The History of India-Vol VII

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The document provides summaries of several historical texts from Mughal-era India.

The document appears to be about the history of India during the Mughal period based on various historical texts.

Historical figures mentioned include Shah Jahan, Aurangzeb, Bahadur Shah and other Mughal emperors.

The History of India

CONTENTS OF VOL. VII.


PAGE.
Table of Contents
Preface v
Errata in Vol. VII viii
LXI. Pádsháh-náma, of Muhammad Amín Kazwíní 1
LXII. Bádsháh-náma, of ‘Abdu-l Hamíd Láhorí 3
LXIII. Sháh Jahán-náma, of ‘Ináyat Khán 73
LXIV. Bádsháh-náma, of Muhammad Wáris 121
LXV. ‘Amal-i Sálih, of Muhammad Sálih Kambú 123
LXVI. Sháh Jahán-náma, of Muhammad Sádik Khán 133
LXVII. Majálisu-s Salátín, of Muhammad Sharíf Hanafí 134
LXVIII. Táríkh-i Mufazzalí, of Mufazzal Khán 141
LXIX. Mir-át-i ‘Álam, Mir-át-i Jahán-numá, of Bakhtáwar Khán 145
LXX. Zínatu-t Tawáríkh, of ‘Azízu-llah 166
LXXI. Lubbu-t Tawáríkh-i Hind, of Ráí Bhárá Mal 168
LXXII. ‘Álamgír-náma, of Muhammad Kázim 174
LXXIII. Ma-ásir-i ‘Álamgírí, of Muhammad Sákí Musta’idd Khán 181
LXXIV. Futuhát-i ‘Álamgírí, of Muhammad Ma’súm 198
LXXV. Táríkh-i Mulk-i Áshám, of Shahábu-d dín Tálásh 199
LXXVI. Wakái’, of Ni’amat Khán 200
LXXVII. Jang-náma, of Ni’amat Khán 202
LXXVIII. Ruka’át-i ‘Álamgírí, of the Emperor Aurangzeb 203
LXXIX. Muntakhabu-l Lubáb, of Kháfí Khán 207
LXXX. Táríkh, of Irádat Khán 534
LXXXI. Táríkh-i Bahádur Sháhí 565
LXXXII. Táríkh-i Sháh ‘Álam Bahádur Sháhí 568
LXXXIII. ‘Ibrat-náma, of Muhammad Kásim 569

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PREFACE.
THE present Volume contains the history of the reigns of Sháh-
Jahán, Aurangzeb, Bahádur Sháh, Jahándár Sháh, and Farrukh-
Siyar, of the little brief authority of Rafí’u-d Daula and Rafí’u-d
Daraját, and of the early years of the reign of Muhammad Sháh.
Several works hitherto unknown to the European reader are here
brought to notice. The history of the reign of Sháh Jahán is derived
from the Bádsháh-náma of ‘Abdu-l Hamíd and from other Bádsháh-
námas and Sháh-Jahán-námas. The special works relating to the
reign of Aurangzeb have been examined and the most interesting
passages translated; but the history of his long rule, and of the
subsequent times which appear in this Volume, has been derived
from the great work of Kháfí Khán, a contemporary history of high
and well-deserved repute. This important history is well known at
second-hand. All European historians of the period which it covers
have been greatly indebted, directly or indirectly, to its pages.
Elphinstone and Grant Duff used it, and they refer to a MS. trans-
lation by “Major Gordon, of the Madras Army.” It is not known what
has become of this MS. translation, for the inquiries made after it
have met with no success. Not a line of translation had been provided
by Sir H. M. Elliot; so this heavy labour has fallen upon the Editor,
who has provided the 330 pages of print which the work occupies, as
well as the long translation from the Bádsháh-náma.
Ample and very diversified matter remains for the concluding volume.
The following is a list of the articles in this volume, with the names of
their respective writers:—
LXI. Pádsháh-náma of Muhammad Kazwíní—Editor.
LXII. Bádsháh-náma of ‘Abdu-l Hamíd—Editor.
LXIII. Sháh Jahán-náma of ‘Ináyat Khán—Major Fuller.
LXIV. Bádsháh-náma of Muhammad Wáris—Editor.
LXV. ‘Amal-i Sálih—Editor.
LXVI. Sháh Jahán-náma of Muhammad Sádik—Editor.
LXVII. Majálisu-s Salátín—Sir H. M. Elliot and munshís.
LXVIII. Táríkh-i Mufazzalí—Sir H. M. Elliot and munshís.
LXIX. Mir-át-i ‘Álam—Sir H. M. Elliot and munshís.
LXX. Zínatu-t Tawáríkh—Sir H. M. Elliot.
LXXI. Lubbu-t Tawáríkh-i Hind—Sir H. M. Elliot.
LXXII. ‘Álamgír-náma—Sir H. M. Elliot and Editor.
LXXIII. Ma-ásir-i ‘Álamgírí—Sir H. M. Elliot and “Lt. Perkins.”
LXXIV. Futuhát-i ‘Álamgírí—Sir H. M. Elliot and Editor.
LXXV. Táríkh-i Mulk-i Áshám—Sir H. M. Elliot and Editor.
LXXVI. Wakái’ of Ni’amat Khán—Sir H. M. Elliot and Editor.
LXXVII. Jang-náma of Ni’amat Khán—Sir H. M. Elliot and Editor.
LXXVIII. Ruka’át-i ‘Álamgírí—Sir H. M. Elliot.
LXXIX. Muntakhabu-l Lubáb of Kháfí Khán—Article by Sir H. M. Elliot
—all the translation by the Editor.
LXXX. Táríkh of Irádat Khán—Captain Jonathan Scott.
LXXXI. Táríkh-i Bahádur Sháh—“Lieutenant Anderson.”
LXXXII. Táríkh-i Sháh ‘Álam Bahádur Sháh—Editor.
LXXXIII. ‘Ibrat-náma—Editor.

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ERRATA IN VOL. VII.


Page 31, for “1241 A.H.” read “1041 A.H.”
Page 32, for “1240 A.H.” read “1040 A.H.”
Page 33, for “1241 A.H.” read “1041 A.H.”
Page 463, for “Muhakkim Singh,” read “Mohkam Singh.”

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HISTORIANS OF INDIA.
LXI.
PÁDSHÁH-NÁMA.
OF
MUHAMMAD AMÍN KAZWÍNÍ.
[THE author of this work in his preface gives it the title of Pádsháh-
náma, but, like several other histories of the reign of Sháh Jahán, it is
often called Sháh-Jahán-náma, and sometimes more specifically
Táríkh-i Sháh-Jahání Dah-sála. The full name of the author is
Muhammad Amín bin Abú-l Hasan Kazwíní, but he is familiarly known
as Amínáí Kazwíní, Amínáí Munshí, or Mirzá Amíná. He was the first
who received orders to write a history of the reign of Sháh Jahán. The
orders were given, as he tells us, in the eighth year of Sháh Jahán,
and he completed this work, comprising the history of the first ten
years of the reign, and dedicated it to Sháh Jahán in the twentieth
year of that Emperor’s reign.
The author in his preface says that he has divided his work into an
Introduction, containing on account of the Emperor’s life from his birth
to his accession; a Discourse (makála), comprising the history of the
first ten years of his reign; and an Appendix, containing notices of
holy and learned men, physicians and poets. He also mentions his
intention of writing a second volume, bringing down the history to the
twentieth year of Sháh Jahán’s reign. But he does not appear to have
carried out his design, having probably been prevented by his
appointment to a busy office, for Muhammad Sálih, in a short
biography of the author, says that he was transferred to the
Intelligence Department.
This history of Amínáí Kazwíní has been the model upon which most
of the histories of Sháh Jahán have been formed. ‘Abdu-l Hamíd, the
author of the Bádsháh-náma, follows its arrangement, and although
he makes no acknowledgment of the fact, his work comprises the
same matter, and differs from it only in style.
Sir H. M. Elliot’s MS. is a small folio of 297 pages of twenty-one lines
each. It is fairly written, but all the rubrics are omitted. There is a copy
in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, and three copies in the
British Museum.]*

LXII.
BÁDSHÁH-NÁMA
OF
‘ABDU-L HAMÍD LÁHORÍ.
[THIS is a history of the first twenty years of the reign of Sháh Jahán,
composed by ‘Abdu-l Hamíd Láhorí. Little is known of the author, but
Muhammad Sálih, in his ‘Amal-i Sálih (No. LXIV.), informs us that
‘Abdu-l Hamíd was celebrated for the beauty of his style, and that he
died in 1065 A.H. (1654 A.D.). ‘Abdu-l Hamíd himself says in his
preface, that the Emperor desired to find an author who could write
the memoirs of his reign in the style of Abú-l Fazl’s Akbar-náma; and
that he, ‘Abdu-l Hamíd, had studied and greatly admired Abú-l Fazl’s
style. He was recommended to the Emperor for the work, and was
called from Patna, where he was living in retirement, to undertake the
composition. His patron was the excellent minister ‘Allámí Sa’du-lla
Khán.
The contents of the work are: A Preface, in which the author
dedicates his work to Sháh Jahán. A description of the Emperor’s
horoscope. A concise account of his ancestors, commencing with
Tímúr. A brief review of the proceedings of Sháh Jahán before his
accession to the throne. A detailed history of the first twenty years of
the reign divided into two cycles of ten years each. The work
comprises, also, an enumeration of the princes of the blood royal; of
the nobles of the Court, arranged according to their respective ranks,
from those commanding 9000 to those of 500 horse; and an account
of the shaikhs, learned men, physicians and poets who flourished
during the period embraced by the history.
The Bádsháh-náma is the great authority for the reign of Sháh Jahán.
Muhammad Sálih, a younger and rival writer, speaks of the author in
the highest terms, and “Kháfí Khán, the author of the Muntakhabu-l
Lubáb, has based his history of the first twenty years of Sháh Jahán’s
reign almost entirely on this work. The greatest objection to the work
is the author’s style, which is of that adulterated kind introduced into
India apparently by the brothers Abú-l Fazl and Faizí.”* ‘Abdu-l Hamíd
was, as he himself states, a professed admirer and imitator of Abú-l
Fazl’s style; and when he is dealing with a subject demanding his
eloquence, his style is as verbose, turgid and fulsome as that of his
master. Happily, however, he is not always in a magniloquent vein,
but narrates simple facts in simple language, blurred only by
occasional outbreaks of his laboured rhetoric.
The work is most voluminous, and forms two bulky volumes of the
Bibliotheca Indica, containing 1662 pages. It enters into most minute
details of all the transactions in which the Emperor was engaged, the
pensions and dignities conferred upon the various members of the
royal family, the titles granted to the nobles, their changes of office,
the augmentations of their mansabs, and it gives lists of all the
various presents given and received on public occasions, such as the
vernal equinox, the royal birthday, the royal accession, etc. Thus the
work contains a great amount of matter of no interest to any one but
the nobles and courtiers of the time. But it would not be fair to say
that it is filled with these trifles; there is far too much of them: but still
there is a solid substratum of historical matter, from which the history
of this reign has been drawn by later writers.
MSS. of the Bádsháh-náma are common, and some fine copies are
extant. Mr. Morley describes one belonging to the Royal Asiatic
Society as “a most excellent specimen of the Oriental art of
caligraphy,” and Col. Lees says: “The copy of the second part of the
Bádsháh-náma which has been used for this edition (Bibliotheca
Indica) is the finest MS. I have ever seen. It is written by Muhammad
Sálih Kambú, the author of the ‘Amal-i Sálih, and bears on the margin
the autograph of the Emperor Sháh Jahán.” The following Extracts
have all been selected and translated by the Editor from the printed
text.]*

EXTRACTS.
[Text, vol. i. p. 69.] The Emperor Jahángír* died on the 28th Safar,
A.H. 1037 (28th October, 1627), at the age of fifty-eight years and one
month, solar reckoning. Prince Shahriyár, from his want of capacity
and intelligence, had got the nickname of Ná-shudaní, “Good-for-
nothing,” and was commonly known by that appellation. He now cast
aside all honour and shame, and before Sháh Jahán had started
(from the Dakhin), he repudiated his allegiance, and went off in hot
haste to Lahore to advance his own interests. Núr Mahal, who had
been the cause of much strife and contention, now clung to the vain
idea of retaining the reins of government in her grasp, as she had
held them during the reign of the late Emperor. She wrote to Ná-
shudaní, advising him to collect as many men as he could, and
hasten to her.
Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán and Irádat Khán, who always acted
together, determined that, as Sháh Jahán was far away from Ágra, it
was necessary to take some steps to prevent disturbances in the city,
and to get possession of the princes Muhammad Dárá Shukoh,
Muhammad Sháh Shujá’, and Muhammad Aurangzeb, who were in
the female apartments with Núr Mahal. They therefore resolved that
for some few days they would raise to the throne Bulákí, the son of
Khusrú, who, by Núr Mahal’s contrivance, had been placed with Ná-
shudaní, but who had been put under the charge of Irádat Khán by
Jahángír when Ná-shudaní returned to Lahore from Kashmír.
* * So they placed Bulákí on horseback, and, with a party of men in
whom they had full confidence, they commenced their march, taking
care to keep one day ahead of Núr Mahal. * * As the young princes
were not safe with Núr Mahal, they removed her from the royal
palace, and took the young princes under their own charge; but when
Bulákí had been raised to the throne, they were placed in charge of
Sádik Khán.
Accession of Sháh Jahán.
[Text, vol. i. p. 82.] Sháh Jahán ascended the throne at Ágra on the
18th Jumáda-s sání, 1037 A.H. (6th Feb. 1628), with the title of Abú-l
Muzaffar Shahábu-d dín Muhammad Sáhib Kirán-i sání.
Rebellion of Jajhár Singh.
[Text, vol. i. p. 238.] Jajhár Singh was son of Rájá Nar Singh Deo
Bundela, who rose into notice by killing Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, the
celebrated author of the Akbar-náma, when Jahángír was heir
apparent. * In obedience to orders from the Emperor Akbar, the
Shaikh was hastening to Court from the Dakhin with a small escort.
Jahángír was jealous of the Shaikh’s devotion to his father, and was
apprehensive that his arrival would interfere with his own plans. * * So
he incited Nar Singh Deo to kill him as he passed through his
territory. This evil-minded man, from lust of gold, placed a large force
of horse and foot in ambush, and fell upon the Shaikh. The followers
of the Shaikh advised him to fly and escape, but he refused, and fell
in the year 1011 A.H. (1602 A.D.). After the accession of Jahángír to
the throne, Nar Singh Deo rose into favour and distinction through
this wicked deed. But his evil nature was unable to bear his
prosperity, and towards the end of the reign of Jahángír he became
disaffected, and oppressed all the zamíndárs in his neighbourhood. *
* He died three or four months before Jahángír, and was succeeded
by his son Jajhár Singh. The wealth and property which Nar Singh
Deo had amassed without labour and without trouble unsettled the
mind of his worthless successor Jajhár, and at the accession of Sháh
Jahán, * * he left the capital Ágra, and proceeded to Úndcha, his
stronghold, where he set about raising forces, strengthening the forts,
providing munitions of war and closing the roads. A force was
accordingly sent against him, under the command of Mahábat Khán
Khán-khánán. [The Imperial forces converged upon Úndcha, and]
Jajhár Singh, having no hope of escape, waited upon Khán-khánán
and made his submission. Just at this time intelligence arrived that
‘Abdu-lla Khán had taken the fortress of Írich,* which had been in the
possession of Jajhár Singh.

SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1038 A.H. (20TH DECEMBER,


1628 A.D.).
[Text, vol. i. p. 272.] The anniversary of the accession was on the 1st
of Jumáda-s sání. After the death of Jahángír, and before the
accession of Sháh Jahán, Khán-Jahán Lodí entered upon a
dangerous and disloyal course. * * He formed an alliance with
Nizámu-l Mulk, and gave up to him the Bálághát in the Dakhin,* the
revenue of which amounted to fifty-five krors of dáms. But Sipahdár
Khán, who held Ahmadnagar, bravely and loyally refused to surrender
that city. Khán-Jahán summoned to his presence all the Imperial
servants who were in those parts. He left a small force at Burhánpúr
under the command of Sikandar Dotání, who was related to him,
while he himself marched with a large force to Mándú, with the
intention of taking possession of Málwa, which province was then
under the government of Mír ‘Abdu-r Razzák, who had received the
title of Muzaffar Khán. Sháh Jahán proceeded from Ahmadábád by
way of Ajmír to Ágra, and there ascended the throne. * * The news of
this event awakened Khán-Jahán and brought him to a sense of his
folly and wickedness. Rájá Gaj Singh, Rájá Jáí Singh, and other
distinguished Rájpúts who had accompanied him to Mándú, parted
from him when they heard of Sháh Jahán having arrived at Ajmír.
Thereupon Khán-Jahán wrote a letter of contrition and obedience, in
the hope of obtaining forgiveness.
A royal farmán was sent in answer, informing him that he was
confirmed in the governorship of the Dakhin, and directing him to
return at once to Burhánpúr. He then retired from Málwa to
Burhánpúr, and engaged in the duties of his office. But when it was
reported to the Emperor that the country of Bálághát, which Khán-
Jahán had given to Nizámu-l Mulk, still remained in his possession,
and had not been recovered, the Emperor appointed Mahábat Khán
to the governorship of the Dakhin. Khán-Jahán then returned to
Court. The Emperor paid little heed to the reports and observations
about his improper conduct, and for eight months passed no rebuke
upon him. He still continued moody and discontented, and ready to
listen to the incitements and suggestions of mischievous men. * *
One night Lashkarí, son of Mukhlis Khán, in a malicious, mischief-
making spirit, told the son of Khán-Jahán that he and his father were
to be made prisoners on the following day or the next. * * The son
told his father, whose apprehensions were instantly aroused by this
malicious report, and he kept close to his quarters with two thousand
Afghán followers. His Majesty asked Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán the
reason why Khán-Jahán did not attend the darbár, and after inquiry
had been made, it was ascertained that he had fears and suspicions,
and he begged for a letter under the Emperor’s signature, forgiving
him all his offences, and relieving him from all his fears. * * The
Emperor graciously acceded to his request, and sent him a kind letter
under his own hand. He then came to Court and paid his respects.
But Fortune was aggrieved with him, and so his perverse temper
prevented him from appreciating the Emperor’s kindness.
On the night of Safar 26, the men of Yamínu-d daula brought in the
intelligence that Khán-Jahán meditated flight, and he sent to inform
the Emperor. * * After the first watch of the night, Khán-Jahán, with
his nephew Bahádur and other relations and adherents, began his
flight. As soon as the Emperor was informed of it, he sent Khwája
Abú-l Hasan and * * in pursuit of the fugitive. Unmindful of the
smallness of their own force and the numbers of the Afgháns, they
followed them and overtook them in the vicinity of Dholpúr.* The
fugitives saw their road of escape was closed; for the waters of the
Chambal were before them and the fire of the avenging sword
behind. So they posted themselves in the rugged and difficult ground
on the bank of the river, and, fearing to perish in the waters, they
resolved upon battle. * * [After many were killed and wounded], Khán-
Jahán, with his two sons and several followers, resolved to hazard
the passage of the Chambal, although the water was running high.
He and his followers, wounded and unwounded, in great peril and
with great exertion, succeeded in crossing over, thus escaping from
the fire of battle and the waters of the stream. Many horses and much
baggage fell into the hands of the royal forces. * * A party gathered to
follow up the fugitives, but on reaching the bank of the river, it was
found that it could not be crossed without boats, and an endeavour
was made to collect some. Khwája Abú-l Hasan came up when one
pahar of the day remained, and after consultation it was resolved to
stay there for the night, and rest the horses, which had made a long
and fatiguing march. Boats were collected, and the whole force
passed over before noon next day, and recommenced the chase. But
the fugitives pressed forward with all haste, and threw themselves
into the jungles of Jajhár Singh Bundela.
When the traitor (Khán-Jahán) entered the territory of Jajhár Singh
Bundela, that chieftain was absent in the Dakhin; but his eldest son
Bikramájít was at home, and sent the rebel out of the territory by
unfrequented roads. If Birkramájít had not thus favoured his escape,
he would have been either taken prisoner or killed. He proceeded to
Gondwána, and after staying there some time in disappointment and
obscurity, he proceeded by way of Birár to the country of Burhán
Nizámu-l Mulk.

THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1039 A.H. (1629 A.D.).


[Text, vol. i. p. 300.] On the 21st Ramazán Khwája Abú-l Hasan and * *
* altogether about 8000 horse, were sent to effect the conquest of
Násik and Trimbak* and Sangamnír. It was settled that the Khwája
was to stay at some suitable position near the fort of Alang* during
the rainy season until he was joined by Sher Khán from the province
of Gujarát with his provincial levies. After the end of the rains he was
to march by way of Baglána, and, taking with him some of the
zamíndárs of the country, make his way to Násik. The Khwája
marched from Burhánpúr, and in eight days reached the village of
Dholiya,* near the fort of Alang, and there halted until the rains should
cease. * * Sher Khán, Súbadár of Gujarát, joined with 26,000 men,
and the Khwája sent him to attack the fort of Bátora, in the vicinity of
Chándor, near Násik and Trimbak. Sher Khán ravaged the country,
and returned with great spoil.
Murder of Jádú Ráí.
[Text, vol. i. p. 308.] Jádú Ráí, with his sons, grandsons, and other
relations, held altogether from the Imperial Government mansabs
amounting to 24,000 (personal), and 15,000 horse. He also had
sundry jágírs in the Dakhin as tankhwáh, so that he lived in wealth
and comfort. But he was fickle and unfaithful, and went with his sons
and relations to join the Nizám. But the Nizám well knew his perfidy,
and resolved to put him in confinement. For this purpose the Nizám
arranged with some of his servants to seize Jádú Ráí, and he
summoned him to his presence. Accordingly Jádú attended the Court
with his family. The armed men who were in concealment suddenly
attacked them, and killed him, his two sons Ujlá and Raghu, and his
grandson Baswant. His brother Jagdeo Ráí, with Bahádur-jí his son,
his wife and the others who escaped, fled from Daulatábád to
Sindghar, near Jálnapúr,* in their native country.
Campaign against Nizám Sháh and Khán-Jahán.
[Text, vol. i. p. 316.] 7th Rabí’u-l awwal. When the rains were over,
‘Azam Khán and the great nobles who were with him left
Dewalgánw,* where they had rested during the rainy season, and
marched against the rebel Afgháns. * *

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At the conclusion of the rains, Khwája Abú-l Hasan also, according to


orders, marched from the vicinity of the fort of Alang by way of
Baglána towards Násik and Trimbak. When he reached Baglána, the
zamíndár of that country, by name Bahar-jí, met him with four
hundred horse. * * The Khwája entered the enemy’s country by way
of the ghát of Jaráhí. He found that the revenue officers and raiyats
had left their villages, and had retired into the jungles and hills. So the
country was desolate, corn was dear, and the soldiers of the royal
army were in want of necessaries. The Khwája then sent detached
forces into the hills, and also into the inhabited country, and they
returned from each raid with abundance of corn and other
necessaries, having killed or taken prisoners many of the enemy. The
Be-Nizám* now appointed Mahaldár Khán with a party of horse and
foot to vex the royal army at night with rockets. He was also directed
to attack the parties sent out to gather fuel and fodder, and to carry
off their camels and bullocks whenever he could get a chance. Sháh-
nawáz Khán was sent against these assailants, and he, making a
forced march of twenty kos, attacked them and put them to flight, and
returned with great plunder. The Khwája next sent Khán-zamán to
attack the enemy’s camp at Sangamnír. This force made forced
marches, and reached the camp of the enemy, who dispersed and
fled to the fort of Chándor. * *
At the close of the rains, the royal army left its quarters in
Dewalgánw, and marched forth against the Nizám-Sháhís and the
Afgháns. On hearing of this, Mukarrab Khán and the other rebels left
Jálnapúr, where they had passed the rainy season, and retreated
towards Páthrí.* ‘Azam Khán, being informed of their retreat, followed
them march by march. When he reached the village of Rámbhúrí, on
the Bán-ganga river, he learnt that the Nizám-Sháhís had ascended
the Bálághát at Dhárúr,* and had taken refuge in the fort of that place,
while Khán-Jahán had not yet left his quarters at Bír.* Khán-Jahán,
having been informed of the movements of the Imperial army, called
in a detachment which he had sent to collect the revenues in the
dependencies of Bír, and awaited the arrival of reinforcements from
Mukarrab Khán, who was at Dhárúr. ‘Azam Khán conceived the
design of attacking the forces of the rebel Khán before the
reinforcements could reach him; so he marched from Rámbhúrí to
Mahgánw. Here he received a message from Saf-shikan Khán Razwí,
commandant of the fort of Bír, informing him that Khán-Jahán was at
Rájaurí, twenty-four kos from Machhlí-gánw, employed in dividing the
spoil which his predatory followers had obtained by plundering the
merchants at Kehún and Kíoráí. Several detachments which had
been sent out to make collections had rejoined him, and as he had
heard of the arrival of the Imperial army at Páthrí, he had made up his
mind to move off as soon as it came nearer to Bír.
‘Azam Khán left a detachment in charge of his camp at Machhlí-gánw
to follow him quietly while he marched off after night-fall to attack the
rebels. Four gharis of night remained when he reached Pípalnír, six
kos from Bír, when he directed Saf-shikan Khán to make a
demonstration with his force on Khán-Jahán’s flank, so that he might
think this small force to be the whole of the royal army, and refrain
from moving away. Saf-shikan Khán accordingly drew out his force
upon a ridge about a kos in front of the rebel army, which had taken
post at the foot of the hills about four kos from Bír. ‘Azíz, son of Khán-
Jahán, advanced to attack Saf-shikan with a body of his father’s
troops, and at this juncture ‘Azam Khán came up with the main body
of the royal army, and ‘Azíz was compelled to fall back in disorder to
his father, whom he informed that the force which had first shown
itself was Saf-shikan Khán’s division, and that the whole of the royal
army was coming up with all possible haste.
Khán-Jahán, when he found that his retreat was cut off, determined
to fight it out. * * But the royal troops forced their way to the top of the
hill. Khán-Jahán sent away the elephant litter with his women to Síú-
gánw,* and then rallied his troops for a struggle. He sent his nephew
Bahádur, in whose courage and daring he had great confidence,
against Bahádur Khán and some others of the royal army, who, being
few in number, were very hard pressed. They dismounted, and,
resolving to sell their lives dearly, they kept up a desperate struggle,
and slew many of the enemy. Bahádur Khán received two wounds
from arrows, one in his face, the other in his side, and several of his
comrades were slain.* Narhar Dás also and many Rájpúts fell.
Sipahdár Khán and others, who had mounted the hill on the right,
seeing the state of the battle, took shelter behind a stone wall, and
kept up a discharge of arrows. Rájá Bihár Singh Bundela now came
up from the right wing to support Bahádur Khán. He joined valiantly in
the struggle, and many of his men were killed. Rájá Jáí Singh and
other rájás who were on another part of the hill, also joined in the
fight. ‘Azam Khán next came up in haste, and ordered a part of the
left wing to advance. At this time, when many of the Imperial officers
had fallen, and the result seemed doubtful, the favour of Heaven fell
upon the royal forces. The ill-starred Bahádur, observing the
successive arrivals of reinforcements for his adversaries, lost heart,
and turned to flee with his Afgháns. His father also fled. As the
discomfited rebels hurried down the hill, they were harassed by
showers of arrows and bullets. A ball struck Bahádur Khán, and he
was unable to continue his flight. Paras Rám, a servant of Rájá Bihár
Singh’s, came up and despatched him with his dagger; then he cut off
his head, and sent it with his ring, horse and weapons, to Rájá Bihár
Singh, who forwarded them to ‘Azam Khán. The Khán gave the horse
to the man who had slain Bahádur, the ring he sent to the Emperor,
and the head he caused to be set up as a warning over the gate of
Bír.
The royal forces pursued the fugitives for three kos, and put many of
them to the sword. But as the victors had been in the saddle from the
first watch in the evening of one day to the third watch of the next
day, and had marched more than thirty kos, men and beasts were
both worn out, and were unable to go further. ‘Azam Khán then called
a halt, to allow of a little rest, and to give stragglers time to come up.
Khán-Jahán and his followers, whose horses were fresh, took
advantage of this to improve their distance; but ‘Azam Khán sent
Muhammad Dakhni and the forces that were in Bír to maintain the
pursuit, and he himself, after a brief interval, followed with the main
force. When Khán-Jahán learnt that the victors were in full pursuit, he
removed his ladies from the howda in which they had been carried by
a female elephant, and mounting them on horses rode away with
them. Darwesh Muhammad, with a party of pursuers, captured the
elephant and howda, and made a number of Afgháns and their
women prisoners. Most of Khán-Jahán’s men who escaped were
wounded, and in their panic they were able to carry off nothing but
the clothes they wore and the horses they rode. Khán-Jahán, with a
few faithful followers, escaped into the hill-country. * * ‘Azam Khán
halted at Bír, to give his army a little rest. * * Khán-Jahán then
proceeded from Síú-gánw to Bízápúr* and Bhonsla, in the Nizám-
Sháhí territory, with the design of going to Daulatábád. On hearing of
this movement, ‘Azam Khán marched from Bír towards Síú-gánw with
20,000 horse.

