The History of India-Vol VII
The History of India-Vol VII
The History of India-Vol VII
HISTORIANS OF INDIA.
LXI.
PÁDSHÁH-NÁMA.
OF
MUHAMMAD AMÍN KAZWÍNÍ.
[THE author of this work in his preface gives it the title of Pádsháh-
náma, but, like several other histories of the reign of Sháh Jahán, it is
often called Sháh-Jahán-náma, and sometimes more specifically
Táríkh-i Sháh-Jahání Dah-sála. The full name of the author is
Muhammad Amín bin Abú-l Hasan Kazwíní, but he is familiarly known
as Amínáí Kazwíní, Amínáí Munshí, or Mirzá Amíná. He was the first
who received orders to write a history of the reign of Sháh Jahán. The
orders were given, as he tells us, in the eighth year of Sháh Jahán,
and he completed this work, comprising the history of the first ten
years of the reign, and dedicated it to Sháh Jahán in the twentieth
year of that Emperor’s reign.
The author in his preface says that he has divided his work into an
Introduction, containing on account of the Emperor’s life from his birth
to his accession; a Discourse (makála), comprising the history of the
first ten years of his reign; and an Appendix, containing notices of
holy and learned men, physicians and poets. He also mentions his
intention of writing a second volume, bringing down the history to the
twentieth year of Sháh Jahán’s reign. But he does not appear to have
carried out his design, having probably been prevented by his
appointment to a busy office, for Muhammad Sálih, in a short
biography of the author, says that he was transferred to the
Intelligence Department.
This history of Amínáí Kazwíní has been the model upon which most
of the histories of Sháh Jahán have been formed. ‘Abdu-l Hamíd, the
author of the Bádsháh-náma, follows its arrangement, and although
he makes no acknowledgment of the fact, his work comprises the
same matter, and differs from it only in style.
Sir H. M. Elliot’s MS. is a small folio of 297 pages of twenty-one lines
each. It is fairly written, but all the rubrics are omitted. There is a copy
in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, and three copies in the
British Museum.]*
LXII.
BÁDSHÁH-NÁMA
OF
‘ABDU-L HAMÍD LÁHORÍ.
[THIS is a history of the first twenty years of the reign of Sháh Jahán,
composed by ‘Abdu-l Hamíd Láhorí. Little is known of the author, but
Muhammad Sálih, in his ‘Amal-i Sálih (No. LXIV.), informs us that
‘Abdu-l Hamíd was celebrated for the beauty of his style, and that he
died in 1065 A.H. (1654 A.D.). ‘Abdu-l Hamíd himself says in his
preface, that the Emperor desired to find an author who could write
the memoirs of his reign in the style of Abú-l Fazl’s Akbar-náma; and
that he, ‘Abdu-l Hamíd, had studied and greatly admired Abú-l Fazl’s
style. He was recommended to the Emperor for the work, and was
called from Patna, where he was living in retirement, to undertake the
composition. His patron was the excellent minister ‘Allámí Sa’du-lla
Khán.
The contents of the work are: A Preface, in which the author
dedicates his work to Sháh Jahán. A description of the Emperor’s
horoscope. A concise account of his ancestors, commencing with
Tímúr. A brief review of the proceedings of Sháh Jahán before his
accession to the throne. A detailed history of the first twenty years of
the reign divided into two cycles of ten years each. The work
comprises, also, an enumeration of the princes of the blood royal; of
the nobles of the Court, arranged according to their respective ranks,
from those commanding 9000 to those of 500 horse; and an account
of the shaikhs, learned men, physicians and poets who flourished
during the period embraced by the history.
The Bádsháh-náma is the great authority for the reign of Sháh Jahán.
Muhammad Sálih, a younger and rival writer, speaks of the author in
the highest terms, and “Kháfí Khán, the author of the Muntakhabu-l
Lubáb, has based his history of the first twenty years of Sháh Jahán’s
reign almost entirely on this work. The greatest objection to the work
is the author’s style, which is of that adulterated kind introduced into
India apparently by the brothers Abú-l Fazl and Faizí.”* ‘Abdu-l Hamíd
was, as he himself states, a professed admirer and imitator of Abú-l
Fazl’s style; and when he is dealing with a subject demanding his
eloquence, his style is as verbose, turgid and fulsome as that of his
master. Happily, however, he is not always in a magniloquent vein,
but narrates simple facts in simple language, blurred only by
occasional outbreaks of his laboured rhetoric.
The work is most voluminous, and forms two bulky volumes of the
Bibliotheca Indica, containing 1662 pages. It enters into most minute
details of all the transactions in which the Emperor was engaged, the
pensions and dignities conferred upon the various members of the
royal family, the titles granted to the nobles, their changes of office,
the augmentations of their mansabs, and it gives lists of all the
various presents given and received on public occasions, such as the
vernal equinox, the royal birthday, the royal accession, etc. Thus the
work contains a great amount of matter of no interest to any one but
the nobles and courtiers of the time. But it would not be fair to say
that it is filled with these trifles; there is far too much of them: but still
there is a solid substratum of historical matter, from which the history
of this reign has been drawn by later writers.
MSS. of the Bádsháh-náma are common, and some fine copies are
extant. Mr. Morley describes one belonging to the Royal Asiatic
Society as “a most excellent specimen of the Oriental art of
caligraphy,” and Col. Lees says: “The copy of the second part of the
Bádsháh-náma which has been used for this edition (Bibliotheca
Indica) is the finest MS. I have ever seen. It is written by Muhammad
Sálih Kambú, the author of the ‘Amal-i Sálih, and bears on the margin
the autograph of the Emperor Sháh Jahán.” The following Extracts
have all been selected and translated by the Editor from the printed
text.]*
EXTRACTS.
[Text, vol. i. p. 69.] The Emperor Jahángír* died on the 28th Safar,
A.H. 1037 (28th October, 1627), at the age of fifty-eight years and one
month, solar reckoning. Prince Shahriyár, from his want of capacity
and intelligence, had got the nickname of Ná-shudaní, “Good-for-
nothing,” and was commonly known by that appellation. He now cast
aside all honour and shame, and before Sháh Jahán had started
(from the Dakhin), he repudiated his allegiance, and went off in hot
haste to Lahore to advance his own interests. Núr Mahal, who had
been the cause of much strife and contention, now clung to the vain
idea of retaining the reins of government in her grasp, as she had
held them during the reign of the late Emperor. She wrote to Ná-
shudaní, advising him to collect as many men as he could, and
hasten to her.
Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán and Irádat Khán, who always acted
together, determined that, as Sháh Jahán was far away from Ágra, it
was necessary to take some steps to prevent disturbances in the city,
and to get possession of the princes Muhammad Dárá Shukoh,
Muhammad Sháh Shujá’, and Muhammad Aurangzeb, who were in
the female apartments with Núr Mahal. They therefore resolved that
for some few days they would raise to the throne Bulákí, the son of
Khusrú, who, by Núr Mahal’s contrivance, had been placed with Ná-
shudaní, but who had been put under the charge of Irádat Khán by
Jahángír when Ná-shudaní returned to Lahore from Kashmír.
* * So they placed Bulákí on horseback, and, with a party of men in
whom they had full confidence, they commenced their march, taking
care to keep one day ahead of Núr Mahal. * * As the young princes
were not safe with Núr Mahal, they removed her from the royal
palace, and took the young princes under their own charge; but when
Bulákí had been raised to the throne, they were placed in charge of
Sádik Khán.
Accession of Sháh Jahán.
[Text, vol. i. p. 82.] Sháh Jahán ascended the throne at Ágra on the
18th Jumáda-s sání, 1037 A.H. (6th Feb. 1628), with the title of Abú-l
Muzaffar Shahábu-d dín Muhammad Sáhib Kirán-i sání.
Rebellion of Jajhár Singh.
[Text, vol. i. p. 238.] Jajhár Singh was son of Rájá Nar Singh Deo
Bundela, who rose into notice by killing Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, the
celebrated author of the Akbar-náma, when Jahángír was heir
apparent. * In obedience to orders from the Emperor Akbar, the
Shaikh was hastening to Court from the Dakhin with a small escort.
Jahángír was jealous of the Shaikh’s devotion to his father, and was
apprehensive that his arrival would interfere with his own plans. * * So
he incited Nar Singh Deo to kill him as he passed through his
territory. This evil-minded man, from lust of gold, placed a large force
of horse and foot in ambush, and fell upon the Shaikh. The followers
of the Shaikh advised him to fly and escape, but he refused, and fell
in the year 1011 A.H. (1602 A.D.). After the accession of Jahángír to
the throne, Nar Singh Deo rose into favour and distinction through
this wicked deed. But his evil nature was unable to bear his
prosperity, and towards the end of the reign of Jahángír he became
disaffected, and oppressed all the zamíndárs in his neighbourhood. *
* He died three or four months before Jahángír, and was succeeded
by his son Jajhár Singh. The wealth and property which Nar Singh
Deo had amassed without labour and without trouble unsettled the
mind of his worthless successor Jajhár, and at the accession of Sháh
Jahán, * * he left the capital Ágra, and proceeded to Úndcha, his
stronghold, where he set about raising forces, strengthening the forts,
providing munitions of war and closing the roads. A force was
accordingly sent against him, under the command of Mahábat Khán
Khán-khánán. [The Imperial forces converged upon Úndcha, and]
Jajhár Singh, having no hope of escape, waited upon Khán-khánán
and made his submission. Just at this time intelligence arrived that
‘Abdu-lla Khán had taken the fortress of Írich,* which had been in the
possession of Jajhár Singh.
These proceedings had come under the notice of the Emperor before
his accession, * * and he resolved to put an end to them if ever he
ascended the throne, that the coinage might always bear the stamp
of the glorious dynasty, and the pulpit might be graced with its khutba.
After his accession, he appointed Kásim Khán to the government of
Bengal, and * * impressed upon him the duty of overthrowing these
mischievous people. He was ordered, as soon as he attended to the
necessary duties of his extensive province, to set about the
extermination of the pernicious intruders. Troops were to be sent both
by water and land, so that this difficult enterprise might be quickly and
easily accomplished.
Kásim Khán set about making his preparations, and at the close of
the cold season, in Sha’bán, 1240 A.H., he sent his son ‘Ináyatu-ulla
with Alláh Yár Khán, who was to be the real commander of the army,
and several other nobles, to effect the conquest of Húglí. He also
sent Bahádur Kambú, an active and intelligent servant of his, with the
force under his command, under the pretence of taking possession of
the Khálisa lands at Makhsús-ábád, but really to join Alláh Yár Khán
at the proper time. Under the apprehension that the infidels, upon
getting intelligence of the march of the armies, would put their
families on board ships, and so escape from destruction to the
disappointment of the warriors of Islám, it was given out that the
forces were marching to attack Hijlí. Accordingly it was arranged that
Alláh Yár Khán should halt at Bardwán, which lies in the direction of
Hijlí, until he received intelligence of Khwája Sher and others, who
had been ordered to proceed in boats from Srípúr* to cut off the
retreat of the Firingís. When the flotilla arrived at Mohána, which is a
dahna* of the Húglí, Alláh Yár Khán was to march with all expedition
from Bardwán to Húglí, and fall upon the infidels. Upon being
informed that Khwája Sher and his companions had arrived at the
dahna, Alláh Yár Kḥán made a forced march from Bardwán, and in a
night and day reached the village of Haldipúr, between Sátgánw and
Húglí. At the same time he was joined by Bahádur Kambú, who
arrived from Makhsús-ábád, with 500 horse and a large force of
infantry. Then he hastened to the place where Khwája Sher had
brought the boats, and between Húglí and the sea, in a narrow part of
the river, he formed a bridge of boats, so that ships could not get
down to the sea; thus the flight of the enemy was prevented.
On the 2nd Zí-l hijja, 1241, the attack was made on the Firingís by the
boatmen on the river, and by the forces on land. An inhabited place
outside of the ditch was taken and plundered, and the occupants
were slain. Detachments were then ordered to the villages and places
on both sides of the river, so that all the Christians found there might
be sent to hell. Having killed or captured all the infidels, the warriors
carried off the families of their boatmen, who were all Bengalís. Four
thousand boatmen, whom the Bengalís called ghrábí, then left the
Firingís and joined the victorious army. This was a great
discouragement to the Christians.
The royal army was engaged for three months and a half in the siege
of this strong place. Sometimes the infidels fought, sometimes they
made overtures of peace, protracting the time in hopes of succour
from their countrymen. With base treachery they pretended to make
proposals of peace, and sent nearly a lac of rupees as tribute, while
at the same time they ordered 7000 musketeers who were in their
service to open fire. So heavy was it that many of the trees of a grove
in which a large force of the besiegers was posted were stripped of
their branches and leaves.
At length the besiegers sent their pioneers to work upon the ditch,
just by the church, where it was not so broad and deep as elsewhere.
There they dug channels and drew off the water. Mines were then
driven on from the trenches, but two of these were discovered by the
enemy and counteracted. The centre mine was carried under an
edifice which was loftier and stronger than all the other buildings, and
where a large number of Firingís were stationed. This was charged
and tamped. On the 14th Rabí’u-l awwal the besieger’s forces were
drawn up in front of this building, in order to allure the enemy to that
part. When a large number were assembled, a heavy fire was
opened, and the mine was fired. The building was blown up, and the
many infidels who had collected around it were sent flying into the air.
The warriors of Islám rushed to the assault. Some of the infidels
found their way to hell by the water, but some thousands succeeded
in making their way to the ships. At this juncture Khwája Sher came
up with the boats, and killed many of the fugitives.
These foes of the faith were afraid lest one large ship, which had
nearly two thousand men and women and much property on board,
should fall into the hands of the Muhammadans; so they fired the
magazine and blew her up. Many others who were on board the
ghrábs set fire to their vessels, and turned their faces towards hell.
Out of the sixty-four large díngas, fifty-seven ghrábs and 200 jaliyas,
one ghráb and two jaliyas escaped, in consequence of some fire from
the burning ships having fallen upon some boats laden with oil, which
burnt a way through (the bridge of boats). Whoever escaped from the
water and fire became a prisoner. From the beginning of the siege to
the conclusion, men and women, old and young, altogether nearly
10,000 of the enemy were killed, being either blown up with powder,
drowned in water, or burnt by fire. Nearly 1000 brave warriors of the
Imperial army obtained the glory of martyrdom. 4400 Christians of
both sexes were taken prisoners, and nearly 10,000 inhabitants of the
neighbouring country who had been kept in confinement by these
tyrants were set at liberty.
Surrender of the Fort of Gálna.
[Text, vol. i. p. 442.] After Fath Khán, son of Malik ‘Ambar, had put
Nizám Sháh to death, Mahmúd Khán, the commandant of the fort of
Gálna, repudiated his authority, and put the fortress in a state of
defence, intending to deliver it over to Sáhú-jí Bhonsla, who,
unmindful of the favours he had received from the Imperial throne,
had strayed from the path of obedience, and had possessed himself
of Násik, Trimbak, Sangamnír and Junír, as far as the country of the
Kokan. He had got into his power one of the relatives of the late
Nízám Sháh, who had been confined in one of the strongest
fortresses in the kingdom, and raised the banner of independence.
He (Mahmud Khán)* wished to deliver the fort over to him. Khán-
zamán, who was acting as deputy of his father in the government of
the Dakhin, Birár and Khándesh, when he was informed of Mahmúd
Khán’s proceedings, wrote to Mír Kásim Khán Harawí, commandant
of the fort of Alang, which is near to Gálna. He directed him to
endeavour by promises of Imperial favour to win him over, and
prevent the surrender of the fortress to Sáhú-jí Bhonsla. Mír Kásim
communicated with Mahmúd Khán on the subject, and the latter
invited the Mír to come to him. After a good deal of talk, Mahmúd
Khán assented to the proposition, and in the hope of a great reward
delivered over the fort to the representatives of the Emperor.
Conquest of Daulatábád.
[p. 496.] Fath Khán, son of ‘Ambar Habshí, conceiving his interest to
lie in making submission to the Emperor, had sent his son, ‘Abdu-r
Rusúl, with a suitable offering to the foot of the Imperial throne,
professing obedience and praying for favour. The Emperor graciously
bestowed upon him some districts which had formerly belonged to
him, but had been since given to Sáhú-jí Bhonsla. Now, in
compliance with the request of Fath Khán, they were restored to him.
This gave great offence to the turbulent Sáhú-jí, who went and joined
the Bíjapúrís, and induced ‘Ádil Khán to place him in command of a
force for wresting the fortress of Daulatábád from the hands of Fath
Khán. The latter was much incensed against the Nizám-Sháhís, and
had no faith in them; so he wrote to Khán-khánán Mahábat Khán,
informing him that Sáhú-jí Bhonsla was preparing to bring a force
from Bíjápúr against him, and that, as the fortress was ill provisioned,
there was great probability of its being taken, unless Mahábat Khán
came to his assistance. If the Khán came quickly, he would surrender
the fortress, and would himself proceed to the Imperial Court. The
Khán-khánán accordingly sent forward his son, Khán-zamán, with an
advanced force, and he himself followed on the 9th Jumáda-s sání.
[Khán-zamán defeats a covering army of Bíjápúr.]
The Bíjápúrís were discouraged by the chastisement they had
received from the Imperial army, so they made offers of an arrange-
ment to Fath Khán. They offered to leave the fortress in his
possession, to give him three lacs of pagodas in cash, and to throw
provisions into the fort. That ill-starred foolish fellow, allured by these
promises, broke his former engagement, and entered into an alliance
with them. Most of the animals in the fortress had died from want of
provender, and the Bíjápúrís now, at the instance of Fath Khán,
exerted themselves in getting provisions. When Khán-khánán, who
was at Zafarnagar, was informed of these proceedings, he wrote to
Khán-zamán directing him to make every exertion for the reduction of
the fortress, and for the punishment of the traitor and the Bíjápúrís.
[Skirmishes in the vicinity.]
Khán-khánán, on being informed of the state of affairs, marched from
Zafarnagar to Daulatábád, and reached there on the last day of
Sha’bán. Next morning he rode out with his son, Khán-zamán, to
reconnoitre the fortress, and took up his residence in a house
belonging to Nizám Sháh at Nizámpúr, near the fortress. [Disposition
of his forces.] He placed the artillery and siege material under the
direction of (his son) Luhrasp, and ordered that a constant fire should
be kept up from a high hill which governs the fortress, and upon
which Kághziwára stands. He also ordered Khán-zamán to be
constantly on the alert with 5000 cavalry, and ready to render
assistance wherever it might be required in the trenches. The
Imperial army having thus invested the place, and formed trenches,
pushed on the siege, running zigzags, forming mines and preparing
scaling ladders.
Fath Khán placed the son of Nizám Sháh in the Kálá-kot (black fort),
which was considered impregnable. He himself took post in the
Mahá-kot (great fort), and the body of the forces were stationed in the
outer works called ‘Ambar-kot, because they had been raised by
Malik ‘Ambar to protect the place against the advance of the Imperial
power. [Defeat of many attempts to victual and relieve the fortress
from without, and of sorties from within.]
On the 9th Shawwál a mine which had been formed from the trenches
of Khán-zamán was charged, and the forces having been named for
the assault, were ordered to assemble in the trenches before break of
day. The mine was to be fired at the first appearance of dawn, and
upon the walls being blown down, the stormers were to rush into the
fort. By mistake the mine was fired an hour before dawn, and before
the storming parties were ready. Twenty-eight gaz of the walls and
twelve gaz of the bastion was blown away, and a wide breach was
made. But the troops not having arrived, no entry was effected. The
defenders rushed to the breach, and kept up such a rain of arrows,
bullets, and rockets, that the storming party was obliged to take
refuge in the trenches. Then they exerted themselves to stop the
breach with palisades and planks. The commander of the Imperial
army desired to dismount and lead the assault, but Nasírí Khán urged
that it was against all the rules of warfare for the commander-in-chief
to act in such a way. He himself would lead the storming party,
trusting in God and hoping for the favour of the Emperor. Khán-
khánán directed Mahes Dás Ráthor and others to support him. The
Imperial troops rushed to the breach, and the defenders made a
desperate resistance; but Nasírí Khán, although wounded, forced his
way in upon the right, and Rájá Bihár Singh and other Hindus upon
the left. They were fiercely encountered by Khairiyat Khán Bíjápúrí
and others with sword and dagger, but they at length prevailed, and
drove the defenders into the ditch of the Mahá-kot for shelter. Great
numbers of the garrison fell under the swords of the victors. Thus fell
the celebrated works of Malik ‘Ambar, which were fourteen gaz in
height and ten gaz in thickness, and well furnished with guns and all
kinds of defences. The Imperial commander having thus achieved a
great success, proceeded with Nasírí Khán to inspect the works, and
immediately took steps for attacking the Mahá-kot. [Diversion made
by the enemy in the direction of Birár. Another attempt by Randaula
and Sáhú-jí to relieve the fortress.]
With great perseverance the besiegers pushed a mine under the
Mahá-kot, and Fath Khán was so much alarmed that he sent his
wives and family into the Kálá-kot. He himself, with Khairiyat Khán,
uncle of Randaula, and some other Bíjápúrís, remained in the Mahá-
kot. The Bíjápúrís being greatly depressed by the scarcity of food and
the progress of the Imperial arms, sought permission through Málú-jí
to be allowed to escape secretly, and to go to their master. Khán-
khánán sent a written consent, and by kind words encouraged their
drooping spirits. Nearly two hundred of them after night-fall
descended by a ladder fastened to the battlements. Khán-khánán
sent for them, and consoled them with kind words and presents.
[Several more attempts to relieve the fortress.]
On the 25th Zí-l ka’da, the commander-in-chief visited the trenches.
He went to Saiyid ‘Aláwal, whose post was near the mine of the Sher-
Hájí of the Mahá-kot, and determined that the mine should be blown
up. Fath Khán got notice of this, and in the extremity of his fear he
sent his wakíl to Khán-khánán, and with great humility represented
that he had bound himself to the ‘Ádil-Khánís by the most solemn
compact not to make peace without their approval. He therefore
wished to send one of his followers to Murárí Pandit, to let him know
how destitute the fort was of provisions, and how hard it was pressed
by the besiegers. He also wanted the Pandit to send wakíls to settle
with him the terms of peace and the surrender of the fort. He
therefore begged that the explosion of the mine might be deferred for
that day, so that there might be time for an answer to come from
Murárí Pandit. Khán-khánán knew very well that there was no
sincerity in his proposal, and that he only wanted to gain a day by
artifice; so he replied that if Fath Khán wished to delay the explosion
for a day, he must immediately send out his son as a hostage.
When it had become evident that Fath Khán did not intend to send
his son out, the mine was exploded. A bastion and fifteen yards of the
wall were blown up. The brave men who awaited the explosion
rushed forward, and heedless of the fire from all sorts of arms which
fell upon them from the top of the Mahá-kot, they made their way in.
The commander-in-chief now directed that Saiyid ‘Aláwal and others
who held the trenches on the outside of the ditch, opposite the Sher-
Hájí, should go inside and bravely cast up trenches in the interior.
[Defeat of a demonstration made by Murárí Pandit. Surrender of the
fort of Nabátí near Gálna.]
Fath Khán now woke up from his sleep of heedlessness and security.
He saw that Daulatábád could not resist the Imperial arms and the
vigour of the Imperial commander. To save the honour of his own and
Nizám Sháh’s women, he sent his eldest son ‘Abdu-r Rusúl to Khán-
khánán [laying the blame of his conduct on Sáhú-jí and the ‘Ádil-
Khánis]. He begged for forgiveness and for a week’s delay, to enable
him to remove his and Nizám Sháh’s family from the fortress, while
his son remained as a hostage in Khán-khánán’s power. Khán-
khánán had compassion on his fallen condition, granted him safety,
and kept his son as a hostage. Fath Khán asked to be supplied with
the means of carrying out his family and property, and with money for
expenses. Khán-khánán sent him his own elephants and camels and
several litters, also ten lacs and fifty thousand rupees in cash,
belonging to the State, and demanded the surrender of the fortress.
Fath Khán sent the keys to Khán-khánán, and set about preparing for
his own departure. Khán-khánán then placed trusty guards over the
gates.
On the 19th Zí-l hijja Fath Khán came out of the fortress and delivered
it up. The fortress consisted of nine different works, five upon the low
ground, and four upon the top of the hill. These with the guns and all
the munitions of war were surrendered. * * * Khán-khánán went into
the fortress, and had the khutba read in the Emperor’s name.
The old name of the fortress of Daulatábád was Deo-gír, or Dhárágar.
It stands upon a rock which towers to the sky. In circumference it
measures 5000 legal gaz, and the rock all round is scarped so
carefully, from the base of the fort to the level of the water, that a
snake or an ant would ascend it with difficulty. Around it there is a
moat forty legal yards (zara’) in width, and thirty in depth, cut into the
solid rock. In the heart of the rock there is a dark and tortuous
passage, like the ascent of a minaret, and a light is required there in
broad daylight. The steps are cut in the rock itself, and the bottom is
closed by an iron gate. It is by this road and way that the fortress is
entered. By the passage a large iron brazier had been constructed,
which, when necessary, could be placed in the middle of it, and a fire
being kindled in this brazier, its heat would effectually prevent all
progress. The ordinary means of besieging a fort by mines, sábáts,
etc., are of no avail against it. * * *
Khán-khánán desired to leave a garrison in the captured fortress, and
to go to Burhánpúr, taking Nizám Sháh and Fath Khán with him. The
Imperial army had endured many hardships and privations during the
siege. They had continually to contend against 20,000 horse of
Bíjápúr and Nizámu-l Mulk, and to struggle hard for supplies. Nasírí
Khán (who had been created Khán-daurán) was always ready for
service, and he offered to take the command of the fortress. So
Khán-khánán left him and some other officers in charge, and
marched with his army to Zafarnagar. * * * After reaching that place,
Murárí Pandit and the Bíjápúrís sent Farhád, the father of Randaula,
to treat for peace; but Khán-khánán knew their artfulness and perfidy,
and sent him back again. The Bíjápúrís, in despair and recklessness,
now turned back to Daulatábád. They knew that provisions were very
scarce and the garrison small. The entrenchments which the
besiegers had raised were not thrown down, so the Bíjápúrís took
possession of them, invested the fortress and fought against it. Khán-
daurán, without waiting for reinforcements, boldly sallied out and
attacked them repeatedly. By kind treatment he had conciliated the
raiyats of the neighbourhood, and they supplied him with provisions,
so that he was in no want. As soon as Khán-khánán heard of these
proceedings, he marched for Daulatábád. The enemy finding that
they could accomplish nothing, abandoned the siege as soon as they
heard of the approach of Khán-khánán, and then retreated by Násik
and Trimbak.
Christian Prisoners.
[Text, vol. i. p. 534.] On the 11th Muharram, [1043 A.H.], Kásim Khán
and Bahádur Kambú brought * * * 400 Christian prisoners, male and
female, young and old, with the idols of their worship, to the presence
of the faith-defending Emperor. He ordered that the principles of the
Muhammadan religion should be explained to them, and that they
should be called upon to adopt it. A few appreciated the honour
offered to them and embraced the faith: they experienced the
kindness of the Emperor. But the majority in perversity and wilfulness
rejected the proposal. These were distributed among the amírs, who
were directed to keep these despicable wretches in rigorous
confinement. When any one of them accepted the true faith, a report
was to be made to the Emperor, so that provision might be made for
him. Those who refused were to be kept in continual confinement. So
it came to pass that many of them passed from prison to hell. Such of
their idols as were likenesses of the prophets were thrown into the
Jumna, the rest were broken to pieces.
Last of the Nizám Sháhs.
[Text, vol. i. p. 540.] Islám Khán returned to Court, bringing with him
the captive Nizám Sháh and Fath Khán, whom Khán-khánán
Mahábat Khán had sent together with the plunder taken at
Daulatábád. Nizám Sháh was placed in the custody of Khán-Jahan,
in the fort of Gwálior. * * * The crimes of Fath Khán were mercifully
pardoned; he was admitted into the Imperial service, and received a
khil’at and a grant of two lacs of rupees per annum. His property also
was relinquished to him, but that of Nizám Sháh was confiscated.
Campaign of Khán-Jahán.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 155.] [Capture of Sarádhún, Dhárásíyún, Kántí
six kos from Sholápúr, and the town of Deogánw. Victories over the
Bíjápúrís, commanded by Randaula.] Water and provisions were now
difficult to obtain, so the royal army fell back to Dhárásíyún,*
intending to leave their baggage at Sarádhún, and passing between
Úsa and Naldrug, to make a raid into the flourishing country about
Kulbarga, to plunder and lay waste. On the 1st Zí-l hijja, the enemy
made his appearance while the Imperial army was encamped about
two kos from Úsa, and began to throw in rockets. The royal forces
issued from their entrenchments and repulsed their assailants. Next
day they attacked the Imperial army as it was about to march, * * but
were defeated and driven back. After returning from the battle-field,
Saiyid Khán-jahán, considering that the country was devastated, and
the rains were at hand, determined to fall back to Bír, * * and await
the Imperial directions as to where the rainy season should be
passed. On the 11th Zí-l hijja, about eight kos from Sarádhún, the
enemy again appeared in the rear [and after a hard fight fell back
defeated]. The royal army then continued its march to Sarádhún, and
along the banks of the Wanjira to Dhárúr.
Campaign of Khán-zamán.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 160.] After receiving his orders, Khán-zamán
marched to Ahmadnagar, and, after provisioning his force, * * he went
on towards Junír. Six kos from Ahmad-nagar, he learnt that the villain
Sáhú had made terms with Mínají Bhonsla, and had obtained from
him the fort of Máhúlí. Having taken Mínají along with him to Junír,
Sáhú was about to proceed by way of Párgánw to Parenda. Khán-
zamán marched after him, * * but Sáhú passed the river Bhúnrá, and
proceeded to Lohgánw, a dependency of Púna in the Bíjápúr
territories. Here Khán-zamán halted, because his orders were not to
follow Sáhú into ‘Ádil Khán’s country. [Capture of the fort of Chamár-
gonda by a detachment.] On receiving orders from Court, he entered
the Bíjápúr territories, and plundered and destroyed every inhabited
place he came to. On the 27th Shawwál he reached the pass of
Dúdbáí, where he halted. * * Next morning he ascended the pass. In
eight days he arrived at Kolapúr, and invested the fortress and town.
Notwithstanding a brave defence, he quickly took the place.
[Successful skirmishes with Sáhú and the Bíjápúrís.] Khán-zamán
next marched to Miraj, one of the principal towns in the Bíjápúr
dominions, and plundered it. From thence he made six days’ march
to Rai-bágh, a very ancient town in that country, where he obtained
great booty. After remaining there ten days, he fell back, and the
enemy had the audacity to hang upon his rear and harass him with
rockets. Eight days’ march from Miraj the army encamped on the
bank of a river. A party was sent out to forage, and a force was
ordered to support it. The enemy attacked this force, and a sharp
fight ensued; but the assailants were repulsed and pursued for two
kos. While the army was resting on the banks of the river Bhúnrá, an
Imperial farmán arrived, directing Khán-zamán to return to the royal
presence, to receive instructions for the reduction of the fort of Junír
and the punishment of Sáhú. The reason for this was that ‘Ádil Khán
had submitted, had agreed to pay a tribute equivalent to twenty lacs
in jewels, elephants, etc., and engaged that if Sáhú returned and
surrendered Junír and the other forts in the Nizám-Sháhí territory to
the Imperial officers, he would take him into his service; but if Sáhú
did not do so, he would assist the Imperial forces in reducing the forts
and punishing Sáhú.
[Capture by Khán-khánán of the forts of Ankí and Tankí, Alka and
Pálka, eighteen kos from Daulatábád.]
[Farmán containing the terms of peace with ‘Ádil Khán, and letter of
the latter in acknowledgment. Letter of homage from Kutbu-l Mulk.
Summary of Sháh Jahán’s two expeditions to the Dakhin, the first in
his father’s lifetime, the second after his own accession.]
‘Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 202.] While the Emperor was still thinking about
the reduction of the forts of the Dakhin, ‘Ádil Khán, being disturbed by
the prolonged stay of the Imperial Court, wrote a letter to the
Emperor, representing that the affairs of that country were now all
settled, and that he would be answerable for the surrender of the forts
held by Sáhú and others. There was therefore no reason for the
Emperor’s staying any longer, and it would be a great favour if he
would proceed to the capital, so that the raiyats and people of Bíjápúr
might return peacefully to their avocations. The Emperor graciously
consented, and resolved to go and spend the rainy season at Mándú.
‘Ádil Khán’s tribute, consisting of * *, arrived, and was accepted. The
Emperor confirmed to him the territory of Bíjápúr and the fortress of
Parenda, which had formerly belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk, but which
the commandant had surrendered to ‘Ádil Khán for a bribe. He also
confirmed to him all the country of Kokan on the sea-shore, which
had been formerly held half by him and half by Nizámu-l Mulk. [Copy
of the treaty.]
Prince Aurangzeb, Governor of the Dakhin.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 205.] On the 3rd Zí-l hijja the Emperor appointed
Prince Aurangzeb to the government of the Dakhin. This country
contains sixty-four forts, fifty-three of which are situated on hills, the
remaining eleven are in the plain. It is divided into four súbas. 1.
Daulatábád, with Ahmadnagar and other districts, which they call the
súba of the Dakhin. The capital of this province, which belonged to
Nizámu-l Mulk, was formerly Ahmadnagar, and afterwards
Daulatábád. 2. Telingána. This is situated in the súba of the
Bálághát.* 3. Khándes. The fortress of this province is Asír, and the
capital is Burhánpúr, situated four kos from Asír. 4. Birár. The capital
of this province is Elichpúr, and its famous fortress is called Gáwíl. It
is built on the top of a hill, and is noted above all the fortresses in that
country for strength and security. The whole of the third province and
a part of the fourth is in the Páyín-ghát. The jama’, or total revenue of
the four provinces is two arbs of dáms, equivalent to five crores of
rupees.
[Treaty with Kutbu-l Mulk. Letter from the latter.]
[Khán-daurán besieges Údgír and Úsa, and both forts are eventually
surrendered.]
LXIII.
SHÁH JAHÁN-NÁMA
OF
‘INÁYAT KHÁN.
[MUHAMMAD TÁHIR, who received the title of ‘Ináyat Khán, and was
poetically named ‘Ashná, was son of Zafar Khán bin Khwája Abú-l
Hasan.
Zafar Khán, the author’s father, was wazír of Jahángír. In the reign of
Sháh Jahán, he was at one time ruler of Kábul, and afterwards of
Kashmír, during which latter government he effected the conquest of
Tibet recorded in the foregoing pages (p. 62). At a later period he was
appointed to the administration of Thatta. “He was celebrated as a
poet, as a patron of letters, and as a just and moderate ruler.”
‘Inayat Khán’s maternal grandfather, Saif Khán, was governor of
Ágra, and when Prince Shujá’ was appointed ruler of Bengal, Saif
Khán was sent thither to conduct the administration until the arrival of
the prince.
The author, it appears, was born in the year that Sháh Jahán came to
the throne. In the seventh year of his age he received, as he informs
us, “a suitable mansab.” He was sent to join his father in Kashmír
while he was governor there. He was afterwards daroghá-i dágh, and
subsequently employed in a more congenial office in the Imperial
Library. “He inherited his father’s talents and good qualities, and is
said even to have surpassed him in ability. He was witty and of
agreeable manners, and was one of the intimate friends of Sháh
Jahán. Latterly he retired from office, and settled in Kashmír, where
he died in A.H. 1077 (A.D. 1666). In addition to the history of Sháh
Jahán’s reign, he was author of a Díwán and three Masnawís.”*
The sources of the first part of this Sháh Jahán-náma are plainly
acknowledged by the author. The first twenty years are in entire
agreement with the Bádsháh-náma, but are written in a more simple
style. The history comes down to 1068 A.H. (1657-8 A.D.), the year in
which Aurangzeb was declared Emperor, but of this event he takes
no notice. The author does not inform us whether he used any other
work after the Bádsháh-náma as the basis of his own, or whether the
history of the last ten years is his own independent work.
The following is the author’s own account of his work translated from
his Preface:
“The writer of these wretched lines, Muhammad Táhir, commonly
known as Ashná, but bearing the title of ‘Ináyat Khán bin Muzaffar
Khán bin Khwája Abú-l Hasan, represents to the attention of men of
intelligence, and acumen that in Rabí’u-l awwal, in the 31st year of the
reign of the Emperor Sháh Jahán [six lines of titles and phrases],
corresponding to 1068 H., he was appointed superintendent of the
Royal Library, and there he found three series of the Bádsháh-náma,
written by Shaikh ‘Abdu-l Hamíd Láhorí and others, each series of
which comprised the history of ten years of the illustrious reign. The
whole of these memoirs completed one karn, which is an expression
signifying thirty years. Memoirs of the remaining four years were
written after his death by others. The author desires to observe that
the style of these volumes seemed difficult and diffuse to his simple
mind, and so he reflected that, although Shaikh Abú-l Fazl was
ordered by the Emperor Akbar to write the history of his reign, yet
Khwája Nizámu-d dín Ahmad Bakhshí wrote a distinct history of that
reign, which he called the Tabakát-i Akbar-sháhí. Jannat-makání
Nuru-d dín Muhammad Jahángír, imitating the example of his
ancestor the Emperor Zahíru-d dín Muhammad Bábar, himself wrote
a history of his own reign; yet Mu’tamad Khán Bakhshí wrote a
history of that reign, to which he gave the title of Ikbál-náma-i
Jahángírí. Ghairat Khán Nakshabandí also brought together the chief
events of that reign in a book which he called Ma-ásir-i Jahángírí.
(With these examples before him), it seemed to the writer of these
pages that, as he and his ancestors had been devoted servants of
the Imperial dynasty, it would be well for him to write the history of the
reign of Sháh Jahán in a simple and clear style, and to reproduce the
contents of the three volumes of Shaikh ‘Abdu-l Hamíd in plain
language and in a condensed form. Such a work (he thought) would
not be superfluous, but rather a gain. So he set about his work, and
the Almighty gave him leisure, so that in a short time he completed it.
The history from the fourth to the tenth year is based on the Pádsháh-
náma of Muhammad Amín Kazwíní, commonly known as Amínáí
Munshí, which is written in a more simple style. And as only a
selection has been made of the events recorded, this work is styled
Mulakhkhas.”
The title Mulakhkhas “Abridgment,” which the author gave to his
work, was too indefinite to last, and it is commonly known as Sháh
Jahán-náma.
MSS. of this work seem to be common. Sir H. M. Elliot has three
borrowed copies. There are three in the British Museum, and one in
the Library of the Asiatic Society. A copy belonging to the Rájá of
Benares is a handsome quarto of 12 inches × 8 ½, and contains 360
leaves of 19 lines to the page. The whole of this work, from the
beginning of the third year of the reign to the accession of Aurangzeb,
with which it closes, was translated by the late Major Fuller. It fills 561
folio pages of close writing, and is in Sir H. M. Elliot’s Library. The
following Extracts are taken from that translation.]
EXTRACTS.
TWENTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1057 A.H. (1647 A.D.).
In the news from Balkh, which reached the ear of royalty about this
time, through the representations of the victorious Prince Muhammad
Aurangzeb Bahádur, was the following:— Nazar Muhammad Khán,
who, after abandoning the siege of fort Maimanah, had stood fast at
Nílchirágh,* continued watching, both day and night, the efforts of
‘Abdu-l ‘Azíz Khán and his other sons, who were gone to oppose the
royal army with all the Uzbek forces of Máwaráu-n Nahr, Balkh and
Badakhshán, anxious to see what would be the result. As soon as he
heard that they also had, like himself, become wanderers in the
desert of failure, owing to the superior prowess and vigour of the
royalists, finding his hopes everywhere shattered, he despatched an
apologizing letter to the illustrious Prince, expressive of his contrition
for past misdeeds, and ardent longing for an interview with His Royal
Highness, stating that he was desirous of retrieving his fallen
fortunes, through the intercessions of that ornament of the throne of
royalty. The illustrious Prince having kept the envoy in attendance till
the receipt of an answer, waited in expectation of the farmán’s arrival,
and the Khán’s letter, which His Royal Highness had forwarded to
Court in the original, with some remarks of his own, was duly
submitted to the auspicious perusal. As it happened, from the
commencement of his invasion of Balkh, this very design had been
buried in the depths of his comprehensive mind, viz. that after
clearing the kingdoms of Balkh and Badakhshán from the thorny
briers of turbulence and anarchy, he should restore them in safety to
Nazar Muhammad Khán. The latter, however, scorning the dictates of
prudence, hastened to Írán; but finding his affairs did not progress
there to his satisfaction, he turned back, and at the suggestion of the
Kalmáks and other associates, came and besieged the fort of
Maimanah, in order that he might seek shelter within its walls, and so
set his mind at rest. In the end, however, after infinite toil and labour,
seeing the capture of the stronghold in question to be beyond his
reach, he departed without effecting his object, and moved to
Nílchirágh, all which occurrences have been already fully detailed in
their proper place. From the letters of reporters in those dominions, it
was further made known to his world-adorning understanding, that
notwithstanding the servants of the crown had manifested the most
laudable zeal and anxiety to console the hearts of the peasantry in
Balkh and Badakhshán by giving them seed, and assisting them to
plough and till their fields: yet, owing to the inroads of the Almáns,
most of the grain and crops had been destroyed, and the populous
places desolated; and that the commanders of the army, and the
chiefs of the soldiery, owing to the dearth of provisions and the
scarcity of grain, were extremely disgusted, and averse to remaining
any longer in the country. From the contents of the Prince’s letter,
moreover, his unwillingness to stay at that capital was also discerned.
Taking all this into consideration therefore, an edict was issued,
directing His Royal Highness to deliver up Balkh and Badakhshán to
Nazar Muhammad Khán, provided the latter would come and have an
interview with him, and then set out with all the victorious forces for
Hindustán, the type of Paradise.
At length a number of the garrison, from want of spirit, lost the little
courage they possessed, and Shádí Uzbek having entered into a
conspiracy with the Kazalbáshís, seduced Kipchák Khán from his
duty. Though the latter was not naturally inclined at heart to this
course of behaviour, yet as his companions had their families with
them, through dread of losing their wealth, their lives, and their good
repute, they would not let him follow the bent of his own disposition,
so he was necessarily compelled to ally himself with those
unfortunates. Some of the Mughal mansabdárs, ahadís, and
matchlockmen too, having sprinkled the dust of treason on the heads
of loyalty, entered into a league with them, and having come in front
of the fort, declared that, in consequence of all the roads being
closed, from the vast quantity of snow on the ground, there was no
hope of the early arrival of succour, and that it was evident from the
untiring efforts of the Kazalbáshís, that they would very shortly
capture the fort, and after its reduction by force and violence, neither
would there be any chance of their own lives being spared, nor of
their offspring being saved from captivity. The wretched Daulat Khán,
who ought instantly to have extinguished the flames of this sedition
with the water of the sword, showed an utter want of spirit, by
contenting himself with offering advice in reply. This, however, made
no impression on the individuals in question, who got up, and
departed to their respective homes, so that nought but a scanty force
being left in the intrenchments, the Kazalbáshís entered the Sher-Hájí
in several places. As for the party that forced an entrance on the side
of the Bábáwalí gate, some of the household troops and Daulat
Khán’s followers, who occupied that quarter, rushed upon them,
whereupon several were killed on both sides.
Meanwhile, the traitor Shádí sent a message to the governor of the
fort, who was stationed at the above gate, to say that Muhammad
Beg Bákí had come, bearing a letter and message from the Sháh,
and accompanied by Sharafu-d dín Husain, a mansabdár who was
dárogha of the buildings and magazines in the fort of Bust. Daulat
Khán, on this, despatched Mírak Husain Bakhshí, for the purpose of
sending away Muhammad Beg from the gate; but as soon as the
bakhshí reached the gate of Veskaran, he noticed Kipchák Khán,
Shádí, and a number of the Mughal mansabdárs, sitting in the
gateway, and perceived that they had brought Muhammad Beg
inside, and seated him in front of them, and that he had brought four
letters, one addressed to Daulat Khán, and the other three to Shádí,
Núru-l Hasan and Mírak Husain, and was saying that he had besides
some verbal messages to deliver. Mírak Husain therefore turned
back, and related the circumstances to Daulat Khán; whereupon that
worthless wretch deputed his Lashkar-navís (paymaster of the forces)
to detain Muhammad Beg there, and send Kipchák Khán and Shádí
to him. As soon as these ungrateful wretches came, acting in
conformity with their advice, he adopted the contemptible resolution
of proceeding to an interview with Muhammad Beg, and receiving
and keeping the letters he brought. The Sháh also sent a message to
the effect, that he should take warning from what had already befallen
Purdil Khán, the governor of the fort of Bust, and his comrades, and
neither prolong hostilities any further, nor strive to shed the blood and
sully the fair fame of himself and his comrades; and with a view to
acquaint the inmates of the fort with the condition of the garrison of
Bust, he despatched along with Muhammad Beg the aforesaid
Sharafu-d dín Husain, whom Mihráb Khán had started off loaded with
chains in advance of himself. To this Daulat Khán replied, that he
would return an answer five days hence; and it having been
stipulated that during this interval hostilities should not be engaged in
on either side, Muhammad Beg received his dismissal, and returned
to his own camp.
On the 5th day ‘Alí Kulí Khán, brother of Rustam Khán, the former
commander-in-chief, having come to Shádí’s intrenchment, and
delivered a message, saying that the Sháh had commissioned him to
ascertain their final decision, the pusillanimous Daulat Khán, with
most of the servants of the crown, went to the gate, and invited him
in. The latter, after being introduced, stated, that as they had already
offered as gallant and stubborn a resistance as it was possible to
make, it was now proper that they should refrain from fighting, and,
applying themselves to the preservation of their lives and property,
should send an individual along with him to deliver their reply. The
worthless Daulat Khán accordingly despatched ‘Abdu-l Latíf, díwán of
Kandahár, for the purpose of procuring a safe conduct, in company
with the above individual, and on the following day he returned with
the written agreement.
The villain Shádí, however, without waiting for the governor’s
evacuating the fort, surrendered the Veskaran gate, which was in his
charge, during the night to the Kazalbáshís, and hastened along with
Kipchák Khán to the Sháh’s camp. However much the miserable
Daulat Khán exhorted his men to repair to the fort on the top of the
hill, it was of no avail; though had he but taken shelter there with a
detachment, he could have held out till the arrival of succour without
suffering any harm. On the morrow, when the mansabdárs, ahadís,
and matchlockmen, who were engaged in the defence of the gates of
the new and old forts, marched out, after obtaining a safe conduct,
with the exception of the citadel where the helpless Daulat Khán was
left with Kákar Khán, the base Rájá Amar Singh, and some other
mansabdárs, as well as a party of his own adherents, every spot was
in the possession of the Kazalbáshís.
On the 9th of Safar, this year, ‘Alí Kulí Khán came and said that any
longer delay could not be permitted; whereupon the disloyal Daulat
Khán delivered up a place of refuge of that description, and having
marched out with his goods and comrades, encamped at a distance
of a kos. During the period of the siege, which extended over two
months, nearly 2000 of the Kazalbásh army and 400 of the garrison
were slain.
Summarily, on the third day after Daulat Khán’s dastardly evacuation
of the fort, ‘Alí Kulí Khán, Ísa’ Khán, and his brother Jamshíd Khán,
came to him, and intimated that the Sháh had sent for him, as well as
for some of his chief officers and associates. The latter replied that it
would be better for them to excuse him from this trouble, or, if they
were resolved upon taking him there, to manage so that there should
be no delay in his getting his dismissal, and to give him a dress of
honour, both of which requests were guaranteed by ‘Alí Kulí Khán.
The ill-fated Daulat Khán accordingly proceeded with Kákar Khán and
Núru-l Hasan, in company with the above-named nobles, to wait upon
the Sháh, and having received his dismissal after a few moments,
returned to his own camp, and on the 18th of the month of Safar set
out with a world of shame and ignominy for Hindústán.
The Sháh, in consequence of the horses with his army having mostly
perished for want of forage, in addition to which a scarcity of grain
was experienced, appointed Mihráb Khán, with about 10,000
Kazalbáshís and slaves, armed with matchlocks, to garrison
Kandahár; and Dost ‘Alí Uzbek with a detachment to guard the
fortress of Bust, and returned himself to Khurásán on the 24th of this
month. The account of the fortress of Bust is as follows. * *
Surrender of Bust.
From the beginning of the siege, the flames of war and strife raged
furiously for 54 days, and many were killed and wounded on both
sides; insomuch that during this period close upon 600 of the
Kazalbáshís, and nearly half that number of Purdil Khán’s followers,
met their death. On the 14th Muharram, this year, the governor having
begged for quarter, after entering into a strict agreement, had an
interview with Mihráb Khán. The latter, having broken his
engagement, put to death out of the 600 men, who had stood by the
governor to the last, several persons, who, being averse to the
surrender, had protracted the struggle; and having made that
individual himself a prisoner, together with the rest of his adherents,
and his family and children, brought them all to the Sháh at
Kandahár.
LXIV.
BÁDSHÁH-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD WÁRIS.
