheimateten Dichters aus" (Malten, p. 47).
This seems very plausible, and for this reason I cannot agree with
Pais 85) that the legend of Aeneas' arrival among the Elymi cannot be
very ancient 86), and that the Trojan origin of the Elymi etc. was invented
by the Phocaenses 87).
However, apart from homonymies and the residence of Aeneades etc.
at certain spots 88) there were other reasons for the connection of places
with Aeneas. For this we must make it clear, that in the older traditions
we have not so many traces of Aeneas' connection with the West as of
that of other Greek heroes, as Diomedes, Philoctetes, etc., and especially
of those who returned from the Trojan war — in the first place Odysseus,
but also others (see above).
Partly 89) as in the case of Diomedes and Philoctetes, this connection
of certain places in Italy with certain (Greek) heroes — often deities —
was more or less genuine. If these heroes were not originally identical or
homonymous with the heroes who also figured in the epos, they were
afterwards identified with them. Or there may have been a genuine
ancient immigration from Greece. These cases may be compared with that
of Aeneas among the Elymi90).
83) Cf. Lyk. 472, 952, 958 and Scholia; DH I, 53; VA V, 759; SA I, 570; Hygin.
Fab. 260; Pomp. Mei. II, 119.
84) See Malten, p. 46.
85) St. d. R. I, p. 164 sqq.
86) According to Pais it must be younger than that of Hesione, who by the river
Crimisos became the mother of Acestes, Eryx and Entellus, with which legend it was
afterwards connected.
87) On the other hand Pais may be right in saying that not all particulars as to the
legend of Aeneas in Sicily are ancient, and that this legend was developed by the
Campanians who about 400 b.C. arrived in Western Sicily in considerable numbers.
88) As e.g. also at Zakynthos.
89) Cf. A. W. Byvanck, De magnae Graeciae historia antiquissima, p. 18 sqq.
90) Byvanck remarks that these places are often situated not on the coast, but inland.
12
But these traditions may partly have originated by the circumstance that
the Greeks, navigators and colonists, or poets and scholars, wished to
recognize the traces of the Argonauts, Hercules, Odysseus etc. on their
journeys; although in many of these cases there may have been a deeper
reason as well91). The primitive naive wish to seek for an original point
of contact, to bridge over the difference between themselves and the
unknown, so that it was not so strange as it appeared at first, may have
been one of the reasons why they were not content merely to recognize
the traces of those heroes, but made them founders of cities etc. Moreover
(Pais, p. 138) the descendants of the Greek colonists in Magna Graecia,
who were no longer able to tracé their descent with historical certainty, to
compensate this availed themselves of the legendary, epical and religious
stock they had brought with them from Greece, and invented a sort of
prehistory from them, relating how Greek heroes on their journeys, after
the fa 11 of Troy or on other occasions, had been or even remained there.
Finally the Greeks wished to represent the entire barbarian world as
subdued by or originating from the Greeks 92).
At this stage — to which belongs i.a. the connection of Odysseus with
the origins of Rome (see below) — there was no great difference yet
between the Italians and the Greeks, nor had the Greeks and the Trojans
yet been differentiated as Greeks and barbarians.
At a later stage however — which "later" need not be taken in
a strictly temporary sense — by the feeling that the Italians were neither
identical with the Greeks, nor totally different from them these foundations
were ascribed not to a pure Greek hero, but to a half-Greek, the son of
a Greek hero and an indigenous woman, — as Latinus e.g. was the son of
Odysseus and Cire — as the first Greek colonists indeed may have married
indigenous women. Or, by the feeling "dass die italischen Barbaren den
Hellenen minder fern standen als die übrigen, und das Verhaltnis der
Hellenen und der Italiker dichterisch angemessen dem der homerischen
Achaer und Troer gleich gefasst werden konnte" (see above), the
indigenous were identified with the old adversaries of the Greeks, the
Trojans, and these foundations ascribed to Trojans, or to Greeks in
combination with Trojan woman.
For (see de Sanctis, p. 197) the Greeks of Sicily and Southern Italy, as
they had to wage war against the neighbouring barbarians, with the same
power of endurance as formerly their forbears against Troy, by an
ingenuous association of ideas and a spontaneous assimilation of the
present conditions with those celebrated by the epos, were prone to see
in them the descendants — or relatives — of those Trojans who had been
the adversaries of their ancestors.
81) Cf. Bethe, Homer III, 187; v. Wilamowitz, Hom. Unters. p. 169; Ilias p. 502;
Robert, Heldensage p. 1383.
82) Mommsen, p. 467.
13
At the same time the Etruscans, who (see n. 29) cinsidered themselves
to have originated from Asia Minor and to be descendants of Telephus93)
may also have identified themselves more or less with the Trojans94)
although they do not seem to have thought of Aeneas95).
So from several places 96) we have the tradition of Trojan women who,
for fear of remaining slaves at the court of their new Greek masters and
their consorts, had set fire to the ships when they had landed at a certain
spot of the Italian coast, and had thus necessitated the Greeks to remain
there with them 97). A same tradition was also connected with the origins
of Rome98) (see below).
Other traditions, especially from towns of Magna Graecia, speak of
Trojans alone (see n. 15). As the tradition existed that Trojans or Trojan
women had come to Italy, and founded one or more towns 99) there, it
was obvious that Aeneas — who was already connected with a place in
the West — which connection now acquired a much wider notoriety from
Stesichoros — and had left Troas, was now connected with other places
in the West as well, Sometimes this may have been in combination with
the Trojan women; at any rate he succeeded in ousting them entirely.
So Aeneas could be connected with spots where there was no tradition
at all about the Aeneads etc. And in itself Stesichoros, saying that Aeneas
95) Lyk. 1242 and Schol.; DH I, 28.
94) Cf. Pais, p. 161/2: come i Troiani, secondo il mito, avevano combattuto in Oriente
contra gli eroi achei, cosi in Occidente i Tirreni caccdavano in realta dalle sponde della
Campania i coloni greci e li molestavano sino allo Stretto. Le relazioni con i Tirreni
erano ora ostili, ora amicevoli
°5) Timaeus Lyk. 1226 sqq. causes Aeneas to land in Etruria, and reach Latium with
the assistance of the Etruscan princes Tarchon and Tyrsenos. Yet he cannot be following
an ancient tradition here, as Malten p. 49/50 remarks, but must be giving the retrojection
of the strong influence of the Etruscans upon Rome in the sixth century B.C. For there
are no further testimonies of a close connection of Aeneas with Etruria; no great value
must be attached to DH I, 73, that on the Janiculus, which once formed the Etruscan
boundary, there was a place Aineia (see also Pais, p. 162); and Aineias is almost unknown
in Etruscan art (see Malten, p. 49). But cf. on the contrary Luisa A. Stella: Italia antica
sul mare, p. 146 sqq., who remarks that as Aeneas was not a well defined type in Greek
art, it is difficult to recognize him on Etruscan images; she assumes the possibility of
the legend of Aeneas having reached Rome from Etruria.
96) Caieta (Or. GR 10); Pisa (SA X, 179); Croton (Strab. VI p. 262; Schol. Theocr.
IV, 24, 179; Lyc. 921); Setaeum (Steph. Byz: s.v.; Tzetz. Lyk. 1075); Scione (Steph.
Byz. s.v.; Conon 13; Strab. VI, fr. 25); the Apulian coast (Aristot. de mir. ausc. 109.
p. 840, 68 sqq.); the Elymi (DH I, 52).
B7) According to another tradition (e.g. Fest. p. 269; SA I, 273; Polyaen. VIII, 25, 2;
Plut. de mul. virt. 1; Romul. 1) they had acted thus taedio maris; but this tradition, as
well as that of the men too being Trojans, seems to be fairly recent (Cauer, Berl. Stud. lx.,
p. 469/70).
es) See the places cited in note 97, and Solin. I, 2.
98) Schur, Klio XVII, 1921, p. 146/8 affirms — and rightly according to me — that
originally this motif was only connected with the Siritis, where it would have originated
because of the occurring of the river-name Nauaithos, and that it was thence transferred
to the other places in a relatively late period.
14
startcd for 'Hesperia', need not have meant Western Sicily only, as
Malten supposes 10°); but, as the figure of Misenus, who is the eponym
of cape Misenum in the neighbourhood of Cumae101), on the Tabula
Iliaca suggests, he might equally well-have meant Campania 102); it would
be possible that either the isle of Aenaria 103) or the town of Capua 104)
or, as Müller supposes, Cumae and the Sibylline oracles 105) were his
starting-point, and Cumae was the end of Aeneas' journey, as is the
opinion of Müller and Schwegler e.g. 106).
But the other testimonies as to Aeneas' stay in Campania are of a
relatively recent date, and the figure of Misenus on the Tabula Iliaca —
which most probably dates only from the beginning of the Empire107) —
might have been added to the Stesichorian data merely because of Vergil's
Aeneid 108), so that it is not even at all certain, that Stesichoros caused
Aeneas to reach Campania, as he does according to de Sanctis, p. 197.
As it is moreover almost certain that in Stesichoros Aeneas did not
reach Latium 109), and as it is very improbable that, as Cauer supposes,
Stesichoros did not connect him with a definite place at all110), the end
of Aeneas' journey according to Stesichoros seems to have been Western
Sicily.
But as soon as Aeneas' journey in Italy had an end assigned to it,
this end may have been Rome. For, although many traces of Aeneas were
shown in Campania, and many places there were said to have been named
after one of his companions, it is not handed down that Aeneas himself
died or remained at any of these places. Nor is there any place except
the isle of Aenaria — which, as it is not a town, cannot have been the end
of Aeneas' peregrinations — which alludes to the name of Aeneas. And
10°) p. 42/3: "mit Hesperia ist im Sinne des Siziliers zunachst und sicher Sizilien
gemeint; ob Italiën, bleibt im Dunkeln". p. 48: "Aeneas ... ist... nach Westsizilien
gewandert, dem "Westland" auch vom Standorte des weiter östlich beheimateten Dichters
aus ... Ob dann Aineias bei Stesichoros in Sizilien starb, wie wahrscheinlich, oder nach
Italien weiterzog, entzieht sich unserer Kenntnis".
101) Also Pais p. 161.
102) Müller; Schwegler, p. 299; de Sanctis p. 198.
103) Cf. Fest. p. 20; OM XIV, 88 sq.
1M) Cf. Hecat. ap. Steph. Byz. s.v.
i°6) Op. cit. ;for his exposition see also Schwegler, p. 312 sqq.
10c) L.c.: "Kuma war von Aeneadischen Vorstellungen voll, und es ist sehr glaublich,
dass es dort eine Sage gab, nach welcher Aeneas Gründer der Stadt und des dortigen
Orakels war".
107) Schwegler, p. 298 and n. 7; Lippold, RE s.v.
108) Cf. Cauer, p: 465, who however raises some objections to this view himself.
109) Schur p. 151 remarks that this is sufficiently proved by the silence of Dionysius
— who is in search of the most ancient references to Aeneas' stay in Rome — on this
point. Moreover the Tabula Iliaca, which was made for Romans, doubtless would have
mentioned Rome in stead of the general name Hesperia, if tradition had allowed this.
110) For, as Schur p. 151 remarks, "derartige Wandersagen pflegen doch gerade um
der Reiseziele willen erfunden zu werden".
15
111) So also Cauer. Only he assumes that Aeneas was connected with Rome as soon
as not only Aeneas' peregrinations in Italy had come to an end but also those in the
West in general. He therefore does not assume an old connection of Aeneas with Western
Sicily. Moreover it does not seem necessary to me that, as Cauer says: ei qui Aeneam
Siciliam et Campaniam attigisse narrabant, idem Aeneam ultra Campaniam atque in Latium
advenisse tradiderunt (cf. also Rubino, Beitrage p. 89, n. 115, p. 91/2). For if Aeneas was
said to have reached a certain place this does not include that this was assuimed to be
the end of his journey as well.
Therefore in my opinion it does not follow from Hecataeus (ap. Steph. Byz. s.v.
Kanva): and Kanvos TOV TQIOI-XOV that already (the sources of) Hecataeus connected
Aeneas with Rome, not even if this testimony can be ascribed to Hecataeus himself
(so e.g. de Sanctis, p. 198; cf. on the contrary Müller, FHG I, p. XIII; Jacoby, FGH,
Komm. I, 334; Pais, p. 159/60).
112) Cf. Cauer:
Cf. Pais p. 181; most probably by Sicilian authors; Malten, p. 50: Sizilien als
Ausgangspunkt für Rom, Syrakus als Mittlerinn; ... die Tatsache, dass eine Reihe von
Personen aus dem Aeneaskreise ... langs der Küste von Sizilien nach Rom lokalisiert
erscheinen, führt zu der Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass auf diesem Wege die Sa$e sich nach
Norden gerankt hat. Man (Christ. Sitz. Ber. Münch. Ak. 1905, 108; Schur, Klio XVII)
hat in dieser Nordverlagerung der Aineiassage wohl mit Recht einen Niederschlag von
alten Handelsverbindungen zwischen Sizilien und Latium gesehen".
113) Cf. Rossbach, and de Sanctis, p. 201, who considers the influence of the
Sibylline books.
114) So e.g. L. A. Stella (see n. 95), and Klausen p. 620, who assumes however that
Aeneas — although having a remarkable analogy with the Trojan hero of this name,
was an indigenous hero, a "Ceremonialgeist".
11B) So also Pais, p. 157.
118) Malten, p. 51: "Aeneas (war) durch die Verherrlichung bei Stesichoros griechi-
schem Empfinden selbst naher gerückt. Es gibt keine Spur, dass Aineias in Sizilien und
bei dem sizilischen Dichter noch der alte troische Feind war; gefühlsmassig gleitet der
Troer allmahlich in die Reihe der griechischen Heroen hinüber".
117) Cf. de Sanctis, p. 199, who concludes that we cannot have a tale here,
"foggiata in Roma stessa, elaborando miti Greci, ... si bene d'una favola Greca che a
Roma è stata poi importata e modificato." And Malten, p. 50: "Es ist kein Zweifel
dass Aineias als Roms Gründer den Römern aus griechischem Wollen heraus oktroyiert
worden ist".
16
ifjq nóXecog. ' Ovofiaaai d'avii]v ano uiaq xmv ' IXiddmv Puijirjq. 1avxt)v dè
Uyei tat? óMAat? TQOMOI nagaxeksvaa/xêvrjv xoivfj fier' avtcöv lunoijam tct
oxdcprj, [}aQvvo/uÉvt]v tfj jiXavtj — where this author combined three different
motifs 117a). As Hellanikos was a contemporary of Herodotus, and died
about 400 b.C., we have a terminus ante quem for this connection of
Aeneas with Rome.
In the fragment which has come down to us from the Troica of the
same author 118) — which work he seems to have composed at an early
age — Aeneas does not come beyond Pallene, which therefore according
to Schur, Klio, XVII, 149 is the end of Aeneas' peregrinations there.
Jacoby FGH Komm. I, 444 doubts this however119), in which doubt I
agree with him120). But I would not even affirm, as Jacoby does, that
Aeneas' connection with Rome was invented by Hellanikos121) in his
Hiereiai, which he seems to have composed at the end of his life. In my
opinion Hellanikos may have taken over this combination from his sources,
as is also for several reasons 122) suggested by Cauer, p. 466/7 123). The
latter remarks moreover that it is much more probably that a Greek or
Trojan origin should be referred to at the end of the royal period, when
Rome was a very important city in Latium, and by the Tarquinii had
several connections with Greece, than about 400 b.C., when Rome was
117.) As Dionysius does not actually mention the name of Hellanikos, but only says:
ó ras tv "Aoyft xai ta xtt&' ixt'ctfrjjv nQax&ïvra Ovvayoiv some scholars as Niese
(Hennes, XXIII (1888), p. 88, n. 2), Pais p. 158/9 and 159 n. 1, cf. also Wörner l.c. and
Schwegler p. 303, for this and other reasons (see l.c.) — have expressed their doubt
whether we may attribute this testimony to this author; in that case we might draw an
argument from this testimony as to the terminus ante quem of Aeneas arival in Latium.
De Sanctis p. 198, n. 7 remarks however that as Dionysius I, 22 cites the same writing
under the name of Hellanikos (cf. also Schwegler, p. 303, n. 9), he apparently did not
want to express any doubts as to the authenticity of this work, or to say that it was a
work on the Argivan priestesses, entirely different from that of Hellanikos. Klausen
(p. 567), Mommsen, Rossbach, Jacoby (FGH, Komm. I, 457/8) and Malten too see no
reason to doubt the authorship of Hellanikos- Also according to Cauer, p. 466, n. 9 this
testimony goes back to Hellanikos himself, although in Cauer's opinion Dionysius
because of the divergence of this testimony from the Troica of Hellanikos (DH I, 47;
FGH, Hellan. fr. 31), in which Aeneas is said to have gone to Pallene doubted whether
this testimony had to be ascribed to him — as may appear from his omitting the name
of the author here.
"») DH I, 47; FGH Heil. fr. 31.
119) Because of the introducing words of Dionysius and because of Et. M. 490, 1.
12°) Cf. also the fact, to which attention has been drawn by Cauer, p. 466, n. 19.
that, as appears from the names Elymus and Aegestus, he was acquainted to a certain
extent with Sicilian traditions.
1S1) Cf. also Nissen, p. 380.
122) p. 477: Ab ipso autem Hellaniko si fabula Aeneia ficta esse dicitur ... non
intellego neque qui factum sit ut is qui narrabat quascumque de Aenea fabulas reperiebat,
earum numerum de suo augeret, neque cur Ulixeae de Roma fabulae aliam adiecerit.
123) Cf. also Schur, p. 151: noch vor Hellanikos ist Aeneas aber nach Rom übertragen
worden, wie aus der selbststandigen Fortbildung der römischen Aeneassage nach der
Mischtradition des Lesbiers hervorgeht.
17
hard pressed from all sides, and the Greeks in Campania were worried by
the Samnites etc.
So we do not know what author was the first to connect Aeneas with
Rome124), and we must limit ourselves to the conclusion that before
400 b.C., perhaps even before 500 b.C. 125) Aeneas was connected
with Rome .
At any rate he was first connected with Rome not by the Romans
themselves, but by the Greeks 125a), as may appear i.a. from the fact, that
in the first two centuries after Stesichoros the Romans themselves developed
the legend of Romulus, which actually is in contradiction with the legend
of Aeneas.
For a considerable period however this tradition had only a meagre
existence. Although it is found already in the pupil of Hellanikos, Damastes
of Sigeum — for which reason Klausen, p. 568 remarks: dass ein auf
troischer Boden geborner Schriftsteller sich dazu verstand, diese Sage
anzuerkennen, zeigt, wie bestimmt sie bereits ausgebildet war 126) and in
aXloi xives (DH I, 72), Aristoteles still (ap. DH ibid.) relates that Greek
heroes on their return from Troy were driven by the storms els tov tónov
xovxov irjg ' Omxrjs os xciXéixai Aaxlviov ènl zm TvQQrjvixm nelayei xei/xtvoc,
where they hibernated. As the Trojan women who accompanied them as
prisoners-of-war had buried the ships for fear of becoming slaves in
Greece, the Greek heroes were forced to remain there. By this Aaxlviov
Aristoteles must have meant Latium, and a fortiori Rome.
For everything points to the Trojans — as also Aeneas — being
connected with Rome before being connected with Latium in general, or
with another town in Latium .And the oldest of our further testimonies
also point to this. For if we have no certainty about the time of Agathocles
of Cyzicus 127) no more than about Kephalon of Gergithis 128), at least
Kallias 128a) who lived about 300 b.C. — and who moreover caused
Aeneas to die in Pallene, and only one of his sons to reach Rome — must
have connected Aeneas with Rome rather than with another town129).
So there is no reason either to assume, as several scholars do 130) that
Aeneas was first connected in Latium with the sanctuary of Venus Frutis
between Lavinium and Ardea 131) whatever may have been its origin 132),
and with Lavinium before being connected with Rome. (So also de
Sanctis, p. 199 sqq.)
The first author who 133) may have mentioned a connection of Aeneas
with Lavinium is Timaeus (about 280—270) who (DH I, 67) Sde anocpuivu:
xrjQvxia aidrjQa xal %alxa xal xêqafiov TQCOIXOV elvai ra êv Tóïg advroig tol'g
êv Aaovivlcp xdfieva ISQOL, nv&éoftai ÓS avxög ravra naga rcöv èm/cüQitov ;
this may also appear from (Lyk.) Al. 1259 sqq.: which author may
(partly 134) be based on him 135)t at least if these lines are not a later
interpolation 136), and who relates that Aeneas, having been in Etruria,
went to Latium déifiag dè orjxóv Mvvdla ITaXXrjvldi nargmi ayalfiai êyxaroixiü
•&ea>v, a dij... avv rep yeqaiqt jzaigl nQsofieMÜoezai nênkoig 7ieQia%<bv.
Afterwards he founded Rome, the thirty Latin cities etc., and was succeeded
by Romulus and Remus.
But Timaeus may also have been acquainted with Aeneas' connection
with Rome, because137) according to him (Polyb. XII,4) the sacrifice of the
equus October preserved the memory of the capture of Troy by the wooden
horse. Moreover in my opinion from the words quoted by Dionysius it
merely appears that Timaeus — or his informants — also connected
Lavinium with Troy, not that they ascribed this connection to Aeneas.
And Schur p. 142 remarks that in Lykophron Aeneas is the colonizer of
Latium in general rather than of Lavinium.
Indeed in later times Aeneas was said to have founded Lavinium. But
this connection was rather obvious. For the outstanding feature of Aeneas
had been his pietas, which is already referred to in the Iliad and the
Cyclic poems. He is "pius" towards the gods (II. XX, 347, 298 sqq.),
towards his father, and especially towards his deities, whom he rescues 138).
129) Cf. Cauer, p. 472/5; Pais, p. 169/70.
13°) Cf. Rossbach, col. 1019, Pais, p. 173 sqq. and Wörner, whose view, although
false, is very original.
131) Cass. Hem. fr. 1 P, ap. Solin. II, 14; cf. e.g. Schwegler, and also Preller-Jordan,
I, 436 and n. 4.
132) According to some scholars, e.g. Wörner, col. 189, Pais, p. 173, this Venus was
of Greek origin, and the name "Frutis" a corruption of Aphrodite; others, e.g. de Sanctis,
p. 200, n. 1, Corssen, Aussprache II, 206, assume a connection with frutex and
frutificor.
133) As is e.g. the opinion of Schwegler, p. 304, and Mommsen, p. 467.
134) Cf. Niebuhr, KL Schr., p. 438 sqq. Skuthsch, RE VI, 1174 sqq.; Beloch, Gr.
Gesch. III, 2, p. 478 sqq.; Sudhaus, Rh. Mus. 63 (1908), p. 481 sqq., etc.
135) Wiss. Herm. XXII (1887), p. 411 sqq.; cf. Cauer, p. 482/6.
13e) As is denied by v. Wilamowitz, Ind. lect. Gryph. 1883/4 and others (see Schur,
p. 13, 2) and by Schur himself.
137) Schwegler, p. 304, n. 13.
138) And in the oldest version he transports them from Troy to his dwelling-place
19
the other states i*6); afterwards the references to its Trojan origin also
had a more aggressive character, and often showed an anti-Hellenic
tendency; finally by them Rome sought to legalize its claim to world-
dominion 147).
In this they may have followed the example given by Pyrrhus148) and
by the inhabitants of Segesta 149).
Thus not long after the first Punic war we find the first traces of Rome
officially referring to its Trojan origin, scil. the Roman agreement in an
alliance with Seleukos only under the condition "si consanguineos suos
Ilienses ab omni munere immunes praestitisset 15°), and Rome's intervention
against the Aetolians, in favour of the Acarnanians, with the motivation
that only the latterisi) "quondam adversus Troianos, auctores originis
suae, auxilia Graecis non miserint", although the date of neither of these
testimonies is absolutely certain 152).
In the following decades there were many more traces 153) of Rome's
use of its Trojan origin in politicis 1&4) as well as — especially during the
second Punic war — in sacris 155); and this origin was now even aknow-
146) Cf. Malten, p. 52; Beloch Gr. Gesch. IV, 1, 663 sqq.
147) Cf. the conjecture in Hom. II. XX, 307, where T(,<óiooi in the liné vvv <ii cf,)
Aivttao ytvos Tptiffföt ava$n is changed into ndvxiooi (Schol. Ven. A. ad 1.; Schol.
Strab. XIII, 608) which was also known to Vergil (see III, 97 sq.).
14S) Who, considering himself a descendant of Achilleus, when he wanted to wage
war against Rome (Paus. I, 12, 1); nvii/iri xov IIVQQOV rijs aJjóatias iotjX&t T»7s- 'ïXCov,
xai oi xara xavxa xoiQt]c>tiv notefiovvxi, OxQaxsvtiv yaQ km Tqakov anoUovi 'AxiX-
A.£<t>S WI» anóyovoq,
149) Who had motivated their defection from Carthage in 241 b.C. bij their affinity
with the Romans (Head, Hist. Numm. 167; Cic. in Verr. IV, 33; DH I 52
150) Suet. Claud. 25.
161) Justin. XXVIII, 1, 6.
lj2) The treaty with Seleukos according to Mommsen RG I, 470 must be placed
in 282 b.C., according to Schwegler p. 306, n. 2, Droysen (Gesch. d. Heil. VII, p. 387,
n. 1), Niebuhr, RG I, 208, Cauer, Jb. p. 98 and Malten p. 52 this is Seleukos Kallinikos;
in this case the treaty must be dated before 243 b.C.; cf. Norden p. 256 and n. 3; the
intervention of Rome in favour of the Acarnanians must be placed according to Schwegler
p. 305 in one of the last years of the first Punic war; according to Malten in 232; cf. also
Norden l.c.
153) And as these testimonies have only been preserved to us by the accidents of the
annalistic tradition, there may have been many more.
154) In 205 in the treaty of peace with Philip V of Macedonia (Liv. 29, 12); in 195
by T. Flamininus who called himself and the Romans Aeneads (Plut. Flam. 12); in 190 by
L. Scipio, marching against Antiochus, in Ilium (Liv. 37, 37; Justin. 31, 8); in 188 in
the treaty of peace with Antiochus (Liv. 38, 39); cf. also DH I, 51. Even Sulla in 84
conferred benefits upon them (App. Bell. Mithr. 61).
' 'r') I*1 205 the Romans had recovered the Phrygian Magna Mater from Pessinus.
motivating their claim by their descent from the Trojans (Liv. 29, 11; Herodian. I, 11, 13);
in 213 the "vates Marcius" addressed the Romans as "Trojugenae" (Liv. 25, 12); and
much value was especially attached to the cult of Venus Erycina (in 217 the promise
of a temple was held out to her (Liv. 22, 9, 19), which was dedicated in the following
21
year (ib. 31); after the capture of Syracuse her image was transported from the Eryx
to Rome (OF IV, 875 sq.).
1B0) Fuller testimonies Schwegler, p. 305 sqqj; Cauer, Jahrb. p. 97 sqq.;
Norden, p. 256.
157) Jahns Jahrb. 91, p. 387 sqq-: see also Cauer, Jb. XV, 133, who points i.a. to the
fact that Cicero never mentions Aeneas, not even when his subject might have induced
him to do so, e.g. Verr. IV, 33, 72; de rep. I, 58.
18S) App. B.C. I, 97.
1BB) E.g. Mommsen, n. 121.
180) With the exception of the Aemilii, Caecilii and Sulpicii.
1<sl) Cf. Norden, p. 257; Schwegler, p. 334/6; Cauer, Jb. p. 142 sqq.; Münzer
RE X, 106.
102) The Caecilii (Paul. Fest. p. 44); the Cloelii (ib. p. 55); the Geganii (SA V, 117);
the Memmii (Lucr. I, 1; Mommsen, no. 153, 202, 256); the Sergii, Cluentii (VA V, 117;
SA ib.); the Junii (DH IV, 68); the Nautii (Varr. ap. SA V, 704; DH VI, 69; Paul.
Fest. p. 167; SA II, 166; III, 407); the Sulpicii (Mommsen, no. 203); cf. Friedlander,
Sittengesch. I, p. 118 sqq.
103) SA V, 704 ; 389.
184) Paul. Fest. p. 23.
22
This binominality was not al all strange, because the son of Ascanius,
like the son of Hector, already had several other names, e.g. Euryleon,
Dardanus and Leontodamas 174) — which may originally have been the
names of other children of Aeneas 175) — and it was not so very difficult
to find a reason why Ascanius had been given this second name of
Julus 176).
At any rate we find the name Julus for Ascanius already used by Julius
Caesar (SA I, 267), possibly Lucius Caesar, who died about 90 b.C.177),
as we have several testimonies of the special interest of the Julii in their
descent from Aeneas and his divine mother Venus at least before
100 b.C.178), if not earlier 179).
174) DH I, 65, 1: Euryleon was Ascanius' original name, which he changed into
Ascanius on their flight, SA IV, 159; etiam Dardanus et Leontodamas dictus est, ad
exstinctorum fratrum solacium.
17B) In the Troika of Hellanikos of Lesbos (DH I, 47; FGH I, 4, 31) Aeneas has
more children; an unnamed Roman historian in Schol. Ver. A II, 717 mentions besides
Ascanius his brother Eurybates at the flight from Troy; Hegesianax mentions as his
brothers Euryleon, Romylos and Romos.
176) Like Astyanax, the son of Hector, had an additional denomination, Scamandrios,
a real Trojan name, so Askanius might have had the Trojan second denomination Ilus.
According to Julius Caesar (Servius lx.) he was named thus after he had slain Mezentius,
viz: vel quasi iopókov id est sagittandi peritum, vel a primo barbae lanugine, quae ei
tempore victoriae nascebatur. According to Aur. Vict. Or. g. R. 15, 5: igitur Latini
Ascanium ob insignem virtutem non solum Jove ortum crediderunt, sed Iolum, dein
postea Iulum appellaverunt.
At any rate, although this motivation is only a invention, this latter explanation may
be a nearer approach to the original meaning of Julus than the former. For according to
Bücheler, Rh. M. XLIII, p. 132; Jul(i)us bases himself on "iovilo" — which may mean
"belonging to Jupiter"; cf. also Solmsen (Stud. 117), Walde s.v.; Wörner, Roscher s.v.
Askanios. This is the more probable in view of the fact, that at Alba, whence the Julii
originated, the cult of Jupiter Latiaris was prominent.
Wörner lx. even supposes, that at Alba Julus was the old sacral name of the priest
of Jupiter, which later on was considered as the name of the eponym of the gens Julia.
And according to him Julus may also mean "little Jupiter", which later on was thought
to be a suitable name for the son of Aeneas, who himself had become a sort of Jupiter.
But in oy opinion it is not necessary that the Julii, in making for the reasons given above
their eponym Julus a son of Aeneas, had this derivation from Jupiter in mind; this alone
may suffice to obviate this latter argument.
177) So Cauer (Jb. p. 146). According to B. Kübler dn his edition of Caesar III, 2,
p. 221, Wörner, Roscher, s.v. Askanios and W. Kroll, Jb. kl. Phil. XXVII, suppl. 1902,
136 this Julius Caesar was the dictator. Norden p. 257, 5 denies that we are able to
make out which Julius Caesar was meant.
178) There is already a representation of Venus on coins stamped by members of
the gens Julia before 100 b.C., perhaps already in 134 b.C. (Babelon, II, 9 sqq., 11, n. 10);
about that time the gens Julia took over the protectorate of Ilion; so the version of their
descent was Consolidated about 100 b.C.
179) According to Rossbach, RE II, 161 Cato had already known the name Julus as
another name for Ascanius; but according to Malten this would reverse the entire
development of the penetration of the Aeneas-legend into Rome; cf. also SDA I, 267, and
the fact, that, as Cauer Philol. Suppl. XV, 117 remarks, Cato caused Aeneas to die
24
The Julii may have been especially eager to possess themselves of this
Trojan origin, because, as Münzer remarks, they had to regain their lost
prestige among the noble gentes of Rome iso).
But this descent was especially stressed by Julius Caesar, the dictator,
and thus, whereas the alleged Trojan descent of other Roman families is
°nly known to us by casual antiquarian remarks, the tradition of the
Trojan origin of the Julii by their political success got a much wider
diffusion. Already in the beginning of his political career, in 68 b.C., at the
funeral of his aunt Marcia he publicly said (Suet. Caes. 6, 1); paternum
genus cum diis immortalibus coniunctum est, nam ... sunt a Venere Julii, cf.
also App. BC II, 68; and at the acme of this power he adhered to this view
and propagated it with all possible means isi).
Apart from the existent reasons of the gens Julia for this emphasizing
of its Trojan origin Caesar thus meant to strengthen his position by the
belief in a divine mission of his family and a claim to the highest nobility.
Augustus continued this policy. Already in 43 b.C. he celebrated ludi in
honour of Venus Genetrix. And he took many more measures of this
kind 182) so that during his reign this conception reached its culmina-
tion ]S3). Yet, as Norden p. 284 remarks, no clear statement of Augustus
himself is found in which he bases the legitimation of his principate on his
descent from Julus, whereas on the contrary he of ten bases it on sacral
elements. Nor is it very clear how Vergil whose indirect political aim was
to endow the monarchy of Augustus with the nimbus of legitimacy
imagined this descent, as he admits at least two traditions side by side i»*).
childless, hence he had no reason at all to call him Julus; for this reason would have
been his ancestorship of the gens Julia.
180) Münzer, RE s.v. Julius: After a first flowering from about 500 to 400 b.C. it
lived to witness its second flourishing period from about 200 b.C. onwards.
) DC XLIII, 43; he revived the ludus Trojae; on one of his earliest denarii
(Babelon, II, p. 11) Aeneas' flight is represented. See further Lucan. IX, 950 sqq.;
Strab. XIII, 594 sqq.; Cic. fam. VIII, 15, 2; Suet. Caes. 40; 79, 81; Nikol. of Caes.
FHG III, 441, More as to his stressing his relation to Venus see Klausen II 731 saa •
1068 sq.
182) Cf. Strab. XIII, 595; XIV, 657; SDA III, 501; Suet. Aug. 31; 43; cf. Plin. XXXV,
91; VG III, 36; see Norden, p. 262/5.
) Cf. Hor. Carm. IV, 15, 31 sqq. — for the rest the only place, except the
official Carmen Saeculare, where this is mentioned by him; OF IV, 39/40: nomen Iuli,
unde domus Teueros Iulia tanqit avos; Prop. IV, 1, 48.
184) Compare I, 257 sqq., where Jupiter prophesies that Ascanius-Julus will found
A'ba, where the gens Hectorea will reign for three hundred years, till a member of this
gens, Ilia, shall bear Romulus, son of Mars; from him the Romans, and in the first place
the gens Julia, take their origin (cf. also IV, 234; VIII, 628 sqq.; IX, 614), with VI.
756 sqq., where the series of the Alban kings — from whom also Ilia, Romulus, the
Romans, Caesar (Augustus), omnis Iuli progenies (1789) descend — opens with Silvius,
the posthumous son of Aeneas by Lavinia; and the oracle of Faunus VII, 98 sqq.
(cf. 268 sqq.) prophesying that the future offspring of Aeneas and Lavinia: "omnia sub
pedibus qua Sol utrumque recurrens aspicit Oceanum vertique regique videbunt".
25
poet of what was perhaps the most important period of the history of
Rome, the Augustan age, as the leading character of his principal work,
the Aeneid.
Thus far we have traced the complicated way in which Aeneas, the
eponymous hero of a small Thracian tribe, reached Latium and became
paramount in the legendary history of Rome.
But how did Vergil's Aeneas reach Latium?
He did not casually arrivé and stay there, because his ships were burnt,
but as the consequence of a divine mission which he had to fulfill, and in
which he was only a link in the chain of generations.
He did not arrivé there as a brilliant hero, eagerly desiring for martial
exploits, but, although if need be he was ready for forcible attempts, as a
mild and modest figure, a hero by divine grace.
Not only did Aeneas arrivé in Latium with some Minor Asiatic idols, as
perhaps in Timaeus, but he landed there having a sacral mission, which is
one of the principal themes of the Aeneid, as and "pius" in the very sense of
the word, a really religious character: his gods are uppermost in his
thoughts, as well as he is the maxima cura of the gods.
And Vergil's Aeneas arrived in Latium not only for his own sake and
that of his companions, nor for his son's sake merely, or as the ancestor of
the Alban kings or the gens Julia, but as the ancestor of the Roman people:
the end and aim of Destiny.
And so wanted Augustus to be considered to have assumed the reins of
government, not casually, of from desire for power, but because the gods
had appointed him for it; to be superior to ordinary man, not by his feats
of arms, but his "augus", which we may translate by "divine grace" as well,
whereas he himself piously carried out his duties towards the gods, and
made religion one of the foundations of his empire; and, rather than to be
the descendant of one ancient and famous gens, he wanted to be the parens
patriae of the Roman State.
We must leave Aeneas at the moment that he had set foot ashore in
Latium. He will still have to wage wars and have troubles there; but by
the prodigy of the mensae, and afterwards by that of the sus alba, he
becomes certainty that his troubles soon will have an ending, that also for
him a "requies certa laborum" was given.
And so the Augustan world, after long and violent struggles, now —
and for a large part through the intermediary of Augustus — had reached
a period of rest and peace, and was enjoying it in deep draughts.
This feeling of "requies ea certa laborum" found its expression in the
Ara Pacis Augustae. It was expressed as well in the works of Vergil, his
Bucolics, his Georgics, and above all his Aeneid, which epos could not
have been conceived and executed but in a period of content, tranquillity
and peace.
CAIETA.
Tu quoque litoribus nostris, Aeneia nutrix,
aeternam moriens famam, Caieta, dedisti,
et nunc servat honos sedem tuus, ossaque nomen
Hesperia in magna, siqua est ea gloria, signat.
5 At pius exequiis Aeneas rite solutis
aggere composito tumuli, postquam alta quierunt
aequora, tendit iter velis portumque velinquit.
!) DH I, 53; VA VI, 234; Paul. Fest. p. 123 M s. v. Misenum; Mei. II, 4, 9; Solin. II,
13; Prop. III, 18, 3; Or. G. R. 9, 6; and perhaps Stesichoros on the Tabula Iliaca.
2) DH, Mela, Solinus 11. cc.; VA VI, 381.
3) Dionys and Solinus 11. cc.; Paul. Fest. p. 115M.
4) DH l.c.; Naev. ap. SA IX, 715; Plin. NH III, 12.
5) Hecat. FGH, 62; Etym. M. s.v.Kan^n; DH l.c.; Suet. Jul. 81; SA X, 145; Stat.
Silv. III, 5, 77.
6) Plin. l.c.; Paul. Diac. p. 20 s.v. Aenariam.
7) Dionys and Solinus 11. cc.; Or. G. Rom. (—Caesar and Sempronius) X, 35;
OM XIV, 441 sq.; Strab. V, 233; Stat. Sil. I, 3, 87; Mart. V, 1, 5; X, 30, 8.
8) Strab. I, 25, who refers to Polybius.
») Strab. V, 245.
28
two cases however most probably no existing figures from the Odysseus-
story were localized in the neighbourhood of Cumae, but names, existing
in this region, were connected with the Odysseus-story, because of the
many other connections which already existed there.
After the story of Aeneas had been transferred to Italy, and had been
connected with the glorious history of Rome, it was more honourable for
the places, connected thusfar with Odysseus, to be connected with Aeneas,
and consequently with the oldest history of Rome, than with Odysseus,
one of the hostile Greeks. So Misenus and Baios now became fellow-
travellers of Aeneas'10).
The same may have been the case with places as Misenum. It is however
unnecessary, that the places, which were connected later on with Aeneas,
were originally associated with Odysseus; the less so, as we have no
testimonies about it. But it is also possible, that, if some places here were
already connected with Aeneas, others became connected with him as well.
A greater or lesser homonymy may have furthered this, as in the case of
Capua-Capys 11).
The reasons for this connection with the story of Odysseus, as well as
with the story of Aeneas, may have been:
a ) the fact, that the name resembled a Homeric one, e.g. Palinurus 12),
Leucasia (cf. Leucothea), and Prochyte, and also Caieta, which name may
h a v e b e e n taken f o r Kaïrjtr] 1 3 ) ;
b ) the local aspect of the place.
Nissen14) remarks, that from afar the promontory of Caieta as well as
that of Misenum give the impression of enormous tumuli. So one might
easily fancy, that these were tumuli, under which reposed men from the
time of the heroes. Because of special circumstances Misenum may have
become the tumulus of a trumpeter *5)f Caieta that of a nurse (see below):
c) the fact that a more or less independent figure existed there, whether
divine or mythological, as must also have been the connecting link in the
case of Circe (see below).
In the case of Caieta Klausen, p. 1053 sq. considers a "Geist der Felsen-
spalte". He founds this on the word Caieta, which he connects with an
idg. root -kei-, meaning "to cleave", and on the fact, that in the western
part of the rock, on which the fortress Gaeta is situated nowadays, there
is a very deeply marked cleft, in which a chapel of the Holy Trinity is now
situated. He saw a support for his thesis in the fact, that Liv. XL, 2, 4 he
read: "aedem Apollinis ac Caietae de caelo tactam" 16). This proof however
does not hold good, as according to Weissenborn and Madvig this "ac"
had to be emendated, so that there remains only: "the temple of Apollo at
Caieta". Setting aside the further view of Klausen as to the original
character of Caieta, which view is now absolutely antiquated, and need
not be discussed, it is not impossible, that he is right on this point.
A support for this view might also be the fact, that the place is nearly
always mentioned, not under the name of "Caieta", but under that of
portus Caietae", (cf. also VA VI, 900, where "Caietae portus" is probably
not a very obvious anachronism, — as for Aeneas this name did not yet
exist —, but the place-name in Vergil's time); this "portus Caietae" might
point to an original independence of the figure of Caieta. (But on the
contrary, as I am bound to say, the expression "portus Caietae", "harbour
of the town Caieta", might also be an explanation for a later personification
of the nurse Caieta.)
A support for the supposition of an original worship of Caieta might also
be the fact that Vergil writes here: "et nunc servat honos sedem tuus" 17).
But in this connection "honos" need not mean, that there was a cult of
Caieta here, but may only mean the honos supremus, rendered to her, which
existed in the raising of the tumulus; compare X, 493/4: honos tumuli;
cf. also Carcopino p. 646, who remarks, that "honos" in Vergil never
means simply "cult", but has always the material signification of the
expressions of this worship, given e.g. in offerings, or also, as is the case
here, in the raising of a trophy.
A support for Klausen's view, that Caieta is connected with a root,
meaning "to cleave", is, that Strabo, V, 232, derives this name from the
Laconic xaisza — xoïlov. Although probably, when using xoïXov here, he
thinks of the bend of the gulf, from VIII, 36718) it appears, that in Sparta
xaiadag, xaiatag, xcuéras was used for the name of the hollow cleft
in a rock, the precipice, formed by a steep chasm in the rocky wall19).
In this connection it is also worth mentioning, that Caieta Sil. It. VIII, 531
is associated with the Laistrygons, who in other cases are always connected
with the adjoining Formiae 20), but whose king is named Lamos, whereas
there is also a Greek word Xdfiog meaning precipice, large mouth (cf. also
the Lamia); so that there was possibly a connection of the Laistrygons
with Caieta.
This need not mean however that Caieta was a foundation of the
le) This reading has also been accepted by Conington hJ. and de Rhem, p. 31,
who concludes "die Eponyme war also offiziell anerkannt".
17) Cf. also OM XIV, 441 sq.
18) Cf. also Thuc. I, 134, 27; Paus. IV, 18, 4; Plut. Ages. 19.
ln) Cf. also Hesych. xalata ' ÓQvy/iara . i'i rn vnö GttG/iiöv x«r«(Vm;'M'ra /fuua and
Zenod. on II. II, 581; Od. IV, 1.
20) Hor. Carm. III, 17, 1—9; 16, 34; Cic. Att. II, 13, 2.
30
Spartans, nor even that there was once Spartan influence at Caieta203).
For although the Chalcidician colonies in Campania may have had factories
in the Southern part of Latium 20b), and Amyclae 20c) and Formiae (Strab.
V, p. 233) were even said to be Spartan colonies as well as Caieta, these
testimonies are also very doubtful 20d).
But the view, that Caieta is connected with a root, meaning "to cleave",
is not positive either, as in Antiquity Caieta was often connected with the
Greek verb xaïeiv, and said to be the spot, where the fleet of the Trojans
had been burnt. So SA here, Caesar 21) and Sempronius 22), who make
Caieta the surname of the woman, who advised the Trojan women to burn
the fleet, and who in all other cases is called Rhome 23) or Beroe24).
Although this is popular etymology, a derivation of xaieiv is not altogether
excluded, as there are other Greek names in the neighbourhood, as e.g.
Prochyte, and Caieta therefore might originally mean e.g. place for burning
the dead, or making charcoal; and as finally there was a tradition, that
originally the place of the name was not Caieta, but Air/tt] 25). Although
this tradition in all probability originated from the desire to have an
additional proof for the theory of the navigation of the Argo in the
Western seas, it cannot altogether be neglected 26).
In any case the theory, that "Caieta" is originally related with the verb
"to cleave", holds good only, if we suppose, that the chasm was the spot,
which first had attracted the greatest attention. Later on however this
was certainly not the case, but the attention was centred on the gulf
qua talis.
This gulf qua talis may also have induced people to say, that Caieta was
originally a nurse. For this gulf 2? )( 0r, as we say in Dutch, the "zee
boezem", offered one of the safest places of anchorage on the entire coast
of the Mediterranean, so that the comparison to a nurse may have been
obvious. The reasons for afterwards connecting this nurse with the legend
of Aeneas are given above. Nowhere else in ancient literature do we
hear of this nurse of Aeneas, except in connection with the portus
Caietae; Hom. Hymn. in Aphr. 256—258 it is the nymphs of the Ida, who
will attend him. But it was no anachronism to have him accompanied by a
nurse, as in the Odyssey Euryklea and Eurymedousa remain with their
charges (Odysseus (XIX, 483) and Nausikaa (VII, 1)) even after they
were grown up, although in Homeric times it was not at all the usual thing
to keep a nurse28).
In the case of Caieta the memory of some mythological person being
buried here may also have been preserved, because since 42 b.C. there was
a large tomb, a stone tumulus shaped like the well-known tomb of Caecilia
Metella on the Via Appia, and that of Lucilius Paetus just outside
Rome, of Munatius Plancus here, which still exists under the name of
Torre d'Orlando, and which still stirs the popular imagination.
B. Vergil and Caieta.
a) According to some versions Caieta was not the nurse of Aeneas,
but of Creusa, or of Ascanius. (SA here). Naturally Vergil here
chooses the version, that she is the nurse of Aeneas, because even if the
three versions had the same authority, the first two would unnecessarily
break up the epical line, as here Vergil needed the place-name only for its
connection with the story of Aeneas.
b) the reason why of all the above-mentioned places in the neigh-
bourhood of Cumae Vergil mentioned only one place next to Misenum is to
be found in a compromise between artistic and archaeological demands 28a).
(Contrast this with Dionysius.) That it was Caieta whom he chose may
be in the first place because Caieta, in contrast to the other four places,
lies about half-way on the route Cumae-Rome; in the second place, because,
also in contrast to these, Caieta had some importance of its own, as it was
a much frequented harbour29).
Because of the importance of the harbour, which has continued to the
present day (this harbour is now named Gaeta) and to which Vergil
himself alludes by using the word "portus" twice in connection with
Caieta, the figure of Caieta so modest in all other traditions may occupy
such a prominent place at the very end of the first half, and in the opening
verses of the second half of the Aeneas.
It seems perfectly superfluous to me, and even untrue, to try and find a
more symbolic meaning, as Bachofen, Der Mythos30), does, and to see in
the circumstance, that all the female members of Aeneas' family, who came
with him from Asia Minor, die before reaching Latium, a symbolization of
his gradually exchanging his Asiatic matriarchal ties for Roman
patriarchal ones.
28) Cf. II. XXII, 82; Od. XIII, 48.
28a) See Rehm p. 31.
29) Cic. de Imp. Cn. Pomp. 33: portus Caietae, celeberrimus atque plenissimus navium;
cf. also Tac. Ann. XV, 46; Plin. III, 59; Flor. I, 11.
30) p. 561/62.
32
DETAILS.
Nutrix. As already said above the custom of keeping a nutrix,
although not general, is found in HomerSi), so that Vergil here commits
no anachronism.
To Vergil's Roman readers this figure was very familiar, as in the last
centuries of the Republic the keeping of a nurse not only because of the
delicacy of the mother, but for convenience sake and for reasons of
fashion, was quite usual in well-to-do circles32).
This practice had been adopted from Greece where it flourished in
Homeric times33) as also afterwards 34). (In view of the possible Spartan
origin of the name Caieta (see above) it may be remarked here that
especially nurses from Sparta were in great demand 35).) In Rome however,
where family-life had been more vigorous, the good practice had prevailed
for centuries, that the mother herself nursed the children36) — she was
even forced to do this as a rule — as it was considered that the child
imbibed the vices of the bondwoman together with the milk. Also the
philosophers (cf. Cic. l.c.) and the physicians generally disapproved of this
method. Even in later centuries it was often recommended that the mother
should nurse the child herself 37).
These nurses often remained with their charges, not only during their
infancy 38), but even af ter they had grown up. This was the case
in Greece, as appears from Eurykleia in the Odyssee39), from Greek
tragedy40) and comedy and Hellenistic poetry41), as well as in Italy. In
this country the nutrix had — at least at the end of the second century A. D.
— (Inst. I, 26, 3) even a pietatis necessitudo towards the child, and as
well as the mother, grandmother and sister, she could bring charge against
unfaithful guardians. Or rather, there were now three sorts of nurses in
Italy, the cunaria42) for the first care of the child, the nutrix to nurse it43)
and the assa (nutrix) to take care of it during the following years44).
This assa often remained with her charge up to its majority, and even
afterwards, and even went with it sometimes when it married.
So it is no wonder that there often originated a real affectionate relation
between the child, when it had grown up, and its former nurse. Compare
Odysseus and Eurykleia— who may have been a model for Vergil in
32) Cic. Tusc. III, 1, 2; Lucret. V, 230; Geil. XII, 1; Catull. 64; 376/8 and Liv. III,
44, which is perhaps an anachronism, but characteristic for the mode of thoug'ht of the
time of, or before, Livy.
33) Cf. also Amalthea, who nursed Zeus, and the Nymphs nursing the little Dionysos.
34) Cf. Demosth. XLVII, 55; Plut. de lib. educ. 5.
35) Cf. Aristoph. Lys. 78 sqq.; Plut. Lyc. 16; Alcib. 1.
36) Cf. Plut. Cat. Mai. 20; cf. a representation on a sarcophage in the Louvre, Arch.
Z. 1885, fig. 14, 2.
3T) Geil. l.c.; Tac. DiaJ. 28, 6; Agric. 14.
3S) Cf. Cic., Plut., Lucret., Geil, U.cc.; Cic. ND III, 5, 12; Hor. Sat. II, 6, 77;
Mart. XI, 30.
30) Od. XV, 416/7; XIX, 386 sqq.; 483; cf. also the Niptra of the Roman tragedian
Pacuvius (Sc. Rom. fr. p. 29).
40) Cf. Kilissa in the Choephoroi, and the nurses of Medea, Phaidra and Hermione,
Stheneboia, Alcestis, Kanake, Auge, Melanippe, Deidamia, Deianira.
41) Ap. Rh. I, 668 sqq., III, 133.
42) Cf. Mart. XI, 39.
43) Cf. Geil. XX, 1, 4 sq.
44) Cf. Juven. XIV, 208 sq. and Schol. Non. p. 571; Tac. dial. 29.
3
34
treating this subject, — and the important position of the nurse in Greek
tragedy45), where as the confidante of the heroine she becomes a standing
figure (see note 30). And on many inscriptions on tombs, in Greece46)
as well as in Italy47) it is recorded that these tombs were dedicated by
the former charges in grateful memory of their nurse.
One of these inscriptions48) is even dedicated to the nutrix Juliae
Germanici filiae. Thus it appears that they were even found in the family
of Augustus himself49).
Augustus himself, as Tacitus informs us 50), had been reared by his
own mother (which may be however only a rhetorical exaggeration of
Tacitus) — as in general female relatives of his played a not unimportant
part in his education 51); yet in the last century b.C. the practice of keeping
a nurse had been generally accepted in Rome52). So we may understand
why Vergil, notwithstanding Augustus' aspiration to restore the old-Roman
vigour, especially in the domain of family-life, allowed the somewhat
effeminate institution of the nutrix53).
Nor was it an objection to the figuring of a nutrix in the Roman epos
that she was most likely a bondwoman 54). For Augustus himself — in
spite of Roman public opinion — in 40 b.C. had honoured his former tutor
Sphaerus, who was born a slave, by a funeral at the public expense, and
he always kept his memory in grateful remembrance 55).
This last circumstance may even be one of the reasons, why a former
attendant of Aeneas figured at all in the Aeneid, and why Aeneas paid
her the last honours, and even raised a monument to her.
In this connection may be mentioned a monument which was accorded
by Augustus, not to his nutrix, but to a slave woman of his, who had given
birth to five children at once on his Laurentine estate, and died in conse-
Hesperia. Vergil uses Hesperia very often as another name for Italy.
Especially in places. where it is prophesied by a Greek or Trojan, that
Aeneas and his comrades will reach Italian soil57) and "Hesperia" may be
considered more or less as "the land in the West"; but also in other
places58). Hence it is a perfect synonym for "Italia"59) and we cannot
find a special motive, concerning the purport of the passage, why in some
cases Vergil preferred "Hesperia", in others "Italia" (which latter word
he uses more frequently 60).
Vergil is not the first to use Hesperia in this sense in Latin. In this
meaning it is already found in Ennius.
Hesperia as a matter of fact is not an original Latin denomination of
Italy, but it is derived from the Greek ëanegog; as moreover the inhabit-
ants of a certain country could not very well have denoted their own land
as "the Western land", or "the land, where the sun sets". Hence this name
was given to Italy by the Greeks.
Originally this name need not be reserved to one special country, and
was probably not applied to Italy in particular. The Greeks may have
denoted by this name the whole of the West, the land, where the sun sets,
and perhaps not even an existing country, but a fictitious country, an
island in the middle of the sea, washed by the waves, and inhabited by
superhuman beings. Cf. the Hesperides, who according to the oldest
version (found in Hesiod's Theogony) are the children of the Night, and
dweil in an island beyond the Ocean, on the Western boundary of the
Earth, where Day and Night meet.
Later on, with the extension of geographical knowledge, this Hesperia
may have been more precisely localized by the Greeks, and considered
as "the land(s) in the West".
56) Geil. NA X, 2, 2.
57) I, 530; II, 781; III, 185, 186; IV, 355; cf. III, 503.
5S) E.g. VI, 5/6; VII, 601; VIII, 543; XII, 360.
5B) Cf. III, 185: saepe Hesperiam, saepe Itala regna vocare; I, 530 sqq. and III,
163 sqq.: est locus, Hesperiam Grai cognomine dicunt.... nunc fama minores Italiam
dixisse; cf. also the connection of "Hesperia" with the Tiber (II, 781, and III, 503, where
moreover Dardanus originates from Hesperia; IV, 354 Ascanius will reign "regno
Hesperiae"; I, 569 Hesperia is more precisely determined by "Saturnia arva"; cf. also VII,
44; 543; VIII, 148, and III, 417: pontus ... Hesperium Siculo latus abscidit.
60) Carcopino p. 604, n. 3 enters into the question, what were the borders of the
country called Hesperia by Vergil. According to him we may only conclude from the
text that it stretched from the straits of Messina (III, 418) to past Cortona (III, 163 sqq.)
and the Apennines (VIII, 148/9), but no farther.
However in my opinion the putting of this problem is faulty, as it appears sufficiently
from Vergil's identification of Hesperia with Italia, that he placed these two notions
on a level, and as we cannot expect that in using a poetical word like this he was
scrupulously conscious of the extent of its meaning.
36
The Greeks may have given this name originally to the entire Western
part of the Mediterranean, with all the adjacent countries, hence to Spain
as well as to Italy. Later on they may have sought to localize Hesperia in a
more precise way.
"Hesperia" may be considered as "the land in the far West", or
as "the land in the near West". In the first case this name was for the
Greeks most applicable to Spain, in the second to Italy.
It is possible, that the Greeks originally applied this name to Italy, but,
with the enlargement of their geographical horizon, transferred this name
from Italy to Spain. Or, on the contrary, as is the opinion of Hyginus61),
this name may have been transferred from Spain, or at any rate from
the countries to the West of Italy, to Italy.
However it is questionable, whether it was the Greeks, who gave this
name Hesperia to Spain, or whether the Romans in their turn, in imitation
of the Greeks, called the country to the West of their own Hesperia.
Anyhow, we find the name Hesperia applied to Spain as well as to Italy.
But, although Spain is sometimes simply called "Hesperia", mostly the
epithet "ultima", or "minor" is added to it62), whereas Italy is simply called
Hesperia, or, in contradistinction to Hesperia, "Hesperia magna". (Cf. I,
569 and here). Therefore "magna" here serves to enhance Caieta's glory
and to intensify the solemnity of this passage, and is at the same time a
scholarly remark.
At any rate the country nearest to the West of Greece was denoted
by this name in classical times in the first place, and Hesperia became a
name for Italy in Greek63).
But this usage was restricted for the greater part to poetical language.
For it is self-evident, that in daily life man must soon have feit the need
of a more precise denomination for Italy than "the Western land".
Originally he may have used the name of that region of Italy, which he
wanted to indicate, as Italia, Ausonia, Oenotria. Consequently these latter
names gradually comprised a larger territory, and later on their name was
taken for the whole of Italy64).
In poetry however a certain vagueness was desirable. Hence this name
persisted there. And especially Hellenistic poets must have accepted this
word gratefully 65).
From Hellenistic poetry it must have penetrated into Latin.
61) SA I, 530: Italia Hesperia dicitur a fratre Atlantis, qui Italiam, pulsus a germano,
tenuit eique nomen pristinae regionis imposuit.
82) Cf. Hor. Carm. I, 36 and Schol.; SA I, 530, II, 780, VI, 6; VII, 4; Suidas s.v.
'IOnavia; Isid. Or. XIV, 4.
83) Cf. DH I, 35: Ta <FH 7IQÓ xovxoiv (i.e. before it acquired the name Italia)
"Ei-Xyvig fiïv 'EdntQiav xal AvGovCav avxï\v t%a\ovv, oi cf' EatovQvittv,
84) See on 1. 39 and 85.