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At this time, Sáhú-jí Bhonsla, son-in-law of Jádú Ráí, the Hindu


commander of Nizám Sháh’s army, came in and joined ‘Azam Khán.
After the murder of Jádú Ráí, which has been mentioned above,
Sáhú-jí broke off his connexion with Nizám Sháh, and, retiring to the
districts of Púna and Chákna, he wrote to ‘Azam Khán, proposing to
make his submission upon receiving a promise of protection. ‘Azam
Khán wrote to Court, and received orders to accept the proposal.
Sáhú-jí then came and joined him with two thousand horse. He
received a mansab of 5000,* a khil’at, a gift of two lacs of rupees, and
other presents. His brother Mína-jí received a robe and a mansab of
3000 personal and 1500 horse. Sámájí son of Sáhú-jí, also received
a robe and a mansab of 2000 personal and 1000 horse. Several of
their relations and dependents also obtained gifts and marks of
distinction.
Khán-Jahán and Daryá Khán, when they heard of the march of the
Imperial forces towards Síú-gánw, quitted Bízápúr and Bhonsla, and
went to the village of Lásúr, ten kos from Daulatábád. Nizám Sháh
also, on being informed of this advance, withdrew from Nizámábád,
which he had built outside of the fort of Daulatábád, and around
which his adherents had built various houses and edifices, and
entered into the fort itself. Khán-Jahán and Daryá Khán, no longer
deeming it safe to remain at Lásúr, went to Ír-Kahtala, half a kos from
Daulatábád, and a few days later Khán-Jahán removed his family to
Aubásh-darra, a place within cover of Daulatábád. Daryá Khán, with
a thousand Afgháns, separated from Khán-Jahán, marched towards
Chándor, and the ghát of Chálís-gánw,* with the intention of attacking
Andol and Dharan-gánw.
This movement being reported to the Emperor, * * he appointed
‘Abdu-lla Khán, whom he had summoned from the Bálághát, to act
against Daryá Khán, and sent him off on the 10th Jumáda-l awwal.
Daryá Khán had ravaged Andol, Dharan-gánw, and sundry other
places of the Páyín-ghát of Chálís-gánw; but on hearing of the
approach of ‘Abdu-lla Khán, he turned back to the Bálághát. Want of
rain and the ravages of the Nizám-Sháhís and Afgháns, had made
provisions very scarce about Daulatábád; so ‘Azam Khán did not
deem it prudent to advance in that direction, but thought it preferable
to march against Mukarrab Khán and Bahlol, who were at Dhárúr and
Amba-jogáí, in which plan of operations he was confirmed by a letter
from Yamínu-d daula, who was at Ojhar. So he marched towards the
ghát by way of Mánik-dúdh. (After some fighting) the royal forces
ascended the ghát and took the village of Dámangánw, twenty kos
from Ahmadnagar. Next day they marched to Jamkhír,* in the Nizám-
Sháhí territories. * * Leaving a force there, he next day proceeded to
Tilangí. The garrison of the fort there had set it in order, and opened
fire upon him. * * But in the course of one watch he took it by assault,
put many of the defenders to the sword, took nearly five hundred
prisoners, and captured all the munitions of the fort. When the royal
forces reached the banks of the Wanjara,* twelve kos from the fort of
Dhárúr, they found that Mukarrab Khán and his confederates had
passed down the pass of Anjan-dúdh, and had gone to the
neighbourhood of Bír. ‘Azam Khán then sent Sáhú-jí Bhonsla to take
possession of the districts around Junír and Sangamnír, whilst he
himself, with the main force, went through the pass of Ailam to the
town of Bír, and proceeded from thence to Partúr, on the bank of the
river Dúdna. The enemy then fled towards Daulatábád. But ‘Azam
Khán learnt that scarcity of provisions prevented them from remaining
in that vicinity, and that they had moved off towards the Bálághát, by
way of Dhárúr. He then determined to intercept and attack them. But
he found that the enemy, having placed their elephants and beggage
in the fort of Dhárúr, had the design of descending the Páyín-ghát. So
he went through the pass of Anjan-dúdh, and encamped three kos
from Dhárúr.
Capture of the Fort of Mansúr-garh.
[Text, vol. i. p. 332.] In the course of the past year, Bákir Khán had
proceeded to the pass of Kherá-pára, two kos from Chhatar-dawár.
This is a very narrow pass, between the territories of Kutbu-l Mulk
and Orissa, and a small force of musketeers and archers might hold it
in security. He ravaged the country round, but when the rains set in,
he retired without making any attempt upon the fort of Mansúr-garh,
which a slave of Kutbu-l Mulk’s, named Mansúr, had built about four
kos from Kherá-pára. After the rains, under the royal orders, he again
marched to Kherá-pára. Sher Muhammad, and other officers of
Kutbu-l Mulk, had collected about 3000 horse and 10,000 foot, and
having strengthened the fort with guns, muskets, and other
implements of warfare, they made ready for battle. * * On the 8th
Jumáda-l awwal, Bákir Khán arrived in the vicinity of Mansúr-garh,
and found the enemy drawn up in a plain north-east of the fort. * *
The enemy were unable to withstand the assault of the royal forces,
but broke and fled. Flushed with victory, Bákir Khán resolved to attack
the fort. Notwithstanding a heavy fire of cannons and muskets, he
advanced to the base of the walls, planted his scaling-ladders, and
began to ascend. The garrison being dismayed, took grass between
their teeth, as is the manner of that country, and begged for quarter.
Bákir Khán allowed them to march out in safety, and then placed a
garrison of his own in the fort.
Flight of Khán-Jahán.
[Text, vol. i. p. 334.] The territories of Nizámu-l Mulk, had suffered
severely from the inroads of the Imperial forces in pursuit of Khán-
Jahán, and mistrust and differences had arisen between the Nizám
and Khán-Jahán; so the latter, in concert with Daryá Khán, his chief
adherents, and his remaining sons, resolved to retire to the Panjáb, in
order to seek the means of carrying on his insurrection among the
disaffected Afgháns of that country. So he left Daulatábád and
proceeded towards Málwa. The Emperor, by his sagacity and
foresight, had anticipated such a movement, and had sent ‘Abdu-alla
Khán to Málwa, in order to chastise Daryá Khán. After Daryá had
returned to the Bálághát, ‘Abdu-lla Khán was directed to wait at the
Páyín-ghát, and to hasten after Daryá Khán, wherever he might hear
of him. Having got intelligence of his movements, ‘Abdu-lla Khán
went after him, and reported the facts to Court.
On the 24th Jumáda-l awwal, the Emperor * * appointed Saiyid
Muzaffar Khán to support ‘Abdu-lla Khán, * * * and on the 25th Rabí’u-
l awwal, he marched towards Málwa. He was directed to proceed by
way of Bíjágarh, and to cross the Nerbadda near Mándú. * * If he
found ‘Abdu-lla Khán there, he was directed to join him. He marched
with all speed, and crossed the Nerbadda at Akbarpúr. ‘Abdu-lla Khán
having heard that Khán-Jahán had crossed at Dharampúr,* he
crossed the river at the same ford, and encamped at Loníhara. There
he ascertained that on the 28th Jumáda-l awwal, Khán-Jahán had
moved off. He then proceeded to Dípálpúr,* where he learnt that the
rebels were plundering the neighbourhood of Ujjain, and he marched
to Núláhí* in search of them.

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FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1040 A.H. (1630 A.D.).
Flight of Khán-Jahán.
[Text, vol. i. p. 338.] On the 4th, ‘Abdu-lla Khán reached Núláhí, and
Saiyid Muzaffar Khán, having left Dípálpúr, reached Mankod on the
5th, on his way to Mandisor, when he learnt that the rebels had turned
off to the right. On the 6th, he again marched, and came to Tál-gánw,
and on that day ‘Abdu-lla Khán came up from the rear and joined him.
There they heard that the rebels were ten kos distant the day before,
and had moved off that very morning. So they hastened off in pursuit.
On the 10th they encamped at Khiljípúr, and ascertained that the
rebels were moving towards Sironj. The royal forces reached Sironj
on the 14th, and found that the rebels had come there two days
previously. Khwája Bábá-e Áftáb got into the city just before their
arrival, and joining Khwája ‘Abdu-l Hádí, who was in the place, beat
off the rebels, who only succeeded in carrying off fifty of the royal
elephants.
Khán-Jahán and Daryá Khán now found the roads closed on all sides
against them. Every day that came they looked upon as their last, so
in their despair they proceeded on the right from Sironj, and entered
the country of the Bundela, intending to push on to Kálpí. Jajhár
Singh Bundela had incurred the royal censure because his son
Bikramájít had allowed Khán-Jahán on his flight from Ágra to pass
through his territory and so reach the Dakhin. Bikramájít, to atone for
his fault, and to remove the disgrace of his father, went in pursuit of
the fugitives, and on the 17th came up with the rear-guard under
Daryá Khán, and attacked it with great vigour. That doomed one,
under the intoxication of temerity or of wine, disdained to fly, and in
his turn attacked. A musket-ball pierced his brainless skull, and his
son was also killed. The Bundelas attacked him under the impression
that he was Khán-Jahán, but that crafty one hastened from the field in
another direction. Bikramájít cut off the head of Daryá Khán, and also
of his son, and sent them to Court, thus atoning for his former fault.
Nearly four hundred Afgháns and two hundred Bundelas were slain in
the fight. For this service Bikramájít received the title of Jag-ráj, and
was advanced to the dignity of 2000 personal and 2000 horse.
Capture of the Fort of Dhárúr.
[Text, vol. i. p. 339.] ‘Azam Khán, having ascended the pass of Anjan-
dúdh, encamped three kos from Dhárúr. He then directed Multafit
Khán and others to make an attack upon the town of Dhárúr and its
petta, where once a week people from all parts, far and near, were
accustomed to meet for buying and selling. The fort of Dhárúr was
celebrated throughout the Dakhin for its strength and munitions of
war. It was built upon the top of a ridge, and deep rivers of difficult
passage ran on two sides of it. It was so secure that any effort upon it
by the royal army was likely to prove unsuccessful; so Marhamat
Khán was directed to plunder the town and petta, but not to make any
attempt upon the fortress. * * * The garrison became disheartened,
and remiss in their duty. * * On the 23rd Jumáda-s sání Marhamat
Khán made his way in with a party of men, and opened the wicket.
‘Azam Khán then entered with all his officers, and nearly two
thousand men scaled the walls and got into the fort. All the vast
munitions, the jewels, etc., became spoil of war.
Death of Khán-Jahán Lodí.
[p. 348.] The unhappy Khán-Jahán was greatly distressed and
dismayed by the death of Daryá Khán. Having no hope except in
evasion, he fled and sought obscurity; but the royal forces pursued
him closely. On the 28th Jumáda-s sání, on arriving at the village of
Nímí, in the country of Bhánder,* the royal army learned that Khán-
Jahán was about eight kos from that place. The long march they had
made, and the company of many men who had been wounded in
Jag-ráj’s action, prevented the royal forces from marching very early,
but they drew near to the rebel.
Khán-Jahán, on hearing of their approach, sent off some of his
Afgháns, whose horses were knocked up, with the little baggage that
was left; while he himself, with nearly a thousand horse, prepared to
encounter Muzaffar Khán. The fight was sharp, great valour was
exhibited, and many fell on both sides. * * Khán-Jahán was wounded,
his son Mahmúd was killed with many of his followers, and further
resistance was useless; so he again fled. Being hard pressed, he was
every now and then obliged to abandon an elephant, so that before
reaching Kálinjar twenty elephants had fallen into the hands of the
pursuers, and some were caught by Rájá Amar Singh of Bándher.
When Khán-Jahán approached Kálinjar, Saiyid Ahmad, the
commandant of that fortress, came out to attack him. He killed
several men, and took some prisoners. Hasan, another son of Khán-
Jahán, was made prisoner; with him were captured twenty-two of the
royal elephants, which Khán-Jahán had taken at Sironj. Khán-Jahán
lost his tugh and banner, and fled with a handful of followers. By great
exertion he travelled twenty kos that day, and reached the borders of
Sahenda,* where he was to end his mortal life. ‘Abdu-lla Khán
Bahádur and Saiyid Muzaffar Khán pursued him closely with their
forces in array.
Khán-Jahán was much afflicted at the loss of his sons and faithful
followers. All hope of escape was cut off; so he told his followers that
he was weary of life, that he had reached the end of his career, and
there was no longer any means of deliverance for him; he desired,
therefore, that every man should make off as best he could. A few
determined to stand by him to the last, but many fled. The advanced
forces of the royal army under Mádhú Singh now came up. Khán-
Jahán, with his son ‘Azíz, who was the dearest of all, and Aimal, and
the Afgháns who remained constant, placed their two remaining
elephants in front, and advanced to meet Muzaffar Khán. They made
their charge, and when Khán-Jahán found that they were determined
to take him, he alighted from his horse and fought desperately. In the
midst of the struggle Mádhú Singh pierced him with a spear, and
before Muzaffar Khán could come up the brave fellows cut Khán-
Jahán, his dear son ‘Azíz and Aimal, to pieces. About a hundred of
his adherents fell, and their heads were cut off, but a party escaped.
A grandson of Saiyid Muzaffar Khán and twenty-seven other royalists
were slain. The heads of Khán-Jahán, ‘Azíz, and Aimal were sent to
the Imperial Court. Faríd, a son of Khán-Jahán, was taken and placed
in confinement. Another son, named Ján-i Jahán, had fled and taken
refuge in Sahenda with the mother of Bahádur Khán. ‘Abdu-lla Khán
sent for him, and then despatched him in custody to Court. * * * The
heads of the rebels were placed over the gate of the fort. After their
victory, ‘Abdu-lla Khán and Saiyid Muzaffar Khán came to Court, and
received many marks of favour. The former was advanced to a
mansab of 6000 and 6000 horse, and he received the title Fíroz-
Jang. Saiyid Muzaffar Khán was promoted to a mansab of 5000 and
5000 horse. He received the title Khán-Jahán.

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Attack on Parenda.
[Text, vol. i. p. 356.] ‘Azam Khán was in the neighbourhood of
Parenda,* intent upon the reduction of that fortress, and the capture
of the elephants and stores which had been sent there. * * He sent
Rájá Jáí Singh with a detachment to ravage the town and petta. The
Rájá first plundered the petta, which was about a kos distant on the
left of the fortress. He then attacked the town, which was surrounded
by a mud (khám) wall five gaz high and three gaz thick, and by a
ditch of three cubits (sih zará’) broad (?). He broke through the walls
by means of his elephants, and the musketeers of the garrison then
fled into the ditch of the fort. The town was plundered. ‘Azam Khán
then arrived, * * * and entered the town, to secure the elephants
belonging to the enemy, which had been taken into the ditch of the
fortress. Seven elephants were seized and brought out, and much
other booty was secured. * * ‘Azam Khán pressed the siege, and the
troops drove zigzags* up to the edge of the ditch in three places, and
began to fill it up. He raised a battery exactly opposite the gate of the
fortress, at the distance of an arrow-shot from the moat. He then
pushed his zigzags to the very edge of the moat, and there raised a
battery, to which the men in the Sher-Hájí* found it very difficult to
reply.
It now became evident that ‘Ádil Khán, through his tender years, had
no real power, but that the reins of government were in the hands of a
slave named Daulat, who had been originally a minstrel (kuláwant),
and whom the King’s father, Ibráhím ‘Ádil, had ennobled with the title
of Daulat Khán, and had placed in command of the fortress of
Bíjápúr. This ungrateful infamous fellow, after the death of Ibráhím,
assumed the title “Khawáss Khán,” and delivered the government
over to a mischievous turbulent bráhman, named Murárí Pandit. This
same Daulat put out the eyes of Darwesh Muhammad, the eldest son
of Ibráhím ‘Ádil Khán by the daughter of Kutbu-l Mulk, and demanded
his daughter in marriage, thus bringing to infamy the name and
honour of his indulgent patron. The ‘Ádil-Khánís and the Nizám-
Sháhís had now made common cause and were united.
The siege of Parenda had gone on for a month. Provender had
throughout been difficult to procure, and now no grass was to be
found within twenty kos. So ‘Azam Khán was obliged to raise the
siege, and to go to Dhárúr. * * * The ‘Ádil-Khánís retreated before
‘Azam Khán, and he encamped on the banks of the Wanjira. Next
day he captured the town and fort of Bální, which the inhabitants
defended in the hope of receiving assistance. After plundering the
place, he marched to Mándú,* and from Mándú to Dhárúr.
Famine in the Dakhin and Gujarát.
[Text, vol. i. p. 362.] During the past year no rain had fallen in the
territories of the Bálághát, and the drought had been especially
severe about Daulatábád. In the present year also there had been a
deficiency in the bordering countries, and a total want in the Dakhin
and Gujarát. The inhabitants of these two countries were reduced to
the direst extremity. Life was offered for a loaf,* but none would buy;
rank was to be sold for a cake, but none cared for it; the ever-
bounteous hand was now stretched out to beg for food; and the feet
which had always trodden the way of contentment walked about only
in search of sustenance. For a long time dog’s flesh was sold for
goat’s flesh, and the pounded bones of the dead were mixed with
flour and sold. When this was discovered, the sellers were brought to
justice. Destitution at length reached such a pitch that men began to
devour each other, and the flesh of a son was preferred to his love.
The numbers of the dying caused obstructions in the roads, and
every man whose dire sufferings did not terminate in death and who
retained the power to move wandered off to the towns and villages of
other countries. Those lands which had been famous for their fertility
and plenty now retained no trace of productiveness. * * * The
Emperor in his gracious kindness and bounty directed the officials of
Burhánpúr, Ahmadábád, and the country of Súrat, to establish soup
kitchens, or alms-houses, such as are called langar in the language
of Hindústán, for the benefit of the poor and destitute. Every day
sufficient soup and bread was prepared to satisfy the wants of the
hungry. It was further ordered that so long as His Majesty remained at
Burhánpúr 5000 rupees should be distributed among the deserving
poor every Monday, that day being distinguished above all others as
the day of the Emperor’s accession to the throne. Thus, on twenty
Mondays one lac of rupees was given away in charity. Ahmadábád
had suffered more severely than any other place, and so His Majesty
ordered the officials to distribute 50,000 rupees among the famine-
stricken people. Want of rain and dearness of grain had caused great
distress in many other countries. So under the directions of the wise
and generous Emperor taxes amounting to nearly seventy lacs of
rupees were remitted by the revenue officers—a sum amounting to
nearly eighty krors of dáms, and amounting to one-eleventh part of
the whole revenue. When such remissions were made from the ex-
chequer, it may be conceived how great were the reductions made by
the nobles who held jágírs and mansabs.
Capture of the Fort of Sitúnda.
[Text, vol. i. p. 370.] Sipahdár Khán, after obtaining possession of the
fort of Taltam (by the treachery of the garrison), laid siege to Sitúnda*
by command of the Emperor, and pressed the place very hard. Sídí
Jamál, the governor, offered to surrender on terms which were
agreed to; so he and his family came out, and the fort passed into the
possession of the Imperialists.
Capture of Kandahár.
[p. 374.] Nasírí Khán had been placed in command of a force, with
instructions to conquer the kingdom of Telingána. He resolved upon
reducing the fort of Kandahár,* which was exceedingly strong, and
the most famous one of that country. It was under the command of
Sádik, the son of Yákút Khudáwand Khán, and was in full state of
preparation. On the 23rd Jumáda-l awwal he encamped one kos from
the fortress. Next day he prepared to attack the town of Kandahár;
but before reaching the place he was opposed by Sarfaráz Khán, the
general commanding in that country, who had taken up a position
between the fort and the town, and having covered his front with
artillery, awaited the attack. He was protected also by the guns and
muskets of the fortress. The royal army attacked with great vigour,
and killed a great many of the enemy. Sarfaráz Khán with a few
followers fled to the Nizám-Sháhís. After this Nasírí Khán pushed on
the siege. * * * Randaula, Mukarrab Khán, and others, with a united
force of ‘Ádil-Khánís and Nizám-Sháhís, came up to attack him in his
trenches. Undismayed by this fresh enemy, he boldly faced his
assailants; and although he had also to bear the fire of the guns and
muskets of the fortress, he defeated them with considerable loss, and
compelled them to fall back a distance of three kos.
Out of twenty-one mines which had been opened, six were complete;
three were charged with powder, and three were kept in reserve.
‘Azam Khán, who had marched to support Nasírí Khán, now
approached, and Nasírí Khán went forth to meet him, and to bring
him to see the springing of the mines and the assault upon the
fortress. The match was applied to the three mines; one failed, but
the other two brought down the wall of the Sher-Hájí with half a
bastion. The garrison kept up a discharge of rockets, mortars, stones
and grenades, but the storming parties pressed on. The conflict raged
from mid-day till sunset, but the wall of the fortress was not
sufficiently levelled, and the defenders kept up such a heavy fire that
the assailants were forced to retire. At night the trenches were carried
forward, and preparations were made for firing the other mines. The
garrison saw that the place must fall, and * * * made offers of
surrender, which were accepted, and the Imperial troops took
possession of the fortress. * * The siege had lasted four months and
nineteen days, and the place fell on the 15th Shawwál.

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Death of the Queen ‘Aliyá Begam.


[Text, vol. i. p. 384.] On the 17th Zí-l ka’da, 1040, died Nawab ‘Aliyá
Begam,* in the fortieth year of her age, to the great grief of her
husband the Emperor. * * * She had borne him eight sons and six
daughters. The third child and eldest son was Muhammad Dárá
Shukoh, the fourth Muhammád Sháh Shujá’, the sixth Muhammad
Aurangzeb, the tenth Murád Bakhsh.
Nizám Sháh.
[p. 395.] A letter from Sipahdár Khán informed the Emperor how Fath
Khán, feeling that his release from confinement by Nizám Sháh had
been a matter of necessity, and that he would be imprisoned again as
soon as his master’s mind was at ease, he had resolved to be
beforehand with him, and had placed Nizám Sháh in confinement, as
his father Malik ‘Ambar had done before. * * * Fath Khán then
addressed a letter to Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán, informing him that
he had placed Nizám Sháh in confinement on account of his evil
character and his enmity to the Imperial throne, for which act he
hoped to receive some mark of favour. In answer he was told that if
he wished to prove his sincerity, he should rid the world of such a
worthless and wicked being. On receiving this direction, Fath Khán
secretly made away with Nizám Sháh, but gave out that he had died
a natural death. He placed Nizám Sháh’s son Husain, a lad of ten
years old, on the throne as his successor. He reported these facts to
the Imperial Court, and was directed to send the jewels and valuables
of the late king, and his own eldest son as a hostage.
Operations against ‘Ádil Khán.
[Text, vol. i. p. 404.] Muhammad ‘Ádil Khán (of Bíjápúr), through
youth, inexperience, and evil counsellors, especially a slave named
Daulat (who had assumed the title of Khawáss Khán), had shown
himself unfaithful to the Imperial throne, and regardless of the
allegiance paid by his father. The Emperor commissioned Yamínu-d
daula Ásaf Khán to arouse him from his negligence and disregard of
his duty. Ásaf Khán was empowered to demand from him a return to
obedience and the payment of tribute.* If he agreed to these terms,
he was to be left alone; if not, as much as possible of his territory was
to be conquered, and the rest laid waste.

FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1041 A.H. (1631 A.D.).


Campaign against Bíjápúr.
[p. 411.] Ásaf Khán proceeded on his expedition, and arrived at
Nánder, where he remained two days. There he left the main part of
his army, and proceeded express to the fort of Kandahár, which he
inspected. One stage further on he came to the fort of Bhálkí.* * * *
Orders were given for the reduction of the place, and entrenchments
were commenced, but it was resolved to attempt the capture of the
place by escalade at night. The garrison got notice of this, and
evacuated the place under cover of darkness. * * * Ásaf Khán then
marched towards Kalánor, a flourishing place belonging to ‘Ádil Khán.
When he arrived at Sultánpúr, near the city of Kulbarga, the general
in command had taken the principal inhabitants into the fort of
Kulbarga, which was well armed with guns, muskets, and other
instruments of war. Next day ‘Azam Khán, under the directions of
Ásaf Khán, made an attack upon the town, and carried it,
notwithstanding a heavy fire from the fort. The victors plundered
whatever they could lay their hands on, and captured many horses in
the ditch of the fortress. Ásaf Khán did not deem it expedient to
attempt the reduction of the fortress, as it would have been a difficult
undertaking and a cause of delay; so he retired, and encamped near
the river Nahnúrá. Then he advanced to the vicinity of Bíjápúr, and
encamped on the borders of a tank between Nauras-púr* and Sháh-
púr. The enemy every day came out of the ditch into the plain, and
there was a warm interchange of rockets, arrows, and musketry. But
although the enemy kept up also a heavy fire from the fortifications,
they were regularly driven back to the shelter of the walls.
Ásaf Khán used to take every precaution for the safety of the
detachments which went out every day to collect fodder, but the army
was large and the animals numerous, so this was no easy matter.
The enemy were constantly on the alert, and struck whenever they
got an opportunity. * * * At the beginning a man named Shaikh Dabír,
one of the confidants of Khawáss Khán, came out with overtures of
peace and offers of tribute; but as they were not worthy of trust, they
were rejected. Afterwards Mustafá Khán, son-in-law of Mullá
Muhammad Lahorí, kept up a secret correspondence with Ásaf Khán,
expressing his devotion and proposing to admit the Imperial troops
into the fortress. * * * After much negociation, it was agreed that
Mustafá Khán and Khairiyat Khán Habshí, uncle of Randaula, should
come to Ásaf Khán and arrange for the transmission of tribute and
the settlement of the terms of peace. Accordingly both came out of
Bíjápúr, * * * and it was finally agreed that ‘Ádil Khán should send
tribute to the value of forty lacs of rupees in jewels, valuables,
elephants, and money, and that he should ever after remain faithful to
his allegiance. A treaty in these terms was accordingly drawn up. * * *
The two negociators returned to Bíjápúr, and Shaikh ‘Abdu-r Rahím
Khairábádí went in with them to obtain ‘Ádil Khán’s signature to the
treaty.
On the third day the Shaikh was sent back with a message that they
would send out their own wakíls with the treaty. Next day they came
out with certain propositions that Ásaf Khán considered reasonable,
and he accepted them. It was agreed that the treaty should be sent
out next day. As they were about to depart, one of the wakíls, who
was a confidant of Mustafá Khán, dropped a letter of his before Ásaf
Khán, without the knowledge of his companion. The letter said that
Khawáss Khán was well aware that provender was very scarce in the
Imperial army; that the fetching of grass and fuel from long distances
was a work of great toil to man and beast; and that in consequence it
would be impossible for the Imperial army to maintain its position
more than a few days longer. Khawáss Khán had therefore resolved
to have recourse to artifice and procrastination, in the expectation
that Ásaf Khán would be obliged to raise the siege and retire baffled.
The siege had lasted twenty days, and during that time no corn had
reached the army, and before its arrival the enemy had laid waste all
the country round, and carried off the grain to distant places. The
provisions which the army had brought with it were all exhausted, and
grain had risen to the price of one rupee per sir. Men and beasts were
sinking. So it was resolved, after consultation, that the royal army
should remove from Bíjápúr into some better supplied part of the
enemy’s country, that the Imperial army might be recruited, and the
territory of the enemy be wasted at the same time. With this intention
the royal army marched along the bank of the Kishan Gang* to Rai-
bágh and Míraj,* two of the richest places in that country. Wherever
they found supplies they rested, and parties were sent out to plunder
in all directions. On whatever road they went they killed and made
prisoners, and ravaged and laid waste on both sides. From the time
of their entering the territories to the time of their departure they kept
up this devastation and plunder. The best part of the country was
trodden under, and so, as the forces had recovered strength and the
rains were near, the royal army passed by the fort of Sholapúr, and
descended by the passes into the Imperial territories. 15,000 men of
the enemy, who had followed them to Sholapúr, then turned back to
Bíjápúr.
Return of the Court from Burhánpúr to Ágra.
[Text, vol. i. p. 421.] The Emperor being tired of his residence at
Burhánpúr, resolved to return to the capital; so he set out on the 24th
Ramazán, * * and arrived there on the 1st Zí-l hijja, 1241 A.H.
Affairs in the Dakhin had not been managed so well as they ought to
have been by ‘Azam Khán; so a mandate was sent to Mahábat Khán
Khán-khánán, informing him that the government of Khándesh and
the Dakhin had been conferred upon him, and he was directed to
make the necessary preparations as quickly as possible, and start
from Dehlí to meet the Emperor and receive instructions. Yamínu-d
daula Ásaf Khán, with ‘Azam Khán and other nobles under his
command, were directed to return to Court.
Capture of the Port of Húglí.
[p. 434.] Under the rule of the Bengálís (dar ‘ahd i Bangálí-yán ) a
party of Frank merchants, who are inhabitants of Súndíp, came
trading to Sátgánw. One kos above that place, they occupied some
ground on the bank of the estuary.* Under the pretence that a
building was necessary for their transactions in buying and selling,
they erected several houses in the Bengalí style. In course of time,
through the ignorance and negligence of the rulers of Bengal, these
Europeans increased in number, and erected large substantial
buildings, which they fortified with cannons, muskets, and other
implements of war. In due course, a considerable place grew up,
which was known by the name of the Port of Húglí. On one side of it
was the river, and on the other three sides was a ditch filled from the
river. European ships used to go up to the port, and a trade was
established there. The markets of Sátgánw declined and lost their
prosperity. The villages and districts of Húglí were on both sides of
the river, and these the Europeans got possession of at a low rent.
Some of the inhabitants by force, and more by hopes of gain, they
infected with their Nazarene teaching, and sent them off in ships to
Europe. In the hope of an everlasting reward, but in reality of an
exquisite torture, they consoled themselves with the profits of their
trade for the loss of rent which arose from the removal of the
cultivators. These hateful practices were not confined to the lands
they occupied, but they seized and carried off every one they could
lay their hands upon along the sides of the river.

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These proceedings had come under the notice of the Emperor before
his accession, * * and he resolved to put an end to them if ever he
ascended the throne, that the coinage might always bear the stamp
of the glorious dynasty, and the pulpit might be graced with its khutba.
After his accession, he appointed Kásim Khán to the government of
Bengal, and * * impressed upon him the duty of overthrowing these
mischievous people. He was ordered, as soon as he attended to the
necessary duties of his extensive province, to set about the
extermination of the pernicious intruders. Troops were to be sent both
by water and land, so that this difficult enterprise might be quickly and
easily accomplished.
Kásim Khán set about making his preparations, and at the close of
the cold season, in Sha’bán, 1240 A.H., he sent his son ‘Ináyatu-ulla
with Alláh Yár Khán, who was to be the real commander of the army,
and several other nobles, to effect the conquest of Húglí. He also
sent Bahádur Kambú, an active and intelligent servant of his, with the
force under his command, under the pretence of taking possession of
the Khálisa lands at Makhsús-ábád, but really to join Alláh Yár Khán
at the proper time. Under the apprehension that the infidels, upon
getting intelligence of the march of the armies, would put their
families on board ships, and so escape from destruction to the
disappointment of the warriors of Islám, it was given out that the
forces were marching to attack Hijlí. Accordingly it was arranged that
Alláh Yár Khán should halt at Bardwán, which lies in the direction of
Hijlí, until he received intelligence of Khwája Sher and others, who
had been ordered to proceed in boats from Srípúr* to cut off the
retreat of the Firingís. When the flotilla arrived at Mohána, which is a
dahna* of the Húglí, Alláh Yár Khán was to march with all expedition
from Bardwán to Húglí, and fall upon the infidels. Upon being
informed that Khwája Sher and his companions had arrived at the
dahna, Alláh Yár Kḥán made a forced march from Bardwán, and in a
night and day reached the village of Haldipúr, between Sátgánw and
Húglí. At the same time he was joined by Bahádur Kambú, who
arrived from Makhsús-ábád, with 500 horse and a large force of
infantry. Then he hastened to the place where Khwája Sher had
brought the boats, and between Húglí and the sea, in a narrow part of
the river, he formed a bridge of boats, so that ships could not get
down to the sea; thus the flight of the enemy was prevented.
On the 2nd Zí-l hijja, 1241, the attack was made on the Firingís by the
boatmen on the river, and by the forces on land. An inhabited place
outside of the ditch was taken and plundered, and the occupants
were slain. Detachments were then ordered to the villages and places
on both sides of the river, so that all the Christians found there might
be sent to hell. Having killed or captured all the infidels, the warriors
carried off the families of their boatmen, who were all Bengalís. Four
thousand boatmen, whom the Bengalís called ghrábí, then left the
Firingís and joined the victorious army. This was a great
discouragement to the Christians.
The royal army was engaged for three months and a half in the siege
of this strong place. Sometimes the infidels fought, sometimes they
made overtures of peace, protracting the time in hopes of succour
from their countrymen. With base treachery they pretended to make
proposals of peace, and sent nearly a lac of rupees as tribute, while
at the same time they ordered 7000 musketeers who were in their
service to open fire. So heavy was it that many of the trees of a grove
in which a large force of the besiegers was posted were stripped of
their branches and leaves.
At length the besiegers sent their pioneers to work upon the ditch,
just by the church, where it was not so broad and deep as elsewhere.
There they dug channels and drew off the water. Mines were then
driven on from the trenches, but two of these were discovered by the
enemy and counteracted. The centre mine was carried under an
edifice which was loftier and stronger than all the other buildings, and
where a large number of Firingís were stationed. This was charged
and tamped. On the 14th Rabí’u-l awwal the besieger’s forces were
drawn up in front of this building, in order to allure the enemy to that
part. When a large number were assembled, a heavy fire was
opened, and the mine was fired. The building was blown up, and the
many infidels who had collected around it were sent flying into the air.
The warriors of Islám rushed to the assault. Some of the infidels
found their way to hell by the water, but some thousands succeeded
in making their way to the ships. At this juncture Khwája Sher came
up with the boats, and killed many of the fugitives.
These foes of the faith were afraid lest one large ship, which had
nearly two thousand men and women and much property on board,
should fall into the hands of the Muhammadans; so they fired the
magazine and blew her up. Many others who were on board the
ghrábs set fire to their vessels, and turned their faces towards hell.
Out of the sixty-four large díngas, fifty-seven ghrábs and 200 jaliyas,
one ghráb and two jaliyas escaped, in consequence of some fire from
the burning ships having fallen upon some boats laden with oil, which
burnt a way through (the bridge of boats). Whoever escaped from the
water and fire became a prisoner. From the beginning of the siege to
the conclusion, men and women, old and young, altogether nearly
10,000 of the enemy were killed, being either blown up with powder,
drowned in water, or burnt by fire. Nearly 1000 brave warriors of the
Imperial army obtained the glory of martyrdom. 4400 Christians of
both sexes were taken prisoners, and nearly 10,000 inhabitants of the
neighbouring country who had been kept in confinement by these
tyrants were set at liberty.
Surrender of the Fort of Gálna.
[Text, vol. i. p. 442.] After Fath Khán, son of Malik ‘Ambar, had put
Nizám Sháh to death, Mahmúd Khán, the commandant of the fort of
Gálna, repudiated his authority, and put the fortress in a state of
defence, intending to deliver it over to Sáhú-jí Bhonsla, who,
unmindful of the favours he had received from the Imperial throne,
had strayed from the path of obedience, and had possessed himself
of Násik, Trimbak, Sangamnír and Junír, as far as the country of the
Kokan. He had got into his power one of the relatives of the late
Nízám Sháh, who had been confined in one of the strongest
fortresses in the kingdom, and raised the banner of independence.
He (Mahmud Khán)* wished to deliver the fort over to him. Khán-
zamán, who was acting as deputy of his father in the government of
the Dakhin, Birár and Khándesh, when he was informed of Mahmúd
Khán’s proceedings, wrote to Mír Kásim Khán Harawí, commandant
of the fort of Alang, which is near to Gálna. He directed him to
endeavour by promises of Imperial favour to win him over, and
prevent the surrender of the fortress to Sáhú-jí Bhonsla. Mír Kásim
communicated with Mahmúd Khán on the subject, and the latter
invited the Mír to come to him. After a good deal of talk, Mahmúd
Khán assented to the proposition, and in the hope of a great reward
delivered over the fort to the representatives of the Emperor.

SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1042 A.H. (1632 A.D.).


[Text, vol. i. p. 449.] Bhágírat Bhíl, chief of the disaffected in the
province of Málwa, relying on the number of his followers and the
strength of his fort of Khátákhírí,* had refused obedience to the
governors of Málwa. He ventured to show his disaffection to Nusrat
Khán, when he was governor, and the Khán marched from Sárangpúr
to chastise him. The Khán’s fame as a soldier had its effect. The rebel
gave up all hope of resistance, and, seeking an introduction to Nusrat
Khán through Sangrám, Zamíndár of Kanúr, he surrendered his
fortress.
Destruction of Hindu Temples.
[p. 449.] It had been brought to the notice of His Majesty that during
the late reign many idol temples had been begun, but remained
unfinished, at Benares, the great stronghold of infidelity. The infidels
were now desirous of completing them. His Majesty, the defender of
the faith, gave orders that at Benares, and throughout all his
dominions in every place, all temples that had been begun should be
cast down. It was now reported from the province of Allahábád that
seventy-six temples had been destroyed in the district of Benares.

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Conquest of Daulatábád.
[p. 496.] Fath Khán, son of ‘Ambar Habshí, conceiving his interest to
lie in making submission to the Emperor, had sent his son, ‘Abdu-r
Rusúl, with a suitable offering to the foot of the Imperial throne,
professing obedience and praying for favour. The Emperor graciously
bestowed upon him some districts which had formerly belonged to
him, but had been since given to Sáhú-jí Bhonsla. Now, in
compliance with the request of Fath Khán, they were restored to him.
This gave great offence to the turbulent Sáhú-jí, who went and joined
the Bíjapúrís, and induced ‘Ádil Khán to place him in command of a
force for wresting the fortress of Daulatábád from the hands of Fath
Khán. The latter was much incensed against the Nizám-Sháhís, and
had no faith in them; so he wrote to Khán-khánán Mahábat Khán,
informing him that Sáhú-jí Bhonsla was preparing to bring a force
from Bíjápúr against him, and that, as the fortress was ill provisioned,
there was great probability of its being taken, unless Mahábat Khán
came to his assistance. If the Khán came quickly, he would surrender
the fortress, and would himself proceed to the Imperial Court. The
Khán-khánán accordingly sent forward his son, Khán-zamán, with an
advanced force, and he himself followed on the 9th Jumáda-s sání.
[Khán-zamán defeats a covering army of Bíjápúr.]
The Bíjápúrís were discouraged by the chastisement they had
received from the Imperial army, so they made offers of an arrange-
ment to Fath Khán. They offered to leave the fortress in his
possession, to give him three lacs of pagodas in cash, and to throw
provisions into the fort. That ill-starred foolish fellow, allured by these
promises, broke his former engagement, and entered into an alliance
with them. Most of the animals in the fortress had died from want of
provender, and the Bíjápúrís now, at the instance of Fath Khán,
exerted themselves in getting provisions. When Khán-khánán, who
was at Zafarnagar, was informed of these proceedings, he wrote to
Khán-zamán directing him to make every exertion for the reduction of
the fortress, and for the punishment of the traitor and the Bíjápúrís.
[Skirmishes in the vicinity.]
Khán-khánán, on being informed of the state of affairs, marched from
Zafarnagar to Daulatábád, and reached there on the last day of
Sha’bán. Next morning he rode out with his son, Khán-zamán, to
reconnoitre the fortress, and took up his residence in a house
belonging to Nizám Sháh at Nizámpúr, near the fortress. [Disposition
of his forces.] He placed the artillery and siege material under the
direction of (his son) Luhrasp, and ordered that a constant fire should
be kept up from a high hill which governs the fortress, and upon
which Kághziwára stands. He also ordered Khán-zamán to be
constantly on the alert with 5000 cavalry, and ready to render
assistance wherever it might be required in the trenches. The
Imperial army having thus invested the place, and formed trenches,
pushed on the siege, running zigzags, forming mines and preparing
scaling ladders.
Fath Khán placed the son of Nizám Sháh in the Kálá-kot (black fort),
which was considered impregnable. He himself took post in the
Mahá-kot (great fort), and the body of the forces were stationed in the
outer works called ‘Ambar-kot, because they had been raised by
Malik ‘Ambar to protect the place against the advance of the Imperial
power. [Defeat of many attempts to victual and relieve the fortress
from without, and of sorties from within.]
On the 9th Shawwál a mine which had been formed from the trenches
of Khán-zamán was charged, and the forces having been named for
the assault, were ordered to assemble in the trenches before break of
day. The mine was to be fired at the first appearance of dawn, and
upon the walls being blown down, the stormers were to rush into the
fort. By mistake the mine was fired an hour before dawn, and before
the storming parties were ready. Twenty-eight gaz of the walls and
twelve gaz of the bastion was blown away, and a wide breach was
made. But the troops not having arrived, no entry was effected. The
defenders rushed to the breach, and kept up such a rain of arrows,
bullets, and rockets, that the storming party was obliged to take
refuge in the trenches. Then they exerted themselves to stop the
breach with palisades and planks. The commander of the Imperial
army desired to dismount and lead the assault, but Nasírí Khán urged
that it was against all the rules of warfare for the commander-in-chief
to act in such a way. He himself would lead the storming party,
trusting in God and hoping for the favour of the Emperor. Khán-
khánán directed Mahes Dás Ráthor and others to support him. The
Imperial troops rushed to the breach, and the defenders made a
desperate resistance; but Nasírí Khán, although wounded, forced his
way in upon the right, and Rájá Bihár Singh and other Hindus upon
the left. They were fiercely encountered by Khairiyat Khán Bíjápúrí
and others with sword and dagger, but they at length prevailed, and
drove the defenders into the ditch of the Mahá-kot for shelter. Great
numbers of the garrison fell under the swords of the victors. Thus fell
the celebrated works of Malik ‘Ambar, which were fourteen gaz in
height and ten gaz in thickness, and well furnished with guns and all
kinds of defences. The Imperial commander having thus achieved a
great success, proceeded with Nasírí Khán to inspect the works, and
immediately took steps for attacking the Mahá-kot. [Diversion made
by the enemy in the direction of Birár. Another attempt by Randaula
and Sáhú-jí to relieve the fortress.]
With great perseverance the besiegers pushed a mine under the
Mahá-kot, and Fath Khán was so much alarmed that he sent his
wives and family into the Kálá-kot. He himself, with Khairiyat Khán,
uncle of Randaula, and some other Bíjápúrís, remained in the Mahá-
kot. The Bíjápúrís being greatly depressed by the scarcity of food and
the progress of the Imperial arms, sought permission through Málú-jí
to be allowed to escape secretly, and to go to their master. Khán-
khánán sent a written consent, and by kind words encouraged their
drooping spirits. Nearly two hundred of them after night-fall
descended by a ladder fastened to the battlements. Khán-khánán
sent for them, and consoled them with kind words and presents.
[Several more attempts to relieve the fortress.]
On the 25th Zí-l ka’da, the commander-in-chief visited the trenches.
He went to Saiyid ‘Aláwal, whose post was near the mine of the Sher-
Hájí of the Mahá-kot, and determined that the mine should be blown
up. Fath Khán got notice of this, and in the extremity of his fear he
sent his wakíl to Khán-khánán, and with great humility represented
that he had bound himself to the ‘Ádil-Khánís by the most solemn
compact not to make peace without their approval. He therefore
wished to send one of his followers to Murárí Pandit, to let him know
how destitute the fort was of provisions, and how hard it was pressed
by the besiegers. He also wanted the Pandit to send wakíls to settle
with him the terms of peace and the surrender of the fort. He
therefore begged that the explosion of the mine might be deferred for
that day, so that there might be time for an answer to come from
Murárí Pandit. Khán-khánán knew very well that there was no
sincerity in his proposal, and that he only wanted to gain a day by
artifice; so he replied that if Fath Khán wished to delay the explosion
for a day, he must immediately send out his son as a hostage.
When it had become evident that Fath Khán did not intend to send
his son out, the mine was exploded. A bastion and fifteen yards of the
wall were blown up. The brave men who awaited the explosion
rushed forward, and heedless of the fire from all sorts of arms which
fell upon them from the top of the Mahá-kot, they made their way in.
The commander-in-chief now directed that Saiyid ‘Aláwal and others
who held the trenches on the outside of the ditch, opposite the Sher-
Hájí, should go inside and bravely cast up trenches in the interior.
[Defeat of a demonstration made by Murárí Pandit. Surrender of the
fort of Nabátí near Gálna.]

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Fath Khán now woke up from his sleep of heedlessness and security.
He saw that Daulatábád could not resist the Imperial arms and the
vigour of the Imperial commander. To save the honour of his own and
Nizám Sháh’s women, he sent his eldest son ‘Abdu-r Rusúl to Khán-
khánán [laying the blame of his conduct on Sáhú-jí and the ‘Ádil-
Khánis]. He begged for forgiveness and for a week’s delay, to enable
him to remove his and Nizám Sháh’s family from the fortress, while
his son remained as a hostage in Khán-khánán’s power. Khán-
khánán had compassion on his fallen condition, granted him safety,
and kept his son as a hostage. Fath Khán asked to be supplied with
the means of carrying out his family and property, and with money for
expenses. Khán-khánán sent him his own elephants and camels and
several litters, also ten lacs and fifty thousand rupees in cash,
belonging to the State, and demanded the surrender of the fortress.
Fath Khán sent the keys to Khán-khánán, and set about preparing for
his own departure. Khán-khánán then placed trusty guards over the
gates.
On the 19th Zí-l hijja Fath Khán came out of the fortress and delivered
it up. The fortress consisted of nine different works, five upon the low
ground, and four upon the top of the hill. These with the guns and all
the munitions of war were surrendered. * * * Khán-khánán went into
the fortress, and had the khutba read in the Emperor’s name.
The old name of the fortress of Daulatábád was Deo-gír, or Dhárágar.
It stands upon a rock which towers to the sky. In circumference it
measures 5000 legal gaz, and the rock all round is scarped so
carefully, from the base of the fort to the level of the water, that a
snake or an ant would ascend it with difficulty. Around it there is a
moat forty legal yards (zara’) in width, and thirty in depth, cut into the
solid rock. In the heart of the rock there is a dark and tortuous
passage, like the ascent of a minaret, and a light is required there in
broad daylight. The steps are cut in the rock itself, and the bottom is
closed by an iron gate. It is by this road and way that the fortress is
entered. By the passage a large iron brazier had been constructed,
which, when necessary, could be placed in the middle of it, and a fire
being kindled in this brazier, its heat would effectually prevent all
progress. The ordinary means of besieging a fort by mines, sábáts,
etc., are of no avail against it. * * *
Khán-khánán desired to leave a garrison in the captured fortress, and
to go to Burhánpúr, taking Nizám Sháh and Fath Khán with him. The
Imperial army had endured many hardships and privations during the
siege. They had continually to contend against 20,000 horse of
Bíjápúr and Nizámu-l Mulk, and to struggle hard for supplies. Nasírí
Khán (who had been created Khán-daurán) was always ready for
service, and he offered to take the command of the fortress. So
Khán-khánán left him and some other officers in charge, and
marched with his army to Zafarnagar. * * * After reaching that place,
Murárí Pandit and the Bíjápúrís sent Farhád, the father of Randaula,
to treat for peace; but Khán-khánán knew their artfulness and perfidy,
and sent him back again. The Bíjápúrís, in despair and recklessness,
now turned back to Daulatábád. They knew that provisions were very
scarce and the garrison small. The entrenchments which the
besiegers had raised were not thrown down, so the Bíjápúrís took
possession of them, invested the fortress and fought against it. Khán-
daurán, without waiting for reinforcements, boldly sallied out and
attacked them repeatedly. By kind treatment he had conciliated the
raiyats of the neighbourhood, and they supplied him with provisions,
so that he was in no want. As soon as Khán-khánán heard of these
proceedings, he marched for Daulatábád. The enemy finding that
they could accomplish nothing, abandoned the siege as soon as they
heard of the approach of Khán-khánán, and then retreated by Násik
and Trimbak.
Christian Prisoners.
[Text, vol. i. p. 534.] On the 11th Muharram, [1043 A.H.], Kásim Khán
and Bahádur Kambú brought * * * 400 Christian prisoners, male and
female, young and old, with the idols of their worship, to the presence
of the faith-defending Emperor. He ordered that the principles of the
Muhammadan religion should be explained to them, and that they
should be called upon to adopt it. A few appreciated the honour
offered to them and embraced the faith: they experienced the
kindness of the Emperor. But the majority in perversity and wilfulness
rejected the proposal. These were distributed among the amírs, who
were directed to keep these despicable wretches in rigorous
confinement. When any one of them accepted the true faith, a report
was to be made to the Emperor, so that provision might be made for
him. Those who refused were to be kept in continual confinement. So
it came to pass that many of them passed from prison to hell. Such of
their idols as were likenesses of the prophets were thrown into the
Jumna, the rest were broken to pieces.
Last of the Nizám Sháhs.
[Text, vol. i. p. 540.] Islám Khán returned to Court, bringing with him
the captive Nizám Sháh and Fath Khán, whom Khán-khánán
Mahábat Khán had sent together with the plunder taken at
Daulatábád. Nizám Sháh was placed in the custody of Khán-Jahan,
in the fort of Gwálior. * * * The crimes of Fath Khán were mercifully
pardoned; he was admitted into the Imperial service, and received a
khil’at and a grant of two lacs of rupees per annum. His property also
was relinquished to him, but that of Nizám Sháh was confiscated.

SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1043 A.H. (1633 A.D.).


[p. 545.] The Emperor had never visited Lahore, one of his chief
cities, since his accession. He now determined to proceed thither,
and also to pay a visit to the peerless vale of Kashmír. Accordingly he
set out from Ágra on the 3rd Sha’bán, 1043 H. * * * His Majesty’s
sense of justice and consideration for his subjects induced him to
order that the Bakhshí of the ahadís with his archers should take
charge of one side of the road, and the Mír-átish with his matchlock-
men should guard the other, so that the growing crops should not be
trampled under foot by the followers of the royal train. As, however,
damage might be caused, dároghas, mushrifs and amíns were
appointed to examine and report on the extent of the mischief, so that
raiyats, and jágírdárs under 1000, might be compensated for the
individual loss they had sustained.
March of Prince Sháh Shujá’ against Parenda.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 33.] The fortress of Parenda, belonging to Nizám
Sháh, was formerly besieged by ‘Azam Khán, but, as before related,
certain obstacles compelled him to raise the siege. ‘Ádil Khán [by
cajolery and bribery] got the fort into his possession. * * * The
reduction of this fortress had long been a favourite object with Khán-
khánán, and, when Prince Sháh Shujá’ came near to Burhánpúr with
a fine army, * * * Khán-khánán waited upon him, and advised him to
undertake the reduction of Parenda. So the Prince, without entering
Burhánpúr, turned off and marched against that fortress. * * * On
arriving at Parenda, he encamped on a stream about a kos distant,
which is the only water to be found in the vicinity. Then he allotted the
work of constructing the trenches, and placed the general direction of
the siege works in the hands of Alla Vardí Khán. [Many conflicts and
skirmishes in the neighbourhood.]
The efforts of the besiegers in the construction of mines were not
attended with much success. The enemy broke into some and
destroyed them, and water burst into others. One, constructed by Alla
Vardí, in front of the Sher-Hájí, was fired by the Prince himself, who
went to it by the covered way. It blew up a bastion, but did not make a
practicable breach. Moreover, great ill feeling had sprung up between
Khán-khánán and Khán-daurán, because the latter was continually
repeating that he had saved Khán-khánán’s life [in one of the
engagements]. All the nobles and officers also were aggrieved at the
petulance and discourtesy of Khán-khánán. Through this the enemy
got information about Khán-khánán’s plans, and were able to foil
them, so that he made no progress in the reduction of the place. He
therefore represented to the Prince that, although provisions were
abundant, there was no grass or fuel within ten or twelve kos of the
camp, so that every foraging party had to travel more than twenty
kos. This was very distressing to the army. The rainy season also was
at hand. So he advised a retreat to Burhánpúr. As the Prince had
been ordered to act upon the advice of Khán-khánán, the army
retreated on the 3rd Zí-l hijja.
Death of Khán-khánán.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 59.] On the 14th Jumáda-l awwal intelligence arrived of
the death of Mahábat Khán Khán-khánán, who died of fistula, with
which he had long been afflicted.

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EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1044 A.H. (1634 A.D.).


The Peacock Throne.
[p. 62.] In the course of years many valuable gems had come into the
Imperial jewel-house, each one of which might serve as an ear-drop
for Venus, or would adorn the girdle of the Sun. Upon the accession
of the Emperor, it occurred to his mind that, in the opinion of far-
seeing men, the acquisition of such rare jewels and the keeping of
such wonderful brilliants can only render one service, that of adorning
the throne of empire. They ought therefore, to be put to such a use,
that beholders might share in and benefit by their splendour, and that
Majesty might shine with increased brilliancy. It was accordingly
ordered that, in addition to the jewels in the Imperial jewel-house,
rubies, garnets, diamonds, rich pearls and emeralds, to the value of
200 lacs of rupees, should be brought for the inspection of the
Emperor, and that they, with some exquisite jewels of great weight,
exceeding 50,000 miskáls, and worth eighty-six lacs of rupees,
having been carefully selected, should be handed over to Be-badal
Khán, the superintendent of the goldsmith’s department. There was
also to be given to him one lac of tolas of pure gold, equal to 250,000
miskáls in weight and fourteen lacs of rupees in value. The throne
was to be three gaz in length, two and a half in breadth, and five in
height, and was to be set with the above-mentioned jewels. The
outside of the canopy was to be of enamel work with occasional
gems, the inside was to be thickly set with rubies, garnets, and other
jewels, and it was to be supported by twelve emerald columns. On
the top of each pillar there were to be two peacocks thick set with
gems, and between each two peacocks a tree set with rubies and
diamonds, emeralds and pearls. The ascent was to consist of three
steps set with jewels of fine water. This throne was completed in the
course of seven years at a cost of 100 lacs of rupees. Of the eleven
jewelled recesses (takhta) formed around it for cushions, the middle
one, intended for the seat of the Emperor, cost ten lacs of rupees.
Among the jewels set in this recess was a ruby worth a lac of rupees,
which Sháh ‘Abbás, the King of Írán, had presented to the late
Emperor Jahángír, who sent it to his present Majesty, the Sáhib
Kirán-i sání, when he accomplished the conquest of the Dakhin. On it
were engraved the names of Sáhib-kirán (Tímúr), Mír Sháh Rukh,
and Mirzá Ulugh Beg. When in course of time it came into the
possession of Sháh ‘Abbás, his name was added; and when Jahángir
obtained it, he added the name of himself and of his father.* Now it
received the addition of the name of his most gracious Majesty Sháh
Jahán. By command of the Emperor, the following masnawí, by Hájí
Muhammad Ján, the final verse of which contains the date, was
placed upon the inside of the canopy in letters of green enamel. * * *
On his return to Ágra, the Emperor held a court, and sat for the first
time on his throne. * * Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán was promoted to
the dignity of Khán-khánán. [Conquest by Najábat Khán of several
forts belonging to the zamíndárs of Srinagar, and his subsequent
enforced retreat.]
Rebellion of Jajhár Singh Bundela and his son Bikramájít.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 94.] His Majesty in the second year of his reign
pardoned the misdeeds of this turbulent man, and sent him on
service to the Dakhin. After a while he took leave of Mahábat Khán
Khán-khánán, the ruler of the Dakhin, and retired to his own country,
leaving behind him his son Bikramájít, entitled Jag-ráj, and his
contingent of men. On reaching home, he attacked Bím Naráín,
Zamíndár of Garha, and induced him by a treaty and promise to
surrender the fort of Chaurágarh.* Afterwards, in violation of his
engagement, he put Bím Naráín and a number of his followers to
death, and took possession of the fort, with all the money and
valuables it contained. Bím Naráín’s son accompanied Khán-daurán
to Court from Málwa, taking with him an offering, and he made known
to the Emperor what had happened. A farmán was then sent to Jajhár
Singh, charging him with having killed Bím Naráín, and taking
possession of Garha, without the authority of the Emperor, and
directing him to surrender the territory to the officers of the Crown, or
else to give up the jágírs he held in his own country, and to send to
Court ten lacs of rupees in cash out of the money which had
belonged to Bím Naráín. He got notice of this farmán from his wakíls
before it arrived, and being resolved to resist, he directed his son
Bikramájít to escape with his troops from the Bálághát, whither he
had gone with Khán-daurán, and to make the best of his way home.
The son acted accordingly, * * but he was attacked at Ashta* in
Málwa by Khán-zamán, Názim of the Páyín-ghát, when many of his
men were killed, and he himself was wounded, and narrowly
escaped; * * but he made his way by difficult and unknown roads
through the jungles and hills, and joined his father in the pargana of
Dhámúní.* [20,000 men sent against the rebel under the nominal
command of Prince Aurangzeb.]
The different divisions of the Imperial army united at Bhander, and
prepared for the reduction of the fortress of Úndcha. On arriving
within three kos of Úndcha, where the forest territory of Jajhár
commences, the forces were constantly occupied in cutting down
trees and forming roads. Every day they made a little advance. Jajhár
had with him in Úndcha nearly 5000 horse and 10,000 foot, and was
resolved to contest the passage through the woods. Every day he
sent out cavalry and infantry to keep under the cover of the trees, and
to annoy the royal forces with muskets and arrows. But the Imperial
army killed some of them every day, and forced its way to the
neighbourhood of Kahmar-wálí, one kos from Úndcha, where the
rebels were determined to fight.
Rájá Debi Singh, with the advanced guard of Khán-daurán, pressed
forward and took the little hill of Kahmar-wálí from Jajhár’s men.
Notwithstanding the density and strength of his forests, Jajhár was
alarmed at the advance of the Imperial forces, and removed his
family, his cattle and money, from Úndcha to the fort of Dhámúní,
which his father had built. On the east, north and south of this fort
there are deep ravines, which prevent the digging of mines or the
running of zigzags. On the west side a deep ditch had been dug
twenty imperial yards wide, stretching from ravine to ravine. Leaving
a force to garrison Úndcha, he himself, with Bikramájít, and all their
connexions, went off to Dhámúní. This flight encouraged the royal
forces, and on the 2nd Jumáda-s sání [they took Úndcha by escalade],
and the garrison fled.
After resting one day at Úndcha, the royal army crossed the river
Satdhára, on which the town stands, and went in pursuit of the rebels.
On the 14th it was three kos from Dhámúní, when intelligence came in
that Jajhár had fled with his family and property to the fort of
Chaurágarh, on the security of which he had great reliance. * * Before
leaving he blew up the buildings round the fort of Dhámúní, and left
one of his officers and a body of faithful adherents to garrison the fort.
* * The Imperial army was engaged two days in felling trees and
clearing a passage, and then reached the fortress. They pushed their
trenches to the edge of the ditch, and pressed the garrison hard. The
fort kept up a heavy fire till midnight, when, alarmed at the progress
of the besiegers, they sent to propose a capitulation. Favoured by the
darkness, the men of the garrison made their way out, and hid in the
jungles. * * The Imperial forces then entered the place, and began to
sack it. * * A cry arose that a party of the enemy still held possession
of a bastion. * * ‘Alí Asghar and the men under him carried the tower;
but while they were engaged in plundering, a spark from a torch fell
upon a heap of gunpowder, which blew up the bastion with eighty
yards of the wall on both sides, although it was ten yards thick. ‘Alí
Asghar and his followers all perished. * * Nearly 300 men and 200
horses who were near the entrance of the fort were killed. * *
Jajhár, on hearing of the approach of the Imperial forces, destroyed
the guns of the fortress (of Chaurágarh), burnt all the property he had
there, blew up the dwellings which Bím Naráín had built within the
fort, and then went off with his family and such goods as he could
carry to the Dakhin. * * The Imperial army then took possession of the
fortress. A chaudharí brought in information that Jajhár had with him
nearly 2000 horse and 4000 foot. He had also sixty elephants, some
of which were loaded with gold and silver money and gold and silver
vessels, others carried the members of his family. He travelled at the
rate of four Gondi kos, that is, nearly eight ordinary kos per diem.
Although he had got fifteen days’ start, the Imperial army set out in
pursuit, and for fear the rebel should escape with his family and
wealth, the pursuers hurried on at the rate of ten Gondi kos a day.
[Long and exciting chase.] When pressed hard by the pursuers,
Jajhár and Bikramájít put to death several women whose horses were
worn out, and then turned upon their pursuers. * * Although they
fought desperately, they were beaten, and fled into the woods. * *
Intelligence afterwards was brought that Jajhár had sent off his family
and treasure towards Golkonda, intending to follow them himself. * *
The royal forces consequently steadily pursued their course to
Golkonda. * *
At length the pursuers came in sight of the rebels. Khán-daurán then
sent his eldest son, Saiyid Muhammad, and some other officers with
500 horse, to advance with all speed against them. The hot pursuit
allowed the rebels no time to perform the rite of Jauhar, which is one
of the benighted practices of Hindústán. In their despair they inflicted
two wounds with a dagger on Rání Párbatí, the chief wife of Rájá Nar
Singh Deo, and having stabbed the other women and children with
swords and daggers, they were about to make off, when the pursuers
came up and put many of them to the sword. Khán-daurán then
arrived, and slew many who were endeavouring to escape.
Durgbahán, son of Jajhár, and Durjan Sál, son of Bikramájít, were
made prisoners. Udbahán, and his brother Siyám Dawá, sons of
Jajhár, who had fled towards Golkonda, were soon afterwards taken.
Under the direction of Khán-daurán, Rání Párbatí and the other
wounded women were raised from the ground and carried to Fíroz
Jang. The royal army then encamped on the edge of a tank. * * While
they rested there, information was brought that Jajhár and Bikramájít,
* * after escaping from the bloody conflict, had fled to hide
themselves in the wilds, where they were killed with great cruelty by
the Gonds who inhabit that country. * * Khán-daurán rode forth to
seek their bodies, and having found them, cut off their heads and
sent them to Court. * * When they arrived, the Emperor ordered them
to be hung up over the gate of Sehúr.
On arriving at Chándá, the Imperial commanders resolved to take
tribute from Kípá, chief zamíndár of Gondwáná, * * and he consented
to pay five lacs of rupees as tribute to the government, and one lac of
rupees in cash and goods to the Imperial commanders. * *
On the 13th Jumáda-s sání the Emperor proceeded on his journey to
Úndcha, and on the 21st intelligence arrived of the capture of the fort
of Jhánsí, one of the strongest in the Bundela country.
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NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1045 A.H. (1635 A.D.).


[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 125.] An officer was sent to Bíjápúr to ‘Ádil
Khán, with a khil’at, etc., and he was directed to require that ‘Ádil
Khán should be faithful in his allegiance and regular in the payment of
his tribute, that he should surrender to the Imperial officers the
territories he had taken from Nizámu-l Mulk, and that he should expel
the evil-minded Sáhú and other adherents of the Nizámu-l Mulk from
his dominions. [Text of the farmán.]
Farmán to Kutbu-l Mulk (of Golkonda).
[It stipulates for the allegiance of Kutbu-l Mulk to the Imperial throne,
for the khutba being read in the name of the Emperor, and for the
payment of tribute, etc.]
[p. 133.] On the 15th Sha’bán Khán-daurán came from Chándá to wait
upon the Emperor. He presented * * the wives of the wretched Jajhár,
Durgbahán his son, and Durjan Sál, his grandson. By the Emperor’s
order they were made Musalmáns by the names of Islám Kulí, and
‘Alí Kulí, and they were both placed in the charge of Fíroz Khán Názir.
Rání Párbatí, being severely wounded, was passed over; the other
women were sent to attend upon the ladies of the Imperial palace.
Despatch of the Imperial army against Sáhú and other Nízám-Sháhís.
[p. 135.] Nizámu-l Mulk was in confinement in the fort of Gwálior, but
the evil-minded Sáhú, and other turbulent Nizámu-l Mulkís, had found
a boy of the Nizám’s family, to whom they gave the title of Nizámu-l
Mulk. They had got possession of some of the Nizám’s territories,
and were acting in opposition to the Imperial government. Now that
the Emperor was near Daulatábád, he determined to send Khán-
daurán, Khán-zamán, and Sháyista Khán, at the head of three
different divisions, to punish these rebels, and in the event of ‘Ádil
Khán failing to cooperate with them, they were ordered to attack and
ravage his territories. * * Khán-daurán’s force consisted of about
20,000 horse, and he was sent towards Kandahár and Nánder, which
join the territories of Golkonda and Bíjápúr, with directions to ravage
the country and to besiege the forts of Údgír* and Úsa, two of the
strongest forts in those parts. * * Khán-zamán’s force also consisted
of about 20,000 men. He was directed to proceed to Ahmadnagar,
and subdue the native territory of Sáhú, which lies in Chamár-gonda*
and Ashtí near to Ahmadnagar. After that he was to release the
Kokan from the grasp of Sáhú, and upon receipt of instructions he
was to attack and lay waste the country of ‘Ádil Khán. * * The force
under Sháyista Khán consisted of about 8000 horse, and was sent
against the forts of Junír, San-gamnír, Násik and Trimbak. On the 8th
Ramazán they were sent on their respective expeditions. * * On the
5th Shawwál Sháyista Khán reported the capture of the fort of Masíj.
Udbihán, the son of Jajhár, and his younger brother, Siyám Dawá,*
who had fled to Golkonda, were made prisoners by Kutbu-l Mulk, and
were sent in custody to the Emperor. They arrived on the 7th
Shawwál. The young boy was ordered to be made a Musulmán, and
to be placed in charge of Fíroz Khán Názir, along with the son of
Bikramájít. Udbihán and Siyám Dawá, who were of full age, were
offered the alternative of Islám or death. They chose the latter, and
were sent to hell.
It now became known that ‘Ádil Khán, misled by evil counsels, and
unmindful of his allegiance, had secretly sent money to the
commandant of forts Údgír and Úsa. He had also sent Khairiyat Khán
with a force to protect those two forts, and had commissioned
Randaula to support Sáhú. Incensed with these acts, the Emperor
sent a force of about 10,000 men under Saiyid Khán-jahán, * * to
chastise him. Orders were given that he and Khán-daurán and Khán-
zamán should march into the Bíjápúr territories in three different
directions, to prevent Randaula from joining Sáhú, and to ravage the
country from end to end. If ‘Ádil Khán should awake from his
heedless stupidity, and should pay proper obedience, they were to
hold their hands; if not, they were to make every exertion to crush
him. On the 11th a letter arrived from Sháyista Khán, reporting that
Sálih Beg, the Nizámu-l Mulkí commander of the fort of Kher-darak,
had confined all Sáhú’s men who were in the fort, and had
surrendered it and its dependencies to the Imperial commanders.
Mír Abú-l Hasan and Kází Abú Sa’íd, whom ‘Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr had
sent to the Emperor after being aroused from his negligence by the
despatch of the Imperial forces to ravage his dominions, now arrived
and presented tribute and presents.
Mukarramat Khán, the Imperial envoy, approached Bíjápúr, and ‘Ádil
Khán, fearing the consequences of showing disobedience, came forth
from the city five kos to meet him, and made great show of
submission and respect. * * But the envoy soon discovered that,
although he made all these outward demonstrations through fear, he
was really desirous of exciting disturbances and offering opposition.
He made a report to this effect, and upon his arrival, the Imperial
order was given to kill and ravage as much as possible in the Bíjápúr
territories.
When ‘Abdu-l Latíf, the envoy to Golkonda, approached the city,
Kutbu-l Mulk came forth five kos to receive him, and conducted him to
the city with great honour. * * He had the khutba read aloud in the
name of the Emperor; he several times attended when the khutba
was read, and bestowed gifts upon the reader, and he had coins
struck in the Emperor’s name, and sent specimens of them to Court.
[Conquest of the fort of Chándor. Surrender of the hill fort of Anjaráí,
and of the hill forts of Kánjna and Mánjna, Rola, Jola, Ahúnat, Kol,
Búsrá, Achlágar, and others. Conquest of the fort of the Rájá of Bír
after two months’ siege. Surrender of the fort of Dharab to Alláh Verdí
Khán.]
[Sháyista Khán takes Sangamnír and the town of Junír from Sáhú.
Sáhú’s son attempts the recovery of Junír.]
Campaign against Bíjápúr.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 151.] On the 8th Shawwál, a royal order reached
Khán-daurán near Údgír, informing him that ‘Ádil Khán had been
remiss in his obedience and payment of tribute; that Khán-jahán had
been directed to invade his territory by way of Sholapúr, Khán-zamán
by way of Índápúr;* and that he, Khan-daurán, must march against
him by way of Bidar, and lay waste his country. Khán-daurán
accordingly left his baggage on the banks of the Wanjira, in charge of
a party of men whose horses were ineffective. In the beginning of
New Year’s night he set forth, and at five o’clock reached Kalyán, the
most flourishing place in that country. The inhabitants were quite
unprepared, and near 2000 of them fell under his attack. Many were
taken prisoners, and great booty was secured. [Naráínpúr, Bhálkí,
and Maknáth,* taken in succession and plundered. 2000 of the
enemy defeated near Bidar.]
From Bhálkí Khán-daurán marched to Deoní, three kos from Údgír,
and from thence towards Bíjápúr, plundering and laying waste all the
country. He then attacked and sacked the two great towns of
Sultánpúr and Hírápúr. From Hírápúr he advanced to the river
Bhúnrá.* A party of the enemy then drew near and threatened him, * *
but was defeated. After this, Khán-daurán marched to Fírozábád,
twelve kos from Bíjápúr. A letter then arrived from Mukarramat Khán,
informing him that the Bíjápúrís had broken down the tank of
Sháhpúr, and had taken all the inhabitants of the country round
Bíjápúr into that city, and that no water or food was to be found in the
country. * * * A letter from the Emperor then reached him, to the effect
that ‘Ádil Khán had sent two envoys to make some representations
about the forts of Úsa and Údgír; but as these belonged to Nizámu-l
Mulk, the Emperor would not present them to him. A report received
subsequently from Mukarramat Khán stated that ‘Ádil Khán had
abandoned his claim to these forts, and had returned to his
obedience. Khán-daurán was therefore directed to desist from
ravaging the Bíjápúr territories, and to lay siege to Úsa and Údgír. On
the 23rd Muharram Khán-daurán marched against Údgír.

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Campaign of Khán-Jahán.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 155.] [Capture of Sarádhún, Dhárásíyún, Kántí
six kos from Sholápúr, and the town of Deogánw. Victories over the
Bíjápúrís, commanded by Randaula.] Water and provisions were now
difficult to obtain, so the royal army fell back to Dhárásíyún,*
intending to leave their baggage at Sarádhún, and passing between
Úsa and Naldrug, to make a raid into the flourishing country about
Kulbarga, to plunder and lay waste. On the 1st Zí-l hijja, the enemy
made his appearance while the Imperial army was encamped about
two kos from Úsa, and began to throw in rockets. The royal forces
issued from their entrenchments and repulsed their assailants. Next
day they attacked the Imperial army as it was about to march, * * but
were defeated and driven back. After returning from the battle-field,
Saiyid Khán-jahán, considering that the country was devastated, and
the rains were at hand, determined to fall back to Bír, * * and await
the Imperial directions as to where the rainy season should be
passed. On the 11th Zí-l hijja, about eight kos from Sarádhún, the
enemy again appeared in the rear [and after a hard fight fell back
defeated]. The royal army then continued its march to Sarádhún, and
along the banks of the Wanjira to Dhárúr.
Campaign of Khán-zamán.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 160.] After receiving his orders, Khán-zamán
marched to Ahmadnagar, and, after provisioning his force, * * he went
on towards Junír. Six kos from Ahmad-nagar, he learnt that the villain
Sáhú had made terms with Mínají Bhonsla, and had obtained from
him the fort of Máhúlí. Having taken Mínají along with him to Junír,
Sáhú was about to proceed by way of Párgánw to Parenda. Khán-
zamán marched after him, * * but Sáhú passed the river Bhúnrá, and
proceeded to Lohgánw, a dependency of Púna in the Bíjápúr
territories. Here Khán-zamán halted, because his orders were not to
follow Sáhú into ‘Ádil Khán’s country. [Capture of the fort of Chamár-
gonda by a detachment.] On receiving orders from Court, he entered
the Bíjápúr territories, and plundered and destroyed every inhabited
place he came to. On the 27th Shawwál he reached the pass of
Dúdbáí, where he halted. * * Next morning he ascended the pass. In
eight days he arrived at Kolapúr, and invested the fortress and town.
Notwithstanding a brave defence, he quickly took the place.
[Successful skirmishes with Sáhú and the Bíjápúrís.] Khán-zamán
next marched to Miraj, one of the principal towns in the Bíjápúr
dominions, and plundered it. From thence he made six days’ march
to Rai-bágh, a very ancient town in that country, where he obtained
great booty. After remaining there ten days, he fell back, and the
enemy had the audacity to hang upon his rear and harass him with
rockets. Eight days’ march from Miraj the army encamped on the
bank of a river. A party was sent out to forage, and a force was
ordered to support it. The enemy attacked this force, and a sharp
fight ensued; but the assailants were repulsed and pursued for two
kos. While the army was resting on the banks of the river Bhúnrá, an
Imperial farmán arrived, directing Khán-zamán to return to the royal
presence, to receive instructions for the reduction of the fort of Junír
and the punishment of Sáhú. The reason for this was that ‘Ádil Khán
had submitted, had agreed to pay a tribute equivalent to twenty lacs
in jewels, elephants, etc., and engaged that if Sáhú returned and
surrendered Junír and the other forts in the Nizám-Sháhí territory to
the Imperial officers, he would take him into his service; but if Sáhú
did not do so, he would assist the Imperial forces in reducing the forts
and punishing Sáhú.
[Capture by Khán-khánán of the forts of Ankí and Tankí, Alka and
Pálka, eighteen kos from Daulatábád.]
[Farmán containing the terms of peace with ‘Ádil Khán, and letter of
the latter in acknowledgment. Letter of homage from Kutbu-l Mulk.
Summary of Sháh Jahán’s two expeditions to the Dakhin, the first in
his father’s lifetime, the second after his own accession.]
‘Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 202.] While the Emperor was still thinking about
the reduction of the forts of the Dakhin, ‘Ádil Khán, being disturbed by
the prolonged stay of the Imperial Court, wrote a letter to the
Emperor, representing that the affairs of that country were now all
settled, and that he would be answerable for the surrender of the forts
held by Sáhú and others. There was therefore no reason for the
Emperor’s staying any longer, and it would be a great favour if he
would proceed to the capital, so that the raiyats and people of Bíjápúr
might return peacefully to their avocations. The Emperor graciously
consented, and resolved to go and spend the rainy season at Mándú.
‘Ádil Khán’s tribute, consisting of * *, arrived, and was accepted. The
Emperor confirmed to him the territory of Bíjápúr and the fortress of
Parenda, which had formerly belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk, but which
the commandant had surrendered to ‘Ádil Khán for a bribe. He also
confirmed to him all the country of Kokan on the sea-shore, which
had been formerly held half by him and half by Nizámu-l Mulk. [Copy
of the treaty.]
Prince Aurangzeb, Governor of the Dakhin.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 205.] On the 3rd Zí-l hijja the Emperor appointed
Prince Aurangzeb to the government of the Dakhin. This country
contains sixty-four forts, fifty-three of which are situated on hills, the
remaining eleven are in the plain. It is divided into four súbas. 1.
Daulatábád, with Ahmadnagar and other districts, which they call the
súba of the Dakhin. The capital of this province, which belonged to
Nizámu-l Mulk, was formerly Ahmadnagar, and afterwards
Daulatábád. 2. Telingána. This is situated in the súba of the
Bálághát.* 3. Khándes. The fortress of this province is Asír, and the
capital is Burhánpúr, situated four kos from Asír. 4. Birár. The capital
of this province is Elichpúr, and its famous fortress is called Gáwíl. It
is built on the top of a hill, and is noted above all the fortresses in that
country for strength and security. The whole of the third province and
a part of the fourth is in the Páyín-ghát. The jama’, or total revenue of
the four provinces is two arbs of dáms, equivalent to five crores of
rupees.
[Treaty with Kutbu-l Mulk. Letter from the latter.]
[Khán-daurán besieges Údgír and Úsa, and both forts are eventually
surrendered.]

TENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1046 A.H. (1636 A.D.).


Conquest of the Fort of Junír and Settlement of the Dakhin.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 225.] When Khán-zamán returned from the
Emperor to his army, he learnt that Sáhú had declined entering into
the service of ‘Ádil Khán, and refused to surrender Junír and the
other fortresses to the Imperial officers. ‘Ádil Khán therefore sent his
forces, under the command of Randaula, to co-operate with the
Imperial army in the destruction of Sáhú, and the reduction of his
fortresses. Khán-zamán hastened to Junír, * * * and invested the
fortress. Being satisfied with the arrangements for the siege, he
determined to march against Sáhú, who was in the neighbourhood of
Púna. When he reached the Khorandí, he was detained on its banks
for a month by the heavy rains and the inundations. As soon as the
waters abated, he crossed the river, and encamped on the banks of
the Índán, near Lohgánw, and Sáhú, who was seventeen kos distant,
then made into the mountains of Gondhána and Núrand. There were
were three large swollen rivers, the Índán, the Mol, and the Mota,*
between Khán-zamán and Sáhú. * * The Khán therefore sent an
officer to consult with Randaula. The opinion of that commander
coincided with Khán-zamán’s in favour of the pursuit, and the latter
began his march. * * Sáhú then fled with great haste by the pass of
Kombha,* and entered the Kokan. * * Finding no support there, he
returned by the pass of Kombha. The Imperial forces then entered
the Kokan by the same pass, and Randaula also was closing up.
Sáhú then went off to Máhúlí, * * and from thence to the fort of
Múranjan,* situated between the hills and the jungle. Khán-zamán
followed. * * * On discovering the approach of his pursuers, Sáhú
hastily sent off a portion of his baggage, and abandoned the rest. * * *
The pursuers having come up, put many of the rebels to the sword. *
* Being still pursued, Sáhú went again to Máhúlí, hoping to get away
by Trimbak and Tringalwárí;* but, fearing lest he should encounter the
royal forces, he halted at Máhúlí. He retained a party of his
adherents, who had long followed him, and the rest of his men he
disbanded, and allowed them to go where they would. Then, with his
son and a portion of his baggage, he went into the fort, resolved to
stand a siege.

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Khán-zamán got intelligence of this when he was twelve kos from


Máhúlí, and, notwithstanding the difficulties of the road, he reached
the fort in one day. * * He immediately opened his trenches and made
approaches. * * A few days after, Randaula came up, and joined in
the siege. * * When the place was hard pressed, Sáhú wrote
repeatedly to Khán-zamán, offering to surrender the fortress on
condition of being received into the Imperial service. He was informed
that if he wished to save his life, he must come to terms with ‘Ádil
Khán, for such was the Emperor’s command. He was also advised to
be quick in doing so, if he wished to escape from the swords of the
besiegers. So he was compelled to make his submission to ‘Ádil
Khán, and he besought that a treaty might be made with him. After
the arrival of the treaty, he made some absurd inadmissible demands,
and withdrew from the agreement he had made. But the siege was
pressed on, and the final attack drew near, when Sáhú came out of
the fort and met Randaula half way down the hill, and surrendered
himself with the young Nizám. He agreed to enter the service of ‘Ádil
Khán, and to surrender the fortress of Junír and the other forts to the
Imperial generals. * * * Accordingly the forts of Junír, Trimbak,
Tringalwárí, Harís, Júdhan, Júnd, and Harsirá, were delivered over to
Khán-zamán. * * Randaula, under the orders of ‘Ádil Khán, placed the
young Nizám in the hands of Khán-zamán, and then went to Bíjápúr,
accompanied by Sáhú.
[Khán-daurán takes possession of the forts of Kataljahr, and Ashta,
and besieges and storms the fort of Nágpúr.]
Nizámu-l Mulk.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 256.] On the 1st Zí-l hijja, 1046 A.H., Prince
Murád Bakhsh, Yamínu-d daula Khán-daurán Bahádur Nusrat Jang,*
and others went forth to meet Prince Aurangzeb, who had returned to
Court from the Dakhin. * * He brought with him the member of
Nizámu-l Mulk’s family* whom the disaffected of the Dakhin had
made use of for their rebellious purposes, and to whom they had
given the title of Nizámu-l Mulk. He was placed under the charge of
Saiyid Khán-Jahán, to be kept in the fort of Gwálior, where there were
two other of the Nizáms—one of whom was made prisoner at the
capture of Ahmadnagar in the reign of Jahángír, and the other at the
downfall of Daulatábád in the present reign. * * On the 4th, the news
came that Khán-zamán had died at Daulatábád from a complication
of diseases of long standing. * * Sháyista Khán was appointed to
succeed him in his command.
The Bundelas.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 270.] The Bundelas are a turbulent troublesome
race. Notwithstanding that Jajhár, their chief, had been slain, the
rebellious spirits of the tribe had taken no warning, but had set up a
child of his named Pirthí Ráj, who had been carried off alive from the
field of battle, and they had again broken out in rebellion. * * Khán-
daurán Bahádur Nusrat Jang was ordered to suppress this
insurrection, and then to proceed to his government in Málwá.
Storm at Thatta.
[p. 276.] On the 23rd Rabí’u-l awwal letters were received from Thatta,
reporting that rain had fallen incessantly for thirty-six hours in all the
towns and places near the sea-shore. Many houses and buildings
were destroyed, and great numbers of men and beasts of all kinds
were drowned. The wind blew so furiously that huge trees were torn
up by their roots, and the waves of the sea cast numbers of fishes on
to the shore. Nearly a thousand ships, laden and unladen, went down
from the violence of the sea, and heavy losses fell upon the ship-
owners. The land also, over which the waves were driven, became
impregnated with salt, and unfit for cultivation.
Conquest of Tibet.
[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 281.] The late Emperor Jahángír long
entertained the design of conquering Tibet, and in the course of his
reign Háshim Khán, son of Kásim Khán Mír-bahr, governor of
Kashmír, under the orders of the Emperor, invaded the country with a
large force of horse and foot and local zamíndárs. But although he
entered the country, and did his best, he met with no success, and
was obliged to retreat with great loss and with much difficulty. * * The
Imperial order was now given that Zafar Khán, governor of Kashmír,
should assemble the forces under his command, and effect the
conquest of that country. Accordingly he collected nearly eight
thousand horse and foot, composed of Imperial forces, men of his
own, and retainers of the marzbáns of his province. He marched by
the difficult route of Karcha-barh, and in the course of one month he
reached the district of Shkardú, the first place of importance in Tibet,
and on this side of the Níláb (Indus). ‘Alí Ráí, father of Abdál, the
present Marzbán of Tibet, had built upon the summits of two high
mountains two strong forts—the higher of which was called
Kaharphúcha, and the other Kahchana. Each of them had a road of
access “like the neck of a reed, and the curve of a talon.” The road of
communication between the two was on the top of the mountain.
Abdál shut himself up in the fort of Kaharphúcha. He placed his
minister and general manager in the fort of Kahchana, and he sent
his family and property to the fort of Shakar, which stands upon a
high mountain on the other side of the Níláb.
Zafar Khán, after examining the height and strength of the fortresses,
was of opinion that it was inexpedient to invest and attack them; but
he saw that the military and the peasantry of Tibet were much
distressed by the harsh rule of Abdál, and he resolved to win them
over by kindness. Then he sent a detachment to subdue the fort of
Shakar, and to make prisoners of the family of Abdál. The whole time
which the army could keep the field in this country was two months;
for if it remained longer, it would be snowed up. It was for this reason
that he sent Mír Fakhru-d dín, * * with four thousand men, against the
fort of Shakar, while he himself watched the fort in which Abdál was.
He next sent Hasan, nephew of Abdál, with some other men of Tibet,
who had entered into the Imperial service, and some zamíndárs of
Kashmír, who had friendly relations with the people of the country, to
endeavour by persuasion and promises to gain over the people. * *
Mír Fakhr passed over the river Níláb, and laid siege to the fort.
Daulat, son of Abdál, of about fifteen years of age, was in charge of
the fort. He sallied out to attack the besiegers, * * but was driven back
with loss. * * The besiegers then advanced, and opened their
trenches against the gate on the Shkardú side. The son of Abdál was
so frightened by these proceedings, that, regardless of his father’s
family (in the fort), he packed up the gold, silver, and what was
portable, and escaped in the night by the Káshghar gate. Mír Fakhru-
d dín, being apprised of his flight, entered the fort. He could not
restrain his followers from plundering; but he took charge of Abdál’s
family. A force was sent in pursuit of the son, which could not
overtake him, but returned with some gold and silver he had thrown
away on the road.
On hearing of this victory, Zafar Khán pressed on the siege of
Kaharphúcha and Kahchana. * * The governor and garrison of the
latter surrendered. * * Abdál, in despair at the progress made by the
invaders, and at the loss of his wives and children, opened
negociations and surrendered the fort of Kaharphúcha. * * Zafar Khán
was apprehensive that the snow would fall and close the passes, and
that, at the instigation of Abdál, he might be attacked from the side of
Kashmír. So, without making any settlement of the country, and
without searching after Abdál’s property, he set out on his return,
taking with him Abdál, his family, and some of the leading men of the
enemy. He left Muhammad Murád, Abdál’s vakíl, in charge of the
country.

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ELEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1047 A.H. (1637 A.D.).

Capture of Kandahár and other forts.*


[Text, vol. ii. p. 24.] The strong fortress of Kandahár was annexed to
the Imperial dominions in the fortieth year of the Emperor Akbar. * *
Sháh Safí of Persia, was desirous of recovering it. In the fifteenth
year of the reign of Jahángír, Prince Sháh Jahán was sent to arrange
the affairs of the Dakhin, * * and the Sháh of Persia seized the
opportunity to make an attempt to recover the place. He invested it,
and after a siege of forty-five days reduced the fortress in the
seventeenth year of Jahángír. * * After a time, ‘Alí Mardán Khán was
appointed governor of Kandahár, * * * and Sháh Jahán, being
desirous of recovering the place, directed his governor of Kábul to
send an able emissary to ‘Alí Mardán Khán, who was to learn what
he could about the fortress and its garrison, and to make overtures to
‘Alí Mardán Khán. * * The envoy was received very graciously, * * and
friendly relations were established between ‘Alí Mardán Khán and the
governor of Kábul, * * so that the Khán at length wrote, expressing his
desire to surrender the place to Sháh Jahán. * * On the approach of
the Imperial forces, ‘Alí Mardán Khán conducted them into the
fortress, and gave it up to them. * * The governor of Kábul was
directed to proceed to Kandahár, and to present a lac of rupees to ‘Alí
Mardán Khán. He was then to take the Khán to Kábul, and to send
him under escort to the Imperial Court, with all his family and
dependents. * * The Emperor sent ‘Alí Mardán Khán a khil’at [and
many other fine presents. Engagement between Sa’íd Khán,
governor of Kábul, and the Persians, and defeat of the latter. Capture
by siege of the forts of Bust, Zamíndáwar, and Girishk.] All the
country of Kandahár with its fortresses [enumerated in detail] were re-
annexed to the Imperial dominions.
Rebellion in Kúch-Hájú.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 64.] On the north of the country of Bengal there are
two countries: Kúch-Hájú, a cultivated country, which lies on the
banks of the Brahmaputra, a large river, two kos in width, which flows
from the country of Áshám (Assam) into Bengal. From thence to
Jahángír-nagar (Dacca) is one month’s journey. The other country is
Kúch-Bihár, which is far away from the river, and is twenty days’
journey from Jahángír-nagar. These two countries belonged to local
rulers (marzbán), and at the beginning of the reign of the Emperor
Jahángír, the country of Kúch-Hájú was under the rule of Paríchhit,
and Kúch-Bihár under Lachhmí Naráín, brother of the grandfather of
Paríchhit. In the eighth year of the reign, Sháh Jahán gave the
government of Bengal to Shaikh ‘Aláu-d dín Fathpúrí, who had
received the title of Islám Khán. Raghunáth, Zamíndár of Susang,
came to him, complaining that Paríchhit had tyrannically and violently
placed his wives and children in prison. His allegations appeared to
be true. At the same time, Lachhmí Naráín repeatedly represented
his devotion to the Imperial government, and incited Islám Khán to
effect the conquest of Kúch-Hájú. He accordingly sent a force to
punish Paríchhit, and to subjugate the country. [Long details of the
operations.] When the victorious army reached the river Kajlí, some
men were sent over first in boats, who in a short time defeated and
put to flight the guard of the place. The whole force then crossed and
destroyed some old forts. A strong fort was then constructed on each
side of the Kajlí, and * * garrisons were placed in them to check and
keep down the turbulent landholders. The army then proceeded to
Koh-hatah, towards Útarkol, between Sri-ghát and the Kajlí, there to
pass the rains.
Conquest of Baglána.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 105.] The territory of Baglána contains nine forts,
thirty-four parganas, and one thousand and one villages. It has been
a separate jurisdiction (marzbání) for one thousand four hundred
years, and its present ruler is named Bharjí. It is famous for its
temperate climate, its numerous streams and the abundance of its
trees and fruits. In length it is a hundred kos, and in breadth eighty.
On the east is Chándor, a dependency of Daulatábád; on the west
the port of Surat and the sea; on the north Sultánpúr and Nandurbár;
and on the south Násik and Trimbak. * * The strongest of its forts are
Sálhír and Múlhír.* Sálhír is placed upon a hill. * * Múlhír also stands
upon a hill. * * When Prince Aurangzeb was sent to the government
of the Dakhin, he was directed to subjugate this country. On the 8th
Sha’bán, 1047 H. (Dec. 1637), he sent an army against it, * * which
advanced and laid siege to Múlhír. The trenches were opened and
the garrison was pressed so hard that, on the 10th Shawwál, Bharjí
sent out his mother and his vakíl with the keys of his eight forts,
offering to enrol himself among the servants of the Imperial throne, on
condition of receiving the pargana of Sultánpúr. * * When this pro-
posal reached the Emperor, he granted Bharjí a mansab of three
thousand personal and 2500 horse, and Sultánpúr was conferred
upon him for his home.

TWELFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1048 A.H. (1638 A.D.).


[Submission of Maník Ráí, the Mag Rájá of Chátgám.]
[Text, vol. ii. p. 123.] On the 13th Rajab, the Imperial train reached
Lahore, * * and ‘Alí Mardán Khán, who had come from Kandahár, was
received with great ceremony. He was presented with [numerous rich
gifts], and his mansab was increased from 5000 to 6000 personal and
6000 horse. * * Before the end of the month he was appointed
governor of Kashmír, * * and shortly afterwards he was presented
with five lacs of rupees and ten parcels of the choice fabrics of the
looms of Bengal. The Emperor afterwards did him the honour of
paying him a visit at his house. [The Imperial progress from Lahore to
Kábul and back again.]
Little Tibet.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 159.] The conquest of Little Tibet, the captivity of its
ruler Abdál, and the appointment of Ádam Khán to be governor, have
been previously mentioned. Ádam Khán now wrote to ‘Alí Mardán
Khán, the new governor of Kashmír, informing him that Sangí
Bamkhal, the holder of Great Tibet, * * had seized upon Búrag in Little
Tibet, and meditated further aggression. ‘Alí Mardán Khán sent a
force against him under the command of Husain Beg. * * On the
meeting of the two forces, Sangí’s men were put to flight. * * He then
sued for forgiveness, and offered to pay tribute.

THIRTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1049 A.H. (1639 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 163.] On the 21st Jumáda-s sání, the Emperor arrived
at Lahore. * * ‘Alí Mardán Khán came down from Kashmír. * * His
mansab was increased to 7000 personal and 7000 horse, * * and the
government of the Panjáb was given to him in addition to that of
Kashmír. * * On the 6th Rajab, Islám Khán came according to
summons from Bengal, and was appointed to the office of Financial
Minister (díwání-kull).
‘Alí Mardán’s Lahore Canal.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 168.] ‘Alí Mardán Khán represented to His Majesty
that one of his followers was an adept in the forming of canals, and
would undertake to construct a canal from the place where the river
Ráví descends from the hills into the plains, and to conduct the
waters to Lahore, benefiting the cultivation of the country through
which it should pass. The Emperor * * gave to the Khán one lac of
rupees, a sum at which experts estimated the expense, and the Khán
then entrusted its formation to one of his trusted servants.

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[Advance of an army from Sístán against Kandahár.—Occupation
and abandonment of the fort of Khanshí, near Bust.]
[Great fire at the residence of Prince Shujá’ in Ágra.—Royal visit to
Kashmír.]
In the month of Muharram intelligence came in that Pirthi Ráj, son of
Jajhár Bundela, had been taken prisoner. * * Orders were given for
his confinement in the fort of Gwálior.

FOURTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1050 A.H. (1640 A.D.).


[Chastisement of the Kolís and Káthís in Gujarát.—Payment of tribute
by the Jám of Káthíwár.]
[Rebellion of Jagat Singh, son of Rájá Bású of Kángra.]

FIFTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1051 A.H. (1641 A.D.).


Death of Ásaf Khán Khán-khánán.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 257.] On the 17th Sha’bán Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán
Khán-khánán, commander-in-chief, departed this life; * * and on
receiving the intelligence, His Majesty was much affected, and gave
orders that he should be buried on the west side of the tomb of the
late Emperor Jahángír, and that a lofty dome should be raised over
his grave. * * He had risen to a rank and dignity which no servant of
the State had ever before attained. By the munificent favour of the
Emperor, his mansab was nine thousand personal and nine thousand
horse, do-aspah and sih-aspah, the pay of which amounted to sixteen
krors and twenty lacs of dáms. When these had all received their pay,
a sum of fifty lacs of rupees was left for himself. * * Besides the
mansion which he had built in Lahore, and on which he expended
twenty lacs of rupees, he left money and valuables to the amount of
two krors and fifty lacs of rupees. There were 30 lacs of rupees in
jewels, three lacs of ashrafís equal to 42 lacs of rupees, one kror and
25 lacs in rupees, 30 lacs in gold and silver utensils, and 23 lacs in
miscellaneous articles.
[Campaign in Jagat Singh’s territory. Capture of Mú, Núrpúr, and
other forts. Surrender of Tárágarh, and submission of Jagat Singh.]
SIXTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1052 A.H. (1642 A D.).
SEVENTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1053 A.H. (1643 A.D.).
[Reduction of Pálámún, and submission of its Rájá.]
[Text, vol. ii. p. 376.] At the beginning of Rabí’u-s sání, it was made
known to the Emperor that Prince Aurangzeb, under the influence of
ill-advised, short-sighted companions, had determined to withdraw
from worldly occupations, and to pass his days in retirement. His
Majesty disapproved of this, and took from the Prince his mansab
and his jágír, and dismissed him from the office of Governor-General
of the Dakhin. Khán-daurán Bahádur Nusrat Jang was appointed to
succeed him.

EIGHTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1054 A.H. (1644 A.D.).


[’Alí Mardán Khán Amíru-l Umará sent to chastise Tardí ‘Alí Katghán
of Balkh.—Successful result.]
[p. 385.] On the 29th Zí-l hijja, Prince Aurangzeb was appointed
Governor of Gujarát. * *

NINETEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1055 A.H. (1645 A.D.).


[Affairs of Nazar Muhammad Khán of Balkh—Operations in Kábul.]
[p. 411.] On the 29th Shawwál, 1055, died Núr Jahán Begam, widow
of the late Emperor Jahángír. After her marriage with the Emperor,
she obtained such an ascendency over him, and exercised such
absolute control over civil and revenue matters, that it would be
unseemly to dilate upon it here. After the accession of the Emperor
Sháh Jahán, he settled an annual allowance of two lacs of rupees
upon her.*
Campaign against Balkh and Badakhshán.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 482.] Ever since the beginning of his reign, the
Emperor’s heart had been set upon the conquest of Balkh and
Badakhshán, which were hereditary territories of his house, and were
the keys to the acquisition of Samarkand, the home and capital of his
great ancestor Tímúr Sáhib-Kirán. He was more especially intent on
this because Nazar Muhammad Khán had had the presumption to
attack Kábul, from whence he had been driven back in disgrace. The
prosecution of the Emperor’s cherished enterprise had been hitherto
prevented by various obstacles; * * but now the foundations of the
authority of Nazar Muhammad were shaken, and his authority in
Balkh was precarious. * * So the Emperor determined to send his son
Murád Bakhsh with fifty thousand horse, and ten thousand
musketeers, rocket-men and gunners, to effect the conquest of that
country. * * On the last day of Zí-l hijja, 1055 H., the Emperor gave his
farewell to Prince Murád Bakhsh, to Amíru-l Umará (‘Alí Mardán
Khán),* and the other officers sent on this service. [Plan of campaign.
* * Progress of the Emperor to Kábul.—Details of the campaign.—
Capture of the fort of Kahmard and the stronghold of Ghorí.—
Conquest of Kunduz and Balkh, and flight of Nazar Muhammad.—
Revenues of Nazar Muhammad.]

TWENTIETH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1056 A.H. (1646 A.D.).


[Prince Murád Bakhsh desires to retire from Balkh.—Displeasure of
the Emperor expressed in a despatch.—The Prince persists.] Many of
the amírs and mansabdárs who were with the prince concurred in this
unreasonable desire. Natural love of home, a preference for the ways
and customs of Hindustán, a dislike of the people and the manners of
Balkh, and the rigours of the climate, all conduced to this desire. This
resolution became a cause of distress among the raiyats, of
despondency among the soldiery, and of hesitation among the men
who were coming into Balkh from all quarters. The soldiers, seeing
this vacillation, began to plunder and oppress the people. So, when
the Prince’s desire was repeatedly expressed, the Emperor’s anger
was increased. He deprived the prince of his mansab, and took from
him his tuyúl of Multán. Under these circumstances, to settle the
confusion in Balkh, the Emperor found it necessary to send there a
trustworthy and able manager; so he selected Sa’du-lla Khán, his
prime minister. [Fighting in Badakhshán.—Settlement of Balkh.]
Sa’du-lla Khán returned on the 5th Sha’bán, 1056 H., having settled
the affairs of Balkh, and restored order and tranquillity among the
soldiers and people, and rescued the country from wretchedness. He
had most effectually carried out the orders of the Emperor, and was
rewarded with a khil’at, and a thousand increase to his mansab.
[Prince Murád Bakhsh restored to his mansab of 12,000.—Much
fighting near Balkh and Shaburghán.]*
Aurangzeb sent to Balkh.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 627.] On the 24th Zí-l hijja, 1056, the Emperor
bestowed the countries of Balkh and Badakhshán on Aurangzeb, and
increased his mansab to 15,000 personal and ten thousand horse,
eight thousand being do-aspahs or sih-aspahs. * * He was directed to
proceed to Pesháwar, and on the arrival of spring to march to Balkh,
in company with Amíru-l Umará ‘Alí Mardán Khán, and a body of
Rájpúts, who had left Balkh and Badakhshán in disgust, and had
come to Pesháwar, where they were stopped by an Imperial order
directing the officers at Atak not to allow them to cross the Indus.
The Emperor proceeds to Kábul.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 637.] By the reports of the commanders in Balkh and
Badakhshán, the Emperor was informed that ‘Abdu-l ‘Azíz Khán,
governor of Turán, * * intended to invade Balkh at the beginning of
spring. On the 15th Muharram Prince Aurangzeb was sent on to Balkh
with a body of Imperial soldiers, and the Emperor himself determined
to leave Lahore and go to Kábul for the third time.
[Long details of fighting in Balkh and Badakhshán, ending abruptly
with a statement of the errors made on the Imperial side.]