[THIS work is also called Sháh Jahán-náma. It is the completion of
the Bádsháh-náma of ‘Abdu-l Hamíd by his pupil and assistant
Muhammad Wáris, who was appointed to carry on the work when his
friend and master had become incapacitated by age. It embraces the
last ten years of Sháh Jahán’s reign, from the beginning of the
twenty-first to the thirtieth year, in which his actual reign closed. The
work was submitted for revision to ‘Aláu-l Mulk Túní, entitled Fázil
Khán, who became wazír in Aurangzeb’s days, and the part of the
work subsequent to the death of ‘Allámí Sa’du-lla Khán was written
by Fázil Khán, under the command of the Emperor himself. Little is
known of Muhammad Wáris, but the author of the Ma-ásir-i ‘Alamgírí
records that “On the 10th Rabí’u-l awwal, 1091 (1680 A.D.), Wáris
Khán, news reader, the graceful author of the third volume of the
Bádsháh-náma, was killed by a blow of a penknife from a mad
student, whom he had taken under his protection, and who used to
sleep at night near his patron.”
The work is composed in a style similar to that of ‘Abdu-l Hamíd, and
is of considerable length. It closes with a list of the shaikhs, learned
men and poets who flourished during its decade.
The history of this period of Sháh Jahán’s reign has been so fully
supplied by the Extracts from the Sháh Jahán-náma of ‘Ináyat Khán,
that only one short Extract has been taken from this work.
Sir H. M. Elliot’s MS. is a poor one. It is an 8vo., twelve inches by six
and a half, and contains 357 leaves, of nineteen lines to the page.
There is a copy in the British Museum, and one in the Library of the
Royal Asiatic Society.]
EXTRACT.
Twenty-second Year of the Reign.
[* When the Emperor set off from Sháhjahánábád to chastise the
Persians, it was his intention to march on and make no stay until he
reached Kábul. * * But afterwards it appeared clear to his far-reaching
judgment, that it was very improbable that the Sháh of Persia would
enter upon a campaign in the winter season, when grain and forage
are very difficult to procure in that country (of Kandahár). The
Emperor’s counsellors also represented that the Sháh of Persia had
resolved upon this evil enterprise in that infatuation which arises from
youth and inexperience. During the winter he would be busy making
preparations in Khurásán, and in the spring he would commence
operations. In this way the late Sháh ‘Abbás came up against
Kandahár in the reign of the Emperor Jahángír. The severe cold and
the heavy snow and rain, together with scarcity of provender for the
horses, would be sources of great suffering to the Imperial army; so
under all circumstances it was desirable to postpone the march until
the Nau-roz. * * So it was resolved to wait the arrival of news from
Kandahár. On the 12th Muharram a despatch arrived from the
commandant of the fortress, to the effect that on the 10th Zí-l hijja the
Sháh of Persia had invested the fortress, his evident object being to
accomplish this, the first enterprise of his reign, before the spring,
when the roads would be open for the advance of the Imperial army.]
LXV.
‘AMAL-I SÁLIH
OF
MUHAMMAD SÁLIH KAMBÚ.
[THIS, like the other histories of the reign of Sháh Jahán, is
sometimes called Sháh Jahán-náma. It is a history of the reign of that
Emperor from his birth to his death in 1076 A.H. (1665 A.D.).
Muhammad Sálih was a fine scribe,* so there can be little doubt that
he is the Muhammad Sálih he himself mentions in his list of the noted
caligraphists of his time. Mír Muhammad Sálih and Mír Muhammad
Múman were, he says, sons of Mír ‘Abdu-lla, Mushkín kalam, whose
title shows him to have also been a fine writer. Muhammad Sálih was
known as a poet by the Persian title Kashfí and the Hindí Subhán.
Both brothers were not only fine writers, but accomplished Hindí
singers. In the list of mansabdárs, Muhammad Sálih is put down as
commander of five hundred.
The ‘Amal-i Sálih is a valuable history, and has a good reputation in
the East. It is not so long as the Bádsháh-náma of ‘Abdu-l Hamíd and
Muhammad Wáris, and it does not enter into the same petty details.
The latter part of it, devoted to the life of Sháh Jahán after his
deposition, is very brief, and notices only the tragic deaths of his sons
and his own peaceful decease. The style is polished, and often highly
wrought and rhetorical. At the end of the work the author has added
biographical notices of the saiyids, shaikhs, learned men, physicians,
poets, and fine writers who were contemporary with Sháh Jahán. Also
a list of princes, nobles, and commanders, arranged according to
their respective ranks. A borrowed MS., belonging to a native
gentleman, is a folio 13 in. X 9, containing about 1000 to 1200
pages.]
EXTRACTS.
THIRTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Death of ‘Alí Mardán Khán.
[* Amíru-l Umará ‘Alí Mardán Khán, being ill with dysentery, started
for Kashmír, the air of which country suited his constitution, but he
died on his way on the 12th Rajab. * * His sons, Ibráhím Khán and the
others, brought his corpse to Lahore, and buried it in the tomb of his
mother. He was a noble of the highest dignity; he held a mansab of
7000 with 7000 horse, 5000 do-aspas and sih-aspas. He had an
in’ám of one kror of dáms. Altogether his emoluments amounted to
thirty lacs of rupees. His death caused the Emperor great grief.]
• Mu’azzam Khán joins Aurangzeb. Capture of several fortresses
belonging to Bíjápúr. Defeat of ‘Ádil Khán’s army.
[Mu’azzam Khán departed from Court, and marched with the army
under his command to Prince Aurangzeb, whom he joined on the 12th
Rabí’u-s sání. On the same day the Prince, making no delay,
marched on his enterprise with all the Imperial forces and his own
followers. In the course of fourteen days he reached Chándor. There
he left Walí Mahaldár Khán with a force of matchlockmen, etc., to
keep open the communications and provide supplies. Next day he
encamped under the fort of Bidar. This fortress was held by Sídí
Marján, an old servant of Ibráhím ‘Ádil Khán. He had been
commander of the fortress for thirty years, and had kept it fully armed
and ready. He had under him nearly 1000 horse and 4000 infantry,
consisting of musketeers, rocketmen and gunners. The bastions and
walls and works were carefully looked after, and he made every pre-
paration for sustaining a siege. As soon as Prince Aurangzeb reached
the place, he resolved to reduce it. This strong fortress was 4500
yards (dará’) in circumference, and twelve yards high; and it had
three deep ditches twenty-five yards (gaz) wide, and fifteen yards
deep cut in the stone. The Prince went out with Mu’azzam Khán and
reconnoitered the fort on all sides. He settled the places for the lines
of approach, and named the forces which were to maintain them.
Notwithstanding the heavy fire kept up from the bastions and the
citadel, in the course of ten days Mu’azzam Khán and the other brave
commanders pushed their guns up to the very edge of the ditch and
began to fill it up. Several times the garrison sallied forth and made
fierce attacks upon the trenches, but each time they were driven back
with a great loss in killed and wounded. The besiegers by the fire of
their guns destroyed two bastions and battered down the battlements
of the wall.
On the 23rd Jumáda-s sání, in the thirty-first year of the reign,
Muhammad Murád, with a body of musketeers and other forces,
sallied from his trenches to make the assault. As soon as he reached
the bastion opposite the trench of Mu’azzam Khán, he planted scaling
ladders in several places, and ascended the wall. Marján, the
commandant, had dug a great hole in the rear of this bastion, and
had filled it with gunpowder, rockets and grenades (hukka). With his
eight sons and all his personal followers he stood near this bastion,
and with the greatest courage and determination endeavoured to
resist the assault. Just then, through the good fortune which at all
times attends the royal arms, * * a rocket directed against the
besiegers fell into the above-mentioned hole, and ignited the
gunpowder. A tremendous explosion followed, which destroyed many
of the enemy. Sídí Marján and two of his sons were severely burnt.
Those who escaped the explosion bore him and his sons back into
the citadel. The brave assailants took advantage of this accident, and
pouring into the fortress on all sides, they killed or bore down all who
resisted, and raised the flag of victory. * * The commandant of the
fortress, with great humility, sued for quarter, and as he was mortally
wounded and unable to move, he sent his sons with the keys of the
fortress. They were graciously received by the Prince, who presented
them with khil’ats, and promised them the Imperial favour. On the day
after the giving up the keys, the Prince entered the city, and
proceeding to a mosque which had been built two hundred years
before, in the reign of the Bahmaní Sultáns, he caused the khutba to
be read in the name of the Emperor. * * This strong fortress was thus
taken in twenty-seven days. Twelve lacs of rupees in money, and
eight lacs of rupees in lead, gunpowder, stores, and other munitions
of a fortress, were obtained, besides two hundred and thirty guns.
Bidar is a pleasant, well-built city, and stands on the borders of
Telingána. It is related in the histories of Hindústán, that Bidar was
the seat of government of the Ráís of the Dakhin, and that the Ráís of
the Karnátik, Mahratta (country), and Telingána were subject to the
Ráí of Bidar. Daman, the beloved of King Nala of Málwá, whose story
Shaikh Faizí has told in the poem entitled Nal o Daman, was
daughter of Bhím Sen, the marzbán of Bidar. Sultán Muhammad, son
of Sultán Tughlik, first subdued the place. After that, it passed into the
hands of the Bahmanís, and subsequently into the possession of the
Kings of Bíjápúr. By the favour of God, it now forms part of the
Imperial dominions.
Intelligence reached the Prince that large bodies of the forces of ‘Ádil
Khán were collecting at Kulbarga, and preparing for war. He
consequently sent Mahábat Khán with fifteen thousand well-mounted
veteran cavalry to chastise these forces, and not to leave one trace of
cultivation in that country. Every building and habitation was to be
thrown down, and the land was to be made a dwelling for the owls
and kites. The Khán had not got far from Bidar, when, in the middle of
the next day, two thousand of the enemy’s horse, at about three kos
from the Imperial army, seized a number of bullocks, belonging to the
Banjáras, while they were grazing, and were driving them off to their
quarters. Mu’azzam Khán and * * led a detachment of the Imperial
forces after them, to inflict chastisement upon them, and release the
cattle. Pressing forward with all speed, they overtook the enemy,
killed a great many of them, and rescued all the cattle. Such of the
enemy as escaped made off with great difficulty, and the royal forces
returned. The wretched Afzal, who had advanced very boldly, when
he heard of this disaster, was paralyzed, and fled in consternation
from Kalyání, without even waiting for the fugitives to come in, and
fell back upon his other forces. Mahábat Khán then ravaged Kalyání,
and continued his march. Every day the black-coated masses of the
enemy appeared in the distance, but they continued to retreat. * *
On the 8th Rajab, Ján Muhammad and Afzal and Rustam, the son of
Randaula, and others of the enemy, with about 20,000 horse, made
their appearance near the royal army, and were very bold and
insolent. * * Mahábat Khán left his camp in charge of Subhán Singh,
and marched out against them. The enemy began to discharge
rockets upon the right wing under the command of Diler Khán, and a
battle followed. * * Mahábat Khán was a good soldier; and when
reports were brought to him from all parts of the field, he saw that
Ikhlás Khán and Diler Khán were hard pressed. * * So he charged the
enemy with such impetuosity that they were filled with dismay and
fled. The victors followed in close pursuit, and many of the fugitives
fell by their swords.
SHÁH-JAHÁN-NÁMAS.
[Besides the Sháh-Jahán-námas noticed at length, there are among
the MSS. borrowed by Sir H. M. Elliot, several others bearing the
same title. 1. “An abstract of the lengthy Sháh-Jahán-náma” (the
Bádsháh-náma) of ‘Abdu-l Hamíd Lahorí. This was written in 1225
A.H. (A.D. 1810), by Muhammad Záhid. 2. A fragment of another and
lengthy Sháh-Jahán-náma, by Mirzá Jalálu-d dín Tabátabá. 3. A short
work by Bhagwán Dás, which gives brief notices of the ancestors of
Sháh Jahán, beginning with Adam. 4. A poem by Mirzá Muhammad
Ján Mashhadí. This is called Sháh-Jahán-náma, but the title given to
it by the author would rather appear to be Zafar-náma. 5. Another
Sháh-Jahán-náma in verse, by Mír Muhammad Yahya Káshí.]
LXVI.
SHÁH JAHÁN-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD SÁDIK KHÁN.
[THE author of this history of Sháh Jahán was Muhammad Sádik,
who was Wáki’-navís in attendance upon Prince Sháh Jahán in his
campaign against the Ráná during the life of Jahángír. He afterwards
received the title of Sádik Khán. The work embraces the reign of
Sháh Jahán “from his accession to the throne unto the termination of
the confinement into which he fell through the stupidity of Dárá
Shukoh.” A copy of the work in the British Museum ends with the
deposition of Sháh Jahán, but the author adds that the deposed
monarch lived eight years in captivity. Sir H. Elliot’s MS. goes on
without any break to the end of the reign of Aurangzeb; but to have
written all this, Sádik Khán must have lived over a century. The
history of the reign of Aurangzeb turns out to be the same as that of
the Muntakhabu-l Lubáb of Kháfí Khán, with some slight variations,
not greater perhaps than Col. Lees found in various MSS. of that
work.*
The history is of moderate extent, and is written in a simple style.
Similarity or identity in many passages shows that Kháfí Khán used
the work for his history of the reign of Sháh Jahán. There is also
among Sir H. M. Elliot’s MSS. one called Tabakát-i Sháh-Jahání,
written by the same author. This consists of notices of the great and
distinguished men of the reign of Sháh Jahán. The names are
numerous, but the notices are short.]
LXVII.
MAJÁLISU-S SALÁTÍN
OF
MUHAMMAD SHARÍF HANAFÍ.
THE Majálisu-s Salátín, or “Assemblies of the Sultáns,” was written
by Muhammad Sharíf Hanafí. The reason he assigns for writing it is,
that no one had courage enough in his time to wade through long
histories, especially mentioning those of Zíá Barní, Kází ‘Ajáz
Bádsháhí, and ‘Abdu-l Kádir, which are each works of considerable
size, and he therefore determined, notwiṭh-standing his constant
avocations, to write an abridged history of India. In the midst of a
hundred interruptions, he set himself to the work, but, short as it is, he
was nearly failing in his resolution to complete it, and “a wind arose
occasionally which was nearly making his pen fly away like an arrow
from a bow, and converting his paper into a flying kite.” At last he
asked his spiritual teachers for their aid and countenance, and
through their encouragement he brought it to a completion.
The same irresolution and want of leisure seem to have deprived us
of the account of his travels, which, as will be seen from one of the
following extracts, extended to a distance quite unusual in his days.
He had travelled from Madura in Southern India to Kashmír, and had
dwelt for some time in the intermediate countries; and he tells us that
if he had recorded all the wonderful things he had seen, he might
have filled a thousand volumes. He was employed in some public
capacity during the whole time that he was making these tours, for he
signifies that he was a person of no mean consideration.
The work was composed in the early part of Sháh Jahán’s reign, in
the year 1038 A.H. (1628 A.D.), according to a chronogram at the
close of the work in which the date is recorded.
The Majálisu-s Salátín is not divided into chapters, but the following
abstract will show the pages where the principal dynasties and reigns
commence and end.
CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1 to 3.
The Ghaznívides, pp. 4 to 11.
The Ghorians and subsequent Dehlí dynasties, pp. 11 to 121.
Bábar, pp. 121 to 123.
Humáyún, Sher Khán, etc., pp. 124 to 193.
Akbar, pp. 193 to 200.
Jahángír, pp. 200 to 206.
Kingdoms of the Dakhin, Kashmír, etc., pp. 207 to 258.
SIZE—12mo. containing 258 pages, each of 9 lines.
The copy from which the following Extracts are taken is in
one of the Royal Libraries at Lucknow. I know of no other.
[The Extracts were translated by a munshí and corrected by
Sir H. M. Elliot.]
EXTRACTS.
Anecdotes of Muhammad Tughlik.
• After some time, intelligence was brought that Malik Bahrám
Abiya, the adopted brother of Sultán Tughlik Sháh, had revolted in
Multán, and put ‘Alí Akhtí to death, whom Sultán Muhammad ‘Ádil
had sent with orders to summon the rebel. The Sultán, with a view
to subdue the rebellion, marched from Daulatábád towards Dehlí,
and thence reached Multán by successive marches. Malik Bahrám
came out to oppose him, but was defeated and slain. His head
was brought to the Sultán, who was about to order a general
massacre of the inhabitants of Multán, and make streams of blood
flow, when the staff of the world, the most religious Shaikhu-l
Hakk, came bare-headed to the King’s court, and stood before him
soliciting pardon for the people. The Sultán forgave them for the
sake of that holy man. In short, this King called himself just, and
generally before executing persons he certainly did refer the case
for the decree of the expounders of the law.
It is said of him, that one day, having put on his shoes, he went on
foot to the court of Kází Kamálu-d dín, the Chief Justice, and told him
that Shaikh-záda Jám had called him unjust; he demanded that he
should be summoned and required to prove the injustice of which he
accused him, and that if he could not prove it, he should be punished
according to the injunctions of the law. Shaikh-záda Jám, when he
arrived, confessed that he had made the assertion. The Sultán
inquired his reason, to which he replied, “When a criminal is brought
before you, it is entirely at your royal option to punish him, justly or
unjustly; but you go further than this, and give his wife and children to
the executioners that they may do what they like with them. In what
religion is this practice lawful? If this is not injustice, what is it?” The
Sultán remained silent; and when he left the court of the Kází, he
ordered the Shaikh-záda to be imprisoned in an iron cage, and on his
journey to Daulat-ábád he took the prisoner with him on the back of
an elephant. When he returned to Dehlí, on passing before the court
of the Kází, he ordered the Shaikh-záda to be brought out of the
cage* and cut to pieces. Hence it may be learnt that he possessed
very opposite qualities. He was called by the common people “the
unjust.” There are many similar stories of the atrocities he committed.
Tyranny took the place of justice, and infidelity that of Islám. At last he
was seized with fever, and departed to the next world, when he was
in the vicinity of Thatta, on the 21st Muharram, A.H. 752 (20th March,
1351 A.D.). The period of his reign was twenty-seven years.
LXVIII.
TÁRÍKH-I MUFAZZALÍ
OF
MUFAZZAL KHÁN.
[THIS is a general history of considerable length, written by Saiyid
Mufazzal Khán. It begins with the Creation, and comes down to 1077
A.H. (1666 A.D.), the tenth year of the reign of Aurangzeb. A copy of
the Table of Contents from another MS. brings the work down to the
time of Farrukh Siyar. The work is divided into seven makálas or
sections, the sixth and seventh of which are devoted to India. In the
account of Násiru-d dín Kubácha it gives an epitome of the Chach-
náma, which was translated into Persian under his patronage.* It is
an extensive work of nearly a thousand pages, seventeen lines to the
page. The following Extracts, apparently translated by a munshí,
have been revised by Sir H. M. Elliot.]
EXTRACTS.
• When Sháh Jahán mounted the throne at Ágra, all the officers of
State came to pay their respects to him, but Khán-Jahán Lodí, who
was one of the greatest officers under the late Emperor Núru-d dín
Muhammad Jahángír, did not attend the Court on the plea of
illness. This was very displeasing to His Majesty, and when at last
he did attend the Court, he spoke in a very disrespectful tone,
which greatly excited His Majesty’s anger. As a punishment for his
insolence, an order was given to level his house with the ground.
Being informed of it, he fled immediately with his whole family and
property, and attempted to cross the Chambal, but was pursued by
Rájá Bahádur with a large force. Ismat Khán, the son of Khán-
Jahán Lodí, a boy only twelve years of age, came to an
engagement with this officer and killed him with his own hand. The
royalists, on the death of their general, made a vigorous attack
upon the enemy. Ismat Khán was slain, but Khán-Jahán himself
escaped and crossed the river.
In A.H. 1040 (1630 A.D.) the Emperor proceeded to the Dakhin, and
conquered many places there. The fort of Daulatábád, which was the
capital of the neighbouring territory, was taken by Khán-khánán
Muhammad Khán.
Such a magnificent and beautiful fort of red stone was built on the
banks of the Jumná, that no building like it was ever constructed by
any of the kings who had ruled in India. Besides other magnificent
works, the Peacock throne was made by this monarch, which was set
with all kinds of precious stones. It was prepared at the expense of
nine krors nine lacs and one thousand rupees.
Sa’du-lla Khán and Mudabbir Khán, who were both good scholars,
were deservedly appointed ministers to the throne.
Prince Dárá Shukoh was married to the grand-daughter of Sultán
Parwez, and the nuptial ceremonies were performed with such pomp
and splendour as was never witnessed before.
The Mosque of Jáma’ Jahán-numá was built near the fort under the
superintendence of Sa’du-lla Khán, at the expense of ten lacs of
rupees.
Prince Muhammad Murád Bakhsh was appointed to the
Governorship of Ahmadábád in Gujarát, with the grant of an honorary
dress and some jewels to the value of five lacs of rupees; and Prince
Aurangzeb Bahádur to that of the Province of the Dakhin, and a
khil’at with a sarpech, a horse, and jewels to the value of five lacs of
rupees, was granted to him. They were all ordered to go to their
respective provinces, and the Emperor himself came to Ágra, where
he remained nine months, and then returned to Dehlí. As he
proceeded on his journey, he amused himself on the way with all
kinds of sports.
His Majesty had been pleased to assure his mother-in-law, the wife of
Ásaf Khán, in the days of her pregnancy, that if she brought forth a
son, he would make him a mansabdár of 5000 horse; and
accordingly, when a son was born to her, the rank was conferred on
the child under the title of Sháyista Khán Bahádur.
About the same time Muhammad Dárá Shukoh was declared to be
the successor to the throne, and the entire management of the
Government was placed in his hands. The charge was accordingly
undertaken by the Prince, but Providence had determined otherwise.
The country was destined to be ruled by a juster and better prince,
and every circumstance which occurred in those days combined to
assist him in obtaining the throne.
On the 7th Zí-l hijja, 1067 A.H. (Sept. 1657 A.D.), the Emperor Sháh
Jahán, who shall henceforth be called ‘Álá Hazrat, fell sick in Dehlí,
and was unable to attend the duties of the State. Dárá Shukoh, the
eldest Prince, intending to avail himself of the circumstance, so
managed that no news regarding the public affairs could transpire.
This gave rise to great disturbances in the country. Murád Bakhsh,
the fourth son of the Emperor, who was the Governor of Gujarát,
seated himself on the throne and declared himself independent. Sháh
Shujá’, the second Prince, also followed the same course in Bengal
and prepared an army. Dárá Shukoh, being afraid of his brother
Aurangzeb, prevailed upon the Emperor during his sickness to recall
the forces which were with that Prince. His object in taking this
measure was first to despatch the two rebel princes, Shujá’ and
Murád Bakhsh, out of his way, and then to proceed to the Dakhin
against Aurangzeb. He took His Majesty to Ágra in the very height of
his illness, and sent Rájá Jai Singh with a royal army, and his own
force under the command of his eldest son Sulaimán Shukoh, against
Sháh Shujá’. He also ordered Rájá Jaswant Singh to march with a
large army towards Málwá, the threshold of the Dakhin, to prevent the
enemy from advancing. This Hindí chief was one of the greatest
Rájás of Hindústán, and as he was very nearly related to the
Emperor, he had gained his confidence in a considerable degree, and
had obtained a few days before the title of Mahárájá. * * *
Towards the end of the year 1067 A.H., when, in consequence of the
Emperor’s sickness, disturbances arose in all parts of the country,
Bím Narain, Zamíndár of Kúch Bihár, took possession of the territory
of Kámrúp, which belonged to the empire of Dehlí. It was also at the
same time encroached upon by Jai Bijai Singh, Rájá of Ásám, who
always considered his dominions secure from the depredations of the
royal army. To protect Kámrúp, a large army was despatched by land
under the command of Khán-khánán, who, considering the service
very important, obtained leave of the Emperor to depart immediately,
and left Khizrpúr on the 13th of Rabí’u-l awwal, in the 4th year after His
Majesty’s accession to the throne, and conquered the city of Kúch
Bihár on the 27th of the same month. After the conquest he changed
the name of the city to ‘Álamgírnagar, and on the 28th proceeded to
invade Ásám by way of Ghorá-ghát. After five months’ exertions, the
city of Karkálu, which the chief residence of the ruler of Ásám, was
taken on the 6th of Sha’bán. An account of the immense booty, both in
property and cash, which fell into the hands of the victors, as also of
the number of men killed on both sides in these battles, and of the
rarities and wonders of Kúch Bihár and Ásám, together with a
description of the vegetable and mineral products of the country, the
manners and customs of the people, and their forts and buildings, is
fully given in the ‘A’lamgír-náma. When the Emperor received the
report of these important conquests from the Khán-khánán, the
general of the royal army, he showed great favour to his son,
Muhammad Amín Khán, and honoured him with the grant of a khil’at
in his own presence. The Khán also received a farmán in approbation
of his services, and was rewarded with an honorary dress, one kror of
dáms, and the insignia of the farmán and tugh.
LXIX.
MIR-ÁT-I ‘ÁLAM,
MIR-ÁT-I JAHÁN-NUMÁ,
OF
BAKHTÁWAR KHÁN.
THESE two histories, though circulating under different names, may
be considered as essentially one and the same.
Dr. Bernhard Dorn, at p. xv. of the Preface to his “History of the
Afgháns,” describes the Mir-át-i’Álam as a most valuable universal
history, written in Persian, by Bakhtáwar Khán, who by travel and
assiduous study had qualified himself for the task of an historian. Dr.
Dorn mentions also that the history of the Afgháns by Ni’amatu-lla,
which he translated, frequently corresponds, word for word, with that
found in the Mir-át-i’Á’lam.
He gives the following abstract of a copy in the British Museum:
“Section I.—History of the Patriarchs; of the Israelite Kings; of
Lukmán and Daniel; of the Hebrew Prophets; of Jesus and the
Apostles; of the Seven Sleepers; of some Saints, as Georgius,
Barseesa, Samson, etc.; of the ancient Sages, as Solon, Pythagoras,
Socrates, Diogenes, Plato, Aristotle, Pliny, Homer, Zeno, Ptolemy,
Thales, Euclid: after that follows the history of the Persian Monarchs
and of the Yemen Kings.
Section II.—History of Muhammad.
III.—History of the Khalífs of other Dynasties, as the
Saffárides, etc.
IV.—History of the Roman and the Turkish Em-
perors, etc.
CONTENTS.
Preface.
Introduction—Gives an account of the creation of the heaven and
earth, their inhabitants—the Jinns, Iblis, etc.
BOOK I.—History of the patriarchs, philosophers and kings who
flourished before the dawn of Muhammadanism. In four Chapters.—
Chapter 1. On the Patriarchs.—2. On the Ancient Philosophers.—3.
On the Kings of Persia. In five Sections.—Section i. The
Peshdádians.—ii. The Kaíánians. —iii. The Mulúku-t Tawáif.—iv. The
Sásánians.—v. The Akásirás.—Chapter 4. History of the
dependencies of Yaman.
BOOK II.—An account of Muhammad, his exploits, his character and
miracles, his descendants and wives, his successors and Imáms,
some of his friends and dependents, the learned men who
expounded the religion, the Súfias and Masháikhs. In thirteen
Chapters.—Chapter 1. An account of Muhammad and his exploits.—
2. His character and miracles.—3. His wives. —4. His descendants.
—5. The first four Khalífas.—6. The Imáms.—7. The ten disciples.—
8. Friends of Muhammad whose names are given in alphabetical
order.—9. The followers of Muhammad and their dependents.—10.
The four great Imáms.—11. The seven persons who were appointed
to read the Kurán.—12. The great expounders of the Kurán, the
descent of the holy mantle, the different orders of the sects of the
Shaikhs. In three Sections.—Section i. The great expounders of the
Kurán.—ii. The preservation of the holy mantle. —iii. The different
orders and sects of the Shaikhs.—Chapter 13. The holy men of
Arabia and Persia, the celebrated saints of Hindústán, and the
Muhammadan doctors. In three Sections.— Section i. On the Shaikhs
and the holy men of Arabia and Persia.—ii. The celebrated Saints of
Hindústán.—iii. The Muhammadan doctors.
BOOK III.—The ‘Ummayides, ‘Abbásides, and those kings who were
contemporary with the ‘Abbásides; the Cæsars of Rúm; the Sharífs of
Mecca and Medína; the Kháns of the Turks; Mulúku-t Tawáif. In eight
Chapters.—1. The ‘Ummayides.— 2. The ‘Abbáside Khalífas.—3.
The kings who were contemporary with the ‘Abbásides. In eleven
Sections.—i. The Táhirians.—ii. The Saffáríans.—iii. The Sámáníans.
—iv. The Ghaznívides.—v. The Ghorians.—vi. The Buwaihides or
Dailamís.—vii. The Saljúkians.—viii. The Khwárizm-sháhís.— ix. The
Atábaks.—x. The Isma’ílians.—xi. The Karákhitáís of Kirmán.—
Chapter 4. On the Kings of Rúm. In eight Sections.—Section i. The
Kaiásarás.—ii. The Saljúkians who ruled in Rúm.—iii. The
Dánishmandias.—iv. The Salíkiá Kings who governed in Ázurbáiján
and Rúm.—v. The Salíkiá or Mankúchakia Kings who ruled in
Ázurbáiján and Kamákh. —vi. The Karámáns.—vii. The rulers of
Malátiya and Abulistán. —viii. The Ottomans who are called out of
respect Khwándgárs. —Chapter 5. The Sharífs of Mecca and
Medína.—6. The Kháns of the Turks. In four Sections.—Section i.
History of Turk, son of Yafís (Japhet), son of Núh, and his
descendants.— ii. Tátár and his descendants.—iii. Moghúl and his
descendants. —iv. Lánjar Ká-an and his descendants.—Chapter 7.
Changíz Khán and his descendants. In seven Sections.—Section i.
Changíz Khán.—ii. Descendants of Changíz Khán who ruled in
Ulugh-yúrat, which was the seat of his government.—iii. His
descendants who obtained the rank of Khán in the desert of Kipchák.
—iv. His descendants who obtained the same rank in the country of
Írán.—v. The Kháns of Túrán who were the descendants of
Chaghatáí Khán, son of Changíz Khán.—vi. The Shaibánía Kings.—
vii. The Kháns of Káshghar who were the descendants of Chaghatáí
Khán, son of Changíz Khán.— Chapter 8. Mulúku-t Tawáif, who
reigned in Írán after Sultán Abú Sa’íd Bahádur Khán. In five Sections.
—Section i. The Chúbáníans.—ii. The Ílkáníans.—iii. Amír Shaikh
Abú-l Ishák Injú and the Muzaffarides.—iv. The Kurt Kings.—v. The
Sarabdárians.
BOOK IV.—Tímúr and his descendants who ruled in Írán and Túrán;
the Kárá-kúínlú and Ák-kúínlú rulers;* the Safawíya Kings. In four
Chapters.—Chapter 1. Tímúr and his descendants who governed in
Írán and Túrán.—2. The Gúrgánían rulers who ruled in Írán and
Khurásán.—3. The Kárá-kúínlú Kings.—4. The Safawiyá Kings who
still occupy the throne of the country of Írán.
It will be seen, therefore, that the real author of these various works is
Muhammad Baká, though he is the person to whom they are least
ascribed, in consequence not only of his attributing his own labours to
others, but from the prominence which his editors have endeavoured
to give to their own names.
His real name was Shaikh Muhammad, and his poetical title was
Baká. He was born in A.H. 1037. In his early youth he applied himself
to the study of the Kurán, and in a short space of time learnt the
whole of it by heart. Having read a few books with his father, he went
to Sirhind, where he studied several branches of knowledge under
Shaikh ‘Abdu-llah, surnamed Míán, and other learned men. He
acquired acquaintance with Muhammadan traditions under the tuition
of Shaikh Núru-l Hakk, son of Shaikh ‘Abdu-l Hakk of Dehlí, and
having obtained his permission to teach this branch of learning, he
returned to his native city of Saháranpúr, and devoted his time to
imparting his knowledge to others. Afterwards, by desire of his father,
he forswore worldly concerns, and directed his whole attention to
worship and devotion.
When his father died, he enrolled himself among the disciples of
Shaikh Muhammad of Sirhind, and made in a short time very
considerable progress in spiritual knowledge. On again returning to
his native place, he led, like his ancestors, a retired life. Soon after,
Iftikhár Khán (Bakhtáwar Khán)—who from early youth had been an
intimate friend of Muhammad Baká, and had attained the rank of
three thousand horse and the office of steward (mír-sámán) to the
Emperor Aurangzeb—invited him to Court, and secured for him a
respectable rank, which he accepted, but with much reluctance, and
owing only to the importunities of his friends. This appears to have
been in the fourth year of Aurangzeb’s reign. Although he held a high
rank, and had public duties to attend to, yet he always led a life of
retirement; notwithstanding which, we are told that the Emperor was
very favourably disposed towards him.
Besides writing the Mir-át-i ‘Álam, he made extracts from the works of
Hakím Sanáí, the Mantiku-t Tair of Farídu-d dín Attár, and the
celebrated masnawí of Mauláná Rúmí, “the most eminent writers on
Divine subjects, who unanimously agree in their religious tenets.”
He also abridged the Díwán of Saíb and the Sákí-náma, and
composed a Riyázu-l Auliyá, or history of Saints, and a Tazkiratu-s
Shu’ará, or biography of Poets, with extracts. It is probable that much
of these two works is comprised in the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá,
notwithstanding that Muhammad Rizá states the loose sheets left by
Muhammad Baká to have been deficient in these particulars. The
Riyázu-l Auliyá is an exceedingly useful but rare work, comprised in
380 pages of 15 lines, and its value is greatly enhanced by being
arranged alphabetically. In the preface to this work the author
distinctly states, that in the Mir-át-i ‘Álam he had devoted a namáish
to an account of the Saints, but thought proper to write, at a
subsequent period, this more copious work upon the same subject.
He was also an original poet, and his poetical talents are highly
praised in the Farhatu-n Názirín, at the close of Aurangzeb’s reign.
Towards the close of his life, he was appointed sarkár of Saháranpúr,
where he erected some useful buildings. At the instance of his
relations and friends he constructed some houses on the banks of the
tank of Ráíwála in the suburbs of Saháranpúr. He also founded the
quarter known as Bakápúra, besides constructing several mosques
and public wells. He died in 1094 A.H. (1683 A.D.).
Muhammad Baká was descended from a distinguished family. His
ancestor, who first came to Hindústán from Hirát, was Khwája Zíáu-d
dín. He arrived during the reign of Fíroz Sháh in 754 A.H. (1353-4
A.D.). He was received kindly by that King, was promoted to be
Súbadár of Multán, and received the title of Malik Mardán Daulat. He
was the adoptive father of Saiyid Khizr Khán, who afterwards became
King of Dehlí. His own lineal descendants were all men of distinction,
in their successive generations, until we come to the subject of this
article.
The Mir-át-i ‘Álam, or the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá, is a monument of his
industry and ability, and though there is little of novelty, except the
account of the first ten years of Aurangzeb’s reign, yet the compilation
must be considered useful and comprehensive. The accounts of the
Poets and Saints are very copious, and among the best to which
reference can be made. It is doubtful how far these portions are to be
attributed to his pen. They form, certainly, no portion of the Mir-át-i
‘Álam.
Several works have been formed on the same model as the Mir-át-i
Jahán-numá, and continuations of the work are occasionally met with,
which add to the confusion attending the inquiry respecting the
original authorship. There is, for instance, in the Library of Nawáb
Siráju-l Mulk, ex-minister of Haidarábád, a large volume styled the
Táríkh-i ‘Álamgírnáma , continued down to the reign of Muhammad
Sháh, subdivided in the same way into Áráish and Namáish, etc., all
taken from the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá. The continuation is extracted
from the Táríkh-i Chaghatáí.
This work is not common in India, at least in a perfect form. That of
Muhammad Shafí is the least rare, and the best copy I have seen is
in the possession of Saiyid Muhammad Rizá, Sadru-s Sudúr of
‘Alígarh, though it is not uniformly written. It is enriched by some
marginal notes written in A.H. 1216 by a person who calls himself
Muhammad bin ‘Abdu-llah. In Europe, besides the copy in the British
Museum mentioned above, there is the copy in the Bibliothèque
Nationale, fonds Gentil, No. 48, and the copy of Sir W. Ouseley
numbered 305 and 306 in his Catalogue. He observes that he never
saw another copy. [There is also a copy in the Library of the Royal
Asiatic Society,* of which Mr. Morley has given a full account.]
The cleanest copy I have seen of this work is in the Library of
Muzaffar Husain Khán, a landed proprietor in the Lower Doáb. There
is a very good copy of the work in the possession of Fakír Núru-d dín
of Lahore, and a good copy of the first half of the work is in the
Library of Nawáb ‘Ali Muhammad Khán of Jhajjar.
EXTRACTS.
Aurangzeb’s Charity.
When it was reported to His Majesty Aurangzeb, that in the reign of
his father every year a sum of seventy-nine thousand rupees was
distributed through the Sadru-s Sudúr amongst the poor during five
months of the year,—viz. twelve thousand rupees in each of the
months of Muharram and Rabí’u-l awwal, ten thousand in Rajab,
fifteen thousand in Sha’bán, and thirty thousand in the sacred month
of Ramazán,—and that during the remaining seven months no sum
was distributed in charity,—His Majesty ordered the Sadru-s Sudúr
and other accountants of the household expenses, that with regard to
those five months they should observe the same rule, and in each of
the other months also they should give ten thousand rupees to be
distributed among the poor; so that the annual sum expended in
charity, including the increase which was now made, amounted to
one lac and forty-nine thousand rupees.
Next Previous Contents
Next Previous Contents
Some account of the battles which the Emperor fought before his
accession, as well as after that period, has been given above, and we
shall now write a few instances of his fortitude. At the time when the
Royal army arrived at Balkh, ‘Abdu-l ‘Azíz Khán, with a large force
which equalled the swarms of locusts and ants, came and arranged
his men in order of battle, and surrounded the Royal camp. While the
conflict was being carried on with great fury, the time of reading the
evening prayers came on, when His Majesty, though dissuaded by
some worldly officers, alighted from his horse and said the prayers,
etc., in a congregation, with the utmost indifference and presence of
mind. ‘Abdu-l ‘Azíz, on hearing of this, was much astonished at the
intrepidity of the Emperor, who was assisted by God, and put an end
to the battle, saying that to fight with such a man is to destroy oneself.
The Emperor is perfectly acquainted with the commentaries,
traditions and law. He always studies the compilations of the great
Imám Muhammad Ghizálí (may God’s mercy be on him!), the extracts
from the writings of Shaikh Sharaf Yahyá Munírí (may his tomb be
sanctified!), and the works of Muhí Shírazí, and other similar books.
One of the greatest excellences of this virtuous monarch is, that he
has learnt the Kurán by heart. Though in his early youth he had
committed to memory some chapters of that sacred book, yet he
learnt the whole by heart after ascending the throne. He took great
pains and showed much perseverance in impressing it upon his mind.
He writes a very elegant Naskh hand, and has acquired perfection in
this art. He has written two copies of the holy book with his own hand,
and having finished and adorned them with ornaments and marginal
lines, at the expense of seven thousand rupees, he sent them to the
holy cities of Mecca and Medína. He also wrote an excellent Nasta’lík
and Shikastah hand. He is a very elegant writer in prose, and has
acquired proficiency in versification, but agreeably to the words of
God, “Poets deal in falsehoods,” he abstains from practising it. He
does not like to hear verses except those which contain a moral. “To
please Almighty God he never turned his eye towards a flatterer, nor
gave his ear to a poet.”
The Emperor has given a very liberal education to his fortunate and
noble children, who, by virtue of his attention and care, have reached
to the summit of perfection, and made great advances in rectitude,
devotion, and piety, and in learning the manners and customs of
princes and great men. Through his instruction they have learnt the
Book of God by heart, obtained proficiency in the sciences and polite
literature, writing the various hands, and in learning the Turkí and the
Persian languages.
In like manner, the ladies of the household also, according to his
orders, have learnt the fundamental and necessary tenets of religion,
and all devote their time to the adoration and worship of the Deity, to
reading the sacred Kurán, and performing virtuous and pious acts.
The excellence of character and the purity of morals of this holy
monarch are beyond all expression. As long as nature nourishes the
tree of existence, and keeps the garden of the world fresh, may the
plant of the prosperity of this preserver of the garden of dignity and
honour continue fruitful!
The Distances of certain places in Hindústán—The Provinces and
their Revenues.
The length of the daily-increasing empire, from the port of Láhorí,
province of Thatta, to the tháná of Bindásal in Bengal, is 994 royal
kos, 1740 common kos known in most parts of Hindústán. Each royal
kos measures 5000 yards, and each yard is the breadth of 42 fingers.
Two royal kos are equal to three and a half common kos. From the
capital of Dehlí to Láhorí the distance is 437 royal kos, and 764
common kos; from the same city to tháná Bindásal 557 royal kos, and
975 common kos. In the same manner, from Láhorí to Thatta 25 royal
kos; from Thatta to Bhakkar 31 kos; from Bhakkar to Multán a little
more than 99 kos; from Multán to Láhore 75 kos; from Láhore to
Sháh-Jahánábád 170 kos; from Sháh-Jahánábád to Ágra 44 kos;
from Ágra to Alláhábád 107 kos; from Alláhábád to Patna 96 kos and
a fraction; from Patna to Mungír 37 kos; from Mungír to Akbarnagar
or Ráj Mahál 48 kos; from Akbarnagar to Jahángírnagar, or Dacca,
108 kos; from Dacca to Silhet 87 kos; from Silhet to Bindásal 30 kos;
and calculating every stage at twelve kos, the usual travelling
distance in Hindústán, the whole length is 145 stages, or a journey of
four months and twenty-seven days. The breadth of the whole empire
is from the frontier of Tibet and the delightful province of Kashmír to
the fort of Sholápúr, which in the prosperous reign of this monarch
has been taken from ‘Ádil Khán, a distance of 672 royal kos, or 1176
common kos; from Sháh-Jahánábád, the seat of Empire, to the
boundary of Tibet, is 330 royal kos, or 577 common kos; from the
seat of the Empire to Sholápúr, 342 royal kos, or 598 common kos;
as was found by measurement which may be thus detailed. From the
boundary of Tibet to Little Tibet, 60 royal kos; from Little Tibet to
Kashmír, 64 kos; from Kashmír to Láhore 101 kos; from Láhore to
Sháh-Jahánábád 105 kos; from Sháh-Jahánábád to Ágra 44 kos; and
from Ágra to Burhánpúr 178 kos. At the rate of twelve kos a stage,
the whole breadth is 98 stages, occupying a period of three months
and ten days.
Under the management and care of this virtuous monarch, the
country of Hindústán teems with population and culture. It is divided
into nineteen provinces, and 4440 parganas, the revenue of which
amounts altogether to nine arbs, twenty-four krors seventeen lacs,
16,082 dáms, or 9,24,17,16,082 dáms, out of which the khálisa, or
the sum paid to the royal treasury, is 1,72,79,81,251 dáms, and the
assignments of the jagírdárs, or the remainder, was 7,51,77,34,731
dáms.
Details of all the Provinces.
Sháhjahánábád—285 maháls; revenue 1,16,83,98,269 dáms. Ágra—
230 maháls; revenue 1,05,17,09,283 dáms. Lahore —330 maháls;
revenue 90,70,16,125 dáms. Ajmír—235 maháls; revenue
63,68,94,882 dáms. Ahmadábád—200 maháls; revenue
44,00,83,096 dáms. Alláhábád—268 maháls; revenue 43,66,88,072
dáms. Oudh—149 maháls; revenue 32,00,72,193 dáms. Bihár—252
maháls; revenue 72,17,97,019 dáms. Bengal —1219 maháls;
revenue 52,37,39,110 dáms. Orissa—244 maháls; revenue
19,71,00,000 dáms. Kashmír—51 maháls; revenue 21,30,74,826
dáms. The four provinces of the Dakhin, viz. Aurangábád, Zafarábád,
Birár, and Khándesh—552 maháls; revenue 2,96,70,00,000 dáms.
Málwa—257 maháls; revenue 42,54,76,670 dáms. Multán—98
maháls; revenue 24,53,18,575 dáms. Kábul—40 maháls; revenue
15,76,25,380 dáms. Thatta —revenue 57,49,86,900* dáms.
From the concluding Chapter of Wonders and Marvels.
Those who have visited the territory of Jakkar* and Ladakh have
heard the following story. In these hills there is found a worm which is
exceedingly small. It adheres to the toes of the foot, and bites them.
No force of hand or instrument is able to detach it, but it increases
every moment in bulk and length, so that, having swallowed up the
toe, it becomes equal to a large rat, and then swallows the whole
foot. After this it increases to the size of a dog, and then swallows up
both the legs and up to the waist or half the body of the man.
Although the people beat it much and try to cut it, yet no instrument or
weapon has any effect upon it. In a short time it becomes like a lion,
and having eaten the man entirely, goes away towards the jungle or
the hills, and then disappears.
LXX.
ZÍNATU-T TAWÁRÍKH
OF
‘AZÍZU-LLAH.
THIS “Ornament of Histories,” by ‘Azízu-llah, is a mere compilation of
no value. The author informs us in his preface that he intended
composing a second volume, in order to reconcile the discrepancies
which were observable in different histories. Whether he ever did so
does not appear, but there is so little critical judgment exercised in the
single volume we have under consideration, that the second is not
worth the search.
In the preface we learn that the work was commenced in 1086 A.H.
(1675-6 A.D.), but passages occur at the close which show that the
work is brought down to 1126 A.H. It is evident, however, that the
original work concluded with the account of Aurangzeb’s children, and
that the few last pages, including mention of Bahádur Sháh and
Jahándár Sháh, have been added by some transcriber. In the last
volume the date of 1087 A.H. is given, which leads us to conclude
that the history occupied one year in its composition.
There is nothing worthy of translation.
CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1-11.
The Creation.—Adam.—Prophets.—Muhammad.—Imáms, pp. 12-
111.
Persian Dynasties.—Greeks.—Saljúks.—Osmanlis.—Popes, pp. 212-
294.
‘Ummayides and ‘Abbásides, pp. 294-410.
Táhirís.—Tulúnias.—Ikhshidites.—Ghaznívides.—Buwaih-ides.—
Isma’ílians.—Sharífs.—Saiyids, pp. 410-464.
Ghorians.—Afgháns.—Mughals, pp. 674-816.
Kings of Dehlí, from the earliest Hindí period to the time of Farrukh
Siyar, pp. 816-996.
SIZE.—8vo. 996 pages, of 17 lines each.
This work is rare. I know of only one copy. Malcolm, in his “History of
Persia,” quotes a Zínatu-t Tawáríkh respecting the Ghaznívides,
which he describes as a metrical history.
LXXI.
LUBBU-T TAWÁRÍKH-I HIND
OF
RÁÍ BHÁRÁ MAL.
THE author of this brief history was Bindrában, son of Ráí Bhárá Mal,
and was himself also honoured with the title of Ráí. We learn from the
Conclusion of the Khulásatu-l Inshá that Ráí Bhárá Mal was the
díwán of Dárá Shukoh; and it is probable, therefore, that our author
was early initiated into a knowledge of public affairs. He says that the
reason of his entering on this undertaking was that, “after meditating
upon the conquests made by the Tímúrian family in this country, upon
their being still more enlarged by ‘Álamgír (Aurangzeb) up to the year
1101 A.H., and upon the fact of their continuing uninterruptedly in the
possession of the same family, he thought of writing a book which
should briefly describe how, and in what duration of time, those
conquests were achieved, should give the history of former kings,
their origin, and the causes which occasioned their rise or fall, the
period of their reign, their abilities and enterprises, and which should
more particularly treat of the great conquests made by ‘Álamgír.”
“It is true,” he continues, “that former historians have already written
several works regarding the history of ancient kings, and especially
Abú-l Kásim, surnamed Firishta, whose compositions are very good
as far as regards the language, but the defect of that work is that,
notwithstanding its being an abstract, it is in many parts too prolix.”
Adverting also to the fact that his history does not extend beyond the
thousandth year of the Hijra, and hence the important transactions of
one hundred years are altogether omitted, he thought it expedient to
extract its essence, and compile, with his own additions, a new work,
to be called the Lubbu-t Tawáríkh, or “Marrow of Histories.”
He gives as another reason for the superiority of his work over others,
that it treats of the extensive and resplendent conquests of the
Emperor ‘Álamgír, whose kingdom extended towards the East, West,
and the South to the seas, and towards the North to the boundaries
of Írán and Túrán, a vast dominion, to the tenth of which no other
kingdom is equal. Perhaps Rúm only might enter into competition
with it, but even in that case “seeing is better than hearing.”
EXTRACTS.
Sháh Jahán abolishes the Ceremony of Prostration.
It had long been customary with the subjects of this state to prostrate
themselves before the King in grateful return for any royal favours
conferred on them, and on the receipt of royal mandates. This just
King (Sháh Jahán), on his accession to the throne, commanded that
the practice should be abolished, and, at the representation of
Mahábat Khán (Khán-khánán), he established instead the practice of
kissing the ground. This also being afterwards found equally
objectionable, the King, actuated by his devotion and piety, ordered
that it likewise should be discontinued; and that the usual mode of
salutation by bowing and touching the head should be restored, with
this difference, that, instead of doing so only once, as before, the act
should be performed three several times. Circular orders, enforcing
the observance of this practice, were issued to all the Governors
within the royal dominions.
Prosperity of the Country during Sháh Jahán’s Reign.