65) Cf. Agathyllos (ap. DH I, 49), who (see RE s.v.) must have been a hellenistic
poet, and Apoll. Rhod. III, 311.
37
11. 8—24.
Adspirant aurae in noctem, nee candida cursus
luna negat; splendet tremulo sub lumine pontus.
10 Pcoxima Citcaeae raduntur litora terrae,
dives inaccessos ubi Solis filia lucos
adsiduo resonat cantu tectisque superbis
urit odoratam nocturna in lumina cedrum
arguto tenuis percurrens pectine telas.
15 hinc exaudiri gemitus iraeque leonum
vincla recusantum et sera sub nocte rudentum.
saetigerique sues atque in praesepibus ursi
saevire ac formae magnorum ululare luporum,
quos hominum ex facie dea saeva potentibus herbis
20 induerat Circe in voltus ac terga [erarum.
quae ne monstra pii paterentur talia Troes
delati in portus neu litora dira subirent,
Neptunus ventis implevit vela secundis
atque fugam dedit et praeter vada fervida vexit.
*) I. 53, 3.
2) Ovid in his turn, relating the voyage of Aeneas in the XlVth book of his Meta-
morphoses in imitation of Vergil gives a large place to Circe and her adventures,
although perhaps the Trojans do not really see Circe's abode (XIV, 445/46: et proeul
insidias infamataeque relinquunt tecta deae), but only hear of her by the narrative of
Macareus.
3) For a description see Nissen, II, 635 sq.; Hülsen, RE s.v. Circeius Mons.
4) Ashby, p. 213.
5) See Polyb. III, 22.
«) Cf. DH V, 61.
40
bring somc more Homeric elements into his epos, to give it a Homeric
colour again, and thus, as Kroll 7) says: "dem Leser eine kleine literarische
Freude zu bereiten. Diese Passage dient neben anderen Zwecken der
Freude an ein literarisches Finesse."
The main reason for his mentioning her may be, that the oldest Greek
source about Latium, which probably was known to him, Hesiod Theog.
1011 sqq., names her, and even gives her an important part as the mother
of Latinus; these lines moreover immediately follow after those dedicated
to the origin of Aeneas. Lycophron also — and therefore Timaeus — the
oldest source that connected Aeneas with Latium, mentions Circaeum in
connection with Aeneas8).
These are the probable causes, why in the Aeneid Vergil mentions Circe
not less than six times, which perhaps in itself is not such a large number,
but compared to many other figures in the oldest legendary history of Italy
and Latium, not less important than Circe, it is large.
On the whole Circe plays a not unimportant part in the legendary history
of Latium. Putting aside the testimonies of Vergil's contemporaries and of
those that came after him, and who, in their frequent use of the figure of
Circe 9) may have been influenced by him 10), I shall here give an account
of the Italian testimonies on Circe, which are independent of Vergil.
Circe's effigy has repeatedly been found on pottery, mirrors and reliefs
from Etruria and also from other parts of Italy, dating back to the sixth
century b.C.11). As concerns literature, besides being mentioned in the
passage of Hesiod, cited above, she is named in connection with Italy Eur.
Troad. 437 sq.: Aiyvoti; 6' fj avcöv /uoQcpcótQia KiQxrj; Plin. N.H. XXV, 10:
Circe Itala; by Xenagoras12) who mentions Romus, Antias, and Ardeas
as her sons — this note however need not reflect an old tradition, as Bethe
supposes; Plut. Romul. 2, where Romanos, the founder of Rome, is a son
of hers and of Odysseus; by Eustathius 13), who calls Auson her son;
finally Ps. Skymn. 225 three small islands near Misenum are called
Kioxrja vfjaoi.
In connection with the promunturium Circeium she is expressly mentioned
Theophr. Hist. plant. V, 8, 3 (therefore already about 300 b.C.: Aéyeiv dk
tovg ly^mgiovc <ba evravêa rj Kigxrj xaiwxei, xal dstxvvvai xöv xov Eln-qvogog
tacpov, ov (pvoviat /avgolvai and D.H. IV, 63; Kigxaiav.. . . ëv&a Xóyoq
Kigxrjv iijv fjXiov dvyaxèga xazoixrjaat and a few other times14), and
also probably Lyk. Al. 1273. And a cult of Circe by the inhabitants of
the district also appears from Strab. V, 232 Kigxaióv OQOS .... s%ei de xal
Kignrj? ISQÓV, and Cic. ND III, 19, 48: Circen coloni nostri Circeienses
religiosissimi colunt, from the discovery of a temple, dedicated to her15),
from an inscription CIL X, 6422 (213 AD), which mentions the restoration
of her ara sanctissima, and from religious practices there, which have a
connection with the Circe-cult.16).
If not at so early a period as that of the Roman kings17), or18) in the
beginning of the fifth century 19), yet at any rate since the beginning
of the fourth century20) there must have existed a place on the so-called
promunturium Circeium, named Circei or Cercei. It is not necessary to
decide here, whether this place-name took its origin from the cult or the
localization of Circe — whether this Circe was connected with the Circe
known from Greek mythology or not — or whether on the contrary Circe,
who in this case in all probability was identical with the Circe of Greek
mythology, was localized here because of the affinity of sound of her name
with a place-name, which existed here. I shall enumerate here in short
the several plausible opinions.
a. Circe connected with this spot because of the homonymy with an
existing place-name. This is the opinion of Preller21), Hülsen22), Pape-
Benseler s.v. (who, proceeding from a gloss of Hesych: Kégxal; = Ugag
interprets Kegxaïov as "mount of vultures"); of Nissen23), who starts
from Varro: cerceris: bird of swamps; Schulze p. 564 thinks that Cercei is
named after an Etrurian gens Cerciud (cf. Tarquinii, Falerii, a.s.o.), and
points to documented forms as Cercenius, Gergenius, Circius, Cercini,
Cerceius, and the cognomen Cerca. (cf. also the fact, that the tradition
connects the foundation of Circei with Tarquinius Superbus; see also the
circumstance, that this promontory was an important place, which assured
the dominion over the country at its feet; hence the Etrurians in all pro
bability would not have omitted to occupy this spot.)
Battisti l.c. however considers these names as originally not Etruscan.
He connects Circei with place-names as Ké^co^a in the Marsian, Ceratae
in the old Volscian country, and therefore supposes a non-Etrurian origin
for Circei as well as for the above-mentioned gens-names.
A support for this opinion might be the fact, that Circe was localized
1B) See G. Lugli, Forma Italiae, I, 2, 228 sqq., N. d. sc. 1930, p. 542/3.
16) Capponi, II promontorio Circeio, p. 356.
") Liv. I, 56, 3; DH IV, 63.
18) Liv. II, 39; DH VII, 14; Plut. Coriol. 28.
19) Cf. Battisti, St. Etr. VI, p. 319, n. 1.
2°) Diod. XIV, 102; Scyl. peripl. 8; Polyb. III, 22; DH V, 61; Liv. VI, 12 sq.; see
Hülsen, RE s.v.
21) RM, p. 412.
22) RE III, 2566.
«) II, 636, 5.
42
also in other spots on the Italian coast, e.g. on three islands near Misenum
(see above), and probably near the Etrurian harbour Luna24 ). The
testimonies of this are very scarce however compared to the great number
about Circei. This may be because by the very support of the place-name
the tradition which was connected with Circei may have gained ground on
the other traditions more and more.
b. Circe was already connected with this headland before the place-
name.
At any rate the orthography Circei, which seems to be the oldest2 5 )
does not allow us to draw the conclusion, that originally the cape was nót
named af ter the Greek Circe (nor may the inverse conclusion be drawn).
For on Etrurian mirrors26) Circe, with Odysseus and Elpenor, are
represented named Cerca, Uthste and Felpanur; therefore the form Cer-
ceius may have been derived from the Etrurian form of Circe; and later on,
when the Italians became better acquainted with the Greek form of the
name, Cercei was changed gradually into Circei. Also the "e" might have
been caused by the Volscian pronunciation of the name, because27) in
the Volscian dialect "i" and "e" stand close together, much closer than
in Latin.
Here there are also two possibilities:
1°. The Greeks have superseded the name of an Italian goddess, which
name sounded very much like Circe, by Circe. (Hülsen28)). This theory
might be sustained by the fact, that the name and figure of Circe appear
in several spots in Italy, and that she has a certain persistency in remaining.
2°. This Circe is the goddess, already known from Greek mythology.
The fact, that in Homer too 29) she evidently is supposed to reside in the
East, need in itself not be an argument against the possibility of her being
found in the West as well 30). For originally she may have been conceived
as existing in a far-off land, — which was not further defined (cf. Aia)
— on the horizon. Later on, with the extension of this horizon, this land
may have been sought in different places, i.a. in Kolchis and here. (To
which of these two localizations the priority must be given is not for me to
decide, and moreover is of no consequence here.) There is the more reason
for this presumption, because primitive man considers the earth not
geographically, but cosmographically si). A localization of Circe both in
the West and in the East is possible if she, as is the opinion of some
scholars, were connected with the sun, and also, if she was originally no
more than a witch, living in far-off regions, who was later, because of
her dwelling-place, brought into connection with the sun. (An argument
for her original connection with the sun — whether as goddess of the sun
or of the moon — may be found in her name, which according to some
scholars is connected with KIQXO<;, circle; moreover the fact that she was
a moon-goddess might be an explanation of her character as a sorceress.)
But it does not seem very well possible, that the Greek Circe happened
to be localized here without any further reason; e.g. by the Greeks of
Cumae, because, as Mommsen, RG I, p. 219 says, "in der kymaeischen
Landschaft, (wo) die fruehesten Westfahrer, jener Sagen von den Wun-
dern des Westens voll, zuerst die Fabellandschaft betraten, und die Spuren
der Marchenwelt, in der sie zu wandeln meinten, in den Sirenenfelsen und in
dem zur Unterwelt fuehrenden Aornossee zurueckliessen". In my opinion
there must have been more reasons for this identification than the fact,
that cape Circeium was not too far removed (cf. the end of Od. X and
the beginning of XI) from the lacus Avernus, which was in itself a
sufficiënt motive for it being identified with the entrance of the Hades.
Not only would it be rather naive of the Greeks, who, before they landed
at Cumae, must have seen very many coasts, to compress nearly the whole
scene of the peregrinations of Odysseus into one small region; but the
island of Circe as described in Homer (Od. XI, 195), encircled by the
immense sea, and itself a sunken plain, does not very well correspond to
the towering cape, which in some places has an altitude of more than
500 metres. In that case the three small islands of Pseudo-Skymnos offer
us a better likeness still; and it is not impossible that he has preserved an
older version for us.
Kirchhoff32) makes the journey of Odysseus af ter his departure from
Aiolos really a trip round the Black Sea, and a very late supplement
added to the Odyssey by the Milesians of about 700 b.C., thus closely
following the example of the legend of the Argonauts. In this supplement
Circe would be only a flimsy imitation of figures such as Kalypso and
Medea. If one accepts this opinion of Kirchhoff a localization of Circe at
Circei by the Greeks of Cumae is not possible.
But it is possible, if one accepts the opinion of v. Wilamowitz 33), that
the younger nostos, with the figure of Circe, is based on an older Circe-poem,
and that Circe is an original figure in Greek mythology, where she is the
prototype of a witch. (In Circe are found the same elements as in the
witches of other peoples, e.g. her living in a solitary palace, the magie
wand, the magie herbs, her changing men into animals) 34).
32) D. Hom. Odyssee, p. 287 sq., who is followed by Müllenhof, Deutsche Alt.kunde
I, p. 52, and W. Kranz, D. Irrfahrten des Odysseus. Hermes, L, p. 93 sq.
33) Hom. Unters. p. 115 sq., who is followed by Seeliger in Roscher s.v.
34) Cf. also the lines from the benediction of the potter in Hdti vita Homeri, 328,
and Theocr. II. 15; IX, 36.
44
But in my opinion the Greek Circe may have been localized here, because
there already existed a motive for it, scil. that at cape Circeium a goddess
of a similar nature was worshipped. This might account for her connection
with Picus, which is often mentioned in Italian mythology, but has no
support in the Greek. Preller 35) on account of a later identification of
Circe with Marica, Bona Dea, Fauna and Angitia 36) supposes her to be a
goddess with healing power, a goddess practising witchcraft, a goddess of
the damp soil and of vegetation; Koch, p. 110 sqq. supposes her to be a
goddess of the sun or of the moon37): others assume that she was a
goddess of death. Even if the Greek Circe originally were no more than
a witch, — although in the Odyssee she nearly always is named dïa —,
she had enough characteristics that corresponded with everyone of the
goddesses mentioned above.
All this brings us to the question, in what relation Circe may have
come to Italy. This may be 38) jn connection with the legend of the
Argonauts; or as an absolutely independent figure; or connected in some
or other way with the story of Odysseus (cf. the localization of Trinakria,
Scylla and Charybdis, and of the rocks of the Sirens in the environs of
Sicily; the harbour of the Laistrygones at Formiae; the entrance of the
Hades at the lacus Avernus). Hesiod too already connects Circe with
Odysseus. But in my opinion — contrary to that of several scholars — we
cannot attach too much importance to Hesiod. Theog. 1011 sqq., neither
as an argument in favour of the original connection of the Italian Circe
with the story of Odysseus, nor as a terminus ante quem for the localization
of Circe on the promunturium Circeium. For the lines 1013—1015 are
handed down to us with many variations — which however are metrically
impossible 39); some of them mention Telegonos, who is an altogether
mythological figure, and is furthermore known as a son of Circe's, and in
other cases too is mentioned in connection with the West, especially with
Tusculum. Moreover Hesiod in his Theogony does not mention in any
other case eponymous heroes of non-Greek existing peoples. These lines
therefore may be an interpolation, created long after Hesiod, but introduced
in the official Alexandrian text perhaps to flatter, and in maiorem gloriam
of the Romans already powerful at that time (cf. oï naoiv TVQOÏ\VOIOIV
avaaaov with which may be compared the above-mentioned interpolation
of Homer, II. XX, 308: vvv dk drj Alveiao (iïr] jiavréaaiv (in stead of
TQCÓEOOIV) avagei, which was also inserted to ingratiate the Romans.
3S) v. Wilamowitz, Gl. d. Heil. II, 330, n. 2; Hermes, 34, p. 611; Ed. Meyer, Gesch.
d. Alt. II, 492 and Altheim, RR II, p. 84 sq.
39) See Rzach and van Lennep in this place.
45
The other places, where Latinus is the son of Circe40), in that case all
have their origin from this passage in Hesiod.
Nor may it, in my opinion, be concluded from the fact, that on Etrurian
pottery from the sixth century b.C. onwards the comrades of Odysseus i.a.
are represented with the heads of asses, oxen, boars, geese and rams,
(hence their metamorphosis is not entirely in conformity with the text of
the Odyssey), that, as Bethe (RE) supposes, Circe came to Italy not in
connection with the Homeric Odyssey. For the representation with heads
of asses etc. may only be an artful continuantion of an existing motif.
The Homeric Circe was certainly localized at Circei about 300 b.C.,
perhaps even about 400 41), also by the Circeians themselves 42). And the
place-name Cercei doubtless existed from 400 b.C. onwards as well.
(See above.)
And at any rate it was the connection with Circe, which brought such
repute to this small town, which for the rest was never very prominent43).
DETAILS.
Proxima Circaeae raduntur litora terrae. In Vergil the Trojans do
not enter Circe's abode, as Odysseus and his comrades do in Homer and
Ovid, the Argonauts in Apollonios Rhodios. But he mentions this place
while the Trojans are sailing past it.
He may have made them sail past the Circean land, because 1) as this
spot was not mentioned in any other source about Aeneas, Vergil could
mention it, but could not make the Trojans set foot ashore there; 2) Vergil
—in contrast with Apollonios and Ovid, — and to a certain extent Homer
as well — did not want to give an account of all the interesting spots which
might be situated on the path of his hero. Aeneas had an aim, which he
now had to reach with as little delay as possible, especially here, at the
beginning of the 7th book. Still another break in the voyage would have
interrupted the line of the story unnecessarily; 3) the figure of Circe after
all was of too little weight to justify a stay with her.
But as for the above reasons Vergil wanted to mention Circe, the
artistic figure of the praetervectio 43a) offered a good way out. The sailing
past of the Trojans was in this case especially motivated by the hazardous
consequences of a stay with Circe (cf. OM XIV, 245 sqq., where Macareus
40) Ps. Skymn. 227; SA XII, 164; Steph. Byz. s.v. ngaCviGroi Hygin. fab. 127
(cf. also Fest. p. 269; and Xenagoras (DH I, 72).
41) Cf. Skyl. peripl. 8; a further proof might be that the name Caieta in the neigh-
bourhood of Circei (see above) was said by some to have been originally Aieta.
42) Cf. Theophr. l.c.
43) Cf. Strab. V, p. 232.
«a) Cf. e.g. Ap. Rh. Arg. II, 722 sqq., 936 sqq., 1242 sqq. So also III, 270—275,
551—554, 688—708. Cf. e.g. Ap. Rh. Arg. II, 347—405; 651—63, 722 sqq., 936 sqq.,
1242 sqq.
46
warns Aeneas: fuge litora Circes), who although not ill-natured in all
respects 43b) yet would have tried to prevent the Trojans from sailing on.
inaccessos. Lugli45) says that the site of the temple of Circe (near
San Felice Circeio) is very difficult of access. He informs us that the slope
down to the sea is wholly impassable, whereas the slope to the landside
is formed by rocks and sinuous cavities, covered with dense woods (lucos).
Vergil here may also be invoking an association with the Roman citadel
on the promunturium, which 46) was situated on an elevated spot, which
was strongly fortified, and very difficult of access.
So also tectis superbis may be something more than a mere translation
of Od, X, 252: dcójuata xa\a and point, not only to the beauty, but also
to the elevated situation of Circe's abode. For cape Circei rises steeply
from the sea and on the Western side — which is exactly the side where
Aeneas passes — it reaches an altitude of 541 metres.
lucos. Hom. Od. X, 150: dia. ÖQVfia nvxva xai vArjv; also 1. 251
ava ÖQVfia. On the promunturium Circeium there must have been dense
woods, cf. Theophr. l.c. xó ós XIQXCÜOV xaXoti fievov slvai — daoetav Sé ocpódqa,
xal ïyuv ÖQV xai öatpvrjv TtoXlrjv and Strab. 1. c. cpaal dk xai TIOXVQQL^OV
efoai (scil. tó Kigxaïóv ÖQO;).
43f>) But capable of ardent love (cf. Homer, and Ovid (Glaucus emd Picus) and
sometimes ready to help (Ap. Rh. IV, 737 sqq.).
43c) Ovid on the contrary speaks of tellus Circaea (MXB, 705) Circaea arva (XIV,
346 sqq.), litora Circes, Circaeo in litore (XIV, 245 sqq.).
43<J) Cf. SA III, 386 (-Varro): mons iste (Circeius) antehac insula fuit; paludibus
enim a continenti segregabatur; Solin. II, 22; cf. also Theophr. l.c., Strab. V, 232;
Plin. III, 57.
44) Cf. Procop. B.G. I, 11, 3; cf. Nissen l.c.
4B) N. d. sc. 1930, p. 543.
46) Lugli, Forma It. I, 1, 17; Saflund, Le mura di Roma reppublicana, p. 186.
47
cedrum. The burning of cedar-wood has been taken from the story
of Calypso in Homer (Od. V, 59/60). But a fragrant scent did mount
from the cape, viz. of laurels and myrtles (Theophr. l.c.). (R. Mandras,
The time-element in the Aeneis of Vergil, sees in this line a support for
his hypothesis, that Vergil was always conscious of the time in the Aeneis.
For, as he says, the juniper blossoms in February, and now in the begin
ning of March it could be placed upon the hearth. I have strong doubts
however, whether we may take this into account). For the rest another
scholar, D. L. Drew, p. 96/7 assumes that it was August when Aeneas
came to Italy, and he even ascribes a symbolical meaning to this fact (see
below).
Solis filia. Solis filia here most likely is not a mere translation
of the Homeric HeXioio (•&vydzr]g) (Od. X, 138), for in other places
too Vergil brings out the fact, that Circe is the daughter of Sol (VII,
280 sq.; XII, 161 sq.). And whereas in Greek mythology and art the
connection between Circe and Helios is not very much stressed 46a), it is
in Italy. Lugli4^) mentions a female head — for the rest dating only
from the time of the Empire —, which has been discovered on Monte
Circeo and most probably represents Circe. Her head is encircled by a
metal wreath with seven rays. Plaut. Epid. 604, mentioning Circe very
accidentally, immediately adds: Solis filia; and so does Ovid M. XIV, 10,
who also for the rest is always calling her Titanis, Titania48); and
Tertullian 49) says that she instituted the ludi circenses in honour of her
father Sol.
Whether it was purely accidental that so much stress was gradually
laid on this aspect of Circe in Italy — one author or artist may have
borrowed it from the other — or whether the Italian Circe, or at least
the Circe, localized in Circei, was of old connected with Sol, need not be
decided here. Anyhow — cf. Plautus and Ovid — this connection must
have existed already in Vergil's time.
Assiduo cantu and Arguto tenues percurrens pectine telas are borrowed
from Homer: Od. X, 221/22 and 254 (about Circe), and V, 61 (about
Kalypso). Ovid also mentions her carmina, which (XIV, 20/1, 34, 55 sqq.)
are however spells rather than songs.
As to the animals in the palace of Circe, Homer too mentions lions and
wolves 50) and boars 51). Bears however are not mentioned in this
connection, and they are not even mentioned more than once in Homer,
46") Although, e.g. also Ap. Rh. II, 311, IV, 591, 725 sqq. calls her a daughter of
Helios.
4T) L.c.
4S) XIII, 968; XIV, 14, 376, 382, 438; cf. also 9/10; 33; 346; 356.
49) De speet. 8.
B0) Od. X, 212 and 218, 434.
51) Od. X, 239/40, 243; 283; 389/90.
48
in a passage, which without any doubt belongs to one of the latest parts 52).
(Of course this does not mean, that in Homeric times the bear was not
found in Greece53).
Vergil may mention the bear here to give a more Italian colour to this
passage. For — in contradistinction to Greece proper, where even in the time
of Xenophon they had been all but extinguished 54) — bears still prevailed
in large numbers in Italy in Vergil's time55), especially in Lucania and
Apulia 56) where they are still found in our days; and this animal, or its
teeth at any rate, must already have been known to the terramaricoli in
Upper Italy 57). (Ovid in his turn mentions wolves, lions, bears and boars
(see below).)
Hinc exaudiri gemitus iraeque leonum ... rudentum. Homer does not
mention the roaring of these animals; even from their landing-place
Odysseus and his comrades do not hear any terrible voices but they stay
there two full days before they inquire (1. 147): eï NWG ïgya 'ïdoi/M PQOICÖV
èvonrjv re nvdoïurjv, and even when they see the palace they are not in the
52) Od. XI, 611, in the description of the sword of Heracles, where, next to lions
and wild boars, also bears are introduced.
53) Cf. the legend that Heracles exterminated the bear on Creta (Diod. Sic. IV, 17;
Plin. VIII, 228), and that Zeus as an infant was attended by a bear in the cavern on Mount
Dikte (Arat. Phaen. 31 sqq.); that Arkas was the son of Zeus and Kallisto, who was changed
into a she-bear (Callim. Hymn. in Jov. 41; OM II, 468 sqq.; Paus. VIII, 3, 6); that
Atalante (Aelian. v. h. XII, 1; Apollod. III, 9, 2) as well as Paris-Alexandros (Aelian.
v. h. XII, 42; Apollod. III, 12, 5) as infants when abandoned by their parents, were
suckled by a she-bear; cf. also the Bear-Mountains near Kyzikos, where according to
tradition the nurses of Zeus were changed into bears; cf. also the representation of
the bear on very old sculptures of Xanthos in Lycia. The bear must have prevailed in
Asia Minor in olden times, as it is still met with in some parts of it. Cf. also the bear as
a sacred animal of Artemis.
In the first Messenian war the Arcadians still fought, dressed in skins of wolves and
bears. See further Keiler, Thierwelt, p. 365 sq.
54) Cf. Xenoph. cyneg. 11, 1; Anab. V, 310. But it was found in Macedonia, Thracia,
Lydia, Epirus, Mysia, etc. (cf. the bear on a coin of Kardai in Thracia). Pausanias,
however, mentions bears found in his time on the Taygetos (III, 204), the Arcadian
mountains (VIII, 23, 9; IV, 11, 3) and the Parnassus (I, 32); and as an eye-witness he
informs us, that bear-cubs were sacrificed to Artemis Laphrai at Patrai (VII, 18, 12, 13).
But according to Keiler, Thierwelt, p. 175 sqq. his information cannot be taken seriously.
6B) Keiler, Thierwelt, p. 365 sq.
68) Cf. Hor. ep. 16, 51; carm. III, 4, 18; Varr. 1. 1. V, 100; VII, 40; Ov. hal. 58;
Sil. It. IV, 558.
57) Helbig, d. It. i. d. Po-ebene, p. 14 sq.
88) VIII, 17, 3.
B9) Keiler, Thiere, p. 112.
49
least terrified; the lions and wolves are tame and wag their tails. And so
they do in Ovid (XIV, 45/6) 214 sqq.
According to D'Hancarville 60) Vergil came to this conception by the
local situation, since the surging of the waves on the rock of the promontory
makes a sound here that resembles the roaring of wild animals. (Cf. also
"vada fervida".) Possibly Vergil alludes to this circumstance on which
Conington remarks: the breakers on the headland of Circei.
It may also be that, because Aeneas does not enter the abode of Circe,
but only sails past it, and at a fair distance and during the night (cf. sera
sub nocte rudentum), Vergil was obliged to change the visual representation
into an auditive one. He may have done so the sooner, because he always
had a predilection for auditive painting 60a).
Besides, the words: gemitus, irae, saevire, ululare, etc. may also be
a good example of the strengthening of many old-Greek motives in
Hellenistic times, (Vergil himself in his turn has been imitated here in
an intensified way by Ovid (Met. XIV, 255), where in the palace of Circe
"mille lupi mixtaeque lupis ursaeque leaeque" are found.
In line 15—16, and especially with the words: "vincla recusantum"
Vergil may allude to the fact, that Circei, at least in the time of Augustus,
was a place of deportation. For in 36 b.C. Lepidus was banished hither by
Augustus, originally for the duration of his life61). This fact may even
have drawn the attention to this half-forgotten place afresh, and may
have been one of the reasons, why Vergil in the very beginning of the
second half of his poem gave some fifteen lines to it.
Perhaps the fact, that especially the lions' effort to break loose from
their chains is mentioned, may be an underlining of the hypothesis of
Fr. Sforza as to the hidden hostile intentions which Vergil in writing the
Aeneid had against Augustus.
avrt) xaréêe^EV, ÈJZEI xay.d (pag/uax EÖCOXEV. 239/240: [ol de ovwv /uèv tyov
xecpaXag qxovfjv TÉ zqtyag ie xai óé/uag, avxuo vovg rjv Efjuieöog óg zó n&Qog JIEQ.
In Apollonios Rhodios they are not real animals, but (IV, 672 sqq.)
©fjgeg ö' ov drjQEOOiv êoixózsg (bfirjazfjaiv, ovöè jukv ovd' avÖQtaaiv ó/iov
óé/iag, IxXXo ö' aji' alXcov ov/ujuiyécg [XEXÉCÜV . .. and he even compares them
to the first indefinite products of nature: Toiovg xa! JiQozégrjg è£ llvog ê-
pXaoTrjoev xdwv avtrj /uixtoTaiv aQrjOEtiévovg fieXÉEaaiv. Ovid (I. 10) speaks
of "vanarum fererum".
Vergil may have avoided laying stress on the fact that even now they
were only half-animals, because he wanted to remain within the limits of
the probable as much as possible, and because a representation as given
by Apollonios, contrary to nature would have offended the good taste of
himself and of his public.
62) Od. X, 213, 236, 276, 287 sqq., 317, 326/7, 392/4.
63) Od. X, 237, 293, 319, 389.
64) X, 275 sqq., 292 sqq.
65) XIV, 10: herbigeros adiit colles (Glaucus; quanta sit herbarum, Titani, potentia,
nulli quam mihi cognitius; 21, 33, 43, 55 sqq., 68/9: cf. also 346 sqq., 403.
oe) Ps. Aristot. de mir. ausc. 79: Eustath. Dion. Per. 692; Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV,
311; Apollod. III, 15, 1; Nonn. Dion. XXII, 77.
51
of the encampment with the spoils of the sea to Mars and Neptune™):
the birthday of Augustus became the day of foundation of three temples,
viz. of Apollo, Mars and Neptune; Agrippa in 25 b.C. dedicated a temple
to Neptunus, because of his victories at sea over Antony and Sextus
Pompeius 77).
So, as Neptune guided Augustus in the battle of Actium and in other
battles, he also may have guided his forebear Aeneas.
And as he came forth to Aeneas' rescue in book I, to calm the storm
raised by Aeolus as well he led him here "praeter vada fervida".
Finally it may be remarked that, although here cape Circeium with its
"inaccessi luci" is the residence of the dangerous witch Circe, in the same
book 1. 799, in the catalogue of the Latin forces, it is the dwelling-place
of peasants. Rehm remarks that it is characteristic of the geographical
passages in Vergil's Aeneid that the world is much more modern there
than in the rest of the epos.
25
Iamque rubescebat radiis mare et aethere ab alto
Aurora in roseis fulgebat lutea bigis,
cum venii posuere omnisque repente resedit
flatus et in lento luctantur marmore tonsae.
Atque hic Aeneas ingentem ex aequore lucum
30 prospicit. hunc inter fluvio Tiberinus amoeno
verticibus rapidis et multa [lavus harena
in mare prorumpit. variae circumque supraque
adsuetae ripis volucres et fluminis alveo
aethera mulcebant cantu lucoque volabant.
35 flectere iter sociis terraeque advertere proras
imperat et laetus fluvio succedit opaco.
A. Vergil makes the Trojans land at the Tiber, and not at another spot
of the ager Laurens.
All the other sources make Aeneas land not at the mouth of the Tiber,
but "in agro Laurenti" or "JIEQI A(AQSVTOV" x), not far from the Numicus 2),
or at least at a fair distance from the Tiber3), and at any rate not
immediately at its mouth 4). Nor have we any reason to suppose that Cato
made them land here.
Only in authors who clearly go back to Vergil is the mouth of the Tiber
mentioned as Aeneas' landing-place 5).
Why is Vergil at variance here with all his sources, and moreover,
whereas in the version of Dionysius the Tiber is not found at all, in the
*) Liv. I, 1; App. Reg. 1; DH I, 53; 63, where the place is not further specified; cf.
also Cass. Hem. fr. 7 P; Fest. p. 367 M s.v. Troia; Varr. ap. SA IX, 8.
2) Zonar. VII, 1: TiQoOéOx* AavQévxta xctta xöv Nov/tfaiov noxa/ióv', DC fr. 3, Tzetz.
Lyc. 1232: 7I£(>I AavQivrov cfi 7iQo6<axfiXtf xö xaï XQOCCLV \xaXov/itvov, NTQÏ Nov/iixiov
noxafióv.
3) DH I, 45: xarsö%ov SIS i'TÓi' ... ov ?IQÓOb) TÜ>V TOÖ Tt(!{Qtoq which
cannot however have been very near the Tiber, cf. c. 55, where izqmtov /liv mt-
Zo/uvots- tof,- av9-Qiaitoti i'.ró <fCipris, orx t/ovros v<fa>Q to» TÓnov. Moreover they are
only about an hour's walk from Lavinium (cf. c. 56).
4) Strab. V, p. 229: xaia(>avTag tig AavQtvtov rijd nXrfiiov rwv 'SlOTtwv xat rol
TifóQfws r\ióvoq.
6) OM XIV, 447 sqq.: lucosque petunt ubi nubilus umbra in mare cum flava prorumpit
Thybris arena; Polyaen, Strat. VIII, 25, 2: Oi NTQÏ Aivtlav TQUHS <P£vyovrf$ IxaXla
nQoOéOxov, xat a/upï xatg *nfioXaZq xoü ïioxa/iov xov OvfiQufog tvavXóxow. Cf. also
Stat. Silv. V, 213 sqq., and Rutil. Namat. Itin. I, 182.
54
6) p. 441 sqq.: Dans le récit de Dénys qui développe cette tradition, le Tibre
n'apparaït pas. Enée aborde sur un point quelconque de la cöte, directement de la mer;
mange ses tables aussitöt, ... prépare sur la plage un sacrifice d'action de graces; donne
ordre, a eet effet, de débarquer de 1'un de ses navires une truie pleine; la laisse échapper,
la rejoint vingt-quatre stades plus loin, a 1'intérieur des terres, sur une colline solitaire oü
elle met bas trente petits, ... et fonda, en effet, — Lavinium.
Dans 1'Enéide, au contraire, le Tibre est partout. Enée entre en terre latine par le
Tibre: c'est a la banquette du fleuve qu'il a amarré sa flotte; il mange ses tables sous
les arbres qui en ombragent le cours; crée Troia au bord du fleuve; voit, en rêve, surgir
le dieu qui 1'incarne, et, dans la réalité, la truie blanche et ses trente petits grouillant sur
la rive verdoyante. Tous les prodiges — expliqués ou provoqués par le dieu du Tibre —
qui consacrent cette cité en ont eu pour théatre le territoire baigné par le Tibre.
Le dieu du Tibre n'a pas a intervenir et n'intervient pas, en effet, chez Dénys. Dans
1'Enéide, il domine 1'action, et en déclanche les principales péripéties. Etc.
Moreover II, 781 and III, 500 sqq. e.g. the Tiber is explicitly mentioned as the end of
Aeneas' peregrinations.
6") Hellanikos and Damastes of Sigeum ap. DH I, 72; cf. Agathocles ap. Fest. p. 269
s.v. Romam; Kallias ap. DH and Fest. ll.ee.; cf. also Polyaen. l.c.; Plut. de mul. virt. 1,
Rom. 1.
6i>) Aeneas: Polyaen. l.c.; "the Trojans": Plut. ll.ee.; Trojan women: Heraclides ap.
Fest. l.c., SA I, 273, Solin. I, 2.
7) Cf. Nissen, p. 567: An der einformigen Küste, die sich zwischen dem Argentaro
und Circello 200 Km. lang hinstreckt, bot der grösste Flussmündung der geeignetste
Ankerplatz.
8) Carcopino p. 725, n. 1: le site ostien devait lui plaire en soi a cause du Tibre, d'une
beauté tour a tour imposante ou charmante, Encore aujourd'hui, dans cette campagne de
Rome, d'une grandeur accablante et monotone, le Tibre est le seul a mettre oü il passé
un élément de variété et comme le mouvement de la vie. Le paysage ne s'anime que sur
ses bords. Les peintures les plus riantes des derniers livres de 1'Enéide viennent de la
couleur changeante de ses eaux, des arbres qui 1'ombragent, des oiseaux qui 1'égayent
de leurs chants.
55
one would be prone to conclude nowadays 9) — and for the Ancients one
of the conditions of the greatness of Rome was that it should be situated
on the Tiber 10).
Moreover Ostia was the oldest harbour of Rome, and even the oldest
Roman colony; according to tradition 11) it had been founded by Ancus
Martius 12) and Romulus was said to have conquered the Salinae at the
mouth of the Tiber from the Etruscans 13), and according to Cic. de
Rep. II, 3, 5 he had even considered the possibility of establishing Rome
there. From 440 onwards Ostia is mentioned as a commercial port1*).
And with the development of Rome Ostia's importance increased as well,
especially since Rome became dependent on corn from overseas. This may
appear from the institution of the quaestor Ostiensis in 267 b.C. 15).
e) The connection of the Tiber with the oldest legendary history of
Rome. According to Servius (A I, 273) the Roman twins were thrown
into the Tiber by Amulius, together with their mother Ilia. Tum, ut quidam
dicunt, Iliam sibi Anio fecit uxorem, ut alii, inter quos Horatius (Carm.
I, 2), Tiberis. Pueri vero expositi ad vicinam ripam delati sunt, etc.16).
Several other legendary persons, as Euander (OF V, 643), Hercules
(OF V, 644), and Saturnus (cf. OF V, 229) were said to have entered
Italy by the mouth of the Tiber as well.
[) For several reasons Vergil may have considered the site of the
later Ostia a very suitable place for the prodigy of the mensae. I.a. because,
as Carcopino says, a certain sort of cakes were offered, to Summanus
the so-called Summanalia, and because as an artist he may have found it
an attractive paradox to cause the Trojans to have a deficiency of cereal
food in a place, where there was an abundance of it in later times.
g ) When Cybele, the Magna Mater of the Ida, was introduced in
Rome in 204 b.C., she arrived there by the Tiber 17) or certainly, which
perhaps is the older tradition 18) arrived at Ostia; from there she was
transported by land to Rome. For many other testimonies of this fact,
19) Cic. de har. resp. XIII, 27; Diod. XXXIV, 33; Suet. Tib. 2; Liv. XXXIV, 1;
XXXVI, 36; Lact. inst. II, 7, 12. Cf. also Appian. Pun. VII, 9, 56; Diod. frg. 34; 35;
Sil. It. XVII, 1—47; Herodian, V, 11; Stat. Silv. I, 2, 245/6; Solin. I, 20; Aur. Vict. 46;
and a pedestal, which was found on the bank of the Tiber, now in the Capitoline Museum,
with an inscription Dessau, 4096, 4097.
20) lts foundations and inscriptions have been discovered in modern times.
21) The great festival of Cybele and Attis was also celebrated from 22—27 March.
In all probability however this did not take place before the middle of the second century
A.D. (see Wissowa, RuK, p. 321 sqq.).
22) Mon. Anc. 4, 8; OF IV, 347.
23) Cf. especially the reliefs of the Sorrentine basis (RM IV, 1889; taf. X), where
Cybele appears among the gods of the Julian house. Her röle in Vergil may also point to
this, where (Bailey, p. 174 sqq.) she is the Phrygian mother-goddess with her home on
the Ida (cf. II, 788; VI, 784; VII, 139; IX, 82; 110, 617 sqq.; X, 220, 252; G IV, 64).
and a special deity of Troy, worshipped there before its fall, and still appealed to by
Aeneas and his wandering companions (cf. II, 788; III, 111; VII, 139, IX, 82 sqq.,
X, 252; XI, 768) and a new supporter to Aeneas and his Trojans.
24) Cf. also OF IV, 249 sqq.: Dindymon et Cybelen et amoenam fontibus Iden
semper et Iliacas Mater amavit opes. Cum Troiam Aeneas Italos portarat in agros, est
dea sacriferas paene secuta rates.
26) Cf. OF IV, 293 sqq.: protinus innumeras caedunt pineta secures illa, quibus fugiens
Phryx pius usus erat.... illa sui per aquas fertur tutissima nati.
57
It is possible that Vergil was a champion for Ostia, and opined that
this place, being the oldest harbour of Rome, had a right to remain the
most important.
Moreover Julius Caesar had wished to improve the condition of its
harbour, which was rather bad at that time26), and was even engaged
in carrying out this project27) when his sudden death put a stop to
these proceedings, and it was not before the time of Claudius that this
labour was completed 28). Augustus therefore did not continue this work,
for what reason we know not.
Therefore Vergil may have connected the landing of Aeneas with
Ostia, thus showing to his readers, that the Julii were connected with
Ostia from the beginning, and hinting to Augustus that it was part of
his duty to keep up this connection, as Julius Caesar had done.
Yet Augustus himself may have had this project as well. At any rate
Ostia must have attracted special attention in the time of Augustus,
because it was almost entirely rebuilt in that period29). According to
Carcopino p. 729 sqq. these many restorations as well as Augustus'
installing a colony of veterans here 30) are an additional proof not only
of the renovation of Ostia by Augustus, but of the fact that Augustus also
had this project, already conceived by Caesar, of digging a harbour at
Ostia; and according to him Augustus even may have started to execute
this plan31). When Vergil — who often in his epos patronized the
projects of Augustus — wrote the Aeneid, these projects (p. 744) "devaient
être la grande nouvauté du jour". So he multiplied in his epos allusions as
to the harbour at the mouth of the Tiber. "Au vaste dessein du prince,
contesté peut-être par quelque facheux, Virgile déclarait, par cette
confusion, comme un certificat d'origine".
Moreover according to Carcopino p. 755 sqq. the soil of Ostia was
especially sacred in Vergil's eyes, because an ancient f ederal La tin cult
of Vulcanus and Maia had existed there, which had become the nucleus
of the Roman pantheon, and corresponded to the principles of Vergil's
own religious and Stoic views. Starting from the view that Aeneas founded
a city here, "la nouvelle Troie", he says: "par la contiguité du Tibre, dont
elle était baignée, il donnait déja a la cité romaine, que la nouvelle Troie
récélait dans ses flancs, ... 1'élasticité et 1'ampleur qui lui permettaient un
jour de comprendre 1'univers dans son empire".
Finally, whether we agree with Carcopino that the encampment of
Aeneas on the Tiber was a real city, or not, at any rate it was a settlement.
And even for this settlement it may hold good, that, as Carcopino p. 771
sqq. says. Vergil wanted it to represent Troy in as many traits as possible.
For the Romans in general wanted a new colony etc. in its outward
appearance to remind them as much as possible of their native town; "La
cité renaissante ressuscite en quelque sort sous les traits physiques de
la cité disparue et tache a s'organiser, sous un ciel nouveau, dans un
paysage qui réproduit Tanden", as may appear from some testimonies of
Antiquity 32),
Vergil may have given the same tendency to the Trojans, as appears
e.g. from X, 158 33); jn Epirus, with Helenus and Andromache, Aeneas
recognizes successively all the traits of the topography of Troy 34).
One of the main particulars of the site of Troy had been the rivers, the
Xanthus and the Simois. So they had to be present on the new site as well,
as indeed appears from the lamentation of Beroe35), from the assurance
of the Sibyll to Aeneas 36), and from Venus' supplication to Jupiter37).
And indeed, even if we do not identify Vergil's Numicius with the
outlet of the lacus Ostiensis, as Carcopino does 38), Vergil created a greater
correspondence with the site of Troy if the Trojans landed at the Tiber,
than at any other point of the Ager Laurens. Moreover the points of
correspondence between the Xanthus and the Tiber, which Carcopino
enumerates 39)( are certainly worth mentioning, and this correspondence
was most likely also intended by Vergil himself40).
32) SA X, 60: novimus enim hanc fuisse consuetudinem, ut advenae patriae suae
imaginem sibi redderent. Cf. also Lyc. Al. 978/9: nóliv <f' ó/tolav •iXiat tfvodalpovts
rttC/mvrtg with Tzetz.: xal navxa v.tna ntu i:Oir Tgolai; inolutfav.
33) Aeneia puppis imminet Ida super, profugis gratissima Teucris.
34) III, 302 sqq., especially 349 sqq.: procedo et parvam Troiam simulataque magnis
Pergama et arentemi Xanthi cognomine rivum adgnosco Scaeaeque amplector limina portae.
3B) V, 633/4: nullane iam Troiae dicentur tnoenia, nusquam Hectoreos amnes, Xanthum
et Simoenta, videbo?
36) VI, 88/9: non Simois tibi nee Xanthus ... defuerint.
3T) X, 60/2: Xanthum et Simoenta redde, oro, miseris.
:!S) And therefore cannot agree with all the points of correspondence between the
Simoeis and the Numicius, as enumerated by Carcopino, p. 775.
39) The Xanthus-Skamandrios as well as the Albula-Tiberis both have two names;
the name Xanthus — the blond corresponds to Albula — the whdtish, whereas the water
of the Tiber is indeed yellowish, and the Tiber is often called "flavus" in Latin (see
above); and the names Thymbris and Thymbra are found in the immediate neighbourhood
of the Trojan Xanthus, the Thymbris being even a tributary stream of the Xanthus.
59
Perhaps Vergil was the more entitled to make the Trojans land here,
because a place-name "Troja" may have existed on this spot41) and
according to tradition Aeneas when first landing in Latium, had occupied
a place called Troia42).
h) Rehm. p. 81, n. 168 considers that Vergil thus imitated Apollonios
Rhodios II, 1264/87, describing the Argonauts sailing on the river Phasis.
B. Description of nature.
The mouth of the Tiber in the Augustan age was situated about 4 km
further inland than the present mouth43), of the Fiumara as well as of the
Fiumicino 44).
Vergil must of course have imagined the Trojans as sailing into the
Fiumara, the real mouth of the Tiber, which by silting up is no longer
accessible for navigation; for the Fiumicino45) was only dug under the
Emperors Claudius and Trajanus.
"Ainsi s'établit une correspondance exacte entre la Troade et la plaine d'Ostie: le flavus
Thybris présente, dans les mots, 1'image inversée du Xanthos Thymbris.
40) See III, 497, where Aeneas addresses Helenus and Andromache: vobis parta quies ...
effiqiem Xanthi Troiamque videtis, and immediately adds in 1.500: si quando Thybrim
vicinaque Thybridis arva intraro.
41) As well as in other spots of Latium, as there were more homonymies here, e.g.
Solonium. This place-name Troia may, as Carcopino p. 405 sqq. says, originally have
had nothing to do with the Troy of Priamus, but be a pre-Latin place-name, prevalent
inside and outside Italy (for the latter cf. DH I, 51, 1—2; Liv. I, 1, 3) and probably
denoting a common aspect of nature or of the ground, either, if related with "trua", a
swampy subsidence of the ground, or, if related with "troare", a large pasture, where
the horses gallop; or, if related to the Ind.-Eur. root "truj" or "troj", a sort of passage.
42) Cf. SA I, 5: dum conderet urbem: aut Troiam aut Laurolavinium aut Romam
significat ... Troiam autem dici quam primum fecit Aeneas, et Livius in primo, et Cato
in Originibus significat. Cf. also SA VII, 158. Fest. s.v. Troia: Troja et ... et ... et
locus in agro Laurente, quo primum Italiae Aeneas cum suis constitit. So also Liv. I, 1,
4/5; DH I, 53, 3; App. Rom. I; Steph. Byz. s.v.".4p<f£«. Cf. perhaps also the "praedium
Troianum", Cic. ad Att. IX, 9, 4, and 13, 6.
43) Carcopino p. 496 sqq.: the mouth of the Augustan Tiber must be situated at
about 340 m to the East of the modern Tor Bovacciana, which is at a distance of about
4 km from the sea.
44) See also Nissen, I, p. 355 sqq. This important alluvion (cf. already Vitr. V, 12, 2;
OM XV, 262 sqq.) is a consequence of a) the constitution of the Latin coast, which is
composed of sand (more about this see Carcopino p. 497); b) of the extraordinary
alluvion of the Tiber (ibid. p. 497/8) and its mouth being exposed to the South-
Western wind.
46) At a distance of 30 km to the West of Rome the Tiber divides into:
a) the Fiumicino — a canal, 5 km in length, and at least 1.50 m in depth, which
flows past Portus, and was dug by the Emperors Claudius and Trajanus on the occasion
of the digging of the new harbour, and because the real mouth of the Tiber had become
innavigable by silting up.
b) the Fiumara — its original bed, which flows past Ostia and is 8 km in length.
lts mouth is situated 5 km to the south of the mouth of the Fiumicino. (More about this
see Carcopino, p. 495 sqq.)
60
"J'ai plus d'une fois parcouru cette cöte, oü, par une matinée de printemps, débarqua
le pieux Enée, et j'avoue que le spectacle que j'ai eu sous les yeux n'est pas tout a fait
celui que Vergile vient de dépeindre. Le Tibre continue a tourbillonner sans bruit en
rongeant ses rives et a rouler ses eaux jaunes vers la mer, mais les arbres sont rares
sur cette plage désolée et je n'ai guère entendue les oiseaux y chanter. Au lieu de ce
tableaux d'idy;lle on a devant soi un paysage monotone et silencieux, qui fait naïtre dans
1'ame une impression de tristesse et de grandeur Quand, du haut d'un de ces
tertres formés par 1'amoncellement des ruines, nous jetons les yeux autour de nous, il
nous est impossible de ne pas plaindre ce pauvre chef troyen, qui vient de quitter les
riches campagnes d'Asie, et a qui les dieux ont fait payer par tant de fatigues et de périls
la possession de quelques Jieus de sable."
Cf. also Nissen, p. 320: "Von Ostia bis Perugia hinauf gewahrt der
Tiber ununterbrochen ein Bild von Verwahrlösung und fiebervoller Öde",
and p. 315: "Man kann Tage lang auf Ponte Molle stehen ohne ein Segel
zu erspahen oder einen Ruderschlag zu vernehmen". And the Tiber is not
48) As is the opinion of Boissier, p. 264 sqq., cf. on the contrary Rehm, p. 44, n. 95.
47) After the Anio joins with it; Nissen I, p. 309.
48) The "multa harena" at the mouth of the Tiber, about which in the time of Vergil
e.g. Strabo (see note 26) camplains, was the reason for digging a new outlet, the
Fiumicino (see above).
49) The adjective flavus, which Vergil seems to have been the first to use, (here
and IX, 816), is often used of the Tiber by Augustan poets (e.g. Hor. Carm. I, 2, 13;
8: 8; II, 3, 18; Sat. II, 1, 8; III, 292; Ovid M. XIV, 448: in mare cum flavo prorumpit
Thybris harena; Tr. V, 1, 31; Ib. 140) and other writers, see RE s.v. Tiberis, col. 796.
60) Because of the parts of loam that are dissolved in them. This loamy, dirty yellow
colour according to H. Philipp, RE I.c., is however originally not inherent in the waters
of the Tiber, but appears only after the Anio joins with it, and even then mainly from
autumn to spring.
(This last peculiarity would agree very wel! with the theory of Mandra, that the
Trojans entered Latium about March.)
61
at all a kind river, but (ibid. p. 320) the scourge of the regions it flows
through.
Yet Vergil perhaps more than any other poet of this time56) presents
this aspect of Nature in which the outward world appeared to the educated
Italian mind. He shows the greatest susceptibility to the beauty of Nature,
and especially to her freshness, the refreshment she offers to eye and
ear57), by this openness and receptivity (Sellar, p. 164) of mind, through
which all the softer and more delicate influences of the outward world
enter into and become part of his being. And at the same time he has the
greatest power to give them back in graceful forms. He often combines
this with an allusion to the earlier conditions of places that are dear to
him through personal association, and, above all, that appeal to his sentiment
of national pride, especially those situated in the environments of Rome.
I therefore, as will already have appeared from these words, cannot
agree with Heinze p. 248: "die wenigen ausführlichen landschaftlichen
Schilderungen sind Imitationen; ... vom Vorbild geht er aus, nicht von
der eigenen Anschauung".
I can better agree with Rehm l.c. that these lines of Vergil are not a mere
imitation of Apollonios' Argonautica l.c., i.a. of: daaxiov eïoeXaoavTB;
eAo?, but that, although Vergil may have used an existing motif, in
its elaboration he was entirely independent. (Ovid M. XIV, 447/8:
"lucosque petunt ubi nubilus umbra in mare cum flava prorumpit Thybris
harena" on the contrary gives a mere imitation of Vergil.)
mind in the Alexandrian period, and perpetuated by educated Greeks living in Southern
Italy, this love of natural beauty might never have been consciously realised by thein as
a source of poetic inspiration."
BB) Cf. e.g. Hor. Ep. I, 14, 35: prope rivum somnus in herba.
B7) As to the amoenitas and freshness offered by a stream see e.g. G. I, 107—llOr
G. III, 143/45; A. VII, 494/5; as to the description of an Italian spring see G. II, 323/45;
cf. especially 328: avia tum resonant avibus virgulta canoris.
58) "The poetical element in his descriptions is not limited to the perception of
outward shows of things that gratify the eye, or the sounds which delight the ear, but
they are pervaded by the sense of a secret, unceasing, tranquil power, communicating to
outward things the grace and tendermess of human sentiment, the variety and vivacity of
human energy."
63
59) So in the Aeneid various human "situations" are conceived under the influence
of some sense of awe or wonder, of beauty or pathos, of local or antique association,
and the whole description is so presented as to bring this central interest into prominent
belief. ' Several instances in Sellar, p. 411 sqq.
80) Gemini minantur ... scopuli; horrentique atrum nemus imminet umbra, etc.
el) Hor. Od. II, 3; Prop. I, 14, 1—6: tu licet abiectus Tiberina molliter unda Lesbia ...
vina bibas ... et modo tam celeres mireris currere lintres et modo tam tardas funibus ire
rates, et nemus unde satas intendat vertice silvas...; Plin III, 54: (Tiberis) quamlibet
magnarwn navium ex Italo mari capax, rerum in toto orbe nascentium mercator
placidissimus, pluribus prope solus quam ceteri in omnibus terris amnes accolitur
adspiciturque villis.
) 1 Ile sacrée ... on nous dit que le sol y formait toute 1'année un véritable tapis
de verdure, quau printemps il y poussait tant de roses et de fleurs de toute sorte, que
1 air en était embaumé et qu'on lappellait le séjour de Vénus. ... Toutes les denrées du
monde commengaient a prendre le chemin d'Ostie, qui devenait de plus en plus riche et
populeuse ... Cest alors que Virgile la visitée; il a vu Ie Tibre comme 1'avaient fait ces
négociants enrichis, qui venaient chercher un peu de fraïcheur et de repos après les
fatigues de la journée. ... Aux approches de la grande ville il était bordé de jardins
délicieux, oü les grands seigneurs aimaiient réunir leurs amis des deux sexes dans des
festins joyeux pendant lesquels on s amusaft a voir les bateaux descendre et remonter
le fleuve.
03) p. 492 sqq.
Cf. also Nissen l.c.: es gab eine Zeit wo der Tiber ein verkleinertes Abbild unseres
Rheins darbot.
64
Of course mutatis mutandis. For although the banks of the Tiber were
also wooded in the time of Vergil 64) ancj there even was at least one
lucus at Ostia 65) ( there can have been no question of a real ingens lucus
and of the river being really opacus.
But in view of the many woods in ancient Italy 66) f which also Vergil
himself often and consistently lays stresses 67) Vergil was fully justified
in adding this detail.
A reason of this transposition of the laughing aspect of the Tiber in
Vergil's own days to the time of Aeneas may have lain in his, and perhaps
still more Augustus' wish, to have ancient Italy as a foundation of Roman
life. Therefore they exerted themselves to show not only that the old
habits and conditions were good, but also that as much of the good things
of Italy of their days as possible was already found or foreshadowed in
most ancient Italy.
On the other hand: Rehm p. 71 remarks that for the Trojans in the
Aeneid, as perhaps for Vergil himself 68) the wood always retains
something awe-inspiring. And Vergil preferably gives the wood an epithet
which accentuates this 69) or certainly says that the wood is profunda
(VII, 515), immensa (VI, 186), avia (VII, 580) or, as here, ingens.
d) moreover Vergil may have been conscious that this description of
the Tiber-landscape corresponded more or less to an early reality.
For, even nowadays, as Carcopino p. 320 remarks:
les nuances changeantes ou les détours du Tibre ... la verdoyante végétation, qui
courait ses bords immédiats ... n'en a pas entièrement disparue ... Aujourd'hui encore.
dans la campagne nue de 1 Ile sacrée, les rives du Tibre jettent une note isolée de fraïcheur
et d'ombrages";
and p. 492:
le Tibre est toujours boisé, et, dans la nudité environnante, ses bords continuent
d'apparaitre, de loin, ombragés et verts. Le touriste qui se rend au bac d'Ostie croit
apercevoir, sur la droite, une haute futaie qui touche a la mer. II s'agit de quelques grands
arbres qui, parmi les lentisques et les tamaris, ont poussé sur les tumoletti ... et qui, a cette
distance, font illusion. De Capo-due-rami a la mer, la Fiumara est accompagnée, sur les
rives du fleuve, par une végétation arborescente que 1'élcrignement épaissit au point
qu'une photographie ferait croire a qui ne se serait pas promené parmi boquetaux et
boissons, qu'un grand bois s'allonge de part et d'autre du Tibre, semblable a celui qu'Enée
saluait de la haute mer.
Qu'on y ajoute, par la pensee, tous les hêtres, toutes les yeuses, tous les rouvres dont
la forêt laurentine renferme les essences, et qu'ont dü faire disparaitre, pour s'acquitter
de leurs redevances envers le Saint-Siège, les bücherons ostiens, et 1'on finira par partager
1'impression de fraïcheur silvestre que Virgile a voulu rendre."
We have traced the different reasons which may have induced Vergil
to give this particular form to this passage. Yet his description of the Tiber-
landscape, although not leaving out any essential elements and giving a
™) E.g. deforestation, and the silting up of the mouth of the Tiber and its alluvion,
which has entirely changed the appearance of the region, increased more and more in
course of time. See Nissen, I, p. 320, p. 433 sqq., 462—4; Carcopino p. 495 sqq.
71) Cf. also VA VII, 495, VIII, 32, 92, 95/6, where is given a similar laughing and
idyllic description of the Tiber.
5
66
very vivid impression of the scene, is rather succinct and so are his other
descriptions of Nature. In this he followed the rules of the epos of his
time, as expressed by Horace in his Ars Poëtica, 1. 14 sqq.: inceptis
gravibus plerumque et magna professis purpureus, late qui splendeat, unus
et alter assuitur pannus, cum lucus et ara Dianae et properantis aquae
per amoenos ambitus agros, aut flumen Rhenum ... describitur; sed nunc
non erat his locus.
Why does Vergil say here: "fluvio Tiberinus amoeno", and not "Tiberis
fluvio amoeno", or "Tiberis amoenus", as in general he preferred the
forms Tiberinus and Thybris to Tiberis?
This preference is clearly shown by the relative use of these words.
In the Aeneid, where the Tiber plays an important part, and is mentioned
by name 27 times, the name Tiberis is found only once (VII, 715) and in
an entirely geographical description, where this form moreover may have
been chosen because of its sound association with the immediately following
Fabaris; the other times either Tiberinus is used (8 times, of which however
four times as an adjective-form), or Thybris. (For the rest Tiberinus
is always used when Vergil himself is speaking72), and once (VI, 872/4)
in a prophecy by Anchises — Thybris always in direct speech of the
heroes 73).
Notwithstanding the long exposition of Carcopino it is not possible for
me to see that there was any really forcible reason, imposed upon Vergil
by his subject, to avoid the name Tiberis almost entirely, not only in
passages, where the heroes, but also where Vergil himself is speaking.