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LXIII.
SHÁH JAHÁN-NÁMA
OF
‘INÁYAT KHÁN.
[MUHAMMAD TÁHIR, who received the title of ‘Ináyat Khán, and was
poetically named ‘Ashná, was son of Zafar Khán bin Khwája Abú-l
Hasan.
Zafar Khán, the author’s father, was wazír of Jahángír. In the reign of
Sháh Jahán, he was at one time ruler of Kábul, and afterwards of
Kashmír, during which latter government he effected the conquest of
Tibet recorded in the foregoing pages (p. 62). At a later period he was
appointed to the administration of Thatta. “He was celebrated as a
poet, as a patron of letters, and as a just and moderate ruler.”
‘Inayat Khán’s maternal grandfather, Saif Khán, was governor of
Ágra, and when Prince Shujá’ was appointed ruler of Bengal, Saif
Khán was sent thither to conduct the administration until the arrival of
the prince.
The author, it appears, was born in the year that Sháh Jahán came to
the throne. In the seventh year of his age he received, as he informs
us, “a suitable mansab.” He was sent to join his father in Kashmír
while he was governor there. He was afterwards daroghá-i dágh, and
subsequently employed in a more congenial office in the Imperial
Library. “He inherited his father’s talents and good qualities, and is
said even to have surpassed him in ability. He was witty and of
agreeable manners, and was one of the intimate friends of Sháh
Jahán. Latterly he retired from office, and settled in Kashmír, where
he died in A.H. 1077 (A.D. 1666). In addition to the history of Sháh
Jahán’s reign, he was author of a Díwán and three Masnawís.”*
The sources of the first part of this Sháh Jahán-náma are plainly
acknowledged by the author. The first twenty years are in entire
agreement with the Bádsháh-náma, but are written in a more simple
style. The history comes down to 1068 A.H. (1657-8 A.D.), the year in
which Aurangzeb was declared Emperor, but of this event he takes
no notice. The author does not inform us whether he used any other
work after the Bádsháh-náma as the basis of his own, or whether the
history of the last ten years is his own independent work.
The following is the author’s own account of his work translated from
his Preface:
“The writer of these wretched lines, Muhammad Táhir, commonly
known as Ashná, but bearing the title of ‘Ináyat Khán bin Muzaffar
Khán bin Khwája Abú-l Hasan, represents to the attention of men of
intelligence, and acumen that in Rabí’u-l awwal, in the 31st year of the
reign of the Emperor Sháh Jahán [six lines of titles and phrases],
corresponding to 1068 H., he was appointed superintendent of the
Royal Library, and there he found three series of the Bádsháh-náma,
written by Shaikh ‘Abdu-l Hamíd Láhorí and others, each series of
which comprised the history of ten years of the illustrious reign. The
whole of these memoirs completed one karn, which is an expression
signifying thirty years. Memoirs of the remaining four years were
written after his death by others. The author desires to observe that
the style of these volumes seemed difficult and diffuse to his simple
mind, and so he reflected that, although Shaikh Abú-l Fazl was
ordered by the Emperor Akbar to write the history of his reign, yet
Khwája Nizámu-d dín Ahmad Bakhshí wrote a distinct history of that
reign, which he called the Tabakát-i Akbar-sháhí. Jannat-makání
Nuru-d dín Muhammad Jahángír, imitating the example of his
ancestor the Emperor Zahíru-d dín Muhammad Bábar, himself wrote
a history of his own reign; yet Mu’tamad Khán Bakhshí wrote a
history of that reign, to which he gave the title of Ikbál-náma-i
Jahángírí. Ghairat Khán Nakshabandí also brought together the chief
events of that reign in a book which he called Ma-ásir-i Jahángírí.
(With these examples before him), it seemed to the writer of these
pages that, as he and his ancestors had been devoted servants of
the Imperial dynasty, it would be well for him to write the history of the
reign of Sháh Jahán in a simple and clear style, and to reproduce the
contents of the three volumes of Shaikh ‘Abdu-l Hamíd in plain
language and in a condensed form. Such a work (he thought) would
not be superfluous, but rather a gain. So he set about his work, and
the Almighty gave him leisure, so that in a short time he completed it.
The history from the fourth to the tenth year is based on the Pádsháh-
náma of Muhammad Amín Kazwíní, commonly known as Amínáí
Munshí, which is written in a more simple style. And as only a
selection has been made of the events recorded, this work is styled
Mulakhkhas.”
The title Mulakhkhas “Abridgment,” which the author gave to his
work, was too indefinite to last, and it is commonly known as Sháh
Jahán-náma.
MSS. of this work seem to be common. Sir H. M. Elliot has three
borrowed copies. There are three in the British Museum, and one in
the Library of the Asiatic Society. A copy belonging to the Rájá of
Benares is a handsome quarto of 12 inches × 8 ½, and contains 360
leaves of 19 lines to the page. The whole of this work, from the
beginning of the third year of the reign to the accession of Aurangzeb,
with which it closes, was translated by the late Major Fuller. It fills 561
folio pages of close writing, and is in Sir H. M. Elliot’s Library. The
following Extracts are taken from that translation.]
EXTRACTS.
TWENTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1057 A.H. (1647 A.D.).
In the news from Balkh, which reached the ear of royalty about this
time, through the representations of the victorious Prince Muhammad
Aurangzeb Bahádur, was the following:— Nazar Muhammad Khán,
who, after abandoning the siege of fort Maimanah, had stood fast at
Nílchirágh,* continued watching, both day and night, the efforts of
‘Abdu-l ‘Azíz Khán and his other sons, who were gone to oppose the
royal army with all the Uzbek forces of Máwaráu-n Nahr, Balkh and
Badakhshán, anxious to see what would be the result. As soon as he
heard that they also had, like himself, become wanderers in the
desert of failure, owing to the superior prowess and vigour of the
royalists, finding his hopes everywhere shattered, he despatched an
apologizing letter to the illustrious Prince, expressive of his contrition
for past misdeeds, and ardent longing for an interview with His Royal
Highness, stating that he was desirous of retrieving his fallen
fortunes, through the intercessions of that ornament of the throne of
royalty. The illustrious Prince having kept the envoy in attendance till
the receipt of an answer, waited in expectation of the farmán’s arrival,
and the Khán’s letter, which His Royal Highness had forwarded to
Court in the original, with some remarks of his own, was duly
submitted to the auspicious perusal. As it happened, from the
commencement of his invasion of Balkh, this very design had been
buried in the depths of his comprehensive mind, viz. that after
clearing the kingdoms of Balkh and Badakhshán from the thorny
briers of turbulence and anarchy, he should restore them in safety to
Nazar Muhammad Khán. The latter, however, scorning the dictates of
prudence, hastened to Írán; but finding his affairs did not progress
there to his satisfaction, he turned back, and at the suggestion of the
Kalmáks and other associates, came and besieged the fort of
Maimanah, in order that he might seek shelter within its walls, and so
set his mind at rest. In the end, however, after infinite toil and labour,
seeing the capture of the stronghold in question to be beyond his
reach, he departed without effecting his object, and moved to
Nílchirágh, all which occurrences have been already fully detailed in
their proper place. From the letters of reporters in those dominions, it
was further made known to his world-adorning understanding, that
notwithstanding the servants of the crown had manifested the most
laudable zeal and anxiety to console the hearts of the peasantry in
Balkh and Badakhshán by giving them seed, and assisting them to
plough and till their fields: yet, owing to the inroads of the Almáns,
most of the grain and crops had been destroyed, and the populous
places desolated; and that the commanders of the army, and the
chiefs of the soldiery, owing to the dearth of provisions and the
scarcity of grain, were extremely disgusted, and averse to remaining
any longer in the country. From the contents of the Prince’s letter,
moreover, his unwillingness to stay at that capital was also discerned.
Taking all this into consideration therefore, an edict was issued,
directing His Royal Highness to deliver up Balkh and Badakhshán to
Nazar Muhammad Khán, provided the latter would come and have an
interview with him, and then set out with all the victorious forces for
Hindustán, the type of Paradise.

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Cession of Balkh and Badakhshán to Nazar Muhammad Khán,


and Retreat of Aurangzeb.
* * * On the 4th of the month of Ramazán, early in the morning, which
was the time selected for Nazar Muhammad Khán’s interview, news
came in that he had sent his grandson Muhammad Kásim, son of
Khusrú Sultán, in company with Kafsh Kalmák and several chiefs,
and that they had all advanced two kos beyond the bridge of Khatab.
The Prince, appreciating the gradations of rank, deputed his son, Mu-
hammad Sultán, along with Bahádur Khán and some other nobles, to
go and meet him; and that early fruit of the orchard of royalty having
dutifully obeyed the command, brought the individual in question into
his noble father’s presence. The Prince, well versed in etiquette, then
folded Muhammad Kásim in a fond embrace, and placed him in an
adjoining seat; after which, Kafsh Kalmák delivered the Khán’s letter,
full of apologies for not having come in consequence of an attack of
indisposition, and represented that the Khán, being obliged to forego
the pleasure of an interview, had sent Muhammad Kásim as his
representative, with a view to remove all suspicion of his having
wilfully broken his promise.
After dismissing Muhammad Kásim, the Prince addressed the
commanders of the army in that country, viz. * * saying, his
instructions were, to deliver over Balkh and Badakhshán to Nazar
Muhammad Khán, after the interview; but now that the latter had only
sent his grandson, excusing himself on the pretended plea of
sickness, he could not carry out this measure without a distinct order.
He told them to take into consideration, however, that the country was
desolated, winter close at hand, grain scarce, and time short; so that
there would be great difficulty in making arrangements for the winter,
and remaining in the kingdom during that inclement season, and
asked them what was their opinion on the subject. The principal
chiefs replied, that the passes of the Hindú Koh were just about to be
covered by snow, when the road would be blocked up; so that, if he
reported the matter, and waited the arrival of instructions, the
opportunity would slip through his hands. They therefore came to the
unanimous conclusion, that His Royal Highness should recall all the
governors of forts and persons in charge of places around Balkh.
As a vast number of mercenary soldiers, consisting of Uzbeks and
Almáns, had crossed the river Jíhún, and spread themselves over
those regions, and wherever they saw a concourse of people, took
the first opportunity of assailing them, Rájá Jai Singh was despatched
to Turmuz to fetch Sa’ádat Khán. The Prince was also on the point of
starting off Bahádur Khán to bring back Rustam Khán from Andkhod,
and Shád Khán from Maimanah, so that they might rejoin the army in
safety. In the interim, however, a letter arrived from Rustam Khán,
saying, that as he had ascertained that the country was to be
delivered up to Nazar Muhammad Khán, he had set out from
Andkhod to Maimanah, with the intention of taking Shád Khán from
thence in company with him, and proceeding towards Kábul by way
of San-chárík. The Prince then marched with all the royal forces from
the neighbourhood of Faizábád, and encamped at Chalkai, which lies
contiguous to the city of Balkh; where, having ceded the country to
Nazar Muhammad Khán, he delivered up the town and citadel of
Balkh to Muhammad Kásim and Kafsh Kalmák. He presented the
former of these, on bidding him farewell, with a jewelled dagger, a
horse caparisoned with golden trappings, and 50,000 rupees out of
the royal treasury. He also committed to his charge, among the stores
contained in the fort and city, 50,000 mans of grain belonging to His
Majesty, which, estimated by the rate ruling at that time, was worth
five lacs of rupees; and besides this, all the granaries of the other
forts. At this stage, Mirzá Rájá Jai Singh returned from Turmuz,
accompanied by Sa’ádat Khán, and joined the army. From the
beginning of the invasion of Balkh and Badakhshán till the end, when
those conquered territories were ceded to Nazar Muhammad Khán,
there was expended out of the State exchequer, in the progress of
this undertaking, the sum of two krors of rupees, which is equivalent
to seven lacs of the túmáns current in Irák.
To be brief. On the 14th of the aforesaid month of Ramazán, the
Prince started from Chalkai with all the royal forces for Kábul. He
appointed Amíru-l Umará with a party to form the left wing; Mirzá Rájá
Jai Singh with his, the right; and Bahádur Khán the rear-guard; whilst
he sent on Mu’tamad Khán, the Mír-i átish, with the whole of the royal
artillerymen, and Pirthi Ráj Ráthor, as a vanguard; so that the bands
of Uzbeks, ever watching for an opportunity of attack, might not be
able to harass and cut off the stragglers in the rear of the army, whilst
winding through the narrow defiles and passes. As it was an arduous
task for the whole army to cross the pass of ‘Arbang in one day, the
victorious Prince himself having marched through it safely, waited on
the further side with Amíru-l Umará, till the entire army was over; and
by His Royal Highness’s order, Bahádur Khán halted at the mouth of
the above pass, for the sake of helping the camp and baggage
through. He was also in the habit of sending some of the troops every
day to protect the party who went out to fetch grass and firewood.
One day, when the turn for this duty came to Shamsher Khán,
Khushhál Beg Káshgharí, and others of his countrymen, the Uzbeks,
imagining the party to be a small one, advanced, to the number of
about 5000 horsemen, and one moiety of them having encompassed
Shamsher Khán and his comrades in the midst, the other took up a
position on the summit of some eminences. Bahádur Khán, having
received intimation of this, went to his support, and having made
several of those marauders a prey to the sword of vengeance, put the
remainder to flight; whilst out of the royal troops some few were
wounded. On the third day of the halt, whilst the rest of the army were
crossing the pass of ‘Arbang, a body of Almáns made their
appearance; whereupon Nazar Bahádur Khán, Kheshjí Ratan son of
Muhesh Dás, and some others, charged them on one side, and on
the other Mu’tamad Khán with the artillerymen, and a number of the
Prince’s retainers. The enemy, unable to withstand the shock, turned
and fled, closely pursued by the royalists, who killed and wounded a
few of them.
The day they had to march from Ghorí by way of Khwája Zaid, as the
road to the next stage, which had been selected on the banks of the
Surkháb, was extremely difficult, and there was a great likelihood of
an attack from the Uzbeks and Hazáras, the Prince left Amíru-l
Umará at the top of the aforesaid pass, to protect the men who used
to follow in rear of the army. As there was an interval of two kos
between Amíru-l Umará, Bahádur Khán, and the left wing of the army,
a portion of the baggage, whilst threading the road, was plundered by
the Hazáras. A vast body of them also fell upon the treasure; but Zú-l
Kadar Khán, and the rest who were with it, firmly held their ground,
and the battle was warmly contested till some part of the night was
spent. Amíru-l Umará, having been informed of the circumstance,
sent a detachment of his own men to their assistance; whereupon the
enemy retreated in confusion. After the camp had advanced beyond
Shaburghán, during the march to Nek Bihár and to Chár-chashma,
some injury accrued to the troops, in consequence of the narrowness
and steepness of the road, and the rolling over of several laden
beasts of burden, which were accidentally led along the top of the hill
off the path by some of the people who had lost their way. When they
started from Chár-chashma for the foot of the Hindú Koh range, it
was resolved, for the greater convenience of the troops, that the
Prince should first cross the pass, and at the expiration of a day
Amíru-l Umará should follow; that after him should come the royal
treasure, kár-khána (wardrobe) and artillery, with all His Royal
Highness’s establishment; and in this way, a party having gradually
crossed every day, Bahádur Khán, who occupied the rear of the
victorious army, should follow last of all. The illustrious Prince, having
reached the foot of the pass that day, passed over the Hindú Koh on
the next, and though the weather was not intensely cold, yet as snow
had fallen previously, and there was a hard frost, the men got over
with considerable difficulty.

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On the morrow, the Prince reached Ghorband, whence he marched


during the night into Kábul. When Amíru-l Umará, who followed one
day’s march in rear, was encamped at the foot of the pass, at
midnight it began to snow, and continued doing so without
intermission till morning; after which the weather became fair, and the
Amír having got through the pass with his force, entered Kábul two
days after His Royal Highness. As for Rájá Jai Singh, who, the day
the camp marched from Surkháb, had stayed behind by the Prince’s
orders at that place, on account of the narrowness of the road, and
the difficulty of the defiles that occurred further on, as soon as he
passed Chár-chashma, the snow commenced falling, and never once
ceased all that day and the next, during which he halted on the road.
After arriving at the pass of the Hindú Koh, till crossing over it, the
snow kept falling for three more days and nights; and Zú-l Kadar
Khán, whose duty it was to guard the treasure, seeing, when four kos
distant from the Hindú Koh, that a snowstorm was coming on, started
at once in the hope of getting the treasure through the pass, before it
could have time to stop up the road. It chanced, however, that the
snow gradually accumulated to such a depth, that most of the camels
tumbled down, and nearly half of them were rendered quite
unserviceable, so that the Khán in question, despite his utmost
exertions, was unable to cross that day. In consequence of the
intense cold, his comrades, both horse and foot, got dispersed, and
saving a few servants of the crown, no one remained with him; never-
theless he stayed on the summit of the ridge, to guard the treasure,
notwithstanding the snow-storm. In the morning, having laden a
portion of it on such of the camels as were capable of travelling, he
started it off in advance to Ghorband, escorted by some of the
horsemen; whilst he himself with a few others occupied themselves in
guarding the remainder, and spent seven days and nights on the top
of the Hindú Koh in the midst of snow and intense cold, and with but
a scanty supply of provisions, waiting for Bahádur Khán’s arrival, who
was behind. The fortunes of the latter were as follows. As soon as he
reached the pass of Nek Bihár, which is two marches from the Hindú
Koh, and has a very precipitous descent, the snow began to fall, and
continued coming down all night till twelve o’clock next day. Owing to
the difficulties of the pass, which were greatly enhanced by the heavy
fall of snow, he only got the rest of the camp and army through with
immense labour. At this juncture, the malicious Hazáras, in their
eager desire for plunder, assaulted the camp followers more
desperately than ever; but Bahádur Khán each time inflicted
summary chastisement on the freebooters, and drove them off. After
reaching the foot of the Hindú Koh pass, and halting there for a day,
he sent on all those who had lagged in the rear, and as soon as they
were across, set out himself. As most of the people spent the night on
the summit of the pass, on account of the difficult roads, and the
intense coldness of a mountain climate, heightened by the deep snow
and chilling blasts, some of the men and cattle that were worn out
and infirm perished. Accordingly, from the first commencement of the
army’s crossing to the end, about 5000 men, and a similar number of
animals, such as horses, elephants, camels, oxen, etc., were
destroyed, and a vast deal of property remained buried in the snow.
When Bahádur Khán came to the top of the pass, and Zú-l Kadar
Khán explained the state of affairs to him, he halted there, and in
company with Ikhlás Khán, and some other nobles and mansabdárs
who still stood by him, spent the night on the spot. In the morning,
having thrown the baggage off all such of his own camels as he could
find, he loaded them with the treasure, and distributed the rest among
the horses and camels belonging to the troops. Just as he was on the
point of starting, a body of Hazáras came up in the rear, and seeing
the paucity of his detachment, resolved upon making an assault, for
the sake of carrying off the treasure. Bahádur Khán, however, faced
about, and made some of the doomed wretches a prey to (the
crocodile of) his bloodthirsty sword, and routed the remainder. He
then set out with the treasure, and reached Balkh along with his
comrades, after an interval of fourteen days from the time of the
Prince’s arrival there.
Despatch of a Candlestick to the Glorious City.
Among the events of this year was the despatch of a candlestick
studded with gems to the revered tomb of the Prophet (on whom be
the greatest favours, and blessings!) an account of which is here
given. Some time previous to this it was represented that a
wonderfully large diamond from a mine in the territory of Golkonda
had fallen into the hands of Kutbu-l Mulk; whereupon an order was
issued, directing him to forward the same to Court; when its
estimated value would be taken into account, as part of the two lacs
of huns (pagodas), which was the stipulated amount of his annual
tribute. He accordingly sent the diamond in question, which weighed
in its rough state 180 ratís, to Court; and after His Majesty’s own
lapidaries had cut away as much of the outer surface as was requisite
to disclose all its beauties, there remained a rare gem of 100 ratís
weight, valued by the jewellers at one lac and 50,000 rupees. As such
a valuable diamond as this had never been brought to the threshold,
resembling the Elysian abode, since his accession to the throne, the
pious monarch, the bulwark of religion, with the best intention, and
the utmost sincerity of purpose, made a vow to send it to the pure
sepulchre of the last of the Prophets (on whom be peace!). Having
therefore selected out of the amber candlesticks that he had amongst
his private property the largest of them all, which weighed 700 tolas,
and was worth 10,000 rupees, he commanded that it should be
covered with a network of gold, ornamented on all sides with flowers,
and studded with gems, among which that valuable diamond should
also be included.
In short, that incomparable candlestick cost two lacs and 50,000
rupees, of which one lac and 50,000 was the price of the diamond,
and the remaining lac the worth of all the gems and gold, together
with the original candlestick. Mír Saiyid Ahmad Sa’íd Bahárí, who had
once before conveyed charitable presents to the two sacred cities,
was then deputed to take charge of this precious offering; and an
edict was promulgated to the effect, that the revenue collectors of the
province of Gujarát should purchase a lac and 60,000 rupees worth
of goods for the sacred fane, and deliver it over to him, so that he
might take it along with him from thence. Out of this, he was directed
to present 50,000 rupees worth to the Sharíf of Mecca; to sell 60,000
rupees worth, and distribute the proceeds, together with any profit
that might accrue, amongst the indigent of that sacred city; and the
remaining 50,000, in like manner, amongst those of the glorious
Medína. The above-named Saiyid, who was only in receipt of a daily
stipend, was promoted to a suitable mansab, and having been
munificently presented with a dress of honour and a donation of
12,000 rupees, received his dismissal.
Account of the founding of the fort at the Metropolis of Sháh-
Jahánábád.
The following is an exact account of the founding of the splendid fort
in the above-named metropolis, with its edifices resembling Paradise,
which was constructed in the environs of the city of Dehlí, on the
banks of the river Jumna. It first occurred to the omniscient mind that
he should select on the banks of the aforesaid river some pleasant
site, distinguished by its genial climate, where he might found a
splendid fort and delightful edifices, agreeably to the promptings of
his generous heart, through which streams of water should be made
to flow, and the terraces of which should overlook the river. When,
after a long search, a piece of ground outside of the city of Dehlí,
lying between the most distant suburbs and Núrgarh, commonly
called Salímgarh, was fixed upon for this purpose, by the royal
command, on the night of Friday, the 25th of Zí-l hijja, in the twelfth
year of his auspicious reign, corresponding to 1048 A.H., being the
time appointed by the astrologers, the foundations were marked out
with the usual ceremonies, according to the plan devised, in the
august presence. Active labourers were then employed in digging the
foundations, and on the night of Friday, the 9th of Muharram, of the
year coinciding with 1049 A.H. (1639 A.D.), the foundation-stone of
that noble structure was laid. Throughout the Imperial dominions,
wherever artificers could be found, whether plain stone-cutters,
ornamental sculptors, masons, or carpenters, by the mandate worthy
of implicit obedience, they were all collected together, and multitudes
of common labourers were employed in the work. It was ultimately
completed on the 24th of Rabí’u-l awwal, in the twenty-first year of his
reign, corresponding to 1058 A.H., at an outlay of 60 lacs of rupees,
after taking nine years three months and some days in building.

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Fíroz Sháh’s Canal.


The canal that Sultán Fíroz Sháh Khiljí, during the time he reigned at
Dehlí, had made to branch off from the river Jumna, in the vicinity of
pargana Khizrábád, whence he brought it in a channel 30 Imperial
kos long to the confines of pargana Safídún, which was his hunting-
seat, and had only a scanty supply of water, had, after the Sultán’s
death, become in the course of time ruinous. Whilst Shahábu-d dín
Ahmad Khán held the government of Dehlí, during the reign of the
Emperor Akbar, he put it in repair and set it flowing again, with a view
to fertilize the places in his jágír, and hence it was called Nahr-i
Shaháb; but for want of repairs, however, it again stopped flowing. At
the time when the sublime attention was turned to the building of this
fort and palace, it was commanded that the aforesaid canal from
Khizrábád to Safídún should be repaired, and a new channel
excavated from the latter spot to the regal residence, which also is a
distance of 30 Imperial kos. After it was thus prolonged, it was
designated the Nahr-i Bihisht.

TWENTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1058 A.H. (1648 A.D.).