The means employed by the King in these happy times to protect and
nourish his people; to punish all kinds of oppressive evil-doers; his
knowledge on all subjects tending to the welfare of his people; his
impressing the same necessity upon the revenue functionaries, and
the appointment of honest and intelligent officers in every district; his
administration of the country, and calling for and examining annual
statements of revenue, in order to ascertain what were the resources
of the empire; his showing his royal affection to the people, and
expressing his displeasure when necessary; his issuing stringent
orders to the officers appointed to the charge of the crown and
assigned lands, to promote the increase and welfare of the tenants;
his admonishing the disobedient, and constantly directing his
generous attention towards the improvement of agriculture and the
collection of the revenues of the state;—all these contributed in a
great measure to advance the prosperity of his empire. The pargana,
the income of which was three lacs of rupees in the reign of Akbar
(whose seat is in the highest heaven!), yielded, in this happy reign, a
revenue of ten lacs! The collections made in some districts, however,
fell short of this proportionate increase. The chakladárs who, by
carefully cultivating their lands, aided in increasing the revenue,
received marked consideration, and vice versâ.
Notwithstanding the comparative increase in the expenses of the
State during this reign, gratuities for the erection of public edifices
and other works in progress, and for the paid military service and
establishments, such as those maintained in Balkh, Badakhshán, and
Kandahár, amounted, at one disbursement only, to fourteen krors of
rupees, and the advances made on account of edifices only were two
krors and fifty lacs of rupees. From this single instance of
expenditure, an idea may be formed as to what the charges must
have been under others. Besides, in times of war, large sums were
expended, in addition to fixed salaries and ordinary outlay. In short,
the expenditure of former reigns, in comparison with that of the one in
question, was not even in the proportion of one to four; and yet this
King, in a short space of time, amassed a treasure which it would
have taken several years for his predecessors to accumulate!
Sháh Jahán’s Justice.
Notwithstanding the great area of this country, plaints were so few
that only one day in the week, viz. Wednesday, was fixed upon for the
administration of justice; and it was rarely even then that twenty
plaintiffs could be found to prefer suits, the number generally being
much less. The writer of this historical sketch on more than one
occasion, when honoured with an audience of the King, heard His
Majesty chide the dárogha of the Court that although so many
confidential persons had been appointed to invite plaintiffs, and a day
of the week was set apart exclusively with the view of dispensing
justice, yet even the small number of twenty plaintiffs could but very
seldom be brought into Court. The dárogha replied that if he failed to
produce only one plaintiff, he would be worthy of punishment.
In short, it was owing to the great solicitude evinced by the King
towards the promotion of the national weal and the general
tranquillity, that the people were restrained from committing offences
against one another and breaking the public peace. But if offenders
were discovered, the local authorities used generally to try them on
the spot where the offence had been committed according to law, and
in concurrence with the law officers: and if any individual, dissatisfied
with the decision passed on his case, appealed to the Governor or
díwán, or to the kází of the súba, the matter was reviewed, and
judgment awarded with great care and discrimination, lest it should
be mentioned in the presence of the King that justice had not been
done. If parties were not satisfied even with these decisions, they
appealed to the chief díwán, or to the chief kází on matters of law.
These officers instituted further inquiries. With all this care, what
cases, except those relating to blood and religion, could become
subjects of reference to His Majesty?
CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1-3.
Section I.—The Kings of Dehlí, from Mu’izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám
to Aurangzeb, pp. 4-256.
Section II.—The Kings of the Dakhin, viz. the Bahmaní, ‘Ádil-Sháhí,
Nizám-Sháhí, Kutb-Sháhí, the ‘Imád-Sháhí and Barídia, or the Kings
of Kulbarga, Bíjápúr, Ahmadnagar, Gol-konda, Birár, and Bidr, pp.
256-329.
Section III.—The Kings of Gujarát, pp. 330-352.
Section IV.—The Kings of Málwá, pp. 352-374.
Section V.—The Kings of Khándesh and Búrhánpúr, pp. 375-386.
Section VI.—The Kings of Bengal, pp. 386-398.
Section VII.—The Kings of Jaunpúr, 399-403.
Section VIII.—The Kings of Sind, pp. 403-408.
Section IX.—The Kings of Multán, pp. 408-410.
Section X.—The Kings of Kashmír, pp. 410-412.
SIZE.—8vo. pp. 412, of 15 lines each.
Major Scott has made great use of this work in his “History the
Dakhin,” but so brief a work is of little use. The author quotes no
authorities in his preface except Firishta, but he mentions also in the
body of the work the Akbar-náma and Jahángír-náma as being so
common as to render it unnecessary for him to enlarge on the periods
of which they treat.
The exact year in which the work was composed is somewhat
doubtful. It is not quite clear from the preface whether the date should
be rendered 1100 or 1101 A.H. A chronogram given by an early
transcriber makes it 1106; and if the title of the work be intended to
form a chronogram, which is nowhere stated by the author, the date
would be 1108 A.H. (1696 A.D.).
The Lubbu-t Tawáríkh-i Hind is very common in India. One of the best
copies I have seen is in the possession of Nawáb Hasan ‘Alí Khán of
Jhajjar, written in 1148 A.H. In Europe also it is not uncommon. There
is a copy of it in the British Museum (No. 5618). There is also an
illegible copy at Paris (Gentil, No. 44), under the incorrect title of
Muntakhabu-t Táríkh.
[The translations of the following Extracts were revised by Sir H. M.
Elliot.]
EXTRACTS.
Sháh Jahán abolishes the Ceremony of Prostration.
It had long been customary with the subjects of this state to prostrate
themselves before the King in grateful return for any royal favours
conferred on them, and on the receipt of royal mandates. This just
King (Sháh Jahán), on his accession to the throne, commanded that
the practice should be abolished, and, at the representation of
Mahábat Khán (Khán-khánán), he established instead the practice of
kissing the ground. This also being afterwards found equally
objectionable, the King, actuated by his devotion and piety, ordered
that it likewise should be discontinued; and that the usual mode of
salutation by bowing and touching the head should be restored, with
this difference, that, instead of doing so only once, as before, the act
should be performed three several times. Circular orders, enforcing
the observance of this practice, were issued to all the Governors
within the royal dominions.
Prosperity of the Country during Sháh Jahán’s Reign.
The means employed by the King in these happy times to protect and
nourish his people; to punish all kinds of oppressive evil-doers; his
knowledge on all subjects tending to the welfare of his people; his
impressing the same necessity upon the revenue functionaries, and
the appointment of honest and intelligent officers in every district; his
administration of the country, and calling for and examining annual
statements of revenue, in order to ascertain what were the resources
of the empire; his showing his royal affection to the people, and
expressing his displeasure when necessary; his issuing stringent
orders to the officers appointed to the charge of the crown and
assigned lands, to promote the increase and welfare of the tenants;
his admonishing the disobedient, and constantly directing his
generous attention towards the improvement of agriculture and the
collection of the revenues of the state;—all these contributed in a
great measure to advance the prosperity of his empire. The pargana,
the income of which was three lacs of rupees in the reign of Akbar
(whose seat is in the highest heaven!), yielded, in this happy reign, a
revenue of ten lacs! The collections made in some districts, however,
fell short of this proportionate increase. The chakladárs who, by
carefully cultivating their lands, aided in increasing the revenue,
received marked consideration, and vice versâ.
Notwithstanding the comparative increase in the expenses of the
State during this reign, gratuities for the erection of public edifices
and other works in progress, and for the paid military service and
establishments, such as those maintained in Balkh, Badakhshán, and
Kandahár, amounted, at one disbursement only, to fourteen krors of
rupees, and the advances made on account of edifices only were two
krors and fifty lacs of rupees. From this single instance of
expenditure, an idea may be formed as to what the charges must
have been under others. Besides, in times of war, large sums were
expended, in addition to fixed salaries and ordinary outlay. In short,
the expenditure of former reigns, in comparison with that of the one in
question, was not even in the proportion of one to four; and yet this
King, in a short space of time, amassed a treasure which it would
have taken several years for his predecessors to accumulate!
Sháh Jahán’s Justice.
Notwithstanding the great area of this country, plaints were so few
that only one day in the week, viz. Wednesday, was fixed upon for the
administration of justice; and it was rarely even then that twenty
plaintiffs could be found to prefer suits, the number generally being
much less. The writer of this historical sketch on more than one
occasion, when honoured with an audience of the King, heard His
Majesty chide the dárogha of the Court that although so many
confidential persons had been appointed to invite plaintiffs, and a day
of the week was set apart exclusively with the view of dispensing
justice, yet even the small number of twenty plaintiffs could but very
seldom be brought into Court. The dárogha replied that if he failed to
produce only one plaintiff, he would be worthy of punishment.
In short, it was owing to the great solicitude evinced by the King
towards the promotion of the national weal and the general
tranquillity, that the people were restrained from committing offences
against one another and breaking the public peace. But if offenders
were discovered, the local authorities used generally to try them on
the spot where the offence had been committed according to law, and
in concurrence with the law officers: and if any individual, dissatisfied
with the decision passed on his case, appealed to the Governor or
díwán, or to the kází of the súba, the matter was reviewed, and
judgment awarded with great care and discrimination, lest it should
be mentioned in the presence of the King that justice had not been
done. If parties were not satisfied even with these decisions, they
appealed to the chief díwán, or to the chief kází on matters of law.
These officers instituted further inquiries. With all this care, what
cases, except those relating to blood and religion, could become
subjects of reference to His Majesty?
LXXII.
‘ÁLAMGÍR-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD KÁZIM.
THIS work was written 1688 A.D. by Mirzá Muhammad Kázim, son of
Muhammad Amín Munshí, the author of the Pádsháh-náma ,
previously noticed as No. LXI. It contains a history of the first ten
years of the reign of ‘Álamgír Aurangzeb. It was dedicated to
Aurangzeb in the thirty-second year of his reign; but on its being
presented, the Emperor forbad its continuation, and, like another
Alexander, edicto vetuit ne quis se pingeret, but not for the same
reason. The Mughal Emperor professed as the cause of his
prohibition that the cultivation of inward piety was preferable to the
ostentatious display of his achievements. Elphinstone observes of
this strange prohibition that the Emperor not only discontinued the
regular annals of the empire, which had before been kept by a regular
historiographer, but so effectually put a stop to all records of his trans-
actions, that from the eleventh year of his reign the course of events
can only be traced through the means of letters on business and of
notes taken clandestinely by private individuals.*
This prohibition is the more extraordinary from its inconsistency with
orders previously issued for the preparation of the ‘Álamgír-náma.
The Preface of that work shows not only the encouragement which
the author received in the prosecution of his work, but also the little
reliance that can be reposed in the narrative when any subject is
mentioned likely to affect the personal character of the monarch. It is
much the same with nearly all the histories written by contemporaries,
which are filled with the most nauseous panegyrics, and
With titles blown from adulation.
The historian was to submit his pages to the interested scrutiny of the
Emperor himself, and to be guided in doubtful questions by
information graciously given by the monarch respecting what account
was to be rejected or admitted. As the royal listener was not likely to
criminate himself, we must bear perpetually in mind that such
histories are mere one-sided accounts, and not to be received with
implicit reliance.
After an encomium of the powers of eloquence, the author says that it
was solely owing to the reputed charms of his style that he was
introduced to the great monarch ‘Álamgír, and, after a long obscurity,
was suddenly raised from insignificance to the high situation of His
Majesty’s munshí in the year of the coronation. His style being
approved by the King, he was ordered to collect information about all
the extraordinary events in which the King had been concerned, and
accounts of the bright conquests which he had effected, into a book;
and accordingly an order was given to the officers in charge of the
Royal Records to make over to the author all such papers as were
received from the news-writers and other high functionaries of the
different countries concerning the great events, the monthly and
yearly registers of all kinds of accidents and marvels, and the
descriptions of the different súbas and countries.
The author was further instructed, that if there were any such
particulars as were omitted in any of the above papers, or not
witnessed by himself, he should make inquiries regarding them from
such trustworthy officers as followed the royal camp, who would
relate the exact circumstances; and if there were anything which
particularly required the explanation of His Majesty, the author was
graciously permitted the liberty of making inquiry from the King
himself.
He was also ordered to attend on His Majesty on proper occasions, to
read over whatever he had collected, and had written from the above
authorities, and to have His Majesty’s corrections incorporated. It is to
be regretted that Aurangzeb did not here again imitate the example of
Alexander, of whom Lucian gives an anecdote which shows that
conqueror to have been less compliant with his flattering historians.
“Aristobulus, after he had written an account of the single combat
between Alexander and Porus, showed that monarch a particular part
of it, wherein, the better to get into his good graces, he had inserted a
great deal more than was true: when Alexander seized the book and
threw it (for they happened at that time to be sailing on the Hydaspes)
directly into the river: ‘Thus,’ said he, ‘ought you to have been served
yourself, for pretending to describe my battles, and killing half a
dozen elephants for me with a spear.’”
The value of the Royal Records may be known from the narrative of
an English traveller who visited the Court in A.D. 1609. Captain
Hawkins says, “During the time that he drinks his six cups of strong
liquor, he says and does many idle things; yet whatever he says or
does, whether drunk or sober, there are writers who attend him in
rotation, who set many things down in writing; so that not a single
incident of his life but is recorded, even his going to the necessary
and when he lies with his wives. The purpose of all this is that when
he dies all his actions and speeches worthy of being recorded may be
inserted in the chronicles of his reign.”
“As the history regarding His Majesty’s birth and minority up to the
time of his ascending the throne has already,” says our author, “been
fully detailed in the book called Bádsháh-náma , it was at first
resolved that this book should begin with the accounts of His
Majesty’s return from the Dakhin towards his capital (which took
place in 1068 A.H., 1657 A.D.), and it will contain an account of the
undertakings and conquests achieved by His Majesty during the
period of eighteen years. But the author subsequently thought of
writing, in an Introduction, a brief account of the King’s minority,
because it was replete with wonderful events, and because many
conquests were effected during that period. It accordingly
commences with Dárá Shukoh’s assumption of authority upon the
illness of his father Sháh Jahán, and the means employed by
Aurangzeb to cut off his brothers and obtain the Imperial Crown.
[The style in which this work is written is quite in accord with the
courtly panegyrical character of the book. It is strained, verbose, and
tedious; fulsome in its flattery, abusive in its censure. Laudatory
epithets are heaped one upon another in praise of Aurangzeb; while
his unfortunate brothers are not only sneered at and abused, but their
very names are perverted. Dárá Shukoh is repeatedly called Be-
Shukoh, “the undignified;” and Shujá’ is called Ná-shujá’, “the
unvaliant.” The work seems to have obtained no great reputation in
India. “Subsequent authors,” says Colonel Lees “do not express any
very decided opinion upon the qualifications of Muhammad Kázim as
an historian. The author of the Mir-átu-l ‘Álam, however, speaks of
him as an author of great erudition; the author of the Ma-ásiru-l
‘Álamgírí has made an abridgment of his work the first portion of his
history; and Kháfí Khán, the author of the Muntakhabu-l Lubáb, has
made the ‘Álamgír-náma a chief authority,” though he occasionally
controverts its statements. It is well that the book has been so well
worked up by later writers, for a close translation of it into English
would be quite unreadable. A few passages have been translated by
the Editor, but in them it has been necessary to prune away a good
deal of the author’s exuberance of language and metaphor.]
The history of the conquest of Assam has been translated from this
work by Mr. Vansittart, in the “Asiatic Miscellany,” vol. i., and in
“Asiatic Researches,” vol. ii. [The whole of the original work has been
printed in the “Bibliotheca Indica,” and occupies more than 1100
pages.]
Next Previous Contents
Next Previous Contents
EXTRACTS.
Illness of Sháh Jahán.
[On the 8th Zí-l hijja, 1067 A.H. (8th September 1657), the Emperor
Sháh Jahán was seized with illness at Dehlí. His illness lasted for a
long time, and every day he grew weaker, so that he was unable to
attend to the business of the State. Irregularities of all sorts occurred
in the administration, and great disturbances arose in the wide
territories of Hindústán. The unworthy and frivolous Dárá Shukoh
considered himself heir-apparent, and notwithstanding his want of
ability for the kingly office, he endeavoured with the scissors of
greediness to cut the robes of the Imperial dignity into a shape suited
for his unworthy person.* With this over-weening ambition constantly
in his mind, and in pursuit of his vain design, he never left the seat of
government. When the Emperor fell ill and was unable to attend to
business, Dárá Shukoh took the opportunity of seizing the reins of
power, and interfered with everything. He closed the roads against
the spread of news, and seized letters addressed to individuals. He
forbade the officers of government to write or send any intelligence to
the provinces, and upon the mere suspicion of their having done so,
he seized and imprisoned them. The royal princes, the great nobles,
and all the men who were scattered through the provinces and
territories of this great empire, many even of the officials and servants
who were employed at the capital, had no expectation that the
Emperor would live much longer. So great disorders arose in the
affairs of the State. Disaffected and rebellious men raised their heads
in mutiny and strife on every side. Turbulent raiyats refused to pay
their revenue. The seed of rebellion was sown in all directions, and by
degrees the evil reached to such a height that in Gujarát Murád
Bakhsh took his seat upon the throne, had the khutba read and coins
struck in his name, and assumed the title of King. Shujá’ took the
same course in Bengal, led an army against Patna, and from thence
advanced to Benares.]
Heresy of Dárá Shukoh.
[Dárá Shukoh in his later days did not restrain himself to the free-
thinking and heretical notions which he had adopted under the name
of tasawwuf (Sufiism), but showed an inclination for the religion and
institutions of the Hindús. He was constantly in the society of
Bráhmans, Jogís and Sannyásís, and he used to regard these
worthless teachers of delusions as learned and true masters of
wisdom. He considered their books which they call Bed as being the
Word of God, and revealed from heaven, and he called them ancient
and excellent books. He was under such delusion about this Bed, that
he collected Bráhmans and Sannyásís from all parts of the country,
and paying them great respect and attention, he employed them in
translating the Bed. He spent all his time in this unholy work, and
devoted all his attention to the contents of these wretched books.
Instead of the sacred name of God, he adopted the Hindú name
Prabhu (lord), which the Hindús consider holy, and he had this name
engraved in Hindí letters upon rings of diamond, ruby, emerald, etc. *
* Through these perverted opinions he had given up the prayers,
fasting and other obligations imposed by the law. * * It became
manifest that if Dárá Shukoh obtained the throne and established his
power, the foundations of the faith would be in danger and the
precepts of Islám would be changed for the rant of infidelity and
Judaism.]
Mír Jumla Mu’azzam Khán.
[After the conquest of Zafarábád and Kalyán, and the return of
Aurangzeb from Bíjápúr, where he had failed in obtaining full
success, through the opposition and malevolence of Dárá Shukoh, he
left ‘Umdatu-s Saltanatu-l Káhira Mu’azzam Khán, with a part of the
Imperial army, in the vicinity of Bíjápúr, to realize a sum of a hundred
lacs of rupees as tribute from ‘Ádil Khán, by the promise of which the
retreat of Aurangzeb had been obtained. The intrigues of Dárá
Shukoh, who did his best to defeat this arrangement, and the
mischievous disturbing letters which he sent to ‘Ádil Khán and his
nobles, brought this desirable settlement to nought. His Majesty Sháh
Jahán, who at that time took no very active part in the affairs of
government, was influenced by the urgent representations of that
weak-minded (Dárá Shukoh), and summoned Mu’azzam Khán to
court. In obedience to this order, the Khán marched with the force
under his command to Aurangábád, intending to proceed from thence
to the capital. This movement at such a time seemed injurious to the
State, and encouraging to the turbulence of the Dakhinís. Mu’azzam
Khán had no sinister object in proceeding to the capital; but
Aurangzeb, as a matter of prudence and of State policy, made him
prisoner and detained him in the Dakhin. When Dárá Shukoh
obtained information of this arrest, his malignity and jealousy led him
to persuade the Emperor that it was all a trick and conspiracy
between the Khán and Aurangzeb. By this he so worked upon the
feelings and fears of the Emperor that he roused his suspicions
against Muhammad Amín Khán, son of Mu’azzam Khán, who then
held the office of Mir Bakhshí at Court, and obtained permission to
secure his person. Accordingly Dárá Shukoh summoned Muhammad
Amín to his house and made him prisoner. After he had been in
confinement three or four days, intelligence of the true state of the
case and of the innocence of Muhammad Amín reached the Emperor,
and he, being satisfied of the facts, released Muhammad Amín from
durance.]
Illness of the Emperor Aurangzeb.
[On the night of the 12th Rajab (in the eighth year of his reign), the
Emperor was suddenly attacked with strangury, and suffered great
pain until the following morning. * * The skill and attention of his
physicians had their effect, * * and in a few days he recovered.]
LXXIII.
MA-ÁSIR-I ‘ÁLAMGÍRÍ
OF
MUHAMMAD SÁKÍ MUSTA’IDD KHÁN.
THIS is a history of the reign of ‘Álamgír (Aurangzeb). The first ten
years is an abridgment of the work last noticed, the ‘Álamgír-náma;
the continuation till the death of Aurangzeb in A.D. 1707 is an original
composition. It was written by Muhammad Sákí Musta’idd Khán,
munshí to ‘Ináyatu-lla Khán, wazír of Bahádur Sháh. He had been a
constant follower of the Court for forty years, and an eye-witness of
many of the transactions he records. He undertook the work by desire
of his patron, and finished it in A.D. 1710, only three years after the
death of Aurangzeb. [Kháfí Khán, in his Muntakhabu-l Lubáb, informs
us that “after the expiration of ten years (of Aurangzeb’s reign)
authors were forbidden from writing the events of that just and
righteous Emperor’s reign; nevertheless some competent persons
(did so), and particularly Musta’idd Khán, who secretly wrote an
abridged account of the campaign in the Dakhin, simply detailing the
conquests of the countries and forts, without alluding at all to the
misfortunes of the campaign.”*]
The Ma-ásir-i ‘Alamgírí contains two Books and a short Appendix.
Book I.—An abridgment of Mirzá Muhammad Kázim’s history of the
first ten years of the Emperor’s reign and the events preceding his
accession.
Book II.—The events of the last forty years of the Emperor’s reign,
with an account of his death.
Appendix.—Several anecdotes of the Emperor, which could not be
included in the history; and a minute account of the Royal family.
The history is written in the form of annals, each year being distinctly
marked off.
Stewart, in his “Descriptive Catalogue,” observes of the writer of this
work, that “although his style be too concise, I have never met in any
other author with the relation of an event of this reign which is not
recorded in this history.”
It is differently spoken of by the author of the “Critical Essay,” who
shows a discrimination rarely to be met with in Indian critics. The
omissions he complains of will not appear of much importance to a
European reader.
“Muhammad Sákí Musta’idd Khán, who composed the chronicle
named Ma-ásir-i ‘Álamgírí, has not by any means rendered his work
complete; for he has omitted to record several matters of
considerable importance. Thus, he has not mentioned the dignities
and offices of honour accorded to Royal princes, and their successive
appointments to different situations, such as might best qualify them
for managing the affairs of government. Some he has noticed, but he
has omitted others. Neither has he informed us in what year the
illustrious Sháh ‘Álam Bahádur Sháh (now gone to the abode of
felicity) and Muhammad ‘Ázam Sháh were invested with the high rank
of Chihal-hazarí (40,000); and of many other circumstances relating
to these two princes, some are mentioned, and many have been
altogether unnoticed. In the same manner also he has treated of
other Royal princes.
“Respecting likewise the chief nobles and their removals from
different offices or appointments and dignities, some are mentioned,
but several are omitted; thus he has neglected to notice the dates
and various circumstances of the appointment of Haft-hazarí (7000)
of Ghází’u-d dín Khán Bahádur Fíroz Jang, and the Shash-hazarí
(6000) of Zulfikár Khán Bahádur Nusrat Jang, two distinguished
generals.
“On the other hand, he relates with minute precision some very trifling
occurrences little worthy of being recorded in history, and by no
means interesting, such as particulars concerning chapels or places
of prayer, the merits of different preachers and similar topics, which
had been subjects of discussion among his intimate companions. On
this account his work is not held in high estimation among those
learned men who know how to appreciate historical compositions.”
[This verdict of a native critic is worthy of record, although it cannot
be accepted. Muhammad Sákí has a style of his own which is not
difficult, and yet has some pretensions to elegance. The early part of
the work is little better than a Court Circular or London Gazette, being
occupied almost exclusively with the private matters of the royal
family, and the promotions, appointments, and removals of the
officers of government. Farther on he enters more fully into matters of
historical record, and gives details of Aurangzeb’s campaign in the
Dakhin, and his many sieges of forts.]
The work was edited and translated into English by Henry Vansittart
in 1785, and published in a quarto volume. [The complete text has
been printed in the Bibliotheca Indica, and fills 541 pages. A
translation of the last 40 years, Muhammad Sákí’s own portion of the
work, was made for Sir H. Elliot by “Lieut. Perkins, 71st N.I.,” and from
that translation the following Extracts have been taken.]
EXTRACTS.
Earthquake.
[Text, p. 73.] On the 1st Zí-l hijja, 1078 A.H. (3rd May, 1668), the
intelligence arrived from Thatta that the town of Samájí had been
destroyed by an earthquake; thirty thousand houses were thrown
down.
Prohibition of Hindú Teaching and Worship.
[Text, p. 81.] On the 17th Zí-l ka’da, 1079 (18th April, 1669), it reached
the ear of His Majesty, the protector of the faith, that in the provinces
of Thatta, Multán, and Benares, but especially in the latter, foolish
Bráhmans were in the habit of expounding frivolous books in their
schools, and that students and learners, Musulmáns as well as
Hindús, went there, even from long distances, led by a desire to
become acquainted with the wicked sciences they taught. The
“Director of the Faith” consequently issued orders to all the governors
of provinces to destroy with a willing hand the schools and temples of
the infidels; and they were strictly enjoined to put an entire stop to the
teaching and practising of idolatrous forms of worship. On the 15th
Rabí’u-l ákhir it was reported to his religious Majesty, leader of the
unitarians, that, in obedience to order, the Government officers had
destroyed the temple of Bishnáth at Benares.
[Text, p. 95.] In the month of Ramazán, 1080 A.H. (December, 1669),
in the thirteenth year of the reign, this justice-loving monarch, the
constant enemy of tyrants, commanded the destruction of the Hindú
temple of Mathura or Mattra, known by the name of Dehra Késú Ráí,
and soon that stronghold of falsehood was levelled with the ground.
On the same spot was laid, at great expense, the foundation of a vast
mosque. The den of iniquity thus destroyed owed its erection to Nar
Singh Deo Bundela, an ignorant and depraved man. Jahángír, before
he ascended the throne, was at one time, for various reasons, much
displeased with Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, and the above-mentioned Hindú,
in order to compass the Shaikh’s death, affected great devotion to the
Prince. As a reward for his services, he obtained from the Prince
become King permission to construct the Mattra temple. Thirty-three
lacs were expended on this work. Glory be to God, who has given us
the faith of Islám, that, in this reign of the destroyer of false gods, an
undertaking so difficult of accomplishment* has been brought to a
successful termination! This vigorous support given to the true faith
was a severe blow to the arrogance of the Rájas, and, like idols, they
turned their faces awe-struck to the wall. The richly-jewelled idols
taken from the pagan temples were transferred to Ágra, and there
placed beneath the steps leading to the Nawáb Begam Sáhib’s
mosque, in order that they might ever be pressed under foot by the
true believers. Mattra changed its name into Islámábád, and was thus
called in all official documents, as well as by the people.
[Text, p. 100.] In Shawwál information reached the King that Sháh-
záda Muhammad Mu’azzam, under the influence of his passions, and
misled by pernicious associates and flatterers, had, notwithstanding
his excellent understanding, become imbued with a spirit of
insubordination. Prompted by his natural benevolence, His Majesty
wrote several letters replete with advice to the Prince, but this alone
did not satisfy him—the Nawáb Ráí, the Prince’s mother, was sent for
to go to her son, and lead him back into the right path if any symptom
of rebellion should appear in him. Iftikhár Khán Khán-zámán, a wise
and discreet man, was directed to repair to the Prince, charged with
much beneficial advice. He soon reached his destination, and
delivered himself of the King’s messages. Prince Muhammad
Mu’azzam was a fountain of candour; there was moreover no truth in
the report; so his only answer was to bow his head in submission. He
wrote to his father letters expressive of humility and shame. Unwilling
to ever transgress the obedience due to his King and to his God, he
insured himself happiness in both worlds. The King, slow to anger
and prompt to forgive, lavished presents and kind words on his son.
On the morning of Friday, 28th of Zí-l ka’da (1118 A.H. 21st February,
1707 A.D.), His Majesty performed the consecrated prayers, and, at
their conclusion, returned to the sleeping apartments, where he
remained absorbed in contemplation of the Deity. Faintness came on,
and the soul of the aged monarch hovered on the verge of eternity.
Still, in this dread hour, the force of habit prevailed, and the fingers of
the dying King continued mechanically to tell the beads of the rosary
they held. A quarter of the day later the King breathed his last, and
thus was fulfilled his wish to die on a Friday. Great was the grief
among all classes of people for the King’s death. The shafts of
adversity had demolished the edifice of their hopes, and the night of
sorrow darkened the joyful noonday. Holy men prepared to perform
the funeral rites, and kept the corpse in the sleeping apartment
pending the arrival of Prince Muhammad A’zam, who was away a
distance of five-and-twenty kos from the camp. The Prince arrived the
following day, and it is impossible to describe the grief that was
depicted on his countenance; never had anything like it been beheld.
On Monday he assisted in carrying the corpse through the hall of
justice, whence the procession went on without him. May none ever
experience the anguish he felt! People sympathized with the Prince’s
sorrow, and shed torrents of tears. Such and so deeply-felt were the
lamentations for a monarch whose genius only equalled his piety,
whose equal the world did not contain, but whose luminous
countenance was now hidden from his loving people!
According to the will of the deceased King, his mortal remains were
deposited in the tomb constructed during his lifetime near the shrine
of the holy Shaikh Zainu-d dín (on whom God have mercy!). “Earth
was consigned to earth, but the pure soul survived.” This place of
sepulture, known by the name of Khuldábád, is distant eight kos from
Khujista-bunyád (Aurangábád), and three kos from Daulatábád. A red
stone three yards in length, two in width, and only a few inches in
depth, is placed above the tomb. In this stone was hollowed out, in
the shape of an amulet, a cavity for the reception of earth and seeds;
and odoriferous herbs there diffuse their fragrance around.
Account of the late King’s Family.
[Text, p. 533.] God had given unto ‘Álamgír five sons and five
daughters, born of different mothers, and all learned in spiritual and
worldly matters. Mention has already been made of them; it now
remains to give a short notice of each.
The first son was Muhammad Sultán, born of the Nawáb Báí, on the
4th of Ramazán, in the year 1049 A.H. (14th November, 1639 A.D.).
His manners were agreeable, he knew the Kurán by heart, and was
well acquainted with the Arabic, Turkish and Persian languages. His
valour was great. This Prince died in the 21st year of the reign.
The second son, Muhammad Mu’azzam Shah ‘Álam Bahádur, was
born of the same Nawáb Báí, in the end of Rajab, 1053 A.H.
(September, 1643 A.D.). While still a boy he acquired a perfect
knowledge of the Kurán, and of the science of reading. When so
engaged, his voice is pleasing and melodious. So great is his
knowledge of law and of the traditionary sayings of the Prophet, that
he is held by all the learned men of the day to be unequalled in this
accomplishment. He is deeply read in Arabic, and the fluency and
elegance of his diction are the wonder of the very Kurán-readers of
Arabia. He knows many sorts of writing, is careful of his time, and a
protector of the poor.
Prince Muhammad A’zam, the third son, was born of Dilras Bánú
Begam, daughter of Sháh Nawáz Khán Safawí, on the 12th of
Sha’bán, in the year 1063 (28th June, 1653). He was distinguished for
his wisdom and excellence. He excelled in many ways, and his innate
virtues and sagacity rendered him the indispensable companion of
the late King. His death occurred on the 18th of Rabí’u-l awwal, only
three months and twenty days after that of his royal parent. It was
marked by deeds of valour.
The next son, Prince Akbar, was born of Begam,* on the 12th of Zí-l
hijja, in the year 1067 (12th September, 1656 A.D.). He fled from his
father, and passed his life in Persia. He died in the 48th year of the
reign, but there are two reasons for supposing that his end was a
happy one. In the first place, the King remarked that Prince Akbar had
always performed his Friday prayers most devoutly; and secondly, his
mortal remains lie in the area of the tomb of Imám Rizá (on whom be
blessings and praise!).
Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, the fifth and last son, was born on the 10th
of Ramazán, in the year 1077 (25th February, 1667). His mother was
Báí Údípúrí. His father instructed him in the word of God, and his
knowledge of all known works surpassed that of his brothers. The
Turkish language and several modes of writing were familiar to him.
He was brave and generous. The death of this Prince took place two
years after that of his father.
Account of the Daughters.
Zebu-n Nisá Begam was the eldest of the daughters. She was born of
Begam* on the 10th of Shawwál, in the year 1048 (5th February, 1639).
Owing to the King’s teaching, she became thoroughly proficient in
knowledge of the Kurán, and received as a reward the sum of 30,000
ashrafís. Her learning extended to Arabic, Persian, to the various
modes of writing, and to prose and poetry. Many learned men, poets
and writers were employed by her, and numerous compilations and
original works are dedicated to her. One of these, a translation of the
Tafsír-i Kabír, called Zebu-t Tafásír, was the work of Mullá Safí’u-d dín
Ardbelí, attached to the service of this Princess. Her death occurred
in the year 1113 (1701 A.D.).
The second daughter was Zínatu-n Nisá Begam. She was born on
the 1st Sha’bán, in the year 1053 (9th October, 1643 A.D.). This
Princess is remarkable for her great piety and extreme liberality.
Badru-n Nisá Begam, the third in order, was born of the Nawáb Báí
on the 29th Shawwál, in the year 1057 (17th November, 1647 A.D.).
She knew the Kurán by heart, was pious and virtuous. Her demise
took place on the 27th Zí-l ka’da in the 13th year of the reign.
The fourth daughter, Zubdatu-n Nisá Begam, was born on the 26th
Ramazán, in the year 1061 (1st September, 1651 A.D.). Her mother
was Begam. This Princess was ever engaged in worship, prayer, and
pious works. She was wedded to Sipihr Shukoh, son of Dárá Shukoh.
She went to Paradise in the same month as her father, to whom her
death was not made known.
Mihru-n Nisá Begam, the fifth daughter, was born of Aurangábádí
Mahal on the 3rd of Safar, in the year 1072 (13th September, 1661).
She became the spouse of Ízad Bakhsh, son of Murád Bakhsh, and
lived until the year 1116.
LXXIV.
FUTUHÁT-I ‘ÁLAMGÍRÍ
OF
MUHAMMAD MA’SÚM.
[THIS book of “the Victories of Aurangzeb” would seem also to be
known as Wáki’át-i ‘Álamgírí. There is a translation of the Preface
and of the Table of Contents among Sir H. M. Elliot’s papers. From
the Preface it appears that the author was Muhammad Ma’súm, son
of Sálih. He was employed in the service of Sultán Shujá’,
Aurangzeb’s brother, “whose generosity is equal to that of the sun.”
Having obtained a few months’ leave of absence, he, with much
hesitation and diffidence, determined, as he says, “to write the events
of these two or three years, which I have witnessed myself or have
heard from others.” The Table of Contents gives 55 Chapters. The
first relates to Sháh Jahán’s conquest of Balkh and Badakhshán.
Chapter 52 “relates the murder of Dárá Shukoh by the orders of
Aurangzeb in the garden of Khizrábád, by the hands of Sháh Nazar
Chelá, and of the burial of his remains in the mausoleum of
Humáyún, which is the burial-place of all the murdered princes of this
house.” Chapter 55 gives the remaining account of Sháh Shujá’ and
Mu’azzam Khán. The translator adds: “The history is not complete,
and it is not known whether the author had written only thus far, or
whether the scribe had no time to copy further.” As it professes to be
only the history of two or three years, it is probably complete. There
is, according to Dr. Bird, another work bearing this title written by Srí
Dás, a Nágar Brahman of Gujarát. “The author was a spectator of the
occurrences he details, and was in the service of Shaikhu-l Islám, the
son of ‘Abdu-l Wahháb Ahmadábádí. This work is very rare.”*]
LXXV.
TÁRÍKH-I MULK-I ÁSHÁM
OF
SHAHÁBU-D DÍN TÁLÁSH.
[THIS is an account of the expedition to Assam undertaken in the
fourth year of the reign of Aurangzeb, by Mu’azzam Khán Khán-
khánán. The author was Mauláná Ahmad Shahábu-d dín Tálásh. It is
a small work, and is noticed in Stewart’s Catalogue.* There are some
Extracts of the work among Sir H. M. Elliot’s papers, and there is a
copy in the Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.]
LXXVII.
JANG-NÁMA
OF
NI’AMAT KHÁN ‘ÁLÍ.
[THIS “Book of War” is another production of Ni’amat Khán or
Dánishmand Khán, the writer of the last-noticed work. An abstract of
the work prepared for Sir H, M. Elliot shows that it begins with the war
carried on by Aurangzeb against the Ráná of Údípúr, and ends with
the accession of Bahádur Sháh. The struggle which followed the
death of Aurangzeb occupies a considerable portion of the work. A
lithographed edition of the work was printed at Lucknow in 1261 A.H.
(1845 A.D.).]
LXXVIII.
RUKA’ÁT-I ‘ÁLAMGÍRÍ
OF
THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB.
THESE letters exhibit the private life and sentiments of this Prince, so
they should be allowed a place in his history. The following account is
given of them by Elphinstone in his History (p. 673).
“There are three collections of his letters. First, the Kalimát-i Taiyibát,
published by one of his chief secretaries, ‘Ináyatu-llah; second, the
Rakáim-i Kará’im by the son of another secretary; and third, the
Dastúru-l’Aml Ágáhí collected from all quarters thirty-eight years after
his death. The first two collections profess to be merely the rough
drafts or notes which he wrote with his own hand for his secretaries.
Most of the third collection have the same appearance. They are
without dates or order, and are often obscure, from their brevity, and
our ignorance of the subjects alluded to.”
One set was indifferently translated many years ago by Mr. Eales in
Calcutta, and a few Extracts have been published in the Asiatic
Annual Register, vol. iii.
Instead of three sets of these letters, there appears to be more than
four.
The first of them has the following passage in the Preface: “Be it
known to all learned men, that this book named Ruka’át-i ‘Álamgír,
and surnamed Kalimát-i Taiyibát, has been compiled from the epistles
written by Muhíu-d dín Muhammad Aurangzeb, King of Hindústán.
The expression Muhín púr khiláfat wa Farzand Sa’ádat tawam has
been used in this book for the eldest son of the King, Sultán
Muhammad Mu’azzam, surnamed Sháh ‘Álam. Sometimes the
expression Sa’ádat tawam has also been applied to his second son,
Sultán Muhammad A’zam Sháh; but the term Farzand-i’Alí Jáh is only
used for the eldest. By the term Birádar-i ná-mihrbán is meant the
King’s elder brother, Dárá Shukoh. The expressions Farzand-záda-
i’azíz and Farzand-záda bahádur are respectively intended for
Muhammad Mu’izzu-d dín, the eldest son of Sháh ‘Álam, and for
Muhammad Bedár Bakht Bahádur, the son of Sultán Muhammad
A’zam Sháh Muhín-púr. The words Farzand-záda ‘azímu-l kadr are
used for Muhammad ‘Azímu-d dín, the second son of Sháh ‘Álam.
The expressions Umdatu-l Mulk Madáru-l Muhám and án fidwí are
peculiar to Asad Khán, who was honoured with the title of Amíru-l
umará after the death of Sháyista Khán. The term Khán Fíroz Jang is
the abbreviated title of Ghází’u-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang. Nusrat Jang is
the title of Zú-l Fikár Khán. Mirzá Bakhshí is intended for Mirzá
Sadru-d dín Muhammad Khán Safawí. Mír-átash for Tarbiyat Khán,
and the single word Hamíd for Hamídu-d dín Khán.”
The name of the compiler is not mentioned. This Kalimát-i Taiyibát
has been lithographed at Lucknow in 8vo., and contains 67 pages, 17
lines to a page. It is in extensive demand.
The Rakáim-i Karáim is a somewhat smaller collection, and consists
of 48 octavo pages of fifteen lines to a page. It comprises letters
written by the Emperor to Mír ‘Abdu-l Karím Khán, father of the
compiler; and out of compliment to him, the son called the collection
by the name of Rakáim-i Karáim. The following is extracted from the
Preface: “I Saiyid Ashraf Khán Mír Muhammad Husainí do myself the
honour of collecting the epistles of the great King ‘Álamgír, which
were written to my father ‘Abdu-l Karím Amír Khán, and of arranging
them in the form of a book, which I denominate by the title of Rakáim-
i Karáim, as that expression is in a manner connected with the name
of the late ‘Abdu-l Karím. I much regret the loss of most of the
Emperor’s epistles, which were either despatched to their several
addresses without being copied in my father’s office, or were
destroyed through the ignorance and carelessness of his attendants.
However, those which have remained uninjured are most dear to me.”
The Dastúru-l’Aml Ágáhí appears from the following passage in the
Introduction to have been compiled under the orders of Rája Ayá Mal.
“The dependents of the King ‘Álamgír have collected the celebrated
epistles from that monarch to the different princes and nobles, into
several pamphlets, without arranging them in the form of a regular
book; but at the request of Rája Ayá Mal, one of his learned servants
collected the detached pamphlets into one volume in the Hijra year
1156 (1743 A.D.), and denominated the work Dastúru-l’Aml Ágáhí. As
the style of these epistles was rather difficult to be understood by
every one, since the King was very fond of figurative language, the
compiler takes the opportunity of giving in this Preface the real
meanings of the peculiar expressions used by the King.” Then follows
the explanation given in the Extract from the Kalimát-i Taiyibát.
It appears that another collection had been previously made under
the same direction, and that another name is given to that collection.
The fourth collection is called Ramz wa Isháraháe ‘Álamgír, and
bears the name of the compiler, of which in the case of the Dastúru-l
‘Aml wa Ágáhí we are left in ignorance. “The correspondence of the
Emperor ‘Álamgír appears at first sight to consist of ordinary epistles,
but in reality they convey the best instruction to kings, and the most
useful kind of information to nobles and courtiers. They may be
considered harmless friends to all, whether they love retirement or
take delight in society. Originally they did not form a regular book, but
at the instigation of the celebrated and learned Rája Ayá Mal, Budh
Mal, surnamed Rám, collected them and formed a book in the year
1151 A.H. (1738 A.D.).
There is another collection bearing the name of Ádáb-i ‘Álamgírí. This
is composed of letters written by Aurangzeb to his father, sons, and
officers. They were collected by Munshíu-l Mamálik Shaikh Abú-l
Fath, and were arranged and formed into a book by Sádik, entitled
Ná-tamám, a resident of Ambála. The work is noticed in the
Catalogue of the Mackenzie Collection (vol. ii. p. 135). [There are
several Extracts of this work among Sir H. M. Elliot’s MSS., and there
is a copy in the British Museum.]
LXXIX.
MUNTAKHABU-L LUBÁB
OF
MUHAMMAD HÁSHIM, KHÁFÍ KHÁN.
THIS work, which the author himself styles Muntakhabu-l Lubáb
Muhammad Sháhí, is frequently called Táríkh-i Kháfí Khán. It is a
highly esteemed history, commencing with the Invasion of Bábar, A.D.
1519, and concluding with the fourteenth year of the reign of
Muhammad Sháh. It contains also an Introduction, giving an outline
of the history of the Mughals and Tartars from Noah to Bábar. It is
chiefly valuable for containing an entire account of the reign of
Aurangzeb, of which, in consequence of that Emperor’s well-known
prohibition, it is very difficult to obtain a full and connected history. It
is, however, to that very prohibition we are indebted for one of the
best and most impartial Histories of Modern India.
Muhammad Háshim, also called Háshim ‘Alí Khán, is better known as
an author by the designation Kháfí Khán. He was a man of a good
family residing at Dehlí, and he privately compiled a minute register of
all the events of this reign, which he published some years after the
monarch’s death. His father, Khwája Mír, also an historian, was an
officer of high rank in the service of Murád Bakhsh; but after that
Prince’s confinement and murder, he passed into the employment of
Aurangzeb. Muhammad Háshim Khán was brought up in
Aurangzeb’s service, and was employed by him in political and
military situations. He himself gives an interesting account of a
mission on which he was sent by the Viceroy of Gujarát to the English
at Bombay; on which occasion, while commending them in other
respects, he accuses them of levity in laughing more than befitted the
solemnity of political intercourse. [He frequently speaks in his own
person, reporting what he had himself seen or heard. In the reign of
Farrukh Siyar, he was made a díwán by Nizámu-l Mulk (the first of the
Nizáms of Haidarábád), and writes with interest and favour in all that
concerns that chief. For this reason he is sometimes designated
Nizámu-l Mulkí.]
His work is a complete history of the House of Tímúr, giving first a
clear and concise account of that dynasty, from the founder down to
the close of Akbar’s reign. This portion of the work is condensed, the
events having been so fully detailed by previous writers. The great
body of the work is occupied with the hundred and thirty years that
succeeded the death of Akbar, of which period the author states that
the last fifty-three years were written from his own personal
observation, and the verbal accounts of men who had watched the
occurrences of the time. It is considered probable that he had
composed the first half of the work before he was compelled to stop
by Aurangzeb’s orders, but, being anxious to bring down his history to
the close of his own life, he continued his labours in secret. It is
represented that Muhammad Sháh was so pleased with the history
that he ennobled the author with the title of Kháfí Khán, the word
kháfí meaning “concealed.” This origin of the designation is the one
ascribed by all modern writers, and has been fully accredited by our
English historians; but I am disposed to dispute the correctness of
this story, and to consider Kháfí as a gentilitious name denoting the
country whence his family sprung. Kháf, or more correctly Khwáf, is a
district of Khurásán near Naishápúr, and Khwáfí so applied is by no
means unfamiliar to Asiatics. Thus we have the famous doctor Shaikh
Zainu-d dín Khwáfí,* Imám Khwáfí, the Khwáfí Saiyids, etc., and what
is confirmatory of this opinion is that not only does Ghulám ‘Alí Sháh
style our author Muhammad Háshim the son of Khwája Mír Khwáfí,
but he himself gives his father’s name as Mír Khwáfí. It is not
impossible that Muhammad Sháh may have indulged in a joke upon
the author’s original name, and may have expressed himself in some
such phrase to the effect that the author was now really Khwáfí. [Mr.
Morley, in his Catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society,
adopts the former explanation, and says: “From the fact of the work
having been so long concealed (kháfí), its author received the title of
Kháfí Khán.” Colonel Lees, on the other hand, arrived independently
at the same conclusion as Sir H. M. Elliot. He shows that the
patronymic Khwáfí was one in very common use, and thinks that the
interpretation “concealed” “had its origin in an imperfect and
somewhat ludicrous misrepresentation of what Kháfí Khán himself
says, to which has consequently been given a sense the very
opposite of its true meaning. Kháfí Khán certainly says that he kept
all these things locked up in a box, but it was the box of his
‘memory.’* There might have been some reason for Kháfí Khán
concealing his work for a year or two after the death of Aurangzeb;
but there seems no sound or apparent reason for his concealing his
work for nearly thirty years after that event.”*]
The author of the “Critical Essay,” translated and published for the
Oriental Translation Fund, speaks of this history as containing a
detailed and particular statement of various transactions which the
author himself had actually witnessed, regretting at the same time
that he had never seen it. When Colonel Dow wrote his History of
Hindústán, he was obliged to conclude at the end of the tenth year of
Aurangzeb’s reign, because there were no documents calculated to
throw light upon the subsequent period. Mill also complains that we
have no complete history of Aurangzeb. This defect has since been
remedied by the Honourable Mountstewart Elphinstone, who has
judiciously availed himself of Kháfí Khán’s history, and thus has been
enabled to give us a complete narrative of the reign of Aurang-zeb
and his immediate successors. Elphinstone confesses himself
indebted to Major A. Gordon, of the Madras Army, for a MS.
translation of Kháfí Khán’s history down to near the end of Jahángír’s
reign; and he expresses his regret (Book X. Ch. I.), “that this excellent
translation has not been carried on to the end of the history, which
comes down to recent times, and affords the only full and connected
account of the whole period which it embraces.” Grant Duff
acknowledges the same obliga-tíon in his History of the Mahrattas
(vol. i. p. 118), and states that Mr. Erskine had translated the portion
relating to Sháh Jahán’s transactions with the Dakhin. [Inquiries have
been made for this MS. translation of Major Gordon, but without
success.]
[Sir H. M. Elliot had made no provision for the translation of this work.
The lengthy translation which follows is entirely the work of the Editor.
The Text used is that published in the Bibliotheca Indica; but two
MSS. containing the history of Aurangzeb’s reign, one belonging to
the Library of the East India Office, and the other to the Royal Asiatic
Society, have been occasionally referred to. A greater number of
copies has not been sought for, because, according to Colonel Lees,
the MSS. differ very much. “Copies (of Kháfí Khán’s history) are very
numerous; but, strange to say, no two copies that I have met with—
and I have compared five apparently very good MSS. —are exactly
alike, while some present such dissimilarities as almost to warrant the
supposition that they are distinct works, some passages being quite
accurate, and others again entirely dissimilar. In the copies to be
found of other well-known MSS., which have been copied and
recopied repeatedly, we find omissions and a variety of readings, but
not such broadcast discrepancies as I have found in some of the
copies of Kháfí Khán which I have consulted.”]