We therefore must put the question otherwise, scil. why Vergil's
preference for the forms Tiberinus (and Thybris) was so strong, that this
nearly involved the disappearance of the form Tiberis.
As to the different use of Tiberis, Tiberinus and Thybris Servius (VIII,
31) says: in sacris Tiberinus, in coenolexia Tiberis, in poemate Thybris.
Of course this definition is not altogether correct, as here in poetry the
name Tiberinus is used in a passage where the use of this name is not
necessarily sacral. Yet we may infer from this Servian note, that "in sacris"
the Tiber was given the name Tiberinus. This is confirmed by the fact that
where the Tiber is conceived as a divine power, he is always addressed
72) I, 13; VII, 30, 797; VIII, 31; IX, 125; X, 833; XII, 449.
73) The reason for this may be that, as Rehm p. 85/6 remarks, according to tradition
(Varr. 1.1. V, 30) the Tiber had acquired the name of Tiberinus only after the Alban king
of this name had been drowned there; and according to the rules of ancient poetry the
poet was only allowed to speak ex sua persona when he was speaking xaxa npo^ipiv
historiae (cf. Hygin. ap. Geil. X, 16).
67
) E.g. in the Louvre, n. 593, Bruckmann Taf. 197, the counterpart of the famous
representation of the Nile in the Vatican; on the square of the Capitol (Helbig, 154), on
an altar of Ostia (Helbig, 1463), on a painting from the Esquiline in the Museum of'the
7ÏTS " 9' H54)' 3nd °n tW° reIiefs of Ae Basis Gwle in the Vatican
(Helbig, 162).
) Often as a bearded figure, with horns, sometimes with a crown of reed.
sl) Cf. fasti Amiterni, CIL I, p. 245; fasti Antiates veteres, where the offering in his
temple at Ostia is mentioned on 8 December; cf. also Sen. ap. Augusün. c.d. VI, 10 and
Augustin. c.d. IV, 23, saying that Romulus introduced the cult of Tiberinus; thé prayer
o Horatius Cocles in Liv. II, 10, 11; the legend that Tiberinus took Ilia to his wife
(Hor Carm. I, 2, 1 6 ) ; cf. also Varr. 1.1. V, 71; a fontibus et fluminibus ac ceteris aquis
dei, ut Tiberinus ab Tiberi.
82) It must be remarked however that we have no instances of other ancient-Italian
names of rivers, which have an adjectival form. And according to Schulze p. 537 the
form Tiberinus is only a later development of the form Tiberis — which in this case
however originated at an early date -, like the river which in Antiquity was called
15 n°Wadays cal!ed Esino; in that case the adjectival ending need not have a
68
sacral function. (In my opinion however several objections can be made against this
supposition.)
88) See also L. A. Stella, op. cit.
s') Cf. Amm. Mare. XVII, 4, 3, 14.
8S) Cf. Plin. III, 54; quantumlibet magnarum navium ex Italo mari capax, rerum in
toto orbe nascentium mercator placidissimus. See also Nissen, I, p. 37.
8Ö) Aristot. Meteor. 2, 5; Theophr. de vent. 15; Liv. XXIX, 27; cf. also Apoll. Rhod.
Arg. 1, 519; 4, 885; Apollod. 1, 2, 4; Nonn. XXVIII, 148.
LATINUS.
The figure of Latinus, the eponym of the Latini, is much older than his
connection with the story of Aeneas. He is already found in Hesiod.
Theog. 1011 sqq.: Klgarj d', 'HeXiov {^vyatrjo ' YnsQtovldao, ysivat' Oövaarjog
xahaoLcpQovot; êv cpilózrju "Aygiov rjds Aazlvov djxvjxovd T E XQO.TSQÓV t e . . . .
Oi y rjroi /udla tfjke fxv%cö vrjocov iegdmv naaiv TvQOrjvóïaiv ayaxkeaoïaiv avaaaov,
where he is the son of Odysseus and Kirke *), and king of the Tyrrheni 2).
Whether this testimony is unquestionable or not, at any rate there are
also other notes from which it appears that Latinus existed independently
of the Aeneas-story, as son of Telemachus and Kirke, and (or) as
father of the Roman twins3). Also the traditions that Latinus founded
Rome, which he named af ter his sister Rhome (SA I, 273), and that
Rhomos was the son of Italos and of Leukaria, the daughter of Latinus
(DH I, 72, 2) — which traditions do not yet try to efface the chronological
inaccuracies — may be mentioned here.
*) Cf. also Ps. Skymn. 227; SA XII, 164; Solin. II, 9; Steph. Byz. s. v. nQdivtriToq,
Fest. p. 269; Hygin. fab. 127; Plut. Rom. 2, where he is the son of Telemachus and Circe.
2) This last item may be due to the fact that at that time the Etrurians ruled in
Latium. It is however a problem to me — in contrast with Schur — how a notice so
greatly diverging from the truth of those days could have been received in the Hesiodeic
poem. Hence I will leave a probability that these lines were not written by Hesiod
about 600 b.C. as is the opinion of Schömann, p. 284, Müllenhof, D. Alt.kunde, I, p. 54,
but date from a later period. Or Latinus may originally be an Etrurian name. (See
above on "Latio antiquo").
3) Hygin. fab. 127; DH I, 72; Euseb. Chron. I, 45, 3 p. 208; Sync. p. 363 Dind.
4) The name of Latinus is not found in our fragments of Timaeus. Yet he may have
mentioned him. But in that case too Timaeus does not say more than that (Latinus)
was the (last) king of the BoQtCyovoi.
Dionysius — who never connects Latinus with a definite town — only mentions (I, 73)
tx naXaiiav Xó)'tav 'tv LiQaïq diXroiq ataionivoiv that Latinus was king of the Aborigines;
according to Kallias (ap. DH I, 72) also he is king of this people, and according to the
above-mentioned tradition in Servius he has even founded Rome.
Cf. also Strab. V, 229: ( Aaxlvov) . . . . TÖV imv 'Alanr/ti'uu' paGtXia, T(Oï' oïxovvXOJV TÖV
xónov ZOVTOV, 0710V VVV PÓ)/IT1 fGTLV.
5) It need not appear from Cato (SA XI, 316: Troianos a Latino accepisse agrum,
qui est inter Laurentum et castra Troiana; SA IV, 620: iuxta Laurolavinium cum Aeneae
socii praedas agerent, proelium commissum, in quo Latinus occisus est) as Vahlen assumes,
that Latinus reigned in Laurentum or Lavinium.
Servius note IX, 745: primo proelio Latinus interemptus est in arce" is no strict proof
70
there any definite testimony of this localization. Nor does the fact that
Lavinia is his daughter point to his original connection with Lavinium,
for, when he was first connected with Aeneas 6) he was not the father of
Lavinia whom Aeneas received as his wife, but on the contrary7) Latinus
is the son-in-law of Aeneas, whose daughter Rhome he married, and by
whom he was the father of the Roman twins. Even if the combination of
Latinus and Amata was already known to Fabius Pictor8) this need
not be a proof for Latinus' original connection with Lavinium 9). And even
if Lavinium was not only considered to be10), but actually was the metro
polis of Latium11). Latinus cannot originally have been connected
with this town, if his figure was originally not conceived by the Latins,
but by the Greeks, as will be demonstrated below.
Moreover, as Schur remarks, the later apotheosis of Latinus and his
identification with Jupiter Latiaris does not point to an ancient
connection with Lavinium, but rather to Alba Longa*3). Yet for the
above-mentioned and other14) reasons it is also unnecessary to assume
for an old local tradition of Lavinium about Latinus either. For even if we were entitled
to conclude from this place that a tomb of Latinus was shown on the hill of
Lavinium, this only proves, as Schur RE s.v. remarks, that "selbst wenn es in Cato's
Tagen gezeigt worden ware, würde sich daraus nur soviel ergeben, dass ein altes Heroen-
grab, in der Art des Romulus-grabes vor der Curie, unter dem Einfluss der voll aus-
gebildeten Aeneas-sage auf den alten König Latinus bezogen worden ist". It may further
be remarked, that moreover the reading of Cod. Paris, in arce, which had been accepted
by Thilo, is replaced by Peter by "in acie", found in Cod. Roth.
From the words of Ennius (fr. 22 V): illi respondit rex Albai Longai it might appear
that Ennius localized him at Alba Longa. Of course this rex need not be Latinus, but
may also be one of the Alban kings. (However I see no reason to share the objection of
Aust, Roscher, s.v. p. 1906, that this king cannot be Latinus, because the latter and the
legends connected with him are closely bound up with Laurentum-Lavinium.
e) According to Schur in the beginning of the third century b.C.
7) According to Kallias (cf. Mommsen, Ges. Schr. IV, 3 sqq.).
8) SA XI, 603; for objections see Aust, col. 1912.
B) See below on 1. 50.
10) Varr. 1. 1. V, 144: oppidum, quod primum conditum in Latio stirpis Romanae,
Lavinium; nam ibi di Penates nostri; DH V, 31; compare also the annual offering of the
magistrates and priests there (Macrob. Sat. III, 4, 11; SA II, 296; III, 12; VIII, 664;
Schol. Veron. Aen. I, 239; Val. Max. I, 6, 7; Liv. I, 14, 2; V, 52; DH II, 52, 3;
Plut. Rom. 23).
u) And if its cult of Vesta and the Penates were the prototype of the similar cults
all over Latium; (about this see below).
12) For further remarks on this see below.
13) "Für einen Römer, der die timaeische Tradition seinen Landleuten mundgerecht
machen wollte, lag es zweifellos am nachsten den Latinerkönig in Alba zu lokalisieren".
14) A proof for an original connection of Latinus with Alba might be Fest. p. 194:
Latinus rex, qui proelio, quod ei fuit adversus Mezentium, Caeritum regem, nusquam
apparuerit, iudicatusque sit Jupiter Latiaris.
If he really was identical with Jupiter Latiaris. he may originally have belonged to
Alba Longa, because, as is well-known, Jupiter Latiaris was worshipped on the Mons
Albanus.
This identity of Latinus with Jupiter Latiaris is assumed e.g. by Klausen (p. 835):
71
Latinus ist der menschgewordene Jupiter Latiaris, der mit Jovialkraft ausgestattete Fürst,
durch menschliches Loos gebunden, bis die Zeit kommt, da er verschwindet und dem
Aeneas, mit dem er eine Zeit lang gemeinschaftlich geherrscht hat, das irdische Reich
überlasst, indem er selbst auf dem Albaner Berge thront'. (Yet Klausen supposes that
Latinus was also connected with Laurentum, where according to him he occupied a
position parallel to that on the Mons Albanus; e.g. "der auf dem Albaner Berge verehrte
Gott (Jupiter Latiaris) herrscht als Mensch in Laurentum". "Der Nationalgott, welcher
selbst als laurentischer Nationalfürst auf Erden gelebt hat". "In Laurentum geht alles
von der Ruhe des Penetrals aus, in welchem Nationalfürst und Vestalinn miteinander
vermahlt wohnen, wie der latiarische Jupiter in Gemeinschaft mit Vesta thront".
It is questionable, however, what value must be attached to this notice of Festus.
According to Preller I, 95/6 Latinus was not more or less identical with the Jupiter
of the Mons Albanus, but the "Divus Pater Latiaris", ("das heisst der verklarte König,
Held und Vater seiner Nation, der göttliche Vater und Urheber des latinischen Namens.
Cf. also p. 328: Latinus fallt, worauf er zum Divus Pater Latiaris erhöht und auf dem
Burg von Lavinium als göttlicher Stamm- und Ahnherrn der Latiner verehrt wurde")
and worshipped in the region of Lavinium as a sort of Indiges.
Although this Jatter view of Preller does not hold good in my opinion (see below), his
former statement cannot altogether be neglected, for none of the older testimonies gives
evidence of the Jupiter-character of Latinus. As to the apotheosis of Latinus Aust col. 1913
considers it entirely formed after that of Aeneas, who was identified with the (Jupiter)
Indiges of the Numicus (Cf. Cato (SA IV, 620, IX, 745) who only mentions that Aeneas
non comparuit, whereas Latinus falls in the battle.) When the scholars wished to give
a similar honour to Latinus, the latter was identified with Jupiter Latiaris, on the analogy
of the Identification of Aeneas with Jupiter Indiges.
So there is no reason to connect Latinus with the Mons Albanus either.
18) In earlier traditions the name Latini only originates after the union of the
Aborigines and the Trojans. Cato (SA I, 6): primo Italiam tenuisse quosdam qui
Aborigines appellabantur; hos postea adventu Aeneae Phrygibusque iunctos Latinos uno
nomine nuncupatos, and many other testimonies; see Aust, s.v. col. 1911, 1. 47 sqq.
16) Hennes, L, p. 21 sqq.
1T) According to Schur Roman tradition, starting from the Timaean data of a
sacral-aetiological character, made Aeneas the founder of Lavinium. At the same time
72
the annalists, to fill the gap between Aeneas and Romulus, introduced the figure of
Ascanius, who now was said to have founded Alba (DH I, 72, 5). Ascanius in this way
drove away Latinus from Alba, whereas now, by a comparatively recent literary
transfer, he was connected with Lavinium. The reasons for this are according to Schur,
that Aeneas was connected with Lavinium, that hence afterwards Latinus' daughter was
named Lavinia, and that Aeneas, his son-in-law, had resided in Lavinium as his successor.
18) Although according to Aust in our indigenous tradition Latinus is always
connected with Laurentum-Lavinium, yet he does not assume that this connection was
original, but he sees in this only a consequence of the belief, already existing at the
beginning of Roman literature, that Lavinium was the metropolis of Latium. Cf. also
Preller, II, p. 320.
19) P. 217: Nach römisch-latinischer Religionsvorstellung musste die latinische
Nation als Familie im Grossen in gleicher Weise ihren Lar oder Genius haben, wie im
Kleinen jede Familie, jede gens, etc. Als solcher Genius oder Lar der latinischen Nation
wurde zunachst — nichts lag naher — der Heros Eponymos derselben, Latinus, gedacht:
ahnlich wie man sich als Stammvater und folglich als Lar der amilischen gens einen
Aemilius gedacht haben wird.
2°) P. 172.
21) I. P- 95/6, who, starting from "the tomb on the hill" (see n. 5) and Fest. p. 194
(see n. 14) (cf. also Schol. Bob. Cic. pro Planc. 9, 23, p. 256: post obitum Latini regis
ac Aeneae, quod nusquam apparuerunt) supposes that Latinus was "vermutlich auch
ein Indiges, und dem Aeneas nahe verwandt, nur dass sein Heiligtum auf dem Burg
zu Lavinium, das des Aeneas an jenem Flusse gezeigt wurde'. He further points to the
fact, that the Sabine Semo Sancus was worshipped at Reate as the first king and
"verklarter Gott seines Volkes" (cf. August, c. d. XVIII, 19).
22) It may be objected against the view of Preller, that, if the reading "in acie"
SA IX, 745 (see n. 5) is the genuine one, there is no sufficiënt reason for his view.
Moreover this same author II, p. 321 says, that Aeneas was identified with the "am
Numicus verehrten pater Indiges (der Laurenter), welcher vermutlich früher den zum
König dieser Landschaft potenzierten Flussgott Numicius bedeutet hatte", who was
worshipped there, and with whom many legends were connected; but in my opinion
in that case there would have been two patres indigetes, representatives of one and the
same region, which is very improbable.
Finally the Semo Sancus of the Sabini is not named Sabinus, and hence is not a real
eponym, but Semo Sancus, like Janus, Saturnus, and Faunus among the Latins, may have
become an eponymous king after being a national deity.
73
like the Latini need not as Schwegler supposes, necessarily have had such
an eponym. For the Latini — even if we limit ourselves to Latium
antiquum — were not a natural unit, but were composed of several small
units, that had arrived on Latin soil successively. Moreover we have no
other instances in Roman Italy of an eponym of a rather large tribe like
the Latini. And according to Eduard Meyer 2^) even in Greece the eponyms
of tribes, countries and towns were only a younger formation, and are not
yet found in the older layers of the epos. Finally we have no convincing
proof of an indigenous legend of Latinus in early times, before his con-
nection with the story of Aeneas.
Therefore I can better agree with Aust, who says, that Latinus does
not stand on a level with the deities Janus, Saturnus, Picus and Faunus,
who in later times were believed to be ancient kings. This already appears
from the fact that the latter retained divine names even after they had
been made kings, whereas the name of Latinus was changed into Jupiter
Latiaris. Latinus ist ebenso wenig der menschgewordene Jupiter Latiaris
oder Indiges wie Romulus der menschgewordene Quirinus!"
Moreover the older Greek notices about Latinus are free from any sacral
connotations nor is any tracé of his sacral nature found in older Latin
poetry. And for the Latins themselves their heros eponymus wat but a
colourless idea, which acquired more life only by its connection with the
legend of Aeneas.
Hence we may conclude that the figure of Latinus originally did not
°we its existence to Latin religion or mythology, but was an artificial
product of Greek and Roman mythologists and antiquarians. His figuring
in Hesiod therefore must not be ascribed to the fact that he was a figure
of importance in Latium, even if he were nothing more than a Latin
eponym. But, as Aust remarks, Latinus, like most eponyms of Italian towns,
owes his existence to the Greeks, probably to the Greeks of Cumae.
Through their intermediary he may have reached the Eastern Greeks,
whereby the acquaintance with the tribe, from whose name it had been
derived, is lost by the prevalence of the mythographic over the ethnographic
interest.
At any rate, by his connection with the story of Aeneas alone the figure
of Latinus acquired more importance24).
und nimmt ihn teils freundlich, teils feindlieh auf". "Der durch Götterzeugung in die
Menschheit herabgezogene Nationalgott hat sich beim Auftreten des Aeneas in seine
Gottheit zurückgezogen, in dem er fortan von Himmel herab über seinem Berge und
Volke waltet."
2a) In the beginning of the third century b.C. Also Timaeus may have connected him
with Aeneas, as he mentions the Bofttfyovoi, whereas Latinus according to one version
is the son of a Hyperboraean woman.
27) Cf. also Fest. p. 269: Galitas*j* scribit, cum post obitum Aeneae imperium Italiae
pervenisset ad Latinum, Telemachi Circaeque filium, hisqueex Rhome suscepisset
filios, Romum, Romulumque, etc.
28) Frg. 8 P; SA XI, 316.
2t») SA VI, 760; frg 11 P.
30) SA I, 267-frg. 9 P; SA IV, 620-frg. 10 P; cf, SA VI, 760-frg. 11 P.
75
According to him Aeneas begins to build a city — hence not on the ground of a
treaty with Latinus; the latter, who at the time was waging war against the Rutuli —
which is not found in Cato either — dashes up at the news with a large army, to prevent
this foundation; — hence it is not the pillage of Latin territory which gives the reason
for the first conflict.
At the sight of the hostile troops he decides to postpone the attack till the following
morning. In the night Xtyn imOias xaib' VJIVOV tfai/i<ov di'XTIJFRAT roii; "Ek~
Jouets tfi xüqk owohcovs it will be a great benefit to him. Aeneas has also been warned
during the night by his paternal gods not to wage war, but to try to reach an agreement.
The following day they enter into negotiations and finally make a treaty under the
following conditions: the Aborigines cede to the Trojans the land of the new foundation,
the Trojans pledge themselves to assist the Aborigines against the Rutuli, who are subdued
by their help. Aeneas finishes building his town and accepts Lavinia as his wife. This
forms the reason for a new war of Turnus who combines with the Rutuli, against
Latinus and Aeneas. He is slain, but also Latinus perishes. Aeneas as Lavinia's husband
now suceeds his father-in-law.
The same data, but in a much more succinct way, and with not so many
deviations, a r e f o u n d i n Livy, } u s t i n u s 3 1 ) , D i o C a s s i u s a n d A p p i a n u s 3 2 ) .
So Vergil is the only one who, following Cato to a certain extent, makes
the Latins together with the Rutuli wage war against the Trojans.
AH the data about Latinus, which are not mentioned above, but
are found in the Aeneid, are therefore introduced by Vergil himself: The
development of the action, so that Latinus immediately on the arrival of
an embassy from Aeneas, who ask for a seat for his men and his deities,
not only grants this request, but moreover offers the hand of his daughter
to Aeneas; and many particulars about his circumstances, his actions and
his character, his ancestors, his palace (VII, 170 sqq.), his wealth
(VII, 274 sqq.), his consulting the oracle of Faunus, etc.
As concerns his character: Latinus, as Heinze, p. 280 marks, is almost
the ideal king. He is pious, sedate, just and generous; he is only wanting
in one royal quality: constancy. In Dionysius too he is not unreasonable and
not unkind towards the Trojans.
But moreover in Vergil he is an old man: iam senior. (Cf. also VII,
31) As in Dio Latinus makes a treaty with Aeneas only after a defeat, and Latinus
and Turnus fall in single combat, in Justinus Lavinium is founded only after the death
of Latinus.
32) As to the motifs used here: Schur remarks, that the treaty between Latinus and
Aeneas, by which the kingsbip of Aeneas becomes "gottgewollt", may partly go back
to Timaeus, whereas it is partly a symbol of the foedus aequum between the Latini
and Rome. The motif of the battle may partly have been introduced by a poet, e.g.
Naevius, and partly be a symbol of the struggle between Rome and the Latins about
the hegemony of Latium, in which Rome finally got the upper hand.
76
597/8: omnisque in limine portus funere felici spolior, and XII, 611:
(Latinus) canitiem immundo perfusam pulvere turpans.)
In Dionysius we find no traces that Latinus is iam senior. He even goes
to war himself. Nor do we find any tracé in one of the older sources,
that Latinus is a senex. There may only be two specimina of plastic art
where Latinus is represented as such 33); both testimonies are very doubtful
however, and at any rate they cannot be dated before Vergil.
As Latinus had only one child, of about 14 years — as we shall see
below — Vergil cannot have been forced by his subject to represent
Latinus as iam senior. His reasons may have been:
1. artistic. Thus in the second half too of the Aeneid, and also on the
Latin side, there was a senex — as Anchises was in the first half and
on the Trojan side — to form by his ethos34) a counterpoise to the
younger people and their pathos, an oasis of rest and wisdom in the stir,
an equivalent to Priamus in the Iliad, and partly to Nestor as well3^).
It may be remarked here that the drama — or dramatic literature in
general — prefers to represent its figures as either young or old, and not
simply as men of middle age, still in the full possession of their powers.
2. composite. a. Vergil — in contrast with his predecessors — had
to give the representation that Latinus had twice changed his mind; once
to make a treaty with Aeneas and to offer him the hand of his daughter,
the second time to allow the war against him. Latinus, who was one of the
ancestors of the Romans, could only retain the sympathy of the readers,
if he did not break his word willingly, but was represented as a powerless
old man, who had to give in to superior forces (VII, 591 sqq.).
b. Moreover from a technical point of view it would have complicated
the story unnecessarily, if Latinus himself participated in the war against
Aeneas. For thus the two ancestors of the Latini would have been real
enemies; and on the side of the Latins there would have been two chiefs,
Latinus and Turnus, to draw the attention. The best solution was that
he was too old to share in the battle.
c. Finally only if Latinus was iam senior could Vergil say that he
33) An ara of the lares Augusti in the Belvedere (Mus. Chiar. 3 t. 19, and a cista
from Praeneste (Brunn, A. d. I, 36 (1864), p. 356 sqq.).
34) Cf. e.g. "placido pectore" VII, 194, and "sedato corde".
3o) Cf. Boissier, p. 358: Ia figure de Latinus paraït d'abord tout a fait dessinée sur
celle de Nestor. II aime comme lui les vieilles histoires, et les raconte volontiers". As to
the difference with Nestor Boissier remarks that "on sent a certains traits que c'est un
Latin. Son caractère a quelque chose de plus honnête, plus doux, plus pacifique.
77
36) Cf. already VB I, 6: deus nobis haec otia fecit, and especially the fourtsh
Eclogue; and in the Bucolics the "impius miles" is often spoken of.
See further the Georgics, and especially G I, 490 sqq., about the battle of Philippi.
See further e.g. Hor. Ep. II, 251 sqq., Carm. IV, 14; Tib. I, 10; 45: pax arva colat.
37) Cf. Mon. Anc. I, 3: bella terra et mari civilia externaque toto in orbe terrarura
saepe gessi; and V, 25 sqq.
38) The reasons for Augustus' policy of peace were (see Wagenvoort, Augustus)
a) personal: Augustus was not a bom warrior, but rather a statesman and organizer; if
important wars had been waged, a general's influence could have increased at the
expense of Augustus himself; b) social-economic: the many wars, which had required
a long absence from home, had disorganised family-life, and brought with them a large
decline of births and moral depravity. Moreover in Augustan Rome there were
no social-economic motives in favour of war, as there was no need of industry for
raw materials from elsewhere, or for new markets for its products; nor was there a
surplus population.
New conquests therefore could only have been inspired by an absurd craving for
power, and could not have added to the glory of Rome.
Hence it is very obvious that Augustus was a champion for peace.
38) Cf. Mon. Anc. I, 3: externas gentes, quibus tuto ignosci potui, conservare quam
excidere malui; after the civil wars he had reduced the compass of the army
considerably; cf. also Mon. Anc. II, 13: Janum Quirinum, quem clausum esse maiores
nostri voluerunt, cum per totum imperium populi Romani terra marique esset parta
victoriis pax, cum prius quam nascerer a condita urbe bis omnino clausum fuisse
proditur memoriae, ter me principe senatus claudendum esse censuit; cf. OF I, 275 sqq.;
Hor. Ep. II, 1, 255; Carm. IV, 15, 8/9.
40) Cf. Ov. ex Pont. II, 5, 18: vix hac (sc. than Tomi) invenies totum mihi crede
per orbem, quae minus Augusta pace fruatur humus: and Veil. Pat. II, 126, 3: diffusa in
orientis occidentisque tractus et quicquid meridiano aut septentrione finitur, pax Augusta
per omnis terrarum orbes singulos a latrociniorum metu servat immunes. Also inscriptions
and coins (CIL VI, 199, 4335 (Narbo); XIV, 2898 (Praeneste): cf. also the Eirene
Sebaste on Greek coins, especially from Cos and Nicomedia) bear testimony to this
connection. Cf. Wagenvoort, Pax Augusta, Jaarboek Universiteit Utrecht, 1930/1; idem,
Augustus, p. 75 sqq.
41) The Senate had resolved to its erection in 13 b.C., after Augustus' safe return
from Hispain and Gallia (Mon. Anc. II, 12). Augustus himself had erected in 11 b.C.
a statue to Pax, at the same time as to Salus and Concordia (D.C. LIV, 35).
78
!) Besides by Vergil also Liv. I, 1; 2; 3: SA I, 2, 259, 270; VI, 760; VII, 51, 484:
OM XV, 570: DH I, 59; 60; 70 (by whom she is called Actvva); Strab. V, 229; Dio ap.
Zon. VII, 1; Aelian. nat. anim. XI, 16; Tzetz. ad Lycophr. Alex. 1237; Steph. Byz. s.v.
Aafriviov.
2) According to Plut. Rom. 2 Aeneas and Lavinia had only a daughter, Aemilia, who
was the mother of the Roman twins; Fest. p. 266. s.v. Romam: Apollodorus in Euxenide
ait Aenea et Lavinia natos Mayllem, Mulium Romumque, atque ab Romo urbi tractum
nomen; cf. Suidas s.v. AnoXXótfatQos; in DH I. 59 Lavinia (Aavva) is the daughter of
the Delian priest-king Anios. See Schur s.v. Lavinia, who gives the way in which these
corrections originated. (For the rest the name Aavva is also mentioned as that of the
daughter of Euander, the mistress of Hercules and the mother of Pallas (DH I, 32; 42);
but see Altheim, Röm. Rel. Gesch. II, p. 80).
3) Heraclides ait Romen, nobilem captivam Troianam, huc appulisse, et taedio maris
suasisse sedem, ex cuius nomine urbem vocatam.
4) DH I, 72, 2 Latinus' daughter is Leukaria, who becomes the wife of Italos, and
the mother of Rhomos.
B) SA I, 273: * * * dicit Latinum ... de nomine sororis suae mortuae Romam civitatem
appellasse...
8) Cf. also Hygin. fab. 127; Euseb. Chron. I, 45, 3, p. 208; Synkell. p. 363 Dind.
80
This may be the opinion of Klausen, who p. 775 sqq. says: "Wie die römischen
Zwillinge von der Vestalinn und dem Mars, so wird Lavinia von Amata und Latinus
erzeugt. Amata ist in ihrem Namen das Prototyp der Vestalinn, Latinus ist der ver-
menschlichte Jupiter Latiaris. Da die Vestalinnen das Fascinum des Herdes zu hüten haben,
wird in der laviniensischen Sage der Glaube ausgesprochen, dass die Heroine der
latinischen Bundesstadt durch Belebung des Bundesherdes mit der vom Nationalgott
ausgehenden jovialischen Kraft erzeugt ist".
But we have seen, that in the oldest traditions it was not Lavinia who
was the daughter of Latinus, but e.g. Rhome. And, as we have seen above,
Latinus was not connected with Lavinium originally — not to speak of
Klausen s identification of Latinus with Jupiter Latiaris etc.
However the figure of Lavinia might have existed at Lavinium before
she was connected with Latinus. In this case she might have been the
eponym, after which the city was supposed to be named — or a sacral
figure— (or) the girl of Lavinium kat'exochen (cf. Chryseis, the (a) girl from
Chryse, Briseis, the (a) girl from Brise, Danae, the (a) girl of the Danai).
In this case it would be obvious, that after Aeneas was connected with
Lavinium, she became Aeneas' wife.
But in none of the traditions, that mention Lavinia, has she any traits
of character, that point to an ancient closer connection with Lavinium.
Finally, the (feminine) eponym of a town is always of Greek rather
than of Latin origin (cf. Thebe, Aegina, Kyrene, Mykene; Rhome 9).
So we may conclude indeed, that the figure of Lavinia did not originate
tiH Aeneas had been connected with Lavinium, and he, soon after this
connection, was supposed to have founded this town. For he had to have
a town of his own, as the indigenous legend, which knew of Romulus
and Remus, the sons of the Vestale, did not allow him to be brought in
direct connection with Rome. The most obvious town for him was Lavinium,
with which he was already connected in a sacral way. Aeneas' connection
with the Lavinian Penates might easily lead to the view, that he had
founded Lavinium.
If he had founded it, it followed that he had given it its name. On the
analogy of the existing version of Clinias, according to which he had named
Rome after his wife Rhome, he now may have been said to have named
Lavinium after his wife Lavinia.
Merely as a consequence of this she may have become the daughter
of Latinus, who may already have been connected with Aeneas in Italy
in some way or other10) without any thought of the union of a daughter
of his with Aeneas.
Thus far there was no necessity that Aeneas should win Lavinia only
after a long struggle (cf. Cato l.c.: Aeneas, simulac venit in Italiam,
Laviniam accepit uxorem); and the war between the Trojans, and Latinus
and Turnus, must not necessarily be about Lavinia. Nor is this found in
Varro "), nor in Livy, although in the latter two authors Aeneas' ultimate
possession of Lavinia is only secured by the resulting war; this may be a
later development of the original motif however 12).
The motif, that the struggle between Aeneas and the Latini and Turnus
is really a struggle about Lavinia (cf. XI, 480: (Lavinia) causa mali tanti),
a struggle about the bride — by which the story of Aeneas was put on a
level with the Iliad and other (Greek) epopees — was introduced according
to Schur 13) in the first place for artistic reasons. For thus 14) "wurde
das dürre Gerippe einer rein geographischen Tradition, das Timaeus mit
einigen genealogischen und aetiologischen Lumpen mühsam verhüllt hatte,
in ein Stück Menschenleben voll Saft und Kraft umgesetzt. Der über-
kommenen Ueberlieferung ist eine lebendige Seele eingehaucht durch
die Einführung des poetischen Motives des Kampfes um die Braut." Etc.
In the second place this struggle for the hand of the Latin heiress
between Aeneas, the future ancestor of Rome, and Latinus (and
Turnus), the representative(s) of the Latini, which ultimately ended with
10) Soon after the beginning of the third century b.C. Kallias — as has been
demonstrated by Mommsen, Ges. Schr. IV, 3 sqq. — made Latinus the husband of Rhome,
the daughter of Aeneas. And according to Schur Timaeus may also have connected
Latinus and Aeneas. See also Aust, Roscher s.v. Latinus, col. 1905.
11) See below on Turnus.
12) For a similar tradition compare the tale, that Diomedes, having come to Italy,
immediately supported the Apulian king Daunus against the Messapians, and as a reward
received a part of his reign and the hand of his daughter (OM XIV, 457 sqq.; 510 sqq.;
OF IV, 76; Plin. III, 103; Antonin. Lib. 37).
13) RE s.v. Latinus.
") Ibid. col. 932.
82
Aeneas' victory, was a suitable symbol of the long struggle which Rome
had conducted for the hegemony of Latium; and especially a symbol of the
resistance of the competing larger cities of Latium against this hegemony.
"So ist hier das neu eingeführte Motiv des Kampfes um die Braut zum
Symbol für eine grosse geschichtliche Entwicklung ausgestaltet" 15).
According to Schur this motif was introduced by Naevius16); at any
rate we are not able to say, what author was responsible for this version,
if it was not Naevius.
B. Lavinia s! name.
Lavinia's father is named Latinus, his daughter Lavinia. This is
not according to the Roman custom of historical times, when 17)
the name of the daughter consisted of the nomen gentile of her father,
and a praenomen. Although officially the choice of this praenomen
was not restricted, as was the case with the masculine praenomina, yet in
practice there was not much variety in the praenomina of women either.
Usually they were ordinal numbers, as Prima, Secunda, Tertia, etc., or
the feminine forms of masculine praenomina 18).
The custom of giving the girl one name, which might be entirely different
from her father's name, is Greek. And accordingly it is sometimes found
in the oldest legendary history of Rome as well, cf. e.g. Amata Rhome,
Ilia 19).
But Vergil does not mention her here by name.
This, as Heinze p. 375 remarks, may be partly in imitation of Homer.
For Homer considers the circumstances, under which the action begins, as
well as the persons acting, as well known. E.g. in the opening lines of the
Odyssey he speaks about Odysseus, but does not mention his name, till
— apparently in a casual way — in 1.21. So he does also with figures of
minor interest, as Arete, and Eumaios.
We find the same in Vergil. Not only as concerns Aeneas20), but also
in the case of Amata, Juturna, the Sibyll, and Lavinia. They are mentioned
by name only where they play an active part. "Es ist, als hatte der Hörer
erst dann, wenn ihm eine Person leibhaftig gegenübertritt, ein Interesse
daran, ihren Namen zu erfahren"21). And partly this was according to
Vergil s own artistic intentions, which aimed at a simplification in the
composition, a restriction of all that was not strictly necessary, to enhance
the loftiness of the epos, to retain the broad outline22).
C. Lavinia's personality in Vergil.
Moreover Vergil wanted to represent Lavinia not so much as an
individual with a personal life, but as the filia familias of ancient Rome,
the daughter of the house, who has no will of her own, nor acts
independently, but Iets her parents command her. AsHeinze p.460remarks
Lavinia must interest the reader not as an individual, but only as Latinus'
daughter, with whose hand the kingdom is given away.
Indeed Lavinia is represented by Vergil as entirely passive, as a weak
and shadowy character, whose attitude in the poem, as Dorothy Clinton
Woodworth 23) remarks, is the filial one. In VII, 71 she appears "as the
dutiful daughter, piously helping to carry out the family's religious ritual.
She does nothing, says nothing, she is the passive recipient of the
portent". Nor does she say anything on any other occasion or has she
a will of her own 24).
As a striking contrast with this we might compare the figure of Nausikaa
in the Odyssey (in bonam partem) and Medea in the Argonautica (in
malam partem).
Therefore Vergil must have had not only artistic, but also historical
motives for this treatment of Lavinia, scil. the position of the girl in ancient
Rome. She was literally "in patria potestate" and had no freedom of
20) Cf. I, 30, 38, 67, 92.
) For the rest this holds good not only with regard to their names, but ailso to
other particulars about their persons.
22) More about this see Heinze, p. 459/60.
23) Lavinia: An interpretatipn. Transactions and proceedings of the American
philological association, 61 (1930), p. 175—194.
24) Latinus offers her hand to Aeneas (VII, 268 sqq.) and considers this a second
time (XI, 213 sqq.) without asking her; she is hidden in the woods by her mother
(VII, 387 sqq.) no doubt in the same way; XI, 231 sqq. she, causa mali tanti, oculos
deiecta decoros, accompanies her mother and the other matronae to the temple of Pallas
to implore her assistance against the Trojans. Yet she may not have been really in love
with Turnus either. For the last time she appears XII, 604 — therefore before the
combat between Aeneas and Turnus, ending with the latter's exclamation: tua est Lavinia
coniunx — as filia by the dead body of her mother.
84
choice, although for marriage — which for the rest was already confined
by several restrictions — her consent was necessary 25); and the parents
of both parties often arranged the betrothal when their children were still
infants; moreover a girl could be married when she was twelve years old.
So we can understand the ritual custom, that the Roman bride laid aside
her dolls on the evening of her wedding-day 26 )t ancj that on this day
she clung to her mother, and was torn violently from her arms by the
bridegroom 27).
Therefore Lavinia was the ideal type of the Roman girl, and would be
represented thus to Vergil's readers of the Augustan time, when morality
and submissiveness to the paternal will left much to be desired among
the girls (cf. Augustus' own daughter Julia) 28), So we may consider this
representation of Lavinia in the same light as and in connection with the
various laws of Augustus concerning morality and marriage 29).
Moreover there were reasons caused by the political situation of Vergil's
own time, and especially by Augustus' own actions, for this treatment of
Lavinia. For, as D. Cl. Woodworth remarks, the marriage of Lavinia and
Aeneas is entirely a political one. Lavinia and Aeneas had not seen each
other before; hence Aeneas could not be in love with Lavinia either. Most
likely Vergil did not mean that Aeneas' aspiring to Lavinia's hand was
another instance of the Hellenstic romantic love, but that it had a merely
political object.
These political marriages, with no personal desire on the part of either
of the participants, were usual in the last decades of the Republic from
Sulla onwards, and the first of the Empire, in general30), and in Augustus'
family in particular. Cf. the marriages for politica] reasons of Caesar's
daughter Julia to Pompeius, of Augustus' sister Octavia to Marcus
Antonius, of Augustus' daughter Julia to Marcellus, Agrippa and Tiberius
successively.
Such marriages were even regarded as the ideal arrangement, in
accordance with the fundamental Roman ethical conceptions of the State,
as the chief object of piety.
D. Cl. Woodworth supposes moreover that Augustus wanted people
to believe that in choosing Livia for his wife he had been guided by the
same principles, and not by personal passion or infatuation. For Livia
represented the very best and oldest of the old Roman aristocratie families.
Octavianus on the other hand was something of a parvenu.
She suggests therefore, that Vergil, by making Lavinia, who was
25) But originally she even had to marry in her own qens, but not a person related
to her down to the sixth degree.
2e) Pers. II, 70; Porphyr. ad Hor. Sat. I, 50.
27) Marquardt, Priv. Leb. p. 42 and note 5.
28) Cf. Marquardt, op. cit. p. 64 sqq.; Friedlander, p. 452 sqq.
29) Cf. Marquardt, op. cit. p. 73 sqq.
30) Cf. F. H. Potter, Political alliances by marriage, Am. Journ. XXIX, 9.
85
DETAILS.
Filius huic fato divum prolesgue virilis
nulla fuit, primaque oriens erepta iuventa est.
By these words it is said, that Latinus had no sons, or no longer
had sons. Cf. Servius who remarks (SA VII, 51): "primaque oriens
erepta iuventa est" per transitum tangit historiam. Amata enim duo
filios, voluntate patris Aeneae spondentes Laviniam sororem, factione
interemit, unde erepta dixit, quasi per vim. hos alii caecatos a matre
dicunt, postquam amisso Xurno Lavinia Aeneae iuncta est."
This tradition of Servius we do not find in any other source, although,
as we see from his words it cannot be an invention of his, but must have
existed before him. The sources, to which he goes back here, may have
invented these details however to explain this passage of Vergil.
It seems improbable to me, that these sons of Latinus existed in the
older versions of the story of Lavinia. For beside Turnus they had no
raison d être at all. Hence these words may have been added by Vergil
on his own account.
Vergil may have added the words "primaque oriens erepta iuventa est"
because a daughter being left, after the sons had died, is a well-known
motif 32).
These potential sons may also have been added because of reasons, to be
31) Cf. also Ov. ex Pont. III, 1, 114—118; Trist. II, 161—164: Livia, quae, nisi te,
nullo coniuge digna fuit; quia si non esset caelebs te vita deceret, etc.
32) E.g. according to a tradition, found in a Hellenistic novelette (in Diodorus of
Elaia and Phylarchos, fr. 33 (Parth. 15; cf. Paus. VIII, 20, 2 sqq.) Oinomaos, the father
of Hippodameia, had had a son, Leukippos, who had met with a tragic death at an
early age.
86
Indeed this supposition seems attractive at first sight. For also Lavinia
is represented by Vergil — as we shall see presently on 1. 71 sq. —
42) Iï the theory of the matriarchy holds good, the tradition that the son(s) of the
king had met an early fate — as was e.g. said in the case of the sons of Ancus Martius
as well — naturally tried only to give an explanation of the fact, that these sons had
disappeared from the stage as concerns the succession — which was astonishing for a
later iperiod.
43) As physical strength, beauty, size, dexterity, agility, etc., see Frazer, 1. cit.
44) Many instances in Frazer.
45) Also in Greece there were many traditions about kings who were foreigners, had
married the daughter of their predecessor, and had succeeded their father-in-law. (Frazer
II, p. 278 sqq.); Kekrops and Amphiktyon (Paus. I, 2, 6); Telamon, the son of Aeacus
of Aegina, who migrated to the island of Salamis (Diod. Sic. IV, 72, 7); Telamon's son
Teucer, who in his turn migrated to Cyprus (Tzetz. Schol. Lycophr. 450; cf. Paus. II,
29, 4); Aeacus' son Peleus, who went to Phthia in Thessaily (Apollod. III, 13, 8; Hygin.
Fab. 96); Tydeus, a son of Oeneus, the king of Calydon in Aetolia, who went to Argos
(Apollod, I, 8, 5); Diomedes (see above); Pelops, the son of Tantajus of Sipylos, who
went to Pisa (Diod. IV, 73; Hygin. Fab. 82—84; SG III, 7); Menelaos, the son of
Atreus of Mycene, who went to Sparta, where he married Helena (Apollod. III, 10, 8);
88
cf. a similar story about Agamemnon reigning in Sparta, the country of his wife
Clytaemnestra (Schol, on Eurip. Orest. 41; Pind. Pyth. XI, 31 sq.; Paus. III, 19, 6).
4«) Plin. VII, 57.
47) Already in the Ciceronian age large families were rare, where children numbered
more than two or three; cf. Catull. 68, 124; Prop. II, 7, 14; and the many fortune-hunters
(cf. Hor. Sat. II, 5).
48) On his initiative the leges Juliae de maritandis ordinibus of 18 b.C. and the lex
Papia Poppaea of 9 b.C. were enacted, which removed unnecessary restrictions on
marriage, by the use of the law of inheritance favoured parenthood, and encouraged the
upper classes to have children by the offer of privileges in public life to the fathers of
large families (cf. DC LUI, 13, 2; Suet. Aug. 34, 1; Geil. II, 15, 4). And Augustus
recited in the Senate the speech of Metellus Macedonicus de prole augenda (Suet.
Aug. 89, 2).
4B) Cf. also the ius trium liberorum to her in 9 b.C. (DC LIV, 2, 5).
89
c) the fact that Augustus himself had but one child, and that Livia had
but two49) — which even seems to have been one of the reasons why
the lex Julia a quarter of a century later was mitigated by the lex Papia
Poppaeae. Therefore Augustus with his only child Julia may be prefigured
by king Latinus with his only child Lavinia, which may also be indicated
by the words tantas sedes. And so this somewhat striking circumstance in
the family of the Princeps, the champion of the old-Roman vitality, may
have acquired a certain legitimation by the occurrence of the same state
of affairs in the royal house of Latinus.
iam matura viro, iam plenis nubilis annis.
Vergil, as also Servius remarks: "non iteratum, sed secundum ius dictum,
in quo et ex annorum ratione et ex habitu corporis aetas comprobatur
primum ergo ad habitum, secundum ad annos pertinet" — is not using a
pleonasm here. But, entirely in accordance with the views of Roman law
he enumerates the two things required for a Roman marriage, viz.: to be
physically mature, and to have reached a certain age.
This age was fixed by the Roman jurists for the girl at twelve years 50)
although sometimes they may have married even at ten or eleven years 51).
Usually they probably married between thirteen and sixteen years 52) and
the average age for a girl to marry was about fourteen years 53). This was
probably so in Italy as well as in the provinces 54), in Greece and
Greek Asia 55) and also in Christian times 56). And, although Tac.
Germ. 60 remarks: nee virgines festinantur, in the northern countries this
age was probably not much higher57).
Perhaps in older times this age was a little higher; cf. Ter. Eun. II, 3, 27,
where sixteen years for a girl is called: flos ipse. But this may reflect rather
Greek than Roman practice, or need not mean that usually the girls
were not married before that time.
At any rate in the time of Augustus fourteen years must also have been
the average age for a girl to marry 58).
B0) Cod. Just. 5, 4, 24; Macr. in Somn. Scip. I, 6, 71; Macr. Sat. 7, 7, 6; Tertull. de
virg. vel. 11; DG LIV, 16, 7: efeó cfcxcc yag Taë<j y.óuar^ ic> tr rov yajiov <onav tzr]
vo/iC^fxai. See Rossbach, d. Röm. Ehe, ip. 417 sqq.; cf. Mommsen, I. R. N. 1603.
51) Cf. Pomponius Dig. XXIII, 2, 4; Ulp. Dig. XXIV, 1, 32; 27; XLVIII, 15, 13, 8.
B2) More about this see Friedlander, Sittengesch. I, (1919), p. 270/1.
03) For the time of Justinianus cf. AP III, p. 68, p, 102.
54) Cf. e.g. Epict. 40; many instances of girls marrying at the age of 12—17 years
from literature as well as from the inscriptions, from Italy as well as from the provinces,
in Friedlander (—M. Bang), op. cit. IV, p. 133—141.
B5) Marquardt, Priv. Leb. p. 16—18.
sa) For this Friedlander points to canon law. which allows girls to marry when
they are 12 years old, and to the inscriptions found in the catacombs, which give the
same image; cf. August. Conf. VI, 13, 23.
57) Compare Saxon and Frisian law, the French feudal law, the same custom among
the Longobards, in mediaeval Norway, in Rumania.
55) Augustus threatened with a penalty a woman who had reached her twentieth year
without being a mother (Rossbach, op. cit. 418; cf. also DC LIV, 16, 7).
90
Excurs. Indeed I can agree with Frazer, that the list of Alban kings, who
succeed each other in the male line, is no proof against his theory, as this
list is only an artificial product of the annalists. And indeed the instances
given above, and the fact that Ancus Martius was said to be the son of
Numa's daughter 61) might at first sight appear to be another proof.
But in my opinion we cannot prove the existence of exogamy and
matriarchy among the Roman kings from the traditions as to the way in
which they succeeded each other. For, whereas some of the names of
these kings may be based on a genuine old tradition, the temporal
connection in which they were brought, and still more their way of
succession, may have been entirely an artificial product, no less artificial
than the list of the Alban kings and the way, in which Aeneas had become
the son-in-law of Latinus.
For, as these kings nearly all of them bore different names, and hence
could not be direct descendants of each other, the best way to legitimate
their reign — which was of course a desirable thing for these ancient
Roman kings — was to make them marry the former king's daughter,
who was invented ad hoe.
Tradition may have been supported in this by the fact, that also in
Greece there were many traditions about kings, who were foreigners,
had married the daughter of their predecessor, and had succeeded their
father-in-law on the throne (see p. 87, note 45).
But these last instances do not prove matriarchy and exogamy in Greece
either in my opinion, but they may be explained in another way 62).
69) Suet. Aug. 63; Tac. Ann. I, 3; DC LIII, 27; cf. Hor. Carm. I, 12, 45; see
Kiessling, Philol. Unters. 2, 70 A.
80) As a parallel to the words "iam plenis nubilis annis" may be quoted Augustin.
Conf. IX, 9, 19: (Monnica) ubi plenis annis nubilis facta est tradita viro servivit velut
domino — which may be a reminiscence of Vergil.
61) Cic. de Rep. II, 18, 33; Liv. I, 32, 1; DH II, 76, 5; III, 35, 3; 36, 2; Plut. Num. 21.
e2) Partly in the same way as above, partly as actually reflecting an old historical
relation between different tribes or towns, or at least royal houses, and partly as a
means to feign an artificial relation between them. (In the latter case the objection
might be raised however why it was not supposed that conversely the king or prince-
successor of a certain town was said to have married the princess of another town.)
And perhaps, although none of these traditions in itself is of sufficiënt conclusive force,
their frequency may even be a proof that in general the Greek motif of the prince who
has to leave his country to seek a new fatherland, is based on the more prevailing
practice of the matriarchy. But this question, as not really belonging to our subject, we
can leave here.
PORTENTS.
These prodigies are not found in any of our other sources as to the
legend of Aeneas1).
In some of them they would have had no raison d'être at all, as either
Lavinia was not betrothed, or certainly promised, to Turnus 2) or Latinus
had to cede his daughter to Aeneas after he had been vanquished in
a war 3).
In other sources 4) there is indeed no sufficiënt reason why Lavinia, who
had already been betrothed, or at least promised, to Turnus, should be
given by her father to Aeneas, in admiration for his descent and character,
as Livy and Justinus say. Moreover Latinus thus would have committed
a breach of promise. (For a more circumstantial account see below, the
oracle of Faunus.
So a reason why these prodigies are inserted here by Vergil, is that by
showing that Latinus acted according to a divine command, and that the
planned union of Lavinia with Turnus was prevented by the intervention
of higher powers, Vergil absolved Latinus from his guilt towards Turnus,
and the blame of a breach of promise. For this could not be tolerated in
the eponymous hero of the Latini.
According to Gercke 4a) these prodigies do not belong to the original
plan of the Aeneid, and are rather late; this appears according to him from
the fact that there is only one allusion to them in the other books (XII,
27/8). Indeed their elaboration may be rather late, as might appear from
the allusion to the planned transfer of the cult of the Vesta publica to the
palace of Augustus (see below).
But I cannot agree with him that they did not belong to the original
plan of the Aeneid, and are only due to Vergil's altering his original plan,
where no breach of promise of Latinus was found 5). In my opinion, as the
1) Yet Cauer, p. 173 supposes that these prodigies — as well as the following oracle
of Faunus — might have been a traditional element already before Vergil.
2) E.g. Kallias, Timaeus, Strabo, perhaps Livy, I, 7, 7/8.
3) Dio ap. Zonaras and ap. Tzetzes Lyc. 1232; Liv. I, 1, 6.
4) Appianus; Liv. I, 1, 7/8; Justinus; cf. also Dionysius.
4a) p. 91 sqq., especially p. 101 sqq.
5) Gercke p. 102 sqq. says that this breach of promise was not given by tradition,
but is found for the first time in Vergil, where it is due to his altering his original plan.
This plan was that Latinus had promised his daughter to Turnus, and only yielded her to
Aeneas after having been forced to it by Aeneas' victory. Later on he changed this plan
by making Latinus offer his daughter to Aeneas of his own free will. As he had no time
to adjust books VIII—XII, in which the older version is found, with book VII, containing
92
the younger version, the character of Latinus, originally uncomplicated and blameless,
would thus have been seriously damaged. To free him of this taint Vergil inserted these
prodigies.
6) rcyvoutvbiv rfi rovtcov, x(tiara xat Oii/ttla 'tv 'I'ui/ai nolXct xai q>o[!tQa r[v. Kvvtg rt
yciQ (OQVOVTO ó/iafcaj oïa Xvxoi, Ov/ijloXov arirféq' xai Xvxot riji> ayoQav (ftO-tov. . . 0o£s
rt fotvijv atpiixiv avfrQió.tov. Kal pptcpos aqzlxoxov itp»(y^aro. Kat röiv %oav<av ra /tiv
*lffQovf ta (fs xaï ai/ta IÓQOV avdgoiv rt ittyüXat fioal, xaï XI rrrOs onxat cf()ó[io§
ïnmav, óvx iiooi/ttvuiv, t)xovtro' a/itfi rt rdv i/Aiov Ofi/uta noM.h, xat Xt»<órft«s;
tylyvovTO vtroï, xai y.toavvol fivvtytti ia itQci xat ayai.nara 'tnimov.
7) The rhetoric historians as Timaeus, Theopcanpus and Ephorus tried to add colour
to their narratives by them (see e.g. B. Niese, Kritik d. Makk. büch. p. 34 sqq.), the
philosophers, as Poseidonios e.g., to demonstrate the existence of Providence; and even
an additional proof of the truth of Christian belief was sought by the faithful in relating
all sorts of marvels; see the many wonders etc. in the Gospels and in the lives of the
Apostles (P. Wendland, D. Hellenistisch-röm. Kultur, p. 301 sqq.). There were even
many collections of wonders, in prose as well as in verse, often called Paradoxa, Apista,
Thaumasia, etc., compiled in the Hellenistic age, especially by the Peripatetici. Here may
be mentioned that of Antigonos of Karystos, which is still extant, and those of Kallimachus
and his pupils (see Susemihl, p. 463 sqq.).
This aretalogy filling a disproportionate space in the literary production of the
Hellenistic age corresponds to the general predilection of the time for the fabulous,
romantic and adventurous, which partily spread from the lower circles of society of the
higher, and thence to literature, partly was a consequence (see Rohde, Gr. Roman,
93
same time put himself in contrast with classical Greek literature (with the
exception of Hom er) and with the Greek custom of classical times, when
the belief in xÉQaxa had been gradually superseded by the consulting of
oracles; and thus he introduced another Roman element in his epos.
For in Rome prodigia had bulked large, and even played an important
part in State affairs, and were one of the things first noted down on the
tabula dealbata, not only in the first (cf. Liv. I, 20. 7) but also in later
centuries .Cf. Liv. XLIII, 13, 13, 1: ceterum et mihi vetustas res scribenti
nescio quo pacto anticus fit animus, et quaedam religio tenet, quae illi
prudentissimi viri publice suscipienda censuerint, ea pro dignis habere,
quae in meos annales referam.
Yet this belief in prodigies was no longer general at all in Augustan
Rome. Cf. Liv. ibid.: non sum nescius ab eadem neglegentia, quia nihil
deos portendere vulgo nunc credant, neque nuntiari admodum ulla prodigia,
neque in annales referri. Hence, as Augustus had for political reasons a
special interest in reviving the old Roman religion, Vergil — as well as
Livy ?a) — may have supported him in these efforts.
A further reason for Vergil to give so much space8) to these prodigies
may have been that Augustus not only was for many years an augur
himself, but — in contrast with Caesar, who was little subject to the
influence of prodigies 9) — he also personally attached great importance to
them, and especially to auguria oblativa. Cf. Plin. II, 24, and Suet. 92:
auspicia et omina quaedam pro certissimis observabat. Si mane sibi calceus
perperam ac sinister pro dextero induceretur, ut dirum. Cf. also Plin II,
24; 90: tonitrua et fulgura paulo infirmius expavescebat, etc.; 92: ostentis
praecipue movebatur, etc observabat et dies quosdam, ne ... etc., see
further cap. 95 sqq. (Cf. Drew, p. 80: "certain it is that of all the highly-
placed superstitious of his days he (Augustus) was facile princeps".)
Finally Vergil himself may have had a large interest in them, as he also
had in the details of ritual 10).
p. 1—21) of the Hellenistic poets having lost the real naive belief in the old myths and
legends; so they tried to supply this belief by as many marvels as possible.
(It must be remarked however that for instance in the epos of Apollonius Rhodius I
have found but three prodigies (I, 1084 sqq., 1145 sqq., III, 540 sqq.), two of which are
no real prodigies, but only auspicia oblativa ex avibus, and the third serves as an
aetiological explanation for the "Iasonic" springs near Dindymos.)
7a) who, mentioning prodigies in books I—X now and then, sums them up in books
XXI—XLV aknost every year.
) In book VII e.g. a prodigium, or one of the words: prodigium, portentum, monstrum,
is mentioned not less than 10 times.
) Suet. Jul. 59: ne religione quidem ulla a quoquam incepto absterritus unquam vel
retardatus est; 81; Obsequ. 67; OM XV, 787—798; DC XLIII, 17; App. BC II, 115—116;
Veil. II, 57, 1—3; Plut. Caes. 63; Nicol. Damasc. XXIII—XXIV; Polyaen. VIII, 23, 23.
Cf. also the fact that in his works he mentions prodigies but once (BC III, 105).
10) Mary L. Gordon, The family of Vergil, JRS XXIV (1934), p. 11/12 says that this
interest could be easily accounted for if we accept the hypothesis that his father belonged
to an Etruscan priestly family.
94
The portenta or prodigia lx) which here prevent the speedy marriage
of Lavinia and Turnus are both natural phenomena in a certain sense.
To be terrified (c/. terroribus) at unusual natural phenomena is a
general primitive human quality. Afterwards man seeks for a justification
and therefore a reason for his fear, which was originally indefinite. So he
ascribes to these natural phenomena certain harmful influences; they are
considered the cause of certain harmful effects in themselves.
In other views — which may still be reckoned as in the domain of
magie — these phenomena are already no longer the direct cause, but
rather a symbol of an approaching calamity. Even at the religious stage
the fear of prodigia still persisted, but now they themselves were considered
no longer the direct or indirect cause of calamities, but only tokens, sent
by the gods (cf. portenta deum) as an admonition of a disaster, which was
bound to happen, unless man took his precautions by making expiations.
But prodigia need not only be tokens of an approaching calamity. Man
came to consider them as presages also because he, even without consider-
ing his terror of unusual phenomena, was inclined to attach a meaning and
importance to them, especially when they appeared when he embarked
upon new undertakings. For in this case he desired that he should not
have to rely entirely on himself, but should find a justification of his
doings, and feel strengthened by this in the execution of his designs;
so in this case he was particularly accesible to unusual phenomena, and
inclined to consider them to have reference to himself and his designs.
In this case of course a presage may be good as well as evil, and man
in such a mood is not only inclined to expect presages, but will also resolve
to summon them, if possible, by himself.