Advance of the Persians against Kandahár.—Despatch of an
army thither.
On the 22nd of the month of Ramazán, when the standards of
prosperity, after their return from Safídún, were planted at His
Majesty’s private hunting-seat, it reached the ear of royalty, through
the representations of Daulat Khán, ruler of Kandahár, and Purdil
Khán, governor of fort Bust,* that Sháh ‘Abbás the Second, having
come to the sacred city of Tús* (Mashhad-i Mukaddas), with intent to
rescue the kingdom of Kandahár, had proceeded towards the
confines of Khurásán, with all his match-lockmen * and pioneers. It
was, besides, reported that he had despatched men to Faráh, Sístán,
and other places, to collect supplies of grain, and having sent on a
party in advance to Hirát, was doing his utmost to block up the road
on this side; being well aware that, during the winter, owing to the
quantity of snow on the ground, the arrival of reinforcements from
Hindústán by way of Kábul and Multán was impracticable, he
proposed advancing in this direction during that inclement season,
and had despatched Sháh Kulí Beg, son of Maksúd Beg, his wazir, as
expeditiously as possible, with a letter to Court, and further that the
individual in question had reached Kandahár, and, without halting
more than three days, had resumed his journey to the august
presence.
His Majesty, after hearing this intelligence, having summoned ‘Allámí
Sa’du-lla Khán from the metropolis, commanded him to write farmáns
to all the nobles and mansabdárs who were at their respective
estates, jágírs, and homes, directing them to set out with all speed for
Court. It was likewise ordered that the astrologers should determine
the proper moment for the departure of the world-traversing camp
from the metropolis to the capitals Lahore and Kábul.
Appointment of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahádur, ‘Allámí
Sa’du-lla Khán, etc., to lead the army against Kandahár. As soon as
it reached the royal ear, through Daulat Khán’s representations, that
on the 10th of Zí-l hijja, the Sháh had arrived outside the fortress of
Kandahár, and besieged it, the ever-successful Prince Muhammad
Aurangzeb Bahádur was appointed to proceed thither with ‘Allámí
Sa’du-lla Khán, and some of the chief officers of State, such as
Bahádur Khán, Mirzá Rájá Jai Singh, Rustam Khán, Rájá Bithaldás,
and Kalích Khán. Besides these, there were upwards of fifty
individuals from amongst the nobles, and a vast number of
mansabdárs, ahadí archers, and matchlockmen—the whole number
of whom, under the regulation requiring them to bring one-fifth of their
respective tallies of fighting men into the field, would amount to
50,000 horsemen, and according to the rule enforcing a fourth, to
60,000— as well as 10,000 infantry, matchlock and rocket men, etc. It
was ordered that subsidiary grants of money out of the State
exchequer should be made to the nobles and mansabdárs holding
jágírs, who were appointed to serve in this expedition, at the rate of
100 rupees for every individual horseman, which would be a lac for
every hundred; that to those who drew pecuniary stipends in place of
holding jágírs, three months’ pay in advance should be disbursed;
and in like manner also to the ahadís and matchlockmen, who
numbered 5000 horse, should a similar advance be made; so that
they might not suffer any privations during the campaign from want of
funds to meet their current expenses.
On the 18th of the month of Muharram, it being a fortunate moment,
‘Allámí was dismissed along with the nobles who were present in His
Majesty’s fortunate train, and farmáns were issued to those who were
staying in the province of Kábul and other places, to join the royal
forces at once. Various marks of favour and regard were manifested
towards ‘Allámí and his associates, on their taking leave, by the
bestowal of khil’ats, jewelled daggers, and swords, horses, and
elephants on them, according to their different grades of rank. He
also forwarded by the hands of ‘Allámí for the gallant Prince—to
whom an order had been issued previous to this, directing him to start
instantly from Multán and overtake the royal forces at Bhimbhar—a
handsome khil’at. * * * It was further commanded that the ever-
victorious army should hasten to Kábul viâ Bangash-i bálá and
Bangash-i páyín, as they were the shortest routes, and thence
proceed by way of Ghazní towards Kandahár.
Loss of Kandahár.
On the 8th of Rabí’u-l awwal, when the victorious camp started from
Jahángírábád, intelligence reached the Court that the servants of the
crown had lost possession of the fortresses of Kandahár and Bust,
and all the rest in that country; a detailed account of which events is
here given. When Sháh ‘Abbás came from Tús to Hirát, he
proceeded from thence to Faráh; where, having halted some days, he
marched upon Kandahár, having, however, first despatched Mihráb
Khán with some of his nobles, and an additional number of
matchlockmen, etc., amounting altogether to about 8000 horsemen,
to besiege the fortress of Bust, and Sáz Khán Baligh with five or six
thousand composed of Kazalbáshís and the troops of Karkí and
Naksarí,* to subdue Zamíndáwar. On reaching that place, he fixed his
head-quarters in the garden of Ganj Kulí Khán, whilst Daulat Khán,
who had shut himself up in the fortress, having committed the interior
of the stronghold to the charge of trusty persons, appointed a party of
the royal matchlock-men and a portion of his own men to occupy the
summit of the Kambúl Hill. The defence of the towers he left to the
care of Kákar Khán, to whom he also sent some of the
matchlockmen; and the protection of the intrenchments below the
Báshúrí and Khwája Khizr gates he entrusted to Núru-l Hasan,
bakhshí of ahadís, with a body of the latter who were serving under
him. He also appointed some of the household troops, and a number
of matchlockmen belonging to the Kandahár levies, to garrison the
fortifications of Daulatábád and Mandaví, and having consigned the
superintendence of them to Mírak Husain, bakhshí of Kandahár,
came himself from the citadel to the former of these two forts, for the
purpose of looking after the intrenchments. With a wanton disregard
to the dictates of prudence, however, he did not attend to the defence
of the towers, that Kalích Khán, in the days of his administration, had
constructed expressly for such an occasion, on the top of the hill of
Chihal-Zínah (forty steps), whence guns and matchlocks could be
fired with effect into the forts of Daulatábád and Mandaví. The
Kazalbáshís, therefore, seeing those towers devoid of protection,
despatched a number of matchlockmen to take post in them, and
open a destructive fire. They also laid out intrenchments in two
different quarters. * * *

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At length a number of the garrison, from want of spirit, lost the little
courage they possessed, and Shádí Uzbek having entered into a
conspiracy with the Kazalbáshís, seduced Kipchák Khán from his
duty. Though the latter was not naturally inclined at heart to this
course of behaviour, yet as his companions had their families with
them, through dread of losing their wealth, their lives, and their good
repute, they would not let him follow the bent of his own disposition,
so he was necessarily compelled to ally himself with those
unfortunates. Some of the Mughal mansabdárs, ahadís, and
matchlockmen too, having sprinkled the dust of treason on the heads
of loyalty, entered into a league with them, and having come in front
of the fort, declared that, in consequence of all the roads being
closed, from the vast quantity of snow on the ground, there was no
hope of the early arrival of succour, and that it was evident from the
untiring efforts of the Kazalbáshís, that they would very shortly
capture the fort, and after its reduction by force and violence, neither
would there be any chance of their own lives being spared, nor of
their offspring being saved from captivity. The wretched Daulat Khán,
who ought instantly to have extinguished the flames of this sedition
with the water of the sword, showed an utter want of spirit, by
contenting himself with offering advice in reply. This, however, made
no impression on the individuals in question, who got up, and
departed to their respective homes, so that nought but a scanty force
being left in the intrenchments, the Kazalbáshís entered the Sher-Hájí
in several places. As for the party that forced an entrance on the side
of the Bábáwalí gate, some of the household troops and Daulat
Khán’s followers, who occupied that quarter, rushed upon them,
whereupon several were killed on both sides.
Meanwhile, the traitor Shádí sent a message to the governor of the
fort, who was stationed at the above gate, to say that Muhammad
Beg Bákí had come, bearing a letter and message from the Sháh,
and accompanied by Sharafu-d dín Husain, a mansabdár who was
dárogha of the buildings and magazines in the fort of Bust. Daulat
Khán, on this, despatched Mírak Husain Bakhshí, for the purpose of
sending away Muhammad Beg from the gate; but as soon as the
bakhshí reached the gate of Veskaran, he noticed Kipchák Khán,
Shádí, and a number of the Mughal mansabdárs, sitting in the
gateway, and perceived that they had brought Muhammad Beg
inside, and seated him in front of them, and that he had brought four
letters, one addressed to Daulat Khán, and the other three to Shádí,
Núru-l Hasan and Mírak Husain, and was saying that he had besides
some verbal messages to deliver. Mírak Husain therefore turned
back, and related the circumstances to Daulat Khán; whereupon that
worthless wretch deputed his Lashkar-navís (paymaster of the forces)
to detain Muhammad Beg there, and send Kipchák Khán and Shádí
to him. As soon as these ungrateful wretches came, acting in
conformity with their advice, he adopted the contemptible resolution
of proceeding to an interview with Muhammad Beg, and receiving
and keeping the letters he brought. The Sháh also sent a message to
the effect, that he should take warning from what had already befallen
Purdil Khán, the governor of the fort of Bust, and his comrades, and
neither prolong hostilities any further, nor strive to shed the blood and
sully the fair fame of himself and his comrades; and with a view to
acquaint the inmates of the fort with the condition of the garrison of
Bust, he despatched along with Muhammad Beg the aforesaid
Sharafu-d dín Husain, whom Mihráb Khán had started off loaded with
chains in advance of himself. To this Daulat Khán replied, that he
would return an answer five days hence; and it having been
stipulated that during this interval hostilities should not be engaged in
on either side, Muhammad Beg received his dismissal, and returned
to his own camp.
On the 5th day ‘Alí Kulí Khán, brother of Rustam Khán, the former
commander-in-chief, having come to Shádí’s intrenchment, and
delivered a message, saying that the Sháh had commissioned him to
ascertain their final decision, the pusillanimous Daulat Khán, with
most of the servants of the crown, went to the gate, and invited him
in. The latter, after being introduced, stated, that as they had already
offered as gallant and stubborn a resistance as it was possible to
make, it was now proper that they should refrain from fighting, and,
applying themselves to the preservation of their lives and property,
should send an individual along with him to deliver their reply. The
worthless Daulat Khán accordingly despatched ‘Abdu-l Latíf, díwán of
Kandahár, for the purpose of procuring a safe conduct, in company
with the above individual, and on the following day he returned with
the written agreement.
The villain Shádí, however, without waiting for the governor’s
evacuating the fort, surrendered the Veskaran gate, which was in his
charge, during the night to the Kazalbáshís, and hastened along with
Kipchák Khán to the Sháh’s camp. However much the miserable
Daulat Khán exhorted his men to repair to the fort on the top of the
hill, it was of no avail; though had he but taken shelter there with a
detachment, he could have held out till the arrival of succour without
suffering any harm. On the morrow, when the mansabdárs, ahadís,
and matchlockmen, who were engaged in the defence of the gates of
the new and old forts, marched out, after obtaining a safe conduct,
with the exception of the citadel where the helpless Daulat Khán was
left with Kákar Khán, the base Rájá Amar Singh, and some other
mansabdárs, as well as a party of his own adherents, every spot was
in the possession of the Kazalbáshís.
On the 9th of Safar, this year, ‘Alí Kulí Khán came and said that any
longer delay could not be permitted; whereupon the disloyal Daulat
Khán delivered up a place of refuge of that description, and having
marched out with his goods and comrades, encamped at a distance
of a kos. During the period of the siege, which extended over two
months, nearly 2000 of the Kazalbásh army and 400 of the garrison
were slain.
Summarily, on the third day after Daulat Khán’s dastardly evacuation
of the fort, ‘Alí Kulí Khán, Ísa’ Khán, and his brother Jamshíd Khán,
came to him, and intimated that the Sháh had sent for him, as well as
for some of his chief officers and associates. The latter replied that it
would be better for them to excuse him from this trouble, or, if they
were resolved upon taking him there, to manage so that there should
be no delay in his getting his dismissal, and to give him a dress of
honour, both of which requests were guaranteed by ‘Alí Kulí Khán.
The ill-fated Daulat Khán accordingly proceeded with Kákar Khán and
Núru-l Hasan, in company with the above-named nobles, to wait upon
the Sháh, and having received his dismissal after a few moments,
returned to his own camp, and on the 18th of the month of Safar set
out with a world of shame and ignominy for Hindústán.
The Sháh, in consequence of the horses with his army having mostly
perished for want of forage, in addition to which a scarcity of grain
was experienced, appointed Mihráb Khán, with about 10,000
Kazalbáshís and slaves, armed with matchlocks, to garrison
Kandahár; and Dost ‘Alí Uzbek with a detachment to guard the
fortress of Bust, and returned himself to Khurásán on the 24th of this
month. The account of the fortress of Bust is as follows. * *
Surrender of Bust.
From the beginning of the siege, the flames of war and strife raged
furiously for 54 days, and many were killed and wounded on both
sides; insomuch that during this period close upon 600 of the
Kazalbáshís, and nearly half that number of Purdil Khán’s followers,
met their death. On the 14th Muharram, this year, the governor having
begged for quarter, after entering into a strict agreement, had an
interview with Mihráb Khán. The latter, having broken his
engagement, put to death out of the 600 men, who had stood by the
governor to the last, several persons, who, being averse to the
surrender, had protracted the struggle; and having made that
individual himself a prisoner, together with the rest of his adherents,
and his family and children, brought them all to the Sháh at
Kandahár.

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In Zamíndáwar the war was carried on as follows. As soon as Sáz


Khán Báligh besieged the fort, Saiyid Asadu-lla, and Saiyid Bákar,
sons of Saiyid Báyazíd Bukhárí, who were engaged in its defence,
sent him a message, saying that the fort was a dependency of
Kandahár, and without reducing the latter, its capture would be of no
use; and it would therefore be better to suspend hostilities until the
fate of Kandahár was ascertained, so that blood might not be shed
fruitlessly. Sáz Khán, concurring in the reasonableness of this
proposition, refrained from prosecuting siege operations, and having
written to inform the Sháh of the fact, sat down to await intelligence. A
messenger from the Sháh at length brought to the Saiyids a letter,
detailing the capture of the fortresses of Bust and Kandahár; where-
upon they surrendered the fort.
Advance of the Imperial Army to Kandahár.
The exploits of the royal army were as follows. The day that ‘Allámí
Sa’du-lla Khán crossed the Níláb with the royal forces, Prince
Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahádur having arrived from Multán, also
effected his passage over that river; and the whole of the forces set
out at once in His Royal Highness’s train for Kohát. On reaching that
place, he halted to await the receipt of intelligence regarding the
snow; and presently a letter arrived from Khalíl Beg, who had been
sent on in advance to level the road and construct bridges, to the
effect that on the road through the hill-country along the Kohistán
route the snow was lying so deep that even if no more fell the road
would not probably be passable for at least a month. The ever-
victorious Prince consequently relinquished his design of proceeding
by that route, but started in the direction of Pesháwar, by way of the
pass of Sendh-Basta, which is an extremely rugged and difficult road,
and without entering that city, pursued his journey by the regular
stages to Kábul. * * *
Sa’du-lla Khán having set out with his comrades at full speed, came
and pitched camp during the night in the suburbs of Shahr Safá.
Having left Mubárak Khán Níází to guard that city, he marched
thence, and in three days reached the neighbourhood of Kandahár,
on the 12th of Jumáda-l awwal of this year; whence Kasádah Khwája,
which is half a kos from the fortress, became the site of his camp. As
the 14th of the above-named month was the time fixed upon for
commencing the siege, he halted next day to await the arrival of the
victorious Prince, and the advent of the appointed time for the siege,
but rode out in company with the commanders of the royal forces,
and made a reconnoitring tour round the fortifications. On the 14th the
Prince came up from the rear, and having joined the army, fixed his
head-quarters half a kos from the fortress. * * *

TWENTY-THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1059 A.H. (1649 A.D.).


As it was represented that during the progress of the victorious forces
towards Kandahár a great deal of the cultivation of Ghazní and its
dependencies had been trodden under foot by the army, the merciful
monarch, the cherisher of his people, despatched the sum of 2000
gold mohurs, in charge of a trusty individual, with directions to inquire
into the loss sustained by the agriculturists, and distribute it amongst
them accordingly.
After the fortress of Kandahár had been besieged for three months
and a half, so that grain and fodder were beginning to get scarce,
notwithstanding the praiseworthy exertions of the faithful servants of
the crown, owing to their having with them neither a siege train of
battering guns, nor skilful artillerymen, the capture of the fortress
seemed as distant as ever. For these reasons, and as the winter also
was close at hand, a farmán was issued to the illustrious Prince, to
the effect that, as the reduction of the fortress without the aid of
heavy guns was impracticable, and there was not now sufficient time
remaining for them to arrive in, he should defer its capture till a more
convenient opportunity, and start for Hindústán with the victorious
troops. The Prince Buland Ikbál Dárá Shukoh was also ordered to
tarry some time at Kábul, and directly he heard the news of the
Kandahár army’s arrival at Ghazní, to set out for the presence. * *
As the winter was now close at hand, and forage had become
unattainable, notwithstanding hearing of the death of Mihráb Khán,
the kiladár, from a number of persons, who came out of the fortress,
the Prince did not deem it expedient to delay any longer, but, in
obedience to the mandate worthy of all attention, set out with the
victorious forces from Kandahár on the 8th of the month of Ramazán
this year for Hindústán. * *

TWENTY-FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1060 A.H. (1650 A.D.).


The Emperor excused the Fast.
As his most gracious Majesty had this year advanced in joy and
prosperity beyond the age of sixty, and the divine precepts
sanctioning the non-observance of the fast came into force, the
learned doctors and muftís, according to the glorious ordinances of
the Kurán, by way of fulfilling the commandments of the law, decreed
that it would be lawful for His Majesty, whose blessed person is the
source of the administration of the world, to expend funds in charity in
lieu of observing the fast. The monarch, the lover of religion, and
worshipper of the divine law, therefore, lavished 60,000 rupees on the
deserving poor; and at his command, every night during the sacred
month divers viands and all sorts of sweetmeats were laid out in the
Chihal-sitún in front of the balcony of public audience, with which
famishing and destitute people appeased their hunger. It was further
resolved that henceforward a similar plan should be pursued during
every month of Ramazán.

TWENTY-FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1061 A.H. (1650-1 A.D.).


Subjugation of Tibet.
On the 23rd Jumáda-s sání, which was the time fixed for entering
Kashmír, the Emperor alighted in safety at the royal apartments of the
fort.
On the 4th of Rajab His Majesty paid a visit to the Mosque, which had
been erected in the most exquisite style of art, for the asylum of
learning, Mullá Sháh Badakhshání, at a cost of 40,000 rupees, the
requisite funds having been provided by Nawáb ‘Aliya, and was
surrounded by buildings to serve as habitations for the poor, which
were constructed at a further outlay of 20,000 rupees.
On the 12th of this month, Ádam Khán’s munshí and his nephew
Muhammad Murád, as well as the sons of Salím Beg Káshgharí, who
ranked amongst the auxiliaries serving in the province of Kashmír,
and had stood security for the two former individuals, were appointed
to proceed to Tibet, with a number of zamíndárs, to exterminate a
rebel named Mirzá Ján, and subdue the fort of Shkardú, together with
the territory of Tibet, which had escaped out of the possession of the
servants of the crown.
On the 27th of Sha’bán it reached the ear replete with all good,
through Ádam Khán’s representations, that the rebel Mirzá Ján had
no sooner heard of the arrival of the royalists, than he evacuated the
fort of Shkardú, and became a wanderer in the desert of adversity;
whereupon the fort in question, together with the territory of Tibet,
came anew into the possession of the servants of the crown. The
gracious monarch rewarded the aforesaid Khán with an addition to
his mansab, and conferred the country of Tibet in jágír on the above-
named Muhammad Murád, as his fixed abode.
Towards the close of the spring, on account of the heavy rain and
tremendous floods, all the verdant islands in the middle of the Dal, as
well as the gardens along its borders, and those in the suburbs of the
city, were shorn of their grace and loveliness. The waters of the Dal
rose to such a height, that they even poured into the garden below
the balcony of public audience, which became one sheet of water
from the rush of the foaming tide, and most of its trees were
swamped. Just about this time, too, a violent hurricane of wind arose,
which tore up many trees, principally poplars and planes, by the
roots, in all the gardens, and hurled down from on high all the
blooming foliage of Kashmír. A longer sojourn in that region was
consequently distasteful to the gracious mind; so, notwithstanding
that the sky was lowering, he quitted Kashmír on the 1st of Ramazán,
and set out for the capital by way of Sháhábád.

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In Zamíndáwar the war was carried on as follows. As soon as Sáz
Khán Báligh besieged the fort, Saiyid Asadu-lla, and Saiyid Bákar,
sons of Saiyid Báyazíd Bukhárí, who were engaged in its defence,
sent him a message, saying that the fort was a dependency of
Kandahár, and without reducing the latter, its capture would be of no
use; and it would therefore be better to suspend hostilities until the
fate of Kandahár was ascertained, so that blood might not be shed
fruitlessly. Sáz Khán, concurring in the reasonableness of this
proposition, refrained from prosecuting siege operations, and having
written to inform the Sháh of the fact, sat down to await intelligence. A
messenger from the Sháh at length brought to the Saiyids a letter,
detailing the capture of the fortresses of Bust and Kandahár; where-
upon they surrendered the fort.
Advance of the Imperial Army to Kandahár.
The exploits of the royal army were as follows. The day that ‘Allámí
Sa’du-lla Khán crossed the Níláb with the royal forces, Prince
Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahádur having arrived from Multán, also
effected his passage over that river; and the whole of the forces set
out at once in His Royal Highness’s train for Kohát. On reaching that
place, he halted to await the receipt of intelligence regarding the
snow; and presently a letter arrived from Khalíl Beg, who had been
sent on in advance to level the road and construct bridges, to the
effect that on the road through the hill-country along the Kohistán
route the snow was lying so deep that even if no more fell the road
would not probably be passable for at least a month. The ever-
victorious Prince consequently relinquished his design of proceeding
by that route, but started in the direction of Pesháwar, by way of the
pass of Sendh-Basta, which is an extremely rugged and difficult road,
and without entering that city, pursued his journey by the regular
stages to Kábul. * * *
Sa’du-lla Khán having set out with his comrades at full speed, came
and pitched camp during the night in the suburbs of Shahr Safá.
Having left Mubárak Khán Níází to guard that city, he marched
thence, and in three days reached the neighbourhood of Kandahár,
on the 12th of Jumáda-l awwal of this year; whence Kasádah Khwája,
which is half a kos from the fortress, became the site of his camp. As
the 14th of the above-named month was the time fixed upon for
commencing the siege, he halted next day to await the arrival of the
victorious Prince, and the advent of the appointed time for the siege,
but rode out in company with the commanders of the royal forces,
and made a reconnoitring tour round the fortifications. On the 14th the
Prince came up from the rear, and having joined the army, fixed his
head-quarters half a kos from the fortress. * * *

TWENTY-THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1059 A.H. (1649 A.D.).


As it was represented that during the progress of the victorious forces
towards Kandahár a great deal of the cultivation of Ghazní and its
dependencies had been trodden under foot by the army, the merciful
monarch, the cherisher of his people, despatched the sum of 2000
gold mohurs, in charge of a trusty individual, with directions to inquire
into the loss sustained by the agriculturists, and distribute it amongst
them accordingly.
After the fortress of Kandahár had been besieged for three months
and a half, so that grain and fodder were beginning to get scarce,
notwithstanding the praiseworthy exertions of the faithful servants of
the crown, owing to their having with them neither a siege train of
battering guns, nor skilful artillerymen, the capture of the fortress
seemed as distant as ever. For these reasons, and as the winter also
was close at hand, a farmán was issued to the illustrious Prince, to
the effect that, as the reduction of the fortress without the aid of
heavy guns was impracticable, and there was not now sufficient time
remaining for them to arrive in, he should defer its capture till a more
convenient opportunity, and start for Hindústán with the victorious
troops. The Prince Buland Ikbál Dárá Shukoh was also ordered to
tarry some time at Kábul, and directly he heard the news of the
Kandahár army’s arrival at Ghazní, to set out for the presence. * *
As the winter was now close at hand, and forage had become
unattainable, notwithstanding hearing of the death of Mihráb Khán,
the kiladár, from a number of persons, who came out of the fortress,
the Prince did not deem it expedient to delay any longer, but, in
obedience to the mandate worthy of all attention, set out with the
victorious forces from Kandahár on the 8th of the month of Ramazán
this year for Hindústán. * *

TWENTY-FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1060 A.H. (1650 A.D.).


The Emperor excused the Fast.
As his most gracious Majesty had this year advanced in joy and
prosperity beyond the age of sixty, and the divine precepts
sanctioning the non-observance of the fast came into force, the
learned doctors and muftís, according to the glorious ordinances of
the Kurán, by way of fulfilling the commandments of the law, decreed
that it would be lawful for His Majesty, whose blessed person is the
source of the administration of the world, to expend funds in charity in
lieu of observing the fast. The monarch, the lover of religion, and
worshipper of the divine law, therefore, lavished 60,000 rupees on the
deserving poor; and at his command, every night during the sacred
month divers viands and all sorts of sweetmeats were laid out in the
Chihal-sitún in front of the balcony of public audience, with which
famishing and destitute people appeased their hunger. It was further
resolved that henceforward a similar plan should be pursued during
every month of Ramazán.

TWENTY-FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1061 A.H. (1650-1 A.D.).


Subjugation of Tibet.
On the 23rd Jumáda-s sání, which was the time fixed for entering
Kashmír, the Emperor alighted in safety at the royal apartments of the
fort.
On the 4th of Rajab His Majesty paid a visit to the Mosque, which had
been erected in the most exquisite style of art, for the asylum of
learning, Mullá Sháh Badakhshání, at a cost of 40,000 rupees, the
requisite funds having been provided by Nawáb ‘Aliya, and was
surrounded by buildings to serve as habitations for the poor, which
were constructed at a further outlay of 20,000 rupees.
On the 12th of this month, Ádam Khán’s munshí and his nephew
Muhammad Murád, as well as the sons of Salím Beg Káshgharí, who
ranked amongst the auxiliaries serving in the province of Kashmír,
and had stood security for the two former individuals, were appointed
to proceed to Tibet, with a number of zamíndárs, to exterminate a
rebel named Mirzá Ján, and subdue the fort of Shkardú, together with
the territory of Tibet, which had escaped out of the possession of the
servants of the crown.
On the 27th of Sha’bán it reached the ear replete with all good,
through Ádam Khán’s representations, that the rebel Mirzá Ján had
no sooner heard of the arrival of the royalists, than he evacuated the
fort of Shkardú, and became a wanderer in the desert of adversity;
whereupon the fort in question, together with the territory of Tibet,
came anew into the possession of the servants of the crown. The
gracious monarch rewarded the aforesaid Khán with an addition to
his mansab, and conferred the country of Tibet in jágír on the above-
named Muhammad Murád, as his fixed abode.
Towards the close of the spring, on account of the heavy rain and
tremendous floods, all the verdant islands in the middle of the Dal, as
well as the gardens along its borders, and those in the suburbs of the
city, were shorn of their grace and loveliness. The waters of the Dal
rose to such a height, that they even poured into the garden below
the balcony of public audience, which became one sheet of water
from the rush of the foaming tide, and most of its trees were
swamped. Just about this time, too, a violent hurricane of wind arose,
which tore up many trees, principally poplars and planes, by the
roots, in all the gardens, and hurled down from on high all the
blooming foliage of Kashmír. A longer sojourn in that region was
consequently distasteful to the gracious mind; so, notwithstanding
that the sky was lowering, he quitted Kashmír on the 1st of Ramazán,
and set out for the capital by way of Sháhábád.