Europeans at Húglí.*
[Text, vol. i. p. 468.] The Firingís had formed a commercial settlement
at Húglí, twenty kos from Rájmahál in Bengal. In former times they
had obtained the grant of a parcel of land for the stowing of their
merchandize and for their abode. There they built a strong fort, with
towers and walls, and furnished it with artillery. They also built a place
of worship which they call “church” (kalísá). In course of time they
overstepped the sufferance they had obtained. They vexed the
Musulmáns of the neighbourhood, and they harassed travellers, and
they exerted themselves continually to strengthen their settlement. Of
all their odious practices this was the worst:—In the ports which they
occupied on the sea-coast, they offered no injury either to the
property or person of either Muhammadans or Hindús who dwelt
under their rule; but if one of these inhabitants died, leaving children
of tender age, they took both the children and the property under their
charge, and, whether these young children were saiyids, or whether
they were bráh-mans , they made them Christians and slaves
(mamlúk). In the ports of the Kokan in the Dakhin, and on the sea-
coast, wherever they had forts and exercised authority, this was the
custom of that insolent people. But notwithstanding the notoriety of
this tyrannical practice, Musulmáns and Hindús of all tribes went into
their settlements in pursuit of a livelihood, and took up their abode
there. They allowed no religious mendicant (fakír) to come into their
bounds. When one found his way in unawares, if he were a Hindú he
was subjected to such tortures as made his escape with life very
doubtful; and if he were a Musulmán he was imprisoned and worried
for some days, and then set at liberty. When travellers passed in, and
their baggage was examined for the custom-duties, no leniency was
shown if any tobacco was found, because there are regular licensed
sellers of tobacco, and a traveller must not carry more than enough
for his own use. Unlike a Hindú temple, their place of worship was
very conspicuous, for tapers of camphor were kept burning there in
the day-time. In accordance with their vain tenets, they had set up
figures of the Lord Jesus and Mary (on our Prophet and on them be
peace!), and other figures in wood, paint and wax, with great
gaudiness. But in the churches of the English, who are also
Christians, there are no figures set up as idols. The writer of these
pages has frequently gone into that place, and has conversed with
their learned men, and records what he has observed.
Reports of the unseemly practices of these people reached the
Emperor, and when Kásim Khán was sent to Bengal as Governor, he
received secret orders to suppress them, and to take their fortress.
Kásim Khán accordingly proceeded to Húglí and laid siege to it. The
detail of his skilful arrangements and strenuous exertions would be of
great length; suffice it to say that, by the aid of boats, and by the
advance of his forces both by land and water, he brought down the
pride of those people, and subdued their fortress after a siege of
three months. Nearly 50,000 raiyats of that place came out and took
refuge with Kásim Khán. Ten thousand persons, Firingís and raiyats
perished in the course of the siege. Fourteen hundred Firingís, and a
number of persons who had been made Christians by force, were
taken prisoners. Nearly ten thousand persons, innocent raiyats and
captives of those people, were set free. More than a thousand
Musulmáns of the Imperial army fell in the course of the siege.
REIGN OF ABÚ-L MUZAFFAR MUHÍU-D DÍN MUHAMMAD
AURANGZEB BAHÁDUR ‘ÁLAMGÍR PÁDSHÁH-I GHÁZÍ,
ELEVENTH IN DESCENT FROM AMÍR TÍMÚR. Aurangzeb.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 2.] The attempt to write an epitome of the fifty years’
reign of this illustrious monarch is like trying to measure the waters of
the sea in a pitcher; the affairs of the last forty years in particular are
a boundless ocean, which authors have shrunk from committing to
the thread of narrative. But for all this, the writer of these pages has
resolved that to the best of his ability, and with the most active
exertion, after the most exhaustive inquiry and complete
investigation, he will narrate some events capable of narration which
he has heard from the tongues of men advanced in years, which he
has fully verified by inquiries from men in office and from the writers
of official despatches, and by the evidence of his own eyes during
this period of time. Like plagiarists of no ability, he commits one fact
out of a hundred to his crude relation, and offers his petition to his
intelligent critics and well-informed readers, that if, from his feeble
grasp of the thread of narrative, any discrepancies should appear
between the earlier and later portions of his work, or if any trifling
variations from other histories should appear, they will hold him
excused, because in trustworthy books even discrepancies are found
arising from varying versions (of the same occurrence).
Birth of Aurangzeb.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 3.] Aurangzeb was born in the year 1028 A.H. (1619
A.D.) at Dhúd,* which is on the frontiers of the súba of Ahmadábád
and Málwá, whilst his father was súbadár of the Dakhin.
Illness of Sháh Jahán.
[vol. ii. p. 4.] On the 7th Zí-l hijja, 1067 A.H. (Sept. 8, 1657 A.D.), (the
Emperor Sháh Jahán, called after his death) Firdaus makání, was
attacked with illness, which turned out to be strangury. This produced
much derangement in the government of the country, and in the
peace of the people. Dárá Shukoh looked upon himself as heir to the
throne, and even in the time of his father’s health he had held the
reins of government. But he had fallen into ill repute through having
imbibed the heretical tenets of the Súfís. He had declared infidelity
(kufr) and Islám to be twin brothers, and had written treatises on this
subject; he had also associated himself with Bráhmans and Gosains.
Seizing the opportunity (of his father’s illness), he took the direction of
State affairs into his own hands, and having exacted from the
ministers their pledges not to publish what passed in council, he
closed the roads of Bengal, Ahmadábád, and the Dakhin against
messengers and travellers. But when the intelligence of his officious
meddling had spread abroad through the provinces by the dák-chauki
(post), a strong adverse feeling was shown by the amírs, zamíndárs,
and raiyats, and also by the unruly spirits who sought for a field of
action. Turbulent men from every corner and quarter, and men eager
for a fray, in every province and country, raised their heads in
expectation of strife.
When intelligence of these proceedings reached Muhammad Shujá’
in Bengal, and Muhammad Murád Bakhsh in Ahmad-ábád, each of
them, vying with the other, had coins struck and the khutba read in
his own name. Shujá’, with a large force, marched against Bihár and
Patna, and the news of his movements was carried to the capital.
Sháh Jahán had from the very first shown great partiality and
affection for Dárá Shukoh, and generally, in all matters, had done his
best to gratify his son. Now that he was ill, and no longer master of
himself, he was more than ever inclined to gratify Dárá and yield to
his wishes. Dárá Shukoh looked with an eye of apprehension upon
the talents of Prince Aurangzeb, and was made uneasy by the vigour
and wisdom which he displayed. So, by various arguments, he
induced his father to recall to Court the nobles and generals who
were engaged with Aurangzeb in the siege of Bíjápúr. When this evil
news became known, the prosecution and completion of the siege of
Bíjápúr was prevented. Aurang-zeb made an arrangement with
Sikandar ‘Ádil Sháh of Bíjápúr, and accepted from him a promise to
pay a tribute of a kror of rupees in cash and goods as the price of
peace. He then raised the siege of Bíjápúr, and proceeded to
Khujista-bunyád (Aurangábád). After this he learned that Dárá
Shukoh, with the intention of getting possession of the treasure of
Sháh Jahán, had left Dehlí, and had gone to Ágra.
Defeat of Muhammad Shujá’.
[vol. ii. p. 5.] On the 4th Rabí’u-l awwal, 1068 A.H. (1st December,
1657), Dárá Shukoh sent Rája Jai Singh, and several other amírs,
with an army under the command (of his son) Sulai-mán Shukoh
against Muhammad Shujá’. When the Rája with the vanguard arrived
near Benares,* Muhammad Shujá’ prepared his forces for battle, and
having got possession of several boats, he advanced to give battle to
the Rája, and halted a kos and a half from him. Next day the Rája
moved from his ground early in the morning before sunrise, and while
Muhammad Shujá’ was yet asleep under the influence of wine, the
Rája attacked him. Roused from his slumber, the incautious and
careless Prince found that all was lost. He made a hurried flight with
some of his servants and companions to a boat, and made his
escape. All his camp and treasure, artillery, and matériel, was
plundered, and fell into the hands of the Rája. After this defeat,
Muhammad Shujá’ did not return to Bengal, and that country fell into
the possession of the officers of Dárá Shukoh. A number of his
servants and companions were taken prisoners, and were carried off
by the Rája to Ágra. Dárá Shukoh had them paraded round the city;
afterwards he put some of them to death, and of many others he had
a hand amputated.
March against Murád Bakhsh.
[vol. ii. p. 6.] * On the same day that Sulaimán Shukoh and Rája Jai
Singh were sent against Muhammad Shujá’, Mahárája Jaswant Singh
and Kásim Khán, with the royal artillery and with several thousand
horse and some guns of their own, and attended by several amírs of
repute, were ordered to march to Ahmadábád and the Dakhin. Their
instructions were that they were to ascertain the true state of affairs,
and if Muhammad Murád Bakhsh should move from Ahmadábád,
Kásim Khán* was to advance with several amírs and some guns to
meet and receive him. After receiving intelligence of Prince (Murád
Bakhsh’s) departure from the Dakhin, Mahárája Jaswant Singh was
to act according to circumstances. If Prince Aurangzeb should begin
to move from the Dakhin, the Mahárája and Kásim Khán were to lead
all the royal forces across his line of march, and give him battle when
opportunity offered. Dárá Shukoh made the province of Málwá his
own iktá’, and devoted the whole of the revenues to the payment of
his officers, so that, their hopes being excited by the riches of that
country, they might heartily support each other, and strengthen the
army in prosecuting the war.
It also came to hearing that Dárá Skuhoh had imprisoned Ísá Beg,
the vakíl of Aurangzeb, and had sequestered his house.
On the 18th Jumáda-l awwal Aurangzeb reached Ágra, and on the 23rd
he again set out. He now learnt that Dárá Shukoh had passed
through Kachh to the borders of the province of Ahmadábád. He had
collected round him three or four thousand horse. After the troops of
Aurangzeb had given up the pursuit of him, he proceeded leisurely,
endeavouring to gain over the faujdárs and zamíndárs, and to collect
soldiers. By presents of money and jewels he won over the Zamíndár
of Kachh, and affianced his daughter in marriage to Prince Sipihr
Shukoh. The zamíndár sent him on with an escort through his
territory towards Ahmadábád. Upon his arriving there, Sháh Nawáz
Khán, the súbadár, one of whose daughters was married to
Aurangzeb, and another was in the house of Murád Bakhsh, went out
to meet him, accompanied by Rahmat Khán díwán, and others. They
presented to him near ten lacs worth of gold, silver, and other
property belonging to Murád Bakhsh, which was in Ahmadábád. Dárá
Shukoh then exerted himself in collecting money and men, and in
winning adherents by presents of robes and jewels, and by
promotions in rank and title. He appointed officers, who took
possession of the ports of Surat, Kambáyat, Broach, and the districts
around. In the course of a month and seven days he collected 20,000
horse, and he sent requisitions to the governors of Bíjápúr and
Haidarábád for money and men. He also thought over several plans
for going to the Dakhin, and for joining Rája Jaswant Singh. * * On
the 1st Jumáda-l ákhir Dárá Shukoh began his march with a well-
appointed army and a large train of artillery, for he had obtained thirty
or forty guns from Surat. As he pursued his march, he every day
received false and delusive letters from Rája Jaswant, befooling him
with promises of coming to his assistance.
When Aurangzeb received intelligence of these proceedings, he
marched towards Ajmír. Mirzá* Rája Jai Singh had interceded with
him on behalf of Rája Jaswant; so he pardoned his offences, and
wrote to him a conciliatory letter, reinstating him in his mansab, and
restoring to him his title of Mahárája. He at the same time directed the
Rája to write to him about the state of affairs, and send the letter by
swift messengers. * * Muhammad Amín Khán, who had been
commissioned to punish the Rája, was recalled. Rája Jaswant, who
had advanced twenty kos from Jodpúr to meet Dárá Shukoh, on
receiving the Emperor’s letter, broke off his alliance with Dárá, and
returned to his own country.
This defection greatly troubled Dárá, who opened a correspondence
with the Rája, and endeavoured to win him over by promises and
flattery, but without effect. When Dárá came to a place twenty kos
distant from Jodpúr, he sent a Hindú named De Chand to the Rája;
but he artfully replied that he remained true to his engagement, but
that it was not expedient for him to move just then. Dárá Shukoh, he
said, should go to Ajmír, and open communications with other
Rájpúts. If two or three Rájpúts of note joined him, then he, the Rája,
would also come to his support. Dárá Shukoh, having no other course
open, proceeded to Ajmír, and again sent De Chand to Jaswant; but
all his persuasions and remonstrances were in vain, and it was
evident that all the Rája’s statements were false and treacherous.
The fact of his having received a letter of pardon from Aurangzeb was
also publicly talked about. It has been said that “Necessity turns lions
into foxes,” and so Dárá Shukoh, notwithstanding his knowledge of
the Rája’s perfidy, sent Sipihr Shukoh to him; but although the Prince
flattered and persuaded, and held out great promises, the traitor did
not listen, and the Prince, like De Chand, turned empty away.
Deprived of all hope of assistance from Rája Jaswant, Dárá Shukoh
was at a loss what course to pursue. Then he heard of the near
approach of Aurangzeb, and resolved to fight. But not deeming it
expedient to fight a regular battle, he determined to retire into the hills
about Ajmír, and to throw up lines of defence. Accordingly he moved
into the defiles, blocked up the roads with barriers of stone and earth,
and stationed his guns and musketeers so as to make his position
secure. * * He himself took his station with the centre. * * Aurangzeb
directed the commander of his artillery to advance his guns against
Dárá’s lines. * * For three days most vigorous attacks were made, but
Dárá’s position was very strong, and his men fought bravely, so that
the assailants made no impression. Dárá’s forces indeed sallied out,
and after causing considerable destruction of men and beasts,
returned to their positions. The artillery practice of the assailants
damaged only the defence works. On the fourth night Aurangzeb
called around him some of his most trusty servants, and incited them
by strong exhortations and promises to undertake an assault. * * Next
day Aurangzeb sent Rája Rájrúp, Zamíndár of Jamún, with his
infantry, against the rear of a hill, where an assault was not expected,
and where the concentration of forces was thought to render it
impossible. * * But he forced his way, and planted his banner on the
summit of the hill. * * The success at the beginning of the battle was
due to Rája Rájrúp; but at last the victory was owing to the devotion
of Shaikh Mír, and the intrepidity of Diler Khán Afghán, who attacked
the lines held by Sháh Nawáz Khán. Pride and shame so worked
upon Sháh Nawáz, that he gave up all hope of surviving, and died
fighting most courageously.
Dárá Shukoh seeing the defeat of his army, and hearing of the death
of Sháh Nawáz Khán, seeing also the approach of his victorious foes,
lost all sense and self-control, and fled with Sipihr Shukoh, Fíroz
Mewátí, and some of the inmates of his harem, in great consternation
and sorrow. Of all his nobles none accompanied him but the two
above named. He managed to save some jewels and money, and
with some of his women, his daughter, and a few attendants, he went
off towards Ahmadábád. * * The fact of his flight was not known for
certain until three hours after dark, and fighting went on in several
parts of the lines until the flight of the enemy and the abandonment of
the lines were ascertained. * * Rája Jai Singh and Bahádur were sent
in command of a force in pursuit of Dárá Shukoh. * * Aurangzeb
made a short stay at Ajmír, and started from thence for the capital on
the 4th Rajab, 1069.
Prince Shujá’.
[vol. ii. p. 75.] Prince Shujá’ fled before the pursuing force of Prince
Muhammad Sultán to Jahángír-nagar (Dacca), and Mu’azzam Khán
obtained possession of the fort of Mongír. * * Shortly afterwards the
fort of Chunár, which Shujá’ had got into his power, was given up to
Aurangzeb.
Dárá Shukoh.
[vol. ii. p. 80.] The sad circumstances of the remainder of Dárá
Shukoh’s career must now be related. On leaving the mountains of
Ajmír, he proceeded with his wife, daughter, some jewels, a little
money, and a few domestic servants, towards Ahmadábád. The rest
of his treasure, goods, and necessary baggage, with some female
servants, borne by twelve elephants and horses, he left behind in
charge of servants, some of them old, some new, in the company and
under the superintendence of some trusty eunuchs, with orders to
follow as quickly as possible. When this party had marched four or
five kos, all the servants* began to plunder the property, and
struggling and fighting with each other, every man seized what he
could lay hands on. The baggage was taken from the backs of the
elephants and placed on camels, and the women were stripped of
their jewels and taken off the camels to be mounted on the elephants;
then the plunderers, with camels and horses laden with money and
articles of great value, made off for the desert. The eunuchs were
unable to prevent the proceedings of their escort. In great distress,
and in dread of the pursuit of the victorious troops, they were intent
upon preserving their own honour and that of their master; so they led
off the women on the elephants, and pursuing all night the track of
Dárá through the desert, after a night and a day they overtook him.
That forlorn fugitive, in sore distress, without baggage, and despoiled
by plunderers, wandered on through the desert. In eight days’ time he
approached Ahmadábád. But the officials of the city * * proclaimed
Aurangzeb, and took measures to prevent Dárá from entering. The
fugitive perceived that ill-fortune everywhere awaited him. He gave up
all hope of getting possession of the city, and went to Karí, two kos
from Ahmadábád. There he sought assistance from Kánjí Kolí, one of
the most notorious rebels and robbers of that country. Kánjí joined
him, and conducted him through Gujarát to the confines of Kachh.
Here he was joined by Gul Muhammad, whom he had made governor
of Surat and Broach, and who brought with him fifty horse and two
hundred matchlockmen. The zamíndár of Kachh, when Dárá lately
passed through the country, entertained him, treated him with every
respect, and affianced a daughter in marriage to his son, all in
expectation of future advantage. Dárá, in his distress, now looked to
him for assistance; but he heeded not, and did not even show the
courtesy of a visit. After two days spent in fruitless efforts to soften
the zamíndár, Dárá, with tearful eyes and burning heart, resolved to
proceed to Bhakkar.
On reaching the frontier of Sind, Fíroz Mewátí, who had hitherto
accompanied the unfortunate Prince, seeing how his evil fate still
clung to him, abandoned the ill-starred fugitive, and went off to Dehlí.
Dárá, in a bewildered condition, proceeded towards the country of
Jáwiyán;* but the dwellers in the deserts of that country closed the
roads with the intention of making him prisoner. With some fighting
and trouble he escaped from these people, and made his way into
the country of the Makashís. Mirzá Makashí, the chief of the tribe,
came forth to meet him, took him home with great kindness, and en-
tertained him. After this he proposed to send him towards Írán, under
an escort which was to conduct him to Kandahár, twelve marches
distant from where he was, and he strongly advised the adoption of
this course. But Dárá could not give up his futile hopes of recovering
his throne and crown, and resolved to go to Malik Jíwan, zamíndár of
Dhándar,* who had long been bound to him by acts of generosity, and
sent to assure him of his devotion and fidelity.
When Dárá reached the land of this evil zamíndár, Malik Jíwan came
out like the destroying angel to meet him. As a guest-murdering host
he conducted Dárá home, and exerted himself to entertain him.
During the two or three days that Dárá remained here, his wife,
Nádira Begam, daughter of Parwez, died of dysentery and vexation.
Mountain after mountain of trouble thus pressed upon the heart of
Dárá, grief was added to grief, sorrow to sorrow, so that his mind no
longer retained its equilibrium. Without considering the
consequences, he sent her corpse to Láhore in charge of Gul
Muhammad, to be buried there.* He thus parted from one who had
been faithful to him through his darkest troubles. He himself
remained, attended only by a few domestic servants and useless
eunuchs.
After performing the ceremonies of mourning, Dárá determined to set
out the next morning under the escort of Malik Jíwan for Írán, by way
of Kandahár. Jíwan apparently was ready to accompany him to Írán;
but he had inwardly resolved to forward his own interests by
trampling under foot all claims of gratitude,* and of making the
wretched fugitive prisoner. So he formed his plan. He accompanied
his guest for some kos. Then he represented that it was necessary
for him to return, in order to procure some further provisions for the
journey, which he would collect, and would overtake Dárá after two or
three days’ march. Accordingly he went back, leaving his brother with
a party of the ruffians and robbers of the country to attend Dárá. This
man suddenly fell upon his victim and made him prisoner, without
giving him a chance of resistance. Then he carried him back with
Sipihr Shukoh and his companions to the perfidious host, and kept
him under guard in the place appointed. Malik Jíwan wrote an
account of this good service to Rája Jai Singh and Bahádur Khán,
who had been sent from Ajmír in pursuit of Dárá, and he also wrote to
Bákir Khán, governor of Bhakkar. Bákir Khán instantly sent off Malik
Jíwan’s letter express to Aurangzeb. Upon the arrival of Bákir Khán’s
despatch, Aurangzeb communicated the fact to his private
councillors, but did not make it public until the arrival of a letter from
Bahádur Khán confirming the news. At the end of the month of
Shawwál it was published by beat of drum. The public voice spoke
with condemnation and abhorrence of Malik Jíwan; but a robe and a
mansab of 1000, with 200 horse, were conferred upon him.
It was now ascertained that Sulaimán Shukoh had sought refuge with
the zamíndár of Srínagar. Rája Rájrúp was therefore directed to write
to the zamíndár, and advise him to consult his own interest and bring
Sulaimán out of his territory; if not, he must suffer the consequences
of the royal anger.*
In the middle of Zí-l hijja, Bahádur Khán brought Dárá Shukoh and his
son Sipihr Shukoh to the Emperor, who gave orders that both father
and son should be carried into the city chained and seated on an
elephant, and thus be exposed to the people in the Chándní chauk
and the bázár, after which they were to be carried to Khizrábád in old
Dehlí, and there confined. Bahádur Khán, after giving up his prisoner,
received great rewards and marks of favour.
Two days afterwards Malik Jíwan, who had received the title of
Bakhtiyár Khán, entered the city, and was passing through the streets
of the bázár. The idlers, the partisans of Dárá Shukoh, the workmen
and people of all sorts, inciting each other, gathered into a mob, and,
assailing Jíwan and his companions with abuse and imprecations,
they pelted them with dirt and filth, and clods and stones, so that
several persons were knocked down and killed, and many were
wounded. Jíwan was protected by shields held over his head, and he
at length made his way through the crowd to the palace. They say
that the disturbance on this day was so great that it bordered on re-
bellion. If the kotwál had not come forward with his policemen, not
one of Malik Jíwan’s followers would have escaped with life. Ashes
and pots full of urine and ordure were thrown down from the roofs of
the houses upon the heads of the Afgháns, and many of the
bystanders were injured. Next day the kotwál made an investigation,
and it was ascertained that an ahadí (guardsman) named Haibat had
taken a leading part in the disturbance. He was condemned by a
legal decision, and was executed.
At the end of Zí-l hijja, 1069* (Sept. 1659), the order was given for
Dárá Shukoh to be put to death under a legal opinion of the lawyers,
because he had apostatized from the law, had vilified religion, and
had allied himself with heresy and infidelity. After he was slain, his
body was placed on a howda and carried round the city.* So once
alive and once dead he was exposed to the eyes of all men, and
many wept over his fate. He was buried in the tomb of Humáyún.
Sipihr Shukoh was ordered to be imprisoned in the fortress of
Gwálior.
Remission of Taxes.
[vol. ii. p. 87.] The movements of large armies through the country,
especially in the eastern and northern parts, during the two years
past, and scarcity of rain in some parts, had combined to make grain
dear. To comfort the people and alleviate their distress, the Emperor
gave orders for the remission of the ráhdárí (toll) which was collected
on every highway (guzar), frontier and ferry, and brought in a large
sum to the revenue. He also remitted the pándarí, a ground or house
cess, which was paid throughout the Imperial dominions by every
tradesman and dealer, from the butcher, the potter, and the
greengrocer, to the draper, jeweller, and banker. Something was paid
to the government according to rule under this name for every bit of
ground in the market, for every stall and shop, and the total revenue
thus derived exceeded lacs (of rupees). Other cesses, lawful and
unlawful, as the sar-shumárí, buz-shumárí,* bar-gadí,* the charáí
(grazing tax) of the Banjáras, the tuwa’ána,* the collections from the
fairs held at the festivals of Muhammadan saints, and at the játras or
fairs of the infidels, held near Hindú temples, throughout the country
far and wide, where lacs of people assemble once a year, and where
buying and selling of all kinds goes on. The tax on spirits, on
gambling-houses, on brothels, the fines, thank-offerings, and the
fourth part of debts recovered by the help of magistrates from
creditors. These and other imposts, nearly eighty in number, which
brought in krors of rupees to the public treasury, were all abolished
throughout Hindústán. Besides these, the tithe of corn,* which
lawfully brought in twenty-five lacs of rupees, was remitted in order to
alleviate the heavy cost of grain. To enforce these remissions,
stringent orders were published everywhere throughout the provinces
by the hands of mace-bearers and soldiers (ahadí).
But although his gracious and beneficent Majesty remitted these
taxes, and issued strict orders prohibiting their collection, the
avaricious propensities of men prevailed, so that, with the exception
of the pándarí, which, being mostly obtained from the capital and the
chief cities, felt the force of the abolition, the royal prohibition had no
effect, and faujdárs and jágírdárs in remote places did not withhold
their hands from these exactions. Firstly, because throughout the
Imperial dominions in the reign of Aurangzeb, no fear and dread of
punishment remained in the hearts of the jágírdárs, faujdárs, and
zamíndárs. Secondly, because the revenue officers, through
inattention, or want of consideration, or with an eye to profit, contrary
to what was intended, made deductions (for these cesses) from the
tankhwáh accounts of the jágírdárs. So the jágírdárs, under the
pretext that the amount of the cesses was entered in their tankhwáh
papers, continued to collect the ráhdárí and many other of the
abolished imposts, and even increased them. When reports reached
the government of infractions of these orders, (the offenders) were
punished with a diminution of mansab, and the delegation of mace-
bearers to their districts. The mace-bearers forbad the collection of
the imposts for a few days, and then retired. After a while, the
offenders, through their patrons or the management of their agents,
got their mansab restored to its original amount. So the regulation for
the abolition of most of the imposts had no effect.
The ráhdárí in particular is condemned by righteous and just men as
a most vexatious impost, and oppressive to travellers, but a large
sum is raised by it. In most parts of the Imperial territories the
faujdárs and jágírdárs, by force and tyranny, now exact more than
ever from the traders and poor and necessitous travellers. The
zamíndárs also, seeing that no inquiries are made, extort more on
roads within their boundaries than is collected on roads under royal
officers. By degrees matters have come to such a pass, that between
the time of leaving the factory or port and reaching their destination,
goods and merchandize pay double their cost price in tolls. Through
the villainy and oppression of the toll-collectors and the zamíndárs ,
the property, the honour, and the lives of thousands of travellers and
peaceful wayfarers are frittered away. The Mahrattas, those turbulent
people of the Dakhin (before the peace and after the peace which I
shall have to write about in the reign of Farrukh Siyar), and other
zamíndárs upon the frontier, have carried their violence and
oppression in the matter of the ráhdárí to such extremes as are
beyond description.
The War with Shujá’.—Defection of Prince Muhammad Sultán.
[vol. ii. p. 90.] Prince Muhammad Sultán, with Mu’azzam Khán as his
adviser and commander-in-chief, pursued Shujá’ until he reached
Dacca, where Shujá’ busied himself in collecting munitions of war,
men and artillery. The command of the Imperial army and the
appointment of the amírs rested in a great degree with Mu’azzam
Khán. This was a great annoyance to the Prince, and Shujá’, having
got information of this, conceived the idea of winning the Prince over
to his side. So he opened communications with the Prince, and by
letters and presents, and the arts which gain the feelings of young,
inexperienced men, he seduced the Prince from the duty he owed to
his father, and brought him over to his own side. Soon he offered the
Prince his daughter in marriage, * * and at length the Prince was so
deluded as to resolve upon joining Shujá’. Towards the end of the
month Ramazán, at the beginning of the third year of the reign, he
sent a message to Shujá’, informing him of his intention, and in the
night he embarked in a boat on the Ganges with Amír Kúlí, the
commander of the artillery, Kásim ‘Alí Mír-tuzak, who were the prime
movers in this business, and with some eunuchs and domestic
servants, taking with him all the treasure and jewels he could. When
Shujá’ heard of this step, he referred it to the favour of God, and sent
his son Buland Akhtar with several boats and porters to conduct the
Prince with his treasure and baggage over the river.
After the Prince had crossed over, and Shujá’s men were busy in
carrying away his treasure and baggage, the fact of his evasion
became known, and was communicated to Mu’azzam Khán. The
desertion caused great uneasiness in the Imperial army, * * and
Mu’azzam Khán himself was much annoyed and troubled, but he
would not allow this to be seen. He mounted his horse, inspected the
lines, encouraged the troops, and did all he could to counteract the
effects of this untoward proceeding. The rainy season had come, * *
so, for the comfort of his troops, he removed thirty kos from Akbar-
nagar, to a high ground suitable for a camp in the rains. * *
Shujá’ passed over to Akbar-nagar by boats, and attacked Mu’azzam
unawares; and although the Imperial forces made a splendid
resistance, some of their allies were indifferent or disaffected, so they
were overpowered and compelled to retreat. Mu’azzam Khán brought
up some forces from his centre, and encouraging the waverers, he
renewed the resistance, and charged. Two or three of Shujá’s chief
amírs were killed or wounded, and his attack was eventually
repulsed. There were several other conflicts with similar results, until
the rains and the rising of the river put an end to all fighting. * *
Muhammad Sultán married Shujá’s daughter, and it was announced
that after spending a few days in nuptial pleasure at Akbar-nagar, the
attack on the Imperial army would be renewed. * * Mu’azzam Khán
received reinforcements after the cessation of the rains, and it would
be a long story to relate all his bold and skilful movements. Suffice it
to say that in the course of fifteen to twenty days there were some
sharp conflicts, in which Shujá’ was defeated, and eventually put to
flight, and escaped in the war-boats, by means of which he had been
enabled to make his attacks on the army of Mu’azzam, * * Many of
the war-boats were sunk by the fire of the artillery, and some were
captured. * * Several actions were fought near the streams, and also
between the war-boats on the Ganges in the vicinity of Tánda, in
which many men were killed and wounded.
Afzal Khán, whom the angel of doom had led by the collar to that
place, was confident in his own courage, and saw Sivají approach
unarmed and fearing and trembling. He looked upon his person and
spirit as much alike, so he directed all the men who had accompanied
his litter to withdraw to a distance. The treacherous foe then
approached and threw himself weeping at the feet of Afzal Khán, who
raised his head, and was about to place the hand of kindness on his
back and embrace him. Sivají then struck the concealed weapon so
fiercely into his stomach that he died without a groan. According to
his orders, the trumpeter blew a blast of triumph to arouse the
concealed troops. Men on horse and foot then rushed forth in great
numbers on all sides, and fell upon the army of Afzal Khán, killing,
plundering, and destroying. The bloodthirsty assassin rushed away in
safety and joined his own men, whom he ordered to offer quarter to
the defeated troops. He obtained possession of the horses,
elephants, treasure, and all the baggage and stores. He proposed to
take the soldiers into his service, and gained them over. Then, as
usual, he went on collecting stores and men.
‘Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr, on hearing of this defeat, sent another army
against Sivají, under the command of Rustam Khán, one of his best
generals. An action was fought near the fort of Parnála, and Rustam
Khán was defeated. In fine, Fortune so favoured this treacherous
worthless man, that his forces increased, and he grew more powerful
every day. He erected new forts, and employed himself in settling his
own territories, and in plundering those of Bíjápúr. He attacked the
caravans which came from distant parts, and appropriated to himself
the goods and the women. But he made it a rule that wherever his
followers went plundering, they should do no harm to the mosques,
the Book of God, or the women of any one. Whenever a copy of the
sacred Kurán came into his hands, he treated it with respect, and
gave it to some of his Musulmán followers. When the women of any
Hindú or Muhammadan were taken prisoners by his men, and they
had no friend to protect them, he watched over them until their
relations came with a suitable ransom to buy their liberty. Whenever
he found out that a woman was a slave-girl, he looked upon her as
being the property of her master, and appropriated her to himself. He
laid down the rule that whenever a place was plundered, the goods of
poor people, pul-siyáh (copper money), and vessels of brass and
copper, should belong to the man who found them; but other articles,
gold and silver, coined or uncoined, gems, valuable stuffs and jewels,
were not to belong to the finder, but were to be given up without the
smallest deduction to the officers, and to be by them paid over to
Sivají’s government.
March of Amíru-l umará*
to punish Sivají.
[vol. ii. p. 119.] When Aurangzeb was informed of Sivají’s violence, he
directed Amíru-l umará who was Súbadár of the Dakhin, to punish
and put him down. Amíru-l umará marched, in accordance with these
orders, from Aurangábád at the end of Jumáda-l awwal, 1070 (end of
January, 1660 A.D.), and marched towards Púna and Chákna, which
in those days were Sivají’s places of abode and security. He left
Mumtáz Khán in command at Aurangábád, and on the 1st Rajab
arrived at the village of Seogánw, belonging to Sivají. At this time
Sivají was at the town of Súpa,* but upon hearing of Amíru-l umará’s
movements, he vacated that place, and went off in another direction.
Amíru-l umará took Súpa without opposition, and left Jádú Ráí there
to take charge of it, and to provide supplies of corn for the army. The
daring freebooter Sivají ordered his followers to attack and plunder
the baggage* of Amíru-l umará’s army wherever they met with it.
When the Amír was informed of this, he appointed 4000 horse, under
experienced officers, to protect the baggage. But every day, and in
every march, Sivají’s Dakhinís swarmed round the baggage, and
falling suddenly upon it like Cossacks, they carried off horses,
camels, men, and whatever they could secure, until they became
aware of the approach of the troops. The Imperial forces pursued
them, and harassed them, so that they lost courage, and giving up
fighting for flight, they dispersed. At length they reached Púna and
Sívápúr, two places built by that dog (Sivají). The Imperial forces took
both these places and held them.
Then the royal armies marched to the fort of Chákna, and after
examining its bastions and walls, they opened trenches, erected
batteries, threw up intrenchments round their own position, and
began to drive mines under the fort. Thus having invested the place,
they used their best efforts to reduce it. The rains in that country last
nearly five months, and fall night and day, so that people cannot put
their heads out of their houses. The heavy masses of clouds change
day into night, so that lamps are often needed, for without them one
man cannot see another one of a party. But for all the muskets were
rendered useless, the powder spoilt, and the bows deprived of their
strings, the siege was vigorously pressed, and the walls of the
fortress were breached by the fire of the guns. The garrison were
hard pressed and troubled, but in dark nights they sallied forth into
the trenches and fought with surprising boldness. Sometimes the
forces of the freebooter on the outside combined with those inside in
making a simultaneous attack in broad daylight, and placed the
trenches in great danger. After the siege had lasted fifty or sixty days,
a bastion which had been mined was blown up, and stones, bricks
and men flew into the air like pigeons. The brave soldiers of Islám,
trusting in God, and placing their shields before them, rushed to the
assault and fought with great determination. But the infidels had
thrown up a barrier of earth inside the fortress, and had made
intrench-ments and places of defence in many parts. All the day
passed in fighting, and many of the assailants were killed. But the
brave warriors disdained to retreat, and passed the night without food
or rest amid the ruins and the blood. As soon as the sun rose, they
renewed their attacks, and after putting many of the garrison to the
sword, by dint of great exertion and resolution they carried the place.
The survivors of the garrison retired into the citadel. In this assault
300 men of the royal army were slain, besides sappers and others
engaged in the work of the siege. Six or seven hundred horse and
foot were wounded by stones and bullets, arrows and swords. The
men in the citadel being reduced to extremity, sent Ráo Bháo Singh
to make terms, and then surrendered. Next day Amíru-l umará
entered and inspected the fortress, and having left Uzbek Khán in
command of it, he marched after Sivají. After a time he gave the
name of Islámábád to Chákna, and called Ja’far Khán from Málwá to
his assistance. Amíru-l umará reported that the fort of Parenda had
been won without fighting.*
Sulaimán Shukoh.
[vol. ii. p. 123.] Sulaimán Shukoh had for some time found refuge in
the hills with Pirthí Singh, Zamíndár of Srínagar, and Tarbiyat Khán
had been sent with an army to overrun that territory. Pirthí Singh now
wrote, through the medium of Rája Jai Singh, begging forgiveness for
his offences, and offering to give up Sulaimán Shukoh. Kunwar Ráí
Singh, son of Rája Jai Singh, was sent to fetch Sulaimán Shukoh, * *
and he brought him to Court on the 11th Jumáda-l awwal. He was led
into the presence of the Emperor, who graciously took a lenient
course, and ordered him to be sent prisoner to the fort of Gwálior,
along with Muhammad Sultán, who had been confined in Salím-garh.
Season of Scarcity.
[vol. ii. p. 123.] Unfavourable seasons and want of rain, combined
with war and movements of armies, had made grain very scarce and
dear. Many districts lay entirely waste, and crowds of people from all
parts made their way to the capital. Every street and bázár of the city
was choked with poor helpless people, so that it was difficult for the
inhabitants to move about. An Imperial order was issued, that in
addition to the regular bulghúr-khánas, where raw and cooked grain
was given away, ten more langar-khánas (free houses of
entertainment), should be opened in the city, and twelve bulghúr-
khánas in the suburbs and among the tombs, and careful men were
appointed to superintend them. Instructions were also issued for the
amírs to make provision for langar distributions, and orders were
given for the remission of taxes on (the transport of) grain, with the
view of favouring the gathering of stores.
In the middle of Jumáda-l awwal, in the fifth year of the reign, the
Khán-khánán began his return march with an army broken down by
disease, and with many of the officers and nobles at the point of
death. The Khán-khánán himself was seriously ill, but he strove to the
last in the service of his master. Concealing his own suffering, or
making light of it, he exerted himself night and day to direct and
comfort his army, until he was overpowered by disease, and knew
that the time of his departure was near. He appointed certain of his
officers to march against the Rája of Kúch Bihár, who had failed in
keeping his engagements and paying tribute. Then he spoke a few
last words of kindly counsel, and died at Khizr-púr, on the frontiers of
Kúch Bihár, on the 12th Ramazán, at the beginning of the sixth year of
the reign.
After the conquest of the two forts, Rája Jai Singh sent Dáúd Khán
and * * with seven thousand horse to plunder and lay waste the
country which Sivají had won by force and violence. Great efforts
were made on both sides, and for five months the Imperial forces
never rested from harassing and fighting the enemy. At Sívápúr,
which was built by Sivají, and at the forts of Kandána* and Kanwárí-
garh, not one trace of cultivation was left, and cattle out of number
were taken. But on the other hand, the sudden attacks by the enemy,
their brilliant successes, their assaults in dark nights, their seizure of
the roads and difficult passes, and the firing of the jungles full of
trees, severely tried the Imperial forces, and men and beasts in great
numbers perished. But the enemy also had suffered great losses, and
took to flight. The fort of Rájgarh,* which Sivají himself held, and the
fort of Kandána, in which were his wife and his maternal relations,
were both invested, and the besiegers pressed the garrisons hard.
The roads on all sides were blockaded, and Sivají knew that,
however much he might desire it, he could not rescue his family and
carry them to a place of safety. He also knew that if these strongholds
were taken, his wife and family would be liable to suffer the
consequences of his own evil deeds. Accordingly he sent some
intelligent men to Rája Jai Singh, begging forgiveness of his offences,
promising the surrender of several forts which he still held, and
proposing to pay a visit to the Rája. But the Rája, knowing well his
craft and falsehood, gave directions for pressing the attack more
vigorously, until the intelligence was brought that Sivají had come out
of the fortress. Some confidential Bráhmans now came from him, and
confirmed his expressions of submission and repentance with the
most stringent oaths.
The Rája promised him security for his life and honour, upon
condition of his going to wait on the Emperor, and of agreeing to enter
into his service. He also promised him the grant of a high mansab,
and made preparations for suitably receiving him. Sivají then
approached with great humility. The Rája sent his munshí to receive
him, and he also sent some armed Rájpúts to provide against
treachery. The munshí carried a message to say that if Sivají
submitted frankly, gave up his forts, and consented to show
obedience, his petition for forgiveness would be granted by the
Emperor. If he did not accept these terms, he had better return and
prepare to renew the war. When Sivají received the message, he said
with great humility that he knew his life and honour were safe if he
made his submission. The Rája then sent a person of higher rank to
bring him in with honour.
When Sivají entered, the Rája arose, embraced him, and seated him
near himself. Sivají then, with a thousand signs of shame, clasped his
hands and said, “I have come as a guilty slave to seek forgiveness,
and it is for you either to pardon or to kill me at your pleasure. I will
make over my great forts, with the country of the Kokan, to the
Emperor’s officers, and I will send my son to enter the Imperial
service. As for myself, I hope that after the interval of one year, when
I have paid my respects to the Emperor, I may be allowed, like other
servants of the State, who exercise authority in their own provinces,
to live with my wife and family in a small fort or two. Whenever and
wherever my services, are required, I will, on receiving orders,
discharge my duty loyally.” The Rája cheered him up, and sent him to
Diler Khán.
After directions had been given for the cessation of the siege, seven
thousand persons, men, women and children, came out of the fort. All
that they could not carry away became the property of the
Government, and the fort was taken possession of by the forces.
Diler Khán presented Sivají with a sword, and * *. He then took him
back to the Rája, who presented him with a robe, * * and renewed his
assurances of safety and honourable treatment. Sivají, with ready
tact, bound on the sword in an instant, and promised to render faithful
service. When the question about the time Sivají was to remain under
parole, and of his return home, came under consideration, Rája Jai
Singh wrote to the Emperor, asking forgiveness for Sivají and the
grant of a robe to him, and awaited instructions. * * A mace-bearer
arrived with the farmán and a robe, * * and Sivají was overjoyed at
receiving forgiveness and honour.
A discussion then arose about the forts, and it was finally settled that
out of the thirty-five forts which he possessed, the keys of twenty-
three should be given up, with their revenues, amounting to ten lacs
of huns, or forty lacs of rupees. Twelve small forts, with moderate
revenues,* were to remain in the possession of Sivají’s people.
Sambhá his son, a boy of eight years old, in whose name a mansab
of 5000 had been granted at Rája Jai Singh’s suggestion, was to
proceed to Court with the Rája, attended by a suitable retinue. Sivají
himself, with his family, was to remain in the hills, and endeavour to
restore the prosperity of his ravaged country. Whenever he was
summoned on Imperial service, he was to attend. On his being
allowed to depart, he received a robe, horse, and * *.
Death of Sháh Jahán.
[vol. ii. p. 186.] It now became known that the Sáhib Kirán-i sání
(Sháh Jahán) was very ill, and that his life was drawing to a close.
Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam was immediately sent off in haste to
visit him, but he received the intelligence of his (grandfather’s) death
while on his way. He died* at the end of Rajab 1076 A.H. (22nd Jan.
1666), in the eighth year of the reign of Aurangzeb, who grieved
much over his deatḥ. Sháh Jahán reigned thirty-one years, and he
was secluded and under restraint nearly eight years.*
[vol. ii. p. 188.] Among the events of this year was the subjugation of
Sangrám-nagar and Chátgám near Arracan. The zamíndárs of these
places had shaken off their allegiance, but Ummed Khán, eldest son
of Sháyista Khán, Amíru-l umará, defeated them. * * The name of
Sangrám-nagar was changed to ‘Álamgír-nagar, and that of Chátgám
to Islámábád.
Conquests of Sivají.
[vol. ii. p. 220.] Sundry forts which had belonged to the Kutb-Sháhí
kings had passed into the hands of the ‘Ádil-Sháhís. Sivají had a
great reputation for skill in the reduction of forts, and he swore to
‘Abdu-lla Sháh, that if he would supply him with forces and the means
for conducting sieges, he would in a short time wrest these forts from
the Bíjápúrís, and hand them over to the officers appointed to
accompany him; he would not even accept some forts which had
belonged to himself, and were in the possession of the officers of
Aurangzeb, if he recovered them by the means supplied him. He
vowed also that for the remainder of his life he would remain the
devoted servant and adherent of ‘Abdu-lla Sháh. The ultimate objects
of the arch deceiver never entered into the consideration of ‘Abdu-llah
Sháh. He provided a sufficient force and a suitable siege train, and he
appointed to it several officers acquainted with siege operations,
whom he enjoined to serve heartily in obedience to and in accord with
Sivají.
Sivají, with the force placed under his command, marched on his
enterprise. By fraud and stratagem, and by his marvellous skill in the
conduct of sieges, every fort that he approached fell into his hands
after a few days’ investment. He cajoled the officers who had been
sent with him to take charge of the captured forts, with plausible
statements, with promises of giving them the command of more
important places, and by using the money and property he had
obtained from the captured strongholds. So he carried them with him
to other forts, and in a short time he reduced Sattára, Parnála, and
ten or twelve other renowned forts belonging to Bíjápúr, which it
would have taken years and lacs of expense to conquer. He then
marched against Rájgarh, and other forts which had been captured
by Rája Jai Singh, Diler Khán, and other Imperial generals, the keys
of which he himself had surrendered. Having mastered them all, he
placed one or two of them in charge of the officers of ‘Abdu-llah
Sháh.
According to common report, and the oral statements of men of
Haidarábád, Sivají came to that city in the first or second year of the
reign of Abú-l Hasan, and succeeded in wheedling and satisfying that
sovereign. When he had finished his fortress-taking, according to his
wont, he took up his abode at Rájgarh, and there again raised the
standard of rebellion. In the days when the fortifications of the port of
Surat were not yet completed, he attacked and took the place.* There
he obtained an immense booty in gold and silver, coined and
uncoined, and in the stuffs of Kashmír, Ahmadábád, and other places.
He also made prisoners of some thousand Hindú men and women of
name and station, and Musulmáns of honourable position. Krors in
money and goods thus came into the hands of that evil infidel.
Aurangzeb, on being informed of the capture and plunder of Surat,
ordered that the fortifications of that port should be completed; and he
placed Diler Khán and Khán-Jahán in command of an army to punish
Sivají. It is said that Sivají got together some ten or twelve thousand
Kachh and Arab horses, so that when he sent out an army most of
the horsemen were bárgírs, i.e. they rode horses belonging to him.
He rebuilt the forts which had formerly stood on the sea-shore, and
he constructed also vessels of war, which were kept under the guns
of the fortress. With these vessels he attacked and plundered ships
which were proceeding to Europe and to Mecca.
When Sivají had satisfied himself of the security of Rájgarh, his old
retreat, and of the dependent territory, he turned his thoughts towards
finding some other more inaccessible hill as a place for his abode.
After diligent search he fixed upon the hill of Ráhírí,* a very high and
strong place. The ascent of this place was three kos, and it was
situated twenty-four kos from the sea; but an inlet of the sea was
about seven kos from the foot of the hill. The road to Surat passed
near the place, and that port was ten or twelve stages distant by land.
Rájgarh was four or five stages off. The hills are very lofty and difficult
of ascent. Rain falls there for about five months in the year. The place
was a dependency of the Kokan, belonging to Nizámu-l Mulk. Having
fixed on the spot, he set about building his fort. When the gates and
bastions and walls were complete and secure, he removed thither
from Rájgarh, and made it his regular residence. After the guns were
mounted, and the place made safe, he closed all the roads around,
leaving only one leading to his fortress. One day he called an
assembly, and having placed a bag of gold and a gold bracelet worth
a hundred pagodas before the people, he ordered proclamation to be
made that this would be given to any one who would ascend to the
fort, and plant a flag, by any other than the appointed road, without
the aid of ladder or rope. A Dher came forward, and said that with the
permission of the Rája he would mount to the top of the hill, plant the
flag, and return. He ascended the hill, fixed the flag, quickly came
down again, and made his obeisance. Sivají ordered that the purse of
money and the gold bracelet should be given to him, and that he
should be set at liberty; and he gave directions for closing the way by
which the Dher had ascended.
At the first, Ráhírí was attached to the Kokan, and belonged to
Nizámu-l Mulk. Afterwards this country and several of the
dependencies of Bíjápúr passed into the possession of the Emperor
Sháh Jahán. When the Imperial government became friendly with
Bíjápúr, the Kokan, which had belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk, was
granted to ‘Ádil Sháh in exchange for territory newly acquired by
Bíjápúr. Fath Khán, an Afghán, was appointed governor of the
country on the part of Bíjápúr, and he posted himself in the fort of
Dandá-Rájpúrí,* which is situated half in the sea and half on land.
Subsequently he built the fort of Jazíra* upon an island in the sea,
about a cannon-shot distant from Dandá-Rájpúrí, in a very secure
position, so that, if the governor of the country was hard pressed by
an enemy, he might have a secure retreat in that place.
After Sivají had fixed his abode at Ráhírí, which is twenty kos from
Dandá-Rájpúrí, he appointed a commandant of that fortress. In a
short time, he reduced and occupied seven other forts, small and
great, in that neighbourhood, and then resolved upon the conquest of
Dandá-Rájpúrí. Fath Khán had observed the triumphant progress of
Sivají, and how fortress after fortress had fallen into his hands. So
Fath Khán lost courage; he abandoned Dandá-Rájpúrí, and retired to
the island fortress in the sea. Sivají then resolved to effect the
conquest of the island also, and he so conducted matters that Fath
Khán was soon reduced to extremities, and he offered to surrender
the place to Sivají, upon a pledge of security to himself and the
garrison.