Roman augural lore has very well feit the difference between the
origins of the two dispositions of the mind, as there was always a great
difference between the auguria oblativa, which come unasked, and the
auguria impetrativa, which must be asked for.
So a portentum in itself could belong to both speres of thought, as is
also said by the antiquarians; scil. SA VII, 58: portenta: signa quae sunt
media: nam et bona et mala sunt portenta, and Fest. p. 245 M: portenta
existimarunt quidam gravia esse, ostenta bona; alii portenta quaedam bona,
ostenta quaedam tristia appellari. There the word "portentum" could have
a good as well as an evil meaning, although the latter is actually somewhat
more frequent. (So e.g. of the three times, that "portentum" is found in
Vergil, twice it has an evil, and once a probably evil meaning.) The
etymology of the word also puts Servius in the right, who says: portenta,
signa quae sunt media; for the verb "portendere" means only "to stretch
11) The words portentum, prodigium, ostentum, monstrum, although they may have
had a different origin, are in historical times essentially synonymous terms. Cf. Bouché-
Leclerq, IV, p. 77/78, and note 1, who refuses to differentiate clearly between these words.
Cf. also C. Thulin, Commentationes philologiae in honorem Johannis Paulsen.
95
variis. The terrores are perhaps varii, because the portenta may be
considered to belong to different subdivisions of the auguria. There were
presages from animals, from trees, from lightning, from voices e.g., or as
the official Roman terminology subdivided: signa ex caelo, ex tripudiis, ex
quadripedibus, ex avibus, ex diris. The above-mentioned auguria oblativa
may be considered in some sense as signa ex caelo or ex avibus (cf.
liquidum trans aethera vectae), as well as ex diris (the flames).
It may be that Vergil mentions more than one prodigy here because
very frequently several prodigies appeared at the same time in Rome 13).
This seeing of more prodigies at the same time may be ascribed to the
fact that in times when man is especially nervous (as e.g. in the period
during and after the Hannibalic war) he is very prone to see prodigies,
even such as had not actually happened; and, if they really had happened,
to notice them.
Moreover he considered it of special value if there were several prodigies,
because in this way the truth of one prodigy could be verified by its
agreement with another. Cf. SA II, 691: non enim unum augurium vidisse
sufficit, nisi confirmatur simili.
As a matter of fact this obvious view existed in Greece as well14).
These doublé or more prodigies naturally could be for good (cf. VA II,
691: haec omina firma 15) as well as for evil16).
12) SA III, 366; Cic. ND II, 37; de Div. I, 93; Aug. c. d. XXI, 8; Isid. Etym. II, 3. 3.
13) Cf. Liv. I, 31, 3; V, 15, 1 (at the siege of Veii); VII, 28; 7; X, 23, 1; 31, 8;
XXI, 46, 1; 62 (in the winter of 218/17); XXII, 1, 8 (in the spring of 217); 9, 8; XXIV,
10 (in 215); 44 (in 213); XXV, 7, 9 (in 212); XXVII, 23 (in 208, just before the consul
Marcellus left the city to meet his death); XXIX, 14, 4; XXXV, 1, 18; 9, 4/5; 21, 2;
21, 5; XXXVI, 37, 4; XXXVII, 3, 5; XXXIX, 46, 5; 56, 6; XL, 19, 1; 59, 6;
XLI, 9, 7; XLII, 20, 6; XLIII, 13, 7; XLV, 16, 6; and many more instances, see Lutter-
bacher, p. 39 and 41, who gives testimonies of the expression "prodigiorum causa" and
others.
14) Cf. Soph. Antig. 998—1011; Arist. Rhet. 2, p. 1398 b 32 sqq., and Plut.
Apophthegm. Lacon. Ages. 10; Reg. Apophth. Ages. 7.
15) Cf. also Quint. Smyrn. XII, 55 sqq.
18) Cf. also Liv. XXII, 3, 11—13; Flor. 1, 22, 14.
LAURUS.
Vergil's assertion that the Laurentes derived their name from the laurus
may be based on a mere etymology, invented by others or by himself.
(Vergil is the only author, except Herodianus, (I, 12), who lived in a much
later period and who may have taken this information from Vergil, to
acquaint us with this.)
The reasons for this etymology may be firstly its obviousness, and
secondly the frequent occurrence of the tradition that a tree was connected
with the origin of a town or a tribe.
It may be that the name Laurentes has nothing to do with the laurus.
According to C. Pascal1) this name is Etruscan. His arguments are very
weak however. As Pais 2) supposes it belongs to a family of toponymies
which is very frequent in primitive Ausonia, and is found even in modern
Italy, scil. toponymies beginning with Aus- and Laus-3). For as Pais
remarks one frequently finds place-names that are identical except for
the fact that the one of them begins with an 1, the other not4). And the r
in Latin between two vowels often replaces a primitive s, as is well-
known 5).
Also Carcopino hesitates to connect the Laurentes with the laurel6).
(Yet he says that it is an attractive idea to assume that whereas of the
inhabitants of Latium the Albani are the men of the mountains, the Latini
the men of the plain, of the latter the Pomptini (Pometini) are the men
of the land of the orchards, the Laurentes the men of the land of the
laurel.) Compare also Battisti 7), who mentions the place-names Lauro etc.
occurring in Spain, although he does not suppose a connection with the
Laurentes.
It may however also be likely that, whether casual or not, Vergil was
right in this connection. Then "Laurentes" may be either a local adjectival
attribute only 8) and mean: "the men from the region of the many laurels",
as is the opinion of Nissen ®), Philipp and Lanciani); for these shrubs
as a matter of fact abounded there in later periods 12) as they are still
found there nowadays 13), although not nearly so frequently as in
ancient times 14). Or it may be either "the men who worship the laurel"
as is the opinion of Preller-Jordan *5), or "the men who consider the
laurel their totem".
Before we decide whether one of these last suppositions is right, it is
necessary to tracé the antiquity of the laurel in Latium, since, if the laurel
were introduced into Italy in historical times, the derivation of Laurentes
from "laurus" could not be very old.
According to Theophrastus 16) the wild laurel was spread over the
entire coast of Latium 17); and we know e.g. that in the time of the early
empire there was still a laurel-grove, the Loretum 18), on the Aventin 19),
the remainder of an originally much larger wood; as even in the time of
7) St. Etr. p. 294.
8) So K. Meister (Lat. gr. Eigennamen I), who considers the ending-ens as an Oscan
equivalent for the Latin ending-enus.
9) It. Landesk. II, p. 572: der Lorbeer, der an der ganzen Kuste weit verbreitet ist,
hat dem Völkchen den Namen Laurentes verschafft.
10) RE s. v. Lavinium, col. 1009, 1. 32.
11) Mon. d. Linc. 1903, p. 142: Laurento tolse il nome forse dai lauri, che ombreggiavano
la spiaggia vicina.
12) Herodian, I.C.: ó Kó/i/UHfoO 6vn^ovXtv0dvt(ov avxifl n»ü» i'aiQthv ia rfjw AavQtvzov
i/xtyvxiOTtQOv yÜQ ó'v rö xoiQlov xal ntytóxoiq xardffxeov tfacpviirpÓQOis iiXOiGiv,
ÖSIV xai tó ovoftu RÖ> XOIQIO>.
13) See Nissen, Lanciani ll.cc.; Philipp, l.c. col. 1010, 1.2 sqq.: Hier (scil. not far
from Castel Fusano, 4 miles to the South of Ostia) fand 1906 die Königin Elena in dem
Labyrinth von Myrten, Lorbeer, Wacholder und Heidekraut zwei Villenanlagen.; Carco-
pino, p. 267, n. 3: encore de nos jours il y a de nombreux lauriers dans la Selva Laurentina;
Bonstetten, p. 162 and 167; Weiss, RE s. v. Latium, col. 943, 1. 1 sqq.; Boni, JRS 1913,
p. 243 sqq: subaerial agencies, both chemical and biological, carved the volcanic
platform of the Campagna and clothed it with.... laurels and myrtles along the sea-coast.
14) Nissen, II, p. 575: aber der Lorbeer, der ihr einst den Namen gegeben, ist selten
geworden.
16) II, p. 320: Der Name der Laurenter wird von einem heiligen Lorbeerbaum
abgeleitet, welcher nach Art der altesten Zeiten ein nationales Heiligtiun gebildet hatte,
woraus mit der Zeit der kleine Ort Laurentum entstand ursprünglich wohl nur ein
für diese latinischen Küstenbewohner ehrwürdiges Heiligtum des Mars, nach der Art
jener alteren im Gebirge, wo der heilige Vogel Specht als Prophet waltete.
le) Hist. Plant. V, 8, 3.
1T) Cf. also Plin. XV, 138: Italiam, lauriferam tellurem.
18) — where Titus Tatius was said to have been buried.
19) Varr. 1. 1. V, 152; Suet. Galb. 1; Plin. XV, 138; DH III, 43; Fest. p. 360 M.
7
98
If we take Rome only several trees were considered holy of old 26);
the worship of all these trees, — which later were often in some way
connected with the earliest history of Rome, as is also shown by many
instances, given below, — is testified in clearly historical times.
There are also testimonies of holy trees in the surroundings of Rome 27),
and there is even a tradition, that trees were the oldest sanctuaries of the
Italians, before temples had been built28).
This feeling of veneration for certain trees was not only a petrified
remains of olden times, but was also alive in certain cases in Augustan
times and still later, although sometimes only faintly; this is proved by
VG III, 332; Tib. I, 1, 11; Plin. XII, 3: priscoque ritu etiam nunc deo
praecellentem arborem dicant29). And even in Christian times this feeling
in Italy had not altogether disappeared 30). The latest testimony about a
veritable tree-cult in Italy dates from the eleventh century 3i); cf. also the
fact, that in the lives of the saints, there is nearly always a tree that plays
a miraculous part. One is reminded too of the many Madonne dell' Albero
or della Quercia in Italy; and — what is of interest to us here — we
even know of a Madonna del Lauro 32) and of a Madonna di Fonte
Laureato 33).
This feeling of veneration for certain trees — which may find expression
in practice as well, and in several manners e.g. by anointing or festooning
the tree, or by suspending different kinds of offerings from its branches —
is spread all over the world. Not only have we testimonies from Greece34),
as there are also several testimonies of tree-cult from the Minoan
and Mycenean period, but we also have testimonies e.g. from the
28) E.g. the oak on the Capitoline Hill, where Romulus was said to have dedicated
the spolia opima (Liv. I, 10), which tree was later considered to be sacred to Jupiter
Feretrius; the ficus Ruminalis on the Palatine Hill, which later on was said to be sacred
because the Roman twins had been suckled under its branches (Liv. I, 4, 5; X, 23, 12;
Plin. XV, 77); another fig-tree on the Comitium (Fest. p. 169; DH III, 71; Tac. Ann.
XIII, 58); still another till 493 b.C. before the temple of Saturn (Plin. XV, 77); a
holm-oak on the Vatican Hill, with a dedication in Etrurian characters; a cornelian tree
on the Palatine Hill (Plut. Rom. 20); some very old lotos-trees (Plin. XVI, 235/6).
27) E.g. three holm-oaks near Tibur, under which Tiburtus was said to have received
hls consecration (Plin. XVI, 237); an oleaster, dedicated to Faunus, on the Latin coast
(VA XII, 766). See further Liv. III, 25; Lucan. I, 336; Suet. Vesp. 5.
2S) Cf. the alleged derivation of delubrum from "liber" (Paul. Fest. p. 73 M; but see
Wiss. RuK p. 469); see further Boetticher p. 11 sqq., Schrader, REIA, s.v. Tempel.
20) Cf. also Lucian, de sacrif. 10; Front, ad Ver. imp. II, 6; Apul. Flor 1; Max Tyr
Diss. VIII, 1.
) Cf. Arnob. adv. nat. I, 39; VII, 9; Cod. Theod. 1. XVI, tit. X, n. 12; and many
other testimonies, given by G. Stara-Tedde, Boll. comm. XXXV (1907), p. 132 sqq.
31) Glabri Rodulphi Hist. IV, 3.
32) Near Castellamare, Stara-Tedde, p. 160, n. 2.
33) In Calabria (Stara-Tedde l.c.).
) E.g. the famous Dodonaeic oaks; olive-trees of Athena Polias on the Acropolis
and on Delos; plane-trees of Agamemnon at Aulus, of Menelaos at Kaphyae; see further
DarSagl. s.v. arbores sacrae.
100
Celts, where tree-cult was very frequent; from the Persians35); the
Germans 36); the Lithuanians 37); from Sweden; from the Semites 38).
And from Africa for instance Frazer39) gives us a score of testimonies.
Before we try to explain this cult, it must be mentioned here, that, as is
generally known, we have testimonies from the whole of Italy, not only of
the cult of solitary trees, but also of woods and groves (luci). E.g. from
Bruttium 40), Apulia 4i), Umbria 42): the grove of Marica near Minturnae
(see below) 43). And from Latium itself 44) we have a score of
testimonies45); — it is of special interest to us here, that we know of a
flamen lucularis of the Laurentes Lavinates 46), although we do not know,
of what kind of trees this lucus was composed,
In Rome and in its neighbourhood there were many sacred groves as
well47); cf. Plin. XVI, 15, 1: (Roma) silvarum certe distinguebatur
insignibus 48); these groves, which had largely disappeared in the time of the
Empire, were in their turn the remnants of the ancient groves, among which
Rome had been founded. Many of these groves were associated with the
earliest history of Rome, and Romulus was said to have planted many of
them49). Naturally the association of many of these groves or trees with
deities is of a later development. Originally the grove itself was the
"deity"; later on the sacred grove was said to derive its holiness from the
fact that it was the abode of a deity, or had been dedicated to him.
Perhaps we owe some of the notices about sacred groves only to the
fancy of the Roman poets* But their point of issue must have been
authentic, for this feeling of the holiness of a grove for its own sake
existed in the time of August and later still, as is proved by testimonies
from contemporary authors 50). And moreover by the fact, that the Roman-
Catholic church often enjoined the holy woods to be destroyed, and
founded chapels there (e.g. of s. Maria de Luco) or monasteries 51), or it
left these woods intact, but replaced the pagan cult by that of S. Silvestre
or S. Silvano52). The former existence of holy woods survived also in
place-names as Lugo or Luco (Stara-Tedde gives more than 25 instances
of places of this name in Italy that were founded on the sites of former
ancient luci or in their neighbourhood).
From other countries we have testimonies about this veneration of woods
as well. So e.g. from the Germans53), the Celts54), the Lithuanians 55),
from Spain, Numidia, Egypt, Phoenicia, Armenia, Asia, Minor; many
testimonies from Greece, and so on 56).
Although these trees were mostly associated with a deity, the general
origin of this tree-cult is, that, before religious thought was more different-
iated, man already feit "awed"57) by several manifestations of nature, not
only by animals but also by rivers, sources, stones, plants, trees and woods.
For by a subconscious process of analogical thought he considered most
things surrounding him to be as much alive as he was himself; and, if these
objects for some cause or other were believed to be more powerful than
he was, he worshipped them accordingly.
So the vast woods because of their mysteriousness and darkness may
have inspired a feeling of awe. And the consideration of a wood, or rather
a tree, as a living being is very logical. For the movement of the tree with
its creaking branches and the whispering of its leaves, when fanned by the
breeze, gave a strong suggestion of personal life, the more so, as man's
consciousness of his own personality was not yet greatly developed. The
fact, that men attributed more than human power to them can be explained
by the benefits derived from them: their fruit, their shade, and occasionally
the firewood they provide.
Hence, if they originally thought the tree animated, they may only have
attributed to it certain feelings and reactions, that were more or less human,
as the Oiebways, a tribe of Red Indians, would hardly ever hew down
living trees, because they believed that they cried in the process.
50) Ov. Am. III, 1. 1; Sen. ad Lucil. XLI, 2; Plin. XII, 1, 2; Quint. X, 88; Apul
Flor. I, 1.
51) As e.g. S. Benedict did on Monte Cassino; Vita S. Benedicti, Migne, Patrol,
lat. vol. 66, col. 152.
52) Stara-Tedde, p. 153 sqq.
53) Tac. Genn. 9, 39, 40, 43; Ann. II, 12; IV, 73.
54) Cf. A. Maury, Les forêts de la France; and the common Celtic name for sanctuary:
neme-to-n, which is the same as "nemus". See Ern M. s.v.
55) E.g. Scr.rer. Pruss. IV, 239, from the XVth century.
6e) See e.g. DarSagl. l.c.; Frazer; Stara-Tedde, p. 159 sqq.
57) R. Marett, The threshold of religion.
102
This awe may originally have been somewhat indefinite, and of a rather
friendly nature, no more than a feeling of respect towards something,
which in some aspects exceeds one's own power, and which one does not
entirely understand, but which on the other hand is not entirely different
from oneself (animatism).
It is possible that this awe was feit towards a tree, or grove, which
happened to stand inside the city, but which had nothing do to with its
foundation. Later on however, as e.g. must often have been the case in
Rome (see above), the tree, in order to emphasize its holiness, was
associated with the foundation of the city.
But the considerations, given above, may also account for the fact, that
one or more single trees may have been the motive to found a settlement
in its immediate vicinity, as we have some traditions, also from the Graeco-
Roman world, that this had happened 58). I will not however take the view
of Boetticher, p. 241 sq., and maintain, that "kein alter Fürstensitz ohne
solchen Baum in seinem Atrium zu denken sei ... wenn auch die Quellen
im Allgemeinen davon schweigen". It was only possible, not necessary.
(Cf. also the right to an asylum, which many trees and groves granted 59).)
Therefore in this case the idea of the founding of a settlement on this
spot was later than the acquaintance with the tree.
This may be what Vergil intends, if we connect the words: "primas cum
conderet arces" with 1. 62, and therefore translate: "the tree, which Latinus
had seen, and which afterwards, when he founded the town, he dedicated
to Apollo".
This view however is not possible, if we connect "primas cum conderet
arces" with the preceding line, and hence must translate: "the tree, which
he had detected, while he was engaged in founding the town, and which
afterwards he had dedicated to Apollo". In this case we need another
explanation; then this tree was sacer, as also the words "multosque metu
servata per annos" may prove, because it was dreaded.
For beside the pure animatism an attitude of fear may also exist. In this
stage, which already approaches or actually is animism, the tree is
considered not only as feeling, but also as having a will of its own, which
eventually may externalize itself and do harm. In the case of trees man
may easily have reached this view, because the rustling of their twigs
could be considered as the manifestation of their will. (In some cases this
view might develop into the conception of independent deities of the
58) See e.g. Plin. XVI, 89 about oaks at Heraclea Pontica; perhaps also 88 about
holm-oaks at Tibur, and oaks at Ilium; further Paus. III, 22, 9 about a myrtle, which
gave rise to the foundation of Boiae in Laconia: VII, 5, 1 about plane-trees at Neo-
Smyrna; Schol. Callim. Hymn. in Dian. 225 about an oak involved in the foundation of
Milet; and lastly the olive-tree on the Acropolis in Athens; cf. also Plin. XVI, 99
about Megara; cf. also Hom. Od. XXIII, 190. Cf. also Preller-Jordan II, p. 320,
quoted above.
59) E.g. Ael. VH 5, 4; see further Boetticher, p. 179 sqq.
103
tree, but this view of separate spirits dwelling in the tree, of which they
are the possessors, is not necessary.)
Therefore the tree must not be worried, lest the power in it turn against
the malefactor 60). This is a very general primitive view found with Indo-
European as well as with other peoples. So even in modern Italy, next to
the beneficent trees, worthy of veneration, there are trees, which are the
seat of evil spirits and witches. And there is a widespread belief, that when
certain trees are cut down the feller is sure to fall ill. Often man apologizes
to the tree before feiling it, as otherwise the tree will be irate61). This
attitude of mind must also have existed in the Graeco-Roman world, as
several testimonies show 62).
Yet primitive man did not of necessity feel this awe for every tree; for
in that case, he would scarcely have been able to live, as in ancient times by
far the greater half of Europe, and also other parts of the world, were
covered with wood. And so merely to have a dwelling and warmth he was
forced to feil many trees. He therefore must have feit this awe only for
trees, which in some respect were extraordinary, because of their height 63),
their size, or other special qualities (see below, where the special qualities
of the laurel are stated). Or he perhaps had this feeling for one tree only,
or for a clump of trees, because they had been spared from a far
greater group.
For often a certain wood or grove is allowed to be cut down only on
the condition that one tree, or a group of trees, is spared 64). In my opinion
this explanation must be sought in the circumstance that all the trees of
the wood are considered to have one collective soul, which may, if need
be, be concentrated in some and even in one of them, so that, as long as
this tree is spared, their power is saved.
In a later development this tree is spared, because the spirits of the wood
or grove may at least find a refuge here.
So it is possible, that the laurel, mentioned by Vergil here, was not
00) Cf. e.g. the Spartiates sparing the trees of the Academy, when they devastated
the whole of Attica (Schol. Soph. Oed. Col. 699; Lys. de olea).
61) The Bagoga in Central Africa believe, that, if a tree has been cut down, its
spirit may cause the death of the chieftain of the tribe, to which the feller belongs, and
his family; according to the Lithuanians he, who hewed down a branch in a holy grove,
was stricken by sudden death or paralysed; old-German law threatened the man, who
peeled off the bark of a holy tree, with a horrible punishment (for these instances see
Frazer, GB, the Magie Art, ch. IX and X); Fasti III, 252 he mentions a sacred grove in
Southern Nigeria (of a god Abang Ndak) where no branch was allowed to be cut off,
nor any leaf to be torn off, under penalty of death.
62) In the sanctuary of Asclepios at Cos it was interdicted to cut down cypresses
under penalty of a very high fine; Cat. RR 139, Plin. XVII, 28, and Porphyr. de abstin.
I, 6 prove, that it was never allowed to lop, to cut down or to transplant such trees,
except if by an exauguratio they had lost their sacred character, or expiatory rites had
been acccxmplished.
63) Cf. Plin. XII, 3: praecellentem arborem simplicia rura etiam nunc deo dicant.
64) E.g. among the Gonds in British India, and among the Dajaks.
104
65) Which word is already known to us from the Forum-inscription and from the
Leg. XII Tab. (VIII, 21).
66) But see the objections of Kretschmer, Glotta, X, p. 155 sq.
87) Paul. Fest. p. 319 M: seclusa sacra dicebantur; and cf. the loca sacra. Wiss.
RuK, p. 468.
68) Rel. Gr. u. Röm. p. 122.
89) Whether of its own, or because of special circumstances, e.g. because it had been
struck by lightning.
™) CIL VI, 2107, 2110.
71) And not: to make sacred; not even: to put a sanction on; — the special stress on
the sanction, laid on the infringement of the sacrum seems to me, contradicting
Ganschinietz, RE s.v. sacer, not necessarily to have been connected with it originally.
72) E.g. a beech on the Fagutalis; later also by larger buildings, see DarSagl. fig. 439,
440, 445, 450, 452.
105
Hence the distinction, often applied in later usage between sacer and
religiosus, scil. that "sacer" was strictly what is consecrated to a deity,
and is given its character of holiness by his presence or protection only,
whereas "religiosus" is anything that is awe-inspiring in itself, does not
rightly indicate the difference in force between these words either.
The distinction, made Gai. II, 4, according to which: "sacrae res sunt,
quae dis superis consecratae sunt, religiosae, quae dis Manibus relictae
sunt", is also merely artificial .And originally sacer and religiosus referred
to the same object, but from different points of view. For originally
"religiosus" indicates, that a certain object, because of its immanent power,
inspires a feeling of awe; "sacer" means, that (because of this fact) it has
been (or must be) taken out of profane circulation, and that78) there is a
sanction on its use79). Cf. e.g. VA VII, 107: Belli portae... religione
sacrae; VA VIII, 597: ingens lucus, ... religione patrum late sacer. Vergil
often uses "religio(sus)" relating to a wood or trees, e.g. II, 714: antiqua
cupressus, religione patrum muitos servata per annos; VIII, 349/50; VII,
172, in a similar connection as "sacer" is applied here and elsewhere 80).
Hence it is not even requisite, that in Vergil, as Bailey 81) says, this
sacredness is always the result of the explicit or implicit presence of, or
the relation with, a deity, although in some cases this may be so.
Another proof for the conception of sacer, as it is given here, is, that
the predicate sacer is never applied to a deity himself, but only to his
property. For, although a god has an immanent strong power and is
awe-inspiring, he cannot be taken out of profane circulation, as he was
never bound up with it.
Later however sacer, which in itself expresses a more conscious stage
of development of the human mind than religiosus, acquires a more
cumulative meaning than the latter word because with it were connected
the notions: "by the actions of the State" 82) and "consecrated to a deity" 83)
(see e.g. VA VI, 137: ramus, sacer Junoni infernae; XII, 766: sacer Fauno
foliis oleaster) 84) which circumstance even became the reason of its
holiness.
It can have acquired this change of signification only in a close
connection with that of "consecrare", or, as the older term was,
85) Cf. Varr. 1. 1. VI, 54; Liv. II, 8, 2; V, 25, 12; SA I, 763.
88) As Ovid, Curtius, Pliny.
87) Cf. in this connection the fact that the German "weihen", Got. "weihs", originally
signifies no more than: "to set apart for religious reasons" (Pfister, RE s.v. Kultus,
col. 2139).
8S) A still later development of "to consecrate to a deity" was "to consecrate a deity",
to receive a new deity among the gods of the State (Cic. ND II, 62; de leg. II, 27, 28;
of the Emperors e.g. D.C. XLVII, 18, 4).
89) Sen. cons. ad Mare. 13, 1; which contained among others all the conditions and
an exact definition of this dedicatio (see e.g. CIL IX, 3513; Cic. de dom. 127; Wiss.
RuK p. 473/4 with notes.
90) Wiss. RuK l.c.
91) See Fest. p. 321.
92) Fest. l.c.
93) Wiss. p. 501 sqq.
107
divine law. Vergil however was entirely justified in having this sacratio
here performed by Latinus, the rex, as doubtless the magistrates
in his time did not yet exist. According to tradition, the pontiffs had been
instituted by Numa; prior to this their task had been performed by the
rex 94). Moreover Augustus himself in 12b.C. was chosen pontifex maximus
after having been pontifex for some years.
Hence Latinus, in consecrating this tree, here too foreshadows Augustus.
And although I do not know any instance of the consecratio of a tree by
Augustus, the possibility must be left open. At any rate it is entirely in his
line, because it is well-known that he paid great attention to the revival of
the old rural cults; cf. e.g. his revival of the Fratres Arvales.
All these considerations may have induced Vergil, in employing the
word ipse, — which moreover occupies a very prominent place in 1. 62 — to
stress the fact that the tree had been dedicated by Latinus himself.
B4) Which honour, as well as the right of consecratio (Dig. I, 8, 9) afterwards was
connected with his successors as well.
9S) Later also with temples and altars, still latei* sometimes with other objects connected
with the cult as well.
»8) p. 254.
9T) Cf. Hom. Od., I, 22 sqq. and VA I, 15 sqq.
108
98) This accounts for the fact that in historical times, when the idea of a deity was
very often connected with sacer, its favourable meaning prevailed; for as soon as the
object had been placed under the care of a benevolent deity, its innocuousness was
ascertained.
99) Cf. the meat-offerings, as they were intended originally.
100) Cf. also the donation of first-fruits.
101) About other kinds of offerings see Pfister, RE s.v. Kultus; Robertson Smith,
D. Rel. d. Semiten, p. 180 sqq.; A. Thomsen, Arch. f. Rel. W. XII, 460 sqq.
102) See e.g. the list of sacred woods, given above.
10'
103) E.g. because of their having similar names, coordinate qualities, or because of
intricate or casual reasons (see Pfister, RE s.v. Kultus, col. 2185).
i°4) This connection later on was explained by a legend in which both the deity and
the tree played a part as e.g. in the case of the laurel and Apollo.
105) Whose emblem it also became.
i°6) See further Plin. XII, 3; Preller-J., RM p. 108.
107) See Fest. p. 318, 321; Dig. I, 8, 6, 3.
108) Cf. Mart. III, 29, 4; V, 2, 2; IX, 101, 2; Gai. II, 4, 5; Fest. p. 318, 321.
100) The consecratio had to be executed by a magistrate or priest, with the consent
of the people, and according to fixed formulae and rites; the execution of the dedicatio
however was not laid down in hard and fast rules, and could be carried out by a private
person. Moreover the consecratio was a juridical act, whereas the dedicatio was not.
110
But, if this single laurel was really "sacra comam multosque metu servata
per annos" the naming of the Laurentes after the laurus cannot have been
a real totemistic denomination, as the totem, at least generally112), was
not one definite tree or animal, but all the members of a certain species.
The name of this species had been adopted by the members of a certain
clan for their own, and its representation for their emblem, because they
wanted to have — for themselves and for others — a token of their
connection, which was easy to recognize and represent. Nor was the fear
110) See Boisacq, s.v.
111) As well as in all other Indo-European languages, and the primitive Indo-European
language; in general there is a great variety between the religious vocabulary of different
Indo-European languages. (See ErnM. s.v. sancio.)
11Z) See Durkheim, p. 141.
111
exactly similar to that, feit in the phytolatric and zoölatric cults, at any rate
in the more animistic. For, although it was not allowed, and at any rate
dangerous, to eat from the totem-plant or animal, and sometimes also to
slay the animal or to piek the fruit, this interdiction held good only to a
certain extent; not for instance for persons who were considered as
psychically very powerful, neither in case of necessity 113); nor did the
members of the clan feel a mere awe for the totem-tree or -animal, but
they also sometimes gave themselves partly the external appearance of their
totem, and even considered themselves as invested with a sacredness that
was not very much below that of the totem.
The relation between man and his totem therefore is not merely that of
an adorer towards the object of his adoration, but that of two beings of
equal value, of consubstantiality, belonging to the same category; at the
most the totem may sometimes be of a somewhat higher degree, and the
"elder brother" or "grandfather"; but never is he the real progenitor.
Finally, if worship is paid to the totem, it is paid, not to the real plant
or animal, but to its image.
But this is not the impression that we get here. Hence, if we can rely
on Vergil's version, Laurentes will mean: the men from the region of the
laurel, i.e. the many laurels114), that were prevalent in this region (see
above), and which originally therefore may have been found on the arx too.
But there they had been cut down to make room for the future dwelling-
place, and only one laurel was left, for the reasons explained above.
It is possible too, that this laurel was not a totem, but an ancestral tree,
from which the Laurentes thought they had actually originated. In this
case the fact of its singularity offers no difficulty. This is not such an
impossible thought, as in the Graeco-Roman world there are more traces of
the view, that men originated from trees 115). Although this is often only
mythological or figurative language, at the bottom of it may have been a
true primitive thought, the more so, as there are more primitive peoples,
who consider a certain tree as their ancestor 116). This view cannot surprise
us, as in primitive thought there was no distance between man and animal,
and not even between man and plants or stones.
The reasons for considering the laurel a forefather may have been almost
identical with that, which among others made them choose the laurel as a
totem (see later on), scil. that the laurel was thought to possess a
113) Durkheim, p. 181.
114) Schrader, REIA s.v. Wald remarks, that in primitive times it is a general usage
to indicate the notion "wood" by the collective use of the name of a certain tree in the
singular.
11B) Or from rocks; e.g. Hom. Od. XIX, 163 with Scholia, cf. Plat ApoL p. 34 D;
Stat. Theb. IV, 279; and also VA VIII, 314.
lle) E.g. the Miao-Kan, a people in Southern and South-Western China (Frazer, GB,
XI ? p. 31), and the Barbaris on the Upper Niger (Frazer l.c. p. 42); or also from a stone,
as e.g. the Kagaba-Indians in Columbia thought. Cf. also Jerem. 2: 27, and A. B. Cook:
Oak and rock, Class. Rev. XV (1901); K. Beth, Rel. u. Mag. bei d. Naturvölkern, p. 174.
112
particularly strong power, which overcame all evil influences, and which
power it extended towards its descendants in some way or other.
(Against the objection, that the laurel, like most trees in Greek and Latin,
was of the feminine gender, and therefore could not be considered as a fore-
father, it may be remarked, that with the neolithici, to whom the Laurentes
must have belonged, the matriarchy very probably was in vogue.)
However it is also possible, that not "sacra comam etc." was Vergil's
starting-point, but that this was a later addition, and that the Laurentes
originally announced themselves indeed as "the young laurels", as Picentes
may also be a totemistic denomination of Picus, Hirpini of hirpus-wolf,
and Fucentes of fucus-bee 117).
These last instances may be a support for totemism in primitive Italy.
But, strictly speaking no more than that, and not a support for totemism
among the Laurentes as well. For the Picentes etc. in all probability
belonged to the Indo-Europeans, at least their ruling classes did, and the
Laurentes to the neolithici. But the very fact, that the totem of the Picentes
was an animal, and that of the Laurentes a plant, may be another support
for totemism among the Laurentes. For, whereas the migrating tribes with
their theriomorphic ideas and representations 118) often choose for their
totem an object, that is unstable like themselves, e.g. an animal, perhaps the
more sedentary tribes chose a vegetable totem, which, analogous to them,
had taken root in the soil. Moreover as cultivators of the soil, they had
more contact with plants than with animals, unlike the migrating tribes,
who were often also hunters or cattle-breeders.
That the laurel was originally a tree of the mediterranean neolithici may
also be proved by the fact, that in Greece, e.g. at Delphi, the laurel before
the arrival of Apollo and before being connected with him had been
connected 119) with Gaia120) and further that the testimonies of tree-cult
in Greece point mainly to Creta and the Minoan world.
Also the fact that the invading Aryans, among whom a tree-cult, of the
oak and the beech especially, is often met with121), found these trees in a
sufficiënt number in Greece, so that there was no need for them to change
the object of their cult, and that the laurel was a typical mediterranean
plant, may lead us to the conclusion, that the worship of the laurel was
not Indo-European in origin. Moreover the attitude of mind of the
worshippers of the evergreen laurel may be entirely different from that of
the worshippers of the oak and beech, which in winter lost their leaves.
That the laurel was chosen by the Laurentes for their totem may have
"7) So e.g. Schulze, p. 482, and de Sanctis, p. 213 sqq.; cf. on the contrary e.g.
H. J. Rose, JRS XIX, p. 235 sqq.
«8) A. Aflföldi, AA 1931, p. 393 sqq.
u9) Cf. e.g. SA II, 513; Eur. Iph. Taur. 1254 sqq.
120) As e.g. the oak at Dodona and the kotinos at Olympia
121) Frazer, GB, the Magie Art, cap. IX.
113
been in the first place owing to the fact that it was abundant in the
region where they lived; every group took for its emblem the animal or
vegetable, which was most popular in their region122).
There was another reason why man should choose the laurel as his
totem, viz. that in doing so he secured for himself a share in the inherent
power of this object.
For the laurel in itself was considered by several peoples to be possesed
of special gifts, especially of a lustral character. The laurel had the power
to cleanse and to heal, to ward off evil influences. So still in clearly
historical times in Greece123) and Italy laurels were planted in front of
the houses, or laurel-branches or wreaths hung at the entrance, as a
preserving power; so the laurel protected against the evil eye, against
poison and rotting, blasting and, among other things, against ghosts. Even
Tiberius124) believed, that the laurel was never struck by lightning 125).
All this therefore signifies that the power of this tree was considered
greater than all evil influences, which view man may have adopted because
of the penetrating aromatic fragrance and flavour if its evergreen leaves
and branches.
As already mentioned above, the use of the laurel, whether lustral or
otherwise, is mentioned on many occasions in Rome as well. E.g. at the
triumph 126); on other festive occasions 127); cf. also the reliefs of the Ara
Pacis, where many of the processionists wear laurel 128). In Rome a laurel-
tree stood at the entrances of the houses of several priests 129) and of
temples or public buildings130). See further RE s.v. Lorbeer.
In my opinion this usage may not cnly, as Reid 132) tries to prove, be
ascribed to an adoption from the Greek, — although in some cases this
may be so —, but it may be originally Italian. For much of what is known
to us about the conception of the use of the laurel in Rome 133) points for
me to an innate feeling of its extraordinary power, and secondly, the
Persians e.g. also knew the use of laurel-branches with certain sacred
actions134), as well as other Indo-European peoples 135).
So this use of the laurel, whether it ever was lustral or not, need not of
necessity have a Greek origin 136).
Accordingly the particular place of the laurel can be explained from
this side too. As against the supposition that the Laurentes named them-
selves after their sacral ancestor- or totem-tree it must be remarked however
that this too would be the only instance of men naming themselves after
a tree. (Cf. Plin. XV, 30, 40: (laurus) unius arborum Latina lingua nomen
imponitur viris) 137).
Vergil might also have placed this laurel-tree in front of Latinus' palace,
or in another place in the town. In that case the Laurentes might have
been named after this tree, which was peculiar in a way, too. Vergil
therefore must have had one or more special reasons to place this tree
inside Latinus' palace, as he also placed it inside Priamus' palace.
There was nothing strange in his placing it there as it was quite usual
to find laurels, although often in a cultivated state, not only in front of
the houses 148) but also inside them (cf. Plin XV, 137: recepta(rum) in
domos) i.e. in most cases in the peristylium.
Such a tree may however even have been standing in the compluvium.
For, although the words: tecti medio in penetralibus altis" at first sight
suggests the idea of the garden, enclosed by the peristylium — it is also
probably used in this meaning by several contemporary authors149) —,
Vergil obviously knew, that the peristylium was but an addition of
Hellenistic times, and he cannot have committed such an anachronism.
Now by: "tecti medio in penetralibus altis" Vergil may have intended to
indicate rather the atrium than the peristylium. For as for a long time the
atrium — with the exception of a few small apartments — was the only
room of the Latin house, the centre of that room was at the same time the
144) By this the same may be meant as by the palma of Suet. Aug. 92, which will be
mentioned soon afterwards, or as with the laurel-twig of the hen.
145) For a similar story of a tree — in this case a palm-tree —, which was symbol of
the life of August, see Suet. Aug. 94, 1.
146) This belief in a tree, which has a connection with the life of a man, or also of a
family, a city, a tribe or a class, is world-wide. See also Suet. Galb. 1; — cf. Suet.
Aug. 92 — and Suet. Vesp. 5; Plin. XV, 29, 36; Frazer, GB XI, p. 159—168, and Fasti II,
p. 40. The laurel in connection with the life of the king see also Shakespeare: Richard II
where it is mentioned as one of the signs that foreshadow the death or fall of kings: "the
bay-trees in our country are all withered".
147) For, as it was a lucky omen, if trees of their own accord changed their original
spot, and migrated to another, so it may have been considered fortunate, if the same
species of sacred trees were found at the old as well as at the new abode.
148) Cf. i.a. Plin. XV, 127: (laurus) gratissima domibus, ianitrix Caesarum ponti-
cumque ... ante limina.
149) E.g. Catull. 64, 289; Hor. Carm. III, 10, 5; Epist. I, 10, 22; Tibull. III, 3, 15.
116
centre of the whole house. Of the peristylium on the contrary this could
never have been said.
Nor does the term "penetrale" preclude this explanation. For, although
later the penetrale is located in the back-building 15°) originally this term
may only have meant: the inner part of the house. So it may be used for
its innermost centre as well as for the back of the house.
Vergil uses the word "penetralia" 5 times for the innermost part of the
house, without saying, what he means exactly by itisi), and 4 times
clearly as the place of the hearth — and also sometimes of the penus, the
storeroom 152). And as both the hearth and the penus were originally
placed in the atrium 153), "penetralia" may also have been used for "atrium".
Moreover the adj. "altus" can be applied to the main room, the atrium
with its compluvium, but not to the storeroom, which must have been rather
low, nor to the entirely uncovered peristylium.
Nor did the compluvium probably exist about 900 b.C. in Latium; for
neither in the hut-urns from Alba Longa, nor in the Aedes Vestae, nor in
the Casa Romuli is it found. But at any rate it is a form, characteristic of
the Italo-Roman dwelling-house, whereas the Greek house does not
possess it. Hence Vergil's anachronism here was not half so serious.
Indeed we have other testimonies of a tree — usually no more than a
shrub154) — growing under the impluvium, whether spontaneously, or
transplanted from outside. So Liv. XLIII, 13 mentions a prodigy in the
year 163 b.C.: palmam enatam in impluvio (T. Marcii Figuli). And,
moreover, two laurels had sprung up in the Regia, in front of the sacrarium
of Mars 155). A prodigy concerning a laurel, "nata in domo" (Caesaris),
which was a symbol of his person and predicted his future victory, is also
told about Alexander Severusise). Boetticher p. 380 also considers that
the laurel-trees, which are mentioned above as being at the doors of the
Regia etc., for several reasons really stood inside the atrium.
Another reason for placing the laurel in the centre of the house of Latinus
may be, that Vergil may also have been thinking of and hinting at Athens.
For there in the uncovered inner court of the oldest royal castle, the
Erechtheion, stood the Holy tree of Pallas Athena and of Athens — as
other palaces in Greece had been built round a holy tree1") — the
olive-tree, which was connected with the oldest traditions about Athens.
So in this aspect too the history of Rome was made the equivalent of
that of Athens.
10°) Suet. Aug. 29; DC XLIX, 15; LI1I, 1, 3, Ascon. p. 80 sq.; CII I, p. 331.
l6T) After having dedicated it in 36 b. C., out of gratitude for his victory over
S. Pompeius and Antony.
168) E.g. the Sibylline books, which thus far had been kept on the Capitol, were
transferred in 12 b.C. to the temple of Apollo on the Palatine (Suet. Aug. 31; Tib. II, 5;
cf. VA VI, 72 sqq.). This is not so difficult to understand, as in the Sibylline books the
titles of the Aeneads on the sovereignty were said to be laid down. lts meaning was
however more comprehensive, as now the Palatine temple became the centre of the entire
graecus ritus. Moreover, as Wissowa, RuK p. 76 remarks, the Sibylline books, which
had repeatedly directed the management of the State, were now detached from their
connection with the supreme gods of republican Rome, and given to the new cult
Which was linked to the house of the Emperor.
Compare also the fact that the Carmen Saeculare was sung before this temple.
189) Suet. Aug. 18.
170) Cf. "Apollon sur les monnaies de César Auguste", Rev. beige de num. 1885, p. 1,
pl. 1; Gardthausen, Augustus, II, p. 203. The principal coins are: a silver coin in the
Cabinet de France, Cohen, Imp. I, n. 61, where one side represents the head of August,
the other Apollo, with his lyre; Cohen, n. 117, where the head of Apollo is represented
with the features of August; n. 343 (a silver coin of anno 738), with the war-like Apollo
(so also n. 152, 162, 164); and n. 43, 128 and 133.
1T1) E.g. his tripod (Boutkowski, n. 703, 704; Cohen Imp. I, 43, n. 12; 14; as Pascal,
II culto di Apollo in Roma, Boll. Comm. 1894, p. 70—73 remarks also the buil on coins
of Augustus (Cohen, I, p. 129, 136, 140, 152, 158 etc.) points to this relation with Apollo.
172) The same Res Gestae IV, 51 sqq.
119
of Apollo, the ordering and pacificatory god, being well-suited for that
time; to Augustus' personal appearance and personal predilection for
Apollo; to the fact that Augustus, as a XV vir had already come into touch
with this god; and that the classic figure of Apollo was well-suited for
a counterpropaganda against Antony, as well as for Augustus policy of
(Graeco-Roman) universalism, and for expressing the ideals of the
Augustan period. (For a more circumstantial account see Excurs II, p. 130).
This prominent place of Apollo in Augustan Rome accounts for the
fact that, whereas in the older forms of the legend of Aeneas — and in
the later versions that are independent of Vergil — Apollo was not
mentioned at all194) he is frequently mentioned by Vergil, whether under
the name of Apollo or under that of Phoebus. (These two names are used
indiscriminately.) He is mentioned by Vergil oftener than any other deity
— possibly with the exception of Jupiter —, although in the Aeneid he
plays no real personal part, as Jupiter, Juno and Venus do. Therefore he
does not stand in any personal contrast to Juno or Venus here, as in
Homer. Nor is he the mouth-piece or servant of Jupiter and he is seldom
referred to as the sun-god, but mostly as an oracular deity 195) — which
at first sight seems somewhat astonishing, as Aeneas might be sufficiently
enlightened as to the future by his divine mother —, as a god of medical
craft, or in connection with the Augustan poets196). Or 197) he is fore-
shadowed as Augustus' protector 198), or (cf. III, and VI, 59 199)) is
generally mentioned as the god, by whom Aeneas was conducted 200). This
proves that Vergil, although he was aware of Apollo's essentially Greek
character, strcssed the points in which he was connected with Rome, viz.
the Sibylline oracles, the patronage of Apollo over the Augustan poets, and
— what is especially of interest to us 'here: his relation with August himself.
This patronage of Apollo over August especially accounts for Vergil's
allowing himself to commit the anachronism of making Latinus consecrate
this tree to Apollo201). For, as Vergil must have known, Apollo was not
found among the oldest Roman deities; the more certainly must he have
been absent in Latinus' time. Nor was the line "ipse ferebatur Phoebo
sacrasse Latinus" necessary, but it might very well have been omitted,
except if Vergil had a special intention with it.
This intention may have been to foreshadow the reign of August and
his measures in the time of Aeneas, and to stress the fact that not only
were Aeneas and his Trojans patronized by Apollo (cf. VA II, 513 sqq.;
where in the palace of Priamus: aedibus in mediis nudoque sub aetheris axe
ingens ara fuit juxtaque veterrima laurus incumbens arae atque umbra
complexa Penates), but also the group which, in combination with them,
formed the substrate of the later Romans, scil. the Laurentes. And, in the
same way as in Troy the Penates had stood in the shadow of a laurel of
Apollo, so would they henceforth stand in Italy 202).
The following particulars have still to be mentioned: The temple on the
Palatine stood in the immediate neighbourhood of the palace of Augustus,
and was even connected with it2<>3). Although it was considered more or
less as a sanctuary of the State, and even became a dangerous rival of the
supreme State-sanctuary (see above), it really stood in solo privato204).
And here too the laurel of Apollo, after which the Laurentes are named,
is really standing in the house of Latinus.
In connection with the naming of the Laurentes after (the holy tree of)
Latinus it may be mentioned here that the day of foundation of the ancient
temple of Apollo coincided with the birth-day of Augustus (23 September).
Whether this coincidence was genuine, or whether the day of foundation
of the temple was later intentionally shifted to Augustus' birth-day, to
ingratiate him, in any case Augustus must have attached importance to
this coincidence. Moreover Augustus was born in the tenth month, which
was dedicated to Apollo (cf. Suet. Aug. 94). For these reasons also Vergil
may have brought the foundation of the town of the Laurentes in connection
with Apollo.
201) It must be remarked however that the anachronism is not so serious as it would
have been if Vergil had made Latinus dedicate another object than the laurel to Apollo.
For Apollo's connection with the laurel was of long standing in Italy, since long before
he was a god of the light he was a medical god in Italy, a purificatory god. (Cf. Hoffmann,
Apollo Kitharödos, Philol. 1889, p. 679 sqq.)
202) Cf. also OTr. III, 41 sqq.: domus ista (scil. Augusti) quia Leucadio semper amata
deo est; and OF IV, 951 sqq.; OM XV, 864 sqq.
203) DC XLIX, 15, 5; LIII, 1, 3; Hülsen-Jordan Top. I, 3, p. 66 sqq.
**) DC l.c.i Veil. Pat. II, 81, 3.
121
However, by naming the Laurentes after the tree of Apollo, and not
after Apollo himself, he merely made the connection indirect. Nor did
August, as Immisch and Altheim expound, ever identify himself directly
with Apollo 205). Of course there are many instances of a more or less
close resemblance of August with Apollo, in many of the latter's qualities
and attributes 206). And not only do the Jatter often figure on coins and even
in statues of August (cf. Ps. Acr. Schol. Hor. Epist. I, 2, 17: Caesar in
Bibliotheca sibi statuam posuit habitu ac statu Apollinis; and SB IV, 10:
Augustum cui simulacrum factum est cum Apollinis cunctis insignibus).
But even the features of Augustus' face were sometimes given to
Apollo 207). Compare also the cena dcodexd&eog, mentioned by Suet.
Aug. 70, at which Octavianus participated: pro Apolline ornatus.
I see no reason to reject these last items, as Immisch does 2°8), and
to deny that August ever wanted himself to be identified with Apollo.
Therefore I can better agree with Altheim 2°9) who says, that originally
August may have aimed at a direct identification, but because of the
-05) Thus he contrasted himself with Caesar, who was directly called Jupiter Julius
(DC XLIV, 6, 4).
206) As concerns the former: the physician C. Valgius dedicated his treatise on
medicine (Plin. XXV, 2) ad divum Augustum, inchoata etiam praefatione religiosa, ut
omnibus malis humanis illius potissimum principis semper mederetur maiestas.
As concerns his attributes: cf. the augural lituus on several Augustan coins (e.g.
Boutkowski, Dict. 679: and VA IV, 376; Hor. Od. I, 2, 32: augur Apollo). It was said
that his head on his entering Rome after the death of Caesar was surrounded by an aureole
of the sun — hence a sign of Apollo. (Jul. Obs. 68 (128); Veil. Pat. II, 59, 6). Cf. also
VA VIII, 720; Ipse (Caesar) sedens niveo candentis limine Phoebi, with Hor. Od. I, 2, 30;
nube candentes humeris amictus, Augur Apollo; and Prop. IV, 6, 11 sqq. (Many of these
instances are borrowed from Pascal, op. cit.)
207) Cf. the gemma parisina, and the coin of Valerius Aciculus, Ann. d Inst
1839, p. 320.
20s) Immisch considers Ps. Acr. l.c. either falsified, or but an artistia identification, and
the story mentioned Suet. Aug. 94 a later invention. According to him there is not the
least reason to suppose that August ever wished himself to be identified with Apollo.
209) Altheim, III, p. 62 sqq. points — rightly in my opinion — to the fact that
Mercurius is also said to be immanent in Octavian (Hor. I, 2), and is represented with
his features (Röm. Mitt. 42, 163; Fürtwangler, Ant. Gemm. Taf. 38, 30), although on
private monuments only. The shape in which the god appears on the earth therefore
coincides with the outward appearance of the emperor. Therefore the notice of Pseudo-
Acro, as well as SB IV, 10, cannot be rejected without further comment. "Nur ist freilich
der diesmal zugrunde liegende Vorstellung insofern eine veranderte, als nicht der Gott auf
die Erde herabgestiegen und die Gestalt des Herrschers angenommen hat, sondem umge-
kehrt dieser bewusst ins Uebermenschliche gesteigert, der göttlichen Sphare angenahert
wird. Der scheinbar geringfügige Unterschied ist doch insofern von Bedeutung als im
zweiten Fall eine direkte Identifikation des Herrschers mit Apollo vermieden wird!"
Also the cena <f<otffxa»tos and Octavianus' appearing as Apollo may be genuine and
not a mere youthful frivolity, according to him, but have had a deeper meaning. Here
das Apollinische in Octavian may have expressed itself for the first time. And he may
have meant a direct identification with the god. But perhaps because of the protest of
Roman public opinion against the direct apotheosis of a living person August may
122
Hence the entire research as to the historicity of the cult of the laurus,
and its connection with the Laurentes, may be superfluous, as Vergil may
have caused the Laurentes to be named after the laurel only to remind
his readers of August.
In the first place because of August's connection with the laurel and
with Apollo. (For the rest the laurel was associated with Vergil as well211).)
In the second place because August may have possessed an estate in
the ager Laurens, — which may even have been called Laurentum 212).
henceforth have kept himself aloof and formulated his identification with Apollo in a
much more prudent form. His contact with Apollo was not denied but he was not
directly identified with him in the State-cult. At most he may have allowed —
at least not have suppressed — the view that he was Apollo's son. Cf. Suet.
Aug. 94: in Asclepiadis Mendetis SioXoyov/iivwv libris lego Atiam cum ad sollemne
Apollinis sacrum media nocte venisset ... obdormisse; draconem repente inrepsisse ad eam,
etc Augustum natum mense decimo et ob hoe Apollinis filium existimatum.
This view was not greatly at variance with the common Roman view, as Apollo was
the tutelary deity of the gens Julia.
What Octavian had once not shrunk from representing in his own person, was only
expressed in a plastic form, although he may have remained vividly convinced of his own
Apollonian character.
210) Visconti', Piocl. 6, 20; Mus. Ghiaram. 3, T. 19.
211) Cf. Don. Vit. Verg. p. 55 R.: praegnans eo mater somniavit enixam se laureum
ramum, etc.
212) This may be indicated by:
1°. the fact that Geil. X, 2, 2 mentions that after the death of an ancilla Caesaris
Augusti in agro Laurentum ... monumentique ei factum iussu Augusti in via Laurentina,
as is not altogether rejected by Dessau either.
2°. that, as Carcopino p. 246—261 remarks, in the ager Laurens there were many villas,
and during the time of the Emperors there must have been a large imperial estate on the
site of the modern Tor Paterno.
3°. the vicus Augustanus Laurentum (or the Laurentes vico Augustano) at a distance
of 7 km from Ostia, and 12 km from Pratica-Lavinium. (CIL XIV, 2040—2052, 301.
341, 347, 352, 431), which may have heen founded by August immediately outside his
123
This last argument however I put forward only with much hesitation; for
Carcopino bases himself on suppositions rather than on arguments.
At any rate this (or these) may be the reason(s) why he mentioned the
Laurentes at all. For in none of the other sources is the people over which
Latinus reigns — and which is not yet named Latini (see above) -—- called
Laurentes. But, whereas in earlier traditions he is king of the Etrusci
(Hesiod. l.c.) or of Alba Longa and of the Latini213) or has founded
Rome (SA I, 273) in nearly all the later traditions this people is called the
Aborigines214) and only the region where Aeneas lands is called ager
Laurens or ACOQSVTOV 2 1 5 ) .
Only Augustinus216) mentions them as the tribe of Latinus, but he
owes this information no doubt to Vergil.
Vergil may have been conscious of the fact that in his sources the
"ager Laurens" or the beach was frequently found, whereas the Laurentes
did not yet figure at all in the legend of Aeneas. For of the 27 times that
he uses Laurens (and twice Laurentius) he uses it 9 times in the combinat-
ion "ager L. or the like217), or as an adjective in a combination where it
own estate for his servants and tenants, to give them a beginning of a certain admini-
strative autonomy.
4°. the fact that nowadays too this region is entirely reserved for the caccia reale.
213) Ennius fr. 22 V.
214) Even in Timaeus he very probably is king of the BoQtiyovoi (cf. Lykophr. Al.
1253); in Kallias (DH I, 72) he is king of the Aborigines. So also in Rome tx naXaiGtv
Xóyatv iv iQaïs <fiXroig otaSo/uviov (DH I. 73); Cato also (SA I, 6) says: Primo
Italiam tenuisse quosdam qui appellabantur Aborigines, hos postea adventu Aeneae
Phrygibus iunctos Latinos uno nomine nuncupatos; id. ap. Prisc. V, 12, 65; VI, 8, 41; further
Liv. I, 1, 12; Dio ap. Zon. VII, 1, 1; Tzetz. Lyk. 1254; Strab. V, p. 229; Appian. Reg. 1;
frg. 1; DH I, 9; 43; 44; 45; 57; 59; 60; 63; Juba ap. Steph. Byz. s.v. 'Afiogiyivsq.
cf. Justin. XLIII, 1, 3: Italiae cultores primi Aborigines fuere; and SalJ. Catil. 6. 1.
215) Cato (SA XI, 316: Cato enim in Originibus dicit Troianos a Latino accepisse
agrum qui est inter Laurentum et castra Troiana); Cassius Hemina (ap. Solin. II, 14:
Aeneam in agro Laurenti posuisse castra); Strab. V, p. 229: cpaol <fi Alvilav /ttxa tov
rtaiQÖs . .. •Kata.Qavraq «§ AdvQtvxov r>]s 7i"ki\Giov TÓJV 'SiGrccuv xai TOV Tiftégtfog yióvog;
Tzetz. Lyk. 1232: Aivnag t£s 'Ixaktciv xttt -larii'01-S nagayCvtxai ntQi AavQtvxov de nQoGtsiv.tiXt
tb xat Tgolav %aXovntvov; D. H. I, 45: TnGnq oi Ovv Aivtia. (iiaff vyovTij tg 'lï.iov tjfc
nóXttoq illovfii,; xciTtöxov tig i'rüi', aiyiaXöv 'A(ioQiy(v<x>v jni rtp ntXdyti
xci/itvov. 53; TtXtvrüvrts <f' urpnviövtai Ti[q 'IxaXiat; tt's AavQtvxov, 'évO-a tijs nXdvtjf ixctvoa-
/itvoi x<xQax<* '&tvxo xai xö x»>Qiov iv to vMxaOxQaxoiiMftvOavxo ixsivov Tnoia xaltcxai.
55; 63; Appian. l.c.; cf. also Ennius: quos homines quondam Laurentis terra recepit cum
vetus occubuit Priamus sub Mare Pelasgo.
210) C.d. XVIII, c. 15: exortum est regnum Laurentum, ubi Saturni filius Picus regnum
primus accepit; iatn ergo regnabant Laurentes utique in Italia, ex quibus evidentior ducitur
origo Romana post Graecos; c. 16: Latino, ex quo Latinorum regnum dici coepit
Laurentumque cessavit.
21T) X, ora L. (X, 706), solum L. (VIII, 38; XII, 547); campi L. (XII, 542); arva
L. (VII, 661; IX, 100; XII, 24); agri L. (XI, 431).
124
might mean: "of the ager Laurens"218). And only a few times does he
really use it as a substantive to designate a tribe219).
As concerns the historicity of the Laurentes: Dionysius mentions the
Laurentes only in a later period V, 61, in the list of the members of a
league directed against Rome; this list according to Hugh Last220) is a
late invention however. Livy I, 14 221) mentions them as the tribe or town
that murdered Titus Tatius; VIII, 11, 15 he mentions that in 337 BC, after
the Latin war: extra poenam fuere Latinorum Laurentes quia non
desciverant. cum Laurentibus renovari foedus iussum. Cato ) mentions
222
in the inscription of Aricia after the populus Lanuvinus also the populus
Laurens as one of the 8 populi over which Rome's power was established
about 500 b.C. The AavQevxïvoi may also be mentioned Polyb. III, 22 in
the first treaty between Carthage as one of the mercantile ports on the
Latin coast 223).
In later periods the name Laurens is found on inscriptions from Lavinium
and its surroundings, mostly in combination with "Lavinas" 224).