Fath Khán had in his service three Abyssinian slaves, Sídí Sambal,
Sídí Yákút, and Sídí Khairiyat, each of whom had ten Abyssinian
slaves, which he had trained and drilled. The management of the
island and of many domestic concerns was in the hands of these
Abyssinians. These three men got information of the enemy’s power,
and of Fath Khán’s intention of surrendering the island to Sivají. They
took counsel together, and resolved that no good could come from
allowing the island to pass into the hands of any infidel. So they
determined to take Fath Khán prisoner, and to make Sídí Sambal
governor of the fortress. In the fourteenth year of the reign these
Abyssinians seized Fath Khán unawares, placed chains upon his
legs, and wrote a statement of the facts to ‘Ádil Sháh Bíjápúrí. They
also wrote to Khán-Jahán, the Súbadár of the Dakhin, begging the
aid of the Imperial forces, and requesting him to send his forces by
sea from Surat. Khán-Jahán graciously bestowed mansabs and
presents on each of the three Abyssinians.
Khán-Jahán also took measures to thwart the designs of Sivají.
Hegot together some ships at the fortress (of Surat), and began the
rebuilding which had been ordered. Then he collected some ships of
war with the intention of taking a cruise. One night he attacked the
vessels of Sivají which lay near the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí, and
captured them with two hundred sailors trained for warlike work. One
hundred of them were Mahrattas, and had lately been appointed to
this duty by Sivají. Stones were tied to the feet of these men, and
they were thrown into the sea. From that day forth the animosity
between the Abyssinians and Sivají grew more violent. Sivají
collected forty or fifty vessels of war to defend the forts of Kalába and
Gandírí, which were the strongest of his newly-built forts on the sea-
shore. He then turned his thoughts to the reduction of the fort of
Jazíra (Jinjera), and the capture of the Abyssinians. There were
frequent naval fights between the opposing forces, in which the
Abyssinians were often victorious.
Sídí Sambal was advanced to a mansab of 900, and then he died.
Before he expired he made Sídí Yákút his successor, and enjoined all
the other Abyssinians to pay him a loyal and cheerful obedience. Sídí
Yákút was distinguished among his people for courage, benignity and
dignity. He now strove more than ever to collect ships of war, to
strengthen the fortress, and to ward off naval attacks. He was armed
and ready night and day. He frequently captured ships of the enemy,
and cut off the heads of many Mahrattas, and sent them to Surat. He
used to write reports to Khán-Jahán, and he frequently received
marks of approbation from him. He was constantly revolving in his
mind plans for wresting the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí from the hands of
Sivají. He got together some rockets,* which he fastened to trees,
and discharged them at night against the fort.
Sivají also was prosecuting his plans for the reduction of Jazíra. But
he now retired to a dwelling about three kos to celebrate the holí,
leaving in command at Rájpúrí some officers experienced in siege
work, to prosecute incessantly the operations against Jazíra during
his absence, and he held out to them the reward of a man of gold and
other presents. One night, while the garrison of Dandá-Rájpúrí were
celebrating the holí, and were intoxicated or inattentive, Sídí Yákút
sent on shore four or five hundred men under Sídí Khairiyat with
ropes, ladders, and other apparatus. He himself drew thirty or forty
boats laden with siege matériel under the walls of Rájpúrí, and gave
the signal agreed upon to announce his arrival. They found the
garrison off their guard, and Sídí Khairiyat assaulted the place with
loud cries from the land side. When the enemy took the alarm, and
rushed to repel the attack on that side, Sídí Yákút planted his scaling-
ladders, which he had brought in his boats, and by means of these
and of ropes, his brave followers scaled the walls, and quickly made
their way up. Some of the assailants were cast into the sea, and were
drowned, others fell under the swords of the defenders, but the
storming party forced its way into the fort, and raised the cry, “Strike!
kill!” Just at this time the powder magazine caught fire, and blew up a
number of men, including ten or twelve who were with Sídí Yákút.
The smoke and the noise made it difficult to distinguish friend from
foe, but Sídí Yákút raised his war-cry, and encouraged his men to
slaughter the defenders who had escaped the fire. Sídí Khairiyat also
scaled the walls on his side, and the place was taken.
I, the author, was in that country some time, and I repeatedly heard
from many men, and from the mouth of Yákút Khán himself, that
when the magazine blew up, although Sivají was twenty kos off, it
awoke him from sleep, and he said that some misfortune had fallen
on Dandá-Rájpúrí, and he sent men to ascertain what had happened.
At this time Sivají’s forces had gone to attack the neighbourhood of
Surat. Within the space of four or five kos from Rájpúrí there were six
or seven Nizámu-l Mulkí forts which had fallen into the hands of
Sivají, but he was unable at this time to render them any assistance.
So Sídí Yákút seized the opportunity to attack them. Six forts
surrendered after two or three days’ resistance, but the commandant
of one fort held out for a week in the hope of relief from Sivají. The
Abyssinians pushed forward their approaches, and kept up such a
fire that he was obliged to surrender. Sídí Yákút granted quarter to
the garrison, and seven hundred persons came out. But notwith-
standing his word, he made the children and pretty women slaves,
and forcibly converted them to Islám. The old and ugly women he set
free, but the men he put to death. This struck such terror into the
hearts of Sivají and his followers that he was obliged to confine
himself to securing Ráhírí. Sídí Yákút sent an account of his victory to
Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam, Súbadár of the Dakhin, and to Khán-
Jahán. His mansab was raised, a robe of honour was sent to him,
and he received the title of Khán. Similar honours were also given to
Sídí Khairiyat.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 229.] A report reached Sivají that his son Sambhá,
whom he had left at Alláhábád with the Bráhman, was dead, and
Sambhájí’s wife wanted to become a satí, * * but a few months
afterwards the Bráhman arrived, bringing Sambhájí with him.
Taxes.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 229.] An order was promulgated exempting the
commercial goods of Musulmáns from tax throughout the dominions
of Hindústán. But after a short time, upon the reports of the revenue
officers, and by recommendation of good and experienced persons,
an order was issued that every article belonging to Musulmáns, the
price of which was not large, should pass free; but that goods of
value should pay duty. Goods belonging to partners were not to be
troubled with duties. The revenue officers then reported that
Musulmáns had adopted the practice of dividing their goods into
small parcels in order to avoid the duty, and that they passed the
goods of Hindús in their names, and thus the payment of the zakát
prescribed by the Law was avoided. So an order was given that,
according to the Law, two and a half per cent. should be taken from
Musulmáns and five per cent. from Hindús.
[Disturbances among the Yúsufzáís.]
War with Bíjápúr.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 236.] In the sixteenth year of the reign, corresponding
to 1083 A.H. (1673 A.D.),* Khán-Jahán fought a battle with Bahlol, the
Bíjápúr general, near the town of Málkher,* about four stages from
Bíjápúr. Islám Khán Rúmí fought splendidly, and the Imperial army
was worsting the enemy in all directions, when an explosion of
gunpowder took place, which so frightened the elephant of Islám
Khán that the driver lost all control of it, and the animal carried off his
rider to the lines of the enemy, where Islám Khán was dragged off the
elephant and killed. A good deal of the baggage of the Imperial army
was plundered, and many men were slain in the battle. * * Aurangzeb
received the news of the defeat of Diler Khán and the death of Islám
Khán in the Dakhin, while he was at Hasan Abdál on his march
against the Afgháns, in the beginning of the seventeenth year of his
reign, and he was obliged to defer the punishment of the Dakhinís for
the time. * * The Emperor returned from Hasan Abdál to the capital at
the end of the eighteenth or nineteenth year of his reign.
Riot of Hindú Devotees.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 252.] One of the remarkable occurrences of this year*
was the outburst of the Hindú devotees called Sat-námís , who are
also known by the name of Mundíhs. There were four or five
thousand of these, who were householders in the parganas of
Nárnaul and Mewát. These men dress like devotees, but they
nevertheless carry on agriculture and trade, though their trade is on a
small scale. In the way of their religion they have dignified themselves
with the title of “Good name,” this being the meaning of Sat-nám.
They are not allowed to acquire wealth in any but a lawful calling. If
any one attempts to wrong or oppress them by force, or by exercise
of authority, they will not endure it. Many of them have weapons and
arms.
At the time Aurangzeb was returning from Hasan Abdál, a strong
altercation arose one day near Nárnaul, between a man of this sect,
who was engaged in agricultural work, and a man who was keeping
watch over the harvest. The latter broke the Sat-námí’s head with his
staff. A number of Sat-námís then collected and beat the watchman,
so that they left him for dead. When intelligence reached the shikkdár,
he assembled his men and sent them to arrest those Sat-námís.
Meantime numbers of the Sat-námís assembled. They attacked the
shikkdár’s men, overpowered them, wounded several, and took away
their arms. Their numbers went on increasing, and information was
carried to Kár-talab Khán, faujdár of Nárnaul. He sent a large force of
horse and foot to the assistance of the shikkdár, and to punish and
seize the rioters. The Sát-námís fought this force also, wounded and
killed a great many of them, and put the rest to flight. Matters grew
worse, and the faujdár set about collecting more men, both horse and
foot, and called to his assistance the zamíndárs of the
neighbourhood. With his old and new men, and with the levies from
the zamíndárs, he marched against the rioters, and gave them battle.
He killed a good many of them, but was repulsed and compelled to
fly.
To shorten a long story, suffice it to say that after several fights the
faujdár was killed, and the town of Nárnaul fell into the hands of the
Sat-námís. They proceeded to collect the taxes from the villages, and
established posts of their own. When the Emperor reached Dehlí, he
was informed of this outbreak, and he sent force after force to quell it,
but they were all defeated and dispersed. It was said that swords,
arrows, and musket-balls had no effect upon these men, and that
every arrow and ball which they discharged against the royal army
brought down two or three men. Thus they were credited with magic
and witchcraft, and stories were currently reported about them which
were utterly incredible. They were said to have magic wooden horses
like live ones, on which their women rode as an advanced guard.
Great rájas and veteran amírs were sent against them with powerful
armies. But the revolters were eager for the fight, and advanced to
about sixteen or seventeen kos from Dehlí. The royal army went forth
boldly to attack them; but the zamíndárs of the neighbourhood, and
some cowardly Rájpúts, seized the opportunity to throw off their
obedience, and to withhold the government dues. They even broke
out into open violence, and the flames daily increased. The King
ordered his tents to be brought out. He then wrote some prayers and
devices with his own hands, which he ordered to be sewn on the
banners and standards, and carried against the rebels. At length, by
the exertions of Rája Bishan Singh, Hámid Khán, and others, several
thousands of them were killed, and the rest were put to flight, so that
the outbreak was quelled. * *
Re-Imposition of the Jizya.
With the object of curbing the infidels, and of distinguishing the land
of the faithful from an infidel land, the jizya, or poll-tax, was imposed
upon the Hindús throughout all the provinces.* Upon the publication
of this order, the Hindús all round Dehlí assembled in vast numbers
under the jharokha of the Emperor on the river front of the palace, to
represent their inability to pay, and to pray for the recall of the edict.
But the Emperor would not listen to their complaints. One day, when
he went to public prayer in the great mosque on the Sabbath, a vast
multitude of Hindús thronged the road from the palace to the mosque,
with the object of seeking relief. Money-changers and drapers, all
kinds of shopkeepers from the Urdú bázár, mechanics, and workmen
of all kinds, left off work and business, and pressed into the way.
Notwithstanding orders were given to force a way through, it was
impossible for the Emperor to reach the mosque. Every moment the
crowd increased, and the Emperor’s equipage was brought to a
stand-still. At length an order was given to bring out the elephants
and direct them against the mob. Many fell trodden to death under
the feet of the elephants and horses. For some days the Hindús
continued to assemble in great numbers and complain, but at length
they submitted to pay the jizya.
Death of Rája Jasnant Singh.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 259.] * Intelligence now arrived of the death of Rája
Jaswant Singh, who had gone to Kábul with reinforcements. After the
death of the Rája, his foolish servants took away the Rája’s two sons,
named Ajít Singh and Dalathaman,* who were of tender years, and
the Ránís also. Without waiting for permission from Aurangzeb, and
without even obtaining a pass from the Súbadár of the province, they
set off towards the capital. When they reached the ferry of Atak, they
were unable to produce any pass, so the commander of the boats
refused to let them proceed. They then attacked him, killed and
wounded some of his men, and by force made good their way over
the river and went onwards towards Dehlí.
There was an old standing grievance in the Emperor’s heart re-
specting Rája Jaswant’s tribute, which was aggravated by these
presumptuous proceedings of the Rájpúts. He ordered the kotwál to
take his own men, with an additional force obtained from the
mansabdárs, as well as some artillery, and to surround the camp of
the Rájpúts, and keep guard over them. After some days, a party of
Rájpúts sought permission to go home. Their request was made
known to Aurangzeb, and, as it seemed right and proper, it was
granted.
Meanwhile the Rájpúts had obtained two boys of the same age as the
Rája’s children. They dressed some of the female attendants in the
garments of the ránís, and taking every precaution that their
stratagem should not be discovered, they left these women and the
boys under guard in their camp. The (real) ránís, disguised as men,
went off at night in charge of two trusty servants and a party of
devoted Rájpúts, and made their way with all speed to their own
country. The brave and active chiefs, who might have stopped or
overtaken them, were keeping guard over the tents in which the
pretended children of the Rája were. After two or three watches,
when a report of the fact was made, some officials were sent to make
inquiries, and it was repeatedly stated that the ránís and the children
were still there. Orders were then given for taking all the Rája’s
followers into the fortress. The Rájpúts and the disguised women,
who were ready to fight like men for the honour of their Rája, made a
determined resistance. Many were killed, but a party escaped.
The flight of the ránís was not clearly proved. Some men, who wished
to show their zeal, and to cover their negligence in the matter,
asserted that the boys had escaped, and that the wazír had sent out
a force to secure them. The royal forces went in pursuit twenty kos
from Dehlí, but they could not overtake the Rájpúts, and returned
unsuccessful. The two (substituted) boys were given into the charge
of the women of the royal harem, and were there brought up. The two
boys which the Rájpúts carried off were for a long time rejected by
Aurang-zeb, who refused to acknowledge that they were the sons of
Jaswant, until all doubt was removed by the Ráná of Chitor, who
married Ajít Singh to a girl of his family.
The Ráná and other Rájpúts. Defection of Prince Akbar.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 261.] At the beginning of Zí-l hijja of the twenty-second
year of the reign, Aurangzeb started from Ajmír, with the intention of
bringing the refractory Rájpúts to punishment. * * A strict farmán was
sent to the Ráná of Chitor, calling upon him to assent to the payment
of the jizya, and directing him to bring from the territories of Jodhpúr
the two alleged sons of Rája Jaswant Singh. After a short stay at
Ajmír, the army marched with the intention of ravaging Jodhpúr, and
other Rájpút districts. The Ráná, feeling himself incapable of
resistance, sent his vakíls with tribute and a letter declaring his
obedience in the matter of the jizya, but offering to give over two or
three parganas (districts) in commutation. He declared that he was
not supporting the sons of Jaswant, and finally begged forgiveness
for his offences. Aurangzeb left Khán-Jahán Bahádur to complete the
arrangements in this quarter, and returned to Dehlí. His journey to
Ajmír and back occupied seven months and twenty days.
It was soon after reported that the mean-spirited Ráná had again
broken his engagements, and showed rebellious designs, so that
Khán-Jahán could bring him to no final settlement. This kindled the
flames of the Emperor’s wrath, and towards the end of the same
year, he set off again to Ajmír, with the intention of punishing the
Ráná and the other evil-disposed Rájpúts. He wrote to Prince
Mu’azzam, directing him to come from the Dakhin to Ujjain, and
Prince Muhammad A’zam was ordered to march with all speed from
Bengal. When the King’s tents were pitched near Ajmír, Prince
Muhammad Akbar was sent with a large force to attack and chastise
the Ráná. Sháh Kulí Khán, who was promoted and received the title
of Tahawwur Khán, was placed in command of his advanced guard.
When the two armies approached each other, between the territories
of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád, Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam was
desirous of avoiding actual war by all means in his power. He sent a
message to Khalílu-llah Khán, offering peace, on the following terms.
Abú-l Hasan must express regret for his offences, and ask
forgiveness. He must remove Mádaná and Ákaná from the
management of affairs, and place them in confinement. The parganas
of Síram, Rámgír, etc., which had been taken by force, upon unjust
grounds, from the possession of servants of the Imperial throne, must
be restored. The balance of tribute due must be forwarded without
delay. The foolish amírs of the Dakhin, in their pride, sent improper
answers, regardless of the Imperial anger. So preparations for battle
were made on both sides.
The limits of this brief history will not admit of a detailed account of all
the actions fought by Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh; but a short
account of one engagement is given. In this action Khán-Jahán had
not more than ten or eleven thousand horse, and Khalílu-llah Khán
had more than thirty thousand. * * Khán-Jahán’s army was so
outnumbered and overpowered that all chance of escape seemed
difficult, and the enemy’s forces came on every moment with greater
strength. * * One of the enemy’s chiefs pressed forward, with a loud
cry, to the elephant of Khán-Jahán, with the intention of hurling a
javelin at him. Khán-Jahán encountered him, shouting out, “I am a
nobleman,” and, allowing him no time to throw his javelin, Khán-
Jahán drew his bow to his ear, and pierced his assailant with an
arrow, so that he fell headlong from his horse. The royal army was
still very hard pressed, intelligence constantly came in from the front
and rear that the enemy were in overwhelming force, and the only
course left for the army of Khán-Jahán was to retreat. At this juncture
the driver of an elephant belonging to Rája Rám Singh placed a
heavy chain in its mouth, and made it charge upon the enemy’s
advanced force. * * Wherever the elephant charged, the noise of the
chain and the blows of his trunk struck terror into the enemy. The
horses of two or three officers took fright, and threw their riders. Thus
the army of the enemy was put to flight, and Khán-Jahán celebrated
his victory, and pitched his camp on the field of battle. Many horses,
elephants, and guns fell into his hands. * * He then sent an officer
who wrested the fort of Síram from the hands of the enemy, and
placed a garrison therein. * *
The enemy advanced also against Prince Mu’azzam, and for some
days kept up a deceptive correspondence. Fighting began and went
on for three days, with great loss to both sides. On the fourth day the
action was continued with increased violence, and the enemy were at
length compelled to retreat. The Prince, Khán-Jahán, and the other
Imperial officers, did not deem it expedient to pursue them. They
determined to remain where they were, and sent a despatch of the
victory to Aurangzeb. The Emperor had for some time felt a little
dissatisfied with the Prince, and he was displeased with Khán-Jahán
for the licence and debauchery which prevailed in his camp, and
which he had repeatedly censured without effect. He was also
annoyed with him for not having pursued and secured Prince Akbar
when that Prince was near his territory. * * Whenever he wrote to him,
he got a saucy answer. For these and other reasons Aurangzeb was
quite offended with Khán-Jahán.
TWENTY-EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1095 A.H. (1684 A.D.).
The War with Kutbu-l Mulk of Haidarábád.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 300.] The despatch of victory and the intelligence of
the retreat of the enemy reached Aurangzeb; but his satisfaction was
turned into displeasure when he learnt that the enemy had not been
pursued. He wrote an angry letter to the Prince Sháh ‘Álam,* and to
Khán-Jahán, and was much dissatisfied. The generals of Abú-l Hasan
did not after this dare to venture upon an engagement, but from time
to time roving parties of them annoyed the Imperial forces at night
with rockets. They sometimes showed themselves in
reconnoissances by day, and fell back upon their camp. The Prince
and Khán-Jahán were offended, and made no attack upon them, and
remained for four or five months inactive without moving. This
aggrieved Aurangzeb still more, and he wrote a strong letter of
censure with his own hand to the Prince and Khán-Jahán. This letter
greatly incensed the Prince.
The morning after the receipt of the letter, he held a council of war
with Khán-Jahán, and the other nobles. * * Khán-Jahán was opposed
to fighting, and some amírs agreed with him. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán
and two or three rájas advised active operations. Nothing was
decided that day, and next day Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán in private
[urged an attack upon the enemy]. Prince Sháh ‘Álam wrote to
Muhammad Ibráhím, the commander of the enemy’s army, offering
terms of peace on condition of the parganas of Síram, Kír (or Khír),
etc., being restored to the Imperial officers. * * Muhammad Ibráhím
consulted with his officers as to the answer to be given, * * and the
answer given was that they had taken the parganas at the point of the
sword and spear, and were ready to fight for them. * * [Fighting
recommenced,] and the enemy were at length defeated and put to
flight. The Prince pursued them into their camp, and great
consternation fell upon them.
One of the enemy’s generals then sent two officers to the royal army
to represent that the combatants on both sides were Musul-máns,
and therefore the honour and safety of the women should be
regarded. They asked for a truce of three or four hours to remove the
women to a place of safety, and after that they would be ready to fight
again. * * So the fighting and plundering was stayed. The enemy sent
their women to a fort which was near, and at the end of three pahars
the fighting recommenced on every side. * * The enemy kept up the
fight till evening, but then they retreated.
The Prince sent a message to the enemy, to the effect that in battles
numbers of Musulmáns on both sides are killed; it would therefore be
better if two or three chiefs from both sides should meet and fight it
out. This would be a real trial of strength, skill and courage, and it
would be seen which side had the favour of God. * * Next day
messengers brought the news that the enemy’s horse had fled
towards Haidarábád. The Prince marched in pursuit, and came near
to Haidarábád.
Mádaná Pant and his friends had raised suspicions in the mind of
Abú-l Hasan, that Muhammad Ibráhím had been the means of
bringing the Prince thither. Abú-l Hasan was very angry, and was
intent upon seizing Ibráhím, and putting him to death. Muhammad
Ibráhím got intelligence of this, and went to offer his services to the
Prince, who received him with great favour. When intelligence of this
desertion became known in Haidarábád, Abú-l Hasan was greatly
alarmed, and without consulting with any of his nobles, or even caring
anything for his property or the honour of his own women and family,
or of others, he fled with a few servants by night, with boxes full of
such valuables as he could carry, to the fort of Golkonda. When this
fact became public, the stores of Abú-l Hasan were plundered, as
also was the property of the merchants, worth four or five krors of
rupees. The women of the soldiers, and of the inhabitants of the city,
were subjected to dishonour, and great disorder and destruction
prevailed. Many thousand gentlemen being unable to take horse, and
carry off their property, in the greatest distress took the hands of their
children and wives, many of whom could not even seize a veil or
sheet to cover them, and fled to the fortress.
Before Prince Sháh ‘Álam got intelligence of what was passing, the
ruffians and plunderers of the city began their work of pillage and
devastation. Nobles, merchants, and poorer men, vied with each
other as to who, by strength of arm, and by expenditure of money,
should get their families and property into the fortress. Before break
of day, the Imperial forces attacked the city, and a frightful scene of
plunder and destruction followed, for in every part and road and
market there were lacs upon lacs of money, stuffs, carpets, horses,
and elephants, belonging to Abú-l Hasan and his nobles. Words
cannot express how many women and children of Musulmáns and
Hindús were made prisoners, or how many women of high and low
degree were dishonoured. Carpets of great value, which were too
heavy to carry, were cut to pieces with swords and daggers, and
every bit was struggled for. Prince Sháh ‘Álam appointed officers
(sazáwal) to prevent the plunder, and they did their best to restrain it,
but in vain. The kotwál of the army received orders to go with the
Imperial díwán, with an escort of four or five hundred horse, to take
possession of what was left of the property of Abú-l Hasan.
Some persons now came from Abú-l Hasan to the Prince, most
humbly and earnestly begging forgiveness of the sins which he had
and had not committed. The Prince thereon strictly enjoined his
officers to repress the plundering, and to punish those who were
setting places on fire. The disorder was in some measure diminished;
but the plunderers were not really stopped in their work. After a good
deal of negociation, the Prince took pity upon Abú-l Hasan and the
inhabitants of the place. He accepted his proposals, upon certain
conditions. A tribute of one kror and twenty lacs of rupees was to be
paid, in addition to the usual annual tribute. Mádaná and Ákaná, the
two brothers, and the chief causes of the war, were to be imprisoned
and deprived of all authority. The fort of Síram and the pargana of
Khír, and other districts which had been conquered, were to remain in
the hands of the Imperialists, and Abú-l Hasan was to ask forgiveness
of his offences from Aurangzeb.
While the negociations were pending, * * * some women of great
influence in the harem, without the knowledge of Abú-l Hasan, laid a
plot for the murder of Mádaná and Ákaná. * * Whilst the two doomed
wretches were proceeding from the darbár to their own houses, a
party of slaves attacked them and killed them. Rustam Rás also, who
had reached the house, was killed. Many bráhmans lost their lives
and property on that day. The heads of the two brothers were cut off,
and were sent to Prince Sháh ‘Álam by the hands of a discreet
person. * *
When the Prince’s despatch reached Aurangzeb, he in public
approved of the terms of peace, and sent * * an officer to receive the
tribute. Privately, however, he censured the Prince and Khán-Jahán,
and summoned the latter to his presence.
War with Bíjápúr.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 316.] Aurangzeb determined that he would march in
person to effect the conquest of Bíjápúr, and he started with that
intention on the 4th Sha’bán. * * Prince A’zam, with some experienced
nobles and a suitable force, was sent to reduce Bíjápúr. On
approaching the place, he found that the forces of the Dakhin, under
the command of ‘Abdu-r Rúf and Sharza Khán, hovered round him in
all directions. In that year calamity had fallen on the crops, and grain
was very dear. The Dakhiní forces occupied the country all around,
and prevented all supplies of corn from reaching Bíjápúr, so that grain
became very scarce and dear in the (Imperial) army, and it was
difficult to get a loaf. * * At length, after many severe actions, * * the
forces of the enemy were driven back, and convoys of provisions
were brought safely into the camp of Prince Muhammad A’zam, and
he was relieved from the difficulties which had beset him. * * Great
favours and honours were bestowed on Gházíu-d dín Khán for the
service he had rendered in bringing in the convoy.
The protracted duration of the siege of Bíjápúr, and the information he
had received of the disaffection of the allies who accompanied Prince
Muhammad A’zam, made Aurangzeb determine to proceed thither in
person. At the beginning of Sha’bán, in the twenty-eighth year of the
reign, he set out from Sholápúr, and on the 21st of the month he
arrived before the fortress, to the great dismay of the besieged. He
appointed * * several of his best officers to assist the Prince in
carrying on the siege, and addressed to them some soul-stirring
words. They set heartily to work constructing lines of approach,
driving mines and filling up the ditch. * *
Some mischief-making people reported to Aurangzeb that on a day
when an attack was made Sháh Kulí was inside the fortress along
with Sikandar; also that a person named Saiyid ‘Álam used to come
out of the city by night, and have interviews in secret with the Prince.
This was confirmed by the report of Rúhu-llah Khán kotwál. Orders
were accordingly given for the arrest of Saiyid ‘Álam when he came
out to see Prince Sháh ‘Álam, and also for the apprehension of Sháh
Kulí. Sháh Kulí was at length seized and brought before Aurangzeb,
who examined him and endeavoured to extract from him the truth
about his visits to the city. Nothing but denial was obtained from the
prisoner, so the order was given for binding him and submitting him to
the torture. After receiving a few blows, his spirit gave way; he
divulged the whole secret, and named several others who had been
concerned with him. Aurangzeb sent for Prince Sháh ‘Álam, and in a
private interview reproached him with these secret negociations. The
Prince denied them, and said that Sháh Kulí was no servant of his.
Orders were given for the confinement of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, and
for the expulsion of several other persons from the army. Aurangzeb’s
feelings had been estranged from Prince Sháh ‘Álam since the
transactions at Haidarábád, and he was now still more offended with
him. He made no outward change in the Prince’s rank and
allowances, or in the honours due to him as heir apparent, but his
estrangement daily increased.
TWENTY-NINTH AND THIRTIETH YEARS OF THE REIGN, 1096
AND 1097 A.H. (1685-6 A.D.). Conquest of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 322.] By the exertions of Gházíu-d dín Khán Fíroz
Jang, and other renowned warriors, and through want of supplies, the
garrison of Bíjápúr was in great distress, and many men and horses
had perished. Sharza Khán and other nobles asked for terms on
behalf of Sikandar, and at the beginning of the thirtieth year of the
reign, in Zí-l ka’da, 1097 (October, 1686), the keys of the fortress
were surrendered to Aurangzeb. The conquest was celebrated with
great display, and Sikandar was placed in confinement in the fort of
Daulat-ábád, a suitable provision being made for his support.
At the end of Muharram Aurangzeb notified his intention of going to
pay a visit to the tomb of Hazrat Banda-nawáz Saiyid Muhammad
Gísú, and marched towards Kulbarga. He sent a kind farmán to Abú-l
Hasan, and another to Sa’ádat Khán, his own hájib at Haidarábád,
asking for payment of the tribute. He also wrote privately to Sa’ádat
Khán, to the effect that it was his intention shortly to march against
Haidarábád and conquer it; but Sa’ádat Khán was meanwhile to do
his utmost to obtain money from Abú-l Hasan. Sa’ádat Khán flattered
Abú-l Hasan with hopes of favours from Aurangzeb, and exerted him-
self to obtain payment of the tribute. Abú-l Hasan, in the hope of
finding safety, told Sa’ádat Khán that he was unable to find the
money; but he offered instead the jewels and valuables belonging to
his wives and others. He therefore asked him to send his young
eunuch to select and take away the jewels and other things. Sa’ádat
Khán refused to send the eunuch, and negocia-tions went on for
some days, until the intelligence was brought that Aurangzeb was at
Kulbarga.
Abú-l Hasan, in the extremes of fear and hope, sent for Sa’ádat
Khán, and delivered into his charge several trays of jewels and
valuables, without even settling the value of them. These were sealed
up, and it was arranged that Sa’ádat Khán should carry them to his
house. In the course of the next two or three days Abú-l Hasan would
do his best to obtain the tribute money, and would send it to the
house of Sa’ádat Khán. The value of the jewels was then to be
settled, and the whole was to be sent to Aurangzeb, with a letter from
Sa’ádat Khán commending Abú-l Hasan’s willingness and obedience,
and praying for merciful consideration. Abú-l Hasan sent some loads
of fruit for Aurangzeb, and Sa’ádat Khán also sent some baskets with
them.
Two or three days later intelligence was brought that Aurangzeb had
left Kulbarga and had arrived at Golkonda. Everybody now said that
his object was to conquer Gol-konda. Abú-l Hasan sent to Sa’ádat
Khán, saying * * that he had no longer hope of any consideration from
Aurangzeb, and demanded back the jewels which he had placed in
his charge. Sa’ádat Khán replied that * * he had sent the jewels to
Aurangzeb in the baskets which accompanied Abú-l Hasan’s present
of fruit. A great scene followed. Abú-l Hasan placed a guard over
Sa’ádat Khán’s house. * * The latter said that he had only obeyed the
orders, and acted in accordance with his wishes in sending the
jewels. “For this,” said he, “you are now about to kill me. My master
has long desired some pretext for destroying you, he cannot have a
better one than the murder of his hájib. If I am spared, I can do
something to obtain forgiveness for you, and I will exert myself to the
utmost.” * * In some matters Sa’ádat Khán had befriended Abú-l
Hasan against the designs of his own master. So Abú-l Hasan, think-
ing of what might follow, refrained from injuring him, and made him
presents. * *
When the siege had been carried on for some time, Aurangzeb
recalled Prince Muhammad A’zam, whom, in consequence of the
unfaithfulness of Prince Sháh ‘Álam, he had sent to settle the country
round Ujjain and Akbarábád, and who had got as far as Burhánpúr.
He also summoned Rúhu-lláh Khán, an experienced and highly-
trusted nobleman, from Bíjápúr. Soon after the Prince’s arrival, the
dearness of grain passed all bounds. * * In the middle of Rajab, when
the siege had lasted three months, * * it was resolved to make an
attempt to take the place by surprise at night, by means of scaling-
ladders and ropes. * * A few brave men succeeded in ascending the
ramparts, * * but the barking of a dog gave the alarm, and the
defenders rushed to the walls and soon despatched those who had
gained the top. They also threw down the ladders, and so made an
end of those who were mounting. Others opened fire. When the
leaders of the storming party gained the summit of the ramparts, one
of Aurangzeb’s servants ran off to report their success, without
waiting to see the result of the enterprise. Aurangzeb, on receiving his
report, ordered the drums of victory to be beaten, and ordered out his
royal equipage and state dress. Next day spies reported that Abú-l
Hasan gave the dog a gold collar, a plated chain, etc., and directed
that the dog should be kept chained near to himself.
In the middle of Sha’bán a heavy rain fell for three days, * * which
was the cause of very great distress to the besiegers, * * and
destroyed many of their works. * * The enemy also took courage, and
made a sally in great force, in which they did great damage, * * and
killed many men and took some prisoners. Abú-l Hasan treated his
prisoners with hospitality and honour. * * He took Sarbaráh Khán to
his granaries and magazines and showed him his stores of corn and
heaps of treasure. He then wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, reciting * *
and offering to present a kror of rupees, and also to pay a kror of
rupees for each time that Aurangzeb had besieged the place; so that
any further slaughter of Musulmáns might be prevented. If his
proposals were not accepted, he offered to supply five or six hundred
thousand mans of grain for the troops. When these proposals were
reported to Aurangzeb, he said, “If Abú-l Hasan does not repudiate
my authority, he must come to me with clasped hands, or he must be
brought bound before me. I will then consider what consideration I
can show him.” He then issued orders to the officials of Birár for the
preparation of 50,000 bags of cotton, and for other materials for
carrying on the siege and filling up the moat. * *
On the 19th Sha’bán it was reported that a triple mine had been driven
under the bastions of the fortress, and charged with gunpowder.
Orders were then given that a force should be collected in the lines
as if about to make an attack upon the undermined work, so that the
enemy might observe this, and assemble his men there. The mines
were then to be fired. ‘Abdu-r Razzák Lárí and others of the
besieged, having observed these proceedings, commenced
countermining. They pushed their work with such skill and activity, * *
that they drew the powder and match from one mine, and poured
water into the other two. The Imperial troops collected for the assault,
and raised their cries; and the gunners watched the ramparts for the
proper moment for firing the mine. When the signal was given, one
mine exploded, but as part of the powder had been extracted, and of
the remaining part that which lay nearest to the fortress was wet, the
blowing up of the bastion did more injury to the besiegers than the
besieged. * * The garrison then sallied forth, and occupied the
trenches, killing all whom they found alive in them. After a severe
struggle, in which many men fell on both sides, the trenches were
recovered. The second mine was exploded, and thousands of stones,
great and small, were hurled into the air; but, as in the former case,
they fell upon the heads of the besiegers, * * and great numbers were
killed and wounded. * *
Great wailings and complaints arose from the troops engaged in the
siege. * * The cannonade recommenced on both sides, and many
more of the besiegers fell. * * Although Fíroz Jang exerted himself
most strenuously, he made no impression upon the place. The long
delay kindled the anger of Aurangzeb. He called his chiefs and
officers together, * * and placing himself at about a gun-shot distance
from the walls, he ordered an assault to be made under his own eyes.
Prodigies of valour were exhibited. * * But a storm of wind and rain
arose, and obstructed the progress of the assailants, * * and they
were forced to fall back drenched with rain. The garrison again made
a sally, took possession of the trenches, spiked the heavy guns, on
the mounting of which immense money and labour had been
expended, and carried away all that was portable. They pulled out of
the moat the logs of wood, and the many thousands of bags which
had been used to fill it up, and used them to repair the breaches
made by the mines. * * It was afterwards determined that the third
mine should be sprung in the presence of Aurangzeb. But although
fire was applied, nothing resulted. An examination as to the cause
was instituted, but nothing was discovered until it was learnt from
spies that the enemy had cleared out the powder and cut the match. *
* Fíroz Jang had received two arrow wounds. The command of the
army was then given to Prince Muhammad A’zam.
Several of the officers of Abú-l Hasan had come over to the side of
Aurangzeb, and had received suitable titles, mansabs, and presents.
Shaikh Minháj, having heard of this, was about to desert, but Abú-l
Hasan placed him in confinement, and seized his house. Of all his
nobles, none remained faithful to Abú-l Hasan but ‘Abdu-r Razzák
Lárí, who had received the title Mustafá Khán, and ‘Abdu-llah Khán
Paní Afghán. At the end of Sha’bán, the siege had lasted eight
months, and Abú-l Hasan’s men still worked indefatigably. At length,
‘Abdu-llah Khán made secret overtures to Aurangzeb, and agreed to
open one of the gates of the city for the admission of his troops.
Aurangzeb frequently communicated with ‘Abdu-r Razzák Lárí, and
promised him a mansab of six thousand, with six thousand horse,
and other regal favours. But that ungracious faithful fellow, taking no
heed of his own interest and life, in the most insolent manner
exhibited the Emperor’s letter to the men in his bastion, and tore it to
pieces in their presence, and he sent a message by the spy who had
brought it to say that he would fight to the death like the horsemen
who fought with Imám Husain at Karbalá. * *
The besiegers continued to show great resolution in pushing on the
siege. They cast into the ditches thousands of bags filled with dirt and
rubbish, and thousands of carcases of animals and men who had
perished during the operations. Several times the valour of the
assailants carried them to the top of the walls; but the watchfulness of
the besieged frustrated their efforts; so they threw away their lives in
vain, and the fortress remained untaken. But the fortune of ‘Álamgír
at length prevailed, and after a siege of eight months and ten days,
the place fell into his hands; but by good fortune, not by force of
sword and spear.
‘Abdu-r Razzák Lárí heard this, and, springing on a horse without any
saddle, with a sword in one hand and a shield in the other, and
accompanied by ten or twelve followers, he rushed to the open gate,
through which the Imperial forces were pouring in. Although his
followers were dispersed, he alone, like a drop of water falling into the
sea, or an atom of dust struggling in the rays of the sun, threw himself
upon the advancing foe, and fought with inconceivable fury and
desperation, shouting that he would fight to the death for Abú-l
Hasan. Every step he advanced, thousands of swords were aimed at
him, and he received so many wounds from swords and spears that
he was covered with wounds from the crown of his head to the nails
of his feet. But his time was not yet come, and he fought his way to
the gate of the citadel without being brought down. He received
twelve wounds upon his face alone, and the skin of his forehead hung
down over his eyes and nose. One eye was severely wounded, and
the cuts upon his body seemed as numerous as the stars. His horse
also was covered with wounds, and reeled under his weight, so he
gave the reins to the beast, and by great exertion kept his seat. The
horse carried him to a garden called Nagína, near the citadel, to the
foot of an old cocoa-nut tree, where, by the help of the tree, he threw
himself off. On the morning of the second day a party of men
belonging to Husainí Beg passed, and recognizing him by his horse
and other signs, they took compassion upon him, and carried him
upon a bedstead to a house. When his own men heard of this, they
came and dressed his wounds. The remainder of the story of this
brave devoted warrior shall be told hereafter.
The shouts and cries, and the groans and lamentations, within and
without, made Abú-l Hasan aware that all was over. He went into his
harem to comfort his women, to ask pardon of them, and take leave
of them. Then, though his heart was sad, he controlled himself, and
went to his reception room, and took his seat upon the masnad, and
watched for the coming of his unbidden guests. When the time for
taking his meal arrived, he ordered the food to be served up. As
Rúhu-llah Khán and others arrived, he saluted them all, and never for
a moment lost his dignity. With perfect self-control he received them
with courtesy, and spoke to them with warmth and elegance. * *
Abú-l Hasan called for his horse and accompanied the amírs,
carrying a great wealth of pearls upon his neck. When he was
introduced into the presence of Prince Muhammad A’zam Sháh, he
took off his necklace of pearls and presented it to the Prince in a most
graceful way. The Prince took it, and placing his hand upon his back,
he did what he could to console and encourage him. He then
conducted him to the presence of Aurangzeb, who also received him
very courteously. After a few days the Emperor sent him to the
fortress of Daulatábád, and settled a suitable allowance for providing
him with food, raiment, and other necessaries. Officers were
appointed to take possession of the effects of Abú-l Hasan and his
nobles.
‘Abdu-r Razzák,* senseless, but with a spark of life remaining, was
carried to the house of Rúhu-llah Khán. As soon as the eyes of Saf-
shikan Khán fell upon him, he cried out, “This is that vile Lárí! cut off
his head and hang it over the gate.” Rúhu-llah replied that to cut off
the head of a dying man without orders, when there was no hope of
his surviving, was far from being humane. A little bird made the matter
known to Aurangzeb ,who had heard of ‘Abdu-r Razzák’s daring and
courage and loyalty, and he graciously ordered that two surgeons,
one a European, the other a Hindú, should be sent to attend the
wounded man, who were to make daily reports of his condition to
Aurangzeb.
The Emperor sent for Rúhu-llah Khán, and told him that if Abú-l
Hasan had possessed only one more servant devoted like ‘Abdu-r
Razzák, it would have taken much longer to subdue the fortress. The
surgeons reported that they had counted nearly seventy wounds,
besides the many wounds upon wounds which could not be counted.
Although one eye was not injured, it was probable that he would lose
the sight of both. They were directed carefully to attend to his cure. At
the end of sixteen days, the doctors reported that he had opened one
eye, and spoken a few faltering words expressing a hope of recovery.
Aurangzeb sent a message to him, forgiving him his offences, and
desiring him to send his eldest son ‘Abdu-l Kádir with his other sons,
that they might receive suitable mansabs and honours, and return
thanks for the pardon granted to their father, and for the mansabs and
other favours. When this gracious message reached that devoted and
peerless hero, he gasped out a few words of reverence and gratitude,
but he said that there was little hope of his recovery. If, however, it
pleased the Almighty to spare him and give him a second life, it was
not likely that he would be fit for service; but should he ever be
capable of service, he felt that no one who had eaten the salt of Abú-l
Hasan, and had thriven on his bounty, could enter the service of King
‘Álamgír (Aurangzeb). On hearing these words, a cloud was seen to
pass over the face of His Majesty; but he kindly said, “When he is
quite well, let me know.” Most of ‘Abdu-r Razzák’s property had been
plundered, but such as was left was given over to him.
• Some time afterwards it was reported that ‘Abdu-r Razzák had got
quite well, and an order was issued to the Súbadár to send him to
the royal presence. ‘Abdu-r Razzák tried to excuse himself, and
expressed a wish to go with his children on the pilgrimage to
Mecca, on returning from which blessed journey he would devote
himself to prayer for the long life of His Majesty. Orders were then
given for arresting him and sending him to Court. Fíroz Jang got
information of this, and with great sympathy invited ‘Abdu-r Razzák
to come and stay with him. He kept him for some time with marked
kindness, and after the lapse of a year ‘Abdu-r Razzák entered the
Imperial service with a mansab of 4000 and 3000 horse.
The property of Abú-l Hasan which was recovered after its dispersion
amounted to eight lacs and fifty-one thousand huns, and two krors
and fifty-three thousand rupees, altogether six krors eighty lacs and
ten thousand rupees, besides jewels, inlaid articles and vessels of
gold and silver. The total in dáms was one arb fifteen krors sixteen
lacs and a fraction, which was the sum entered on the records.
The mud fort of Golkonda was built by the ancestors of Rája Deo Ráí,
and it was acquired by the Bahmaní Sultáns after a good deal of
resistance. Upon the fall of the Bahmaní dynasty, their territories fell
into the hands of a number of petty chiefs; but Sultán Muhammad
Kulí, entitled Kutbu-l Mulk, who had been one of the nobles of Sultán
Muhammad Sháh Bahmaní, brought some of the provinces of the
Dakhin under his rule. For the old mud fort of Rája Deo Ráí, which
stood upon the summit of a hill, he substituted one of stone. After
some descents, the kingdom came to Muhammad Kutbu-l Mulk, for
all the descendants bore the name of Kutbu-l Mulk. He took great
pains in repairing the fort of Golkonda. He had a wife named
Bhágmatí, of whom he was very fond. At her request, he built a city
two kos distant from the fortress, to which he gave the name of
Bhágnagar. Some time after the death of Bhágmatí, the name was
changed to Haidarábád; but in the vernacular language of the people
it is still called Bhágnagar. That woman* had established many
brothels and drinking shops in that place, and the rulers had always
been addicted to pleasure and to all sorts of debauchery. Abú-l Hasan
exceeded all his predecessors in his devotion to pleasure. So the city
got an evil name for licentiousness. After the conquest by Aurangzeb,
it was called the hostile country (dáru-l jihád). [Surrender of the fort of
Sakar between Haidarábád and Bíjápúr.]
About this time it was reported that Rájgarh, one of the forts of Sivají
and Sambhá, had been taken. Abú-l Khair Khán was appointed its
commandant. * * Before the news of the capture of Sambhá reached
that neighbourhood, the enemy invested the place, and summoned
Abú-l Khaír to surrender. Although the force under Fíroz Jang was
near at hand, Abú-l Khair was frightened, and was so craven as to
surrender on a promise of safety to his life, his family, and his
property. He left the place at night with some of his women in dúlís
and the rest on foot, and he had with him several baskets and boxes
of clothing, money, jewels, etc. The Mahrattas had gathered round,
waiting for him, and although they had promised security to life and
property, they stripped him of all he had, and left him in miserable
plight. In the middle of the night he reached the army of Fíroz Jang,
full of complaints and remorse. He was deprived of his mansab and
jágír, and was sent on the pilgrimage.
Turbulence of the Játs.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 394.] It was now reported from Ágra that when Ághar
Khán came there under orders from Kábul, a party of Játs attacked
the caravan near Ágra. They seized the cattle and plundered the
carts which were in the rear, and carried off some women as
prisoners. Ághar Khán pursued them to the neighbourhood of a fort,
where, after a sharp struggle, he rescued the women. He then boldly
invested the fort, but he was killed by a musket-ball. His son-in-law
was also killed. Khán-Jahán Kokaltásh had formerly failed in
executing a commission to restrain the Játs, and for this and some
displeasing actions he was recalled, and Prince Bedár Bakht was
appointed on the duty.
An order was issued that no Hindú should ride in a pálkí or on an
Arab horse without permission.
During these troubles I, the writer of this work, had the misfortune of
seeing the English of Bombay, when I was acting as agent for ‘Abdu-r
Razzák Khán at the port of Surat. I had purchased goods to the value
of nearly two lacs of rupees, and had to convey them from Surat to
‘Abdu-r Razzák, the faujdár of Ráhírí. My route was along the sea-
shore through the possessions of the Portuguese and English. On
arriving near Bombay, but while I was yet in the Portuguese territory,
in consequence of a letter from ‘Abdu-r Razzák, I waited ten or twelve
days for the escort of Sídí Yákút Khán. ‘Abdu-r Razzák had been on
friendly terms with an Englishman in his old Haidarábád days, and he
had now written to him about giving assistance to the convoy. The
Englishman sent out the brother of his díwán, very kindly inviting me
to visit him. The Portuguese captain and my companions were averse
to my going there with such valuable property. I, however, put my
trust in God, and went to the Englishman. I told the díwán’s brother,
that if the conversation turned upon the capture of the ship, I might
have to say unpleasant things, for I would speak the truth. The
Englishman’s vakíl advised me to say freely what I deemed right, and
to speak nothing but the truth.
When I entered the fortress, I observed that from the gate there was
on each side of the road a line of youths, of twelve or fourteen years
of age, well dressed, and having excellent muskets on their
shoulders. Every step I advanced, young men with sprouting beards,
handsome and well clothed, with fine muskets in their hands, were
visible on every side. As I went onwards, I found Englishmen
standing, with long beards, of similar age, and with the same
accoutrements and dress. After that I saw musketeers (bark-andáz),
young men well dressed and arranged, drawn up in ranks. Further
on, I saw Englishmen with white beards, clothed in brocade, with
muskets on their shoulders, drawn up in two ranks, and in perfect
array. Next I saw some English children, handsome, and wearing
pearls on the borders of their hats. In the same way, on both sides, as
far as the door of the house where he abode, I found drawn up in
ranks on both sides nearly seven thousand musketeers, dressed and
accoutred as for a review.
I then went straight up to the place where he was seated on a chair.
He wished me Good-day, his usual form of salutation; then he rose
from his chair, embraced me, and signed for me to sit down on a
chair in front of him. After a few kind inquiries, our discourse turned
upon different things, pleasant and unpleasant, bitter and sweet; but
all he said was in a kind and friendly spirit towards ‘Abdu-r Razzák.
He inquired why his factors had been placed in confinement. Knowing
that God and the Prophet of God would protect me, I answered,
“Although you do not acknowledge that shameful action, worthy of the
reprobation of all sensible men, which was perpetrated by your
wicked men, this question you have put to me is as if a wise man
should ask where the sun is when all the world is filled with its rays.”
He replied, “Those who have an ill-feeling against me cast upon me
the blame for the fault of others. How do you know that this deed was
the work of my men? by what satisfactory proof will you establish
this?” I replied, “In that ship I had a number of wealthy acquaintances,
and two or three poor ones, destitute of all worldly wealth. I heard
from them that when the ship was plundered, and they were taken
prisoners, some men, in the dress and with the looks of Englishmen,
and on whose hands and bodies there were marks, wounds, and
scars, said in their own language, ‘We got these scars at the time of
the siege of Sídí Yákút, but to-day the scars have been removed from
our hearts.’ A person who was with them knew Hindí and Persian,
and he translated their words to my friends.”
On hearing this, he laughed loudly, and said, “It is true they may have
said so. They are a party of Englishmen, who, having received
wounds in the siege of Yákút Khán, were taken prisoners by him.
Some of them parted from me, joined the Habshí, and became
Musulmáns. They stayed with Yákút Khán some time, and then ran
away from him. But they had not the face to come back to me. Now
they have gone and taken part with the díngmárs, or sakanas, who
lay violent hands on ships upon the sea; and with them they are
serving as pirates. Your sovereign’s officers do not understand how
they are acting, but cast the blame upon me.”