As these latter testimonies are rather late, they need not prove the
existence of the Laurentes as a special tribe. Nor does the fact that the
country is named ager Laurens or Laurentum 225) prove that there existed
a tribe of the Laurentes, for "ager Laurens" may have meant not "the
ager of the Laurentes", but "the ager of the laurels".
But in view of 1°. the lists in Livy and Polybius, 2°. the fact that there is
no place — as in the case of Circei etc. — whence they may have derived
their name226) and 3°. the populus Ardeatis Rutulus 227) we may conclude
that this tribe once actually existed. This may also be the opinion of
Gelzer 228), Philipp 229), Carcopino 230), Preller 231), Nissen 232) and
Klausen.
21S) E.g. X, 709: palus L.; V, 797: 1. Thybrim; VIII, 71: L. nymphae; VII, 47:
Laurente Marica; VI, 891: L. populos.
219) Here; VII, 371; 537; 613; XII, 137; 280; 240: ipsi Laurentes mutati ipsique Latini.
22°) CAH VII, p. 488.
221) So also Varr. 1. 1. V, 16; Zonar. VII, 4 D.
222) Ap. Prisc. IV, 29 H.
223) Where he mentions the AQtvrlvoi.
224) CIL XIV, 2070—2078 (from the time of Antoninus Pius onwards); X, 797 (from
the time of Claudius): sacra principia p. RQ, quae apud Laurentes coluntur; IX, 4686;
III, 1180; 6270; V, 6357; VI, 2176; VIII, 1439, 7978; Ndsc. 1888, 236, 408. In most of
them a sacerdos Laurentum Lavinatum is mentioned; CIL X, 8348: bellum Laurentinum.
About the vicus Augustanus Laurentum see note
225) Cf. also OF II, 678: Laurentes in agros; and Strab. V, 232; Val. Max. I, 6, 7;
silva Laurentina.
220) It is not likely that a town named Laurentum existed (see below).
227) Cat. or. fr. 58; Strab. V, 232; Liv. IV, 11, 4.
228) RE s.v. Latium.
229) RE s.v. Lavinium.
230) p. 266 sqq.
ï31) II, p. 320.
M2) II, p. 571
125
233) Cf, OF III, 93, who mentions that March is the fifth month for the Laurentes;
and Fest. p. 4 s.v. Armita: legibus enim Laurentum sanctum est ne... etc.
234) No inscriptions are found with the name of the Laurentes in Latium, except on
the site of Lavinium, and on that of the vicus Augustanus Laurentum.
235) SA VII, 661: secundum antiquum situm, ante Albam et Romam, Tiberis Laurentis
fuit territorii.
236) S.V. "Avrtia: f'Ori xaï "AVTIOV n<>).{* Ittru AoiQivtöv rijs IxaXias,
237) p. 317 M; Stura flumen in agro Laurenti est quod quidam Asturam vocant.
238) Solin. II, 14.
239) SA XI, 316.
2«) Cf. VA VII, 47; Stat. Silv. I, 3, 83.
126
241) Cf. Klausen: der westlich von Laurentum gelegene Landstrich (bis zum Tiber)
kann unbedenklich, östlich aber eine nicht mit Sicherheit zu begrenzende Strecke damit
bezeichnet werden; and Carcopino p. 268/9: "du Tibre au Rio Torto, de la mer au Vle
mile a partir de Rome et aux premières pentes des Monts". He remarks that at the
beginning of the third century b.C. the territory of the Laurentes was again reduced
by the creation of the provincia Ostiensis and the ager Ostiensis, which was partly
situated in the North-Western part of the ancient ager Laurens. By this its North-Western
boundary was removed from the Tiber three kilometres southwards to the swampy estuary,
the bridge over which is mentioned CIL XIV, 126: (Carinus et Numerianus anno 284 AD)
pontem Laurentibus atque Ostiensibus olim vetustate collabsum lapideum restituerunt.
As this testimony is very late however, I consider it a dangerous practice to draw any
conclusion from it.
242) As also I, 367/8 of the name Byrsa for instance.
248) E.g. history, geography, philology, philosophy, astronomy, the rernembrance of
primitive days, etc.
127
244) Cf. e.g. Duris, and Neanthes, who combined local with general history; and see
the Atthides, especially of Philochorus, as well as similar treatises on the history of Sparta
and many cities of Asia Minor, especially by Polemon of Ilium. A list of such chronicles
in Christ-Schmid, p. 215.
245) See Erwin Rohde, Gr.Roman, p. 24—27. Hellenistic literature having lost the
interest in the old myths, chose local legends, which had no real mythical, religious or
historical background, rather than really historical subjects. For such short and minute
legends corresponded better to their poetical ability, and they took an interest in
antiquities and in subjects, not known to and treated by everybody. Moreover these local
legends contributed to the glory of certain cities and peoples, and satisfied local patriotism.
(Cf. W. W. Tarn: Hellenistic Civilization, p. 244: "Any poet who came to a city and
recited his poem on its history was liberally fêted and honoured".)
248) See Eleanor Shipley Duckett, p. 23 sqq.
246a) Cf Plin. XVIII, 38, who mentions the commentarii Epidii, and XVII 38; and
Macrob. Sat. III, 20, who quotes a fragment of the ostentarium arborarium of Tarquitius
Priscus; the Sibylline books may also have dealt with them.
2466) p 163 Sqq
247) E.g. Jupiter, Diespiter, Dispiter; cf. Lucil. ap. Lact. Inst. IV, 3: nemo sit nostrum
quin aut pater optimus divum aut Neptunus pater, Liber Saturnus pater. Mars, Janus,
Quirinus pater siet ac dicatur ad unum; Geil. N. A. V, 12; further Summanus, Vediovis
pater, divus pater Falacer, pater Curis, deus pater Subigus, pater Albensis; Terra mater,
Mater Matuta, (see further Preller-Jordan I, 56); see also SG II, 4: pater, licet generale
sit omnium deorum, etc.; Augustin. c. d. VII, 3: unde dicit ipse Varro (speaking of the
deities of the indigitamenta) quod diis quibusdam patribus et deabus matribus sicut
hominibus, ignobilitas accidisset.
248) Pater Sabinus (VA VII, 179), Reatinus, Aventinus, Tiberinus; see also several
instances in n. 247.
128
2. Latinus was the founder of the city of the Laurentes, and (Quint.
III, 7, 26) pro parente est conditor. Romulus was thus also called the parens
of Rome 254). For the rest this title of Romulus also emphasized the parental
relation to the State which the king had once had.
In any case, both as founder of the city and in his paternal relation to it
Latinus here prefigured Romulus. And at the same time he prefigured
Augustus. For not only was Augustus called parens of one of his
colonies 255)( but he also wanted to be considered as the refounder
of Rome.
3. The idea of the ruler in the Aeneid, as Sellar p. 376/7 remarks, is
the same as that of the "Father". "The difficulties of the problem of
government are solved in Vergil by the picture which he draws of passive
and loyal submission on the part of nobles and people to a wise, beneficent
and disinterested ruler and legislator." This tameness of Vergil's
reproduction of active political life Sellar ascribes to his apathy in
regard to it.
In my opinion, however. Vergil may have represented the rulers in the
Aeneid 256) thus because Augustus wished to be considered in the first
place as the father of his people. The latter fact appears from the title
of pater patriae being bestowed on him in 2 b.C. 257) _ which he valued
very much 5 8 ) _
2
249) According to Preller-J. I, p. 95/6 Latinus is the divus pater Latiaris, and in all
probability an Indiges as well (but see above).
2j0) Zcvj naT)](j. Ati/ttjztiif, Jtim'iTVQoi. Father Odin, Father Ahura Mazda.
251) Kingship. p. 412.
252) So Wissowa, p. 26/7; Warde Fowler, p. 155/7; Preller-J. p. 56; Bickei, p. 89;
Dieterich, Mithras, p. 142.
25S) "Die italischen Götter wurden insgemein als Vater und Mütter gedacht, im Sinne
einer patriarchalischen und einfach gemütlichen Vorstellungsweise" (Preller-J. l.c.); "the
figurative use of human relationships is surely a common practice, when addressing their
deities, of all peoples who have reached the stage of family-life. The Romans themselves
were familiar from the first with such figurative use .... as was natural to a people, in
whom the family-instinct was so strong." (Warde Fowler, RE, p. 156/57.)
~54) Liv. I, 16; V, 49, 7; Tac. Hist. I, 84; cf. Manni, Romulus e parens patriae nell'
ideologia politica e religiosa romana (Mond. Class. 1933).
255) Bononia; see CIL XI, 720; cf. also Hor. Carm. III, 24, 27.
256) Not only Latinus, but also Aeneas, Euander, Acestes, etc.
2o') Mon. Anc. 35, 1: tertium decimum consulatum cum gerebam, senatus et equester
ordo populusque Romanus universus appellavit me patrem patriae; Suet. Aug. 58; Fast.
Praen. CIL I, p. 314, 384; OF II, 127; more testimonies Gardthausen, II, p. 735, n. 32.
129
Excurs I.
This also explains the use of sacer in connection with persons in the
combination, already referred to, scil. "homo sacer" 73). For, in my opinion,
this dual meaning of "sacer" does not originate from the fact, that, as
ErnM. say: sacer désigne celui qui ne peut être touché sans être souillé,
ou sans souiller", nor does sacer in its unfavourable meaning signify: "given
258) Suet. l.c.: Cui lacrimans respondit Augustus his verbis (ipsa enim posui ...)
compos factus votorum meorum, . ..quid habeo aliud deos immortales precari quam ut
hunc consensum vestrum ad ultimum finem vitae mihi perferre liceat; Mon. Anc. l.c.:
idque in vestibulo aedium mearum inscribendum et in curia Julia et in foro Augusti etc.
259) DC LV, 10: Ka\ »/ t7i(avvfiia tj zov TTARQÖG AXGCFIMS fdóS-tj, TZQÓT(QOV YAQ aXXc og avtv
tyrwionaxos fCf. also Hor. Carm. I, 2, 50; and inscriptions and coins
(especially from Asia Minor), e.g. Dessau 96 and note, 101; Coh. I, 2, 74, n. 78;
cf. Newton, Halicarn. 2, 2. p. 695; CIL II, 2107; III suppl. 6803; IX, 5680; X, 823,
4781; XI, 3083.
2G0) DC XLIV, 4, 4; Suet. Caes. 85; Ov. a. a. I, 203 sqq.; Coh. I, p. 9, 16; cf. Cic. II,
Phil. 31, 13; 23. And Antony erected his statue on the rostra and inscribed it: parenti
optimo maximo.
291) Caimillus (Liv. V, 49; Plut. Cam. 10) and Cicero, after his execution of the
Catilinarians (App. B.C. 2, 7; Plut. Cic. 28); cf. also Plut. Suil. 34.
73) Cf. Fest. p. 321: sacer homo est, quem populus iudicavit ob maleficium; (neque
fas est eum immolari — this last addition is puzzling, as human sacrifices in Rome in all
probability did not exist in early times — see Wiss. RuK., p. 35 a.o.; Warde Fowler, Rel.
Exp. p. 33 a.o. — and perhaps must be retraced to a note, which even Festus no longer
understood); Macrob. Sat. II, 7, 3: cum cetera sacra violari nefas sit, hominem sacrum
ius fuerit occidi; and the expression, later reduced to a mere curse: sacer esto (e.g. Fest.
424, 5). (Other combinations, where sacer also has an unfavourable meaning, e.g. the
well-known: "auri sacra fames", are only imitations of this formula, or translations from
a similar expression in Greek.
9
130
over to the infernal deities or their agents for them to dispose of", or:
"accursed and left to a deity to be avenged on, if the deity be so minded",
as Warde Fowler (JRS I, p. 57 sqq.) says; but sacer in its unfavourable
meaning signifies merely, that the so-called object has been withdrawn
from the ius humanum, therefore from the human legal customs, and also
from the human legal securities 74).
So "sacer" and "sanctus" have not only a similar meaning, but also a
similar origin. In historical times, however, there is, according to the later
difference between the act of "sancire" and that of "(con)secrare" a
distinction between them75); now sacer is that which has a direct relation
to the cult, whereas sanctus lacks this relation, but indicates in spite of
this that by the additional sanction the object, to which it is applied, has
an exceptional position. Or, as ErnM. s.v. sancio say: sacer indique un état,
sanctus le résultat d'un acte.
Later "sanctus", perhaps in imitation of the Greek UQÖS also acquired
the ethical, moral meaning of "revered, venerable, respected", which later
even became "saintly". Traces of this transition of meaning are already
met with in Cicero and Vergil76) (cf. VA XI, 158). But even then sanctus
is used with substantives, where "sacer" would also have been possible,
and vice versa. Cf. e.g. VA XI, 785: sancti custos Soracts Apollo, with
X, 230: Idaeae sacro de vertice; and VIII, 72: Tiberine, tuo cum flumine
sancto, with VII, 242: fontis vada sacra Numici. This may point perhaps
to Vergil's being acquainted with the original state of affairs77).
Excurs II.
As to the reasons why Apollo was chosen by Augustus for his patron,
some authors173) ascribe this to the fortunate coincidence that the battle
74) A man may have been placed beyond human legal securities, because, e.g. by a
secular offence against the community, he had given proof of possessing a strong power:
or, which is perhaps a still more primitive thought, underlying this fact: as for primitive
thought the "orenda" of a criminal is not essentially different from that of e.g. a great
benefactor and man set great store by the possession of the "orenda" of another,
powerful, man (cf. head-hunting, and cannibalism), but could not kill this man, if the
latter stood under the legal protection of the community, this powerful man was placed
beyond its legal security.
The meaning, attached to "homo sacer" in historical times, scil. that the person thus
named had his caput and his bona confiscated, can very well be explained from its
original meaning, and is very near it still, whereas the idea of assignment to a deity
was not connected with it till later. Cf. Macrob. l.c.
75) See Pfister, RE s.v. Kults, col. 2117.
7«) Cf. Ulp. Dig. 1, 8, 9.
77) So also Bailey, p. 73 sqq.
173) Lürsen, De templo et bibliotheca Apollinis Palatini, p. 17; Kühne, De Horatii
carmine saeculari, p. 30 sqq.; Hecker, De Apollinis apud Romanos cultu, p. 36; — this
may also be the opinion of Warde Fowler (RE p. 443): "Apollo, his (August's) own
specially protecting deity since Actium".
131
of Actium was fought near an old sanctuary of Apollo. This made August
transfer the tutelary deity of this spot to Rome174).
Indeed Apollo ascribed his victory at Actium to Apollo Actiacus (cf. VA
VIII, 704 sqq.: Actius haec cernens arcum intendebat Apollo, etc.), in
whose honour he accordingly founded a temple175) and a town
(Nicopolis 176), and instituted games there, the ludi Actiaci177). And
henceforth he also dedicated the temple on the Palatine to Apollo who
had given him the victory at Actium *78). Of course this must have been
one of August's reasons, as is also admitted by Pascal l.s. p. 54 sqq.;
Preller-Jordan I, p. 307, and Otto Immisch179).
But there must be still other reasons. For Veil. Pat. II, 81 informs us
that Octavianus had dedicated this temple many years earlier, immediately
after his victory on Sextus Pompeius 180). Moreover, as Pascal remarks, to
honour Apollo Actiacus August had already instituted the ludi Actiaci. So
there was now no reason for him to change the character of the ludi
saeculares and to give Apollo a prominent place there.
Nor can Apollo's predominance be ascribed exclusively to the homage
paid for a long time to Apollo by the gens Julia, as Kiessling 18i) supposes.
Indeed Apollo was worshipped by the gens Julia 182), where he probably
replaced 183) an older worship of the Italian god Veiovis184). Yet this
174) As Antigonos Gonatas had ascribed his victory near Lysimacheia to Pan.
175) SA III, 274.
178) See also Suet. Aug. 18, 8.
177) SA III, 274; VA III, 280; and cf. VII, 241.
178) Prop. IV, 6: Musa, Palatini referemus Apollinis aedem Caesaris in nomen
ducuntur carmina, Caesar dum canitur, quaeso, tum pater ipse vaces, est Phoebi fugiens
Athamana ad litora portus Actia Juliae pelagus monimenta carinas cum Phoebus
astitit Augusti puppim super mox ait tempus adest, committe rates, ego
temporis auctor, ducam laurigera Julia rostra manu vincit Roma fide Phoebi
Actius hinc traxit Phoebus monimenta quod eius una decem vicit missa sagitta rates.
179) Zum antiken Herrscherkult, p. 31 sqq., in "Aus Roms Zeitwende".
18°) Kühne supposes, however, that it had been dedicated originally to Diana Victrix,
and only after the victory of Actium to Apollo. But we have no proof for this supposition.
181) Philol. Untersuchungen, 2, 92, n. 36.
182) SA XI, 316: Caesarum familia sacra retinebat Apollinis, quae et ipsa publica
videntur fuisse. Cf. also the fact mentioned abovt, that the lauretum at Livia's villa
ad Gallinas": novissimo Neronis anno silva omnis exaruit (Suet. Galb. 1). See further
Mommsen, De collegiis et sodaliciis Romanorum, p. 17 sqq.
183) Cf. CIL XIV, 2387: vediovei patrei genteiles Juliei, from Bovillae, from the time
of the Republic.
184) He may have been identified with Veiovis because of his similar attributes, moral
as well as real. For in the Apollo of the earlier centurieS of Rome the darker sides were
more stressed, as well as in Veiovis; and Veiovis too is represented with a bow and
arrows, and with a goat. Cf. Geil. V, 12: simulacrum igitur dei Veiovis quod est in aede,
de qua super dixi, sagittas tenet, quae sunt videlicet paratae ad nocendum. Quapropter
eum deum plerique Apollinem esse dixerunt, etc. OF III, 430 sqq.; SA II, 761 with Vitruv.
IV, 8, 4; and the coins in Eckhel, Doctr. Numm. V, p. 156, 219. Cf. also, as Pascal
p. 73 sqq. remarks, the lightning on a coin of August, Cohen, I, 86, n. 380 (see there).
132
fact alone does not sufficiently explain his predominance. For Venus was
also worshipped by the gens Julia iss), but although August honoured
Venus Genetrix too, she did not occupy by any means so prominent a
place as Apollo iss). For other objections see Immisch.
Nor can this worship of Apollo be ascribed exclusively, as Hermann 18?)
does, to the fact that one of the newly discovered sibylline oracles predicted
that the golden age would return under the reign of Apollo. (Cf. Vergil's
fourth Eclogue). But Pascal remarks that strictly speaking Apollo was not
the god of the golden age, but of the tenth saeculum, after which and not
before the golden age was to return (cf. SB IV, 4).
But these and other reasons no doubt cooperated. Preller p. 307 gives
as other reasons i.a. the tradition that Apollo had been the protector of
Troy, whence the Aeneads had come, and the fact that the figure of
Apollo, the ordering and pacificatory god, was well-suited for that time.
Moreover, he says: Dieser Fürst (August) verband mit einer griechischen
Bildung eine persönliche Vorliebe für diesen Gottesdienst, welche zum
Teil auf alteren Traditionen seiner Familie beruhen mochte, bei ihm und
seinen Verehrern aber urn so mehr Einklang fand, als die Erfahrungen
seines Lebens und seine persönliche Erscheinung in mancher Hinsicht
einen besonderen Schutz des lichten Gottes zu bestatigen schienen. Schön
und jung trat er in das durch Caesar's Ermordung von neuem aufgeregte
Römerreich als Ordner und Fredensstifter, und als nun vollends der unter
den Augen des Aktischen Apollo gewonnene Seesieg. . etc."
Pascal too combines these different elements. According to him we
must distinguish in the predominance of the cult of Apollo August's
personal predilection for him and the religious consciousness of his time,
expressed in the old Sibylline oracles, that Apollo was the tutelary deity
of the age188), a belief founded on mythical as well as on philosophical
(i.a. Stoic) and astronomical ideas. Naturally these two reasons influenced
and stimulated each other (p. 56) "questo accordo di fatti, del tutto fortuito,
valse forse non poco ad Augusto per far credere voluto dei fati quel potere
che la sua astuzia gli aveva man mano conquistato".
According to Wagenvoort, Augustus, p. 62—65 it was not at all
personal considerations that turned the scale in favour of Apollo (cf. the
fact that Augustus is not mentioned at all in the Carmen Saeculare).
a certain sense identical with the ancient Roman ideas, which Augustus
wanted to revive192). And even the ancient Roman Apollo who was
largely a medical and purificatory god, was in a certain sense not an
unsuitable deity for this period193) as well as for Augustus himself, who
wanted to be considered a prince of peace.
192) See above. However this does not signify that the Palatine Apollo was interpreted
expressly in a speculative way; at any rate his cults and the Augustan poets do not give
any evidence of this.
193) As Pascal p. 55 says Apollo, as deliverer from bodily and spiritual pains in the
life of the dndividual as well as in that of the mass, might inaugurate a new epoch of
peace and tranqulllity in Rome after the calamities of the civil wars.
THE PRODIGY OF THE BEES.
Bees are not only of ten mentioned in mythology *), but they have always
occupied an important place in augural lore; and their settling in a town,
an encampment, on a Standard, ships, etc., is mentioned many times
purporting a prodigy2), in general as well as in Greek and Roman
literature 3). Especially in the latter there are many testimonies of their
settling e.g. on the Roman Forum, temples and even houses in Rome, and
on the praetorium in the army4).
Hence in choosing the prodigy of the bees here Vergil chose a prodigy
which is mentioned many times in ancient and especially in Roman literature.
Homer does not mention it, although he sometimes alludes to bees
(II. II, 8. 7) and, more often, to their honey (II. XI, 631; etc.).
This prodigy of the bees may, as is also the case with the following
prodigy-of-the-flames, be accounted for in two ways, a favourable and
an unfavourable one, scil. here as a symbol of the intruding enemy (cf.
"externum virum") 5) and as a symbol of sovereignty (cf. "summa
dominarier arce").
x) Cf. e.g. the tales of Zeus, Bacchus, Aristaeus, Beroe, Meliteus, who in their
infancy were miraculously fed by bees.
2) See Hilda Ransome, The sacred bee, passim; Hopf, p. 204—208; Robert—Tornow,
De apium atque meilis apud veteres significatione, with bibliography on p. 8; Weniger
in Roscher s.v. Melissa; Gruppe, Gr. Myth. 801/2; Burs. Jahresber. 137 (1908 ) 376,
77; 186 (1921) 130/31; Cook, J.H.S, 15 (1895) p. 1—24.
Several other works are mentioned by Pease, in his Commentary on Cicero de
Divinatione, p. 220.
3) Cf. Fronto, p. 137 Naber: formiculorum et apiculorum ostentis res maximae
portenduntur; Plin. XVII, 18: tune ostenta faciunt privata ac publica, uva dependente
in domibus templisque, saepe expiata magnis eventibus.
4) Liv. XXI, 46, 2; XXIV, 10, 11; XXVII, 23, 2; Obs. XXXV, 43, 44, 70, 72; Tacit.
Ann. XII, 64; Val. Max. I, 6, 32, 103, 113; 132; D.C. XLI, 61, 2; XLII, 26, 1; XLVII, 2,
3; see Fr. Lutterbacher, Der Prodigienglauben und Prodigienstil der Romer, p. 18, n. 61.
5) Cf. Klausen, p. 779/80: „Bei der Gründing von Lavinium durch Aeneas tritt
in die Verhaltnisse des Staats von Lavinium ein neuer Bestandteil ein, der die bisherigen
136
The idea that the bees were an unfavourable omen was the more general
in Roman literature6). They ordinarily point to an intruding foreign
element, which is going to bring disaster 7).
Their settling upon an altar was considered as the worst omen, as is the
case here too to a certain extent. But their clinging to other objects
often caused terror as well, as e.g. at the battle of the Ticinus the settling
of a swarm of bees "in arbore praetorio imminente" 8) pointed to the
invasion of Hannibal. And, to prove that this belief was still wide-spread
in the time of Augustus, we are told that at the battle of Pharsalus their
clinging to the Standard of Pompey9), at the battle of Philippi their
clinging to the Standard of Brutus10), and at the battle of Arbalo their
settling on the lance of the praefectus castrorum 11) struck the soldiers
with awe; whereas it was even accepted that the death of the Emperor
Claudius was predicted by a swarm settling in the encampment12).
In all these cases, as in ours here (cf. „summum", 1. 64), they cling to
the highest possible spots 13) as is actually their habit usually, and often, as
is also the case here to a certain extent, in the very heart of the community,
the centre of the castra, or of the town, the forum 14).
But, as has been said, the appearance of a swarm of bees may also be
a more lucky omen, although we find this more with the Greeks than with
the Romans. E.g., as in the case of the Ionian Timesias, they might indicate
the spot, where a new colony was to be founded; or they might indicate the
way to a hitherto unknown oracle, as in the case of the oracle of Lebadea15).
This omen may even point to sovereignty 16), as e.g. in the case of a
swarm of bees clinging to the mane of the horse of Dionysius of Syracuse17)
and in that of their swarming on the interior of the statues of Antoninus
Pius in Etruria18). Also in the cases of Drusus and of Claudius (see
Grundlagen storend auflockert, aber dennoch zur unzertrennlicher Gemeinschaft und fester
Ansiedlung aufgenommen wird".
However it goes without saying, that this prodigy has nothing to do, as Klausen
supposes, with Liber, who, according to Klausen, is der innerlich auflösende Gott , who
introducés this foreign element into the house or the State, and keeps it alive there.
6) Cf. Plin. XI, 55: haudquaquam perpetua haruspicum coniectura, qui dirum id
ostentum existimarunt semper; see the instances mentioned in note 4.
7) Cf. also the Greek proverb, quoted by H. Ransome, p. 109: the Siren heralds
a friend, the bee a stranger".
8) Liv. XXI, 41.
9) Dion. Nic. XL; cf. Val. Max. c. 6.
i°) Plut. Brut. 39; DC XLVII, 40.
") DC LIV, 33; Jul. Obsequ. 132; Plin. l.c.
") DC LX, 35, 1; Tac. Ann. XII, 64.
13) Cf. e.g. Tac. l.c.
") E.g. Liv. XXIV, 46; XXVII, 23: Casini examen apium in foro consedisse.
15) Paus. IX, 40, 1.
18) Cf. Artemid. Onirocr. s. 22.
") Cic. de Divin. I, 33, 73; II, 31, 67; cf. Philistios FHG, p. 48; Aelian. v. h. XLI, 46;
Plin. VIII, 158.
18) Jul. Capit. Antondn. 3.
137
18a) Cf. Cic. de harusp. resp. 25; Amm. Mare. XVII, 4, 11.
") Paus. IX, 23, 2.
20) AP XVI, 305.
21) Cic. de Divin. I, 78; cf. AP XVI, 305; Olympiod. Vit. Plat. 382-3; Ael. VH X, 21;
Val. Max. I. Plin. XI.
22) Phoc. 53.
22a ) por the rest these last prodigies cannot be put on a level with those that have
been mentioned before; for they are only ostenta privata, the others ostenta publica
(Plin. XI, 17, 55).
23) Cf. also the fairy-tale of the queen-bee, Grimm, no. 62.
24) Hopf, p. 207.
85) See H. Ransome, p. 51/2.
26) Which could be averted by burning some pieces of the Udunbaba-tree.
138
either lose his life within a short time, or suffer great misfortune27).
Almost all the allusions to bees and honey in the Dream Wisdom of the
Jagadeva denote disaster, except that the man to whom a Brahman priest
presents honey will become a king. In the Rig-Veda however they may
also predict the gift of poetry.
Perhaps, but with a strong reservation, we may say that this belief is
not only Indo-European even. For Klemm, Allgem. Culturgesch. d.
Menschh. III, p. 121 mentions that the Kamtschadales, when in their dreams
they are pursuing bees, are counting on profit; also among the Arabs and
among Moroccan tribes 28) dreaming about bees had its significance; and
in some parts of China29) seeing swarms was believed to bring luck, and
especially on whatever day the bees happen to swarm this day was
an unfailingly considered lucky one. Cf. also the bee as the hieroglyph to
denote the king of Lower Egypt, and the connection of the bee with
Artemis of Ephesus, and the bee, together with the lion, being engraved
on an Etruscan gem 30). However in all this the bee may have had only
a symbolical meaning, which need not imply a real belief in its augural force.
The important place which bees occupy in the science of augury — a
predicting force is attached to them more than to any other insect (Hopf)
•— may be ascribed in the first place to the great interest which filled man
with respect to them. Primitive man took such an interest in them, because
he was materially dependent on them, honey being for thousands of years
the only sweetener known and moreover a means to make a sparkling
fermented drink — by which man came to regard honey as "a true giver of
life"; it was a product of primary necessity, and occupied the same place
as sugar in our days. It is even a question whether sugar was known at
all in Antiquity, or at least whether it was used for other than medical
purposes 30a). The wax too had various uses, whereas we often employ sub-
stitutes for this valuable material. Hence the circumstance that it is imposs-
ible to overestimate their value to man in the past, even in very remote
times, before perhaps bread and milk were known to him: cf. a rock-
painting, found in the Cuevas de la Arania in Valencia31), showing the
robbing of natural hives, and the fact that mead is older than wine and beer
— and also in later times, as may be proved by the many treatises on
apiculture 32) from Antiquity — easily explains the great interest man took
in their behaviour.
Moreover this interest was so intense, because bees were already one of
27) In the Grihya-Sutras a man is told that if bees make honey in his house he is
to fast and to make a special offering.
28) Ransome, p. 73, p. 299.
29) Ransome, p. 54.
30) Fürtwangler, Ant. Gemmen, PI. XVIII, fig, 7.
3°o) See P. d'Hérouville, Virgile apiculteur, Mus. Beige, 1926, p. 162/3.
31) H. Malcolm Fraser, Beekeeping in Antiquity, fig. 1.
32) With the Romans e.g. Varro, Vergil, Columella, Palladius, Pliny the elder, and
many others.
139
This kind of divination was known by the special name of ot*oa%oxnóv. Cf. Halliday,
Greek Divination, p. 167, n. 1.
141
moment of the omen, and many other circumstances, as we may easily see.
So e.g. with the bees the object to which they clung, the mental sphere of
the watchers, and also the direction from which they appeared, may have
provided their appearance respectively with the meaning of an invading
enemy, a fire, or of future royalty.
Hence from animals, who were considered to be the spontaneous
indicators of a coming event, man may have sought his earliest enlighten-
ment as to the future. Later on however he saw that the animals were not
guided by reason; and he could not form a clear idea of what we call
animal instinct. Hence he ascribed the acts of thq animals to the
influence of some deity, and considered them, not as indicating future
events by their own will, but as the messengers of a (the) god(s).
As remarked above Vergil has skilfully employed a prodigy, which allowed
of two explanations. And he was obliged to find such a one, as a prodigy
concerning Aeneas could hardly be merely unfavourable. In giving
us the bees for a symbol of Aeneas he certainly does not do him an
injustice, since the bees are often compared to the good and just39), and
are even a symbol of innocence and chastity — a belief found in the
Christian Church of the Middle Ages, and among some of the tribes of
India, Africa and Australia as well — and are considered holy40).
And Vergil himself says (G IV, 219—227): quidam esse apibus partem
divinae mentis et haustus aetherios dixere nee morti esse locum, sed
vivas volare sideris in numerum atque alto succedere caelo. Moreover, as
has been said above, the bee was a symbol of kingship in Egypt, and this
may have been known to the Romans, and to Augustus himself41).
The bee may even have been a symbol of Octavianus-Augustus in
particular, and a prodigy of bees may have been connected with him. And
this may have been the real reason why Vergil made a prodigy of bees
announce the advent of Aeneas — who foreshadowed Augustus.
For Anthologia Palatina VI, 236 we read the following epigram, by
Philippos of Thessalonike:
3fl) Cf. e.g. VG IV, 149 sq„ and Keiler, p. 421 sq.
40) Plat. Ion, 534; Pind. Schol. p. 100, 9b.
41) A proof of this might be G IV, 281—294.
Revue des ét. anc. 1931, p. 219 sqq.: "Le quatrième livre des Géorgiques et les
abeilles d'Acüum".
142
50) Or e.g. Apollonios Rhodios. In the Argonautica there are but two comparisons,
which refer to bees (I, 879 sqq.; II, 130 sqq).
61) Buc. I, 53/55; IV, 77; IX, 30; Georg. II, 434, 452/53.
52) Buc. IV, 30; VII, 37; Georg. I, 12k; III, 450; A IV, 486; VI, 420/21.
') Donat. Vit. Verg. Suet. ed. Reiff. p, 54; (patrem Vergilii) substantiae silvis
coemendis et apibus curandis auxisse reculam.
B4) Buc. I, 53/55, VIII, 37.
144
is described, with its habit of settling on the top of the tree, and its speed
clustering, compared with the time taken by the swarm which settled near
the parent hive".
Compare also P. d'Hérouville55): "en chantant les abeilles Virgile
célébrait ses propres souvenirs". The latter author remarks that although
Vergil has made some mistakes as to the mode of living etc. of the bees,
the larger part by far of his remarks are absolutely true. And his mistakes
are only the general mistakes of his days.
Here mention may be made of a mistake which — although some
authors 56) had a better view — was wide-spread in Antiquity and even
in the Middle Ages and during the Renaissance57), and which was also
adopted by Vergil 58) scil. that the swarms were ruled not by a queen,
but by a king.
Thus we can better understand why bees were not only a symbol of
kingship in general, but also of princes, as here in the case of Augustus
and Aeneas.
liver of Piacenza. Hence the word "pars" might be borrowed here from the
terminology of the haruspices, the more so, because, as we have seen above,
in the case of a prodigy of bees the haruspices had to be consulted.
But perhaps we should not enter too deeply into this question.
Vergil probably did not want so much to keep to the strict usage of
these words here but only wanted to use a word which evoked associations
with Roman divinatory terminology, that of the augures or of the
haruspices.
arx. Vergil may have used the word "arx" partly because — as has
appeared from 1. 61 — the town of Latinus had been built on a hill, and
his palace on the summit.
But he may have used this word also:
1. because it reminded his readers of the "Arx", the north-eastern and
higher summit of the Capitoline Hill — now occupied by the church of
Aracoeli — which is often called "arx" 62);
2. as may also appear from the archaic form "dominaner" — because
this word was closely connected with the office of the augures 63).
Bees and laurel. Perhaps Vergil made the bees cling to the laurel
merely because it gave him an opportunity for mentioning the two of them,
and it is not necessary to seek for an inner connection between the bees
and the laurel, the holy tree of Latinus. However it does not exclude the
possibility, that by making the bees cling to the veritable sacral centre of
the Laurentine community he meant to indicate that the new ruler was the
legal possessor of it. He perhaps wanted to indicate, that the present ruler
was to abdicate, or to meet with his death. (Compare the Swiss belief,
mentioned above, that the settling of a swarm of bees on a tree in the
garden forebodes the death of the pater familias, if he is ill.)
7B) Liv. XXV, 12: religio deinde nova obiecta est ex carminibus Marcianis. vates
hic Marcius inlustris fuerat; cf. also Fest. p. 165; Cic. Div. I, 40, 50; II, 113;
cf. SA VI, 70; Plin. 33, 119; Amm. XIV, 1, 7; Arnob. I, 62; Macröb. Sat. I, 7, 25 sqq.;
Zonar. IX, 1; Symm. Ep. 4, 34; Isid. Or. VI, 8, 12.
7<1) According to sorae of these authors (e.g. Servius; Cic. Div. II, 113; Symmachus)
there was not one vates Marcius, but there were two or three brothers; this pluralizing
is explained by Schanz I, 1, p. 27 as probably suggested by the two prophetic utterances
ascribed to him. And no date is assigned for his life,
T7) IV, p. 129—136.
78) As may appear from his connection with the Sibylline books and by his zeal for
the cult of Apollo.
79) RE s.v. Marcius.
80) Otto (Arch. f. Rel. Wiss. XII, 548) on the contrary mentions the word "vates"
as a proof that enthusiastic prophesying was found in ancient Latium as well. But he does
not even consider the possibility of its Celtic origin, so that his inference is none too
certain.
81) The Sibyll (III, 443, 456, VI, 65, 78, 82, 125, 161, 189, 211, 259, 372. 398, 415,
419, 562); Helenus (III, 358, 433, 463, 712); Cassandra (III, 187, V, 636); Proteus
(G IV, 387, 392, 450); Calybe-Allecto (VII, 435, 447); Calchas (II, 122); Celaeno
(III, 246); Ghloreus (XI, 774); Apollo (VI, 112), Musaeus and other divine singers
(VI, 662, 669).
82) In Carthage (IV, 65, 464), Sicily (V, 524), Greece (VIII, 626, cf. also G III.
491).
83) B VII, 28, IX, 34; A VII, 41.
M) VIII, 340.
148
haruspex; for, although the term "vates" is not strictly applicable to the
latter either, he is at least of non-Roman origin.
Finally this haruspex may be named "vates" here, because he is the first
to give expression — and in a worthy and legal form (cf. the spondaeus in
1. 69, the archaic form "dominarier", and the repetition of the doubtless
sacral "partes") — to something which all the bystanders are vaguely
feeling.
Thus to give expression to the indistinct and confused feelings of the
mass, to that which all their fellow-men were witnessing, was also
considered as their specific task by the Augustan poets, as Vergil and
Horace (cf. the Carmen Saeculare). They feit really inspired by a higher
power to speak — and of course in a suitable and worthy form — of things,
as Altheim85) says: "die in der vorhandnen Ordnung der Welt, mochte
sie nun in der Natur, mochte sie in der Geschichte und dem Wirken der
Nation sich offenbaren, schon irgendwie beschlossen lagen, die aber noch
des Erweckers und Künders bedurften um lebendig und allen gegenwartig
darzustehen"; to be the first to put into words the general vague feelings
of the masses86). Hence they really feit a divine mission, and asserted
themselves not as profane poets, but gave their sayings in the conviction of
their being equivalent to other expressions in which the deity manifested
his will to mankind, whereas their selfrespect was increased, because they
feit themselves uplifted by the response they found in the Emperor, and
above all in the community.
This accounts for the elevated and solemn tone of these Augustan poets,
as well as for the fact that such a serious man as Vergil did not shrink
from calling himself "vates"87). For: to feel and to understand those
ideas that thrilled the masses, and to give expression to them in a clear and
dignified manner had also been characteristic of the "seer" of olden times,
as the Romans imagined him. Hence this function of the vates of Augustan
times might easily be conceived as a revival of the original.
For this reason and others 88) the Augustan poets may have taken up
this word afresh after a long ncglect, and applied it to themselves, thus
giving it a new meaning. For this denomination of the poet is not found
before Augustan times89), and was an artificial creation, a conscious
change of the natural development of this word 90).
And we may perhaps conclude, that, as Augustus is prefigured by
Aeneas in the Aeneid, likewise Vergil, the singer of the new era which
had dawned with Augustus, and who some twenty-five lines before (VII,
41) had called himself "vates", here introduced himself, like Pheidias on
the shield of Athena; the "vates" of the town of Latinus, who announces
the arrival of a new ruler, Aeneas in these words: "externum cernimus ...
adventare virum ... et summa dominarier arce", may here prefigure Vergil
celebrating the reign of Augustus—Octavianus, who had arrived from
Greece, and had his residence on the Palatine.
the inspired singer, who, because he was endowed with superhuman gifts, was considered
inspired by the deity. Hence the Roman poets, who appreciated being considered inspired
singers as well, and having a divine consecration, sought for a Latin word to express
this; the most suitable word was "vates", which, according to its Celtic origin, already
possessed the idea of divine inspiration, and in Latin had a further association with the
divine sphere as it denoted the author of religious songs; moreover the romantic tendency
prevailing in Augustan times considered that the earlier centuries held nothing but good
hence the poet of the Augustan age would wish, like the Roman poet of the past, to be
considered not "doctus" but inspired as well.
88) Vergil is the first of whom we know this use of vates. But Horace and Ovid,
as well as other poets of the Augustan time, used "vates" in the sense of "poeta" as well,
and far oftener than Vergil does, although, as Runes (Geschichte des Wortes Vates, in
Festschrift f. P. Kretschmer, p. 202 sqq.) remarks, originally always in association with
the sacral sphere. They are the real propagators of this innovation, which in later periods
of Roman literature, in prose as well as in poetry, was rather common.
90) This may be proved from its having the pejorative sense of "lying prophet" in
Lucrece, and from the fact that it is not originally found in the prosaists of the Augustan
age, who only use "vates" in the sense of "prophet" (Runes, p. 214, n. 2).
THE TENDING OF THE FIRE.
71 Castis adolet dum altaria taedis
et iuxta genitorem adstat Lavinia virgo
inside 6). And for the sake of completeness we may remark, that, although,
as we have seen 1. 59, we need not necessarily assume that Vergil com-
mitted the anachronism of providing Latinus' palace with a peristylium, yet
not even in a hypaethral temple was a burnt-offering likely to have taken
place 7). Therefore this is excluded. Naturally the preparations for the
burnt-offering, the lighting of the fire on the foculus, the portable grate,
which was kept inside the temple as a matter of course, may have taken
place indoors, but the words: "castis adolet altaria taedis" do not give us
the impression that this is Lavinia's sole task here; neither could we in
this case decide why Latinus here was standing at her side.
3. Because this offering is made inside, it must have been consecrated
to a household-deity, as the Lar, the Penates, or Vesta. And their offerings
were not consecrated on a special altar, but were cast into the fire, which
was therefore considered their altar; cf. SA XI, 211: cum focus ara sit
deorum penatium.
And this explains why a burnt-offering on an altar inside the house is
out of the question.
In my opinion Vergil here does not refer to an offering, but to the
tending of the fire.
It cannot be objected against this view that Vergil does not denote the
fire by the word "focus" or "vesta", but by "altaria". For not only is
"focus"8) repeatedly used in the sense of "the altar"9), but "altaria" can
just as well be used for "focus". This latter fact probably appears from
these words being often found in juxtaposition, from the one being used
for the other to a certain extent, and from the expression "arae focique"
which comprises the entire sphere of sacra publica and privata10). (Pro
bably the functions of altar and focus however were not identical but had
one thing in common, scil. that sacrifices were offered on both 11), although
12) On the hearth only such as had been cooked by means of the fire originally, —
thus offerings of cooked or baked or roasted food — as a thanksgiving for the hearth's
assistance.
13) When later on the hearth was for this reason more generally considered to be
the seat of the Penates, the tutelary spirits of the house, another kind of offering may
also have been made, which had not been prepared by the instrumentality of the fire, e.g.
wine-libations; but in this case too they were reserved to this special category of gods.
This is the reason why I cannot agree with E. Saglio, in DarSagl. I, p. 347, who says:
"et d'abord chaque familie, dès qu'elle eut une demeure fixe, eut un autel, qui fut la
pierre du foyer".
w) SA VIII, 65; A I, 704; Non. Mare. 58, 20.
15) This latter significance may have been inferred per analogiam with "adolescere"
and "adultus", which however is related with "aio".
") VB VIII, 65; A I, 704; III, 547; VII, 71.
17) See Walde s.v.; Norden, Aen. VI, 177 sqq.; Bücheler, Lex It. p. V.
18) According to others (cf. e.g. Pfister, p. 120) ara means originally "the thrown up".
18) As is assumed by Guther, de iure pontif. p. 126.
20) For in literature we find "adolere" used not only for the burning of the fire for
the offering (OF III, 803, Plin. XV, 40; Suet. Cal. 13; Solin. 9, 11; Arnob. VII, 16).
This may however only be a wrong and faulty meaning.
153
21) See Bailey, p. 43 sqq. E.g. G I, 338—50; III, 468; IV, 545; A II, 132, 156, 201;
III, 20, 118; IV, 56—64; V, 745; VI 38, 153; VII, 93; VIII, 102—106; 175—83; 280—8;
641; XII, 170—74.
22) E.g. V, 743; VIII, 543; see Bailey, ibidem.
23) Cf. e.g. Hor. Carm. IV, 11: ara castis vincta verbenis; OF IV, 412; Ciris 146;
Henz. Act. fratr. Arv. p. 30; Liv. XLV, 5, 4; cum omnis praefatio sacrorum eos quibus
non sint purae manus arceat; Tib. II, 1, 11 sq.: casta placent superis, pura cum veste
venite et manibus puris sumite fontis aquam; Cic. de leg. II, 10, 23: caste iubet lex adire
ad deos, animo videJicet, in quo sunt omnia.
24) Schulze ZGLEN, p. 474, 5.
M) E.g. Naev. BP frg. 30; Varr. ap. Non. p. 197; Geil. X, 15, 1; CIL I, 813, VI, 357.
26) Pfister p. 116.
154
profane magical miasma, which was applicable both to objects, animals and
human beings.This explains.how the adjective "castus", originally meaning
"abstaining from", assumed in later times the religious-ethical idea of
"holy" 27).
The reason why this castitas was required must originally not be looked
for in the circumstance, that: "casta placent superis", as Tibull will have
it, but, as appears from the frequent repetition of this demand with every
kind of primitive tribes 28), in the idea, that contact of a polluting sub-
stance with sacred things was sure to have injurious consequences. For,
because the former carries energy of a baneful kind, it robs the deity or
holy being of a part of their sacredness, or rather of their beneficial power.
This castitas however is most emphasized in Roman ritual in the cult
of the hearth in general (e.g. Cat. r. r. 143: (vilica) focum purum circum-
versum cotidie, priusquam cubitum eat, habeat) and of Vesta in particular.
Not only was there the ordinary requirement of purificatory measures here,
for the objects as well as for the sacrificers, who had to be casti while
they performed their sacred task, but in the service of Vesta the Vestales
had to be castae all the time of their 30 years' task; as is well-known
this demand of "castitas" implied virginity for the Vestales — and for
them exclusively of all priests and priestesses in Rome29). It was even a
far more serious offence when a virgo Vestalis, who was not absolutely
pure, approached the fire, than when this went out by sheer neglect29a).
Purity was emphatically prescribed for the utensils which the cult
required; e.g. the hearth, when extinguished, was not allowed to be relit
by a flame of profane fire 3°); every day the aedes Vestae had to be
sprinkled with water from a special well31), from 7—15 June the great
cleansing of this aedes took place, which surely had not only a practical
significance, but also one of magie and religious effect; Ovid (F VI, 310)
says, that on the Vestalia: fert missos Vestae pura patella cibos: and
according to Festus32), the mola salsa, prepared by the Vestales, was
called "casta mola".
Hence also the taedae, which kept the fire burning, — only when the
fire had gone out it had to be rekindled in the primitive manner, by using
the fire-drill33) were to be "castae", free from miasma of a baneful
sort, or, which comes to the same thing, invested with beneficent power
(cf. Fest. l.c.: tabulam felicis materiae).
From a thorough examination of the remnants of charred embers of the
hearth-fire of the aedes Vestae on the Forum Boni 34) has concluded that
for the mending of this fire branches of the oak-tree were used. This
harmonizes with the castitas required, because the oak-tree is sure to have
been in the possession of this benedictory and apotropaeic power in
Rome 35).
When we try to find a motive, why castitas — as well as the perpetuity
of the burning fire 36) — was an imperative necessity in the cult of Vesta
and the tending of the fire, we find an answer in the urgent need among
primitive tribes of a fire, whereas on the other hand the making of it
was to them a matter of the greatest difficulty. This difficulty may appear
from instances, given by Frazer, GB II, p. 253 sqq. who relates, how there
are tribes, even to this day 37), who are ignorant of the art of building
fires, and consequently, if a fire were caused by natural phenomena as
lightning, the lava of volcanoes, jets of inflammable gas, they take the
utmost pains to prevent its extinction.
But even (p. 257) in those regions where the art of making a fire by
friction had been acquired, the process is so involved, that many savages
prefer to keep the fire burning to being put to the trouble of having to
rekindle it in this way; e.g. the wandering Australian aborigines before the
arrival of the whites carried bits of the bark of trees, that were still smoul-
dering, with them to kindie their camp-fires. These nomads, when settling
down, keep a fire burning in every home; this must have been the custom
with many Indo-European tribes as well. The building up and keeping
aflame of one big official fire, every precaution being taken to prevent its
going out, and every member of the community having some right to it,
was far safer than to have to entrust the care of the individual fires to
every occupant of a home. And (cf. Frazer, p. 260) what place could be
more suitable for the place of this fire than the home of the headman of
the village, who consequently was naturally considered as the responsible
person for its maintenance.
33) Fest. p. 65 M: ignis Vestae si quando exstinctus esset, virgmes .... quibus mos
erat tabulam felicis materiae tamdiu terebrare quousque exceptum ignem etc.
34) N.d.sc. 1900, p. 161, 172.
3B) This does not only follow from its being the sacred tree of Jupiter, which already
shows that it must have been thought to possess a strong benedictory power; but it
appears also from VG I, 347—350: neque ante falcem maturis quisquam apponet aristis
quam ... torta redimitus tempora quercu ...
36) Cf. Veil. Pat. II, 131: perpetuorumque custos Vesta ignium; Arnob. adv. nat. II,
67; Tib. I, 16; Mart. X, 47.
S7) E.g. the inhabitants of the Andamene islands, of the coast of Northern Guinea,
and of Central Africa.
156
his life, and the study of different kinds of peoples, as the Incas of Peru,
and the Baganda of Central Africa 44) helps us to understand that is was
possible that the virgins, who officiated at the tending of the fire were
married after a certain number of years.
The unmarried daughter(s) of the king naturally were best suited to
combine in their persons constant presence in the house and the greatest
possible lack of every miasma. And with several peoples we see, as a matter
of fact, the task of building up the fire entrusted to these girls; e.g. with
the Herero or Damara of Damaraland in south-western Africa45).
Similarly with the Incas of Peru the fire had to be tended by virgin
priestesses, belonging to the royal family. Sometimes this tending or buil
ding up of the fire was performed under the supervision of the king or
chief, as with the Djakuns, a savage tribe of the Malay Peninsula 46).
I suppose that it was for the above reasons that the virgin daughters of the
king were appointed to the task of tending the fire in Rome46a). I incline the
more towards this belief, because in Rome too the aedes Vestae and the
atrium Vestae, which, although adjoining the king's house, stood apart
from it, must originally have been absent; in Rome the Vestales also may
originally have officiated in the Regia, — which was originally the residence
of the king — as may appear from the tradition, that the aedes Vestae was
not erected before Numa47); it must be remarked however that also the
Vestals themselves are said not to have been introduced in Rome before
Numa 47a).
At any rate this may have been so in the surrounding pre-Roman
48) Liv. I, 3, 11; PJut. Rom. 3 sqq.; DH I, 76; as Münzer, Philol. 1937, p. 52 remarks
the tradition that Rhea Silvia, the daughter of a king, officiated as a Vestal, need not
reflect a genuine reminiscence, but may have been constructed, because of the tradition
that Romulus was the son of a virgin.
48) Gel. I, 12.
50) D.H. II, 67, 3; Plut. Num. 10.
B1) OF VI, 451.
52) E.g. to Ops Consiva (Varr. 1.1. VI, 21); at the Fordicidia (OF V, 674); the
sacrifice of the Argei (DH I, 38); cf. also Hor. Carm. III, 30, 7 sqq.: dum Capitolium
scandet cum tacita virgine pontifex.
53) Riccio, tav. XLV. 4.
M) OF III, 415 sqq.
159
4. Finally a proof that Vergil meant the tending of the hearthfire here
may be found in the special interest of Augustus in the cult of Vesta,
which appears i.a. from the many honours he bestowed upon the Vestales
to make this dignity more attractive 56), and last but not least from his
56) E.g. (Preuner, p. 290, n. 2): Cic. in Cat. III, 4, 9; ad Att. I, 13; Brirt. 67, 236;
OF IV, 621; Plin. ep. VII, 19; SA VII, 153; Tacit. Ann. IV, 16; Geil. I, 12, 1; Aug.
c. d. III, 2.
55a) At any rate Numa seems to have instituted two, or even four, at the same time
(Plut. Num. 10, 1; DH II, 67, 1).
B0) I.a. a place of honour in the theatre (Suet. Aug. 31); the right to ride in a carriage
in the town; his raising their income (ibid.) and giving his testament into their keeping
(Tacit. Ann. I, 8; Suet. Aug. 101) — as also Caesar had done (Suet. Caes. 83); his
offering them the Regia for their residence to enhance their distinction, his restoring the
temple of Vesta, which had been burnt down; cf. also the Ara Pacis, where in the
procession Augustus is immediately followed by Vestales and priests.
160
declaration, when at one time the number of candidates for the vacant place
of a Vestal was not sufficiënt, that57): si cuiusquam neptium suarum
competeret aetas, oblaturum se fuisse eam.
By this he not only declared that it was a great honour to be chosen a
Vestal, as it always had been 57a), but he also gave evidence of his personal
interest in the reviving of the cult of the Vestals. He may have had this
interest for a large part as the princeps of the State, and have acted thus
in reminiscence of the (supposed) position of the princess royal at the
court of the Roman or Alban kings 57t). But this interest was partly a
consequence of his being pontifex maximus.
As Augustus himself had become pontifex maximus after the death of
Lepidus in 12 b.C. (DC LIV, 27), Lavinia, tending the fire under the
supervision of her father may here prefigure Augustus with his grand-
daughter, or even Augustus and Livia; (if this last supposition holds good,
the parallel Lavinia—Livia would be a very attractive adstruction for our
thesis) 58).
Not only is it no objection to this supposition, that, whereas the Vestales
tended the fire in the public Regia, Latinus and Lavinia remain in their
own palace, but it my have been Vergil's intention to let them stand there
purposely.
For Augustus as pontifex maximus had to dweil in the immediate
neighbourhood of the temple of Vesta, and therefore ought to have taken
up his quarters in the Regia, the residence, officially appointed for his
office. But this he refused to do, and built a shrine of Vesta beside or
inside59) his own house on the Palatine^o). (See note following page.)
5T) Suet. Aug. 31. It is impossible to date this utterance of Augustus; see Münzer,
Philol. 1937, p. 49, n. 7; at any rate it must be placed after Vergil's death.
57a) The Vestals must always have belonged to the noblest (patrician) families, not
only in the time of Augustus and during the last century of the Republic, but also in the
earlier centuries of Rome (notwithstanding the apparent contradiction in the names of
some Vestals, which are handed down to us (see Münzer, lx.). (Cf. Niebuhr, RG I, 347,
n. 387; Mommsen, RF I, 79).
57t) Cf. Münzer, l.c.: "jene Ausserung des Augustus ... kann mit der zu vermutenden
Zustand der Vorzeit zusammengehalten werden, und da bestatigt es sich wieder einmal,
wie nahe sich Anfang und Ende der römischen Entwicklung berühren".
68) Cf. e.g. Ov. ex Pont. IV, 13, 29: esse pudicarum te Vestam, Livia, matrum.
According to some scholars Livia held this dignity only after the death of her husband.
According to others, e.g. Richmond, JRS 1914, p. 211 Livia officiated as a priestess of
Vesta in the palace of Augustus already during his life-time. And Muller, Augustus,
p. 67 (341) even opines that as Apollo was the divinized fonn of Augustus, so also was
Vesta of Livia, and that Augustus-Apollo and Livia-Vesta were united in a Unóq yd/ioa.
He evens considers that the Penates of the compluvium deorum penatium (Suet. Aug. 92)
were Vesta (-Livia) (cf. OM XV, 804), Phoebus (-Augustus) and Augustus himself.
In my opinion this would be more or less impossible however, and moreover I cannot
find any testimonies of this fact.
®8) lts location Is uncertain, as no definite traces of it have been found. (Cf. Platner-
Ashby, p. 559). Cf. DC LIV, 27: /UÉQOO X« rijs iavxoi5 'Mtritioohaotv which is none
161
About his reasons the opinions of the scholars are divided 61).
At any rate Augustus' success was complete, and to this temple all the
rights w e r e given o f the temple o f the Forum 6 2 ) .
Although Augustus did not take this measure until 12 b.C., he may have
too clear. According to Hülsen, RM 1895, p. 28, it appears from OF IV, 949 sqq.
that this aedes Vestae was situated "not in that part of the palace which adjoined
the temple of Apollo"; according to Gardthausen, p. 960 it was situated in the northern
wing of the palace; according to Richmond, JRS 1914 it was situated in the house
of Livia, in a small open court on the level of the first floor: according to Frazer III,
p. 96 in some rooms of his palace.
<)0) OF IV, 949 sqq.; OM XV, 864 sqq.: Vestaque Caesareos inter sacrata Penates;
Fast. Praenest. a. d. IV Kal. Mai.: Feriae ex sen. cons. quod eo die aedicula et ara Vestae
in domu imp. Caesaris Aug. pont. max. dedicata est, Quirinio et Valgio css. (CIL I,
p. 213); cf. Fast. Caeret. eod. die (CIL 12, p. 236): Feriae, quod eo die signum Vestae
in domu pontificia dedicata est.
61) The reason why he refused this was according to Frazer, Fasti, IV, p. 180, that
"if he had taken up his quarters in the Regia, this would have obliged him to exchange
his high, airy and sunny abode on the top of the Palatine hill for a house in a low, damp
and comparatively sunless situation in the valley. So he preferred to stay where he was,
and instead of going down to Vesta he compelled the goddess to come up to him".
Gardthausen p. 868 however remarks, that Augustus had but very moderate demands
as concerns the comfort of his house (cf. Suet. Aug. 72); moreover he remarks, that the
Regia would not be so very uncomfortable, as Julius Caesar had resided there as well,
and as after its demolition in 36 b.C. it had been restored. According to him Augustus'
reason for not taking possession of his official residence was his dislike of its name,
Regia. Augustus wanted to avoid even the appearance of being a mere successor of the
ancient kings; his being pontifex maximus and princeps at the same time should be
considered as only a consequence of his personal qualities.
In my opinion there may have been a third reason: Augustus was desirous, that it
should still be officially accepted, that the Roman Penates were of Trojan origin, and
that they were identical with his own Penates, those of the gens Julia; for on this he
partly based his right to rule. Hence he wanted his own Penates to be worshipped as
those of the Roman State. But the cult of the Penates publici populi Romani had always
been connected with the temple of Vesta on the Forum for a large part. Hence Vesta
had to be connected with Augustus' personal residence as well (cf. the fact that according
to Weinstock, RE s.v. Penates, the compluvium deorum Penatium was situated in this
chapel of Vesta) together with which transfer the tradition originated that Vesta too
had been introduced from Troy. (cf. i.a. VA II, 296: (Hector) vittas Vestamque
potentem aeternumque adytis effert penetralibus ignem, and other Augustan poets, as
OF III, 29: Ignibus Iliacis; OM XV, 730: Troica Vesta; Prop. V (IV), 4, 69; cf. also
Lucan. IX, 990 sqq.; Stat. Silv. I, 1, 35; Sil. It. I, 542 sqq.; V, 42 sqq.).