I smiling replied, “What I have heard about your readiness of reply
and your wisdom, I have (now) seen. All praise to your ability for
giving off-hand, and without consideration, such an exculpatory and
sensible answer! But you must recall to mind that the hereditary
Kings of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád and the good-for-nothing Sambhá
have not escaped the hands of King Aurangzeb. Is the island of
Bombay a sure refuge?” I added, “What a manifest declaration of
rebellion you have shown in coining rupees!”
He replied, “We have to send every year a large sum of money, the
profits of our commerce, to our country, and the coins of the King of
Hindústán are taken at a loss. Besides, the coins of Hindústán are of
short weight, and much debased; and in this island, in the course of
buying and selling them, great disputes arise. Consequently we have
placed our own names on the coins, and have made them current in
our own jurisdiction.” A good deal more conversation passed between
us, and part of it seemed to vex him; but he showed himself
throughout very thoughtful of ‘Abdu-r Razzák Khán, and mindful of his
obligation to protect him. When the interview was over, he proffered
me entertainment in their fashion; but as I had resolved from the first
that I would not depart from the usual course in the present interview,
I accepted only atr and pán, and was glad to escape.
The total revenue of Bombay, which is chiefly derived from betel-nuts
and cocoa-nuts, does not reach to two or three lacs of rupees. The
profits of the commerce of these misbelievers, according to report,
does not exceed twenty lacs of rupees. The balance of the money
required for the maintenance of the English settlement is obtained by
plundering the ships voyaging to the House of God, of which they
take one or two every year. When the ships are proceeding to the
ports of Mocha and Jedda laden with the goods of Hindústán, they do
not interfere with them; but when they return bringing gold and silver
and Ibráhímí and ríál,* their spies have found out which ship bears
the richest burden, and they attack it.
The Mahrattas also possess the newly-built forts of Khanderí, Kalába,
Kása, and Katora,* in the sea opposite the island fortress belonging
to the Habshís. Their war-ships cruise about these forts, and attack
vessels whenever they get the opportunity. The sakanas also, who
are sometimes called bawáríl, a lawless set of men belonging to
Surat, in the province of Ahmadábád, are notorious for their piracies,
and they attack from time to time the small ships which come from
Bandar ‘Abbásí and Maskat. They do not venture to attack the large
ships which carry the pilgrims. The reprobate English act in the same
way as the sakanas.
Destruction of a Royal Army by the Mahrattas.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 428.] Among the events of this year was the defeat of
Kásim Khán and * * , who were sent to Danderí against Santá
Ghorpúra. * * One day intelligence was brought that Kásim Khán’s
advanced force had been attacked by a division of the enemy, that all
their portable goods had been plundered, and the standing camp set
on fire. * * Kásim Khán, on hearing this, endeavoured to push forward
to their assistance; but he was surrounded by the enemy, and fighting
went on till sunset. * * They had no food for man or animal. The
nobles passed the night upon their elephants, and the men with their
bridles in their hands. * * * At daybreak, the enemy became more
daring, and the fighting more severe, for the Mahrattas swarmed on
all sides. * * For three days the royal forces, overmatched and
surrounded, did their best to repulse the enemy; but Kásim Khán was
at length compelled to give ground and to retire fighting, to the shelter
of the fort of Danderí. The chief men got some hay and corn from the
fort, but the soldiers got no food. Movement in any direction was
scarcely possible. Thus they remained for three or four days under
the shelter of the walls of the fort, and of the lines they threw up to
protect themselves from the assaults of the enemy. Their camels and
cattle fell into the hands of the Mahrattas. While the fighting went on,
the gates of the fort were kept closed, and the traders and inhabitants
within let down food from the walls and sold it. On the fourth or fifth
day the enemy got intelligence that Himmat Khán was coming with a
force to the rescue. Santá left half his force to keep Kásim Khán’s
army invested, and with the other marched against Himmat Khán. On
learning that another force belonging to Rám Rája would act against
Himmat Khán, he returned to his former position.
Meanwhile matters went ill with the royal forces, and Kásim Khán,
with a few other officers, resolved upon taking refuge in the fort
secretly, without the knowledge of their brethren in arms. * * Kásim
Khán went out at night with the ostensible purpose of making the
rounds. Several reasons made it inexpedient to enter the gate, near
which so many men and officers were gathered; so he ascended the
walls by a rope-ladder. Rúhu-llah Khán, Saf-shikan Khán, and a
crowd of soldiers in great tumult made their way in by the gate.
Muhammad Murád Khán and others, hearing of this, followed the
example. * * * In fine, for a month they were besieged within the four
walls, and every day affairs grew worse with them. They were
compelled to kill and eat their baggage and riding horses, which were
themselves nearly starved. For all the greatest care and economy,
the stores of grain in the fort were exhausted. * * To escape from
starvation many men threw themselves from the walls and trusted to
the enemy’s mercy. * * People brought fruit and sweetmeats from the
enemy’s bázár to the foot of the walls, and sold them at extravagant
prices. * * Reverses, disease, deficiency of water, and want of grain,
reduced the garrison to the verge of death. Kásim Khán, according to
report, poisoned himself, or else died from want of the usual potion of
opium, for he was overcome with disappointment and rage.
Rúhu-llah Khán and the other officers were compelled to make
overtures for a capitulation. * * Some officers went out to settle the
terms of the ransom. Santá said, “Besides the elephants and horses,
and money and property, which you have with you, I will not take less
than a lac of huns,” equivalent to three lacs and 50,000 rupees. A
Dakhiní officer said, “What are you thinking of! this is a mere trifle.
This is a ransom which I would fix for Rúhu-llah Khán alone.” Finally,
seven lacs of rupees was settled as the ransom, the payment of
which was to be distributed among the officers. Each one’s share was
settled, and he made an engagement to pay it as ransom, and to
leave a relation or officer of rank with Santá as bail for payment.
Santá’s officers sat down at the gate of the fort, and allowed each
officer to take out his horse and his personal clothing, the others were
allowed to carry out as much as they could bear in their arms.
Everything else, money and jewels, horses and elephants, etc., were
confiscated by Santá. * * The government and personal property lost
during this war and siege exceeded fifty or sixty lacs of rupees. * *
Santá was delighted with the terms he had made with the defeated
army. Soon afterwards he heard that Himmat Khán was approaching
by forced marches to the relief of the besieged army. Santá divided
his forces into two divisions, and marched to meet him. At the
distance of sixteen kos the force under command of Santá fell in with
Himmat Khán, and a great battle followed. Himmat Khán fought with
great spirit and bravery. Numberless Mahrattas were slain, and many
of his own army perished. Santá’s forces retreated, and the royal
forces were led against the second army. Himmat Khán made
arrangements for the pursuit. By orders of Santá many musketeers
had taken positions in the thick jungle and among the trees, to
impede the advance of Himmat Khán. Some of the best marksmen
had climbed the trees, and concealed themselves among the thick
branches. When Himmat Khán approached, a ball entered his
forehead and killed him immediately. All the baggage and elephants
and munitions of war belonging to Himmat Khán then fell bodily into
the hands of Santá.
Jagná, son of Pem Náík, who was the heir to his property,* came to
Court, was honoured with a mansab, and received a sanad for the
zamíndárí as its rightful heir. He went thither with an army, but could
not get in, and after some fighting he suffered a defeat. Prince
Muhammad A’zam was afterwards sent to punish Paryá Náík, and the
royal forces ravaged the outskirts of his territory. But he seized his
opportunity, and went to wait upon the Prince. He expressed his
humility and repentance, and with subtle artifice promised a tribute of
seven lacs of rupees to the Emperor, and to make a present of two
lacs to the Prince. Besides these, he dispensed gratifications to the
officials. By these means he rescued himself from the clutches of the
royal anger.
As soon as the Prince had returned to Court, he went on in his old
way, and fanned the fires of rebellion more violently than before.
Fíroz Jang was afterwards sent with a large army to repress him, and
pressed him very hard. But he resumed his old artifices, sent
deceptive and alluring messages, and by a promise of obedience and
nine lacs of rupees as tribute, he saved his life and honour. When the
royal army marched against Púna, and lay encamped for seven
months and a half near Junír, two or three unimportant forts were
taken. Every day fresh news was brought of the insolence and
turbulence of Paryá Náík, and in consequence Aurangzeb resolved to
march in person against Wákinkera.
All the four Princes, Khán-khánán and his sons, and the other amírs,
came to congratulate the victor. The jewels and ashrafís which were
in the howda of A’zam Sháh were plundered; all else, tents,
elephants, guns and equipments were secured. Sháh ‘Álam caused a
small tent to be pitched, in which he offered up his thanks for the
victory. He then had the sons of A’zam Sháh brought to his presence,
the eldest son and the Princes Bedár-dil and Sa’íd-bakht. He
received them most kindly, embraced them, and stroked their heads
with paternal gentleness. He promised them safety and every
attention and care, and he did his best to console and comfort the
ladies. He embraced Khán-khánán, and avowed that all the success
was owing to his exertions and devotion. Lastly, he ordered the
corpses of A’zam Sháh, Bedár Bakht, and his brother, to be properly
tended, and to be carried for interment near the tomb of the Emperor
Humáyún.
Next day Sháh ‘Álam went to visit Khán-khánán, and raised him to
the highest rank, with the title of Khán-khánán Bahádur Zafar Jang
and Yár-i wafádár (faithful friend). He presented him with a kror of
rupees in cash and goods, a larger bounty than had ever been
bestowed on any individual since the rise of the House of Tímúr. His
mansab was increased to 7000 and 7000 horse, five thousand being
do-aspas and sih-aspas. He also received two krors of dáms as
in’ám, and he was confirmed in the office of wazír. Of the ten lacs of
rupees which he offered as peshkash, one was accepted. Na’ím
Khán, his eldest son, received the title of Khán-zamán Bahádur, with
an increase to 5000 and 5000 horse, and a robe of the third rank. The
younger son was entitled Khána-zád Khán Bahádur, and his mansab
was increased to 4000 and 3000 horse. Each of the four royal
Princes had his mansab increased to 30,000 and 20,000 horse.
[Many other honours and rewards.]
When the news of the victory and of the death of A’zam Sháh
reached Gwálior, weeping and wailing arose from every tent. Amíru-l
umará Asad Khán went to wait upon Zebu-n Nissa Begam, eldest
sister of A’zam Sháh, to offer his condolences to her and the other
ladies. In concert with ‘Ináyatu-llah Khán díwán, he placed seals upon
the jewels, the treasure and other effects, and then prepared to set
off to the presence of Bahádur Sháh. A gracious farmán promising
favour and safety arrived, summoning to the presence Amíru-l umará
Asad Khán, Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang and Hámidu-d dín Khán, who
had repaired to Gwálior (before the battle), and they were to bring
with them the ladies of the late Prince with their establishments.
Amíru-l umará accompanied the retinue of Nawáb Kudsiya Zebu-n
Nissa, who was clothed in mourning garments. When they arrived,
the Begam did not go through the form of offering congratulations, in
consequence of her being in mourning, and this vexed the King. But
he treated her with great kindness and indulgence, doubled her
annual allowance, and gave her the title of Pádsháh Begam. All the
other ladies of A’zam Sháh were treated with great sympathy and
liberality, and were ordered to accompany Pádsháh Begam to the
capital.
Promotions, Appointments, and other Arrangements.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 599.] To Asad Khán was given the title Nizámu-l Mulk
Ásafu-d daula. He was also made vakíl-i mutlak, as the office was
called in former reigns, and the appointment and removal of wazírs
and other officials used to be in this grandee’s hands. He was also
presented with four stallions, five horses with accoutrements, etc.,
etc., and was allowed the privilege of having his drums beaten in the
royal presence. Some envious spirits privately observed that the
Amíru-l umará had been the close friend and trusted adviser of A’zam
Sháh; but the Emperor answered that if his own sons had been in the
Dakhin, the exigencies of the position would have compelled them to
join their uncle. Zú-l fikár Khán’s mansab was increased to 7000 and
7000 horse. He received the title of Samsámu-d daula Amíru-l
Bahádur Nusrat Jang, and was reinstated in his office of Mír-bakhshí.
[Other promotions and rewards.] In short, all the adherents, great and
small, of the King and Princes, received lacs of rupees in in’ám,
fourfold and sixfold augmentations of their mansabs, and presents of
jewels and elephants.
Although the office of wazír had been given to Khán-khánán, it was
deemed expedient, in order to conciliate Asad Khán Amíru-l umará
and Zú-l fikár Khán, to elevate Asad Khán to the position of wazír. To
outward appearance he was raised to this dignity; but whenever any
ministerial business of importance arose, Khán-khánán did not
communicate it to Ásafu-d daula. On the day that Ásafu-d daula acted
as díwán, it became incumbent upon Khán-khánán to wait upon him
as other ministers did, and to obtain his signature to documents; but
this was disagreeable to him. Ásafu-d daula was desirous of rest, for
his continual activity during the reign of Aurangzeb had allowed him
little enjoyment of life. So it was arranged that Samsámu-d daula
should act as deputy for his father in the office of minister, and that
his father should take charge of Nawáb Pádsháh Begam, and repair
to the capital to pass his old age in comfort. With the exception that
the seal of Ásafu-d daula was placed upon revenue and civil
parwánas and sanads, he had no part in the administration of the
government.
An order was issued that the late Emperor Aurangzeb should be
styled Khuld-makán.
Khán-khánán discharged his duties as wazír with repute, integrity and
impartiality, and he exerted himself so earnestly in the performance of
his work, that when he took his seat, he appointed officers to see that
no petitions or letters of the day before remained unnoticed. One of
the most acceptable and beneficial of the measures of Khán-khánán
was the relief he afforded in that oppressive grievance, the feed of
the cattle of the mansabdárs. To explain this matter briefly, it may be
said that in the late reign the ákhta-begís and other rapacious officials
had so contrived that the responsibility of providing food for the cattle
had been fixed on the mansabdárs. Notwithstanding the mansabdárs,
through the smallness of their surplus rents, had been for a long time
in want of a loaf for supper,* (the officials), after great perseverance
and pressure, got something out of the small total of (each) jágír.
Although a jágír might be lying waste, and its total income would not
suffice for a half or a third of the expense of the animals, and leave a
little to supply the necessaries of life to the holder’s wife and family,
the officials imprisoned his vakíls, and with violence and insult
demanded contributions for the food of the cattle. The vakíls
complained of this tyranny to the Emperor, but the dárogha of the
elephant stables and the ákhta-begí made protestations which
satisfied His Majesty, so that the complaints met with no redress. This
oppression reached such a height that the vakíls resigned their
offices. In the present reign Khán-khánán made an arrangement by
which tankhwáh (cash) was to be given to the mansabdárs of jágírs.
Money sufficient for the keep of the animals being deducted from the
total rent (of the jágírs), the balance remaining was to be paid in
cash. By these means the grievance of the animal’s keep was entirely
removed from the mansabdárs and the vakíls. Indeed it may be said
that an order was given remitting the contributions for the food of the
animals.*
Khán-khánán had a strong partiality for Súfí-ism, and had a
knowledge of science. He wrote a book called Al Hámiya, upon the
spiritual life and Súfí mysticism, which in the opinion of contro-
versialists passes beyond the bounds of the Law upon some points.
Orders were given that in the coinage of rupees and ashrafís no
verse should be used, but that the name “Sháh ‘Álam Bahádur Sháh”
and the name of the (mint) city should be impressed in prose. It was
also ordered that in the khutba the name “Sháh ‘Álam” should be
embellished by the title “Saiyid.” It appears from history that from the
rise of the House of Tímúr—nay, even from the foundation of the
Ghorí dynasty—no one of the monarchs had ever used the title of
Saiyid in the khutba, or in his pedigree, with the exception of Khizr
Khán. He (Khizr Khán) was by origin and by the names of his
ancestors an Afghán, as is apparent by the title Malik; but after he
came to the throne of Dehlí, the historians of his reign, upon very
weak proofs, applied to him in a loose way the title of Saiyid.
Rája Sáhú’s vakíl was introduced by Zú-l fikár Khán Bahádur Nusrat
Jang, who was Súbadár of the whole Dakhin, and held as well the
office of Mír-bakhshí. The vakíl presented an application for a farmán
conferring on Sáhú the sar-deshmukhí and the chauth of the six
súbas of the Dakhin, on condition of restoring prosperity to the ruined
land. Jumlatu-l Mulk Mun’im Khán Khán-khánán had separated the
súba of Burhánpúr and half the súba of Birár (which in the revenue
records and in common language is called Birár Páyín-ghát) from the
six súbas of the Dakhin, in accordance with the arrangement which
obtained under the Fárúkí dynasty and under the Emperor Akbar; and
he had included these among the súbas dependent on Dehlí, which
by universal accord is the capital (asl) of Hindústán. He was desirous
that the civil and revenue affairs (of these súbas) and the
appointment and dismissal of officers should be under the direction of
his eldest son Mahábat Khán. This caused a disagreement between
Zú-l fikár Khán and Mun’im Khán, for the Bakhshíu-l Mulk was not at
all desirous that any one else should have any authority or control in
the civil and revenue affairs of the Dakhin.
Tárá Báí was widow of Rám Rája, that is, she was the widow of the
uncle of Rája Sáhú, and Rám Rája left two sons by her of tender
years. In the reign of the late Emperor Aurangzeb, after a warfare of
ten years, she sued for peace, on condition of being allowed to levy
nine rupees per cent. as sar-deshmukhí. As has been stated in the
proper place, Aurangzeb declined for various reasons. Now, by the
intervention of Jumlatu-l Mulk, she asked for a farmân in the name of
her son, granting the nine rupees of the sar-deshmukhí, without any
reference to the chauth,* for which he would suppress other
insurgents and restore order in the country. Samsámu-d daula Zú-l
fikár Khán took the side of Rája Sáhú, and a great contention upon
the matter arose between the two ministers. The King, in his extreme
good nature, had resolved in his heart that he would not reject the
petition of any one, whether of low or high degree. The complainants
and defendants made their statements to His Majesty, and although
they differed as much as morning and evening, each was accepted,
and an order of consent was given. So in this matter of the sar-
deshmukhí, farmáns were directed to be given in compliance with the
requests both of Mun’im Khán and Zú-l fikár Khán; but in
consequence of the quarrel between these two nobles, the orders
about the sar-deshmukhí remained inoperative.
Titles. Character of Bahádur Sháh.
[vol. ii. p. 627.] Since the rise of the House of Tímúr it had been the
rule that one and the same title should not be given to two persons. *
* But now the ugly practice arose of giving the same title to two or
more persons, and in the same way the grants of mansabs, naubat
and nakára, elephants, the jígha and sar-pech were no longer
regulated by the rank and dignity of the recipient.
For generosity, munificence, boundless good nature, extenuation of
faults, and forgiveness of offences, very few monarchs have been
found equal to Bahádur Sháh in the histories of past times, and
especially in the race of Tímúr. But though he had no vice in his
character, such complacency and such negligence were exhibited in
the protection of the state and in the government and management of
the country, that witty sarcastic people found the date of his
accession in the words, Sháh-i be-khabr, “Heedless King.” He often
sat up all night, and used to sleep to the middle of the day; so in
marching his people had to suffer great inconvenience; for many poor
fellows were unable to find their tents in dark nights when the army
and baggage were scattered about, and had to pass the night in front
of the royal tent, or the drum room or offices or the bázárs.
Shams Khán, with four or five thousand horse and thirty thousand
foot, armed with matchlocks, bows and all kinds of weapons, which
they had possessed for a long time or newly acquired, went forth
accompanied by the zamíndárs. Gentlemen of every tribe, peasants,
and mechanics, principally weavers, came forth boldly to stake their
lives and property in resisting the infidels. They pledged themselves
to support each other, and contributed their money for the general
good. More than a hundred thousand men so assembled, and went
forth from Sultánpúr with great display. The infidels, on hearing of
these bold proceedings of Shams Khán, and of his coming forth with
such an army and implements of war, moved with their whole force,
amounting to seventy or eighty thousand horse and foot. They had
with them the guns they had brought from Sihrind, their plank
constructions, bags full of sand for making lines, and lead and
gunpowder. Plundering everywhere as they went, they came to
Ráhún,* seven kos from Sultánpúr. There they had halted, and took
post by a brick-kiln, all the bricks of which they used for making a sort
of fort; and having thrown up lines all round, they made ready for
battle. They sent out patrols in all directions, and they wrote
threatening orders to the chaudharís and kánúngos calling upon them
to submit.
Shams Khán had many thousands of brave Musulmáns on his right
hand and his left, all animated with desire for a holy war and hope of
martyrdom, who encouraged each other and said, “If Shams Khán is
defeated and killed, our lives and property and families are all lost.”
Vying with and inspiriting each other, they advanced boldly to within
cannon-shot of the enemy. At the close of the first watch of the day,
the battle began with a discharge of guns and muskets. Ten or twelve
thousand balls and stones from slings came rattling like hail upon the
forces of Islám, but by God’s mercy produced no great effect, and no
man of note was killed. Shams Khán forbade haste and a useless
discharge of ammunition. He went steadily forward, and after a volley
or two from the infidels, he sent forward an elephant supported by
forty or fifty thousand Musulmáns who had come together from all
parts. They raised their war-cry, charged the infidels, and killed and
wounded great numbers.
The infidels, after fruitless struggles, were overpowered, and being
discouraged, they took refuge in the fort of Ráhún, of which they had
obtained possession before the battle. This was invested, and a
general fire of muskets and rockets began. The garrison of the fort of
Ráhún had left in it their warlike stores and provisions when they
evacuated it, and of these the infidels took possession and stood firm
in the fort. They were invested for some days; but at night parties of
them came out, and attacked the forces of Islám, killing men and
horses. Both sides were in difficulty, but especially the enemy. They
evacuated the fort at night and fled. Shams Khán pursued them for
some kos, and took from them a gun and some baggage, camels and
bullocks, with which he returned to Sultánpúr.
Next day about a thousand of the enemy attacked the garrison which
Shams Khán had placed in Ráhún, drove them out and occupied it
themselves. The enemy then proceeded to plunder the
neighbourhood of Láhore, and great alarm was felt in that city and all
around. Islám Khán, the Prince’s díwán, and náíb of the súba of
Láhore, in concert with Kázim Khán, the royal díwán, and other
officials, after setting in order the fortifications of the city, went out
with a large muster of Musulmáns and Hindús, and encamped four or
five kos from the city, where he busied himself in cutting off the
patrolling parties of the enemy. The people in Láhore were safe from
danger to life and property, but the outskirts up to the garden of
Shálimár, which is situated two kos from the city, were very much
ravaged.
For eight or nine months, and from two or three days’ march of Dehlí
to the environs of Láhore, all the towns and places of note were
pillaged by these unclean wretches, and trodden under foot and
destroyed. Men in countless numbers were slain, the whole country
was wasted, and mosques and tombs were razed. After leaving
Láhore, they returned to the towns and villages of Shádhúra and
Karnál, the faujdár of which place was slain after resisting to the best
of his ability. Now especially great havoc was made. A hundred or two
hundred Hindús and Musulmáns who had been made prisoners were
made to sit down in one place, and were slaughtered. These infidels
had set up a new rule, and had forbidden the shaving of the hair of
the head and beard. Many of the ill-disposed low-caste Hindús joined
themselves to them, and placing their lives at the disposal of these
evil-minded people, they found their own advantage in professing
belief and obedience, and they were very active in persecuting and
killing other castes of Hindús.
The revolt and the ravages of this perverse sect were brought under
the notice of His Majesty, and greatly troubled him; but he did not
deem its suppression so urgent as the putting down of the Rájpút
rebellion, so the royal armies were not sent against them at present.
Giving the Rájpút difficulty his first attention, the royal army marched
from Ujjain towards the homes of the Rájpúts.
The Rájpúts.
[vol. ii. p. 661.] The march of the royal army to lay waste the land of
the Rájpúts awakened these rebellious people to a sense of their
danger. They sent representatives to make friends of Khán-khánán
Mu’azzam Khán and Mahábat Khán, and through their intervention to
obtain peace. The Emperor was in some points unwilling to concede
this; but the troubles near Láhore and Dehlí disturbed him, and he
yielded to the representations of the vakíls for the sake of being at
liberty to punish these infidel rebels. It was settled that Rája Jai
Singh, Rája Ajít Singh, and the vakíls of the Ráná and other Rájpúts,
should make their homage, put on the robes presented to them, and
accompany the royal train. All the Rájpúts of name and station,
forming a body of thirty or forty thousand horse, passed in review;
they tied their hands with handkerchiefs, and paid homage in front of
the cavalcade. Robes, horses, and elephants were then distributed.
No sooner had Prince A’azzu-d dín passed the Jumna than great
disorder arose in his army in consequence of jealousy and want of
co-operation among the sardárs, and the irresolution of the Prince.
When Kalích Khán arrived at Ágra, he heard of the disordered state
of the Prince’s army in consequence of the want of union among the
officers, and he advised a delay of a few days at Ágra to see what
course events would take.
Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, supported by Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán,
Husain ‘Alí Khán, and other experienced warriors, was marching
onwards. Chhabíla Rám, Faujdár of Kora and Karra, with Asghar
Khán, Faujdár of Itáwa, took the treasure of their districts, and went to
join Prince (A’azzu-d dín); but when they got knowledge of the
conduct and doings of Khán-daurán, the incapacity of the Prince, and
the disorders in the army, they fell back and carried the treasure to
Farrukh Siyar.
A’azzu-d dín arrived at the town of Khajwa, and there he obtained
intelligence of the approach of Farrukh Siyar. Although there was a
distance of thirteen or fourteen kos between them, he was frightened.
Towards the end of Shawwál he halted at Khajwa,* and ordered
intrenchments to be thrown up and lines to be drawn around his tents
and his position. When the banners of Farrukh Siyar’s advanced
force were seen at the distance of two kos, a great panic fell upon his
whole army. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, who commanded Farrukh Siyar’s
advanced force, having seized upon the walls about the ruined
villages, opened fire, and continued his cannonade from the third
watch of the day to the third watch of the night.
A’azzu-d dín had long been angry with his father in consequence of
the harsh treatment he had received from Lál Kunwar; and on the 29th
Shawwál he was much dispirited, as he received no support and
guidance from Khán-daurán, who showed more pusillanimity than
ever. The terror of Khán-daurán was visible in his face, and the
Prince consulted with him about running away. Both of them were so
alarmed that they packed up what they could of their jewels, treasure
and ashrafís to carry with them. The rest of their money, their tents,
their wardrobes, and all their military implements, they left to
plunderers. At a watch before day these two dignified chiefs, with
some trusted companions, took horse and fled. Such a panic fell
upon the whole army that the men lost all heart and self-command.
Some of them did not wait to put saddles on their horses, or to collect
their necessaries, but vied with each other in running away to save
their lives. Messengers carried the news of their flight to the camp of
Farrukh Siyar. Congratulations passed from tent to tent, and the
sounds of rejoicing rose high. The ruffians of the bázár and the
soldiers, more hungry than hawks on a hunting day, started off to
plunder, and they seized upon money, horses, elephants, and
whatever came under their hands.
When Prince A’azzu-d dín arrived at Ágra, Chín Kalích Khán advised
him to go no farther, and kept him there. On the 18th of the month
Jumáda-l awwal Jahándár Sháh entered Dehlí. He was looking for
news of victory from his son; and when he received the intelligence of
his defeat he exerted the sense and judgment which the plunderers
of the army of Venus had left him in making preparations for war.
About the middle of Zí-l ka’da he left Dehlí. The forces under the
command of Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang did not exceed 20,000
horse. Twenty-five thousand horse under Kokaltásh Khán came to
the muster. Altogether the army contained about seventy or eighty
thousand horse, and nearly a hundred thousand infantry. With this
force he marched against Farrukh Siyar, and reached Samúgarh near
Ágra. Farrukh Siyar’s army did not number one-third of that of
Jahándár Sháh, which was advancing with difficulty.
When Farrukh Siyar drew near to Ágra, and his forces were
compared with Jahándár’s, most men anticipated a victory for the
latter. But the Emperor’s partiality for low women, his liking for low
company, and his patronage of base-born nameless men, had
disgusted all the nobles of Írán and Túrán. They spoke with
discontent, and uttered ominous words about the defeat of Jahándár
Sháh. The victory of Farrukh Siyar became the hope of every man in
the army, great and small. Kalích Khán Bahádur and Muhammad
Amín Khán, both of them leaders of the men of Túrán, had come to
an understanding with Farrukh Siyar, and endeavoured to bring on a
battle. Zú-l fikár Khán and Kokaltásh Khán considered themselves
loyal and devoted servants; but their envy and hatred of each other
appeared in all their acts, and everything that one did was opposed
by the other. * *
On the 16th Zí-l hijja the armies confronted each other, and the battle
began by Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán attacking Jahándár’s army. * * The
repulse of the Saiyids of Bárha drew shouts of victory from
Jahándár’s army. But Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán came up and attacked
the centre, in which Jahándár was present. * * Fright seized the
elephants of the zanána. The elephants which carried Lál Kunwar
and the singers and eunuchs were worried by the arrows; they began
to dance and became violent. Some of Jahándár’s companions also
were overcome with fright, and thought of fleeing. Just at this time
Jahándár Sháh’s elephant became unmanageable, and his driver lost
all control over him. The fierce attack of the Bárha Saiyids threw
Jahándár’s army into confusion, and he now heard of the death of
Kokaltásh Khán and * *. He was so disheartened that he mounted the
elephant of Lál Kunwar, and, towards the end of the day, moved off,
with the intention of flying to Ágra.
Zú-l fikár Khán was informed of these facts; but although the day was
going hard with him, he struggled on until one watch of the night,
waiting to be assured of the truth about Jahándár Sháh and Prince
A’azzu-d dín; for he said, “If they find A’azzu-d dín, let them bring him
forward quickly, for with his support I can repulse the enemy.” No
trace of him was to be found. Zú-l fikár Khán had not the heart to
persevere, although he might with a little exertion have made Farrukh
Siyar prisoner, for the Prince was in front of him, protected by only a
small force. According to common report, Jahándár Sháh shaved off
his beard, and riding behind Lál Kunwar, took the road to Dehlí. Zú-l
fikár Khán having lost all hope, repaired to his father at Dehlí, and he
and Jahándár Sháh reached that city within one watch of each other.
Jahándár Sháh proceeded alone to the house of Ásafu-d daula Asad
Khán, to seek his counsel and assistance. Zú-l fikár Khán reached his
father’s house soon after, and said that if Jahándár Sháh was sent off
to the Dakhin or Kábul, another army might be raised, and something
might be done to retrieve the position. Ásafu-d daula, however,
perceived that the matter was beyond remedy, that Jahándár Sháh
was not fit to reign, and that money for one month’s expenditure
would be difficult to raise; so he thought the best course was to send
Jahándár to the fort, and keep him under restraint. * * The reign of
Jahándár Sháh had reached only eleven months when he met his
death from the hands of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 737.] An order was made that the reign of Jahándár
Sháh should be considered as an adverse possession, and that the
reign of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar should date from the 1st Rabí’u-l
awwal, 1123 A.H. (April 8, 1711 A.D.).
After Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fath Jang arrived in the Dakhin, the
might of his hereditary sword and his own sound judgment brought
about, as they had done before, a great abatement of the ravages
perpetrated by the Mahrattas upon the country and upon caravans,
without his having to resort to war with the vile foe. But wherever
Nusrat Jang and Dáúd Khán went, the Mahrattas made their
incursions, and levied the chauth.
To put away strife, and lay the foundations of peace, it was settled
that Mír Jumla should depart to the súba of ‘Azímábád (Patna) before
Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí started for the Dakhin. So with all despatch
Mír Jumla was presented with his robe, and was sent off to Patna.
Amíru-l umará further stated to the Emperor, “If in my absence you
recall Mír Jumla to your presence, or if my brother, Kutbu-l Mulk
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, again receives similar treatment, you may rely upon
my being here from the Dakhin in the course of twenty days.” He
made another stipulation that the removal from and appointment to all
jágírs and offices, and the change of commandants of forts, should
be under his control. The Emperor was in such a difficult position that
he deemed it advisable to comply. Moreover, according to common
report, he nolens volens delivered over with his own hand to Amíru-l
umará his signet ring, so that the farmáns appointing commandants
of forts should not require the royal assent. For four or five months
after the departure of Amíru-l umará there was a cessation of these
exciting scenes.
Nizámu-l Mulk.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 742.] Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fath Jang, after
receiving his appointment as Súbadár of the Dakhin, went to Khujista-
bunyád (Aurangábád). It has already been stated that the fame of the
sword of this renowned noble put a stop to the ravaging of the
country and the plundering of the caravans, which the forces of the
Mahrattas practised every year, without his having to fight with either
the army of Rája Sáhú or Tárá Báí. But as the hands of the Mahrattas
stretched everywhere, their agents appeared in all places according
to usage to collect the chauth, that is to say, the fourth part of the land
revenue of every district, which they levied every year. Nizámu-l
Mulk’s pride was too great to submit to this, and he was desirous of
preventing the collection of chauth, and especially in the neigh-
bourhood of Aurangábád. He wrote orders to the faujdárs and
zila’dárs, directing them to oust the kamáísh-dárs of Rája Sáhú from
several places dependent upon Aurangábád.
After the ‘I’d-i fitr, in the second year of the reign, he went out with five
or six thousand horse and a strong force of artillery to settle the
country, and repel any attempt of the enemy’s army. * * None of the
Mahratta chiefs had the courage to face him, but fled at his approach;
so, after satisfying himself as to the state of the country, and
chastising some rebels, he returned to Aurangábád, where he arrived
at the beginning of Zí-l hijja. After his return, the Mahrattas
summoned up courage enough to begin plundering the caravans in
remote districts. There was a caravan proceeding from Surat and
Ahmadábád to Aurangábád, and Muhammad Ibráhím Khán Tabrízí,
Bakhshí and Wáki’-nigár of Baglána, who with a party was travelling
along with that caravan, was killed. In Rajab of the second year of the
reign, 1125 (July, 1713), the enemy assembled twenty-three kos from
Aurangábád, at a fort called Panáh-garhí, which they had built, as in
other súbas, as a place of refuge for themselves in their retreats.
[Defeat of the Mahrattas, and destruction of the forts by Nizámu-l
Mulk’s lieutenants.]
Husain ‘Alí Khán in the Dakhin.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 750.] Intelligence arrived [in the Dakhin] of the
appointment of Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí Khán to the Súbadárí of the
Dakhin, and of the despatch of a sanad appointing Najábat Khán
Súbadár of Burhánpúr for civil affairs, and Haidar Kulí Khán his díwán
for revenue matters. Nizámu-l Mulk accordingly left Aurangábád at
the beginning of Safar, with the intention of proceeding to Court, and
got as far as Burhánpúr. There he found that two or three Mahratta
leaders with a large force were making threatening demonstrations;
so he took horse, and went forth to attack them. * * The Mahrattas
were unable to make any resistance, and after chastising and
pursuing them for forty kos, he returned to Burhánpúr, and resumed
his journey to Court.
Towards the end of Jumáda-l awwal, Husain ‘Alí Khán, who was on
his journey from the capital, and Nizámu-l Mulk, passed within one or
two kos of each other. Although Husain ‘Alí Khán wished very much
to meet Nizámu-l Mulk, out of consideration for the feelings of the
Emperor he passed on. When Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí arrived at
the ford of Akbarpúr on the Nerbadda, he there heard that Dáúd Khán
Paní, Súbadár of Ahmadábád, having, in pursuance of orders,
become Súbadár of Khándesh, had come to Burhánpúr. Husain ‘Alí
Khán also heard the common report that secret orders had reached
Dáúd Khán, directing him neither to meet nor obey Husain ‘Alí, but
rather to do his best in resisting him, and hopes were held out of his
being appointed Súbadár of the whole Dakhin. So Dáúd Khán had set
his heart upon winning the Súbadárí, and had no intention of waiting
upon Husain ‘Alí Khán.
Amíru-l umará, upon hearing these matters, sent a message to Dáúd
Khán to the effect: “The whole Súbadárí of the Dakhin has been
confided to me, therefore you must not overstep the bounds of
subordination, but must hasten to meet me. Otherwise you must
proceed to the Emperor, so that there may be no disturbance and
shedding of the blood of Musulmáns.” Dáúd Khán was unwilling to
assent to either proposition, and although he very unwillingly came,
he encamped outside the city; and he refrained from making his
submission to Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí, because he had very close
relations with the Mahratta chiefs. Nímá Sindhiá, who was the most
important of all the servants of the State, having heard a report of
Dáúd Khán’s going to Husain ‘Alí and giving him his support, had
come with several other chiefs and encamped near Burhánpúr, so
that at the proper time he might join the stronger party. The dispute
(guftgú) between Amíru-l umará and Dáúd Khán daily grew longer,
and at length, in the beginning of Ramazán, it came to the test of
battle. Amíru-l umará had 15,000 horse with him, and with these he
went forth to battle. Dáúd Khán had not more than three or four
thousand Afghán horse on that day; but he placed Híráman
Baksariya, who was always his chief swordsman, in command of his
advanced force, and came to the field of battle in the plain of the Lál
Bágh of Burhánpúr. * * A desperate fight followed. * * Dáúd Khán had
resolved to have a personal combat with Husain ‘Alí Khán. He went
into the field fully accoutred, and he directed his elephant-driver to
place his elephant by the side of that ridden by Husain ‘Alí. * *
Although few men remained with Dáúd Khán, he fought most
vigorously against Husain ‘Alí. With the two or three hundred devoted
Afghán horse which remained with him, he pressed forward,
discharging arrows, to encounter Husain ‘Alí. Great disorder and
panic spread in the Amíru-l umará’s force, and [many of his nobles]
were killed and wounded.
Mír Mushrif, who was renowned for his bravery and personal
strength, went out to battle clad in armour. Seated in a splendid
howda, and drawing his bowstring to his ear, he urged his elephant
on against that of Dáúd Khán. As Dáúd Khán had come into the field
without armour, he cried out to Mír Mushrif, “Why do you cover up
your face like a woman? Put off your armour that I may see your
person!” Saying this he discharged an arrow at him, which wounded
him in the throat. Mír Mushrif pulled out the arrow with great pain, and
fell fainting in his howda. According to the statements of several
elephant-drivers, Dáúd Khán then tried to fasten the two elephants
together, and, in so doing, struck Mír Mushrif three or four blows on
the back and side with the elephant-goad. Mír Mushrif’s driver
managed to get his elephant away from that of Dáúd Khán; but
Amíru-l umará’s men, who had seen the blows, thought Mír Mushrif
was killed; so great alarm spread through their ranks, and a total rout
seemed about to fall upon the army. Some indeed withdrew from the
fight, leaving their leaders still holding their ground and fighting
bravely. At this critical moment a musket-ball struck Dáúd Khán and
killed him. The elephant-driver and Dáúd’s companions, who had
escaped the sword, finding that he was dead, turned away the
elephant from the field. The bloody elephant was brought back, and
the corpse of Dáúd was taken out and tied to its tail, and in that state
it was brought to the city.
Nímá Sindhiá and the other Mahratta chiefs who had joined Amíru-l
umará looked on the battle from a distance with an eye to plundering
the vanquished party. In the height of the battle they withdrew, and
prepared to flee; but they came to offer their congratulations to Amíru-
l umará on his victory. Their men fell to plundering the baggage and
property of Dáúd Khán’s army; but all the treasure, elephants, horses,
and warlike stores fell into the hands of Amíru-l umará. Out of all this
he sent some elephants to the Emperor after the lapse of two years.
Dáúd Khán was said to be impotent; but when he was Súbadár of
Ahmadábád, a daughter of one of the zamíndárs was brought, and,
according to the custom of the country, was presented to the ruler as
tribute. He converted her to Islám, and married her. She became
pregnant by him, and when he went forth to battle, she was seven
months gone with child. On his departure, she, in her pride, took the
dagger from his belt, and kept it carefully by her. When she heard of
his death, she ripped open her belly, brought forth the child alive, and
then departed with her husband to the next world. But this story has
not been authenticated.
When the result of the battle and the death of Dáúd Khán was
reported to Farrukh Siyar, his countenance seemed clouded with
sorrow, and he said to Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah that it was a pity
such a renowned and noble chief had been killed. Kutbu-l Mulk
replied, “If my brother had been slain by the hands of the Afghán, it
would have given Your Majesty satisfaction.”
Being reduced to the last extremity, and despairing of life, the Sikhs
offered to surrender on condition of their lives being spared. Diler
Jang at first refused to grant quarter; but at length he advised them to
beg pardon of their crimes and offences from the Emperor. Their chief
Gurú,* with his son of seven or eight years old, his díwán, and three
or four thousand persons, became prisoners, and received the
predestined recompense for their deeds. ‘Abdu-s Samad had three or
four thousand of them put to the sword, and he filled that extensive
plain with blood as if it had been a dish. Their heads were stuffed with
hay and stuck upon spears. Those who escaped the sword were sent
in collars and chains to the Emperor. * * ‘Abdu-s Samad sent nearly
two thousand heads stuffed with hay and a thousand persons bound
with iron chains in charge of his son, Zakaríya Khán, and others, to
the Emperor.
In the month of Muharram, the prisoners and the stuffed heads
arrived at Dehlí. The Bakhshí I’timádu-d daula Muhammad Amín
Khán received orders to go out of the city, to blacken the faces and
put wooden caps on the heads of the prisoners; to ride himself upon
an elephant, place the prisoners on camels, and the heads on
spears, and thus enter the city, to give a warning to all spectators.
After they had entered the city, and passed before the Emperor,
orders were given for confining the Gurú, his son and two or three of
his principal companions, in the fort. As to the rest of the prisoners, it
was ordered that two or three hundred of the miserable wretches
should be put to death every day before the kotwal’s office and in the
streets of the bázár. The men of the Khatrí caste, who were secretly
members of the sect, and followers of the Gurú, sought by the offer of
large sums of money to Muhammad Amín Khán and other mediators
to save the life of the Gurú, but they were unsuccessful. After all the
Gurú’s companions had been killed, an order was given that his son
should be slain in his presence, or rather that the boy should be killed
by his own hands, in requital of the cruelty which that accursed one
had shown in the slaughter of the sons of others. Afterwards, he
himself was killed.
Many stories are told about the wretched dogs of this sect, which the
understanding rejects; but the author will relate what he saw with his
own eyes.
When the executions were going on, the mother of one of the
prisoners, a young man just arrived at manhood, having obtained
some influential support, pleaded the cause of her son with great
feeling and earnestness before the Emperor and Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah
Khán. She represented that her son had suffered imprisonment and
hardship at the hands of the sect. His property was plundered, and he
was made prisoner. While in captivity, he was, without any fault of his
own, introduced into the sect, and now stood innocent among those
sentenced to death. Farrukh Siyar commiserated this artful woman,
and mercifully sent an officer with orders to release the youth. That
cunning woman arrived with the order of release just as the
executioner was standing with his bloody sword upheld over the
young man’s head. She showed the order for his release. The youth
then broke out into complaints, saying, “My mother tells a falsehood: I
with heart and soul join my fellow-believers in devotion to the Gurú:
send me quickly after my companions.”
It is said that I’timádu-d daula Muhammad Amín Khán, when he had
an interview with the Gurú, said to him, “The marks of sense and
intelligence are visible in thy countenance: how is it that you never
thought about the recompense of your deeds, and that in a short
span of life with a dreadful futurity you have been guilty of such
cruelty and of such detestable actions to Hindús and Musulmáns? He
replied, “In all religions and sects, whenever disobedience and
rebellion among mortal men passes all bounds, the Great Avenger
raises up a severe man like me for the punishment of their sins and
the due reward of their works.
‘When He wishes to desolate the world,
He places dominion in the hands of a tyrant.’
In the reign of Bahádur Sháh the vakíls of Rája Sáhú and the Rání
made proposals, and obtained a grant of the sar-desh-mukhí , upon
certain conditions, which have been stated in the history of that reign.
But differences arose between the Rání and Rája Sáhú, so that
Bahádur Sháh’s intentions were never carried out. Neither did the
arrangement as to the sar-deshmukhí take effect. In the time of Dáúd
Khán, while he was acting as deputy of Zúl-l fikár Khán, a treaty and
friendly agreement was made between him and the enemy, in which it
was stipulated that the jágírs of the princes and Dáúd Khán should
not be molested; but that as regarded the remaining tenures of the
great nobles, Dáúd Khán’s deputy, Híráman, should arrange for the
payment of the chauth. Caravans were not to be molested. So they
simmered together like milk and sugar, and matters went on without*
hitch or evasion.
The government of Nizámu-l Mulk, as we have recorded, began in
peace, and ended with war, which lasted for one year and five
months, and inflicted chastisement upon the enemy. Two or three
years of Husain ‘Alí Khán’s government passed in quarrels with the
Emperor, so that, although he raised a large army, he could not show
the vigour that was necessary, nor effect such a settlement as he
himself desired and the character of the Saiyids of Bárha required. In
the year 1130 A.H., acting upon the advice of Anwar Khán, one of the
shaikh-zádas of Burhánpúr, who were patronized by the Saiyids, and
upon the counsel of other trusted nobles, he availed himself of the
services of a Brahman named Sankarájí. This man had been one of
the principal servants of Sivají and Sambhájí, and in their confidence.
After the conquest of Jinjí, he entered the Imperial service, and acted
as vakíl of those Mahratta chiefs who had submitted and of some
who had not. He was not wanting in the intelligence which is helped
by fortune.
Through Bálájí Bishwanáth and Jamnájí, brahmans, and most
intelligent generals of Rája Sáhú, a proposal of peace was made on
these terms. There was to be paid to the officers of Rája Sáhú a
fourth part of what the amíns, krorís, and shikkdárs collected as land
revenue, and as sáir from the government lands and from the
jágírdárs. It was also settled that, in addition to the fourth share which
they were to get from the receipts of the jágírdárs, they were to
receive from the raiyats ten per cent. as sar-deshmukhí. Altogether
they were to receive thirty-five per cent. upon the total collections,
(and also) upon the abwábs called faujdárí, shikkdárí, ziyáfat, and
other charges, as shown in the gross account of the collections.
According to this account they were to receive nearly half the total
revenue recorded in the Government rent-roll, and (the collections)
were thus shared by the domineering collectors of Rája Sáhú. This
arrangement, by which they were to collect all taxes, fell very hard
upon the raiyats, and the government officers and jágírdárs; for in
every district there were two collectors—one called the kamáíshdár,
the other the gumáshta of the sar-deshmukhí. On the roll of the
collections the signature of the sarrishtadár of the sar-deshmukhí was
first placed, and what was required by the rules on that account was
to be taken separately.* The position and life of the officers of
Government and of the jágírdárs became (irksome).
Besides these, there were two separate collectors of the ráhdárí
(road duties) in each district. In consequence of the negligence of the
faujdárs and the dominance of the enemy, these had for some time
taken their positions in different places, and exacted half a rupee, or
one rupee, for each bullock and cart, from merchants, and whatever
they pleased from other persons. They exacted twice or three times
more than (the most) tyrannical fauj-dárs . Now also, since the days
of the peace, the former grievance remained, but it was aggravated
by more taking part in it. In the present state of things there were in
each district three regular collectors of Rája Sáhú, with parties of
horsemen and footmen stationed at the office, the guard-house
where the land-revenue the sáir and the tolls were collected.
Besides this there were in many places villages which had been laid
waste by the Mahrattas, and which had been again brought into
cultivation under special agreements, such as the districts about
Nandurbár, in Khándesh, in Birár, and in other places. They paid no
heed to the special contracts made by Husain ‘Alí Khán; but,
conceding the third share belonging to the jágírdár, they made the
following arrangement. They recognized three shares; one was for
the jágírdár, one they took themselves, and the third they left to the
raiyats. In revenue and civil matters the orders and the action of the
enemy prevailed over the authority of the faujdárs and jágírdárs. At
the time of the peace Husain ‘Alí Khán determined, and issued strict
injunctions that the ráhdárí should not be exacted, as in the days
before the peace, from merchants and travellers at the rate of three
(rupees) or four upon each bullock and cart, as if faujdárs and harsh
officials were acting. But it was no good. In several districts there was
no longer any plundering of villages and caravans; but, as in former
days, travellers and wanderers paid the ráhdárí, and went on in
peace without interruption. Villages which had been ravaged by
plunderers, or made completely desolate by the tyranny of rapacious
managers, were now restored to cultivation.
Husain ‘Alí delivered a sanad containing the conditions of peace,
under his seal, to the vakíls of Rája Sáhú, and made no delay in
writing for a royal farmán confirmatory of this document. He
introduced the agents of Rája Sáhú everywhere, and he settled that
Bálájí Bishwanáth and Jamnájí, two of the highest officers of Rája
Sáhú, should stay with a suitable escort in Aurangábád as deputy and
vakíl of the Rája, so that all civil and revenue matters might be settled
through them.
Transactions at Court.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 790.] Husain ‘Alí Khán’s letter communicating the
terms of the peace, and asking for a confirmatory farmán, reached
the Emperor. Several well-wishers of the State urged that it was not
well to admit the vile enemy to be overbearing partners in matters of
revenue and government. So Farrukh Siyar rejected the treaty. [The
Emperor makes several appointments to the Dakhin which Husain
‘Alí does not carry into effect.] The news from the Dakhin increased
the annoyance of the Emperor.
In these evil days there was at Court a Kashmírí of low origin, named
Muhammad Murád, an idle babbler of disreputable character, who
was the common talk of everybody, high and low. In the reign of
Bahádur Sháh he had obtained, through the interest of Jahándár
Sháh, a mansab of 1000 and the title of Wakálat Khán. * * He was
introduced to Farrukh Siyar, and, availing himself of the opportunity, *
* he obtained such an ascendency over him that in a short time he
received the title of Ruknu-d daula I’tikád Khán Farrukh Sháhí, and
an increase of his jágír from 1000 to 7000 and 10,000 horse. He
became the Emperor’s confidential adviser, and joined in
recommending the overthrow of the rule of the Saiyids of Bárha. Not
a day passed without his receiving jewels of great value, ornamented
weapons, dresses, or some great gift.
It was now resolved that Sarbuland Khán should be recalled from
Patna, and Nizámu-l Mulk Fath Jang Bahádur from Murádábád,
where he had chastised the rebels, and restored the district to peace
and security. Rája Ajít Singh was also sent for from Ahmadábád.
Hopes of high promotion and royal favour were held out to them, and
they all conspired together for the overthrow of the Bárha Saiyids.
The strangest part of the matter was that when Nizámu-l Mulk was
recalled from Murád-ábád, he received no other appointment; but the
jágír which he there held was taken from him, the name of
Murádábád was changed to Ruknábád, it was erected into a distinct
súba, and the súbadárí and the jágír were granted as an áltamghá to
Ruknu-d daula I’tikád Khán. When these nobles assembled, Rája Ajít
Singh received the title of Mahárája and other honours, but he
became the ally and companion of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán.
Nizámu-l Mulk and Sarbuland Khán were at first led to expect the
appointments of wazír and mír-bakhshí. The Emperor spoke to them
both about removing the obnoxious minister Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán
from office, and they replied, “Your Majesty can give the portfolio of
wazír to whichever of us you deem most capable; and if Saiyid ‘Abdu-
llah shows any resistance after his removal, he shall be brought to
punishment.” The Emperor replied, “I know of no person more fit for
the post of wazír than I’tikád Khán.” Every exalted noble of Írán and
of Túrán, when he heard that it was the Emperor’s design to bestow
the important office of wazír, with every sign of partiality, upon such a
prating, base-born, infamous person, felt the greatest disgust. They
were heart-broken, but they were not disposed to obey and submit to
I’tikád Khán.
In the midst of this uneasy feeling the ‘Íd-i fitr occurred, and nearly
seventy thousand horse and foot went in the royal procession to the
‘Íd-gáh. There was great apprehension among all classes, in
expectation that Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán was about to be made
prisoner. On that day Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah had not with him more than
four or five thousand horse. * * After this Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah began to
enlist soldiers. In former days he entertained few except Saiyids of
Bárha, because he had full reliance on their courage and devotion;
but he now gave orders for the enlistment of twenty thousand men of
all tribes.
When this disturbing intelligence reached Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí
in the Dakhin, his apprehensions were aroused, and he resolved to
proceed to Court. But before doing so he resolved upon another plan,
and * * wrote to Court for information. Afterwards he received
intelligence that peace had been made between the Emperor and
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah; that Rája Ajít Singh, who had been called to Court,
had received the hereditary title of Mahárája and other royal favours,
through the help and countenance of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah; that, although
his daughter was affianced to the Emperor, he was in close accord
and intimacy with the Saiyid, and that a strict and lasting agreement
of amity had been made between them.
At the end of the month of Shawwál the Emperor, in accord with
I’tikád Khán, Khán-daurán, and other well-disposed nobles, went to
the house of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, to pay him a vist. They
then made friends together, swore to an absence of animosity, and
mutually made excuses for past behaviour, and for the ill-feelings that
had been entertained. The Emperor then returned. Ikhlás Khán, an
old and devoted friend of the two brothers, was sent to the Dakhin, to
give a feeling of assurance to Amíru-l umará.
NINTH*
YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1131 A.H. (1719 A.D.).
[Text, vol. ii. p. 749.] The opinions and resolutions of the Emperor
never remained steady to one course. Now he was resolved upon
peace and amity, and now upon the degradation recommended by
evil counsellors. * * Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán had engaged nearly
twenty thousand men, and day by day the dissension and rupture
between him and the Emperor grew wider. * * Letters arrived from
Husain ‘Alí, representing his wish to come to Court, and complaining
that the climate of the Dakhin did not agree with him. * * On the other
hand, letters reached him from his brother urging him to come quickly
to Court. So, on the 15th Shawwal, in the seventh (sic) year of the
reign, he sent forward his brother, Saifu-d dín ‘Alí Khán, with four or
five thousand horse, as an advanced force, to Burhánpúr, with
directions to collect the materials of war and artillery.
Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí received many letters in succession from
his brother, Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah. At the end of Zí-l hijja, he
left Aurangábád, and, after halting a week for making necessary
arrangements, at the beginning of Muharram, 1131* Hijra, having put
his artillery in order, and done his best to secure the good-will of the
amírs and the Mahrattas, he with * * * commenced his march upon
Dehlí. * * He placed the fort of Malhír, * * the fort of Sálír, and two or
three other forts, in charge of men of his own. * * Nearly sixteen
thousand Mah-rattas marched with him under the command of
Khandú Dapháriya, who was one of the best generals of Rája Sáhú,
and was his Súbadár of Khándesh. Santá, and several other Mah-
ratta chiefs, went with him. * * On the 22nd Muharram he marched
from Burhánpúr, and went on until he crossed the Nerbadda at
Akbarpúr, where he met Ikhlás Khán, who had been sent from Court
to re-assure him, and prevent his march. * * They had an interview
near the fort of Mándú, * * and Husain ‘Alí became more eager than
before to reach the capital. * * On the 14th Safar he reached Ujjain.
Here he heard, from the Faujdar of Gwálior, [of the pacification and
oaths of amity between the Emperor and Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah]. Then, in
open darbár, he said, “If the Emperor no longer retains any animosity
and rancour against us, and will deal with us kindly and without
malice, we have no other desire but to prove our obedience and
loyalty. After paying my homage, and re-assuring myself about sundry
matters, I will quickly return to the Dakhin.” * * But on the second or
third day after, Husain ‘Alí Khán heard from trustworthy and
confidential correspondents how the private talk was that the
Emperor’s proceedings were merely devices and snares that he was
weaving to catch fools.
Other letters also informed Saiyid Husain ‘Alí that Sarbuland Khán, in
consequence of the resumption of his jágír, and the transfer of his
prosperous lands to Mír Jumla, and through want of money, inability
to pay his soldiers, and pressing demands, had retired from service,
resigned his mansab, and had given up his elephants, horses, and
household effects to his creditors, with the intention of becoming a
religious mendicant. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, having heard of this,
went to him and endeavoured to console him. He furnished him with
money, elephants, and horses, and appointed him Súbadár of Kábul,
thus binding him to him by the obligations of kindness. Nizámu-l Mulk
also, through the hard usage of times favourable only to the base,
was called from Murádábád, with the expectation of being made
wazír, but his office and his jágír were given to I’tikád Khán. He was
disgusted and burnt with rage against the worthless (favourite). Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah did his best to console him, and promised him the súbadárí
of Málwá. I’timádu-d daula, who had come to Court without leave or
order, fell into disgrace, and was deprived of his mansab. Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah consoled him also. He likewise won over fortune-seekers
by rendering them assistance, and inquiring about their affairs. Khán-
daurán, who from the beginning had been reckoned as an associate
of Mír Jumla, and one of the Emperor’s friends, was also brought
over to the side of the minister.
It was now announced that the Emperor was going out hunting on a
certain day, and that as he returned he would pay a visit to Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah. Mahárája Ajít Singh, although he was father-in-law to the
Emperor, had become a firm ally of the minister. His house was
situated in the road leading to Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah’s, and the Emperor
had determined that, when his escort reached the Mahárája’s house,
he would make him prisoner, although he might come out to offer his
nazar and pay his respects. But although this resolve was confined to
the Emperor’s own heart, Ajít Singh was alarmed and suspicious, for
“traitors are fearful,” and before the Emperor returned he took refuge
in the house of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah.
The Emperor was returning in a boat, and was about to proceed to
the house of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, as he had determined. But he learned
of Ajít Singh’s having sought protection in the house of that noble,
which greatly annoyed him; and when he came near the house, he
changed his intention, and ordered the boat to be rowed quickly
onwards. His suite and equipage went to the house, and the wazír
went forth as far as the bank of the river to meet him, but he repaired
to his palace in the fort.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 804.] [March of Husain ‘Alí Khán.] At the end of the
month Rabí’u-l awwal, at the beginning of the eighth year of the reign,
Husain ‘Alí Khán approached Dehlí and encamped near the lát of
Fíroz Sháh, two or three kos from the city. There he showed his
rebellious designs by ordering his drums to be beaten loudly in
defiance; for it is contrary to all rule for (a subject’s) drums to be
beaten near the residence of the Emperor. Complaining of the
Emperor, he entered his tents, and repeatedly said that he no longer
reckoned himself among the servants of the monarch. “I will maintain
the honour of my race, and care neither for loss of my mansab, nor
for royal censure.”
But the strangest thing was that the heedless Emperor— although he
heard the sounds of the hostile drums and trumpets, which rose so
boldly and publicly—and although at the sound of the drum other
drums in every street and market beat to arms— even then he did not
come to his senses. All resolution and prudence was cast aside. Now
raging with anger, he rolled up his sleeves (for action), threatening
vengeance against the two brothers; now taking a conciliatory turn,
he sat behind the curtain of dissimulation, and opened the door of
amity upon the face of enmity.
Rájádhíráj (Jai Singh), who raised his voice in favour of unanimous
action and the punishment of the rebels, met with no success. The
devoted nobles, of the stocks of ‘Arab and of ‘Ajam,* felt that they had
no power of themselves to beat the drums of war and bloodshed, and
this was particularly the case with the Mughals, who knew all about
the matter. No one had the force to speak a friendly word to him
whose head was muffled. At the sight of this change of fortune, of the
progress of the rebellion of the two ministers, and of the supineness
and want of perception in the Emperor, men lost all heart, and many,
taking their cue from him, went to wait upon Saiyid Husain ‘Alí.
Four or five days after the arrival of Husain ‘Alí, his brother Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah made a statement of his brother’s grievances, and said
that if Rája Jai Singh, the disturbing spirit, were sent home to his
country, and if the nominations to the artillery, and to the office of
President of the Privy Council, and the appointments of the
Emperor’s personal attendants, were made in favour of Husain ‘Alí’s
adherents, and if the fortress were placed under his control, then he
would come without any apprehension to pay his homage, and all
might be settled to the satisfaction of the two brothers. The poor dull-
witted Emperor, unmindful of the deceitfulness of delusive fortune,
granted the demands of the Saiyids. He consented to give over the
entire control of the appointments to Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, the other
Saiyids of Bárha, and their supporters; I’tikád Khán and other of his
favourites were to be dismissed.
On the 3rd Rabí’u-l ákhir, Rájádhíráj, under an order which did not
allow of a day’s delay, left Dehlí for Amber, his home. * * On the 5th,
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah and Mahárája Ajít Singh, with their followers,
entered the citadel, and, removing the Emperor’s men from the gates,
they made their own dispositions, and placed their own men in
charge. Of all the great men near the Emperor, none were left near
him or near the gates of the fortress, except I’tikád Khán, Imtiyáz
Khán, registrar (mushrif) of the Privy Council, whose absence or
presence made no difference, Zafar Khán, who, for his complaisance
and time-serving, was called, “the pea in every soup,” and some
helpless attendants and eunuchs.
Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí, with regal pomp and display, mounted his
horse, and entered the fort, around which his army, and that of the
Mahrattas, had taken post. He paid his homage. After that, a few sad
and admonitory words were exchanged. The Amír received the usual
presents of robes, etc., with an unwilling heart, and, showing scant
ceremony, returned to his abode. On the 8th day of the month the
Saiyids for the second time took measures to secure the fort. Kutbu-l
Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah and the Mahárája, with their trusted followers
and a select force, entered the fortress, and, as before, they removed
the royal servants, placed the charge of the gates under their own
trusty men, and demanded the keys of the díwán-i kháss, the
sleeping apartment and the hall of justice. * *
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán went to the distracted Emperor Farrukh Siyar,
along with Ajít Singh, and poured forth his grievances. He said,* “In
return for all our services to you and your ancestors, we have
received nothing from you, ungrateful King, but evil thoughts and
suspicions and treacherous designs. We have, as proofs of our
words, the farmáns which you sent to the irreligious Dáúd Khán
Afghán, and other miscreants in the Dakhin, directing them to oppose
and slay your faithful servant (Husain ‘Alí Khán). * * Our fears and
suspicions will not be removed until the control over all the great
offices shall be placed in our hands.” The bewildered Emperor made
some excuses and promises; but the talk went on to a great length,
and many bitter and offensive things were said. The Emperor got
angry and was unable to restrain himself further. He first said a few
words condemning I’tikád Khán, who was in fact the prime cause of
the mischief, and then he censured Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah. I’tikád Khán
made some foolish statements, excusing himself; but both he and the
Emperor had lost all control over themselves. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah then
interfered, and, abusing I’tikád Khán, he allowed him no retort, but
ordered him to be turned out of the fortress. * * All round and about
the fortress the cries of strife arose, and the Emperor, feeling his
reverse of fortune, went into the female apartments. * *
That night all the city was full of dread and helplessness. The soldiers
of the two brothers were posted fully armed in all the streets and
markets, and no one knew what was passing in the fort, or what
would happen. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, Rája Ajít Singh, and their chief
supporters, held counsel together, not knowing what the morn would
bring forth; but they took such precautions everywhere as seemed
necessary. The Mahratta chiefs, Khandú Dapháriya, Bálájí
Bishwanáth, Santá, and others, with their ten or eleven thousand
men, passed the night under arms, not knowing what would happen,
but ready for disturbance and plunder. * *
Reports of all kinds, false and true, spread abroad. One was that
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah had been killed. Other alarming rumours flew about.
I’tikád Khán and some other nobles, reckless as to the
consequences, were about to take horse and proceed to oppose
Amíru-l umará, when the news came of the approach of his
cavalcade, and of the banners of I’timádu-d daula Muhammad Amín
Khán and Chín Kalích Khán being in sight; for the latter, in his crafty
politic way, had left his house to join Amíru-l umará. There was no
conflict or struggle with the Mahrattas; for, before things had come to
that pass, fourteen or fifteen horsemen, in the service of Khán-
daurán, who were called “Blanket-wearers,” shot a few arrows
against the Mahrattas, when the whole of their force was seized with
panic and took to flight. * * The idlers and vagabonds of the bázár
and the unemployed Mughals, hearing of this flight, drew their swords
and fell to killing and plundering. * * A thousand to fifteen hundred
Mahrattas, horse and foot, were killed, including Santá, a chief of
note, and two or three other leaders. * * I’tikád Khán, with some of his
companions, went into the chauk of Sa’du-llah near his own house,
made some attacks, and threw up barricades. But his movement was
ill-timed, and, being alarmed at what he had done, he went and
surrendered himself prisoner.
The tumult was still high when the drums proclaimed the accession of
Abú-l Barakát Rafí’u-d Daraját, and a declaration of amnesty was
also published. * * The people were desirous to get a message sent
in by artifice to Farrukh Siyar, and to bring him out of the palace, but
they were unsuccessful. The women, the Abyssinians and the Turks,
all prepared to fight. At length some Afgháns and attendants (chelas),
backed up by Najmu-d dín ‘Alí Khán, younger brother of Saiyid ‘Abdu-
llah, and * * some other traitors, entered the palace. After much
search, Farrukh Siyar was found hidden in a corner of the roof, to
which they got a hint from some of the women. They dragged him out
with great indignity. His mother, wife, sister, and other ladies who
were near the unfortunate monarch, cried and wailed, and threw
themselves at the feet of the Afgháns and chelas, beseeching and
entreating them. * * At length the conspirators dragged him away from
the women, and, having blinded him, they placed him in confinement
in a room at the top of the tirpauliya in the fort.* This was a small and
narrow room like a grave, which had been used for keeping prisoners
destined for the torture. In this corner of sorrow and grief they left
him, with nothing but a ewer, a vessel for the necessities of nature,
and a glass to drink out of.
The troublous reign of the late Farrukh Siyar the Shahíd (martyr)
lasted for six years and four months, without counting the eleven
months of the reign of Jahándár, which were reckoned as part of his
reign, and so entered in the royal records.*
Husain ‘Alí Khán, throwing aside the veil, wrote to Nizámu-l Mulk, * *
bringing complaints and charges against him. Nizámu-l Mulk in his
honesty wrote clear answers to every charge; but they did not satisfy
Husain ‘Alí, and he wrote in plain terms to Nizámu-l Mulk, saying, that
for the purpose of arranging the affairs of the Dakhin, he wished to
hold the súba of Malwá himself, and that he would give Nizámu-l
Mulk his choice of the súbas of Ágra, Alláhábád, Multán, or
Burhánpúr.
Nizámu-l Mulk had employed the interval of eight or nine months in
collecting seven or eight thousand horse and materials of war. He
was cautious and watchful, and he had formed the design of
conquering the Dakhin, and of setting free that land of treasure and of
soldiers. He now received notice from his vakíls that the Saiyids had
sent officers to summon him to the presence. But before these he
had received letters from the Emperor and from private friends, telling
him there was no time to be lost, and that what he had to do he must
do quickly.
Nizámu-l Mulk perceived that the brothers had the fixed intention of
overthrowing the royal house and removing the Khalífa of the world.
Seeing that there were no other means of safety, he consulted with
his friends, and setting out from Ujjain, he made three marches
towards Ágra, and then turned to the Dakhin. On the 1st of Rajab he
crossed the Nerbadda, where he was joined by Rustam Beg Khán,
Faujdár of Bíjágarh,* also called Kahargáon. * * On the same day he
crossed the Nerbadda an envoy came from ‘Usmán Khán, a soldier
(hazárí) of the fort of Ásír, proposing to surrender the fortress, * * and
on the 16th Rajab he took possession of this important stronghold. * *
He next sent Muhammad Ghiyás Khán to reduce Burhánpúr. * * *
Saiyid ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán (the acting súbadár) sent Muhammad Anwar
Khán to defend Burhánpúr; * * but this man was wanting in courage,
and gave up in despair. Nizámu-l Mulk entered the town on the 17th.
Just before he got possession of Burhánpúr, the children and
dependents of Saifu-d dín ‘Alí Khán, brother of Husain ‘Alí Khán, had
come to that place on their way to Dehlí. They were greatly alarmed
when Nizámu-l Mulk became master of the city. Some of his friends
counselled him to seize upon their valuables, [but he refused] * * and
sent an escort to guard them as far as the Nerbadda. He was joined
at Burhánpúr by ‘Iwaz Khán, Názim of the súba of Birár, and by troop
after troop of adherents, and he remained there for some time to get
his artillery in order.
Diláwar ‘Alí Khán, after subjugating Búndí, under the direction of
Husain ‘Alí Khán, as above narrated, marched into Málwá with his
army, accompanied by Rája Bhím and Rája Gaj Singh, causing great
injury to the country and distress to the inhabitants.
Defeat and Death of Husain Khán Afghán.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 861.] Husain Khán Afghán was one of the proud and
bold Afgháns of the sarkár of Kasúr.* For some years past he had
occupied himself in rebellion and violence. He had taken possession
of some prosperous districts about Kasúr and Láhore, and had raised
the standard of revolt. He had several times defeated the armies of
the súbadárs and the princes; and since the time that ‘Abdu-s Samad
Khán Diler Jang had been made Súbadár of the Panjáb, he had
further overstepped the limits of a subject, had turned the officials of
the jágírdárs and súbadárs out, and had seized upon the revenues in
a most defiant manner. The author has heard from trustworthy
persons that he received letters from the Saiyids at the head of the
Government, inciting him to embarrass the súbadár, and encouraging
the hope of his obtaining for himself the súbadárí of Láhore. At any
rate, he grew bolder. He fought with Kutbu-d dín, the ‘ámil of the
súbadár, killed him, and plundered his army and treasure. With eight
or nine thousand horse he then set out on a plundering expedition.
‘Abdu-s Samad Khán, who had begun to raise an army, marched with
seven or eight thousand men to attack him, and the armies
approached the village of Jhúní, about thirty kos from Láhore. [Long
and hard-contested battle.] An arrow at length struck Husain Khán,
inflicting a severe wound. His elephant had no driver, and ran about
in all directions—a mark for arrows and bullets from every side.
Flames burst forth from the howda, the cause of which could not be
discovered; but in that condition Husain Khán fell under the swords of
the brave warriors with a large number of Afgháns. * * On the news of
the victory reaching Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, much against his will, but
to avoid censure, he lauded the services of ‘Abdu-s Samad Khán,
and gave him the title of Saifu-d Daula.
Letters from Burhánpúr reached the Court with details about the fort
of Ásír. It appeared that Khusrú, a servant of Nizámu-l Mulk, had
introduced himself to the soldiers of the fortress, and carried on a
correspondence about its surrender. Nolens volens, the soldiers
coerced Tálib Khán, the commandant appointed by the Saiyids, who
was in a great state of dismay, and made him surrender the fortress
to Nizámu-l Mulk, and give two years’ pay to the soldiers. * * Further
letters informed them that Anwar Khán, Súbadár of Burhánpúr, had
joined Nizámu-l Mulk, and that Rambhá Nimbálkar,* a famous
Mahratta chieftain, had also joined him, both bringing their followers.
All the officials of Burhánpúr and many of the zamíndárs of the neigh-
bourhood had taken the same course. This information greatly
disturbed the Saiyids. They wrote pressing letters to Diláwar Khán
and Maháráo Bhím Singh, directing them to engage Nizámu-l Mulk.
Every day and every week Saiyid Husain ‘Alí brought forward new
plans for proceeding to the Dakhin, and he waited anxiously for
letters from Diláwar Khán. Ratan Chand, seeing how matters were
tending, advised a peace and the surrender of the súbas of the
Dakhin to Nizámu-l Mulk, for he saw that war would end in the
Saiyids’ death. But Husain ‘Alí would not consent to any peace with
Nizámu-l Mulk.
Religious Troubles in Kashmír.
[vol. ii. p. 867.] Mahbúb Khán, otherwise called ‘Abdu-n Nabí
Kashmírí, had a long-standing enmity against the Hindús in Kashmír.
He had gathered round him many restless Mu-hammadans, with
whom he went to the deputy of the súbadár and to the kází, and,
presenting certain legal opinions, he demanded that the Hindús
should be interdicted from riding on horses, from wearing coats
(jáma), from putting on turbans and armour (chíra o yarák), from
going out for excursions in the fields and gardens, and from bathing
on certain days. Upon this matter he was very virulent. The officials,
in answer, said that they would act upon the rules laid down by the
Emperor, and by the chief lawyers, in respect of the treatment of
zimmís (protected unbelievers) throughout the provinces of the
Empire. Mahbúb Khán was greatly offended, and, being supported by
a party of Musulmáns, he annoyed and insulted Hindús wherever he
met them. A Hindú could not pass through any market or street
without being subjected to indignity.
One day Majlis Ráí, a respected Hindú of Kashmír, went out with a
party to ramble in the fields and gardens, and they feasted
Brahmans. Mahbúb Khán collected ten or twelve thousand
Musulmáns, came upon them unawares, and began to beat, bind and
kill them. Majlis Ráí escaped, and fled with some others to Ahmad
Khán. Mahbúb Khán, with all his followers, went to the house of
Majlis Ráí and the Hindú quarter, and began to plunder and to fire the
houses. The Hindús and Musulmáns who interfered to prevent this
were killed and wounded. After that they proceeded to the house of
Mír Ahmad Khán, where they set to work beating, throwing stones
and bricks, and shooting arrows and bullets. Every man they found
they detained and subjected to various indignities. Some they killed,
others they wounded and plundered. Mír Ahmad Khán for a day and
night was unable to drive them from his house or to stop their
violence, but had to employ many artifices to escape from them. Next
day he got together a force, and, with Mír Sháhúr Khán Bakhshí and
other officials, they took horse and went against Mahbúb Khán. The
rioters collected, as on the preceding day, and resisted Ahmad Khán.
A party got in his rear and burnt the bridge over which he had
crossed. They set fire to both sides of the street through which he
had passed, and from in front and from the roofs and walls of the
houses they discharged arrows and muskets and cast stones and
bricks. Women and children flung filth, dirt, and whatever they could
lay hands on. A fierce fight continued, in which * * and several others
were killed or wounded. Mír Ahmad Khán was in a great strait, for he
could neither retire nor advance; so he was obliged to ask for mercy,
and escaped from his dangerous position amid volleys of gibes and
insults.
Mahbúb Khán proceeded to the Hindú quarter, and burnt and gutted
the houses which remained. Again he proceeded to the house of Mír
Ahmad Khán, and dragged out of it with insult Majlis Ráí and a
number of other persons who had taken refuge there. He and his
followers cut off their ears and noses, circumcised them, and in some
instances cut off the organ of generation. Another day they went
tumultuously to the great mosque, degraded Mír Ahmad Khán from
his office of deputy of the súbadár, and, having given the prime cause
of the disturbance the title of Díndár Khán, they appointed him to act
as ruler of the Musulmáns, and to enforce the commands of the law
and the decisions of the kázís until a new deputy súbadár should
come from the Court. For five months Mír Ahmad Khán was deprived
of power, and remained in retirement. Díndár Khán acted as ruler,
and, taking his seat in the mosque, discharged the Government
business.
Upon intelligence of this outbreak reaching Court, Múmin Khán was
sent to act as deputy of ‘Ináyatu-llah Khán, the Súbadár. * * At the
end of Shawwál he halted three kos from Kashmír. Mahbúb Khán
was ashamed of his unrighteous deeds, so he went to Khwája ‘Abdu-
llah, who was highly respected in Kashmír, and begged him to go out
with a number of the principal and most respectable Muhammadans
to meet the new deputy, and bring him into the city with honour. * *
Khwája ‘Abdu-llah advised him in a friendly way to go to Mír Sháhúr
Khán Bakhshí, and apologize for what had passed. If he did so, they
would go out with him to meet the deputy. In accordance with this
advice, Mahbúb Khán went to the house of Sháhúr Khán, and having
made a statement to him, rose to depart, alleging he had some
necessary business to attend to. The bakhshí, acting on the Khwája’s
advice, had called a number of the people from the Charbelí and
Kahkarán quarters of the city, and concealed them about his house.
They watched for Mahbúb Khán, and fell upon him unawares. First,
before his eyes, they ripped up the bellies of his two young boys, who
always accompanied him, and they killed him with great cruelty.
Next day the Musulmáns went to the Charbelí quarter, to exact
retaliation for blood. This quarter was inhabited by Shí’as. There they
began to beat, to bind, to kill, and to burn the houses. For two days
the fight was kept up, but the assailants then prevailed. Two or three
thousand people who were in that quarter, including a large number
of Mughal travellers, were killed with their wives and families.
Property to the value of lacs was plundered, and the war raged for
two or three days. It is impossible to commit to writing all that I have
heard about this outbreak. After this destruction, the rioters went to
the houses of the kází and the bakhshí. Sháhúr Khán concealed
himself and the kází escaped in disguise. They pulled down the kází’s
house to the foundations, and carried the bricks of it away in their
hands. Múmin Khán, after entering the city, sent Mír Ahmad Khán
under an escort to Ímanábád, and then had to take severe measures
with the people of Kashmír.
Nizámu-l Mulk.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 873.] Diláwar ‘Alí Khán, bakhshí of Husain ‘Alí Khán,
who had been sent with six or seven thousand horse against the Rája
of Búndí, having hastily increased them to twelve or thirteen
thousand, crossed the Nerbadda. Various rumours reached Nizámu-l
Mulk, and according to one, Diláwar ‘Alí Khán had reached Hándiyá.
Nizámu-l Mulk prepared to encounter him. The plan of ‘Álam ‘Alí
Khán (the acting súbadár) was to enlist as many Mahrattas as he
could, to gather together the great faujdárs, and to march from
Aurangábád as soon as he heard of the near approach of Diláwar ‘Alí
Khán. Nizámu-l Mulk would thus be placed between two armies. * *
[Text, vol. ii. p. 875.] Nizámu-l Mulk, on receiving intelligence that
‘Álam ‘Alí Khán had taken the field, marched from Burhánpúr to
oppose him. He crossed the Táptí and encamped towards the east.
When he heard of the advance of Diláwar ‘Alí Khán, he resolved to
meet him first. He sent his family to the fort of Ásír, and then began
his march against the enemy. On arriving within two or three kos of
Ratanpúr, and sixteen or seventeen from Burhánpúr, he encamped
about two kos distance from his adversary. To avoid shedding the
blood of Musulmáns, he sent conciliatory messages to Diláwar ‘Alí,
deprecating battle, but without effect. On the 16th Sha’bán, 1132 A.H.
(11th May, 1720), both sides drew out their forces for the struggle.
[Dispositions for and progress of the battle.] Diláwar ‘Alí Khán,
mounted on an elephant, fought resolutely, * * but he was struck by a
musket-ball and killed. The army of the Bárhas then turned to flee;
but the Rájpúts, Rája Bhím, and Rája Gaj Singh disdained to escape,
and fought with great valour. They and three or four hundred other
Rájpúts, many Bárha Saiyid officers and others, altogether four or five
thousand men, were killed. The day after the battle, intelligence came
that ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán had arrived at the tank of Hartála, seventeen kos
from Burhánpúr. Nizámu-l Mulk sent Mutawasal Khán with a force of
three thousand horse to protect the city and the people.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 882.] When the news of the defeat and death of
Diláwar ‘Alí Khán reached the Saiyid brothers, it greatly disturbed and
perplexed them. Every day some new plan was formed. Now it was
proposed that both should go to the Dakhin, and take the Emperor
with them. Then that Saiyid Husain ‘Alí should go to the Dakhin and
that Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah should proceed to Dehlí with the Emperor. * *
Every week and every month the tents of the Emperor and of the two
brothers moved in different directions, and their councils were
distracted.
Earthquake.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 883.] On the 2nd of Ramazán, 1132 A.H. (27th June,
1720), on Friday, during prayers at the mosques, a fearful earthquake
was felt. A noise under the earth was heard, doors and walls shook
and roofs rattled. During the day and night nine shocks were felt. It
was reported that parts of the fort and many houses were thrown
down, and that great numbers of persons were killed in
Sháhjahánábád and old Dehlí. The writer of these leaves went out on
horseback to see and ascertain for himself. * * He found houses
destroyed here and there, parts of the ramparts thrown down and
damaged, two gates of the city injured, the parapets of the Fathpúrí
mosque damaged, and ten or twelve persons killed and wounded. It
was very wonderful that for a month and two days the shocks
continued, and were felt four or five times in the twenty-four hours.
Many persons were so alarmed that they would not sleep under a
roof. After this time the force of the shocks decreased; but for four or
five months the earth and the houses were found to shake occasion-
ally, until the arrival of the blessed feet of His Majesty, when the
shocks gradually ceased.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 885.] On the 1st Zí-l ka’da it was determined that His
Majesty should go with Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán to Dehlí, and that
Husain ‘Alí Khán should proceed with a number of warlike amírs to
the Dakhin. It was now that a quarrel arose between the Saiyids and
I’timádu-d daula. This caused a great feeling of alarm for some days,
and it was so much talked about that I’timádu-d daula and the braves
of Túrán remained under arms night and day.
Defeat and Death of ‘Álam Khán.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 885.] Intelligence now arrived that ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán and
many of his officers had been killed. The author has not obtained
exact information of this matter; but he will relate what he has
gathered from different accounts given to him by trustworthy men.
After the death of Diláwar ‘Alí Khán two or three thousand Bárha
horse * * were glad to make their escape to ‘Álam Khán. This officer,
when he heard that Diláwar Khán was approaching, went out of
Aurangábád (to join him) with thirty thousand horse. He had reached
the pass of Fardápúr, half-way to Burhánpúr, and was engaged in
getting his artillery through, when he received the unwelcome news.
Several of the Mahratta sardárs and his own associates advised him
to return to Aurangábád, or to go to Ahmadnagar, and await the
coming of Husain ‘Alí Khán. Under the protection of the walls he
might enlist men, and carry on the war with discretion, while the
Mahrattas might be sent out to ravage and plunder in the vicinity of
Nizámu-l Mulk’s army, and to carry on that Cossack warfare for which
the people of the Dakhin are so famous.
‘Álam ‘Alí Khán, in his pride, paid no heed to these counsels, but
went down with his whole force. After the defeat of Diláwar ‘Alí Khán,
Nizámu-l Mulk went and encamped at Burhánpúr. When he heard of
‘Álam ‘Alí Khán’s approach, he sent to him the coffins of Diláwar ‘Alí
Khán and Saiyid Sher Khán; and he wrote a few words of noble
advice for ‘Álam Khán to send to his two uncles, deprecating any
further shedding of the blood of Musulmáns. But this had no effect.
Nizámu-l Mulk then marched from Burhánpúr to the river Púrná,
sixteen or seventeen kos west of that city. ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán was
encamped near the tank of Hartála, close to the Púrná. Continuous
rain, mire and mud, the flood of waters and the want of boats,
prevented both armies from crossing the river, and compelled them to
wait awhile. Nizámu-l Mulk, to change his ground, escape the mire,
and find a ford, made a move of two kos in the direction of Birár, and
encamped on the bank of the river, until, through the guidance of the
zamíndárs, and the exertions of ‘Iwaz Khán, a ford was discovered
fourteen or fifteen kos away in the direction of Bálápúr.
In the middle of Ramazán, Nizámu-l Mulk crossed the river with his
whole army. This passage was looked upon as a good omen, and
inspirited his men. ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán was disturbed when he heard of
the crossing; but he set his forces in motion to meet his adversary.
Nizámu-l Mulk waited a day to allow the rear of his army and his
baggage to cross. In some places the water was up to the waist, in
others to the breast, but all got over in safety without loss to life or
property. Next day he marched to fix upon a position in which to give
battle. He encamped at Síúgánw, in the súba of Burhánpúr [where his
army suffered greatly from heavy rain, want of provisions, and the
skirmishing of the Mahrattas]. At length the rain ceased awhile, and
he marched to a ruined village three kos from Bálápúr.
The Mahrattas were very daring and troublesome, and ‘Iwaz Khán,
Muhammad Ghiyás Khán, and Rambhá Nimbálkar were sent to
punish them. A fight ensued, in which the Mahrattas were put to flight,
and a great spoil of mares, spears, etc., fell into the hands of the
victors. Sufficiency of fodder and grain not being procurable, another
march was necessary, and they had to bury some heavy guns, which
the mud and the weakness of the bullocks prevented them from
moving. After remaining three days to rest and recruit near Bálápúr,
where sufficient grain was found, on the 5th Shawwál the army
marched to the chosen battle-field, two or three kos distant.
Nizámu-l Mulk made his disposition of his forces. * * ‘Álam Khán also
made his arrangements. * * On his side were Santájí Sindhia,
Khándují Dapháriya Senápati, Sankarájí Malhár, Kánújí, and other
Mahrattas of repute, on the part of Rája Sáhú, with seventeen or
eighteen thousand men, who all called themselves faithful adherents
of Husain ‘Alí Khán. * * On the 6th Shawwál, 1132 A.H. (1st August,
1720 A.D.), the battle was fought. * * ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán received a
severe wound, but for all that he kept the field. * * The elephant which
carried him, unable to bear any longer the arrows and sword-cuts that
he received, turned tail. ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán, dripping with blood from his
wounds, turned his face towards the army of Nizámu-l Mulk, and
cried out that the elephant had turned his back, but he had not. All his
own arrows were exhausted, but such of the enemy’s arrows as
struck his face, or his body, or his howda, he quickly pulled out and
returned. He received so many wounds in succession that he sank
under them, and sacrificed his life for his uncles. He was only twenty-
two years of age, but he was distinguished by all the determination
and bravery of the Bárha Saiyids. Seventeen or eighteen other men
of renown, riders upon elephants, fell in the battle, with a large
number of inferior men. After the defeat Amín Khán, * * and other
men of standing came over and joined Nizámu-l Mulk. Sankarájí, one
of Rája Sáhú’s ministers (madár), was wounded and made prisoner.
The elephants and guns fell into the hands of Nizámu-l Mulk, the rest
was all plundered. Of the victorious army * * very few were killed or
wounded. * * The wives and dependents of Husain ‘Alí Khán, who
were at Aurangábád, went with their property and belongings into the
fort of Aurangábád. * * Mubáriz Khán, Súbadár of Haidarábád, and
Diláwar Khán, his fast friend, with six or seven thousand horse, joined
Nizámu-l Mulk.
Ministerial Arrangements.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 897.] After much deliberation the two Saiyids
determined that ‘Abdu-llah Khán should proceed to Dehlí and stay
there, and that Husain ‘Alí Khán, in attendance upon the Emperor,
and accompanied by a number of the chief amírs and an army,
should go to the Dakhin and take revenge of Nizámu-l Mulk. The
Saiyids determined upon raising one hundred thousand men, and
they sent money with parwánas and contracts (kaul) to summon the
muster-masters (jamá’dárs) of the Bárhas and the Afgháns. There
was a strong disinclination to entering the service of the two brothers,
and the amírs who were to accompany Husain ‘Alí Khán had received
orders to raise squadrons, so men and horses were very scarce. The
jamá’dárs far and near had noticed the declining fortunes of the two
Saiyids, and they were unwilling to go to the Dakhin, so the desired
army was not raised. But nearly 50,000 horse, old soldiers and
recruits, and Emperor’s men, were raised, and they hoped also to
assemble the men of Bárha, and the contingents of the rájas and the
zamíndárs of the provinces. With this army, with a powerful train of
artillery, and many warlike amírs and gentlemen, Husain ‘Alí sent
them on the march for the Dakhin at the end of Shawwál. Having
himself marched two kos out of Ágra, on the 1st Zí-l ka’da he
dismissed Saiyid Khán-Jahán from the command of the artillery, and
appointed Haidar Kulí Khán in his place. * * Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán
proceeded towards Dehlí. * *
There was a number of persons, old servants, attendants and officials
of the two brothers, especially of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, who through them
had risen to great honour and prosperity. But the infamous murder of
the martyr Emperor (Farrukh Siyar), the sight of the indignities which
the Emperor, the representative of the House of Tímúr, had to
endure, and the fact of the administration being under the direction of
a base-born shopkeeper (Ratan Chand), had, under the guidance of
the Converter of Hearts, so changed their feelings, that some of them
often said, “Although we know that we shall suffer many hardships
through the downfall of the Bárhas, still we hope that, through the
blindness of its ill-wishers, the House of Tímúr may again acquire
splendour.” Some of the relations and officials of the two brothers
often offered up their prayers to God, and said, “The end of the lives
of the two brothers, who have no children, is evident; but woe to all
Bárha Saiyids, for we know what evil awaits our children through the
misdeeds of these two men!”
Death of Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí Khán Bárha by the Sword of
Retributive Justice.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 901.] When Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, on the 7th Zí-l hijja,
had reached a stage forty kos from Dehlí, a camel express arrived,
despatched by Ghairat Khán (sic), with a letter from Ratan Chand,
announcing the slaughter of Husain ‘Alí Khán, Ghairat Khán, and
Núru-llah Khán. The facts of this strange and marvellous matter are
these. When the representatives of the House of Tímúr lost the
control of the State, the great and the small of all classes were
disgusted with the arrogance of the two brothers, and by the fact of
the general control of civil and revenue affairs being under the
direction of Ratan Chand. For excepting men of Bárha and the shop-
keeping class, no one found any favour. The nobility of every
province carried on their existence in disgrace and distrust. I’timádu-d
daula Muhammad Amín Khán Chín Bahádur was convinced that,
notwithstanding his covenants and protestations, Husain ‘Alí Khán
would, whenever it suited his designs, perform his engagements in
the same way as he had kept them with the late martyr Emperor,
Farrukh Siyar. So I’timádu-d daula was always scheming the
overthrow of the Bárhas, but he did not think it prudent to seek
assistance of his friends and acquaintances in this dangerous project.
Sa’ádat Khán, otherwise called Mír Muhammad Amín, a Saiyid of
Naishapúr, * * a close and trusted friend of I’timádu-d daula, joined
heartily in the plot, and so also did the artilleryman Haidar Khán
Káshgharí, a Chaghatáí Turk, descended from Mír Haidar, the author
of the Táríkh-i Rashídí.* He bore the hereditary title of “Sword-
bearer.” * * * All these three were agreed upon cutting the thread of
Husain ‘Alí Khán’s life, and bound themselves together to effect their
purpose, and to keep their design secret to themselves. So strict
were they in their secrecy, that neither the Emperor, nor Kamru-d dín
Khán, son of I’timádu-d daula, knew anything of it. Excepting the
mother of the Emperor, and Sadru-n nisá, a protegée (dast-girifta) of
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, no one knew anything of the plot.
On the 6th Zí-l hijja, in the second year of the reign, the royal army
was encamped at Tora, thirty-five kos from Fathpúr. I’timádu-d daula
having accompanied the Emperor to his tent, made a show of being
unwell, and retired to the tent of Haidar Kulí Khán. When the Emperor
entered his private apartments, Husain ‘Alí Khán also retired. As he
reached the gate of the royal inclosure, Mír Haidar Khán, who had a
speaking acquaintance with him, approached. Washing his hands of
life, he placed a written statement in the hands of Husain ‘Alí Khán,
and complained of I’timádu-d daula while his victim read it. When Mír
Haidar found him off his guard, he stabbed Husain ‘Alí in the side with
a dagger, and this one wound despatched him. Núru-llah Khán, son
of Asadu-llah Khán, and nephew of the murdered man, accompanied
his pálkí on foot. He cut down Mír Haidar Khán with his sword. It is
said that Mír Mushrif then came up and finished him. He also killed
another Mughal, and was wounded himself, but escaped alive.
Mughals assembled from every side, who killed Núru-llah, and having
cut off the head of Husain ‘Alí, carried it as an offering to the
Emperor. The eunuch, Makbúl Khán, názir of the Saiyids, fought
strenuously, and so severely wounded two or three of the assailants,
that they died a few days afterwards. A water-carrier and a sweeper
of Husain ‘Alí Khán showed great devotion and courage. Raising loud
cries, they fell sword in hand upon the crowd, cut their way through,
and got into the oratory, where they fell under many balls and arrows
discharged by the Mughals.
Mustafá Khán, bakhshí of Muhkam Singh, had with him a party of his
master’s men. When he heard of the affray with Husain ‘Alí, without
ascertaining the fact, or giving information to Muhkam Singh, he went
to the gate of the royal inclosure. The crowd was so great that he
could not get in; but in another part he broke into the díwán-i kháss,
and entered sword in hand uttering cries. They fought fiercely, but two
or three fell severely wounded under the balls and arrows of the
Mughals, and the rest made their escape. Some of the artillerymen of
Husain ‘Alí Khán gathered round the royal tents, and began to fire
muskets and rámchangís. ‘Izzat Khán, nephew of Husain ‘Alí, had
gone to his tent and had loosened his belt to eat bread. When he
heard the startling news, he was roused to the highest pitch.* Without
waiting to collect the scattered soldiers, but displaying all his
resolution, he instantly mounted an elephant, and went with four or
five hundred horsemen towards the royal quarters.
Nizámu-l Mulk was anxious to carry out the duties of his office, to
maintain the character of the Emperor, and to accumulate funds,
without which a sovereign falls into disrepute. But he was unable to
accomplish his wishes through the interference of adversaries, who
maligned him to the Emperor, and obstructed his authority as wazír.
In particular, Kokí Pádsháh, a woman of great charms and
intelligence, colluded with Khwája Khid-matgár Khán, who was said
to be one of the Emperor’s close companions, and, under the show of
providing means and raising funds, they levied large sums under the
name of peshkash for the Emperor and for themselves. This was a
great difficulty in the wazír’s way. Other associates of the Emperor
made ridiculous insinuations against Nizámu-l Mulk, which the weak-
minded Emperor believed. Haidar Kulí Khán, who had firmly
established himself in the command of the artillery, meddled with
plausible talk in revenue and civil affairs. When Nizámu-l Mulk spoke
about it to the Emperor, and he, in a prudent and gentle way,
prohibited Haidar Kulí Khán from pursuing that course, the Khán was
offended, and asked to be sent to his súba. Leave being granted, he
left a deputy at Court, and set off for Ahmadábád in the middle of
Jumáda-l ákhir. On arriving there, he seized upon the jágírs of several
royal servants and courtiers. When this was complained of
repeatedly, an admonitory farmán was sent to him, prohibiting the
sequestration of jágírs. But this had no effect. At length his jágírs in
the neighbourhood of Dehlí were seized in compensation for those he
had resumed at Ahmadábád.
Death of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 941.] Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán died on the last day of Zí-
l hijja in this year (1134 A.H., 30th September, 1722 A.D.). It is said
that he was poisoned. If so, it is extraordinary that I should have
heard from the mouths of credible men the statement that when
Muhammad Sháh started on his march against Sultán Ibráhím and
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, he vowed to God, that in the event of his
gaining the victory and securing his throne, he would not kill or crush
the Saiyid, however great his crimes might be. Nizámu-l Mulk also
strove to smooth matters for the Saiyid; for whenever in conversation
the two brothers were spoken of, he praised the excellent character
of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, and expressed his belief in the Saiyid’s
innocence of the death of Farrukh Siyar. He contended against those
who condemned the brothers, and he had forbidden men to
designate them in writing as Namak ba-harám and Harám-namak.
God forbid that his counsel should have been given for poison! But
God knows!
In the course of this narrative, upon certain points the pen has been
used to condemn the two brothers, martyrs of misfortune, and this
cannot now be rectified; but in atonement I will now write a few words
upon the excellence and beauty of character, the love of justice, and
the liberality of both brothers. What has been said about them, and
especially about Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, in the matter of the death of
Farrukh Siyar, the acceptance of bribes, the hard dealings with
farmers (sakhti ijárah), and other bad courses which became grounds
of complaint among the people,—these were all attributable to the
evil influence of Ratan Chand, his díwán, who, having been raised to
a position above his capacity, laboured hard to annoy the people. He
was also troubled by fortune-seekers and needy adventurers, whose
desires he was unable to satisfy. Husain ‘Alí Khán, before he was
appointed to the Dakhin, was exceedingly averse to the exaction of
money; but while he was in the Dakhin Muhkam Singh and other of
his officials perverted his nature. But both the brothers were
distinguished in their day for their generosity and leniency towards all
mankind. The inhabitants of those countries which were innocent of
contumacy and selfishness made no complaints of the rule of the
Saiyids. In liberality and kindness to learned men and to the needy,
and in the protection of men of merit, Husain ‘Alí Khán excelled his
elder brother, and was the Hátim suited to his day. Numbers owed
their comfort to the cooked food and raw grain which he gave away.
At the time of the scarcity at Aurangábád, he appropriated a large
sum of money and a great quantity of grain to supply the wants of the
poor and of widows. The reservoir at Aurangábád was begun by him,
and although A’azzu-d daula ‘Iwaz Khán enlarged and made higher
the buildings and the mosque, still he was the originator of that
extensive reservoir, which, in summer when water is scarce, relieves
the sufferings of the inhabitants. In their native country of Bárha they
built saráís, bridges, and other buildings for the public benefit. Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah was remarkable for his patience, endurance, and wide
sympathy.
Mullá ‘Abdu-l Ghafúr Bhora, chief of the merchants in the port of
Surat, died leaving a kror and several lacs of rupees in cash and
effects. Although he left heirs, Haidar Kulí Khán, who was then
mutasaddí of the port, in order to show his zeal and his desire to
please the Emperor Farrukh Siyar, seized upon all the property, and
made a report to Court. Just at this time the change of government
occurred which has been related, and ‘Abdu-l Hai, one of the sons,
went to Court to complain, and he stated the case to the two brothers.
He offered to pay fifteen lacs of rupees for the release of the property,
besides the sums which he promised Ratan Chand and other of the
officials. The port of Surat was under the jurisdiction of Husain ‘Alí
Khán. One morning, before the rising of the sun, he sent for Diyánat
Khán, who had just been appointed díwán of the khálisá, and told him
that he had gone through a sharp conflict in the night with the
covetousness which the wealth of ‘Abdu-l Ghafúr had excited in his
heart, but that he had prevailed over his temptation, and had thrown
off all desire for the money. The díwán therefore was to send for
‘Abdu-l Hai, and to remove all claim to the property, and to present
him with a robe and a horse, without his having to spend a dám or a
diram, and without having to apply to any other person. [Other
anecdotes.]
The Játs.
[vol. ii. p. 944.] The tribe of Játs, under the leading of the sons of
Chúráman, who was lately deceased, had strengthened and armed
some forts in the neighbourhood of Ágra. The turbulence, disaffection
and robberies of this vile class of men in the reigns of Aurangzeb and
Farrukh Siyar have been related.* Sa’ádat Khán, Súbadár of Ágra, a
man renowned for his bravery and determination, although he did his
best and showed great resolution, was unable to inflict any real
satisfactory chastisement on them, because of the density of the
woods and the inaccessibility of the places to which they retired. In
consequence of this, Rája Jai Singh Dhíráj was ordered on the
service, with many warlike amírs of the Mughals of Írán and Túrán,
and Afgháns of well-known courage. Fourteen or fifteen thousand
horse were assembled under him, he had a strong force of artillery
and siege materials, and he received a present of two lacs of rupees,
a robe and a horse. The Rája began by clearing away the jungle, and
then by fighting vigorously and pushing forward his artillery, he
pressed the insurgents hard. The rebels came out of some of the
forts, and taking refuge in the jungle, they made sudden attacks upon
the royal forces, and large numbers were killed on both sides. In the
course of a month and a half, two forts were closely invested; but by
good fortune one of the nephews of the rebel— for they had a quarrel
among themselves about their country— left him, and joining the rája,
acted as guide. After the two forts were reduced, the rebels
abandoned their chief stronghold in the night, having set fire to the
houses, blown up the powder magazine, and carried off with them all
the money and valuables that were portable. They left their guns and
grain, which, with the fort, were taken possession of by the royal
forces. There was a strong report of there being treasure in the fort;
but although great search was made, and several places were dug
up, not a trace of it was found.