Perhaps these three reasons coalesced.
For the rest the ancient Regia, which had been rebuilt in marble by Domitius Cal vin us
in 36 b.C., by which very fact it may have drawn fresh attention, now was not an
unworthy dwelling-place for the pontifex maximus either.
®2) Frazer, Fasti IV, 81 remarks, that not only was the Vesta, to whom Ovid prays
at the close of his Metamorphoses to spare the life of August, the Caesarean Vesta,
but that also the temple of Vesta, in which August had dedicated costly spoils of wars
(Mon. Anc. IV, 23—26) was the domestic chapel of the goddess, as appears from the
mention of the temple of Apollo, which stood on the Palatine as well, in the same
connection.
11
162
considercd it long before; cf. the few weeks, elapsing between his being
elected pontifex maximus (6 March) and his raising this temple on the
Palatine (28 April), which consequently was one of his first official acts as
pontifex maximus. For he was determined to become pontifex maximus62")
after the death of Lepidus, who might have died many years before.
Hence many years earlier he already foresaw, that this measure would be
opposed by many of his contemporaries. And many years before he may
have called upon Vergil to prepare the people's mind for this measure of
bringing into his own house what really belonged to the State, and to
legitimate this beforehand, by demonstrating, that not only for the house
of Augustus, but also for that of Latinus held good: Phoebus habet partem,
Vestae pars altera cessit, quod superest illis tertius ipse tenet (OF IV,
949/50):
For 11. 59—60 have clearly shown us, that Vergil alluded to the palace
of Augustus on the Palatine, as moreover also in 1. 170 sqq. (see below);
and in that place especially with a view to its connection with Apollo, to
whom, giving him the name of Apollo Palatinus, Augustus had erected a
magnificent temple next to his own house, in solo privato 63).
Hence is it not very obvious, that for these two prodigies, manifesting
themselves in the palace of Latinus, Vergil, without telling us this in
explicit words, chose such as could have originated from the two deities,
under whose protection stood the house of Augustus, prefigured in the
house of Latinus: Apollo and Vesta?
62a) That he set great store by the holding of this office appears from the title of
pontifex inaximus becoming a regular part of Imperial titulature, and the day of Augustus'
assumption of it becoming one of the feriae publicae, and from Mon. Anc. II, 23—28.
63) Cf. Gardthausen, p. 961 sqq.
64) Carcopino p. 368 sqq., who considers that the Vesta-cult here, before being
remodelled entirely or partly by Roman Indo-European ideas, as well as the Bacchanalia
there, was strongly tellurian. Although this may have been preserved and strengthened
under Etrurian influence (cf. Schulze, ZGLEN, p. 559) this may have been a remnant
of the neolithic population with its predominantly chthonic worship.
163
Excurs.
The ancients in general did not make the difference made p. 152/3
between the words "ara" and "altaria" but rather did they think that the
higher altars were called altaria, the lower arae1); or they considered that
the altaria were the small separate altars, placed on top of the large one2),
and destined to hold the fire 3).
Nor does Vergil's use of the words ara and altaria prove explicitly, that
he used ara for the elevation, destined not only for burnt-offerings, but for
all sorts of offerings, altaria on the contrary for the hearth, the domestic
altar, or for smoke-offerings, in a lesser degree also for burnt-offerings, but
strictly speaking not for other sacrifices. But when using "altaria" — which
is far less frequently found than "ara" (about 16 times against 60) a
certain stress has often been laid on the circumstance that it is burning or
emitting smoke4); or it is more or less identical with the hearth in the
atrium 5), or a burnt-offering may be meant 6). But in other places 7) there
is not much reason to use "altaria" rather than "ara"8). And although
"ara" is often used in other meanings 9), it may also be used for a smoke-
altar io) or special stress is laid on the burning of the ara n), or mention
is only made of this latter fact i2), or it is even identical with the house-
а) This may appear from SB V, 66: Varro dis superis altaria, terrestribus arae
(inferis focos) dicari affirmat; cf. also Vitruv. IV, 9; and Paul. Fest. p. 29: altaria ab
altitudine dicta sunt, quod antiqui etc.; Isid. Or. XV, 4, 14: altare, quasi alta ara.
2) Lucan. III, 403/4: structae diris altaribus arae; Gloss. p. 77 Lab.; cf. DarSagl. I,
fig. 418.
3) This phrase in these latter cases may be a nearer approach to the original state of
affairs than the popular etymology- "altare" is "alta ara". For these small separate altars
may have been called "altaria" not because they were put on top of the real altar, and
thus had an elevate position, but because they contained the fire, in contrast with the
ara, which rather had the character of a sacrificial table.
4) E.g. B I, 43; VIII, 64; therefore in 1.74 and 104 the "altaria" is a smoke-altar as
well (cf. also VIII, 284/5: cumulantque oneratis lancibus aras; tum incensa altaria
circum )
б) II, 550, cf. also IV, 517, where "arae" may be the altars for the sacrifice, altaria
the domestic altar.
8) As G III, 490.
7) As IV, 145; V, 54, 93; XI, 150; XII, 174; VII, 211; and also B V, 66.
8) For the explanation that these indicate altars for the di superi may be combated
by the argument that in these cases Vergil uses "ara" as well.
®) E.g. in cases where there is a question of the killing of victims (e.g. G II, 380,
395, III, 160, 486, IV, 276; A. II, 155, 223; IX, 627, etc:);
of altars of a certain god or hero, in a temple or in the open air (I, 7; II, 351; IV, 62;
VI, 252; VII, 764; VIII, 269, 640, 718; IX, 585, etc.);
in connection with presents deposited on the altar (e.g. I, 48; VIII, 248; IX, 453).
10) E.g. I, 417: ture calent arae; IV, 453: turicremis aris.
xl) E.g. XII, 171: admovitque pecus flagrantibus aris; XII, 297: ambustum torrem
Corynaeus ab ara corripit.
12) G IV, 379: adolescunt ignibus arae; III, 231: arisque reponimus ignem; cf. also
III, 279.
164
altar, cf. especially II, 512/5 13) and several other cases14) where altaria
and ara must have the same significance.
Hence, although "altaria" may have had an original relation to "adolere"
we may not conclude from Vergil s phrase that this was within the scope
of his knowledge15) and take up Vergil's using "altaria" instead of
"ara" here as an additional proof that Vergil meant "hearth" when he
said "altaria".
13) Aedibus in mediis nudoque sub aetheris axe ingens ara fuit iuxtaque veterrimus
laurus incumbens arae atque umbra complexa Penates; hic Hecuba et natae altaria
circum divum amplexae simulacra sedebant.
11) II, 501: Priamumque per aras sanguine foedantem quas ipse sacraverat aras; 523:
haec ara tuebitur omnes.
15) Cf. on the contrary Wissowa, RSV, p. 162 sqq.
THE PRODIGY OF THE FLAMES.
1) Cloven tongues of fire are mentioned at the day of Pentecost (Acts 2, 3), a ball of
fire on the head of St. Martin (Sulp. Sever. Dial. 2, 2); see Pease, p. 316/17.
2) Cic. de Repub. 1, 2, 37; DH IV, 2; Plin. II, 241; XXXVI, 27, 70; OF VI, 635;
Plut. Fort. Rom. 10; Val. Max. I, 6, 1; Apul. de deo Socrat. 7; Flor. I, 1, 6, 1; Dio Cassi-
us ap. Zonar. 7, 9, 2; Auct. de vir. illustr. 7, 1—2; SA II, 683; Schol. Veron. VA II,
682; Jordanes, Roman. 1, 101.
3) Plin. II, 241, on the authority of Valerius Antias; Liv. XXV, 39, 16; Val.
Max. I, 6, 2.
4) Sil. It. XVI, 118 sq.
®) Plut. Caes. 63.
«) DC XLVIII, 33.
7) VA II, 682—84; cf. Claud. de quart. Cons. Hon. 192 sqq.
8) VA VIII, 680/81. Cf. also Val. Flacc. I, 571 sqq.
9) For this last instance see also below.
10) See Stemplinger, p. 31/32; cf. also Frazer on Paus. II, 1, 9.
11) See Tac. Ann. XII, 64; Procop. Bell. Vand. II, 2.
") Plin. II, 101.
166
13) E.g. Liv. XXII, 1, 8; XXXIII, 26. 8; XLIII, 13, 6; Sen. QN I, 1, 14; Tac. Ann.
XV, 7; Sll. It. VIII, 626; Bell. Afr. 47, 6; DH V, 56; Plut. Suil. 7; Dio Chrysost. Or. 12,
p. 226; VA V, 525/7; Cic. ND. II, 9; Arnob. II, 67, Procop. IV, 2, 5—7. Cf. the fact, that
the Dioscuri were often associated, at least since the Hellenistic age, and probably long
before, with S. Elmo's fire. (Pease p. 224.)
14) See Pease, p. 476, from whom also the above-mentioned instances are drawn.
Also Martin, Rev. Arch. 13 (1866) p. 168—179 gives abundant illustrations; Barry in
Journ. of American Folklore 27 (1914) 68, quoted by Pease, relates, that this phenomenon
Is sometimes seen on the heads of cattle in Texas during electric disturbances.
18) Stemplinger, l.c.
16) Cf. e.g. Apoc. I, 14, and IV, 3.
16a) Cf. the fact that this prodigy is immediately followed by a de caelo lapsa stella
facem ducens (1. 693/4).
16<>) Augustus, p. 45.
167
any mention being made of flames round its head; e.g. in the story of the
birth of Caeculus, the founder of Praeneste 17), who also is said to have
been a son of Vulcanus', and in the tale of Romulus and Remus according
to Promathion in Plut. Rom. 2 — where the name of the god-begetter is
not mentioned.
Originally there was most likely no connection between the birth of
Servius Tullius and the flames, but this connection was probably not formed
till afterwards, from obvious causes; so it is unnecessary for us to look
for its meaning. The less so in the case of Lavinia, as this connection was
most likely formed only by Vergil, for the apparent reason, that in this way
he had the opportunity of availing himself of two different data of the
Roman past in one prodigy17®).
As to the original meaning of these two data — one of them we have
gone into above. We must now take up the other, that of the maiden,
impregnated by the fire, as Lavinia is here, although in a symbolical way.
For this fire from the hearth, suddenly wrapping her round without hurting
her, is, if not the cause, at least the symbol of a new era, started by her
involuntary intermediary. Hence in my opinion indeed we may say, that
Vergil made use of this motif here (cf. once more: Lavinia virgo), although
in a way, more adjusted to his own aesthetic feelings than was the original
ruder and more primitive tale.
What were the original form and meaning of this motif?
As we have seen the god, who manifested himself in the fire and begot
a son there, is in some cases called Vulcanus, in others the Lar Familiaris,
in others still he has no name whatever.
Altheim 18) holds the view, that this fatherhood of Vulcanus has not,
as is the opinion of Wissowa19), originated from Greek influence, and
superseded the original Roman view of the Lar Familiaris' fatherhood, but
that this is the original Italian, or rather Etruscan conception, and the
nucleus of this tale. To him Vulcanus is not, as is supposed by Wissowa,
p. 229 s.q. 20), a genuinely Roman god, a deus indiges, but, although found
in Rome certainly from the sixth century — which explains his place in the
oldest Roman calendar — he is not only often worshipped in Etruria21),
but is a real Etrurian deity, which the Etrurians had taken with them from
Asia Minor; at least as concerns the idea, for the name Volcanus may be
but one of his names and may have originated in Etruria (cf. the widely
spread name Sethlans).
17) For places see RE s.v., and this commentary on line 679 sqq.
17a) Jt does not in any way seem probable to me that this prodigy of the flames
in Lavinia's hair was given by tradition, as is considered by Cauer, p. 173.
18) GrG iaR, p. 51 sqq.
19) RuK, p. 169.
20) Cf. also v. Wilamowitz, Gl. d. H. II, 330.
21) Cf. e.g. App. BC V, 49; DC XLVIII, 14,
168
hand OF VI, 267: Vesta eadem, quae Terra: subest vigil ignis utrique, and
some other places 33).
For the rest, although this exposition may be compatible with the truth,
for our subject it is not of such great importance here, whether the motif
in the tale of Servius Tullius etc. was originally old-Italian, or dated from
Asia Minor, or, as is supposed as a third possibility by K. Kerenyi34),
was only a parallel originally, formed on the tale of the birth of Erich-
thonios35), and the story of Demophon or Triptolemos at Eleusis, which
may have been connected with it.
At any rate its relation with the Roman past gave it sufficiënt title to be
used here. And Vergil perhaps did not give so much thought to the real
origin of this motif, but gladly availed himself of the opportunity to use
it as a prodigy here, as he was in want of one, which had both a favourable
and an unfavourable meaning, and which he was justified in applying here
as old-Italian.
The prodigy of the flames complied with these demands.
Moreover it was very apposite here, because, as we have seen above,
though such a legend is not actually reported from Lavinium, the phallos-
cult and the Vesta-cult occupied an important position there. This
circumstance may even have been Vergil's point of issue for using this
form of prodigy here, as it may have reminded him of the tale of Ocresia.
For it is proved by the following details, which point to Etruria, that
at any rate he must have had this story in mind, and may even have been
desirous to revive associations with it:
1. the longae crines of Lavinia; for the Roman girls in general dit not
wear long hair down their backs, but wore it in a knot in their necks, and
decorated it with ribbons or a hair-pin36). And 'the seni crines of the
bride37) most probably are38) six strands of hair, wound round the head.
In Etruria however long hair is very usual with women. It hung down
on either side of the face in a thick band or curl, and down the back it
originally feil in a mass as well. Later on the hair was gathered from the
shoulders and held together in a sort of decorated socket or pipe which
hung down to the heels. (Cf. also regales comas, where regalis is not
likely to be a superfluous epitheton, but will interpret the regal way of
dressing the hair to which a princess royal was entitled. But this was
33) Fest. s. v. rutundam acdcm; DH II, 66, 3 (cf. also Plut. Num. 11: SA II, 296:
August, c. d. VII, 16; Arnob. adv. nat. III, 32; SA I, 292).
34) Gnomon, X, 138.
35) See Apollod. III, 14, 6; Schol. Iliad. II, 547; TzetZ. V, 669 sqq.; August, c. d.
XVIII, 2.
36) See DarSagl. s. v.
S7) Which way of hair-dressing was imitated by the Vestal Virgins, whose hair was
shaved off, by plaited woollen threads.
38) See Dragendorff, Rh. Mus. LI (1896), p. 286 — in contrast with Jordan, Hist. u.
Phüol. Aufs. f. G. E. Curtius, p. 217 sqq.
171
it is not likely that it originally came down from the Persians either, but
from the Hittites, or from the Mesopotamians. And only the Roman rulers
wore it.
At first sight it seems as if Vergil not only makes Lavinia wear a wreath
unnecessarily, but also commits a serious anachronism by making her wear
a crown. But he does so only apparently. For we are acquainted with the
metal crown in Italy, not in the first place from Rome, but from Etruria.
whence it came to Rome under the name of "corona Etrusca", the only
metal crown, known there for a long time. This crown was held by a
servus publicus over the head of the triumphator — (perhaps as a remnant,
now used only temporarily, of the old royal crown of the Tarquinii) —
and was made of gold oak-leaves, studded with jewels45).
This will also account for Vergil's mentioning jewels here. For they were
probably not used in Rome at an early date in other cases; the notice of
Livy I, 15, that in Romulus' time the Sabini wore anuli gemmati does not
seem very trustworthy, since Plin. XXXVII, 85 says most explicitly,
that Scipio Africanus was the first in Rome to wear such a ring, whereas
still in his time (Plin. XXXIII, 12) at the celebration of the engagement
the bridegoom presented the bride with a "ferreus anulus sine gemma"
(in which case however the lacking of the gem perhaps may be ascribed
not so much to the fact that it was also absent in an older period, as to
the requirement that the ring, used in religious or magical ceremonies,
should be perfectly smooth).
Nor could Vergil have been forced by epic tradition into mentioning
them, since Homer does not mention them at all, and as there is not
even a special word defining them in Greek. Vergil's mention of them
here must find its foundation in their being placed in the corona Etrusca,
rather than in the Hellenistic predilection for as many valuables as possible.
(Otherwise a more frequent use of coronae aureae et gemmatae in Rome
dates only from the time of a closer contact with the Oriënt, and especially
with Asia Minor46).)
It is therefore not so strange, that Vergil, having the story of Ocresia
in mind, made Lavinia wear a jewelled crown.
For the rest although, as we have seen, this prodigy was very apposite
here for more reasons than one, and in Vergil's depicting of it was
consistent with several Roman antiquarian data, yet these data may not
have been the point of issue, why Vergil mentioned this prodigy here;
4B) Tert. de cor. 13: superferuntur illis etiam Hetruscae. Hoe vocabulum est coronarum,
quas geramis et foliis ex auro quercinis ... sumunt. cf. DH III, 62; Plin. XXXIII, 11;
see Dar Sagl. f. 1970, 1971; Dennis, I, p. 245 (crowns, hanging on the walls of the
tomba Montarozzi).
46) Cf. Plin. XXXVII, 6, who informs us, that gemmae were only imported since
the second triumph of Pompey; and XXI, 3, where he relates, that Crassus was the first
to make a present of coronae gemmatae at the ludi.
173
this may have been the fact, that a prodigy of flames had played a part
in Augustus' life, and had even been a token of his future sovereignty.
For Suet. Aug. 95 tells us of Augustus' father Octavius: Octavio
postea, cum per secreta Thraciae exercitum duceret, in Liberi patris luco
barbara caerimonia de filio consulenti, idem (scil. filium dominum terrarum
futurum) affirmatum est a sacerdotibus, quod infuso super altaria mero
tantum flammae emicuisset, uti supergressa fastigium templi ad caelum
usque ferretur, unique Magno Alexandro apud easdem aras sacrificianti
simile provenisset ostentum.
In this story we have, as in our passage here, the combination of the
altar and the flames springing from it, which points to future mastery.
(For the rest the same prodigy is also known to us from the life of
Cicero 4 7 ) )
Augustus himself may have attached much value to this prodigy, as he
also did to the appearance of the sidus Julium48), which, according to
Pliny I, 94, interiore gaudio sibi illum (scil. cometen) natum seque in
eo nasci interpretatus est. And not only (SB IX, 46): eique (Caesari)
in Capitolio statuam super caput auream stellam habentem posuit
(Augustus); inscriptum in basi fuit: Caesari emitheo; but he had also a
star represented on his own heimet49).
Hence these flames round Lavinia's head may also evoke an association
with the star on the heimet of Augustus, and therefore with the sidus
Julium, and with the divine origin of Augustus.
Moreover these flames round Lavinia's head might also remind the
readers of the aureole of the Sun, which encircled Augustus' head when
he entered Rome after the death of Caesar 50).
All these associations with Augustus may have been a reason for Vergil
to mention the prodigy of the flames round Lavinia's head, and also to
represent Augustus VIII, 680/1 on the shield of Volcanus: "geminas cui
tempora flammas laeta vomunt, patriumque aperitur vertice sidus" (as well
as for Properce IV, 6, 27 sqq. to say that at the battle of Actium:
4T) Plut. Cic. 20; DC XXXVII, 35; SB VIII, 105: hoe uxori Ciceronis dicltur
contigisse: cum post peractum sacrificium libare vellet in cinerem, ex ipso cinere flamma
surrexit, quae flamma eodem anno consulem futurm ostendit eius maritum, sicut Cicero
in suo testatur poemate.
48) Hor. Od. I. 12, 46; Plin. II, 23; Suet. Caes. 88; OM XV, 749, 840—850; VB IX,
47; Prop. IV, 59/60; DC XLV, 7.
49) SA VIII, 681: ipse stellam in galea coepit haberi depictam; cf. Cohen. Med. Imp. I,
p. 52, n. 91 from 32 BC; ibid. n. 93.
50) Jul. Obsequ. 68: C. Octavius testamento Caesaris patris Brundisii se in Juliam
gentem ascivit. Cumque. ... Romam intraret, Sol puri ac cereni caeli orbe modico inclusus
extremae lineae circulo. qualis tendi arcus in nubibus solet, eum circumscripsit. Veil. Pat. II,
59, 6: Cui (Augusto) ... cum intraret urbem solis orbis super caput eius curvatus aequaliter
rotundatusque — in colorem arcus velut coronam tanti mox viri capiti imponens
conspectus est.
174
... Phoebus ... adstitit Augusti puppem super et nova flamma luxit in
obliquum ter sinuata facem.)
Vergil may have applied this prodigy to Lavinia, and not e.g. to Ascanius
only (cf. II, 680 sqq.), because a prodigy of a fire suddenly leaping up
without any visible cause was already connected with Lavinium. Cf. DH I,
59: Aéyezai dè xaza zov nohafxov zov Aaovlviov arjfiela zóts TQÜJOI yevéo&ai
zoid.de: nvgós avzofidzcos avacp&êvzos êx zijg vanr)S, XVXOV jièv zq) ozófxazi xofi-
iCovza zijg £t]göis vXtjs êmfidMeiv êm zö nvg, aezdv dè JiQoanezófxevov avag-
pimCeiv zfj xtvrjosi zmv nzegvycov ztjv (pkóya, zovzoig dè zavavzia [ii]x,ava>nêvr]v
alónexa zïjv ovgav diafigo%ov ex zov noza/iov cpègovaav êmggam£eiv zó
xaiójievov nvg... zékog dé nxrjoai zovg dvo, which prodigy is favourable for
the greater part, but to a certain extent unfavourable as well. (cf. ibidem:
"Idovza dè zov Alvetav EITIEÏV COS ijii<pavr]S filv 'éozai xai êav/xaozt] xai yvcóoecog
êm Jilelozov rjxovoa f) ajioixia, èmcp&ovoo dè zots nèkag av^ofièvrj xai XvTirjga,
xgazrjOEi d' o/ucos zcöv avzingazzóvcov.
It does not belong to our subject here to tracé what was the origin of
this latter prodigy (cf. Klausen, p. 775 sqq.). At any rate even if, as
Klausen supposes, it is a symbol of the clearing of wooded countries by
fire and iron, it is absolutely improbable that this same symbolic idea
underlies in some way or the other the prodigy of the flames playing round
Lavinia's head, as Klausen supposes — at least if I understand him rightly.
This prodigy of the flames springing from the altar or the hearth-fire
generally had a favourable meaning (cf. VG IV, 384: ter liquido ardentem
perfudit nectare Vestam, ter flamma ad summum tecti subiecta reluxit, omine
quo firmans animum 51). The above prodigy happening to Augustus'
father was explained to him as favourable too; are we not entitled to look
for a motive why Vergil not only attached a favourable meaning to this
prodigy for the person primarily concerned, but also made it "populo
magnum portendere bellum" — which may be an allusion to the civil wars,
in the carrying on of which Octavianus was also implied — in his hidden
hostility towards Augustus?
Resuming, Vergil seems to have combined the following elements in
this prodigy:
a) the tale of Ocresia, the hand-maiden of the Etrurian Tanaquil, and
future mother of Servius Tullius, who was impregnated by the hearth,
for which reason later on flames suddenly appeared around the head of
Servius Tullius. This tale may either be of Etrurian-Minor-Asiatic origin,
in which case it may be a cult-tale about the genius Volcani, manifesting
himself in the hearth-fire, or it may have a more general origin, but in any
case it evokes Etrurian associations.
That Vergil had this tale in mind, as in the case of Ascanius it is
remarked by Servius (II, 683): item hoe quoque igni ad Servium Tellium
pertinet, may appear from the particulars of Lavinia's dress, which are
Etrurian, from the use of the word Vulcanus here, and from the fact,
that exceptionally high flames rise from the hearth-fire.
b ) the belief in prodigies of flames, leaping up suddenly from the top
of various things, and not from the hearth, without any visible cause. The
belief in the predicting power of such prodigies, the so-called auspicia ex
acuminibus — caused in reality by natural phenomena as St. Elmo's fire
e.g. — of which several instances are known in Roman history, is general.
They are usually considered as unfavourable, but sometimes favourable
as well, as most auguria oblativa are unfavourable, but sometimes favourable.
(This favourable meaning may be accounted for if we compare the omina
from trees and bushes bursting into flames and burning unconsumed 52));
c) the prodigy of the fire, suddenly arising in the wood when Aeneas
founded Lavinium;
d ) the prodigy of flames, rising from the sacrificial altar, (for this
reason "altaria" may have been used here instead of "focus" or the like),
which happened to Octavius, and foretold the future sovereignty of his son
Octavianus;
e) several other instances of a divine light on or encircling the head
of Augustus, as the star — a symbol of the sidus Julium —, or the aureole
on his arrival in Rome after the death of Caesar.
It seems unnecessary to me to seek, as Klausen p. 775 does, for a
deeper symbolic meaning in this prodigy, and to see in it an expression
of the idea, that the heroine of the central city of the Latin league had
been generated "durch Belebung des Bundesherdes mit der vom National-
gott ausgehenden Jovialischen Kraft".
Of course the poet Vergil has combined these elements in such a way,
that, whereas for the lector doctus they were clear, at the same time this
passage could be understood as it stands by ordinary readers. For it is
evident, that the flames around Lavinia's hair point to her own future fame,
whereas their spreading through the palace pointed to disastrous circum-
stances, threatening it52a).
The reason why especially this prodigy of the flames portends war for
the people of Latinus may be sought in the circumstance, that the Sidus
Julium — as well as other prodigies concerning the light of the sky —
although pointing to the future glory of Octavianus himself, were to a
certain extent portents of the civil war which followed after Caesar's
murder. This is expressly said by Vergil himself52*).
52) E.g. the burning bush of Exod. 3, 2; and perhaps the burning olive-tree of
Athen. 12, p. 524 e.
52») For the combination: namque fore illustrem ipsam, sed populo magnum
portendere bellum compare Cic. de Div. I, 59: in illa fuga, nobis gloriosa, patriae
calamitosa.
52f>) Georg. I, 464 sqq.: Ille (Sol) caecos instare tumultus saepe monet ille etiam
exstincto miseratus Caesare Romam, cum caput obscura nitidum ferrugine texit, etc.
1. 473: flammarum globos, and especially 487/8: non alias (scil. than at the time after
176
DETAILS.
nefas. Although this word is used here in a weakened sense — for
how can a predicting prodigy really be nefas! — it will bc explained
here because it is an old Roman notion.
According to SG I, 269 "fas" is the good juridical relation, maintained
between god and man. The Ancients most probably thought of a relation
with "fari" (cf. VA I, 543), and "fatum" (cf. VA I, 205/6), as does Walde,
who says: "Fas, eigentlich Ausspruch, besonders göttlicher oder richtlicher;
daher göttliches Recht", and he supposes fas to be an old infinitive "fasi",
the active of "fari".
But Ernout et Meillet remark, that except fatum the group fari, fama,
fabula, has no really religious meaning in Latin, no more than in most
other languages. And where it has a religious meaning, it is not that of
"fas". They therefore prefer a relation with "feriae" and "fanum", and
with a root, on which may be based also.
Warde Fowler (Rel. Exp. p. 486/8) remarks, that, as originally there
was no difference between the ius divinum and the ius humanum, but the
mutual relations between men feil under the ius divinum as well, there
could originally not be two different terms for this idea. And according
to him "fas" cannot mean "ius divinum", in contrast with "ius" i.e. "ius
humanum". And Q. R. C. F., Q. St. D. F., and the formula found
C. I. L. 603,7 mean only, that certain things may be done without tres
passing on the religious law. Fas here does not mean the law itself, but
rather, according to Warde Fowler, it is an adjective or an adverb, a
technical word of the ius divinum, meaning "that which it is lawful to do
under it". Hence nefas (originally ne fas, a nominal sentence) is a word,
pointing to a prohibition under the divine law. This he bases also on the
fact, that here there is always question of the ius divinum, augurale, fetiale,
and never of fas; and on the way in which Cicero and his predecessors
use ius and fas.
To me his argumentation seems to be conclusive.
As to Vergil's use of this word here: Kroll p. 524 sqq. remarks that
Vergil's preference for such words as "nefas", "heu" and "di", by which
the poet by an indignant exclamation breaks his reserve and draws the
reader with him in his indignation, is one of the Hellenistic effects of
style, the so-called duvcbaeio or axethaa/xoi, "die, wie sie das Gefüge
des Satzes sprengen, so auch den Gleichmut des mit objektiver Ruhe der
Erzahlung folgenden Lesers auf einen Augenblick unterbrechen sollen".
Caesar's murder) caelo ceciderunt plura sereno fulgura, nee duri totiens arsere cometae.
(In the intermediate lines he mentions many more infaust prodigies of this year (see
P. 92).
177
tum fumida lumine fulvo. Nam et illic splendor quidem est, sed cum fumo,
qui semper causa lacrimarum est. In Ascanio autem solus ostenditur
splendor.
12
THE ORACLE OF FAUNUS.
1) In my opinion as the dream does not appear till after the defeat, Zonaras may
be combining different sources here. According to Schur however Zonaras here represents
the older, genuine version of Dio.
2) Another dream-vision of Aeneas in Latium in Dionysius I, 56: "IST I Q O I rli XtyovOiv
arfrifiovovvTi T<J> avóQÏ.... avkidd-tVTi rqv vvvx' txtivriv iitiGxT[vai gisyakriv xiva xaè
O-avfiaOrriv ivvnviov x&v 3-tiöv xiv\ x&v naxQioiv tiv.a63-iï6av Ötpiv, xa l.tx&évxa niv.Q<p
nqóTiQov vTtorifhiiivïjv. (scil. to found a city on the place where the white sow would
give birth to the 30 porei), which city would be the nucleus of great future glory.
180
148: hos deos (scil. Penates) ... Aeneas ... in Italiam transtulisse idem
Varro testatur; quos quidam dicunt ideo inductos a poeta monere per
somnum; monitu nam eorum per quietem iussum cum Latino foedus fecisse;
eorum etiam monitu Latinum Aeneae se coniunxisse. In my opinion however
we may not conclude this from the place quoted here.
But at any rate this tradition existed in Vergil's time, and this may have
induced him — together with the fact that it very well suited the economy
of his story — to give so much importance to this dream.
He may have been the more inclined to make Latinus have a revelation
in a dream here, because Augustus also set great store by dreams, and
acted on their advice. Cf. Suet. Aug. 91: somnia neque sua neque aliena
de se neglegebat; then several instances of these dreams are given, which
e.g. in the case of the battle of Philippi proved true. The people of Rome had
ample occasion to be acquainted with this belief of Augustus, for not only
"ex nocturno visu stipem quotannis die certo emendicabat a populo, cavam
manum asses porrigentibus praebens", but "cum dedicatam in Capitolio
aedem Tonanti Jovi assidue frequentaret, somniavit queri Capitolinum
Jovem cultores sibi abduci ideoque mox tintinnabulis fastigium aedis
redimiit, quod ea fere a januis dependebant".
In this last dream a god appeared to Augustus as deities often appeared
to him in his dreams. For instance he thus received advice from Juno3),
Minerva 4) and Apollo5). With this latter revelation we may compare
our revelation of Faunus here, the prophetic father of Latinus, to his son.
For Apollo was to a certain extent the fatidicus genitor of Augustus.
(See above.)
And for this reason Vergil may have caused Aeneas to act upon the
counsel of, and to have a revelation as to the future not only by a dream,
but even by the appearance of a deity in the dream 6).
It may be remarked here that in Homer the gods never appear in person
in dreams, but either send a "dream" in the shape of a friend of the
3) DC XLVIII, 14.
4) See Drew, p. 80.
5) Plin. XXXIV, 8, 58: Fecit (Myro) et Apollinem, quem a triumviro Antonio
sublatum restituit Ephesiis Divus Augustus, admonitus in quiete.
6) So the dream-vision of Hector (II, 270 sqq.) which is Aeneas' first warning to
flee from Troy; the vision of the Penates (III, 147 sqq.), who admonish him to leave
Creta, because Italy is the destination of himself and his race; of Mercurius (IV,
554—572), who warns Aeneas to start from Carthago as soon as possible: of Anchises
(V, 721—739) who advises him to leave the women-folk in Sicily, to take with him
the gallant youths to Italy, and to visit himself, Anchises, in the nether-world; of
Tiberinus (VIII, 31—67), who assures Aeneas that he has reached his destination —
a sign of which will be the prodigy of the white sow —, who informs him as to the
future of his son, and advises him to seek the aid of Euander. (Other dreams are e.g.
the apparition in a dream of Allecto to Turnus (VII, 415—458), and the dreams of
Dido (IV, 465 sqq.).)
181
"Diese Traume ... erfolgen ... dann ... wenn der Ruhende, voller Sorgen über den
Gegenstand des Traumes eingeschlafen ist, gleichsam in Gedanken eine Frage an die
Götter gestellt hat ... oder der Traum knüpft doch an die Ereignisse, die am vergangenem
Tage die Seele des Betreffenden heftig bewegt haben, so unmittelbar an, dass eben
daraus klar wird, wie jene Ereignisse auch den Schlafenden noch erfüllen. Es wird aber
auch in dem, was das Traumbild verkündet, die psychologische Wahrheit insofern
beobachtet, als das Neue, das der Traumende erfahrt, doch immer an bekanntes anknüpft,
nie völlig neu und unerwartet ist. In all diesen Weisungen ist soviel des Neuen, dass man
nicht sagen kann, der Traumende hatte bei wachem Nachdenken wohl von selbst darauf
kommen können, geflissentlich ist der Typus der übernatürlichen Eingebung festgehalten.
Aber man mache sich klar, wie ganzlich verschieden der Fall lage, wenn Aeneas etwa
das, was ihm Venus über Dido mitteilt, im Traum erführe, oder wenn Tiberinus, wie es
dann Euander tut, nach Etrurien verwiese und über die dortigen Zustande aufklarte.
llnd so unterscheidet sich denn auch das rituelle Traumorakel des Faunus von jenen
7) E.g. II. II, 5 sqq. Zeus to Agamemnon in the shape of Nestor; Od. IV, 796 sqq.
Athena to Penelope in the shape of Iphthime.
8) Patroclos to Achilles II. XXIII, 65 sqq.
9) Athena, who appears to Nausikaa as one of her own friends.
10) See Heinze, p. 311.
11) Venus II, 598—623; Mercurius IV, 222—278; Venus VIII, 608—616; Iris IX,
1—22.
12) E.g. Juno X, 633 sqq.; Venus XII, 411, 786.
13) Venus I, 305—417; Iris V, 606—658; Allecto VII, 341—419; Apollo IX, 645—659.
14) Compare the apparition of the Penates, of Hector, of Mercurius in IV, of Anchises
in V, of Tiberinus in VIII. See Heinze, p. 311.
15) The only exception are the dreams of Dido IV, 465—473.
182
anderen Traumen: auf die externi generi und ihre erhabene Nachkommenschaft konnte
Latinus aus sich heraus unmöglich verfallen."
It may be objected to this view of Heinze's that in Vergil Latinus'
thoughts had already been drawn to a son-in-law of foreign origin by the
preceding prodigies. (Cf. especially the words: externum cernimus, inquit,
adventare virum, et summa dominarier arce; and "namque fore illustrem
fama fatisque canebant ipsam sed populo magnum portendere bellum.)
So in my opinion there must be other reasons why Vergil made Latinus
have a revelation here, not by an ordinary dream, but by incubation; the
more so, as Dio and Dionysius speak only of "a dream". So this item
was most likely introduced by Vergil himself 16).
This reason cannot have been the epic usage of Homer. For in Homer
the practice of incubatio is not found at all17). Nor have we testimonies of
incubation-dreams of Augustus. But
a) Suetonius Aug. 94 mentions among the portents accompanying
Augustus' birth etc.: In Asclepiadis Mendetis Theologoumenon libris
lego Atiam, cum ad sollemne Apollinis sacrum media nocte venisset, posita
in templo lectica, dum ceterae matronae dormirent, obdormisse; draconem
repente irrepsisse ad eam Augustum natum mense decimo et ob hoe
Apollinis filium existimatum. (Cf. also what is said above as to Augustus'
dream-vision of Apollo, and the comparison with the oracle of Faunus.)
b) Vergil as an artist may have tried to bring as much variety as
possible18) in the many dreams, portents, oracles, etc., which his subject
imposed upon him; and so he introduced an incubation-oracle too. He was
the more ready to do this, as
c) an incubation-oracle was a less manifestly Greek kind of oracle
than a mantic oracle as e.g. that of Delphi was. So if Vergil, trying to
bring more variety in the divine revelations, wanted to insert an oracle
among the portents to Latinus, he could better have recourse to incubation
than to a mantic oracle. Moreover these famous mantic oracles in Greece
by this time had decayed 19), although just before the Augustan time
they actually regained their reputation to a certain extent by means of
the visits of the Romans. On the other hand incubation-oracles were
very frequently consulted in Vergil's time, and whereas e.g. the incubation-
oracle of Trophonios had never altogether decayed, the practice of
incubation had even increased, mainly by means of the flourishing cults
of Isis and Sarapis; from the philosophical side too this belief in
16) Even Cauer p. 173 considers it doubtful whether it was found before Vergil.
1T) II, I, 63 does not point to this practice either (Rohde, Psyche, I, 37, 1), nor
XVI, 235 (cf. Eustathius).
18) Cf. Heinze, p. 459/60.
1B) Not only by the patriarchs (e.g. Euseb. pr. ev. 5, 1; Arnob. I, 1; Prud. Apoth.
435 sqq.) but also by authors as Cicero (de Div. I, 19, 37; II, 57, 117) and Strabo
(VII, p. 327; IX, p. 419; XIV, p. 642; XVI, p. 762; XVII, p. 813) it is repeatedly
stated that in the last decades of the Republic the famous oracles of Delphi, Dodona,
Apollo Clarius and Juppiter Ammon had become silent.
183
oneiromantics and incubation was strongly supported 20) and the Stoa 21)
was its warm champion22). lts continued existence is also testified by its
wide diffusion in the Christian church of the Middle Ages and later
times23). (Of this vitality of the incubation the main probable reasons
are that a) it was based on a phenomenon which, although very common,
yet always retained something mysterious which preoccupied the human
mind; b) it created the illusion of a direct contact with the deity, without
the intermediation of a priest.)
d ) Might Vergil also have mentioned this incubation-oracle of Faunus
at the Albunea, because it really existed?
In the entire further literature we hear of this incubation-oracle of
Faunus only by Ovid, who Fasti IV, 649 sqq. Iets Numa visit it24), in
which however he gives only an imitation of Vergil 25). (Ovid in his turn
was then followed by Calpurnius 26).)
All authors who have written on this subject deny the possibility of an
original Roman incubation-oracle27) — some of them even a genuinely
20) Although Epicurism and the New Academy combated them energetically.
21) And also New-Pythagorism and New-Platonism.
22) In the fourth and fifth century A.D. the belief in incubation had even become a
kind of dogma among the advocates of Antiquity.
23) Especially in the sanctuaries of St. Michael, and of St. Cosmas and St. Damian.
24) Silva vetus nullaque diu violata securi stabat, Maenalio sacra relicta deo; ille
dabat tacitis animo responsa quieto noctibus. hic geminas rex Numa mactat oves. prima
cadit Fauno, levi cadit altera Somno: sternitur in duro vellus utrumque solo. bis caput
intonsum fontana spargitur unda, bis sua faginea tempora fronde premit. usus abest
Veneris, nee fas animalia mensis ponere, nee digitis anulus ullus inest, veste rudi tectus
supra nova vellera corpus ponit, adorato per sua verba deo. interea placidam redimita
papavere frontem nox venit et secum somnia nigra trahit. Faunus adest oviumque premens
pede vellera duro edidit a dextro talia verba toro: etc.
25) I cannot agree with the supposition of Bouché-Leclerq, p. 126, that "Virgile, en
conduisant son héros au bois que domine Albunée, n'a fait que suivre une voie déja
tracée par des fictions antérieures", mainly of Ovid, whose description Vergil would
take up, "substituant Latinus a Numa dans Ia consultation qu'il décrit, (et) transport(ant)
la scène dans la forêt de Laurente (ou) aux environs de Tibur". Indeed Ovid gives
some particulars not given by Vergil, which cannot be a mere fiction of Ovid, but must
have been authentic, for an incubation-oracle, if not for an oracle of Faunus; and even
if some particulars here are more probable in Ovid than in Vergil — e.g. the two sheep
of Ovid against the centum of Vergil — yet Ovid must have followed Vergil's tracks,
as (see Schanz) the Fasti must have been written, or at least published, much later than
the Aeneid. Also Frazer, Fasti, III, p. 318/9 admits rightly, that OF IV, 295 sqq. is
based on Vergil, which according to him may even have been a motive for Ovid not to
indicate the exact position of this oracle of Numa too plainly.
2B) Where Bucol. I, 8 sqq.: hoe ... nemus ..., ista ... antra patris Fauni, graciles ubi
pinea densat silva comas, rapidoque caput ipsa protegit et ramis errantibus implicat
umbras, and where "sacra descripta est pagina fago" by Faunus himself with his
prophecies.
27) E.g. Marquardt, III, p. 97: dream-oracles received by incubation are "eine Art
der Weissagung, die völlig unrömisch ist". Frazer, Fasti III, 318/9 also considers this mode
of consultation rather Greek than Roman.
184
3e) E.g. Calpurn. Buc. I, 9 sqq. who mentions an oracle of Faunus (see above) and
calls him "facundus"; Nemes, ecl. 2, 73: Fauni vates. Fronto, de eloq. p. 146 N.; Prob. on
VB I, 10; Lact. Inst. I, 22, 9: Mart. Cap. 2, 167; Or. GR 4, 4; Chron. Pasch. p. 45 P.
The Middle Ages composed miraculous legends upon this prophetic gift of Faunus
(Bouché-Leclerq IV, p. 133, n. 1). In the Mirabilia Urbis (§ 28—29) it is even mentioned
that in S. Maria in Fontana — together with S. Stefano Rotondo an ancient temple of
Faunus — was a speaking statue of Faunus, which was consulted e.g. by Julianus, and
hence was a sort of oracle.
For other material as to the prophetic gift of Faunus see Bouché-Leclerq, IV, 126 sqq.;
Nettleship, Lectures and Essays, p. 50/52; Wissowa, Roscher s.v., col. 1456; Warde
Fowler, RF, p. 262; Deubner, de Incubatione p. 10.
3T) Cf. the legend that Lyko, a daughter of Dion, king of Laconia, together with
her two sisters, had received the gift of prophecy from Apollo — which power she may
originally have possessed in her own right.
38) It must be remarked here that these mysterious voices of nature, coming from
anywhere out of the wood, and with a purpose of warning or instruction, are not always
ascribed to Faunus. Cf. e.g. Liv. I, 31: devictis ... Sabinis ... visi etiam audire vocem
ingentem (monentem) ex summi cacuminis luco; VI, 33: (Satrici Matris Matutae)
templo vox horrenda edita cum tristibus minis, where it may consequently be assumed
that this voice belonged to Mater Matuta; V, 32: before the advent of the Gauls:
M. Caecidius nuntiavit ... tribunus se in nova via, ubi nunc sacellum est supra aedem
Vestae, vocem noctis silentio audisse clariorem humana, quae iuberet magistratibus
dicere Gallos adventare. It certainly is not likely that this voice was connected with
Faunus, as an altar to Aius Locutius was founded on this spot. (See also Cic. de Divin. I,
45, 101). The same may be said of a voice heard from the temple of Juno, for which
reason this Juno was surnamed Moneta (Cic. l.c.).
Or these voices are not ascribed to any definite deity; cf. DH I, 56; VG I, 476/77;
Tib. II, 5, 74; OM XV, 792/93; Lucan, I, 569/90.
186
38) E.g. VIII, 339/40; even there however he introducés a Greek element by making
Carmentis the mother of Euander according to the Euhemeristic process.
40) Bailey, p. 26/28.
41) E.g. the prophecy by Proteus (G. IV, 450 sqq.), the supremacy of Apollo in the
realm of prophecy (II, 114; III, 162, 360, 371 sqq.; VI, 12, 77 sqq.); Aeneas' dream-
visions of Hector etc.
42) However we must not emphasize this thought too much, as e.g. the dream of
Turnus, also an Italian, VII, 413 sqq., is also based on a Greek pattern.
42") A circumstantial account of these various accompanying rites is given by Deubner,
De Incubatione.
43) See Bouché-Leclerq, I, p. 282.
44) E.g. in ancient Egypt (Herod. II, 141; Strab. XVII, p. 801); among the Jews
(Jes. 65, 4; Strab. XVI, p. 761); in Sardinia (Aristot. Phys. Aus. 4, 11, p. 218); among
the Celts (Tert. de anim. 57).
45) Most frequently in Greece, but also in Italy, Austria, Ireland, in North Africa,
Australia and China (see Hamilton, Incubation, p. 182—188; Deubner, p. 56—134).
187
46) Of the most various peoples; cf. e.g. the Biblical dreams of Jacob and Joseph.
47) All dreams were interpreted as having this prophetic meaning — at least originally,
for see the distinction between "true" dreams and "false" dreams (cf. Hom. Od. XIX,
560 sqq.; VA VI, 894).
48) Or some parent or friend as the messenger of a god.
49) This sort of dream indeed was of ten dreamt in reality, as the mind was prepared
to see it. Later on a more or less ethical explanation of the fact that the gods informed
man of their intentions when he was asleep may be accounted for by the fact that
only in his sleep is man freed from the unclean trammels of the body.
50) This belief is easily explained if we consider the mysterious character of the
dream, which makes a very vivid impression, but for which, unless by an advanced
science, realizing several psychological and physiological facts (about the phenomena of
sleep and dream see W. Wundt, Grundz. physiol. Psych.) no natural external cause can be
found, — the less so, as the organs of sense are rendered inoperative in sleep. Hence
the dreams were attributed to a supernatural inspiration. And the more so, as man knows
by experience that, when dreaming, he often sees with his mind's eye sequences of images
not corresponding to any reality and not even to any natural law; from these images
moreover he cannot free himself by an act of his own will. Hence all primitive peoples
attribute these dreams to the inspiration of a supernatural being, more powerful than
they are themselves, to a deity.
Moreover for primitive man these dreams must have a meaning, as it would appear to
him impossible and very irreligious to imagine, that the gods made him dream these
dreams without any intention. And for egocentric primitive man the only acceptable
intention of these dreams could be, that the deity wanted to speak to him, to let hdm
know the divine will, or at least to inform him about the means to prevent a not
inevitable evil.
51) For, although dreams are withdrawn from the direct will of man, yet by experience
he may have learnt, that in a certain measure they underwent the influence of the
preoccupations of the mind and of the disposition of the body. Hence he may have
prepared and facilitated these dreams — without feeling that thus he committed a
logical inconsistency. He may free himself from some coincidences of the appearance of
the dream, bring body and mind in a state in which the dream-apparitions are as
clear as possible, and also by certain measures show to the gods, that he values their
revelations. E.g. by cleansing himself by purificatory means as fasting and other forms
of abstinence; by cultic measures as sacrifice and prayer; by the use of magie objects
as magie rings; and, lastly: although in principle divine revelation in dreams might
come im almost any place, he might seek this revelation of a certain god in a place, where
he would be certain to find him. The dream was facilitated moreover because the mind
was already preoccupied and the dream a direct answer to a well-defined question;
[<
188
psychical 59) energies were strengthened 60) and ^at the Earth was
possessed of oracular power 61).
Hence this contact will be sought especially when this state left
something to be desired62).
This contact with the earth would be most effective, if
a) as great a part of the body as possible touched the earth, scil. by
lying down;
b) i t was sought in a spot, where the power of the earth was strong-
est and manifested itself most clearly, or where this contact with the earth
was more direct, as where there were apertures in the surface of the earth,
formed by caverns, springs, or vapours rising out of the depths 62a),
Of course here too — as in the contact with every deity — purificatory
or cultic measures may have been desirable, and even necessary; the lying
on a skin (of a newly slaughtered animal) may also be taken into account
here. But the contact with the earth was the main thing 63),
Therefore not sleep and dreams are most important here, but the lying
down. Of course however lying down, and for rather a long period of
several hours, in a place where there were stupefying vapours, or a
murmuring, soporific spring, or in a dark cavern, would often induce sleep
and dreams. And, as the mind was prepared for it, they may often have
had a salutary character.
(For the rest the importance attached to these dreams "arisen out of
the earth may also have been supported by the view, that, as the earth
was full of the seeds of future life, it also contained the mysteries of the
future in general, and dreams in particular; the existence of this latter view
is proved by several testimonies 64),)
®°) Cf. the Greek myth of Antaios, who by contact with the earth got new life over
and over again.
61) As to this oracular power of the Earth .w -A^V.,,1 T7 n . t. . ,
- - - — " u r 1lm x.. 1,117 T l u i O T O f i a V Z l V
raiav. Cic. de Div. I, 38: vis illa terrae.
See also the fact that several oracles in Greece are said to have been oracles of Gaia
before they became an oracle of another god, as e.g. in the case of the oracle of the
Delphic Apollo. (See Rohde, II, 58; cf. Bouché-Leclerq, II, 251—260; Farnell, p. 9 sqq.)
This state of affairs probably also found its expression in the legend of the slaying of
Python the spirit of the earth-oracle, by Apollo. See further the omens from snakes and
other chthomcal animals; from earthquakes and other movements of the ground, etc.
) as in a desperate state, or in illness. And this explains that in by far the larger
part this incubation was sought as a cure of disease.
62a) Compare the divination at sacred springs, in which the drinking of the water
bnngs about a direct relation with the chthonic power.
as 1S Proved by the fact that at many incubationoracles that certainly had a
a5) In iny opinion this is not improbable in the case of Jupiter Capitolinus. (SA VII, 88:
"incubare proprie hi dicuntur qui dormiunt ad accipienda responsa, unde est: ille incubat
Jovi, id est: dormit in Capitolio, ut responsa possit accipere. For Jupiter is not in the
least a chthonical deity.
®8) Yet I would not maintain without any more, that the contrary was also true, and
that the same held good for Gaia as for Ceres and Tellus.
®7) Which is geographically wide-spread (see Rose, Hastings ERE IV, 778; cf.
Pease, p. 332).
6S) Sometimes man may only have performed a certain ritual there, cf. Od. X, 517 sqq.,
in order to evoke the deceased. But sometimes he must have lain down, which may mostly
have induced sleep, and dreaming.
Also this idea was often combined with that of the magie influence of the contact with
the earth, as we see from the fact, that this necromancy was especially associated with
places, called "Ploutoneia" (see Bouché-Leclerq III, 319; 363—368; Rohde, I, 213 n.;
214; Gruppe, Gr. Myth. 935, n. 9). In this case this idea might be accounted for by the
view that (see Bouché-Leclerq, III, p. 363/5) the deceased are supposed to reside, not
in their tomb, but in a large cavity beneath the surface of the earth; to have contact
with them one had to go to a place, where nature had opened a passage penetrating to
this residence, hence especially to the Ploutoneia.
60) For, as Pease l.c. remarks, according to the Homeric view not all the deceased
had a special knowledge of the future, but they merely retained the mantic power which
they had had in life. Only through the influence of Platonism (Bouché-Leclerq, I, p. 334/5)
191
knowledge of the secrets of creation and of the future was assigned to all the disembodied
spirits. Compare the fact that only in later authors do we find, that not only those heroes,
who had possessed this predicting power already in life, as e.g. Teiresias, Kalchas!
Mopsos, Amphiaraos and Amphilochos, but also other heroes as Odysseus, Protesilaos,
Sarpedon, Menestheus, Pasiphae, and others, after their death possessed this prophetic
power.
70) E.g. incubation — in which the main point was the strengthening effect, and in
which revelation came in a more or less direct manner, may have been combined with
dreams — where revelation came in a more or less direct way. Hence for instance,
whereas the cure of diseases was originally accomplished by the contact with the earth,
it later may have been brought about by the appearance and e.g. the imposition of hands
of the god in a dream, and still later by following the directions given by him in a
dream, either in a direct way or symbolically — for which reasons also at incubation-
oracles priests may have had the task to explain dreams.
And later revelation may have been sought by incubation on the grave of a forefather,
not merely because they were forefathers, taking an interest in their descendants, but
because of the idea that they shared the powers of the earth.
71) For testimonia see Weck, RE s.v. Garganus.
72) Plut. Consol. ad Apoll. XIV.
192
Roman, but we must only ask, whether it may have been a practice,
testified in old days for some places in Italy with which it is not improbable
that the oracle at the Albunea was connected. For, as is shown above, the
Albunea, the seat of this oracle, was not far remote from Ardea; and, as is
shown on 1. 46, the Rutuli most likely were of Illyrian origin.
Now Stoll73) supposes that the incubation-oracle of Kalchas, given
by Strabo, in reality was not the oracle of the seer Kalchas, known to us
from Homer, but of the indigenous Daunian king Kalchos. If this is true,
the Daunii may have ascribed a prophetic power to one of their original
kings — which prophecies naturally were originally destined for his fellow-
tribesmen only — an idea, which may be parallel to the necromancy of
the Greeks.
The fact that the Daunii, who were of Illyrian origin, practised
incubation, already suggests that it was practised by the Illyrian Rutuli
as well.
And so we may even come to the conclusion that there did not only
exist an incubation-oracle at the Albunea, but that this was an incubation-
oracle of "Faunus".
For Faunus, who was strongly connected with the territory of Ardea 74)
may often have been — as I have tried to prove on 1.47 — not the Latin
Faunus, but the Illyrian divine king Daunus, or at least a combination of
these two figures. And as revelation by incubation was sought from a
(mythical?) king by the Illyrian Daunii, it may have been sought by the
Illyrian Rutili from their legendary king and forefather Daunus — who
then later was equalized to the Latin Faunus.
For the rest also the Latin god Faunus may have originated an
incubation-oracle. Above we have seen that one of the two starting-points
for the practice of incubation was the contact with the earth — so that
incubation had a chthonical character. And it is not altogether negligible
that Faunus was a chthonical deity — although this is considered impossible
by Heinze 75). For, as we have seen on 1.47, Faunus was probably a
wolf originally, and the wolf is often considered as a chthonical animal,
even in Rome76); it is unnecessary however that this original chthonical
character of the Latin Faunus was still known to Vergil.
Yet it does not seem too bold to me to say, that Vergil combined here:
a) the voice of Faunus, resounding in the wood, of Faunus, who
possessed predicting power, but was the god of sudden mysterious voices,
coming e.g. out of the wood, and in a direct way, rather than the god of
dreams and revelation by contact with the earth;
b ) not only the general practice of incubation, but the Rutulian-Illyrian
incubation-oracle of Daunus-Faunus in particular.
Or, as we might say: the Faunus of the oracle of the Albunea here is
Daunus-Faunus, combined in one person.
It must be remarked here that indeed the two elements of a) the voice
of Faunus, and b) the practice of incubatio, are standing here side by
side rather incoherently.
In 1.85—91 there clearly is question of a sort of incubation-oracle, as
sleep is mentioned there (somnos petivit), further in his dream the incubant
sees all sorts of visions (1. 89), he has several hallucinations (varias audit
voces), and is in contact with several deites (fruiturque deorum colloquio).
But in 1.81 it is said, that it is the oracle of Faunus. Also in 1. 92 sqq.
it is a question of only one voice, which moreover comes from the wood,
and not imis Avernis (as may be understood to be the case in 1.91).
Moreover not only is it not expressly said that Latinus had fallen asleep —
which for poetical reasons Vergil may have found unnecessary to repeat —,
but from the words: subita ex alto vox reddita luco est we get the impression
that this was not a dream-voice, but a real one.
The many voices however Vergil may not have mentioned here because
they were usual at an incubation-oracle. For generally at these oracles
not a number of voices, but only one rather clear voice is mentioned 77).
Vergil may say that at the oracle of Faunus the incubant "multa modis
simulacra videt volitantia miris et varias audit voces" because also
Augustus, as we read in Suetonius 91: per omne ver plurima et formidulo-
sissima et vana et irrita videbat (reliquo tempore rariora et minus vana).
Compare the fact, that, as mentioned above, it was spring at the time of
Aeneas' arrival.
Further not only are the many voices and visions in contrast with the
one clear voice, but the fact hat Faunus when prophesying was only heard,
and not seen, is not usual at an incubation-oracle either, as it is not in an
ordinary dream. Cf. the fact that in Greek an ordinary expression for
"incubare" is èyxoi/uaoêaL xai ïdeiv öxpiv and èmcpaveia becomes the ordi
nary word for miraculous healings of the gods78).
He may not have mentioned that Faunus was also seen, because the
apparition of Faunus, who in the Augustan age was represented in the
shape of the god Pan, would not have been in correspondance with his
lofty character of divine ancient king and father of Latinus.
77) See Rostowzew, Klio, 1919, p. 203 sqq.
78) E.g. Jamblich. de myster. III, 2; Plut. de gen. Socr. 22, p. 591a; Plut. Cleon, 7;
Arr. Anab. VII, 26, 2.
13
194
Moreover he may have been induced to mention only a voice (of Faunus)
from the wood (subito ex alto vox reddita luco est) by the tradition, found
in Dionysius I„ 56, that Aeneas in the night after the prodigy of the white
sow was admonished to found a city on this spot, according to most scholars
not by a dream-vision, but: acpvco Mysicu <pcovrj Tig èx xrjg vdnrjg atpavovg
övxog lov (pfteyyo/uévov jiQooiieoÉiv.
He may have been the more inclined to stress this oral side of Faunus,
as in his time this side had become the most important, far more important
than his being a rural god. This may also account for the fact that Faunus
gives his revelations here in complete hexameters, which is a little strange
for an old Roman rural god (cf. Ennius79): versibus quos olim Fauni
vatesque canebant, which verses are Saturnians).
For the rest this is of course due to a certain extent to the demands of
Vergil's metrum, whereas moreover they may be six complete hexameters,
because dream-oracles often were given in verse 80). Moreover the Homeric
dreams in general not only speak fluently and clearly human language 81),
and do not require any particular sagacity to be understood 82), but often
in complete hexameters.
Yet it remains somewhat strange that Vergil allowed the two elements to
stand side by side rather incoherently, and did not say clearly that this
contact with Faunus is acquired by real incubation. Must we conclude
that this resulted from his consciousness that an incubation-oracle of
Faunus did not correspond to reality?