LXXX.
TÁRÍKH-I IRÁDAT KHÁN.
THIS is a good history of the Mughal Empire from the close of
Aurangzeb’s reign to the commencement of Farrukh Siyar’s. It has
been well translated by Captain Jonathan Scott. It first appeared in a
separate volume, and was subsequently incorporated in the second
volume of his “History of the Deccan,” of which the first portion was
translated from Firishta.
We are told in the Ma-ásiru-l umará that the author, Mír Mubáraku-
llah Irádat Khán Wáza, was the son of Is’hák Khán, son of ‘Azím
Khán. Both his grandfather and father were noblemen of high rank.
The former was Mír-bakhshí to the Emperor Jahángír, and the latter
held various offices of importance under Sháh Jahán and Aurangzeb.
He died soon after his appointment to the government of Oudh. His
title was also Irádat Khán. One of his sons (our author) had his title
conferred on him, and in the thirty-third year of Aurangzeb was
appointed Faujdár of Jagna, and at other periods of Aurangábád and
Mándú. In the reign of Sháh ‘Álam Bahádur Sháh he was governor of
the Doáb, and the intimate friend of Mu’azzam Khán wazír. He died in
the time of Farrukh Siyar. His abilities as a poet were great, and he
left a volume of poems behind him.*
[The author opens his work with a statement of his removal from the
command of the fort of Imtiyáz-garh (Adoni), and of his subsequent
appointment to the government of Ahsanábád (Kulbarga), and
afterwards to the kila’dárí and faujdárí of Mándú. He left the latter
place to follow the fortunes of Prince Bedár Bakht as detailed in the
following pages.
In his Preface the author says, “During the short period of my age,
which has this day arrived at the sixty-fourth year, and the 1126th of
the holy Hijra (1714 A.D.), such vicissitudes in worldly affairs, the
destruction of empires, the deaths of many princes, the ruin of
ancient houses and noble families, the fall of worthy men and the rise
of the unworthy, have been beheld by me, as have not been
mentioned by history to have occurred in such number or succession
for a thousand years.
“As, on account of my office, and being engaged in these
transactions, I have obtained a perfect knowledge of the sources of
most events, and what to others even information of must be difficult,
was planned and executed in my sight; and as I was a sharer as well
as spectator of all the dangers and troubles, I have therefore
recorded them.
“My intention, however, not being to compile a history of kings or a
flowery work, but only to relate such events as happened in my own
knowledge, I have therefore, preferably to a display of learning in lofty
phrases and pompous metaphors, chosen a plain style, such as a
friend writing to a friend would use, for the purpose of information.
Indeed, if propriety is consulted, loftiness of style is unfit for plain
truth, which, pure in itself, requires only a simple delineation.”
The author’s account of his work is fair and accurate. The book is
written in a plain straightforward style, and it never wanders beyond
the sphere of the author’s own observation; but it is full of spirit, and
has all the vigour and vividness of a personal narrative. Irádat Khán
was a good soldier, and was much trusted; and not without reason,
for he evidently was clearsighted, prompt, and energetic, and he
possessed great common sense and unusual veracity. In his account
of the battle between Jahándár Sháh and Farrukh Siyar he observes,
“Every one knows that, after an engagement is once begun, it is
impossible for a single person to see more of the operations than
those on the immediate spot of his own post; how then, can I say, I
distinctly viewed every change of two lines covering ground of miles
in extent? An author once read to Aurangzeb a long account of one of
his battles. The Emperor observed at the conclusion, that he must
certainly have been upon a high mountain during the engagement,
which he had seen so minutely, as he himself, though commanding
the line, and mounted on an elephant, did not perceive one-third of
the particulars he had described.”
The following Extracts are taken from Scott’s translation, with only a
slight change here and there of the wording. The original work is
divided into many short chapters, but Scott did not maintain the
divisions in his translation. At the end will be found two letters written
by Aurangzeb. They were translated by Scott, and added as notes to
his translation. It is not said from whence they were obtained, but
they are very characteristic, and, no doubt, authentic.]
EXTRACTS.
My attachment and regard to His Majesty (Aurangzeb) were so great,
that observing his life drawing to a close, I did not wish to quit the
presence. * * On the evening before my departure, the Emperor,
opening the window of his sleeping apartment, called me to him, and
said, “Separation now takes place between us, and our meeting
again is uncertain. Forgive then whatever, wittingly or unwittingly, I
may have done against thee, and pronounce the words I forgive!
three times with sincerity of heart. As thou hast served me long, I also
forgive thee whatever knowingly or otherwise thou mayest have done
against me.” Upon hearing these expressions, sobs became like a
knot in my throat, so that I had not power to speak. At last, after His
Majesty had repeatedly pressed me, I made a shift to pronounce the
words I forgive! three times, interrupted by heavy sobs. He shed
many tears, repeated the words, and, after blessing me, ordered me
to retire. * *
The Prince Bedár Bakht, being appointed to the government of
Málwá, I paid my respects to him at Ujjain. In a short time such a
friendship grew up between us, that a greater between a prince and
subject cannot be conceived. He would not be an instant without me:
he would not eat of anything but he sent me part of it: he did nothing
of importance without asking my advice, and considered my opinion
as religiously decisive. In short, the particulars of his favour are
beyond relation; but on this account I became envied by all his
dependents. * *
A’zam Sháh.
A’zam Sháh, being informed of the (death of Aurangzeb) by his
agents and the nobles who affected to embrace his interest, arrived
on the 3rd of Zí-l hijja at the camp at Ahmadnagar. * * Many of the
chief Imperial servants, as * * had a real attachment to him. Some
neither loved nor hated him, and a few, though they disliked, yet from
inability to oppose prudently submitted to his authority. Three Mughal
chiefs only delayed to come in to offer their allegiance—Fíroz Jang,
his son Chín Kalích Khán, and Muhammad Amín Khán.
On the 10th Zí-l hijja, 1118, A’zam Sháh ascended the throne of
empire amidst the usual rejoicings, and conferred favours on the
nobility according to their stations, but on few in a manner affording
satisfaction. * * While he was only a prince, most of the nobility were
attached to him, and regarded him as possessing every approved
quality for empire; but almost immediately after his accession to the
throne, the general opinion was altered, through his own conduct. He
slighted the principal nobility, and betrayed great parsimony to the
army, acting as if he had no occasion for their services. This
proceeded from a vain belief that none dared to oppose him, and that
his elder brother, Sháh ‘Álam, relinquishing to him such a vast empire
as Hindústán without a struggle, would fly for safety to another clime.
At the same time he openly declared his jealousy of his own son,
Bedár Bakht, whose favour with the late Emperor had displeased
him. He treated the old nobility with contempt, and would say publicly
that they were not fit for his service.
A’zam Sháh proceeded with the Imperial camp towards Ágra by
regular stages, taking the route by the ghát of Túmrí. * * * The route
of Túmrí was hilly, full of woods, and for many long spaces void of
water; so that during two days’ march, great numbers of men,
women, children, and animals perished through want of water. * *
Bedár Bakht had the greatest and most sincere affection for his
grandfather, who equally loved him. * * In obedience to the orders of
his father, he departed from Gujarát without delay, at the head of only
3000 horse, his own dependents, and carried with him about thirty
lacs of rupees in treasure, property of his own, not presuming to
touch twenty lacs in the Imperial treasury, lest it should raise
suspicions of his fidelity in the mind of his father. For the same
reason, he made not any addition to his force, though he could with
ease have raised a great army, and might have procured a kror of
rupees from the bankers and renters. * * On the eve of his march he
despatched a letter to me, and several others on his route; but the
couriers brought none to hand in due time, the public roads being
guarded by officers who had orders to search all messengers and
inspect letters. * * At length, on the 1st Muharram, the Prince’s letters
were brought to me all at once, and immediately after I departed from
Mándú. * * The Prince was moving into Ujjain when he perceived me
at a distance, and said to his attendants, “Is not that Irádat Khán that I
see?” He stopped his train, and opening wide his arms he cried,
“Come, come, my friend! in expectation of whom my eyes have been
strained even to dimness.”
Bedár Bakht did not enter the city and palaces of Ujjain, but pitched
his camp on the bank of the river, at about a kos distant. Here he was
attended by ‘Abdu-llah Khán, the Súbadár of Málwá, and continued
one month and twenty days expecting the arrival of his father, when
that rash prince wrote him the following farmán: “Why have you not
hastened on, nor sunk the boats in the Satlej, to prevent the
approach of the enemy? Though he dare not face me, yet you have
been guilty of high neglect.”
Bedár Bakht, agreeably to the orders of his father, moved towards
Ágra, and was joined from the presence by Zú-l fikár Khán, Rám
Singh Háda Zamíndár of Kota, and Dalpat Bun-dela, also by Amánu-
llah Khán, who were sent by A’zam Sháh as much to watch the
Prince’s motions as to assist him. Mirzá Rája Jai Singh, Khán-‘álam,
a Dakhin chief, with his brother Munawwar Khán, and other officers,
also joined from the presence with about 6000 horse.
Prince Muhammad A’zímu-sh Shán, who had by Aurangzeb’s orders
left his government of Bengal to proceed to the presence, had
reached the vicinity of Ágra when he heard of the Emperor’s
decease; upon which he marched to secure that city for (his father)
Sháh ‘Álam. * * When Bedár Bakht approached the banks of the
Chambal, and A’zam Sháh arrived near Gwálior, A’zímu-sh Shán
detached a considerable body from Ágra, under Muhtasham Khán, to
guard the fords. Bedár Bakht was fond of enterprise, jealous of his
honour, and of high mind, tempered with prudence. A rivalship for
glory had always subsisted between him and his father. A’zam Shah,
who was of rash courage, never looked beyond the present in his
conduct. Like the whisker-twisting vaunters of Hindústán, if his son
made any delay on his march, he would jest and sneer, attributing it
to cowardice and dread of the enemy. On this account Bedár Bakht
resolved to cross the Chambal immediately, and attack the posts of
Muhtasham Khán; but this proceeding was strongly opposed by Zú-l
fikár Khán, an experienced general of approved conduct. * * As Zú-l
fikár Khán, in the opinion of some, was suspected of treachery, they
seized this opportunity to persuade the Prince that he corresponded
with Sháh ‘Álam, and wished to delay engaging till his approach, in
order to complete his designs of desertion to his cause. * *
The day following, suddenly, before morning prayer, the march for
battle was sounded, and the Prince, completely armed, mounted the
elephant which he always rode in the day of battle. I speeded to
attend him. He had moved some distance from the tents before I
came up. I found him with an angry countenance, uttering
contemptuous exclamations and reproachful terms of Zú-l fikár Khán
as deceiver, traitor, false wretch and the like, to some servile
attendants round his elephant. * *
In the difference between A’zam Sháh and his son Bedár Bakht,
justice was on the side of the father; for Bedár Bakht was rival to his
father, and waited opportunity to dethrone him. As for me, I was never
in the service of A’zam Sháh, nor had ever made him professions of
duty, being wholly devoted to his son. Being alone with Bedár Bakht
one night, he suddenly threw his arms about my neck, and holding
down his head upon my breast said, “If a sovereign and parent seeks
the life of a son, and that son is truly informed of his intention, how
should he act in self-defence? Have you a precedent for it?” I replied,
“Such a question is unnecessary. The behaviour of your grandfather
to his father is sufficient precedent; and sovereigns are forced to
expedients which are not justifiable in other men.” Conversation of
this sort often passed between us; and one evening he asked me
how he might gain an opportunity of seizing his father. I replied, “An
opportunity will offer thus. When he has gained the victory over Sháh
‘Álam, you will be the first to congratulate him. The troops will then be
separated here and there in search of plunder, or looking after the
dead and wounded; and as the tents will not be ready, your father will
only be under a shámiyána (canopy), surrounded by a few kanáts
(screens). You will be admitted to audience, attended by such of your
followers as may have deserved notice for their gallant conduct in
action; and at such a time they will be allowed their arms. It is
probable that your father will not have many persons with him
between the kanáts. Then is your time.” The Prince eagerly
exclaimed, “You have spoken well! Dare you at such a time strike the
blow?” I replied that though the act was easy, yet a sacred oath
rested on our family never to shed the blood of a prince unless by
chance in battle, if engaged in the cause of a rival, when it would be
excusable. I then said, “Your other opportunity will be thus. Should
the enemy fly, an army will be sent in pursuit, and probably under
your command, while your father, setting his mind at ease, will be
employed, without suspicion, in pleasure and rejoicing. You may
return suddenly upon him, and gain your wishes. Should this
opportunity not occur, as you are his eldest son and have seen much
service, he will certainly appoint you to the government of the Dakhin.
You will then have a powerful army at your disposal. As your father’s
behaviour is offensive to the people, and many of the courtiers dislike
him, they will aid your pretensions. Use open force and try for whom
God will decide.”
Bedár Bakht, having crossed the Chambal at an unobserved ford, the
troops of ‘Azímu-sh Shán, who were stationed on the banks of the
river in another quarter, left their artillery at the various posts and fled
to Ágra, happy to save their lives. Zú-l fikár, who had advised the
Prince to remain on the other side, seeing he had crossed, now came
up reluctantly, and congratulated him on the success of his march. * *
Some days after this, A’zam Sháh approaching near, Bedár Bakht
moved a kos in front, the spot he was upon being chosen for his
father’s tents, and on the morning of his arrival he went forth two kos
from the camp to meet him. A’zam Sháh loved him as a son, though
from the attention shown him by Aurangzeb he had regarded him as
a rival. When he now beheld him after a long absence, paternal
fondness for the instant overcame his jealousy, and he received him
with strong marks of affection, conferring upon him a princely khil’at,
etc.
Empire having been decreed to Sháh ‘Álam, from the agency of
destiny, such vanity took possession of the mind of A’zam Sháh, that
he was convinced his brother, though supported by the myriads of
Túr and Sallam, durst not meet him in the field. Hence those who
brought intelligence of his approach he would abuse as fools and
cowards, so that no one cared to speak the truth; as was formerly the
case with the Emperor Humáyún during the rebellion of the Afghán
Sher Sháh. Even his chief officers feared to disclose intelligence; so
that he was ignorant of the successful progress of his rival.
At length Sháh ‘Álam, having reached Mattra, sent by a celebrated
darwesh the following message to A’zam Sháh: “By the divine
auspices, we inherit from our ancestors an extensive empire,
comprehending many kingdoms. It will be just and glorious not to
draw the sword against each other, nor consent to shed the blood of
the faithful. Let us equally divide the empire between us. Though I am
the elder son, I will leave the choice in your power.” A’zam Sháh,
vain-glorious and haughty, replied that he would answer his brother
on the morrow in the field, and upon this the messenger departed.
A’zam Sháh marched the next morning, and encamped between Jájú
and Ágra, on a barren plain, void of water, so that the army was much
distressed. Intelligence arrived during this day, that Sháh ‘Álam was
encamped seven kos distant, and intended moving on the morrow,
but to what quarter was not known.
I have already mentioned that my design is not to write the history of
kings, but of myself and what I have seen. Accordingly, of the battle
between the two brothers, I shall only relate such circumstances as I
was an eye-witness of.
Prince Bedár Bakht, who commanded the advanced corps of the
army, having given the necessary orders, began his march. * * The
main body marched next, in the centre of which rode A’zam Sháh. * *
We had not yet learned the position of the enemy, or what was the
design of Sháh ‘Álam. Bedár Bakht reached a village, near which was
a stream of clear water, and there were some wells also around it.
The troops at this time were much separated, and every chief,
inattentive to order, moved as he chose. Seeing which, I represented
to the Prince, that the main body was far behind, that the country in
front was destitute of water for some miles, and the day promised to
be distressingly hot. Without order, without intelligence of the enemy’s
motions, where would he hasten? I remarked the scattered march of
his followers; Zú-l fikár Khán obliqued so far to the left as scarcely to
be visible, and other chiefs were equally distant in every quarter. I
observed that if he halted here till some news arrived of the enemy,
there was sufficient water to refresh the troops; the artillery would
come up; the Emperor would have time to join, and order would be
restored in the line; also, that should the enemy advance upon him,
he would have the advantage of good ground and plenty of water. He
replied, “Your advice is just. Go and inform my father I shall follow it.”
It happened also that Sháh ‘Álam had no advice of the route of our
army, and as there was but little water where he was encamped, he
had this morning despatched his main body under Mun’im Khán,
while he, with his sons and personal attendants, hunted along the
bank of the river Jumna. His pesh-khána, with the usual escort, under
Rustam-dil Khán, was coming on in front of our army, in the same
route as our line.
Upon delivery of my message to A’zam Sháh, he replied, “Very well.
Go and inform my son I am coming up.” I returned to the promised
place of halt, but what did I behold? The Prince had marched on, and
left the village unguarded. I speeded after him, and upon gaining the
line, saw a joyful scene of congratulation on victory. When the Prince
saw me, he eagerly exclaimed, “I congratulate you on victory.” I
replied, “How comes victory without a battle?” Upon which His
Highness, turning to a courier, said, “Tell Irádat Khán what you have
seen.” The foolish wretch then affirmed that he had seen the elephant
of Sháh ‘Álam without a rider, and with but few attendants, running off
to Ágra. The Prince then said our left wing had defeated the enemy,
and taken all their baggage. The cause of this imaginary victory was
this. The advanced baggage of Sháh ‘Álam, falling in with our left
wing, was attacked, and, the escort being small, was soon taken. The
elephant running away belonged to Rustam-dil Khán, who com-
manded the escort.
The Prince, however, now ordered me to go and inform his father of
the victory. * * I declined going, and observed I would not carry
intelligence so very ridiculous and groundless. Upon which the Prince
was angry, and exclaimed, “What do you mean?” I replied, * *
“Accidents will happen to the baggage of armies, and this boasted
victory is no more. Your troops have plundered his advanced tents,
but woe to those who have been thus employed! If important work
should now offer, they will be useless, confused as they are and
encumbered with spoil.” To these remarks the Prince angrily
exclaimed, “You are always apprehensive and foreboding ill.” He then
ordered Kásim, the dárogha of his díwán, to carry the intelligence of
victory to A’zam Sháh.
Scarce half an hour after this had elapsed, when a great dust arose
upon our right. Upon beholding this, I said to the Prince, “Behold the
consequence of our victory, and the flight of Sháh ‘Álam! You cloud
precedes at least 50,000 horse.” Just as I concluded, another dust
arose, which certified a second body of troops approaching. I desired
His Highness to prepare for action, while yet the enemy was at some
distance. He then said, “Will you now go and inform my father of the
enemy’s approach?” To this I replied, “Though I wish not to quit Your
Highness’s person, yet as I am ordered I must obey,” and having said
this, I rode off with speed to A’zam Sháh. On my way I beheld strange
disorder. Amánu-llah Khán, a reputed good officer, who acted as
advanced guard to Prince Wálájáh, I met with only two or three
hundred straggling horse. A’zam Sháh was a kos and a half farther in
the rear, and his troops were separated into three divisions, so that I
could not easily distinguish the royal post, for the train of artillery had
been left in the Dakhin. For when the commander applied for orders
respecting it to A’zam Sháh, he was much enraged, and passionately
exclaimed, “Do men think that I will use cannon against a breeder of
cattle? I will not even draw the sword, but will bruise his head with a
staff.”
When A’zam Sháh saw me, he made a signal for me to advance; but
such was the crowd I could scarce push through it. At length, having
come near to his litter, I alighted from my horse, and said, “The Prince
informs Your Majesty of the enemy’s near approach. What shall I
say?” A’zam Sháh, starting as if stung by a scorpion, with furious
looks, eyes rolling, and, as was his custom when angry, pulling up his
sleeve, exclaimed, “Comes an enemy to me!” Being vexed at his
manner, I replied, “So it appears.” He then called aloud for his war
elephant, and, in a frantic manner, whirling a crooked staff, stood
upright on his throne, and tauntingly said, “Be not alarmed, I am
coming to my son.” Hurt at this insult to the spirit of my prince, I said,
“His Highness is son to yourself, Asylum of the World, and knoweth
not fear. He only represents the enemy’s approach, that Your Majesty
may advance with the troops, and take the post usual for the Emperor
in the day of battle.” Having said this, I rode off to rejoin Bedár Bakht.
* * Just as I reached him, a ball struck the breast of an attendant
close to his person. * *
The two bodies of the enemy had now approached, and halted within
a rocket’s flight of our line. One of these was headed by the Prince
‘Azímu-sh Shán; the other by Mun’im Khán, with whom also were the
Princes Mu’izzu-d dín Jahándár Sháh and Jahán Sháh. Our line was
so pressed upon each flank and in the rear by baggage elephants,
cattle, and followers, as greatly to incommode the troops and render
them useless. Sháh ‘Álam’s artillery played upon us incessantly, and
did great execution, and his sons advancing, fired showers of
musketry, which fell like hail. * * * At length our troops, grown im-
patient from the galling of the enemy’s cannon, prepared to charge. *
* I saw Khán ‘Álam move towards the enemy with great rapidity. As
he advanced nearer the enemy, his followers diminished, gradually
lagging behind, and not above 300 stuck by him to the charge. When
I saw this, I well knew that all was lost. The brave chief, however,
penetrated to the elephant of ‘Azímu-sh Shán, and hurled his spear at
the Prince; but it missed him, and struck the thigh of an attendant,
when the Prince drew an arrow, which pierced the heart of Khán
‘Álam, and he died on the instant. * * A body of the enemy, under Báz
Khán Afghán, now attacked Zú-l fikár Khán, but was repulsed with
great loss, and the chief badly wounded; but by the decrees of
Providence, Rám Singh Háda and Dalpat Ráo Bundela, on whose
valour and conduct most depended, were killed at the same instant
by a cannon-shot, upon which their Rájpúts lost all confidence, and
fled with the dead bodies of their chiefs. Zú-l fikár Khán, however, yet
remained firm, with his own followers; but on being charged by the
whole of ‘Azímu-sh Shán’s division, he left the conduct of the battle to
Saiyid Muzaffar, and retired to the rear of A’zam Sháh’s post, with
Hamídu-d din Khán, and having dismounted from his elephant, fled
on horseback to Gwálior, where he was received by his father, Asad
Khán. His flight determined the rout of our army.
The principal followers and personal attendants of A’zam Sháh now
dismounted, and laying their quivers on the ground, sat down to await
the charge of the enemy, and sell their lives in defence of their patron.
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah and his brother, Husain ‘Alí Khán, of the illustrious
house of Bárha, ever celebrated for valour, whose ancestors had in
every reign performed the most gallant actions, if possible superior to
their sires, descended from their elephants, and prepared to engage
on foot. The battle now raged hand to hand with sabres, and there
was great slaughter on both sides. Husain ‘Alí Khán received several
wounds and fell down faint with the loss of blood. * * At last a musket-
ball and several arrows struck the Prince Bedár Bakht, and he sank
down dead on his elephant.
A’zam Sháh, though much wounded, was still alive, when a whirl of
dust winded towards him from the army of Sháh ‘Álam. From this now
issued with a select band the Princes ‘Azímu-sh Shán, Mu’izzu-d dín
Jahándár Sháh, and Jahán Sháh. A’zam Sháh soon received a mortal
wound from a musket-ball, and resigned his soul to the Creator of life.
The Prince Wálájáh also sank down in the sleep of death. I now
made my escape to Ágra, not choosing to go to the enemy’s camp,
where I had many friends who would have given me protection.
Rustam-dil Khán, who commanded the escort of Sháh ‘Álam’s
advanced tents, when attacked in the morning by our troops, finding
his escape cut off, paid his respects to A’zam Sháh, and had
continued near his elephant during the battle till his death with great
firmness. Seeing him dead, he ascended the elephant, and cutting off
the head of the corpse, remounted his horse and hastened to the
camp of Sháh ‘Álam. With exulting hope of great reward, he laid his
prize at the Prince’s feet; but the compassionate Sháh ‘Álam, seeing
the head of his slaughtered brother in such disgrace, shed tears of
affection, and gave Rustam-dil nothing but reproaches. He ordered
the head to be buried with proper respect, and forbad the march of
victory to be beaten. Mun’im Khán took charge of the bodies of the
unfortunate Princes, and treated the ladies of their harems with the
utmost respect and tenderness. Though he had received a
dangerous wound, and suffered extreme pain, he concealed his
situation, and continued on the field till late at night, to restore order
and prevent plunder. * *
In the height of his power and authority, all at once a report was
heard that the Prince Farrukh Siyar, son to the martyred ‘Azímu-sh
Shan, had marched from Bengal towards Bihár, intending to revenge
his father’s death and seize the throne. * * Great numbers of the
Imperial servants wished secretly for the success of this rebellion. Zú-
l fikár Khán advised Jahándár not to remain more than a week in
Dehlí, but to proceed to Ágra, and if necessary to the eastern
provinces, as the dread of his power would not be impressed fully in
the breasts of his subjects while Farrukh Siyar refused to pay
allegiance. Jahándár Sháh, on his arrival at Dehlí, fascinated by the
various luxuries it afforded, forgot the advice of his minister, and
chose to remain, indulging himself in low pleasures, moving only from
palace to palace, and garden to garden. Kokaltásh Khán and his
party persuaded him that the Amíru-l umará had excited this rebellion,
and had engaged privately with Farrukh Siyar, to whom he would
deliver His Majesty a prisoner, should he prevail upon him to march
from the capital. These ideas served to increase the fears of the weak
Jahándár Sháh. He would often exclaim, “I did not kill ‘Azímu-sh
Shán; it was the Amíru-l umará, who must now go and answer the
claims of his son for satisfaction.” The other plans of an Emperor who
was thus overcome by fear may easily be guessed, and need no
explanation. The Amíru-l umará, offended at the distrust of his
master, did not attend as he ought to business, but employed his time
also in pleasure, and forwarding his own immediate interest.
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán Bárha and his brother Husain ‘Alí Khán had
gained great honour by their behaviour in the service of A’zam Sháh,
after whose death they attached themselves to ‘Azímu-sh Shán, by
whom they were honoured, the former with the government of
Alláhábád, and the latter with that of the province of Bihár. * * ‘Abdu-
llah Khán pretended gratitude and obedience for the royal favours in
order to avoid further trouble from the Court, but which he had
resolved to serve no longer than he found necessary. When Farrukh
Siyar arrived in Bihár, he was immediately joined by Saiyid Husain
‘Alí Khán, who was faithfully attached to him as the son of his patron,
‘Azímu-sh Shán.
On the night of the 13th Zí-l ka’da, intelligence was received that the
Saiyids had by a countermarch of twenty miles, gained the ford of
Gao-ghát, and crossed the river with their advanced corps and all
their artillery; also that Farrukh Siyar with his whole army intended to
follow next day. * * A little after midday the battle began. * * Our
troops fell back upon the camp, and great confusion took place. * *
Numbers fled, but the Amíru-l umará stood firm, and the enemy was
kept long at a stand by his gallantry and steadiness; but he was ill
supported, though Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán fell wounded in the field,
and Chhabíla Rám was not more successful in his charge on
Kokaltásh Khán. It was now about five o’clock, when affairs were thus
doubtful; but just then Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán charged Jahándár
Sháh, who stood with his troops already alarmed, some distance in
the rear of the Amíru-l umará. They scarce waited to be attacked, but
broke their line, and fled in confusion on all sides. * * Thus, in the
space of a few hours, one government was destroyed and another
became possessed of absolute authority. The robe of empire graced
the august person of Farrukh Siyar, who sounded the joyful march of
triumph.
Though I was not in the service of any one, I remained in the field till
the Amíru-l umará had retired, when, thinking it best to provide for my
own safety, I entered the city with about a hundred persons who
sought my protection. * * In the morning I wrote to Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah
Khán, with whom I was formerly on terms of friendship, expressing
my desire of leave to visit him, and to be introduced to the new
Emperor. He replied to my letter with kindness, * * and next morning,
when Farrukh Siyar entered the city, I was allowed to pay him my
respects.
LETTERS OF AURANGZEB.
To Sháh A’zam Sháh.
Health to thee! My heart is near thee. Old age is arrived: weakness
subdues me, and strength has forsaken all my members. I came a
stranger into this world, and a stranger I depart. I know nothing of
myself, what I am, or for what I am destined. The instant which has
passed in power hath left only sorrow behind it. I have not been the
guardian and protector of the empire. My valuable time has been
passed vainly. I had a patron in my own dwelling (conscience), but his
glorious light was unseen by my dim sight. Life is not lasting; there is
no vestige of departed breath, and all hopes from futurity are lost.
The fever has left me; but nothing remains of me but skin and bone.
My son (Kám Bakhsh), though gone towards Bíjápúr, is still near; and
thou my son are yet nearer. The worthy of esteem, Sháh ‘Álam, is far
distant; and my grandson (‘Azímu-sh Shán), by the orders of God, is
arrived near Hindústán. The camp and followers, helpless and
alarmed, are like myself, full of alarms, restless as quicksilver.
Separated from their lord, they know not if they have a master or not.
I brought nothing into this world, and, except the infirmities of man,
carry nothing out. I have a dread for my salvation, and with what
torments I may be punished. Though I have strong reliance on the
mercies and bounties of God, yet, regarding my actions, fear will not
quit me; but when I am gone reflection will not remain. Come then
what may, I have launched my vessel in the waves. Though
Providence will protect the camp, yet, regarding appearances, the
endeavours of my sons are indispensably incumbent. Give my last
prayers to my grandson (Bedár Bakht), whom I cannot see, but the
desire affects me. The Begam (his daughter) appears afflicted; but
God is the only judge of hearts. The foolish thoughts of women
produce nothing but disappointment. Farewell. Farewell. Farewell.
To the Prince Kám Bakhsh.
My son, nearest to my heart! Though in the height of my power, and
by God’s permission, I gave you advice, and took with you the
greatest pains, yet, as it was not the Divine will, you did not attend
with the ear of compliance. Now I depart a stranger, and lament my
own insignificance, what does it profit me? I carry with me the fruits of
my sins and imperfections. Surprising Providence! I came here alone,
and alone I depart. The leader of this caravan hath deserted me. The
fever, which troubled me for twelve days, has left me. Wherever I look
I see nothing but the Divinity. My fears for the camp and followers are
great; but, alas! I know not myself. My back is bent with weakness,
and my feet have lost the power of motion. The breath which rose is
gone, and has left not even hope behind it. I have committed
numerous crimes, and know not with what punishments I may be
seized. Though the Protector of mankind will guard the camp, yet
care is incumbent also on the faithful and my sons. When I was alive,
no care was taken; and now I am gone, the consequence may be
guessed. The guardianship of a people is the trust by God committed
to my sons. A’zam Sháh is near. Be cautious that none of the faithful
are slain, or that their miseries fall upon my head. I resign you, your
mother and son to God, as I myself am going. The agonies of death
come upon me fast. Bahádur Sháh is still where he was, and his son
is arrived near Hindústán. Bedár Bakht is in Gujarát. Hayátu-n Nissa,
who has beheld no afflictions of time till now, is full of sorrows.
Regard the Begam as without concern. Údípúr, your mother, was a
partner in my illness, and wishes to accompany me in death; but
every thing has its appointed time.
The domestics and courtiers, however deceitful, yet must not be ill-
treated. It is necessary to gain your views by gentleness and art.
Extend your feet no lower than your skirt. The complaints of the
unpaid troops are as before. Dárá Shukoh, though of much judgment
and good understanding, settled large pensions on his people, but
paid them ill, and they were ever discontented. I am going. Whatever
good or evil I have done, it was for you. Take it not amiss, nor
remember what offences I have done unto yourself, that account may
not be demanded of me hereafter. No one has seen the departure of
his own soul, but I see that mine is departing.
LXXXI.
TÁRÍKH-I BAHÁDUR SHÁHÍ.
[THIS is a small anonymous work extending from the death of
Aurangzeb to the accession of Muhammad Sháh, written, as the
author states, forty years after the death of Aurangzeb, and therefore
in 1747 A.D. As its title indicates, Bahádur Sháh is its leading subject,
and the history of the reign of that monarch takes up about half the
volume. It is written in a prolix tedious style. The reign of Bahádur
Sháh was translated for Sir H. M. Elliot by “Lt. Anderson, 25th Native
Infantry,” but there is very little in it which has not been told far better
elsewhere. A few short Extracts follow. There are two copies of the
work among the MSS. One is a small 8vo. of 138 pages of nine lines
each.]
Next Previous Contents
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EXTRACTS.
When the news of that “unavoidable event,” the death of the Emperor
Aurangzeb, reached Dehlí, an extraordinary commotion spread
through Hindústán, and wonderful events followed. On the third day
after it became known in Dehlí, on the 21st Zí-l ka’da, 1118 of the holy
Hijra (18th February, 1707), after sunset and before the cry to evening
prayer, such a noise arose on the west as might be taken as a
sample of the noise there will be at the day of judgment. If hundreds
of thousands of men were to collect together and simultaneously
raise the most dreadful shouts, there would be no resemblance to
that noise. It exceeds all my powers to describe it. Forty years have
passed up to this time, but that strange noise is still in my ears, and
whoever heard it must certainly remember it. The noise lasted for
about half an hour, and then subsiding, nothing was heard of it after
the lapse of two hours.
On account of the death of Aurangzeb, and in consequence of the
confusion in Hindústán, the price of grain in all the provinces
remained unsettled. In some places it was more, in others less. Thus
in the first year after the death of His Majesty, in 1119 of the Hijra, the
price of grain in Dehlí became known to Ásafu-d daula, viz. the rate at
which it was sold for ready money. Wheat was twenty sírs per rupee;
barley twenty-seven sírs; gram twenty-five sírs; suhkdás rice ten sírs;
dal múng (a kind of vetch) fifteen sírs; másh (pulse) eighteen sírs;
moth twenty sírs; ‘adas eighteen sírs; ghí two sírs; pungent oil
(raughan-i talkh) seven sírs; red sugar twelve sírs.
When Bahádur Sháh arrived at Burhánpúr (on his march against Kám
Bakhsh), a severe pestilence (wabá) broke out amongst the royal
troops. Those attacked suffered from such unnatural heat that they
generally died in the course of a week, and those who lived longer
than a week, after undergoing great pain and torment, recovered. The
army continued its march towards Haidarábád. Twenty rupees was
the hire paid to the porters for carrying a sick man for a march of
three kos. Pioneers were sent on ahead of the camp to dig graves,
and when the army reached its new camping ground, the tents were
filled on one side, and graves upon the other.
At the time the army was marching southwards towards Burhánpúr,
Guru Gobind, one of the grandsons of Nának, had come into these
districts to travel, and accompanied the royal camp. He was in the
habit of constantly addressing assemblies of worldly persons,
religious fanatics, and all sorts of people. One day an Afghán, who
frequently attended these meetings, was sitting listening to him, when
certain expressions, unfit for the ears of the faithful, fell from the
tongue of the Guru. The Afghán was enraged, and regardless of the
Guru’s dignity and importance, he gave him two or three stabs with a
knife and killed him.
The son of Jahándár Sháh was Sultán ‘Azízu-d dín. The sons of
‘Azímu-sh Shán were Sultán Farrukh Siyar, Sultán Karímu-d dín, and
Sultán Humáyún Bakht. The sons of Khujista Akhtar Jahán Sháh
were Sultán Farkhanda Akhtar the eldest; the second Roshan Akhtar,
afterwards the Emperor Muhammad Sháh; the third son was Sultán
Mubárak Akhtar, also called Achhi Miyán. The son of Prince Rafí’u-sh
Shán was Rafí’-d Daraja. The son of ‘Álí Jáh was ‘Álí Tabár. The sons
of Bedár Bakht were Bedár Dil, Sa’íd Bakht, and Hayátu-llah. The
sons of Prince Kám Bakhsh were Sultán Muhíu-s Sunnat, and
Yahyau-s Sunnat. Of the grandsons of Sháh Jahán and sons of Dárá
Shukoh were Dárá Bakhsh, Yazdán Bakhsh, and Sultán Sipihr
Shukoh.
LXXXII.
TÁRÍKH-I SHÁH ‘ÁLAM BAHÁDUR SHÁH
OF
DÁNISHMAND KHÁN.
[THIS is another history of Bahádur Sháh, but it reaches only to the
month of Rajab, in the second year of his reign. It is the work of
Dánishmand Khán, already noticed in No. LXXVI. (suprà, p. 200).
The author is best known by his title Ni’amat Khán, but in the present
volume he calls himself Dánishmand Khán, and tells us that he had
received the title of Mukarrab Khán in the reign of Aurangzeb. It
appears also from this work, that he wrote a book called Bádsháh-
náma,* which was presented to the Emperor, and for which he
received an augmentation of his mansab. The work is divided into
months; and the two years and few months fill 262 leaves of fourteen
lines to the page. It is written in an ambitious style, and abounds with
quotations from the Arabic and of Persian verse.]
LXXXIII.
‘IBRAT-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD KÁSIM.
THIS work is sometimes called Táríkh-i Bahádur-Sháhí. It is a well-
written history, composed by Muhammad Kásim, who describes
himself as a dependent of Amíru-l umará Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán. It
commences with the death of Aurang-zeb, and terminates with the
death of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, the author having
accomplished his purpose of writing a history of the times of the two
great Saiyids of Bárha. One copy I have in small octavo contains 224
pages of eighteen lines to a page. Another imperfect copy of a work
of the same name, and by the same author, carries the history down
to A.D. 1736. The language also occasionally varies, so that it is
probable the latter may be a second edition of the former, especially
as it seems to be more elaborately got up, and to be written in a more
polished style. There are, however, several works known by this
name, and there is a later history bearing this title.
The following is a list of the contents, with the number of pages
occupied by each chapter:
Reason of writing the ‘Ibrat-náma, 2 pp.—Cause of the author’s
becoming an attendant in the Court of Amíru-l umará Saiyid Husain
‘Alí Khán the Martyr, 9 pp.—Account of the Death of Aurangzeb
‘Álamgír, 11 pp.—Happy Accession of Bahádur Sháh to the Imperial
Throne, 11 pp.—March of Muhammad A’zam Sháh with the object of
making war against Muhammad Mu’azzam Bahádur Sháh. The
armies meet in the field of Haju in the vicinity of Ágra, 5 pp.—Battle
between Muhammad A’zam Sháh and Muhammad Mu’azzam
Bahádur Sháh and his sons. Victory gained by the latter, 4 pp.—
Rejoicings at the victory of Muhammad Mu’azzam Bahádur Sháh.
Rewards and gifts granted by him to his old and new servants,
attendants and relations, 18 pp.—Departure of Bahádur Sháh
towards the Dakhin against Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, 2 pp.—His
return into Hindústán after gaining the victory over Kám Bakhsh, his
younger brother, 13 pp.—Disturbances caused by the Sikhs in the
Panjáb. Ruin of Sirhind. Eulogy of Nának Sháh Fakír, 2 pp.—War of
the four Princes close to the garden of Shálimár in Láhore, 42 pp.—
The two Princes Jahán Sháh and Rafí’u-Shán. War with Muhammad
Mu’izzu-d dín Jahándár Sháh, 12 pp.—Happy accession of
Muhammad Mu’izzu-d dín Jahándár Sháh to the Imperial Throne of
Dehlí, 11 pp.—Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, hearing the news of the
battles of the four Princes at Láhore, prepares to take revenge for his
father and brother, 7 pp.—The troops of Sultán ‘Azzu-d dín, son of
Jahándár Sháh, defeated by the two Saiyids. His flight, 10 pp.—
Muhammad Farrukh Siyar’s Accession to the Throne at Ágra, 12 pp.
—Ísa Khán, Zamíndár of the Doáb, his family and relations, all killed
by Sháhdad Khán, an Afghán of Kasor, 19 pp.—Cause of disturbance
in the Government of Farrukh Siyar, 3 pp.—Nawáb Saiyid Husain ‘Alí
Khán appointed to superintend the affairs of the Rájpúts of Ajmír and
of the great amírs, and to bring Rája Ajít Singh’s daughter to Farrukh
Siyar, 6 pp.—Farrukh Siyar marries the daughter of Rája Ajít Singh
Ráthor on the banks of the Ráví, 7 pp.—The Súbadárí of the Dakhin
committed to the charge of Husain ‘Alí Khán, and that of the Eastern
Division to Hamla Bahádur, 6 pp.—Muhammad Rafí’u-d Darajat
raised to the throne; death of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, 4 pp.—
Tumults and seditions at Ágra. Prince Neku Siyar raised to the
throne; Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán’s march to Ágra with Rafí’u-d Daula
Sháh Jahán the Second. Reduction of the fort of Ágra, 14 pp. —
Accession of Muhammad Ghází to the throne, by the aid of the
Saiyids, at Fathpúr, 19 pp.—Disturbances at Alláhábád by Giridhar
Bahádur, brother of Rája Chhabílá; Haidar Kulí Khán sent against
him; departure of Rája Ratan Bahádur, 4 pp.—Muhammad Sháh’s
departure towards the Dakhin; Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán killed by the
treachery of a Mughal, 36 pp. —News of Saiyid Husain Khán being
killed received by Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, his elder brother; and his
affliction, 23 pp.— War between Muhammad Amín Khán and Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah Khán Kutbu-l Mulk; capture of the aforesaid Saiyid, 13 pp.
Size of one copy 9 ½ inches by 7—108 pages of 12 lines each.
[There are four copies of this work among Sir H. M. Elliot’s MSS.]
EXTRACTS.
[The exaltation of the Saiyids (‘Abdu-llah and Husain ‘Alí Khán)
exceeded all conception, and passed the bounds of description. They
became envied by many of the nobles, and their names were upon
every tongue. Mír Jumla on his part never lost an opportunity of
making malicious insinuations and charges against Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah,
and he especially complained that the Saiyid, in pursuit of his own
pleasure, had left all the control of business in the hands of Ratan
Chand, who had a maw as insatiable as the nethermost hell for
swallowing gold and silver. Against the younger brother Amíru-l
umará Saiyid ‘Alí Khán, it was alleged that his bearing was proud and
haughty, unbecoming in a subject. By such insinuations the mind of
the Emperor was poisoned. Khán-daurán was ostensibly intimate and
friendly with the two brothers, but he considered himself one of the
most trusted counsellors of the Emperor. He was never absent from
Court night or day, and whatever entered his mind, whether exalted
or low, pleasant or unpleasant, he imparted to the Emperor. * * It was
often proposed that the two brothers should be seized in the
Emperor’s private council chamber, and committed to close
confiement.]
Murder of Husain ‘Alí Khán.
[The chief nobles having, according to practice, attended the Emperor
to his tents, were returning to their own quarters. Amíru-l umará
Husain ‘Alí, unmindful of the designs of his enemies, proceeded to his
tents in a pálkí, escorted by seven or eight of his attendants.
Muhammad Amín Khán, Sa’ádat Khán, and some other of the
conspirators, were with him. Muhammad Amín resorted to artifice,
and pretending to be faint, he wished to lie down on the ground. He
was brought round by means of rose-water and musk. Thereupon he
directed that they should bring to him Haidar Kulí Khán, the
commander of the artillery. They ran to fetch that crafty partner in the
conspiracy. At this time there were only two or three of the attendants
and valiant brothers of the Saiyid near his pálkí. A man named Haidar
Beg, from the station of Muhammad Amín, accompanied by several
Mughals, came forward complaining of Muhammad Amín, and
desiring to present a petition. * * The attendants wanted to take the
petition from his hands, but he would not allow them. The Amíru-l
umará kindly told them to let the man approach. Haidar Beg
advanced to present the petition, and as the Amír took it, the assassin
drew a dagger from his waist, and stuck the Amír in the side, so that
he rolled out of the pálkí, and his blood spurted over the bystanders.
He called out, “Will no one come to my aid?” and as he lay with his
bowels protruding, he cried, “Bring me a horse, I will ride.” A youth of
fourteen years of age, named Saiyid Mír Khán, son of the Amír’s
elder brother Asadu-llah Khán Bahádur, was walking near the pálkí,
and as soon as he saw what was passing, he cried out, “Some
rascals are killing the Nawáb!” Then he attacked Haidar Beg fiercely
with his short sword, and wounded him in two or three places,
stretching him dead upon the ground beside his victim. The other
Mughals attacked the youth, and slew him with many wounds. The
murdered Nawáb’s head was then cut off, and carried to Muhammad
Amín Khán, and those who bore it expected great rewards in
fulfilment of the promises made to them.]
Death of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah.
[The Mughals at length so worked upon the Emperor by their
importunities and artifices, that he consented to the poisoning of the
Saiyid.]
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LXXXIII.
‘IBRAT-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD KÁSIM.
THIS work is sometimes called Táríkh-i Bahádur-Sháhí. It is a well-
written history, composed by Muhammad Kásim, who describes
himself as a dependent of Amíru-l umará Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán. It
commences with the death of Aurang-zeb, and terminates with the
death of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, the author having
accomplished his purpose of writing a history of the times of the two
great Saiyids of Bárha. One copy I have in small octavo contains 224
pages of eighteen lines to a page. Another imperfect copy of a work
of the same name, and by the same author, carries the history down
to A.D. 1736. The language also occasionally varies, so that it is
probable the latter may be a second edition of the former, especially
as it seems to be more elaborately got up, and to be written in a more
polished style. There are, however, several works known by this
name, and there is a later history bearing this title.
The following is a list of the contents, with the number of pages
occupied by each chapter:
Reason of writing the ‘Ibrat-náma, 2 pp.—Cause of the author’s
becoming an attendant in the Court of Amíru-l umará Saiyid Husain
‘Alí Khán the Martyr, 9 pp.—Account of the Death of Aurangzeb
‘Álamgír, 11 pp.—Happy Accession of Bahádur Sháh to the Imperial
Throne, 11 pp.—March of Muhammad A’zam Sháh with the object of
making war against Muhammad Mu’azzam Bahádur Sháh. The
armies meet in the field of Haju in the vicinity of Ágra, 5 pp.—Battle
between Muhammad A’zam Sháh and Muhammad Mu’azzam
Bahádur Sháh and his sons. Victory gained by the latter, 4 pp.—
Rejoicings at the victory of Muhammad Mu’azzam Bahádur Sháh.
Rewards and gifts granted by him to his old and new servants,
attendants and relations, 18 pp.—Departure of Bahádur Sháh
towards the Dakhin against Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, 2 pp.—His
return into Hindústán after gaining the victory over Kám Bakhsh, his
younger brother, 13 pp.—Disturbances caused by the Sikhs in the
Panjáb. Ruin of Sirhind. Eulogy of Nának Sháh Fakír, 2 pp.—War of
the four Princes close to the garden of Shálimár in Láhore, 42 pp.—
The two Princes Jahán Sháh and Rafí’u-Shán. War with Muhammad
Mu’izzu-d dín Jahándár Sháh, 12 pp.—Happy accession of
Muhammad Mu’izzu-d dín Jahándár Sháh to the Imperial Throne of
Dehlí, 11 pp.—Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, hearing the news of the
battles of the four Princes at Láhore, prepares to take revenge for his
father and brother, 7 pp.—The troops of Sultán ‘Azzu-d dín, son of
Jahándár Sháh, defeated by the two Saiyids. His flight, 10 pp.—
Muhammad Farrukh Siyar’s Accession to the Throne at Ágra, 12 pp.
—Ísa Khán, Zamíndár of the Doáb, his family and relations, all killed
by Sháhdad Khán, an Afghán of Kasor, 19 pp.—Cause of disturbance
in the Government of Farrukh Siyar, 3 pp.—Nawáb Saiyid Husain ‘Alí
Khán appointed to superintend the affairs of the Rájpúts of Ajmír and
of the great amírs, and to bring Rája Ajít Singh’s daughter to Farrukh
Siyar, 6 pp.—Farrukh Siyar marries the daughter of Rája Ajít Singh
Ráthor on the banks of the Ráví, 7 pp.—The Súbadárí of the Dakhin
committed to the charge of Husain ‘Alí Khán, and that of the Eastern
Division to Hamla Bahádur, 6 pp.—Muhammad Rafí’u-d Darajat
raised to the throne; death of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, 4 pp.—
Tumults and seditions at Ágra. Prince Neku Siyar raised to the
throne; Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán’s march to Ágra with Rafí’u-d Daula
Sháh Jahán the Second. Reduction of the fort of Ágra, 14 pp. —
Accession of Muhammad Ghází to the throne, by the aid of the
Saiyids, at Fathpúr, 19 pp.—Disturbances at Alláhábád by Giridhar
Bahádur, brother of Rája Chhabílá; Haidar Kulí Khán sent against
him; departure of Rája Ratan Bahádur, 4 pp.—Muhammad Sháh’s
departure towards the Dakhin; Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán killed by the
treachery of a Mughal, 36 pp. —News of Saiyid Husain Khán being
killed received by Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, his elder brother; and his
affliction, 23 pp.— War between Muhammad Amín Khán and Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah Khán Kutbu-l Mulk; capture of the aforesaid Saiyid, 13 pp.
Size of one copy 9 ½ inches by 7—108 pages of 12 lines each.
[There are four copies of this work among Sir H. M. Elliot’s MSS.]
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