And indeed we must perhaps be satisfied to conclude, that, as Bouché-
Leclerq, IV, p. 126, speaking of this oracle of Faunus, says: "il est difficile
de faire, dans la fiction virgilienne, la part de la réalité historique".
The fact, that already Varro and Horace in an ode, which the latter
most likely composed shortly before 30 b.C. use the name Albunea, renders
it highly improbable, that the name Albunea was connected with Tibur
merely as a consequence of Vergil's use of this name.
The plausibility of a connection of the name Albunea with Tibur
however does not preclude the possibility of it being connected with
another spot as well. The more so, as Albunea may have originally
meant something like "white spot"; cf. SA VII, 83: Albunea dicta est
ab aquae qualitate, quae in illo fonte est. Unde etiam nonnulli ipsam
Leucotheam volunt4).
Vergil's localizing Albunea near Tibur is assumed by most scholars5),
i.a. in view of SA l.c.: alta, quia est in Tiburtinis altissimis montibus.
This localization is, however, in conflict with the items given here by
Vergil. According to this description there must be — apart from the
woods, which may have disappeared in course of time —: a) a sulphurous
odour, b) resonant water, and c) perhaps somewhat sloping grounds.
Two spots in the neighbourhood of Tivoli answer at least to some of
these requirements, scil.:
a) the cascades, formed by the Anio, which, winding down from the
Sabine mountains into the plain, have a difference in altitude of 186 M. 6)
over a distance of about two kilometres, and hence, especially to the East
side of Tibur, form loudly echoing cascades.
To these cascades, or to a place in their vicinity7) may have been
applied the name Albunea, — cf. Horace l.c., and Lactantius l.c
ripas Anienis, cuius in gurgite simulacrum eius inventum esse dicatur8)
perhaps because the foaming water of the cascades is white.
The word "alta" may also be applicable here, as these cascades tumble
down from a considerable height; and even the words "sacro fonte"
may be accounted for with a certain margin.
But there is not the least tracé of a sulphurous smell, which is one of
the main features of Vergil's description here. So this place does not satisfy
us, as it cannot possibly be assumed, that Vergil gave to his readers,
many of whom will have known this region very well, a description, so
far diverging from the truth.
b) the Aquae Albulae, mentioned above, which are indeed sulphurous.
An additional argument, that Vergil might have meant these is,
that Augustus visited these thermal waters for their curative power9),
so that Latinus here might have foreshadowed Augustus.
But these Aquae always have the name of Albu/a(e); they make no
noise; and the grounds are not in the least sloping 9a).
We might certainly leave a margin for Vergil's using "sonare" as well
as Albunea in stead of Albulae here as a poetical license; in the latter
case he might have wished to avoid Albula here, since he intended to
use this name later on (VIII, 332) as the old name for the Tiber; and
"alta" perhaps has not the meaning of "elevated", but it may refer
either to the height of the trees, or else mean "deep", being used to
describe the denseness of the forest (see below).
Or, as Weinstock l.c. says, it is also possible, that these particulars 10)
are not of such great consequence, as Vergil did not attach so much
importance to these minor things, but rather wanted "ohne genaue Kennt-
nis der Oertlichkeit eine Schilderung (zu geben), die für Traumorakel
konventionell war". According to him: "ist die Albunea daher auch un-
bedenklich unseren übrigen Zeugnissen entsprechend in Tibur anzusetzen,
auch wenn dort nicht die geringste Spur von Schwefelquellen zu ent-
decken ist".
Dessau 11) after saying, that he does not understand this passage in
Vergil very well either continues: sed cum constet significari his verbis
fontem aliquem sulfureum, sit autem in Latio notissimus fons sulfureus
Aquarum Albularum, isque non longe a Tibure, ubi ipsam illam Albuneam
pro numine fatidico cultam esse ex Varrone ap. Lact. scimus, probabile
est Vergilium aut respexisse lucum aliquem Albuneae sacrum situm ad
Aquas Albulas, aut sibi finxisse fuisse ibi aliquando talem lucum.
It is my opinion, however, that we must try to detect a spot, which
is in accordance with the particulars at our disposal, rather than assume
that it would have been immaterial to Vergil whether the particulars of
such a well-known spot were beside the truth, or that he used three items
of poetical license in this place to bring this spot in relation with Tibur;
and that the Aquae Albulae near Tibur were meant here, because they
were the most renowned sulphurous spring in Latium12), or because
Albunea is in all other cases connected with Tibur.
Moreover there may be another objection to the localization of this
oracle in the neighbourhood of Tibur, scil. Carcopino's. For, following
Bonstetten p. 209, he writes p. 339/40 that the "house-oracle" of Latinus
could not in reason lie on foreign (Sabine) territory, at a distance of
about 40 KM from Latinus' residence, near the gates of a city where
iron was wrought (cf. VII, 629/30). However, although this objection
9) Suet. Aug. 82.
9a) Nissen II, 610; Hüilsen s.v. Aquae Albulae.
10) As also the connection with Faunus, mentioned by Verqil only
") CIL XIV, p. 435.
12) Cf. also Preller-Jordan, I, 383, n. 2.
198
holds some truth in it, we need not attach too much importance to it, since,
although this is the oracle of Faunus, the father of Latinus, also "hinc
Italae gentes omnisque Oenotria tellus in dubiis responsa petunt"; hence
it is not destined for the inhabitants of Latinus' city only. And, concerning
the objection that it would be situated in the immediate neighbourhood of
a city, where there were iron-works, this city, as also appears from VII,
629/30, is represented as being kindly disposed towards Latinus, perhaps
even somewhat dependent on him. Moreover Vergil of ten uses a fact in
a given situation, and drops it in another13).
There is another spot, satisfying all these requirements, and even
situated in the neighbourhood of Lavinium. Vitruv. VIII, 3, 2 already
points to this fact. He relates, that in the environs of Rome there were two
sulphurous waters: "uti in Tiburtina via flumen Albula et in Ardeatino(a?)
fontes frigidi eodem odore, qui sulphurati dicuntur; and Prob. ad Georg.
I, 10: oraculum eius (scil. Fauni) in Albunea, Laurentinorum silva est.
This testimony of Probus, as is suggested by Wissowa l.c., and by
Rehm p. 77, may be only an autoschediasma, formed, because the scene of
the second half of the Aeneid is laid in the neighbourhood of Lavinium.
Hence Probus may have located the oracle of Faunus here as well.
But there is no reason, why Vitruvius' remark should be beside the truth.
Several modern authors — of whom Bonstetten 14), who did not know
these testimonies from Probus and Vitruvius, but only went by the
aspect of the place, was the first in 1805 — and many others after
him15) have looked for the place of the oracle near the Zolforata
(about the exact place see below), a little sulphurous lake near the Via
Ardeatina, at a distance of about 5 kilometres to the north-east of
Lavinium. So for instance Ashby, l.c. says: "the modern road to Ardea
(called Via Laurentina) passes to the East of the farm-house of
Zolforata or Solfatara. Close to this are sulphur springs, and here is to be
sought the Albunea of Vergil, and not at Tivoli, where the water of
the Anio is not sulphurous. Here was an important road-centre in old
days, and, though there are two other roads from Rome, which lead more
directly to Lavinium, the branch, leading hence to Lavinium, is still in use,
and probably of ancient origin."
A more circumstantial description, and an attempt to define the place
of this oracle more closely has been given already by Bonstetten,
p. 206/7:
"Je vois bientöt un vallon entouré de petits rochers volcaniques ... dans le lointain de
riches coteaux, au dessous de ce majestueux Mont Albain... La forte odeur de souffreque
je sentais... Je vis bientöt des roches nues, blanches, jaunes ou rougeatres, comme j'en
13) E.g. VII, 10 sqq. the promunturium Circaeum is the abode of Circe, VII, 799
of farmers.
14) Voyage sur la scène des derniers livres de 1'Enéide, p. 205 sqq.
1B) Bormann, Altlat. Chorographie, p. 49 sq.; Nibby, Dintorni, III, 100; Ashby, The
Roman Campagna, p. 209; Bagnani, the Roman Campagna, p. 15: Carcopino; p. 338 sqq.
199
avais vu tout au haut du Vesuve. Mais voila dans un vallon, assez étroit... un quart de
lieu plus loin... j'aper?ois un petit étang d'une eau laiteuse, d'oü sechappaient de grosses
bulles d air et dont on faisait fortement bouillonner 1'eau en la remuant. Le terrain, tout
a 1 entour, était blanc, et le bassin se trouvait placé sous un rocher volcanique, tout blanc,
presque a pic, assez élevé oü 1'on voyait, a travers des herbes, des traces de plusieurs
cascades qui devaient tomber dans le bassin, par dessus 1'entrée d'une caverne faite de
main d homme a ce qui me semblait Je la trouvai pleine de cette même eau bouillante,
dont les pétillements fréquents, et le sifflement léger produisaient dans cette voute mille
bruits bizarres. Qu'on se représente 1'antique forêt... ces arbres touffus, ce profond
silence, cette obscurité mystérieuse, cette odeur de souffre... cette eau dégageant avec du
bruit de grosses bulles d'air pétillant comme du feu."
Carcopino also, af ter his own observation in 1912, states (p. 342):
e est bien le site, dépeint par Virgile', and gives a description of which,
as he is in full accordance with Bonstetten, I will give a few particulars
only.
"Quelques grands pins subsistent seuls prés du corps de ferme de la Zolforata; des luci
oü s'engagea Latinus il ne reste plus que du maquis au long des pentes blanchatres, qui
surplombent, ici, la grotte, et la, les petits lacs. Du moins, ils s'élévent par un pli énergique
au dessus des terres voisines et méritent, par les cótes qu'elles atteignent, 1'épithéte d'alta
que Virgile accole au nom de 1'Albunea. (La carte marqué les cötes de 116 m. et de 136 m„
ce qui donne une altitude de 40 m, supérieure a celle de Prattica.)
les sources qui jaillissent dans le lac et dans la grotte n'ont point cessé de faire
entendre le petit fracas de leurs expulsions gazeuses Dans ce pays tout impregné de
crainte et de mystère, les Latins ont dü se sentir plus proches de la divinité tellurique
se persuader que le sommeil qu'ils iraient prendre au milieu de ces émanations serait
hanté de rêves d'origine infernale et de sens infaillible."
But Bertha Tillyie) who investigated this site in October 1933 after
these scholars, and gives a very circumstantial description of the entire
sulphurous region of the Zolforata, and especially of the site, recognized by
Bonstetten as that of the oracle — remarks that neither Bonstetten nor
Carcopino have investigated this site as thorougly as was desirable.
Bonstetten, as appears from his own account, conducted by his guide along
the top of the slope to the crater, identified the first acceptable spot, scil.
the cavern represented JRS, pl. II, 1, as the actual place of the oracle.
But, as Miss Tilly says, this cavern, as well as three others beside it —
which Bonstetten does not mention at all, a proof, that in his time they
did not exist — is a recent excavation. These caverns17) were hewn into
the hill-side to extract sulphuri»), but have now been disused for many
years. Thus Bonstetten and Carcopino located the oracle in what is
probably a disused sulphur-mine.
The real spot, meant by Vergil, she localizes about a quarter of a mile
further up the main valley, under the hill-side, in a natural cave,
represented pl. II, 2, and containing a sulphur spring (pl. I, 2), which
16) JRS 1934, p. 25 sqq.
17) As is already proved by the name "Zolforata", the Italian word for sulphur-mine.
18) So also Perrone, Carta idographica d'Italia, n. 26bis, p. 342; cf. Nibbv P 101
in 1837.
200
"There is a large cave within is a copious sulphur spring, which bubbles loudly
and hisses like a great cauldron. Reflected by the roof of the cave which acts as a natural
sounding-board, the noise can be heard plainly at a distance of nearly a hundred yards.
The overflow trickles from the entrance, making all the ground in front of it barren. This
natural cave, with its weird sounds, and mysteriously troubled waters, is by far the most
remarkable feature of the region."
20) It is also possible, that it is connected with a prae-Indo-European root alb-, found
e.g. in "Alba", and "Elba". In this case it must mean "the elevated spot", and could only
be applied to the place over the cascade of Tivoli, which, as said above, falls from a
conspicuous height; but it is not applicable to our spot, as indeed any height is out of the
question here (see below). In that case our whole argumentation falls through. In view of
the Aquae Albulae, which certainly have nothing to do with any height whatever, it
seems to me very improbable, that it should be connected with this root alb-,
21) Exc. VI ad lib. VII.
202
21») Die Ufer faillen steil ab, und in ihre Felsen ist, anscheinend künstlich, eine Grotte
eingegraben; dies rechtfertigte den Ausdruck "sub Albunea", wenn man Albunea für den
Namen des Waldes hadte
22) Cf. also SA: sub Albunea — in Albunea; (cf. on the contrary Carcopino).
23) Cf. SA I, 310: lucus est arborum multitudo cum religione; see ErnM. and Walde s.v.
24) Isid. Or. XIV, 8; Quint. Inst. Or. I, 6, 4; Mart. Cap. IV, 360; Donat. Ars
Gramm. III, 6.
203
"lucus" may have been due to the forest, the wooded surface, in primitive
times having been the great obstacle to man's activity; only where the soil
was treeless was any culture possible. So he venerated these open spaces
as the bearers of culture.
But those barren sulphurous patches were no great help for man's
cultural need. Hence they gave him no reason for veneration, although
they may have struck him with awe, as there were outlets from the nether-
world here. Hence, as one of the two ideas, underlying the word "lucus"
was lacking here, the word "lucus" cannot have been applied to these
barren patches.
From this I think — in contradistinction with Miss Tilly — may result,
that by lucos Vergil did not mean to designate these sulphurous barren
patches in the wood — cf. also 1.95: "ex alto vox reddita luco est", which
however cannot be strictly compared to "lucos" in 1.82, as the plural is
used here, and which may rather be equivalent to "alta Albunea". He can
not have designated even an open space in the nemus, but rather a wooded
spot in the wood (nemus), which spot (lucus) was especially consecrated
to a deity, scil. to Faunus here. For also in Vergil's further use of "lucus"
and "luci" this word in my opinion is never definitely used for an open
space, but on the contrary of ten for a wood in generale), as appears from
its often being used with the attributive adjective "altus"26), or in the
sense of "a wood, consecrated to a deity"27), as a synonym in a way of
"silva"2^), and even as a mere synonym of "nemus", e.g. VIII, 597 sqq.:
"est ingens... lucus... religione patrum late sacer; undique colles inclusere
cavi et nigra nemus abiete cingunt" 29).
As to the Italian woods in the Aeneid in general see p. 64.
Instances of woods, especially "luci", with which — as also here —
a "religio" was connected, e.g. VIII, 348 sqq., 597 sqq.; a lucus is connected
with every sanctuary, and e.g. with the Ploutoneia; further V, 761, VI, 13,
VII, 800.
Servius' we may remark, that Servius lived in the fourth century A. D.,
at which time the oracle of Faunus, if it ever existed, or at least the name
Albunea for the Zolforata, may have been forgotten. For this part of the
Via Ardeatina may have been far less frequented than it was in Augustan
times.
2. I do not share all the objections, put forward against the conception
of Albunea as a cascade; — e.g. not Carcopino's objection, that in this
case "lucos sub alta Albunea" cannot be explained; for it may be translated
by "that part of the wood, that lies at the foot of the cascade"; nor all
those against the conception of Albunea as a spring; — e.g. not Carcopino's
objection, that the feminine Albunea cannot be used of the masculine
"fons"; for there might be added not "fons" but "aqua". Yet it seems
most probable to me, that Albunea is the name of the forest, with the
sulphurous spots and springs in it.
Hence we may translate with Miss Tilly "the groves within deep-
forested Albunea, forest without peer, which murmurs with the awesame
spring and gives forth in the shade foul vapour".
So in my opinion these various particulars given by Vergil must have
corresponded to an existing reality. And I cannot agree with Rehm,
p. 75—78, that Vergil in his description of the Albunea and of other
Ploutoneia — the lacus Avernus VI, 273 sqq., and the Ampsancti valles
VII, 563 sqq. — not only followed a fixed schema, with certain definite
traits, but "wieweit es jeweils mit der wirklichen Zustand des durch den
Namen bezeichneten Ortes übereinstimmt, ist mehr oder weniger Zufall,
dem Dichter jedenfalls gleichgültig; die poetische Schilderung allein
bestimmt Wahl und Schilderung der Szenerie".
But I agree with him that Vergil in his description of the Albunea as
well as of the other Ploutoneia followed, as well as other Latin poets 30a),
a scheme, fixed by the Hellenistic poets. We have but to compare Ap.
Rh. II, 736—44, IV, 597—600, especially 1. 597/8: FJ S'ÉTL VVV TZSQ
TQav/uaxoG al&ofiévoio fiagvr avaxrjxiev at/uöv with " saevamque exhalat
mephitim".
Yet he must have given the particulars of this description in accordance
with reality.
DETAILS.
Mephitis. Is Mephitis to be conceived here in the same way as e.g.
Volcanus in 1.77, and Ceres in 1.113, scil. as the name of a god,
metonymically used for his (her) element?
For SA VII, 84, after saying: "Mephitis proprie est terrae putor, qui de
aquis nascitur sulphuratis et est in nemoribus gravior ex densitate silvarum",
gives as another possibility:
30a) Cf. Sil. It. XII, 120 sqq. (a lake at the mouth of the Eridanus), VI, 146 sqq.
(a lake at the Bagrades in Africa); OM XI, 592 sqq. (the cave of Somnus); Lucan.
Phars. III, 399 sqq., and already Ennius Ann. VII, 260—263 V.
205
31) Where she possessed a lucus (Varr. 1.1. V, 49) and an aedes (Fest. p. 351)
32) Plin. II, 208; cf. Cic. de Divin. I, 79.
•3) E.g. at Polantia in Lucania, at Beneventum in Samnium, at Atina in Campania;
at Cremona in Gallia Cispadana (cf. Tac. Hist III 33)
34) II, 144, 4.
3B) p. 344.
) Cf. Nissen, I, p. 264: in Campanien sind die vulkanischen Erscheinungen weit
reicher und mannigfaltiger als in Etrurien und Rora".
37) Roscher, s.v. Albunea.
206
old Latin name for Mefitis, which may have been superseded by the Oscan
word Mefitis, there is no sufficiënt proof to assume, that this latin name
was Albunea.
Nemus. Like "lucus" "nemus" may also originally have had a religious
meaning; cf. the "nemus Dianae" and (Walde, ErnM. s.v.) compare the
Celtic "nemed" = "sanctuary", originally "sacred wood".
It is not here the place to decide, whether this religious meaning is
primary — so ErnM., who suppose the original meaning to be "clairière
oü se célèbre un culte" — or only secundary cf. SA I, 310, already cited
above; Fest. p. 159: nemora significant silvas amoenas; and Walde, who
derives it from an indo-europ. "nemos"-curve, vault; cf. also the Greek
véfio?, which has the meaning of "wood" without any more.
It might also be possible, that the original difference between "lucus"
and "nemus" was, that "lucus" indicates the place in the wood, where the
trees have been cut down, "nemus" on the contrary the wood formed by
the (remaining) trees.
In any case Vergil uses "nemus" here not in a religious sense, but in the
sense, given by SA I, 310 as contrasted with "lucus".
OTHER DETAILS OF THE ORACLE OF FAUNUS.
Twice it is stressed that this incubatio took place in the silence of the
night. The second time it may be mainly to accentuate the mysterious
sphere. The first time however Vergil may have had a more religious aim
before him, scil. the well-known idea that to bring about the contact with
a deity absolute silence was required. Compare SA V, 71: nam in sacris
taciturnitas necessaria est; VIII, 173: faventes: ut in sacris: favete linguis
favete vocibus. This rule was prevalent in Greek ritual (evcp^Zre, ev<pW(a
earcoj, and already found in Homer i), later especially in dramatic
literature 2) _ as well as in Latin (favere (linguis)) 3); Sen. de vit. beat.
26 7: favete linguis... imperatur silentium, ut rite peragi possit nulla voce
male obstrepente 4).
Other peoples too, not only the Greeks and Romans, required this silence
during certain religious or magical actionsS). This demand for silence
during the office of religion probably not only bore reference to spoken
words, and was not based only on the fear of ill-omened words, but
vvwr?/0 f11 S°rtS °f sounds' and later even to every disturbance (cf. Plin.
XXVIII, 1).
5! f°r lhe USe °f thiS expression "favete linguis" see further Appel, p. 187—189.
bee Frazer, GB, Index s.v. silence; Fahz, Arch. f. Rel. Wiss. XV.
e) It may be remarked here that ancient prayers on the contrary were usually uttered
a oud1 rafter than silent. (Cf. Sudhaus, Arch. f. Rel. Wiss. IX (1906), 185-200, Appel,
p. 0). According to Pease p. 326 silent prayers were said in the earlier period chiefly for
magical purposes or for the attainment of wishes the which the worshipper was afraid or
ashamed to mention aloud.
208
dici qui post mediam noctem auspicandi causa ex lectulo suo silens surrexit,
et, liberatus a lecto, in solido se posuit hoe enim est proprie silentium,
omnis vitii in auspiciis vacuitas"), and where the statement that there was
silence was even a condicio sine qua non.
For thus the incubatio of Latinus, which may have made a rather Greek
impression, was in one aspect at least made to accord with the Roman
practice of auspicatio. In this way Latinus was an augur in a certain sense.
Apart from this the silence of night is often mentioned — at is well-
know — at the incubatio as well.
That Latinus made this offering during the silence of the night
corresponds to the circumstance that, as we know from the official inscript-
ion of the saeculum6") Augustus at the saeculum in 17 b.C. also made
offerings in the night7).
The expression "silentio noctis" may be a reminiscence of Ennius, who
probably used the words "silentio noctis" (Cic. de Div. II, p. 282/3 P.) 8).
Ovid also mentions this silence at the oracle of Faunus (IV, 650/1: ille
dabat tacitis animo responsa quieto noctibus). And the silence of night is
also mentioned in connection with the divine voice before the advent of
the Gauls 9).
The word "monitus" is often used of commands in dreams. Many
inscriptions were set up "ex monitu" (dei) 10).
and the incubatio hence took place on the bare ground, we see that the
feil was not essential here, although it might be helpful (see below).
a) In my opinion the meaning of this feil must be sought in the
complex of other lustratious ceremonies often found with the incubatio16);
see in this connection especially the many lustratious rites at the oracle of
Faunus as described by Ovid, Fasti IV, 655 sqq.17).
Indeed the skin had sometimes a kathartic effect18) as also the sheep
itself was sometimes considered as a lustratious animal *9) as may be
proved by its use in the suovetaurilia, and at the lustratio.
This may partly be ascribed to the lustratious effect of wool in
general20). This kathartic effect was often the reason for the use of
woollen clothes or fillets21), especially for the garments of priests, even
if only one narrow strip or wave22).
b ) As (Pley, p. 25) wool was older than linen, silk, etc., it was
originally the only possible material to use. And as man is always very
conservative in religious matters the use of wool for sacred acts or
the garments worn by those who sacrificed was always retained, without
there being a real magical power ascribed to it.
But from this very circumstance, it was probably considered as holy.
And (Pley) for this reason by "Analogiezauber" it may have been
16) E.g. at the oracle of Amphiaraos one day of fasting was required, and — as also
at the oracle of Trophonios — three days abstinence from wine; at the Asklepieion at
Athens ablutions with water from a sacred spring were required; cf. also Tertull. de an. 48:
apud oracula incubaturis ieiunium et castimonia indicitur. See further Deubner, De
incubatione, p. 149 sqq.
1T) Bis caput intonsum fontana spargitur unda, bis sua faginea tempora fronde premit;
usus abest Veneris, nee fas animalia mensis ponere, nee digitis anulus ullus inest.
18) For instance we know that a murderer in order to be purified of sin, had to sit on
the feil of a ram (Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 183 sqq.; also the Jiós xyiftov had a kathartic
effect.
19) See Diels, Sib. Blatt. 48, 2, 9.
20) So Rohde, II, 407 among the kathartic materials to rub off miasma mentions
especially wool and fells of animals. And from Rome we know that the bride fastened
woollen fillets to the door-posts of her new home (Plut. QR 31; Donat. Ter. Hec. I, 2, 60;
Isid. Or. IX, 8; SA IV, 459; Plin. XXIX, 30); in view of the fact that doorposts are
considered as a favourite entrance for evil demons we may consider this with certainty as
an apotropaeic rite.
21) See Diels, Sib. BI. p. 69; L. Pley, "De lanae in antiquorum ritibus usu", who
gives instances from different peoples of this use of woollen clothes or fillets, whether
for personal use or to drape objects with it, for lustratious and apotropaeic purposes, in
religion and magie, at ceremonies connected with the dead, at supplications, and in
magical medicine, as is also the case here more or less.
22) Such as was fastened e.g. to the top of the pilleus of the flamen Dialis, which
he was never allowed to remove out of the house, and which has already been found in
tombs at Tarquinii; see Pley, p. 38. See also the use by the flaminica at certain ceremonies
of a sort of wreath with a fillet of white wool (see SA IV, 137; cf. also Eitrem, p. 394;
Stengel, p. 177).
14
210
1) If wool was used at the incubatio, this was originally always in the
shape of a fleece. But sometimes in later times 24) woollen clothes or fillets
had replaced it.
2) The general consideration that the use of the skin must have been
older than that of woollen fillets, clothes, etc. For it was centuries and
centuries bef ore man learnt to manufacture wool, and originally the (sheep)
skin was the only form in which he used it 25).
c) So the belief that the contact with wool, and especially with woollen
skins 26) conferred strength was probably also founded on the view, that
the wool had belonged to a skin, and that the skin itself possessed orenda,
as it had belonged to an animal; cf. for instance the fact that by eating the
flesh or drinking the blood of the animal primitive man believed that he
transferred its orenda to himself, and that for the same reason animal fat
was originally used for the holy anointment. For this reason a skin may
sometimes have been considered to have a coercive influence, constraining
the deity to come27).
Moreover the skin of the newly slaughtered animal was probably thought
to be filled with particular orenda, because, as the verbs "mactare",
"sacrificare" and "êvayiteiv" prove, it was thought that an animal was
endowed with a particular orenda by the very fact that it was slaughtered.
This may account for the fact that in many of the cases cited above it
is expressly stated that the skin is of a newly slaughtered animal, and that
even where no skin is found, but only wool, it is sometimes stated28) that
this wool had been taken "ex pelle hostiae caesae"2^)
d) Another reason may be, as is defended by Kroll 30)> the belief that
as by the common use of the flesh of the victim, so also by that of its
feil or its wool, man enters into a mystical-ritual communion with the
deity; the latter may be supposed to set foot on the feil of the victim in
reality (cf. OF IV, 663/4: Faunus adest, oviumque premens pede vellera
dura edidit talia verba), or only metaphorically. In other words: offering
a sheep to the god, but keeping the skin or the wool, which really belongs
to the god, is a means of obtaining an object on which most likely man and
deity will meet; for it belongs partly to the god and partly to man.
These several reasons most likely have cooperated, as these ideas often
overlap. Compare the fact that at the Lupercalia in Rome the women
were beaten with the skin of a he-goat 31) which may at the same time
have been a rite of fecundity and a kathartic rite 32); anj so it may have
been in other cases of the striking at a person with an animal skin for
religious purposes 33).
At any rate if an action was performed and the use of wool was
connected with it, man may have expected a stronger effect than if this
were done without wool. From the use of wool, from the direct contact
with it the transfer of orenda was thought to take place most efficiently,
and man expected to have a closer contact with the deity.
And this may explain the use of the fleece — or sometimes simply of
wool — at the incubatio.
If we grant that at the oracle of Faunus incubatio took place, may we
also assume that a skin was used there? In my opinion we may do this for
several reasons.
a ) If this oracle was connected with the oracle of Kalchas — as we
have assumed above — this skin may have been met with undoubtedly.
For it was also found at the oracle of Kalchas.
b) If the oracle of Faunus were genuinely Roman, there is no objection
from this side either to the use of the skin. For, as we have seen above,
ovium pelles were probably used at the rite of incubatio in the first
place, because, as we have seen above, it is the wool that mainly matters,
and sheep of all animals have the largest quantity of wool — although for
instance also goats have a more or less woolly skin.
In the second place the sheep may have been mentioned here, since they
are used here for sacrificial purposes as well, and the sheep was the
"maxima hostia" in Roman cult. So e.g. it is attested for the cult of
Juppiter 35), Juno 36), Janus 37), Dea Dia, Mars 38); and in the
suovetaurilia, at the lustratio and at the Ambarvalia, further at the Vinalia
rustica, Terminalia, Robigalia, Palilia, and at the "fulgur condere" (SA
VI, 72). And we have also seen above, that the bride sits down on a pellis
ovilis (SA IV, 374).
This preferred use of sheep in sacrifice may in the first place have been
owing to the circumstance, that originally the sheep was very common in
Italy and formed the most important part of the live stock (compare the
Latin word "pecus", which at the same time means cattle and sheep, and
"pecunia"; see also the fact, that according to tradition already in the time
of Numa there was at Rome a Corporation of /Sacpeï?, tinetores 39)),
as for the rest also in Greece 40). Hence, if one wanted to make a sacrificial
offering, the sheep was the most easily procurable, obvious and not too
expensive offering.
Partly the sheep may also have been used in sacrifice because it was
considered as a lustratious animal (see above).
Hence, although in the case of Faunus we have no explicit testimonies
about sheep-offerings, it is quite possible that they were made to him too.
This frequent use of sheep in Roman ritual may also account for Vergil's
rather frequent mention of the sheep (ovis, bidens, agnus(a), pecus, aries)
— although it is not so frequently mentioned by him as a victim as the
bovine cattle to various deities 41).
Partly however he may also have been induced to this by Homeric
usage — and the sooner as thus he was still in accordance with Roman
ritual — as Homer often mentions offerings of sheep or lambs 42) to
all sorts of deities — however not to chthonical ones, as is the case here
to a certain ex tent.
This may have been so in the case of the incubatio-oracle too, as may be
understood from the consideration, that a) sometimes only a gift-offering
is mentioned here, and the feil for the incubatio is lacking (see above),
and b) that sometimes a doublé offering is actually found. For instance
at the oracle of Trophonios46) as also of Amphiaraos 47) a doublé
offering was usual, in the case of Trophonios the first to him and the
other deities of the neighbourhood, and the second, which was the most
important and made in the silence of the night, destined to ascertain from
its entrails whether the person seeking advice was allowed to descend
into the cavern of the god; in other words, the second offering may in
reality have been destined to accomplish the contact between man and
deity. Vergil may have been hinting at this twofold character of the
offering here too: "huc dona sacerdos cum tulit et caesarum ovium pellibus
incubuit". For, though implicitly, it is not said explicitly that these dona
are the same as the oves.
But even if a gift-offering was also made these one hundred sheep are
very exaggerated .For the meat-offerings to most gods were at the same
time also eaten by man, as only a small part of the offering was burnt,
and the larger part eaten by man (compare Homer). Now in olden times,
as the words mactare (see below), sacrificare and èvay[£eiv prove, every
slaughtered animal was taboo, endowed with a special power, whether for
evil (as sometimes) or for good; but even in this latter case, when its flesh
was consequently allowed to be eaten, even then it was not allowed to be
removed from the sacred place where it had been slaughtered (compare
caesarum ovium) but it had to be eaten on the spot. And here this for
several reasons was certainly impossible.
Hence Ovid48) here is more reliable for old customs than Vergil; for
he mentions an offering of only two sheep, of which "prima cadit Fauno,
leni cadit altera somno" — which we may consider as a free interpretation
of the doublé offering at the incubatio-oracle, attested for us in the case
of Trophonios and Amphiaraos. And, although it will perhaps not be true
also, that the incubant lay on "utrumque vellus" (1.654), as he may
have lain only on the skin of the animal last sacrificed, yet this is less in
contravention with the truth than the "centum vellera" on which Latinus
was said to have lain.
But, as said above, these hundred sheep may have been due to Homeric
influence, where — as for the rest among other peoples 49) — great value
was attached to the possession of large flocks (of sheep) 50). And
especially this number of centum oves is probably an imitation of the
51) Compare Od. III, 59, where — with 1.7 sqq. in mind — this hecatomb must have
contained only 81 animals; and II. XXIII, 146, where it contained only 50 animals.
52) In an inscription Wil. Sitz. Ber. Ak. Berl. 1904, 626 an offering of only three
animals is named hecatomb.
53) Cf. Forbiger, ad VA VII, 53.
54) Cf. C. P. Clark, Numerical Phraseology in Vergil.
5B) See ERE s.v. Numbers.
58) Cf. the lustrum of five years, the centuriae, the centuriones and decuriones, etc.;
the duoviri sacris faciundis in 367 b.C. became Xviri, as well as the tresviri epulones in
the time of Caesar; vows were sometimes offered for 5, 10 or 20 years (cf. e.g. at the
ver sacrum Liv. XXII, 10); the duration of religious festivals originally fixed at one day
tended in the case of celebrations of victory to be extended from two or three to 10, 25 or
50 days. The SC. de Bacohanalibus stipulates; deque iis rebus ... uti senatus noster
decerneret dum ne minus senatoribus C adessent. Cf. also Varr. 1.1. V, 35: centuria primum
a centum iugeribus dicta est.
For many other instances see Thesaurus s.v.
57) Of one or two hands, or the fingers of the hand and the toes of the foot.
58) The quinary system (T. Davidson, ERE, s.v. Numbers) is frequent among the
lower races, among whom we find also the vigesimal system; but the more developed
races show a preference for the more convenient intermediate decimal system. The Romans
originally probably used a quinary system too, cf. the Roman numerals I, II... V,
VI X XV, etc.
69) Cf. Cat. 64, 389; Hor. Ep. 17, 39; OM VIII, 152: vota Jovi Minos taurorum
corpora centum solvit; OTr II, 75; Liv. VII, 37, 1: consul eum (P. Decium) centum
bubus donat; 3 (P. Decius) centum boves militibus dono dedit; XXVIII, 38, 8: in 206 b.C.
cum (Scipio) centum bubus votis in Hispania Jovi sacrificaret; XLII, 51, 2; Sil. It. XII, 33.
216
himself 60) why — although the numbers of the oldest offerings that are
known to us are much more moderate, and not even 5 or multiples of
jt 61) — they readily imitated the hekatomb of Homer, and spoke of
offerings of 100 animals. For the rest the number "centum" is often found
in Vergil (about 35 times) 62).
The relatively frequent occurrence of the number centum in Vergil and
contemporary poets may also be ascribed to the Hellenistic tendency to
exaggerate the Homeric data, and, as Kroll, Stud. z. Verst. d. röm.
Literatur says, "die Heroenzeit in eine Marchenatmosphare zu heben",
which is a proof of the realization of being an epigone as well as of the
tendency towards exaggeration, of which tendency there are other instances
in Vergil 63).
Vergil may have mentioned that Latinus sacrificed one hundred sheep
in order to emphasize his wealth, — compare the tercentum equi in his
stable VII, 275, his palace VII, 169: tectum augustum, ingens, centum
sublime columnis — which surpasses the Homeric palace by far —, his
crown of sex aurati radii; the large quantity of gold that is mentioned
among the Latins64), XI, 213 Latinus himself is called praedives (cf. also
Galaesus VII, 537 65) and thus to emphasize the wealth of ancient Latium
in general.
mactabat. Vergil often uses the verb "mactare" 66), and nearly always
in the meaning of "to slaughter" (animals), and in connection with a
sacrifice 67).
On the contrary the more usual word "immolare" — which is for
instance also used in the official inscription of the saeculum 68) — is used
00) E.g. I, 634/5: socils ad litora mittit viginti tauros, magnorum horrentia centum
terga suun, pingues centum cum matribus agnos.
61) E.g. the offering to Mars and Silvanus for the welfare of the State consisted of
3 portions each of spelt and wine, and 4J^ of lard and pulp. From the spoils of Camillus
3 golden vessels were dedicated in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus (Liv. VI, 4). Cf. also
the offering of the 27 Argei.
62) E.g. VII, 609: Belli portas ... centum aerei claudunt vectes: I, 705: centum
ministrae and centum ministri in the palace of Dido: VI, 43 and 81: the cavern of the
Sibyll, quo lati ducunt aditus centum, ostia centum: VII, 153, where Aeneas sends centum
oratores to Latinus (cf. also XI, 331). The other instances are G I, 15: II, 43; III, 18;
IV, 383; A I, 272, 295, 416, 634, 635; II, 501; III, 106, 643; IV, 199, 200, 510; VI, 47,
287, 329, 625 786; VII, 170, 275, 539, 619; VIII, 518, 716; X, 182, 565; XI, 33, often in
a mythological or poetical connection, of the Nymphs, the Nereids, the heads of the
Hydra, etc.
83) Kroll points to XII, 899, where the two men of Homer, not able to lift a stone
(II. XII, 445 sqq.) have become twelve.
84) Whereas in Homer it is not nearly so frequent.
65) Although for several of these items there may be other reasons as well.
«") II, 202, 667; III, 21, 118; IV, 57; V, 101; VI, 38; VIII, 85, 294; XI, 197; G III,
489; IV, 546.
67) The only exceptions are II, 667 and VIII, 294.
88) Dessau, 5050.
217
only three times 69), and always for the killing of the human enemy. Hence
we cannot assume that Vergil preferred here "mactare" above "immolare"
because of the difference made between these words by SA IV, 57: olim
enim hostiae immolatae dicebantur mola salsa tactae; cum vero ictae et
aliquid ex illis in aram datum mactatae dicebantur 70), although this
difference probably corresponds to the original state of affairs; for immolare
originally means only "to sprinkle with salt", and "mactare", as we shall
see below, has reference rather to the whole act of making the offering.
But "mactare" no more than "immolare" originally had any direct reference
to slaughter; and in the case of the killing of the human enemy there can
be no question of "to sprinkle with salt". In my opinion Vergil preferred
to use "immolare" here rather than "mactare" because in the case of
shedding human blood he wanted to avoid the latter word 71), as it had a
very religious sense in itself 72).
For "mactare" is an old sacral word72a). It is a denominative of
"mactus" 73), which is found for instance in the formula: mactus sies, esto,
in the prayer accompanying an offering74), a formula, which must be
found in the libri pontificales 75), and which must have been alive not
only in the time of Cato, but still in the time of Vergil, as is proved by its
being found in the prayers that accompany the offerings of Augustus
preceding the saeculum 76).
As concerns the etymology of the form "mactus" — the etymology,
given by ancient grammarians as Festus77), and Servius (IX, 641), that
it is composed of "magis" and "auctus", is of course only popular
etymology. But the underlying thought may correspond to the truth, as
indeed "mactus" may signify "magis auctus" as it may belong to the same
root as "magis" 78), magnus, maius and maiestas; and according to
order to increase its orenda, so that it in its turn could increase the
orenda of the god. (Cf. SA IX, 641: quotiens enim aut tus aut vinum
super victimam fundebatur, dicebant: mactus est taurus vino vel ture, hoe
est: cumulata est hostia et magis aucta.)
Or the underlying thought was, that, by offering a sacrifice to a
superior power, this sacrifice was brought in connection with this power,
and hence also shared in it itself. (Compare the dynamistic theory.) And
in this connection we may understand SA IV, 57, that of the victims it
was only said that they were "mactatae, cum ictae (essent) et aliquid ex
allis in aram datum (esset)"82). For only thus were they brought in
connection with this superior power 83).
The probable reasons why Vergil used "mactare" by preference thus
were, that:
a) it had a strong religious connection:
b ) it was a word, which, as shown above, Augustus also greatly
wished to revive.
bidens. As is shown by the substantive "oves" in 1. 87, and the
epitheton "lanigerae" in 1. 93, the substantive "bidentes" signifies
sheep here, as usual84). Yet other animals are also sometimes named
"bidentes" — which then sometimes is an adjective85) — and from
Plin. VIII, 206 we may perhaps conclude that according to Coruncanius
all ruminants could be named "bidentes".
Its original meaning, whatever it may have been, need not teil
against this.
According to Nigidius, who derives "bidens" from bi(d)ennis, two-year
old victims (bimae) were called bidentes: cf. also SA IV, 57; Fest. p. 4
explains bidens as "ambidens", scil. (ovis) quae superioribus et inferioribus
est dentibus", hence having teeth in both jaws — with which explanation
Marquardt86) agrees.
82) The same explanation may hold good for the sanskr. yajami — given as a
camparison by Pfister, Bursian, 229, p. 118 sqq. — which is also constructed with acc.
and abl. as well as with dat. and acc.
8S) In my opinion we cannot, as Pfister, l.c. does, equalize "mactare" entirely with
"sacrificare", and ivayXeiv and stress also in "mactare alicui aliquid" the meaning of
"to make taboo", "to take out of profane circulation", so that the original meaning of
"mactare alicui aliquid", migth be "to take anything out of profane circulation for the
benefit of a deity".
For, whereas the original meaning of ityios and "sacer" must have been "taboo",
this was not the meaning of "mactus".
Yet the ideas "to add orenda" and "to make taboo" practically come to the same
thing, and for this reason the meanings of these two verbs merged into each other.
84) E.g. Laber. in Non. 53, 20: VA IV, 57; V, 96; VIII, 544; XII, 170; OM XV, 575;
OF IV, 935; Corp. Gloss. II, 29, 37; Fest. p. 33.
®5) E.g. Fest, p. 35: bovem bidentem; Geil. XVI, 6; Macrob. VI, 9, 5; P. Nigidius
in libro quem de extis composuit bidentes appellari ait non oves solas sed omnes bimas
hostias; Pomponius (ibid.): bidenti verre.
88) p. 171, n. 6.
220
Vergil also speaks of this III, 250 sqq., where this prodigy is predicted
by Celaeno as a punishment for the attempts of the Trojans to drive away
the Harpies from their food *) and III, 394 sqq., where this prodigy is
predicted by Helenus2).
This prodigy — with greater or lesser variations — is also mentioned
by other authors relating the legend of Aeneas. Viz. : already by
X) Accipite ergo animis atque haec mea figite dicta, quae Phoebo pater omnipotens,
mihi Phoebus Apollo praedixit, vobis Furiarum ego maxima pando: Italiam cursu petitis
portusque intrare licebit; sed non ante datam cingetis moenibus urbem quam vos dira fames
nostraeque iniuria caedis ambesas subiget malis absumere mensas.
2) Nee tu mensarum morsus horresce futuros; fata viam invenient aderitque vocatus
Apollo.
) Al. 1250 spp.: tv&a TQ&ntZav tiftdxbiv n).ort v.
TTJV VGTIQOV PQCA&TLGAV onaóv<ov,
fivi'aniv ïiai.auöv Xrji/jiTai 9-eGmGtiartov,
VXCOII öi %(x)Qav kv rónoig BoQtiyóvOJV « . . . etc.
222
Lycophron 3), by several annalists of the second century b. C. 4), Varro 5),
Strabo 6), Dio 7), Dionysius 8), and some others 9).
So Vergil is using an existing motif here.
As several details are recorded by different authors in a different way,
we must try to gain certainty about the original form of this motif.
4) Auctor Orig. Gent. Rom. X—XII mentions: Lutatius, Sempronius, Domitius and
Octavius, who, with the exception of some details, treated this scheme in a similar way
X.: ... ad eam Italiae oram, quae ... Laurens appellata est, ... pervectum cum patre
Anchise filioque et ceteris suorum in litore accubuisse consumptoque quod fuerat cibi
crustam etiam de farreis mensis, quas sacratas secum habebat, comedisse. XI. Tum
Anchisa coniciente illum esse miseriarum errorisque finem, — quippe meminerat Venerem
sibi aliquando praedixisse, cum in extremo litore esurie compulsi sacratas quoque mensas
invasissent, illum condendae sedis fatalem locum fore XII. At vero Domitius non
orbes farreos, ut supra dictum est, sed mensarum vice sumendi gratia apium, cuius maxima
erat ibidem copia, fuisse substratum, quod ipsum consumptis aliis edulibus eos comedisse ac
post subinde intellexisse, illas esse mensas, quas illos comesturos praedictum esset
At vero Domitius libro primo docet sorte Apollinis Delphici monitum Aeneam, ut Italiam
peteret, atque ubi duo maria invenisset prandiumque cum mensis comesset, ibi urbem uti
conderet. Itaque egressum in agrum Laurentum, cum paululum a litore processisset, per-
venisse ad duo stagna aquae salsae vicina inter se. Ibique cum lavisset ac defectus cibo
cum apium quoque, quod tune vice mensae substratum fuerat, consumpsisset, existimantem
proeul dubio illa esse duo maria ... mensasque, quae erant ex stramine apii, comestas,
urbem in eo loco condidisse
5) Cf. SA III, 256: ut Varro in secundo Divinarum dixit, oraculum hoe a Dodonaeo
Jove apud Epirum acceperunt; according to Schur Dionysius in many items of this prodigy
may go back to Varro.
«) XIII, p. 68.
7) Fr. 4, 5; Tzetz. ad Lyc. 1232: niQi AavQtvzov ... önov tpayóvziav t(?)v fin' avzov
tas zgaité^AS Gtkivivas ovGag, ij tx tdiv (IY.Xrti>ori(iiav inrimv zmv UQTUIV (OV YA(i tïxov zQ<X-
ni£as) .... inav»7i zijg akyztlas, tx roSro jtpoaxijxoMs.
8) I, 55: 'Entittii yciQ ÖQ/IOI xQnOdiitioi RM AMQUTW Gxr<vas imjêavzo.... dqiGzov
avzots aiQov/itvois int zov danitfov, GtXiva /iïv noXXots vntGrQoiZO, xaï n\v ravS- ÖKV.-Ifo
zQdnsia zóbv irtiG/idrtav, (ós dï (faal zivcg izQla xagnov ntnoiriufva nvQivov xa&aQióznzos
zatg rporpaïg tvtxa. 'Enil rf' ai naQazt&tiGai ZQoq>al xazavdltovzo ra» vntGzgto/Uviav
avzols tïzt GtUvoiv tïzt izQimv 'tqiayi zes. xat av&cg ÏZIQOS- tv zovzoi zvyxdvti zis tinwv
tïzt rd>r Alvtiov naidtav, a>s Myos £*", tïzt ztav ófioGxtjvoiv: "AU.' rjnlv y' ifrfij xat tj
zQdiitZa xaztdrjdtGzai". 'StG <fi zovzi rjxovGav ayiavzts avi&OQvPnGav, <ÓG zd nQÜza zov
fiavztv/iazos r/tTjj GcpCGi ztXos t'xot, 'jfw yd(t zi &iOrpazov avzoïs, (ÓG /ilv zivts MyovGiv 'tv
Aoxloivt] ytvó/ttvov, a>G tf' 't'ztQOi ygacpovGiv tv 'EQvO-Qats x«Jj(Triduo) rijs "Iflr,s 'tv»' mxn
EipvXXa imxuiQla vv/iqiri xpijtf/iwtfós ij' aizols 'tcpQaGt nl-ttv tul <fvG/i<av ijMov iios av tlG
zovzo zö ytatttov Ï/.'LTNGRI' iv xazitfovzai zds zQant^as*
9) E.g. Conon, Narr. 46.
223
Most annalists simply locate it "in agro Laurenti". SA VII, 631, speaking of
Crustumerium, says: alii volunt a crustula panis, quam Troiani coacti fame
excdisse dicuntur, appellatam. Schol. Lyc. 1250 locates it on the spot, where
Rome was to arise; and finally Vergil places it at the mouth of the Tiber.
Dionysius following Varro (cf. SA III, 256) says, that according to some
authors this prodigy had been announced to the Trojans by Zeus at
Dodona; according to others by the Erythraean Sibyll. Or. GR XII, 3 says
that according to Domitius it was given sorte Apollinis Delphici to Aeneas;
XI, 1 it is given by Venus to Anchises, who is also present at the landing
in Latium, and there explains the prediction himself. Finally VA III it is
prophesied by Celaeno, who however is speaking in the name of Apollo,
who in his turn has been provided with this intelligence by Zeus; also
Helenus has a part in the prediction. VA VII it is said to have been
prophesied by Anchises.
The Romans seem already to have traced what was the origin of this
tale. For some remarks of Servius seem to attempt its explanation, scil.
I, 736: (laticum libavit honorem) more sacrorum; et tangit ritum Romanum,
qui paniceas sacratasque mensas habebant, in quas libabant, ut est: heus,
etiam mensas consumimus, inquit Iulus; cf. also III, 257: (ambesas): ...
Maiores enim nostri has mensas habebant in honorem deorum, paniceas
scilicet.
Yet Servius does not give us a real explanation of this tale, and 10) in
his sources he may not have found much as to its explanation either.
But, as Deutero-Servius ad VA III, 257 remarks: mensas dicit, quae,
ex frumento confectas, diis Penatibus conservantur, and as Vergil,
immediately after Iulus' exclamation, says (1.120/1). salve, fatis mihi debita
Boissier, treating this tale, says: '"II est vraisemblable que certains rites du culte des
Pénates lui avaient donné nadssance. II était d'usage d'offrir a ces petits dieux les prémices
du repas et on les leur présentait sur des tranches de pain qu'on appelait mensae paniceae.
Et il fallait supposer une terrible famine pour qu'on osait y toucher. Manger les paniceae
voulait donc dire simplement souffrir d'une de ces grandes disettes qui forcent a ne rien
respecter. Telle devait être 1'origine de la prédiction faite aux Troyens et qui les
effrayait tant".
Also according to Preller-Jordan: ("sind) diese Brottische die natürlichen Symbole des
latinischen und römischen Penatendienstes, in dem sie gewöhnlich als Unterlage der beim
taglichen Mahle darzubringenden Speisen dienten." Wörner states: "Die Sage bezieht sich
auf den Brauch der mensae paniceae, die bei jeder Mahlzeit den Penaten dargebracht
werden."
And Schwegler: "Wer so weit gekommen war, dass er die Brodtische angreifen
musste, der musste sich wohl in der aussersten Noth befinden Erst der Gipfel der
Heimatlosigkeit sollte der Wendepunkt des Looses dieser armen, weit und breit umherge-
triebenen Trojaner sein, welche nun aber im Begriffe standen unter dem Schutze der
Vesta und der Penaten den festen Grund einer bedeutenden politischen Zukunft zu
gewinnen."
Another scholar, Klausen, also connects the origin of this tale with the
Penates, and even involves the mensae paniceae, but he does this in a
very different way. He supposes, that the peasants, who, working in the
fields in the summer, had taken provisions with them from their homes,
considered the circumstance that they had to satisfy their hunger with dry
crusts, when the food ran short, as a token, that the summer would soon
be over, so that they would be allowed to return to their food-supplies,
their penus.
Because his supposition, although still much more arbitrary than that of
the above-cited authors, is very ingenious, Klausen's own words are
quoted in full in the note12).
11) Boissier, p. 271 sqq.; Schwegler, RG p. 324; Preller-Jordan RM, II, p. 324;
Wörner, Roscher I, p. 177, s.v. Aeneas.
12) In Latium werden von der Stadt und vom Hauptgebaude des Landguts Familien-
glieder und Knechte zur Feldarbeit nach den Meierhöfen abgeordnet: diese sind vom
Penus ausgeschlossen, weil sie von den Penaten entfernt sind, und bleiben es, bis sie an
den Tisch des Hausvaters heimkehren. Aber der Feldbauer nimmt, weil bei günstigem
Wetter die Zeit drangt und kein Weg verloren werden darf, nach latinischer Sitte
zweierlei vom Hause mit, um den Hunger und Durst vorzubeugen. Beides nicht aus dem
Penus, denn die Wintervorrate sind aufgezehrt, sondern aus dem Speisekammer, frisch-
gebackene Kuchen, frisch gerührten Krauterkase Sie sind die gewöhnliche Kost des
Landmanns, und er versieht sich mit derselben, namentlich für sein in der Entfernung vom
Herde zu vollbringendes Tagewerk.
Da man in der Regel jedesmal einen Vorrat von Fladen für mehrere Tagen backte,
ist es natürlich, dasz man Obst, welches am Felde gefunden wird, hinzunimmt, und,
je alter das Brot wird, destomehr dasselbe gegen jene Kost zurücklegt, sodasz man sich
der trocknen Scheibe zuletzt als Unterlage bedient, bis, wann die andre Kost ausgeht, der
225
Hunger nötigt, auch diese Reste mit der Entsagung, wie bei uns eine grobe Brotrinde,
zu essen.
Dies ist der Sinn der von Eneas verzehrten Tische. Sein Leben ist ein unstetes und
heimatloses, seit Trojen zerstöhrt, es ist das gesteigerte Bild der auf den Feldern
zerstreuten Arbeiter. Wann die Speisen ausgehen, welche die Baume des Feldes bieten,
bleibt nichts übrig, als an den trocknen Fladen oder an den Eppichblattern, die man sonst
nur als Unterlage gebraucht hat, zu kauen. Dann aber ist es Zeit, der Feldarbeit ein
Ende zu machen, das heimatliche Winterleben zu beginnen, bei den Penaten sich zu
sammeln, beim Hausvater vom Penus zu zehren. Daher begrüsst En., als das Zeichen
eingetroffen ist, die treuen Penaten Trojas, welche ihm nun die Statte der Heimat öffnen.
Nach dieser Begrüssung der Penaten sehnt sich der Feldarbeiter den ganzen Sommer über;
sie kann erst eintreten, wann die Sommerfrüchte ausgehen. Alljahrlich wird man auf dieser
Weise der Wiederkehr zum heimatlichen Winterleben froh; alljahrlich erlebt man dies
Zeichen. Vermutlich war er eine gangbare Scherzrede unter den Knaben, die den Feld-
arbeitern zur Hand gingen: jetzt kom me man zura Verzehren der Tische. Aus dem Munde
des unmündigen wird die Stimme der Gottheit vernommen und man eilt nun zum Herde
und zum wirklichen Tisch, der den Penaten heilig ist, nach Hause.
Die erste Ansiedlung der Latiner zum geordneten Staatsieben, zur Einrichtung des
Bundesstaates, zur Gründung der Penatenstadt, wird als das Urhild jener alljahrlichen
Zusammenkunft der auf den Meiereien und Feldern zerstreuten Söhne und Arbeiter zum
Hausvater gedacht. Es scheint sogar, dasz von jenem Benagen der trocknen Kuchen,
welches dabei unwillkürlich vorfallt, im Penatencultus ein Opfergebrauch hergenommen
war, Fladen dieser Art als heilige Tische (mensae paniceae) zu behandeln und darauf
zu spenden (Donat. VA III, 257, SA I, 740).
13) E.g. Hor. Carm. II, 23, 20: VA V, 745 (not explicity, but doubtless the Penates
are included in thought).
14) See below.
15) Although Servius sometimes may use "dei" for Penates. Cf. also SA I, 730: apud
Romanos sublatisque mensis primis silentium fieri solebat, quoad ea quae de coena libata
fuerant ad focum ferrentur et igni darentur ac puer deos propitios nuntiasset, ut diis honor
haberetur.
15
226
Horace and Vergil ll.cc. may just as well or even preferably be "grain";
and even if they were cakes, they need not have been a substratum for
offerings.
The only place, where cakes, if not explicitly of spelt, at least of
"frumentum" are mentioned as "mensae" in connection with the Penates,
is Deutero-Donatus l.c. For, as Kindermann correctly remarks, not one of
the other places, cited by Schwegler and Preller-Jordan ll.cc. as a proof,
that mensae paniceae were used as a substratum for the food-offering
of the Penates 16), really proves this. All of them only say, that the food
was presented to the penates on a "patella", and even the fact, that they
all mention a patella, and not a bread-cake, seems a proof to me, that
this patella was a real dish.
Nor does Deutero-Donatus give a sufficiënt proof according to me, that
cakes were used as a substratum in the cult of the Penates, or at any rate
in their cult exclusively. For Deutero-Donatus, who in all probability lived
in the fourth century A. D., may only have attempted to paraphrase and
make clear the remark of Servius here once more, without having other
reliable data than Servius had.
(For the rest, since the Penates always received a portion of the daily
meal17) and were worshipped "farre pio" 18) — as here too the poet
speaks of "adorea liba" — and since there may even have been a mensa
Penatium19), it is easily understood why not only Servius sought the
reason for naming cakes "mensae" in the fact that the Romans
"paniceas sacratasque mensas habebant in quas libabant", or that these
cakes were the substratum for the sacred food of the gods; but also why
Donatus and many scholars after him adhered to the view that this tale
had a connection with the Penates, whether in their character of food-
numina or protectors of the store-room, or because of their mensae
paniceae.)
Yet I do not want to exclude the possibility that these "adorea liba"
here had some connection with the Penates, as Kindermann p. 166 does.
However — as is also the opinion of Enk — we may say no more than
that, if mensae paniceae of spelt were used in the cult of the Penates, they
may have been in Vergil's mind when he wrote this passage, and may
have been an additional reason for him to make these cakes of spelt.
(About other reasons see below.)
e) Yet I cannot agree with Enk, that these cakes were so closely
connected with the Penates here, that this tale of the consuming of mensae
expressed "tanta fames olim fuit Troianis ut Aeneas cum suis sociis
"mensas", id est adorea liba, diis sacra, consumere cogeretur". To support
M) Scil. Naev. BP frg. 3; Liv. XXVI, 36, 6; Plin. XXXIII, 153; Val. Max. IV, 4, 3;
Fest. s.v. Mensae and s.v. Salinum; Arnob. II, 67 and Porphyr. ad Hor. Carm. II, 16, 13.
17) SA I, 730; Pers. III, 25 and Schol, ibid.; see Wis. RuK p. 162, n. 1.
18) See above.
1B) Naev. fr. 3 BP: sacra in mensa Penatium ordine ponuntur; cf. also Arnob. II, 67.
227
this view he points to the words of Donatus, and of the Origo, from which
it appears that these cakes were sacred, whereas also on the Tabulae
Iguvinae the "mefa" is offered to the gods.
But in my opinion it would have been very bad indeed, if the Trojans
had made use of, and eaten the offerings, destined for the gods. And even
if these cakes were not real offerings but a sort of offering-tablet, on
which the real offering 20) was presented to the gods, — for which object
a patella was often used 21), but sometimes perhaps cakes of bread, — even
then in my opinion to eat from them would have been a sort of sacrilege,
and never could have turned out well. (Cf. Cic. de fin. II, 72: asotos ita
non religiosos ut edant de patella.) And although this remark of Cicero
may only mean, that it was not allowed to eat of the food, destined for
the gods, the pious Roman may have avoided the appearance of it as well,
and considered the patella of the gods as holy. It cannot be expected,
that Vergil made the pious Aeneas commit a sacrilege like this. And if
he had committed it, it never could have had a beneficial result.
So it does not seem plausible to me that, as Enk supposes, it was an
Italian custom that these mensae, offered to the gods, afterwards were
eaten by men, and that for this reason it was said that Aeneas had
reached a land where the mensae were eaten.
(It must be remarked however that even if these mensae are not sacred
for their own sake, but are merely ordinary cakes, this prodigy might be not
altogether harmiess. For in Rome it was interdicted, not only to eat the
food without leaving any scraps22), but also to remove the table when
peoplc had not quite finished23). Might this not be another proof of
Vergil's secret hostility against Augustus?) 24).
The motif therefore will simply be, that Aeneas had received from a
god the prediction, that in the place, where he was going to consume his
tables, he would be allowed to settle. This "eating of the tables" appears
to be a quibble.
Carcopino p. 676 remarks, that this oracle and its solution are only a
20) Consisting of flour and salt (cf. Hor. Carm. III, 23, 20), of fruit and cereals
(cf. OF II, 535 sqq.), and often also of a little piece of meat (Varr. Sat. Men. 265).
21) E.g. Cic. de fin. II, 7, 62; Liv. XXVI, 36, 5; Fest. p. 329 M; Val. Max. IV, 4 3-
Arnob. II, 67; Acro ad Hor. Carm. II, 16, 14.
22) Plut. Q. R. 64: tf,« xl rijv TQantSav oix tïcov avaiQtlC,»a xtviiv, alla ndvrms nvöq
inóvros the same prescription is found i.a. among the Mongols (v. Haberland, p. 367);
with many other peoples on the contrary it is a command not to Ieave anythina
(v. Haberland, p. 363 sqq.).
2S) Cf. Plin. XXIV, 26: bibente conviva mensam vel repositorium tolli inauspicaüs-
simum iudicatur.
24) It must be remarked however that Wolters p. 88 understands by "mensa" in this
place of Pliny not the table in itself, but only the food - when it was brought in and
removed on a tray. So this place may not be conclusive for our object. Moreover he
considered that the evil omen was only sought dn the fact that the table was removed
while one of the guests was drinking.
228
particip. fem., and it therefore means: "the thing, assigned", more especially the assigned
portion of food, more in particular the assigned portion of bread. Also Ernout et Meillet
although considering the connection of mensa with "metiri" very doubtful, say, that the
original meaning of "mensa" must have been "cake". And all scholars agree, that from
this meaning it came to mean: "eating-plate", then "dining-table", and finally all sorts
of tables.
Other scholars however 30) deny the relation to metior, and even connect it with
memf>rom, — limb, memsa31), meat, so that the original meaning of "mensa"32) would
be "meat", from which it came to mean "meat-plate", then "plate", then "dining-table",
and finally "table in general". Or — even if "mensa" originally is a part. pass. of
"metior", and originally meant: "the assigned portion of food" — this food might have
been meat rather than a cake. Or the words "mensa"-cake (or meat) and "mensa"-table
may only have been homonyms.
See further Bücheler, Umbrica, p. 60; Enk, Mnemosyne, 1913, p. 388/9, and Kretschmer,
Glotta VII, p. 79 sqq. They point to the Umbrian Tabulae Iguvinae, VI a. 56 (Bücheler,
l.c.): Tases persnimu seuom. Surur purdouito, proseseto naratu, prosesetir mefa spefa,
ficla arsueito, aruio fetu (tacitus precator totum, item porricito, prosecta narrato, prosectis
libum sparsum (or "sponsum") offam addito, frumenta facito), where "mefa" most likely
means cake . Cf. also Muller, Altit. Wb. s.v. mensa: "vermutlich war es ein "Brotfladen",
der als Tablet für das Fleisch, für die Speise diente."
30) Speyer, Festschr. f. V. Thomsen, p. 24—28; Reichelt, KZ, 46, 312; Muller Altit.
Wb s.v. though they also, as well as the other group, take into account the Umbrian mefa
spefa, and Fest. p. 124: mensa frugibusque iurato.
31) O.i.: mamsa; toch. misa; lit. mesa.
32) Which according to Muller originally is a neutr. plur. of the collectivum mensum.
33) Perhaps later on tradition preserved only this latter fact; this certainly may account
for the tradition, given by Domitius in the Origo, that these mensae were of celery.
34) See Lucian. conv. 23; Geil. NA XVIII, 2, 9 sqq.; Plut. de tu. san. 20, p. 133 C.
230
naga xa>v èmymglmv (DH I, 67); Lycophron may have taken it from
him 35).
Thus it may have made its way into the Greek riddle-collections, and
thence found its place among the oracular riddles. For conundrums in
general play an important part in oracles, which seemingly foretell a great
evil, which later on appears to be insignificant 36). And because — as has
been stated above — the end of a famine often is a symbol of the
foundation of a town, this oracular riddle was very suitable to foretell the
foundation of a new colony, especially in Italy.
Therefore the original Greek datum that Aeneas, his father Anchises
and among others his son Ascanius started to seek a new home for them-
selves and their gods now was connected with the oracle, that Aeneas
would have reached his destiny, when he consumed his "mensae",
his tables.
Riddles37) are a universal product of the human mind38); but they
are especially frequent among the Indo-European peoples. In Roman
literature they are not so frequent by a long way as in Greek, and, if
found, they often, especially in artistic and scholarly literature, reach back
to Greek and Hellenistic examples 39). Yet there must have been genuine
Roman riddles as well. Compare e.g. the riddle of terminus, delivered to
us — as "per hercle anticum" — by Gellius40) from Varro, and several
others 41).
This may prove that my supposition as to the tale of the mensae being
founded on a Latin riddle is plausible. It may be the more probable that
the riddle of the mensae was originally Latin, and not modelled on a
Greek pattern, because it is a riddle based on a homonymy. And of the
number of Latin riddles — in all probability popular riddles — handed
down to us — which quantity is none too large — by far the greater part
is based on such homonymies or rebuses42). The Romans especially, to
35) Cf. Kothe, Fleckeisens lahrb. 139 (1889), p. 348; Geffcken, p. 45.
36) Cf. e.g. Amm. Mare. XXIII, 3, 6, where a prediction, in reality having relation
to the fall of a horse, named Babylonius, is considered to refer to the fall of Babyion.
Cf. also Procop. Hist. Bell. 3, 2, 1, 25 and 26.
37) See W. Schultz, RE s.v. Raetsel.
38) They may have their origin (Thurnwald, Ebert s.v. Raetsel) in the fact that
when heterogeneous objects have a certain attribute in common — in the case of quibbles
a word — at the outset it has a surprising effect; in order to express this astonishment an
equally surprising form is chosen, scil. the play of question and reply.
3B) E.g. VB III, 104 sqq.; OM XIII, 397 sqq.; Quint. Inst. Or. I, 98, 4; Petron. Sat.
36, 40 sq„ 56; and Symphosius, about the fourth century A. D. the compiler of a riddle-
book; cf. in this connection the jesting circumlocutions of the new Attic comedy.
4<>) NA XII, 6.
41) Petron. Sat. 58; cf. the remark of the Grammatist Pompeius (Gramm. Lat. ed.
Keil, V, 311). See also the following note.
42) Cf. a graffito from Pompeii (CIL IV, 1877), where a "zetema" is given, being
based on the dual meaning of "similis sui"; and the well-known ruse of Numa towards
231
whom the spoken word had such a validity of its own, certainly had a
great interest in homonymies, and a great delight in quibbles. This is
proved e.g. by their ascribing a riddle to Numa. (For the rest rebuses
and quibbles must be one of the oldest forms of riddles43).
Another proof for the origin of the riddle of the mensae on Latin soil
may be that Lycophron also mentions the story of the sus alba, which
very probably was introduced in the Aeneas-story from the Latin side 44).
It must be granted that also in Greek literature there are many instances
— although relatively fewer — of a quibble based on the dual meaning
of a word45). And especially in Hellenistic literature riddle-oracles fore-
telling the end of long peregrinations were a favourite theme46). So the
possibility is left that this quibble was formed on Greek models. But even
so it may have found its way from Italy into Greek literature, where as
an ambiguity suited to an oracle concerning an event on Latin soil it was
readily accepted into the story of Aeneas.
I therefore do not assume that this tale had a Hellenistic origin, as
Kindermann does, although according to him in Vergil's time it had
existed already for so many years that Vergil himself considered it to be a
genuine Latin tale. But in my opinion 47) it had a real Latin origin, and was
based on the Latin quibble of "mensa"48).
In course of time this tale may even have become a sort of aitia, like
other details found in the Aeneid 49). The Romans wondering why also
cakes (or something like it) were called "mensa", may have explained
this by Julus' remark. And, whereas originally his exclamation "mensas
Jupiter (OF III, 339—346; Plut. Num. 15), who, asking for a head — the head of a
man — and a soul as an offering, was satisfied by Numa by the head of an onion, halrs,
and a fish.
43) As primitive man, whose power of reflection was not yet sufficiently trained in
the analysis and construction of relation and cause, saw a mysterious significance in those
homo- and synonymies, and therefore showed a predilection for them.
44) Cf. Varr. RR II, 4, 28, who says, that in his time there were still traces of the
sus in Lavinium; and Cassius Hemina, who connects this sus with the story of Romulus
and Remus.
45) E.g. Aristoph. Ach. 396 (i'v<rov)i Paus. IV, 20, 1 (xgciyos); VIII, 11, 6
(néXayoq); A.P. XIV, 47 (<p(dg and qxag).
4e) Cf. Apoll. Rhod. IV, 1325 sqq., where the Libyan heroines predict to Iason:
Evx' av xoi 'A/i'fnnt'j); anno. JloGutfauiVOq ivxQOxov avxfaa Xv<Tjif TFÏJ Qa TÓTÏ (fqiixÉQu
ano nmxlQi xCvix' a/ioi.!/(r. o>v Jfxa/itv <fIJQÖV xaxa vqdvos v/i/tt qiiQOvda, xaC xtv i'x'
iiyaSir^V L6 'Ayatfrfa vaCixI]CH<.IXÏ.
47) As is also assumed by Enk.
48) Enk, p. 390/1 remarks that even those who do not believe this, but assume that
this tale had originated in Greece, will have to grant: Romanos fabulam quae ex Graecia
venerit sic mutasse ut non panem vel placentam epulis subiectam esse narrarent, sed
"mensam", dupJici vocabuli potestate lepide usi.
49) Cf. e.g. I, 368/9, where the origin of the name Byrsa is traced to the bull's head;
the tale of Hercules and Cacus VIII, 185—279; cf. also VII, 57 sqq. where the name
of the Laurentes is traced to the laurel of Latinus (see above).
232
consumimus" meant no more than "we are consuming our cakes" (or the
like), and in a later period — or at the same time — these words had an
ambiguous meaning, at a still later stage when the real etymology of
"mensa" had escaped the Romans, the reason why cakes, and especially
the mensae paniceae of the Penates, (as perhaps of other deities as well)
were called "mensae" may have been sought in this exclamation of Julus.
In the same way the Ludus Troiae of Julus and his little companions was
considered to have been the origin of the Roman ludus of the same name.
Yet Vergil brings us this aitiological tale in a way, which, as Eleanor
Sh. Duckett p. 24 says, serves to stimulate rather than to annoy.
And he may have yielded to this tendency not only by allowing the
introduction of such an old farmers' tale, but also by its elaboration, e.g.
by "corpora sub ramis deponunt corporis altae" (see below).
But if Vergil is deserving of our praise, it is because of the special way
in which this tale — which he may have found in Lycophron, or taken
from Varro, who, as we know, had read up Timaeus — was made use of
by him. In the first place because, as Gercke, p. 148 remarks, he made use
of it in an artistic unassuming way, which did not give too much weight to
this story. By chance, by the joke of Julus, Aeneas' attention is drawn to
this prodigy.
In the second place — and in this I cannot agree with Schur, p. 64, that
Vergil kept close to be version of Varro — because of the particulars,
by which he not only made it a miniature of Hellenistic painting, but gave
tradition, and at the same time Roman customs, of ancient times as well
as of his own days, their due.
DETAILS.
1. The place where the tables were eaten.
By making the Trojans take their meal soon af ter their landing, on the
beach, Vergil follows the Homeric example55), which is also found e.g.
Ap. Rh. I, 453 sqq.
As to the place of the meal: as we have seen, Vergil, contrary to his
sources, locates this story at the mouth of the Tiber; but here he does not
go contrary to tradition. For most of his sources only told, that this story
took place on the Latin coast, or "in agro Laurenti"; and this place on the
bank of the Tiber may still be so named. Vergil thus may even have
harmonized with the tradition, given by Or. GR XII, 3, that the Delphic
oracle had announced, that Aeneas' troubles would soon be ended "ubi
duo maria invenisset prandiumque cum mensis comedisset"; for according
to Carcopino p. 676 this was the case here, as both the Tyrrhenian sea
and the salt-marshes of the lacus Ostiensis are found here.
Carcopino p. 673 sqq. seeks Vergil's motive for choosing this particular place in the
religious traditions of the Ostian territory, where according to him a certain kind of cakes,
Summanalia56), were offered to Summanus, whom he considers the nocturnal hypostasis
of Vulcan — his deity of Ostia. His argument however, appears very weak. For,
even if Vulcan is in ancient times the principal deity of Ostia, it is not certain, that
Summanus is his nocturnal hypostasis: for other evidence renders it plausible, that he
has a closer connection with Jupiter57); and even if Summanus in some places were
a hypostatis of Vulcanus, this does not necessarily involve his existence in this form
habits in comparison with luxury, is found already in Plautus (Merc. 716 sqq.; see further
RR III, 1, 4).
S4) In the first place in the Bucolics and in the Georgics, but in the Aeneid as well.
56) Cf. Od. IX, 85 sqq.
5e) Fest. p. 349 M, 474 L: summanalia: liba farinacea in modum rotae ficta.
57) See e.g. Wiss. RuK p. 135, RE s.v. Summanus.
/•
234
in Ostia. Moreover the name Summanalia is not in itself a convincing proof, that they
were dedicated to or connected with the god Summanus; and the word "ambesae" III, 257
in my opinion does not seem a sufficiënt proof, that, as Carcopino supposes, these cakes of
Aeneas were also "in modum rotae fictae", or certainly round.
I can find no motive for Vergil's locating this story here but the following:
Vergil wanted to connect the landing of Aeneas with Ostia, since the
name of the latter's descendant, Julius Caesar, was associated with this
place; for he had wished to improve the condition of its harbour, and was
even engaged in carrying out this project 58); his sudden death however put
a stop to these proceedings and it was not before the time of Claudius that
this labour was completed. Augustus therefore did not continue this work,
for what reason we know not, whether he found it for the moment too
expensive and onerous, or because he considered the harbour out of date,
even if it were improved59).
It is possible, that Vergil was a champion for Ostia, and opined, that
this place being the oldest harbour of Rome had a right to remain the
most important. Therefore he showed his readers, that according to
tradition the Julii were already connected with Ostia, and so hinted to
August, that it was part of his duty to keep up this connection.
Another reason may have been the importance of Ostia especially as a
harbour for corn ("Cereale solum" in 1. 111 may also refer to this
importance). Vergil as an artist may have found it an attractive paradox
to let Aeneas and his comrades have a deficiency of cereal food (cf. 1. 113:
exiguam in Cererem) in a spot, where there was an abundance of it in
later times.
80) See Wagenvoort, Varia Vita, p. 41 sqq.; Th. Birt, Aus d. Leben der Antike
p. 136—154.
61) Cf. e.g. the "boy with the goose" of Boethus, and the portrayal of the little
Cupido Ap. Rh. III, 115.
62) Cf. e.g. some novels of Louis Couperus and e.g. Cleopatra, when sailing in a
gold-decorated boat to meet Anthony, was surrounded by a bevy of such little children.
63) Whereas it is characteristic that the word for "parental love" now became
"indulgentia"
64) This sentimental idolization of the child may also appear from the images of Eros.
Cf. e.g. the frescoes of the house of the Vettii in Pompeii.
65) Athenodorus of Tharsus, in his essay rttoi OnovdijO xai naiaias.
6e) Suet. Aug. 64.
67) Suet. Aug. 83, 98.
88) See Muller, Augustus, p. 48 (322) sqq.
236
what different form, had been one of the greatest virtues of the ancient
Romans (cf. Cato's education of his son, and Terentius' Adelphi), and
also Augustus himself took a great interest in questions of education 69).
Here we may also compare the pert child-figures on the Ara Pacis, that
bear witness to a loving observation 69a), and other Augustan represent-
ations of infancy or early childhood 70).
This Hellenistic-Roman love for the child with its prattle and love of
dainties may have been one of the reasons that in this prodigy of
consuming the cakes Julus was given the part of making a childlike remark,
— very appositely in this case, although, as Wagenvoort remarks, sometimes
the portraying of the child Julus in the Aeneis betrays, that Vergil's pen
is not yet sufficiently skilled in this art71).
d) Reasons of a religious character.
The child in Rome played a not unimportant part, in other rites, whether
magical or religious, whether domestic or belonging to the State-cult (cf.
e.g. the camilli), as well as in divination 72).
This usage is very general, even in our days, and in regions of the
world that are wide apart73), and the conditions, which these children
must satisfy, are about the same everywhere. They must be beautiful,
without any physical defect, quick-witted and ready of speech; often, at
least as concerns the acolytes, they must also be free-born and both their
parents must be alive. Julus meets all these requirements; only his mother
is no longer alive; but perhaps, as Creusa has not died in a way usual to
human beings, we may even say, that both his parents were still alive.
6B) Moreover this predilection for childish behaviour was sufficiently justified, as it
had been handed down, that men jlike Scipio Aemilianus, Laelius and Lucilius (Hor. Sat.
II, 71 sqq.) although adults and filling a very important position in the State, had
sometimes played and frolicked like children.
69a) Cf. Mrs. E. Strong, CAH X, p. 547/8, who, speaking of the art of the Augustan
age, and of the Ara Pacis in particular, says: "The child, so often admitted on sufferance
into Greek art as complement of a story, as atribute or even mere ornament, acquires
independance in Roman art, and takes its place as an integral part of the life of the
famiüy". The same author, Art in ancient Rome, I, p. 140: "In the Ara Pacis the child
makes a triumphant entry into art and attains a position from which he never has been
dislodged. He is no longer the diminutive man or woman of Greek art, nor are his charm
and grace those of the conventional Hellenistic putti, but real chfldhood in its infinite
variety is pictured here".
70) E.g. the Cupid, who rides the dolphin by the side of the Augustus of Prima Porta
(CAH, Vol. of PI. IV, 118a), the portrait of a boy in the Museo Baracco (ibid., 1706),
and the head of a laughing child in the Museum of Toulouse (E. Espérandieu, Bas-reliefs
de la gaule romaine, III, 2537). See Mrs. Strong op. cit. p. 565.
71) In my opinion this need not be a shortcoming of Vergil's, but he may have done
so with premeditation, as he may have wanted to give Julus characteristics, that were
not too markedly Hellenistic, but rather tempered by Roman traits.
72) Cf. e.g. Apul. Apql. XLII—XLIII.
73) See e.g. Frazer, Fasti II, p. 200/1.
237
The origin of this usage is clear and will be explained in the note 74).
Hence predictions by children were usually considered important75),
and e.g. the use of a boy for the drawing of lots is wide spread 76).
Vergil may have been the more induced to give Julus this part here as:
e) There were more testimonies in Rome about infantile utterances,
which unconsciously had an ambiguous meaning, and therefore were a
(good) omen. E.g. Cic. Div. I, 46; 103—104: L. Paulus, cum bellum cum
rege Persa gereret filiola sua: Persa periit, inquit. erat autem mortuus
catellus eo nomine. And, ibidem, a similar omen, concerning a saying of a
little niece of Caecilia Metella's 77). Such chance words of children (or
their actions) in play were often considered ominous78).
f . In this connection Julus plays the part of the son of the family
in the Roman house, where (SA I, 730) coena edita sublatisque mensis
primis (cf. consumptis hic forte aliis, and 1. 133; nunc pateras libate Jovi)
silentium fieri solebat, quoad ac puer Deos propitios nuntiasset. For,
although Julus does not say in so many words, here, that the gods are
propitious, the effect is the same, as it appears from his words.
g ) Augustus wanted to revive the assistance of children in the perform
ance of the different rites; and, especially, in those connected with the
prosperity of the State (cf. e.g. the Carmen Saeculare); as also our
prophesy in question is connected with the future Roman State.
h ) Augustus had a preference for the jokes of children at meal-times;
cf. Suet. Aug. 98: (Augustus) isdem (ephebis) etiam epulum in conspectu
suo praebuit, permissa, immo exacta iocandi licentia, diripiendique pomorum
et obsoniorum rerumque missilia (cf. the consuming of the fruits and of
74) The deity uses by preference an implement, that is as perfect as possible, lest —
probably the original thought — any defect should mar the achievement of a favourable
relation between man and a higher power. Therefore no bodily defect could be tolerated,
not even mere plainness; moreover, as ceteris paribus a sexualjy mature person was
considered to be less pure than a child, a beautiful child was the best intermediary
between man and deity.
At a later stage of development a more ethical explanation was given to this, and
the origin of this custom was sought in the innocence of the childish soul, in their
pure and virginal simplicity, which made them suitabje vehicles for the expression of
the divine will: cf. Apul. Apol. 83; Porphyr. Ep, ad. Aneb.: ó'rt tfi NDS-OG <f>»x>ïs aiT">v
RRJ<; FIAVTFIAG TS•x.FII'iQiov TO tivai (TIJ ndvxaq aXXa Rovq an'kovGxiQovq V.A\ v£ov$ KNITV\D'TIOT£QOVI
nqös amfjv. In the case of divination by children a mere rationalistic view sought the
cause In the fact, that there was no possibility of their having any experience of the
circumstances about which they were predicting, in their not being liable to any intentional
bias, whereas they were more accessible to transcendental — or, more rationalistically,
hypnotical — influences than adults.
7B) Cf. Artemid. Onirocr. 2, 69; Frazer on Paus. VII, 22; Chamberlain, The child
and childhood in Folk-thought, p. 293—300.
™) E.fl. Tibull. I, 3.
7T) Also Plut. Aem. PauJ. 10.
78) Cf. Socrat. Hist. Ecl. 1, 15; Steinhauser, d. Prodigienglauben u. d. Prodigienwesen
d. Griechen, p. 31.
238
the cakes here); and c. 83: (Augustus) ludebat cum pueris minutis, quos
facie et garrulitate amabiles undique conquirebat.
i) Augustus had not only a predilection for children in general, but
when his grandsons Gaius and Lucius Caesar were small boys, he (Suet.
Aug. 64) neque caenavit una nisi in imo lecto assiderunt, as' has been
said above.
ƒ') Vergil may have given the part of making this witty remark to
Julus, because his offspring, Augustus, was also known as a very witty
person. Cf. Macrob. Sat. II, 3, 14: nee Augustus Caesar in huius modo
dicacitate quoquam minor fuit; and more than twenty clever repartees or
witty remarks of his are known 79). It may be remarked here that he urged
Vergil to continue the Aeneid "minacibus per iocum litteris" 79a).
An amusing saying of his, when he was a little boy, has even been
handed down, scil. (Suet. Aug. 94): cum primum fari coepisset, in avito
suburbano obstrepentis forte ranas silere iussit, (atque ex eo negantur ibi
ranae coaxare; cf. the aitiological explanation that cakes were called
"mensae" because of Julus).
Nor does his daughter Julia seem to have been lacking in ready wit,
and of her too some witty answers have been handed down »<>).
k ) Finally a prodigy of the sudden lack of bread may be mentioned
here, which concerned Augustus when he was a little boy, scil. (Suet.
Aug. 94): ad quartum lapidem Campanae viae in nemore prandenti ex
improviso aquila panem ei e manu rapuit, et cum altissime evolasset, rursus
ex improviso leniter delapsa reddidit. This may have contributed to Vergil's
having given so much prominence to this prodigy of the mensae, and also
to his involving Julus in it.
show, that he was a poeta doctus, acquainted with all the traditions about
this subject. So he combined the prediction, given by Anchises (Or. GR VI, 3;
who may go back to Ennius) (see below) — perhaps in the netherworld,
where Anchises may have heard it from the Sibyll (cf. DH) — with that
given by the oracle of Delphi (Domitius in Or. GR XII, 3) and that of
the oracle of Dodona (DH I, 55) 81).
As Vergil considers this oracle — as he does all predictions — as finally
given by the will of Jupiter, the mediators are of lesser importance, so that
Vergil may have feit it possible to deviate in a minor aspect from the
existing tradition for artistic reasons. For he was a poeta.
But hereby he wanted to show that he was a poeta doctus.
Probably these artistic reasons for introducing Celaeno — who is not
found elsewhere, and may be an invention of Vergil 82) — were that Vergil
considered it out of the question for one of his lofty gods to utter such a
prediction, at the same time cruel and insipid; but it might have been given
by such a mythological being, partly a mock-being as a Harpy. (The
name Celaeno of course is chosen by Vergil in view of her cruel character
and cruel prophecy.)
But when, for artistic reasons, Celaeno had already made this prediction
to Aeneas, for these and other artistic reasons it could not be mentioned by
Anchises as well, and moreover in a circumstantial way. For it would
have stressed this motif too much, if Vergil had introduced it repeatedly.
Therefore the reader is to understand, that in an interview, at which
we are not allowed to be present — perhaps in the nether-world —
Anchises repeated this prediction to his son but did not explain it.
And this repeated assurance by his father made much more impression
upon Aeneas of course than the threat of a furious Harpy, described to us,
so that it is natural that at this serious moment he remembers the
former only.
This is the more probable because in III, 263 sqq. it was Anchises who,
deeply impressed by the cruel prediction, as the spokesman of the Trojans
turned to the gods with the prayer: Di prohebete minas, etc. Most likely
therefore he had not yet heard anything which might serve to explain this
prediction; still less could he have explained it to his son. But it may
have made a deep impression upon him, so that in the nether world he
sought to find its explanation.
According to Karsten 83) Aeneas af ter receiving an unsatisfactory
answer from Helenus afterwards questioned Anchises again.
Vergil may have given Anchises the part here of enlightening his son
81) Whereas according to Cauer the prediction given by Helenus may go back
to Varro.
82) Schur p. 63 remarks that Vergil may have been inspired to the figure of Celaeno
by the Homeric story of the flocks of Helios. According to Cauer, p. 171 the figure of
Celaeno might have been invented by a Greek author.
M) Hermes, XXXIX (1904), p. 259 sqq.
240
about the future, because Anchises was already found in older Latin
literature predicting the future to his son. (Enn. fr. 18 V.; more about this
as well as about the figure of Anchises in general see below). Cauer p. 171
considers it even probable that this prediction of Anchises in Ennius
concerned the consuming of the tables. Therefore Vergil in giving Anchises
this part here might go back to Ennius.
According to Schur p. 64 this part of Anchises here is a rudiment of an
older project of Vergil's, in which Aeneas' mother Venus 84) and his father
Anchises85) — who had been enlightened about Fate by Venus — guided
their son through all dangers; this project was superseded later on by the
artistically more valuable motif of the gradual revelation of Fate.
Finally the revelation of the meaning of this oracle by Anchises and the
words: genitor mihi talia. ... Anchises fatorum arcana reliquit may have a
still deeper symbolical significance. Drew p. 33 remarks that if Aeneas is
Augustus in the allegory, Anchises is for allegorical purposes sometimes
Julius Caesar, as he certainly is in book V. Might therefore these words
not point to the testament of Julius Caesar, by which his (adoptive) son
Octavianus was indicated as the ruler of Italy?
84) Cf. VA I, 382: matre dea monstrante viam data secutus, and Servius (= Varro) ibid.
8B) Cf. also III, 183 and V, 751.
38) E. Mauri, Florae rom. Prodr. p. 117.
8T) R. Visani, Flor. Daim. III, p. 29.
88) Cf. e.g. OF IV, 367 sqq.; Ndsc. 1914, p. 66.
89) Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 1050 sqq.
241
in Homer 89) cakes are not once mentioned, neither in connection with the
gods, nor with the meals of men either.
Vergil's motive for mentioning cakes here must therefore have been
a non-epic and a Roman one.
Now, if, as I have tried to point out, the origin of this prediction was
a riddle, based on the dual meaning of "mensa", and has no connection
with the cult of the Penates, Vergil's reasons for making these mensae cakes
of far can only have been the following:
1. These mensae were cakes already in an older Roman source, in
Ennius e.g., as Cauer p. 171 supposes.
2. To him, far more than to us, it was certain, that the other meaning
of mensa was actually cake, and that in this way only he gave this story
its full due.
3. By mentioning corn, and not a vegetable like celery, Vergil as an
artist was conscious of causing a much stronger effect; for in this way he
elicited a spontaneous contrast to the later abundance of corn in Ostia.
4. With "adorea liba" he introduced some old-Roman and cultic
association into this passage, thus creating a sphere he could not achieve
with celery, with wheat, or with one large loaf. (However, this does not
in the least prove that this story was originally really based on a cultic
old-Roman element.)
The mere mention of "cakes", and not simply "bread", as we read in
Dio Cassius, Lycophron and Strabo, brings a cultic element into this
passage. For, far more than ordinary bread 90) cakes 91) for obvious
reasons, into which I cannot enter here, occupied a not unimportant place
in Roman ritual92).
Besides, from the word "libum" here it may be concluded that he
wished to introducé a sacral element, thus evoking a cultic association.
80) As instances of bread in Roman ritual see Paul. p. 220: panibus redimibant caput
equi immolati idibus Octobribus, and OF VI, 311, 347 (at the Vestalia) pan is
dependet coronatis asellis. In ray opinion, however, this "panis" was also a sort of cake.
91) From which they are distinguished by their flatter shape (cf. the names xXaxov
and "placentum") and by their ingredients (they were made of flour of the best
quality, and made more tempting by many ingredients, as milk, eggs, honey, herbs).
92) No less than sixteen names applied to offering-cakes are known to us as the
shapes and names of ten vary according to the gods for whom they are destined; they are
mentioned at many festivals, as offerings to several gods, and on many other occasions
e.g. at the Liberalia (Varr. 1.1. VI, 14; OF III, 713 sqq.); the Matralia (Varr. 1.1. V, 106;
OF VI, 483); as an offering to Janus (Paul. Fest. p. 104 M; OF I, 127, 276; Cat. r.r. 141,
4; Varr. ap. Lyd. de mens. IV, 2); Jupiter (Cat. l.c.); Jupiter Pistor (OF VI, 350);
Pales (OF IV, 743); Priapus (VB VII, 33), Bacchus (VG II, 394), in connection with
Anna Perenna (OF III, 670). Further a spelt-cake played an important part at the
confarreatio; the Flamen Dialis was always obliged to have beside his couch a "capsula
cum strue atque ferto (Fab. Piet. ap. Geil. X, 15, 14); in a sacred grove of Juno at
Lanuvium cakes were presented to a snake (Ael. De nat. anim. XI, 16; Prop. V, 8, 3, 14);
and it seems that there were special magistrates, the fictores pontificum, to make the
offering-cakes (Marqu. R. St. III, p. 240; Varr. 1.1. VII, 44).
16
242
and intensifying the holiness of the passage. For from its etymology
according to the ancients, who as a rule 93) connected it with Liber and
libare94) — although this etymology was evidently faulty95) — it appears
that as a rule they attached a religious meaning to it. This also appears
from the fact that96) the sacral meaning of offering-cake is nearly
always found connected with it97); and Servius in this place even says:
liba autem sunt placenta de farre, melle et oleo, sacris apta. Also the two
other times that Vergil uses "libum" 98) these liba are evidently sacrificial
cakes. (We are unable however to make the countertest, consisting in
putting on record the constant non-sacral use of "placentum" by Vergil.
For this word is never met with in this author.)
(Yet Vergil may only have wished to bring a cult element into this
passage, and not to say that these liba were really sacred cakes here. For
"sic Jupiter ipse monebat" may only mean that Jupiter inspired the Trojans
to use their cakes, their dessert, as a substratum for their other food, and
not that he inspired them to use their sacred cakes, which — although
edible — had not been destined to be eaten by the Trojans, as such
a support. And "ut vertere morsus exiguam in Cererem penuria adegit
edendi, et violare manu malisque audacibus orbem fatalis crusti, patulis
nee parcere quadris" may not say that the dearth of food was so great
that they had even to have recourse to the sacred cakes, not destined
from the very first to be eaten by them, — it moreover would be very
improbable that the Trojans had eaten all the fruits of the place where they
landed. But these words — to which purposely and in fun Vergil gives an
intimidating sound — may only mean that they now were beginning their
dessert. So the possible objections, that, if these cakes had no sacral
function here, they would have been uselessly wasted, notwithstanding
the dearth of food, does not stand either.)
Moreover Vergil introduced a Roman element into this passage, thus
contrasting with Homer, who mentions bread99), but never cakes100),
as has been stated above101).
Orth, RE s.v. Kuchen). In the Greece of later periods they are however mentioned very
often (see Athenaeus and Hesychius, who have handed down scores of cake-names).
102) If is exceptional to find two guests sitting at the same table (Od. XVII, 257,
334); and II. IX, 216 a fairly large company is apparently sitting at the same table.
103) Cf. II. XI, 628; XIV, 476; Od. I, 112; V, 92; VIII, 69; XIX, 61.
) As to the character of these tables, whether they were round or square, as to
the number of legs, or the material, we are not very well informed, neither by Homer, nor
by contemporary representations or remains (cf. Helbig, d. Hom. Epos, p. 124). They
seem however to have been neither very Iow (cf. Od. XVII, 409), nor very high (cf. Od.
XXII, 19 sqq., 84), and easy to lift. The material seems to have been polished wood
as a rule.
105) Kruse, RE s.v. mensa.
) With the exception of the Arcadians, who also had a common table for all their
guests (Theophr. IV, 31).
107) See Kruse, l.c.; e.g. Varr. 1.1. V, 25 sqq.; Fest. p. 77 M.
) Of all these sorts of tables, which were of stone, marble, bronze or of an
expensive or cheaper kind of wood, several specimens have been preserved; e.g. at
Pompei (see Blümner, Priv. Alt. fig. 14 sqq.; p. 124 sqq.).
They originally may have had more legs, and been rather simple; later on, by the
import of Greek furniture (especially since the triumph of Cn. Manlius Piso in 187 b.C.,
and by Lucullus, L. Aemilius Scaurus, and Pompeius) monopodia became the vogue.
However more persons sat down at these tables.
244
i°B) Whether of the house, e.g. Naev. B. P. frg. 3 M; Fest. p. 157 M; Macrob. Sat. III,
11, 5; DH II, 28; or at the lectisternia, and at an offering to Dea Dia (Henzen, Act. fr.
Arv. p. 26), Juno Curitis (Paul. Fest. p. 64), to Jupiter (Liv. X, 23, 12; Plin. XXV, 59, 1).
no) Whereas the names for the table among the Indo-European peoples differ
greatly, on the other hand these names are applicable in the same language to the dish
as well as to the "table" (for a full account see Meringer, Sitz. Ber. Wien. Ak. phil.
hist. kl. CXLIV (1902).
111) Many Indo-European peoples were not acquainted with our kind of table for a
long time, even in historical times, until they obtained it by foreign influence. But,
following their custom of sitting on the ground. they used as a table a small separate
dish for each person, a board of wood or the like. So e.g. the Germans (Tac. Germ. 22:
"separatae singulis sedes et sua cuique mensa"); the Thracians (Xenoph. Anab. VII,
3, 21:at the banquet of Seuthes: rp/jtorfts tlci^vtyStfiav nciaiv). Earlier still they may
sometimes have used for a "table" a pot or a pan, or a little stool.
112) Cf. the Huns in the Walthari-song; from the Norse Vikings there are remains of
a sort of large wooden dishes. (Moreover e.g. the Egyptians never had a dining-table
for more than two persons, and mostly their tables served only for two persons.)
113) If "mensa" originally is a part. pass. of "metior" (see p. 228, n. 29) it originally
had to be complemented by "esca" or "caro", or a word like 'Mibum"; and in that case
it probably signified "the food, cake or meat, distributed" (hence to everyone of the
guests). From this meaning we have no immediate transition to "large table", but the
intermediate stage must have been "dish, assigned to everyone of the guests".
If the original meaning of "mensa" is "meat", this meaning does not immediately lead
to that of "large table", as the meat can rarely have occupied such a large horizontal
epace as a table; but we must suppose an intermediate stage, being: portion of meat for
one single person, who may have covered it by another sort of food (cf. Xenoph. l.c.),
and therefore it might also be a kind of little table here.
Both etymologies therefore lead to the small, separate table.
114) The food-offering was presented to the Penates on a little dish, patella (e.g. Cic.
de fin. II, 7, 62; see further p. 226, n. 16, and not on a real table, as was mostly the
case in the Greek cult — where on the contrary we never hear of dishes. Moreover,
when in Rome a sacral table is mentioned, it is mostly either in connection with the cult
of an originally non-Latin deity (e.g. Hercules (Schol. Verg. B. 4, 621, cf. in this
connection however VA VIII, 284: at the altar of Hercules "cumulant oneratis lancibus
aras"), or in a much later period (e.g. Macrob. Sat. III, 11, 6). All this proves in my
opinion, that this mensa in Latin ritual was introduced only under Greek influence,
whereas originally the food-offering was presented on a small dish, the patella. A support
for this supposition may be, that an offering could be presented on a sod. (Cf. Hor.
Carm. I, 19, 13; Stat. Silv. I, 4, 131; Ndsc. 1914, p. 466).
Hence in Rome the food-offering was originally presented on a table too; this table
245
however was but smaill; so when larger tables became the fashion for daily use, (though for
ritual purposes they had retained their original form), this table was considered as a
dish, and often took the name of "patella". Since originally the objects, used for the
gods, must have been the same as those used for human beings, this proves that originally
the Romans must have used the small, and not the large table.
(It is not essentiailly necessary, that the small dish in Italy developed into a larger one
specially under Greek influence. For also among other peoples (see Meringer p. 82) the
dish may sometimes have become larger apart from foreign influences, so as to serve
for more persons, after which it was placed on low trestles, which were gradually raised,
and finally firmly attached to the table-leaf, which had been loose hitherto.)
11S) Cf. the Greek /ictyCs, properly "kneaded mass, cake, bread of a certain form",
wihich sometimes means "table" (e.g. Epich. 118; Cerv. 12); and a similar use from
Egypt. (Maspéro, Revue critique, 1915, II, p. 88 relates, that in Egypt certain funeral
offerings were presented on round stone dishes, "ce sont les substitutes de deux galettes
en pate de céréales, sur lesquelles on déposait tour a tour les victuailles, comme on fait
encore aujourd'hui chez les fellahs d'Egypte.")
A reason for making them of bread may sometimes have lain in the same quality, that
may have induced Vergil to say here, that the cakes were made of far, scil. the lustral
effect of bread and certain sorts of corn.
For we may not draw the conclusion, that a usage from ancient Egypt must be found in
a similar form in Rome, not even as concerns very primitive usages. In my opinion it is
moreover unnecessary to conclude from Xenoph. Anab. VII, 3, 21, as Schrader, REIA s.v.
Tisch does, that the UQTOI £V/IÏTAI NTYAHOI NQOONTNTQOVII/IÉVOI NGOG TOÏ$ XQIUGI
mentioned there really served for a sort of little table. Finally the Greek nayfc may have
been called table only, because it had a very special form, which reminded people
of a table.
"«) Glotta (1916), 79 sqq.
n7) Originally it was given in the form of a wreath at the Isthmian and Nemean
games, Linos also wore a wreath of celery. Moreover superstition attached several
forebodings to it, favourable as well as unfavourable; and nowadays popular belief in
Greece still considers it a plant that brings luck. (See Olck, RE s.v. Eppich.)
246
In Rome spelt was, if not the oldest species of corn originally used, yet
the most important and most popular118).
lts important place in ancient Rome appears, next to the places, given in the note,
from the fact, that a special festival, the Fornacalia on the 17th of February, was
celebrated by the curiae at the toasting of the spelt119), and that, when a cereal offering
to the gods is mentioned, whether of grain, bread, porridge or cakes, this nearly always
consists in spelt120). And, as is generally known, in the strictest form of the Roman
marriage-contract, the confarreatio, a cake of far, farreus panis 121) also played
a part122).
In some of these cases the only reason for the use of far may have been
that it was the oldest species of grain in Rome, for which reason it was
originally always used, and later, by the intrinsic conservatism of ritual,
was preserved.
Possibly Vergil's only reason to make these cakes consist of ador was
that according to the general tradition it was the oldest species of corn used
in Rome. His using the word "ador" here may speak for this as well. For
118) Cf. DH II, 25, OF II, 515, VI, 180; Plin. XVIII. 62: populum Romanum farre
tantum e frumento CCC annis usum Verrius tradit; this note according to Helbig, d. It. 1. d.
Po-ebene, p. 65, is exaggerated however, as Helbig thinks it impossible, that the Latins
had been restricted for such a long time to such a coarse sort of grain, whereas in Southern
Italy and Sicily the Greek towns as early as the first half of the fifth century had a very
considerable export of wheat and barley; moreover grains of wheat were found in the
terremari, but not of spelt and barley — this last fact however need not prove that the
terremaricoli were not acquainted with spelt; as in the terremari cereals are but rarely
preserved.
The reason, why they originally preferred to grow far was, that it was hardened; that
it was proof against extremes of temperature and humidity; later on however, especially
since the beginning of the Empire, the cultivation of far decreased as that of wheat
increased; this was because the latter gave far less trouble in preparation, and was more
nourishing (cf. Galen. VI, p. 507 K), and gave greater profits.
11B) Plin. VIII, 8: farris torrendi feriae; OF II, 513—532; Fest- p. 93 M; see further
Warde Fowler RF p. 30.
120) So far is the only species of grain, given Fest. p. 253 as allowed for the merces
of the dapes for the gods; it is expressly mentioned at the animal sacrifice in Rome,
where the victim, the knife and the altar were sprinkled with it (DH II, 25, 2); at the
feriae Sementivae far, or a porca gravida respectively. was dedicated to Ceres,
respectively to Tellus (OF I, 657 sqq.); on the first of January to Janus were given:
Cereale libum farraque mixta sale (OF I, 26 sqq.); cf. also I, 276; (ara) adolet flammis
cum strue farra suis; to Summanus were offered cakes of spelt, the so-called Summanalia
(Fest. p. 348 M): to Mars and Silvanus was sacrificed, pro bubus uti valeant, besides a
certain quantity of beef, pork and wine, also a certain quantity of spelt-bread (Cat.
RR 83); -Hor. Od. III, 23, 12 the Penates are presented with "farre pio et saliente mica";
Tib. III, 4, 9—10 says: "hominum genus omina noctis farre pio placant et saliente sale";
at the Parentalia spelt was offered to the di Parentum (OF II, 533 sqq.); from the
seventh till the fourteenth of May on the odd days the Vestales collected ears of far
from the new harvest for toasting and pounding, and for making mola salsa from the
flour obtained in this way on three days of the year (the Lupercalia, the Vestalia, and
the Idus of September).
121) Gai. I, 112; Ulp. IX, 1; Plin. XVIII, 10.
122) Whether eaten by the newly married couple, or thrown into the fire.
247
evil in some form or other should befall man. Man may also take positive
apotropaeic-kathartic countermeasures 130), and i.a. he may make use of
certain objects with a kathartic effect, hence e.g. also of a table. For the
table was often considered to have a strong magie power, as is proved by
many instances 131).
This orenda of the table could annihilate power for evil132) as well as
undo power for good. Hence it might also counteract the evil influences,
in action during the meal.
The fear of evil influences during the meal probably existed in Rome
as well, as is proved by some notes from Pliny, one of which has already
been quoted 133). Its explanation will be attempted in the note 134).
At any rate, although these evil influences may originally have been
conceived in a somewhat vague form, later on they were often ascribed
to a definite spirit or spirits 135). Sometimes they may have been ascribed to
the earth, which was considered to have a strong orenda, for evil as well
as for good 136).
Hence it was often the primitive function of the table137) — even if
The following details may have been added partly with a view to
Augustus:
Aeneas primique duces. "The primi duces' are present" very probably
means: nobody but them. Therefore it must be understood that the less
distinguished people were not allowed to join the company that had
assembled for the dinner.
Compare here Suet. Aug. 74, who gives the following information abouf
Augustus: convivebatur assidus (he dined in company), but: nemo unquam
libertinorum adhibebatur ab eo cenae.
138) This may be the reason, that e.g. the Laps (v. Haberiand, p. 255) never pdaced
the food on the naked earth, but put at least a glove, and usually a mat under it. Cf. the
wicker mat, used by the Egyptians of the first dynasties, to place their offerings on
(see A. Eiman, Aegypten, p. 219). And Dionys I, 55, saying: xa»aetlórVrog rccêg
rpo<jp«rs i'rtxa instead of giving a plain rataonalistic motive, really, although perhaps
unconsciously, may be giving the right reason.
139) Cf. perhaps the ancient custom, mentioned v. Haberiand p. 271 from India, to
place the offering-dishes on the holy Kusa-grass, and the fact, that according to one
tradition the oldest altar at Delphi had been erected from branches of laurel.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Works that have only been used for a special subject are mentioned in loco; articles in
periodicals are as a rule not cited here; af ter some titles the abbreviations have been
added in brackets.
WARDE FOWLER, W.: Virgil's gathering of the clans, 2d edition, Oxford 1918.
The death of Turnus, Oxford 1927.
Aeneas at the site of Rome, Oxford 1931.
WETMORE, M. NLCHOLS: Index verborum Vergilianus, Newhaven-London, 1911.
WLSSOWA, G.: Rellgion und Kultus der Romer, 2e Aufl., München 1912 (RuK).
Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur römischen Religions- und Stadtgeschlchte,
München, 1904.
WOLTERS, X. F. M. G.: Notes on antique folklore on the basis of Pliny's Natural history
1. XXVIII, 22—29, Amsterdam, 1935.
ABBREVIATIONS.
(The classical Greek and Roman authors are as a rule not mentioned here, as most
abbreviations are the usual ones. Here follows a list of those that are more uncommon,
and which I have introduced to save space.)
DC Dio Cassius
DH Dionysius of Halicarnassus
OF Ovidius, Fasti
OM Ovidius, Metamorphoses
SA Servius' commentary on Vergil's Aeneid
SDA Servius Danielis' commentary on Vergil's Aeneid
SB Servius' commentary on Vergil's Bucolics
VA Vergilius, Aeneid
VB Vergilius, Bucolics
VG Vergilius, Georgics
(Pliny without any addition always denotes the Naturalis Historia of Pliny the Elder.)
PERIODICALS, etc.
AA Archaologische Anzeiger
AdI Annali dell' Instituto
Arch. f. Rel. Wiss. Archiv für Religionswissenschaft
CAH Cambridge Ancient History (see Bibl.)
CJ Classical Journal
Dar Sagl. Daremberg et Saglio (see Bibl.)
ERE Encyclopaedia of religion and ethics (see Bibl.)
ErnM Ernout et Meillet (see Bibl.)
IF Indogermanische Forschungen
JRS Journal of Roman Studies
KZ Kühn's Zeitung
MondI Monumenti dell' Instituto
MondL. Monumenti dei Lincei
Ndsc Notizie degli scavi
NJahrb. Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum
RE Pauly-Wissowa's Realencyclopaedie (see Bibl.)
REIA Reallexikon der indogerm. Altertumskunde (see Bibl.)
RGG Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart (see Bibl.)
Rh.M. Rheinisches Museum
RM Römische Mitteilungen.
CONTENTS.
Page
PREFACE
CAIETA 27
Caieta before Vergil — origin of the name, the place and the figure of
Caieta — Details: nutrix — Hesperia — navigation in Antiquity.
ClRCE 39
Aeneas' sailing past cape Circeium not mentioned before Vergil — Vergil's
reasons for mentioning it — Circe a figure of the legendary history of
Italy — the reason(s) for her connection with Italy, and with cape
Circeium — Details: correspondences with and deviations from Homer —
local colour — praetervectio — contradictions.
THE TIBER 53
Vergil, in contravention of his sources, makes the Trojans land, not "in
agro Laurenti", but at the Tiber — his reasons for this — description of
nature: contrast with the present aspect — Vergil's reasons for giving
this charming description — Tiberinus — fluvio succedit opaco.
LATINUS 69
Latinus originally existed independent of the legend of Aeneas — originally
not connected with Laurentum or Lavinium — originally he had not a
sacral character — an artificial product of Greek antiquarians — his
connection with Aeneas — Latinus in Vergil — Details: iam senior —
longa in pace regebat — pax Augusta.
LAVINIA 79
Lavinia not found in the older tradition of the legend of Aeneas —
originated only after Aeneas was said to have founded Lavinium — her
name — her personality in Vergil — Details: Latinus no sons — Latinus
only one daugh'ter — iam matura viro, iam plenis nubilis annis. Excurs:
matriarchy in Rome ?
255
Page
PORTENTS 91
Not found in any of the other sources — Vergil's reason(s) for inserting
them — did they belong to the original plan of Vergil's Aeneid ? —
belief in prodigies in ancient Rome — in Augustan Rome — of Augustus —
explanation of this belief — portentum — varii.
LAURUS 96
Derivation of the name Laurentes from the laurus a later etymology ?
— the antiquity of the laurel in Latium — tree-cult in ancient Italy —
explanation of the veneration of trees and woods — animatism — animism
— sacra comam, muitoque metu servata per annos — sacer — sacrare
(consecrare) — consecratio — totemistic denominations — laurel con-
sidered to be possessed of special gifts by several peoples, and also in
Rome — laurels connected with the house of Augustus, and with Augustus
himself — tecti medio in penetralibus altis: trees (sh'rubs) growing in
the compluvium — penetrale — laurel the sacred tree of Apollo — Apollo
the protector of Augustus — prominence of Apollo in the Aeneid — ipse
ferebatur Phoebo sacrasse Latinus — indirect connection with Apollo —
the Laurentes not mentioned in any of the other sources — their Hlstoricity
— their territory — aitia — Details: why is Latinus called "pater" here
Excurs I: sacer; II: the reasons why Apollo was chosen by Augustus for
his patron.
Page
THE ORACLE OF FAUNUS 178
Latinus' consulting the oracle of Faunus not mentioned in any of the
other sources of the story of Aeneas — Vergil's reasons for inserting
it — a starting.-point for this dream-oracle in tradition — Augustus
set great store by dreams — the dreams in Vergil in comparison with
the Homeric dreams — Vergil's reasons for inserting an incubation-oracle
— possibility of an original Roman incubation-oracle ? — the voice of
Faunus resounding in the wood — the origin of practice of incubation
— other instances of incubation in ancient Italy, i.a. the oracle of the
Daunian Kalchas — incoherencies in this passage: varias audit voces —
subita ex alto vox reddita luco est.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 250
ABBREVIATIONS 253
CONTENTS 254
INDEX 257
INDEX.
(Only the principal subjects are mentioned here).
p. 34; and the vates, p. 148; and Vesta: Homer, 180/181; their significance for
his interest in the cult of Vesta, p. primitive man, 187/191; Vergil's
159/60, her shrine is his palace, p. 160/62; treatment of —, 181/2.
and visions, p. 193; witty, p. 238. dream-voice, 194.
auspicia ex acuminibus, 166, 175. Earth, power of the —, 188/190.
bears in Italy, 47/48. Elmo, St. — 's fire, 165.
bees: in augural lore, 135 sqq., and Elymi, 10 sqq.
Augustus 141/142; an evil omen, 136 Ennius and Vergil, 37.
sqq.; a good omen, 137 sqq., considered eponyms, 73, 80.
as holy, 141; in Homer, 143; and the Etruscans, 5, 13, 44.
laurel, 145; in mythology, 135; and poets, Etrurian: Circei an — name?, 41; Circe
137; and sovereignty, 136; and Vergil, on — mirrors, 42; metal crown —, 172;
143. flames an — prodigy?, 166; — way of
belief in animal prodigies, 140. dressing the hair of women, 170/71; harus-
belief in prodigies, 94. pices —, 177; jewels — 172; Laurentes
bidens, 219/220. an — name?, 96; Volcanus an — deity?,
Caesar stresses his Trojan descent, 24; and 167/168.
Ostia, 57, 234. exogamy, 86 sqq., 90.
Caieta, 27 sqq.; a deity?, 28; etymology, far, 225/226, 241, 245/249.
29; importance of the harbour, 31; the far-off lands, 42.
local aspect, 28/30; nurse of Aeneas, 31. Faunus, a chthonical deity? 192; Illyrian
cakes, 240/241. origin of —?, 192; god of the mysterious
camilli, their function at the offering, 150. voices of Nature, 185/186; his oracle
castitas, 153 sqq. described by Ovid, 206; origjnality of
castus, 153 sqq. an ancient-Italian incubation-oracle of
Celaeno, 238/240. —?, 183 sqq.; a prophetic god, 184/185.
celery, 240. filia famili'as, 83.
centum, 213/216. fire, dread of fire in Rome, 176/177; in the
chastity, 153 sqq. king's house, 156 sqq.; maiden, impregna-
child, the — in the Augustan Rome, 235; ted by the —, 167/169; among primitive
in Hellenism, 235; the only — in the peoples, 155 sqq.
Aeneid, 88; in ritual and divination, Fiumara, 59.
236/237. flames, prodigies of flames in general, 174;
Circe, in the legendary history of Latium, round the head of Ascanius, 165/77; —
40; and the promunturium Circeium, rising from the sacrificial altar, 175.
40/41; a witch, 43. focus, 151/152.
Circei, 41; a place of deportation, 49. fons, 200.
Circeium, promunturiüm —, local aspect, foreigner the successor of the ancient king,
39, 46, 48; poisonous plant on —, 50. 86.
consecrare, 105/110. Fucentes, 112.
corn, 234, 241. gems, 171/172.
corona insignis gemmis, 171. girl in ancient Rome, 83/84.
crown, 171/172. groves, sacred —, 100/101.
Cybele, 55/56. hairs, 170/171.
daughter left after the sons had died, motif, halludnations, 193.
that a —, 85; unmarried — of the king, halo, 166.
157. haruspices in Rome, 145, 177.
Daunii, 191. hearth, cult of the —, 154 sqq.
deinosis, 177. hecatombs, 215.
Demophon, 170. Hellanikos, 15/16.
dominarier, 147. Hellenistic: admiration for children, 235/
dream-oracles given in verse, 194. 236; aitia, 126/127; halo, 166; preference
dreams: in the tradition of the story of for the word Hesperia, 36; marvel-
Aeneas, 179/80; of Augustus, 180; in collections, 92; view of Nature, 61;
259
versions, 91; before Octavianus' rise to 60; in the Augustan age, 63; earlier
power, 92; in ancient Rome, 93; several aspects, 64; Tiberinus, 66.
— at the same time, 94/95. Timaeus, 18.
portentum, 94/95. time in the Aeneid, 37, 47, 193.
prodigy of the bees, 135 sqq. totemism, 110—113.
prodigy of the flames, 165 sqq. tree-cult, in Rome, in Italy, in other lands,
prodigy of flames playing a part in the 99, 104, 107.
life of Augustus, 173. tree-prodigies, 127.
prodigy of the mensae, 221 sqq. trees, in the peristylium or in the implu-
praetervectio, 45. vium, 115/116; view, that men originated
quibbles, 228. from —, 111.
Regia, 157. Triptolemos, 170.
religiosus, 105, 110. Trojan women burning the ships, 13.
reguireinents for the person who marries tumulus, 28, 32.
the princess royal, 87. Turnus, 178/179.
Rhea Silvia, 158. vates, 146 sqq., origin of the word, not
riddles, 229/230. an anci'ent-Roman figure, in Augustan
river-gods, 67. times, Vergil a —.
Roman families, Trojan descent of —, 21. Venus Frutis, sanctuary of —, 18.
romantic tendency of the Augustan age, Vergil: and Aeneas, 25/26; aitia, 126; and
232/3, 235. the Albunea, 195 sqq., 201 sqq.; and
Rome's political reasons for availing itself Apollo, 119; and bees, 140, 141; and
of its Trojan origin, 19/20; referring to Caieta, 31/32; and Circe, 39/40; dreams,
this, 20. 180/182; the dream-oracle of Faunus,
sacer, 104/105; 129/130. 172, 183, 193/194; Hesperia, 37; Homer,
sacrare, 106/107. 45 sqq.; Latinus, 75/76; laurel, 114, 117;
sanctus, 104. the adjective Laurens, 123/124, 126;
sand of the Tiber, 60. Laurentes, 96/97; 132; Lavinia, 83/90;
senex, iam senior, 75/76. peace, 76/78; mactare, 215; large
Servius Tullius, flames and —, 166 sqq. offerings, 215/216; preference for words
settlements in the vicinity of sacred trees, as "nefas", 176; prefigured himself, 148;
102. preparing measures of Augustus, 128/
sheep, 212/213; in Rome, ibid. 129; 162; and prodigies, 91/93, 95; and
sidus Julium, 166, 173, 175. prodigy bees, 135, 141; and prodigy
silence, 207. flames, 165/166, 170, 172/3; and prodigy
skin, practice of lying on the skin of a mensae, 221 sqq., 232, 237 sqq.; his
newly slaughtered animal at an purpose and method, 1/31 his picture of
incubation-oracle, 208 sqq., 210 sqq.; the ruler, 128; and the Tiber, 53/65; and
origins of this practice, 209 sqq.; at the the tending of the fire, 158/59, 162; a
oracle of Faunus?, 211. tree tecti medio, 115; his treatment of
Sol, 47. prophecy, 186; a vates himself, 147.
son-in-law a foreigner, 86. Vesta, aedes, 157; cult of — at Lavinium,
Spartans, at Caieta, 29/30. 158; shrine of—in the house of Augustus,
spelt, see far. 161/2; and Volcanus, 168/169; interest
Stesichoros, 10 sqq. of Augustus in cult of —, 159/60.
struggle about the bride, 81/82; on life Vestal virgins, pontifex maximus and —,
and death, 87. 158; not wearing a veritable wreath, 171.
summanalia, 233. virgo, 158.
table, 243/245; magie power of the —, 248. Volcanus, 165 sqq.
Tabula Iliaca, 14. woodedness of ancient Italy, 64.
taedae, 154/155. wool, lustratious effect, its use for sacred
Thybris, 66. garments, 209 sqq.
Tiber, 53 sqq., connection with oldest wreath, 171.
history of Rome, 55; sandy, 60, yellow, Zolforata, 199.