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Progress to Kábul, and despatch of ‘Allámí Sa’du-lla Khán with


an immense army for the subjugation of Kandahár.
On the night of Monday, the 18th of Rabí’u-l awwal, being the moment
that had been fixed for the auspicious departure to Kábul, the royal
train moved from the capital of Lahore in that direction. At the same
chosen period, too, His Majesty despatched ‘Allámí with the
multitudinous forces (resembling the waves of the sea), amounting
together with the army serving in Kábul to 50,000 cavalry and 10,000
infantry, including musketeers, gunners, bombardiers, and
rocketmen, for the purpose of conquering the country and fortress of
Kandahár, Bust and Zamíndáwar. He was further accompanied by ten
large and ferocious war-elephants, eight heavy and twenty light guns;
the latter of which carried two and two and a half sír (four and five
lbs.) shot, and during an engagement used to be advanced in front of
the army; twenty elephants carrying hathnáls, and 100 camels with
shuturnáls, besides a well-replenished treasury, and other suitable
equipments. He was instructed to repair by way of Kábul and Ghazní
to Kandahár, and about 3000 camels were employed in the transport
of artillery stores, such as lead, powder and iron shot. * * *

TWENTY-SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1062 A.H. (1651-2 A.D.).


Arrival of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahádur and Jamdatu-l
Mulk Sa’du-lla Khán at Kandahár, and siege of the fortress.
On the 3rd of Jumáda-s sání, the first month this year, the victorious
Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahádur, who had set out from Multán
for Kandahár, reached his destination. ‘Allámí, who had hastened
thither by way of K bul, having joined His Royal Highness on the
above date, delivered the kind and indulgent fárman. As it had been
determined that the siege of the fortress should be commenced
simultaneously with the arrival at Kandahár, the fortunate Prince,
having finished marking out the positions that the royal forces were to
occupy, invested the stronghold that very day. * * *
In short, for two months and eight days the flames of war burned
fiercely, and on both sides numerous casualties occurred. On one
occasion, when Muhammad Beg Topchí-báshí (Commandant of the
Artillery), and five or six others of the garrison, had been destroyed by
a shot from the gun named Fath Lashkar, the Kazalbáshís sallied out
of the fort and poured down upon the trenches; whereupon a
desperate struggle ensued between the adverse hosts. Another time
they fell on ‘Allámí’s trenches; but a party of his retainers firmly held
their ground, and after putting a few of their antagonists to the sword,
and wounding some others, manfully laid down their lives; and on the
arrival of succour, the enemy retired precipitately within the fortifica-
tions.
To be brief, the royalists used the most strenuous exertions, and
laboured with unremitting zeal and assiduity in carrying forward the
parallels and zigzags of attack, and demolishing the crest of the
parapet and the bastions. Nevertheless, as the fortress possessed
immense strength, and was filled with all the military weapons and
stores required for an effective defence, their utmost efforts produced
no impression, and, owing to the storm of shot and shell that poured
on them like a shower of rain from the fort, they were unable to
advance their trenches beyond the spot they had already brought
them to. In the interim, out of the seven guns which had accompanied
the royal army, and were the most effectual implements of attack, two
that were mounted in the Prince’s trenches had cracked from
constant firing, and had become quite unserviceable. As for the other
five, which were in the trenches conducted by ‘Allámí and Kásim
Khán Mír-i átish, although they continued to be discharged, yet as
they were not served by scientific artillerymen, their fire was not so
effective as could be wished.
As soon as these particulars became known to His Majesty’s world-
adorning understanding, and he was informed that the capture of the
fortress was at that period impracticable; and it also reached the royal
ear that the Uzbeks and Almáns had come into the neighbourhood of
Ghazní, and excited tumults, as already described, a farmán was
issued to the illustrious Prince on the 4th of Sha’bán, to withdraw his
forces from around the fortress, and, deferring its capture till some
other period, to take his siege train along with him and set out for
Court. * *
Departure of the Prince Buland Ikbál Dárá Shukoh from Lahore to
Kandahár, and organization of forces with artillery, etc. As the Prince
Buland Ikbál, after the return of the army from Kandahár, had
guaranteed to conquer that territory, and with this view the provinces
of Kábul and Multán had been bestowed upon him, His Royal
Highness, on reaching the capital, applied himself to the task of
making the requisite arrangements for the campaign. In the course of
three months and some days that he remained at Lahore, he used
such profuse exertions, that what could not have been otherwise
accomplished in a year was effected in this short period. Among the
siege train was a gun called Kishwar-kushá (clime-conquering), and
another Garh-bhanjan (fort-shattering), each of which carried an iron
shot one man and eight sírs in weight (96 lbs.); and they were worked
by the gunners under the direction of Kásim Khán.
There was also another large piece of ordnance that carried a shot of
a man and sixteen sírs (1 cwt.), and was plied under the
management of His Royal Highness’s Mír-i átish, as well as 30,000
cannon-balls, small and great. He also got ready 5000 mans of
gunpowder, and 2500 of lead, measuring by Imperial weight, and
14,000 rockets. Having likewise collected as many grain dealers as
were procurable, he made arrangements for the army commissariat,
and the safe arrival of supplies. He then despatched a letter to Court,
representing that as the moment of starting was fixed for the 23rd of
Rabí’u-l awwal, and the preliminary arrangements for the campaign
had been completed, if the royal forces appointed to this enterprise
received their dismissal, he would set out for Kandahár. A mandate in
the auspicious handwriting was therefore issued, directing His Royal
Highness to start off at the predetermined moment by way of Multán,
on which road provisions and forage were abundant. [Long details of
the siege.]

TWENTY-SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1063 A.H. (1652-3


A.D.).
Reduction of the Fortress of Bust.
Among the stirring incidents that occurred during the siege of
Kandahár was the subjugation of the fortress of Bust by the laudable
exertions of the servants of the crown, a concise account of which is
as follows. * *
Siege of Kandahár raised.
Ultimately the duration of the siege extended beyond five months, the
winter began to set in, all the lead, powder, and cannon-balls were
expended, and neither was there any forage left in the meadows, nor
provisions with the army. A farmán likewise was issued to this effect,
that as the winter was close at hand, and they had already been long
detained in Kandahár, if the reduction of the fortress could not be
effected just at once, they might stay if necessary some short time
longer; or otherwise return immediately. Rustam Khán, who had been
recalled from Bust for the purpose of sharing in the assault, having
dismantled that fortress, distributed the provisions among his men,
and reached Kandahár with his comrades, bringing all the artillery
stores, and property in the Kár-khána, that was there, along with him.
With an eye therefore to the safety of the property mentioned above,
he deemed it expedient to return, and not one of the royalist
commanders proposed staying any longer. The Prince Buland Ikbál
consequently, on the 15th Zí-l ka’da this year, set out from Kandahár
for Hindústán.
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TWENTY-EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1064 A.H. (1653-4 A.D.).


Appointment of ‘Allámí to the task of demolishing the Fort of
Chitor, and chastising the Ráná.
On the 22nd Zí-l ka’da, at a chosen moment, the royal departure from
the metropolis of Sháhjahánábád to the blessed city of Ájmír took
place. On the same date, the Emperor despatched ‘Allámí, with a
large number of nobles and mansabdárs and 1500 musketeers,
amounting altogether to 30,000, for the purpose of hurrying on in that
direction, and demolishing the fort of Chitor, which was one of the
gifts (‘atáyá) that had been made by this Imperial dynasty. From the
time of the late Emperor Jahángír, it had been settled that no one of
the Ráná’s posterity should ever fortify it; but Ráná Jagat Singh, the
father of Rájá Jai Singh, having set about repairing it, had pulled
down every part that was damaged, and built it up very strongly
anew. He also directed him, if perchance the Ráná did not tender his
obedience, to overrun his territory with the royal forces, and inflict
suitable chastisement on him. The triumphant standards then moved
on by the regular marches in the rear of the ever-victorious troops.
On the 2nd of Zí-l hijja, when the world-subduing banners were
planted at Khalílpúr, the Ráná’s confidential vakíls waited on the
Prince Buland Ikbál, and begged His Royal Highness to act as their
intercessor. When, by his mediation, the penitence and humility
expressed by the Ráná was reported at the threshold of might and
majesty, an order was issued that His Royal Highness should send
his Mír-i buyutát to wait upon the Ráná, and deliver the following
message, viz. that if, with judicious forethought, he would despatch
his eldest son, the Sáhib-i-tíka, to the presence, and a detachment of
his people under the command of one of his relatives were stationed
in the Dakhin, the same as formerly, to be employed in the royal
service, he should be left in security, or otherwise he should be
overwhelmed in adversity.
As the Ráná had again in these days humbly forwarded an address
to the Prince Buland Ikbál, requesting him to send his díwán, in order
that he might start off his sons to Court in company with that
individual, His Royal Highness obtained permission from the Imperial
threshold, and despatched Shaikh ‘Abdu-l Karím, his own díwán, to
the Ráná. * *
The exploits of the army that accompanied ‘Allámí were as follows.
On his arriving within twelve kos of Chitor, which is the frontier of the
Ráná’s territory, inasmuch as the latter’s nego-ciations had not yet
been satisfactorily terminated, he commenced plundering and
devastating, and depasturing his cattle on the crops. On the 5th of Zí-l
hijja, this year, having reached the environs of Chitor, he directed
working parties with pickaxes and spades to overthrow that powerful
stronghold. Accordingly, in the course of fourteen or fifteen days, they
laid its towers and battlements in ruins, and having dug up and
subverted both the old and the new walls, levelled the whole to the
ground. The Ráná having awoke from his sleep of heedlessness at
the advent of the prosperous banners at Ájmír, the irresistible force of
the royal arms, the dispersion of the peasantry, and the ruin of his
territory, sent off a letter containing the humblest apologies to Court,
along with his eldest son, who was in his sixth year, and a number of
his principal retainers, in company with Shaikh ‘Abdu-l Karím, the
Prince Buland Ikbál’s Mír-i buyutát. A farmán was then issued to
Jamdatu-l Mulk (‘Allámí), that since the fort had been demolished,
and the Ráná had sent off his son to Court, the pen of forgiveness
had been drawn through the register of his delinquencies at the
Prince Buland Ikbál’s solicitation, and that he should set out himself
with the whole of the victorious army to the royal presence.
Marks of distinction bestowed on Prince Dárá Shukoh.
On the 8th of Rabí’u-s sání this year, being the expiration of the sixty-
fifth lunar year of His Majesty’s age, a festival was celebrated with
exceeding splendour, and was attended with the usual ceremonies. In
this sublime assembly the Emperor kindly conferred on the Prince
Buland Ikbál a handsome khil’at with a gold-embroidered vest,
studded with valuable diamonds round the collar; on both sleeves,
and the skirts, pearls had been sewn, and it was worth 50,000
rupees; also a sarband composed of a single ruby of the purest
water, and two magnificent pearls, of the value of a lac and 70,000
rupees, and a donation of thirty lacs besides. He also distinguished
His Royal Highness by the lofty title of Sháh Buland Ikbál, which had
been applied exclusively to himself during his late Majesty’s reign;
and since in the days of his Princehood a chair had been placed at
that Emperor’s suggestion opposite to the throne for him to sit on, he
now in like manner directed His Royal Highness to seat himself on a
golden chair, that had been placed near the sublime throne.

TWENTY-NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1065 A.H. (1654-5 A.D.).


Campaign in Sirmor.
Among the incidents of the past year, the appointment and despatch
of Khalílu-lla Khán during the return from Ájmír, with 8000 men, for
the purpose of coercing the Zamíndár of Srínagar, and capturing the
Dún, have been already detailed by the historic pen. The particulars
of his advance and return are as follows. When the Khán in question
set out with the royal forces, the Zamíndár of Sirmor, who had never
felt disposed to ally himself with the servants of the crown, came
under the guidance of good fortune and joined them. He was then
rendered conspicuous among his compeers by the promulgation of
an edict from the threshold of empire and sovereignty, investing him
with the title of Rájá Sabhák Prakás.
Sirmor is a mountainous tract to the north of the new metropolis,
measuring thirty kos in length, and twenty-five in breadth, in which
ice-houses had been established for His Majesty’s private use;
whence, from the beginning of the month of Isfandiár (February) till
the end of Mihr (September), an abundant supply of ice was
constantly reaching the metropolis during the time that the royal
standards were planted there. From these emporia porters used to
carry loads of snow and ice on their backs as far as Dhamrás, the
name of a place situated on the bank of the river Jumna at a distance
of sixteen kos, but the road to which is extremely difficult. There it
was packed in boxes, and sent down the stream on rafts to Daryápúr,
one of the dependencies of pargana Khizrábád, which is also sixteen
kos off from Dhamrás. From that point it was transported to the
metropolis on board of boats in the course of three days and nights.
Khalílu-lla Khán, in company with the aforesaid Rájá and some other
zamíndárs of those parts, having reached the Dún, which is a strip of
country lying outside of Srínagar, twenty kos long and five broad, one
extremity of its length being bounded by the river Jumna, and the
other by the Ganges, which possesses many flourishing towns in
various quarters, laid the foundation of a fieldwork close to Kílághar,
and completed it in the course of a week. He then deputed one of the
man-sabdárs to keep guard there with 200 matchlockmen, and set
out in advance with the whole of his comrades. On reaching Bahádur
Khánpúr, which is a place belonging to the Dún, and lies between the
rivers Jumna and Ganges, in consequence of the peasantry that
dwelt in that neighbourhood having taken refuge in the hills and
forests and defiles, and obstinately refusing to return, he despatched
the ever-triumphant troops from every side to coerce them, who
succeeded in inflicting suitable chastisement. A number of the rebels
therefore fell by the sword of vengeance, and many more were taken
prisoners; after which the remainder tendered their allegiance, and
innumerable herds of cattle fell into the hands of the soldiery. Here,
likewise, he threw up a fortified post, and left a confidential person
with some mansabdárs, and 500 infantry and matchlockmen, to
garrison it, so that the passage of travellers to and fro might remain
uninterrupted. Having then set out himself from thence, he
approached the town of Basantpúr, which is also a dependency of the
Dún, and halted half-way up the hill. Opposite the above town, he
constructed another redoubt, in which he posted one of the
mansabdárs with 250 infantry matchlockmen. From thence he moved
to Sahijpúr, a place abounding in streams and fountains, and clothed
with flowers and verdure; where he erected a fort on the top of an
embankment, measuring 1,000 yards in circumference, and fifteen in
height, that had in former times been crowned by a stronghold,
inasmuch as some traces of the ancient works were still visible; and
he deputed a trusty individual to hold the post, backed by 250
musketeers. On reaching the banks of the Ganges, after crossing
which one enters the hill-country, he sent a detachment with the royal
artillery to the other side of the stream, with a view to their taking
possession of the thána of Chándí, which is one of the dependencies
of Srínagar, but lies outside the Dún of Kílághar.

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Meanwhile, Bahádur Chand, Zamíndár of Kumáyún (Ku-maon),


under the guidance of a fortunate destiny, espoused the royal cause,
and came and joined the above-mentioned Khán. As soon as this fact
was conveyed to the Imperial ear, the repository of all good, through
the representations of Khalílu-lla Khán, a conciliatory farmán and a
khil’at set with jewels were forwarded to him. As the season for
prosecuting military operations in that region and the fitting period for
an invasion of the hill-country had passed away, the rains being now
at hand, and the Dún having been taken possession of, a mandate
was issued to Khalílu-lla Khán, to defer the campaign in the hills for
the present; and after delivering up the Dún to Chatur Bhúj, who had
expressed an ardent desire for it, and confiding the thána of Chándí
to Nágar Dás, the chief of Hardwár, to set out for Court. The Khán
accordingly, having set his mind at rest by fulfilling these instructions,
started for the presence.
Mír Jumla seeks protection.
Another incident was the flying for refuge of Mír Muhammad Sa’íd
Ardastání, surnamed Mír Jumla,* to the Court, the asylum of
mankind, an account of which event is as follows. The above
individual, in whose hands was the entire administration of Kutbu-l
Mulk’s kingdom, had, after a severe struggle with the Karnátikís,
brought under subjection, in addition to a powerful fort, a tract of
country measuring 150 kos in length, and twenty or thirty in breadth,
and yielding a revenue of forty lacs of rupees. It also contained mines
teeming with diamonds, and no one of Kutbu-l Mulk’s ancestors had
ever been able to gain possession of any portion of it. Having
destroyed several strong forts built by the Karnátikís, he had brought
this country into his power; and in spite of long-standing usages, he
had collected a considerable force, so that he had 5000 horse in his
service. For these reasons, a faction who were at enmity with him
caused Kutbu-l Mulk to be displeased with him, and strove to effect
his ruin. He had been active in performing such meritorious services,
and after contending against the zamíndárs of the Karnátik, had
subdued so fine a territory, but he did not gain the object he sought;
but, on the contrary, reaped disappointment. So, using Prince
Mahammad Aurangzeb Bahádur as an intercessor, he sought refuge
at the Court, the asylum of the world. After this circumstance had
been disclosed to the world-adorning understanding through the
representations of the illustrious Prince, a handsome khil’at was
forwarded to him by the hand of one of the courtiers in the middle of
this month, together with an indulgent farmán sanctioning the
bestowal of a mansab of 5000 on him, and one of 2000 on his son,
Mír Muhammad Amín; as well as a mandate accompanied by a
superb dress of honour for Kutbu-l Mulk, regarding the not prohibiting
him and his relations from coming.

Account of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb’s March to Golkonda.*


Among the important events that took place towards the close of this
year was the march of the ever-successful Prince Muhammad
Aurangzeb Bahádur to the territory of Golkonda, for the sake of
coercing Kutbu-l Mulk, his exaction of a superb tributary offering on
behalf of His Majesty’s private exchequer, and his uniting in marriage
of the latter’s daughter with his own eldest son, Muhammad Sultán,
an abridged narrative of which is as follows. When Mír Jumla sought
to ally himself to the Imperial throne, Kutbu-l Mulk, the instant he
gained intelligence of the matter, imprisoned Mír Jumla’s son, Mír
Muhammad Amín, together with his connexions, and having
confiscated whatever he possessed, both in live stock and goods,
forwarded him and his relatives to Golkonda. This circumstance
having soon reached the ear of the fortunate Prince, through the
intervention of news-writers, His Royal Highness despatched a quiet
letter to Kutbu-l Mulk regarding the release of the prisoners, and the
restoration of Mír Muhammad Amín’s goods and chattels. Having
likewise reported the state of the case to the Imperial presence, he
solicited authority, that in case Kutbu-l Mulk persisted in keeping Mír
Jumla’s son in confinement, he might be permitted to march against
him in person, and endeavour to liberate the captives; as supineness
in resorting to arms would be a source of additional lethargy to the
opulent lords of the Dakhin. On the receipt of his report, a farmán was
likewise forwarded with the utmost expedition to Kutbu-l Mulk, by the
hands of some mace-bearers, respecting the surrender of Mír
Jumla’s son along with his relatives, and the infliction of the
consequences of disobedience. A mandate was also addressed to
the victorious Prince, instructing him to set out for his destination with
the triumphant troops; and the ever-obeyed commands were issued
to the governor of Málwa, and the mansabdárs serving in that
province, to proceed and join His Royal Highness as quickly as
possible.
In short, as Kutbu-l Mulk, under the influence of the fumes of
arrogance, would not heed the contents of the letter, the Prince
despatched his eldest son, Muhammad Sultán, thither on the 8th of
Rabí’u-l awwal this year, along with a host of nobles and mansabdárs
and his own followers. It was further determined that the army that
was returning from Deogarh should halt in that vicinity, and unite itself
to the illustrious Sultán; and that he himself should set out afterwards
in the course of another month. About this time, the mansabdárs in
whose charge the khil’ats and farmáns had been despatched for
Kutbu-l Mulk and Mír Jumla from the brilliant presence, as has been
related in its proper place, came and waited on that ward of the divine
vigilance. Although it was the realm-subduing Prince’s opinion that
Kutbu-l Mulk would release Mír Jumla’s son from confinement
previous to the arrival of Muhammad Sultán, “the tender sapling in
the garden of prosperity and success,” at the frontier of the Golkonda
territory, and that the campaign would not consequently be prolonged
to any great extent, yet Kutbu-l Mulk, from excessive negligence and
extreme pride, had not the good sense to adopt this measure, and
hold the farmán in dread and fear. After the last communication the
Prince gave orders,* directing Muhammad Sultán to enter his territory
with the Imperial troops. On receiving the above farmán with the
alarming intelligence of Muhammad Sultán’s approach at the head of
the royal forces, Kutbu-l Mulk awoke from his deep sleep of
arrogance and conceit, and sent off Mír Jumla’s son, along with his
mother and connexions. He also forwarded a letter to Court,
intimating this fact, and avowing his fealty and subservience, in
charge of the mace-bearers who had brought the farmán. Mír Jumla’s
son having joined Muhammad Sultán twelve kos from Haidarábád,
reposed in the cradle of peace and safety. Nevertheless as Kutbu-l
Mulk, with grasping avarice, still retained the goods and property
belonging to Mír Jumla and his son, and would not deliver them up,
the illustrious Sultán set out for the city of Haidarábád. Kutbu-l Mulk,
on learning this news, started off his children to Golkonda, which is
situated at a distance of three kos from Haidarábád, and where,
owing to the impregnability of the position, he was in the habit of
depositing his secret hoards of treasure; and he followed them shortly
after himself. Whatever gems and jewelry, gold and silver articles,
and cash he possessed, he likewise removed to the fort of Golkonda;
and other property, such as various kinds of carpets, porcelain, etc.,
he made over to the chief of his confidential servants, and deputed
him to contend with the royal forces.
Next morning, corresponding to the 5th of Rabí’u-s sání this year,
when Muhammad Sultán, having arrived at the environs of
Haidarábád, was just about to encamp on the banks of the Husain
Sájar lake, one of Kutbu-l Mulk’s confidential retainers came and
waited on him with a casket full of jewels that his master had
forwarded by his hands. Meanwhile, Kutbu-l Mulk’s forces made their
appearance, and assumed a menacing attitude; but the ever-
triumphant troops, having engaged in the deadly strife from right and
left, enveloped the enemy with speed and promptitude in the midst of
a galling fire, and by the aid of His Majesty’s daily-increasing good
fortune, having gained the superiority, chased the routed fugitives up
to the city walls. Many of the enemy were accordingly killed and
wounded, and the survivors, from dread of the royalists’ assaults, did
not stay within the city walls, but fled into the fort. In short, as such an
audacious act had been perpetrated by Kutbu-l Mulk, and the bearer
of the casket of jewels was indicated as the originator of this hostile
movement, Muhammad Sultán gave the order for his execution.

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Arrival of Muhammad Sultán at Golkonda, and Subjugation


of Haidarábád.
On the morrow, Muhammad Sultán took possession of the city of
Haidarábád, and having encamped outside the walls, prohibited the
soldiery from entering it, for fear of having Kutbu-l Mulk’s property
plundered, and the effects of the inhabitants carried off. He also
despatched a confidential servant of his noble father to conciliate the
residents of that city, so as to dissuade them from dispersing, and to
endeavour to protect their wealth and property. This day Kutbu-l Mulk
sent 200 more caskets full of gems and jewelled trinkets, two
elephants with silver housings, and four horses with gold trappings, to
the Sultán; and that fruitful plant of the gardens of prosperity and
good fortune detained the bearer of these articles in his camp, as a
hostage for the restoration of Mír Jumla’s goods, which Kutbu-l Mulk
still persisted in withholding. Five or six days afterwards, he sent
eleven elephants, sixty horses, and other things belonging to Mír
Jumla; and though, apparently having entered into amicable relations,
he used to send numbers of people to Muhammad Sultán, and make
professions of loyal obedience, yet he continued strengthening his
fortifications, using tremendous exertions to complete the requisite
preparations for standing a siege, and forwarded repeated letters to
‘Ádil Khán by the hands of trusty individuals soliciting aid.
Arrival of the fortunate Prince at Golkonda.
The particulars regarding the ever-triumphant Prince’s retinue are as
follows. His Royal Highness having reached Golkonda from
Aurangábád in eighteen days, pitched his camp on the 20th of the
aforesaid Rabí’u-s sání a kos from the fort. He then went off the road
for the purpose of marking out the intrenchments, and reconnoitring
the defences of the place, and having gained intelligence of Kutbu-l
Mulk’s approach, commanded Muhammad Sultán to take post on the
left-hand side with his force. At this juncture, five or six thousand
cavalry and ten or twelve thousand infantry came opposite to the
army, and kindled the flame of war by discharging rockets and
matchlocks, whilst the garrison likewise fired off numerous cannons
and rockets from the top of the ramparts. The lion-hearted Prince,
however, with his habitual intrepidity, allowed no apprehensions to
enter his mind, but urged on his riding elephant to the front; and the
heroes of the arena of strife, having charged at full gallop in
successive squadrons, and sapped the foundations of their foolish
opponents’ stability by their irresistible assaults, victory declared in
favour of the servants of the crown. The ever-triumphant Prince, after
returning to camp, crowned with glory and success, despatched the
royalists to besiege the fort, and the prosecution of the attack against
each front was committed to the vigilant superintendence of some
trusty individual.
In short, the friends of Government began constructing
intrenchments, and carrying forward the approaches; and as Kutbu-l
Mulk, from weakness of intellect, had been guilty of such highly
improper behaviour, notwithstanding that he had again sent four more
caskets of gems, three elephants with silver housings, and five
horses with gold and silver trappings, in charge of an intimate friend,
begging that he might he allowed to send his mother to wait upon His
Royal Highness, for the purpose of asking pardon for his offences;
the Prince, in token of his deep displeasure, would not listen to his
request, nor grant his messenger an audience, but exhorted the
besiegers to lavish still greater exertions in carrying on the attack with
gallantry and vigour. After two or three days had elapsed in this
manner, a vast force of the Kutbu-l Mulkís made their appearance on
the northern side of the fort, and were about to pour down upon the
intrenchment of Mirzá Khán, who was engaged in the defence of that
quarter; when the latter, becoming aware of their hostile intention,
made an application for reinforcements. The renowned and
successful Prince immediately despatched some nobles with his own
artillery to his support; and these reinforcements having arrived at full
speed, took part at once in the affray. Under the magic influence of
His Majesty’s never-failing good fortune, the enemy took to flight;
whereupon the ever-triumphant troops began putting the miscreants
to the sword, and allowed hardly any of them to escape death or
captivity. After chasing the vain wretches as far as the fort, they
brought the prisoners, along with an elephant that had fallen into their
hands, into His Royal Highness’s presence.
On this date a trusty person was deputed to go and fetch Mír Jumla;
and as it reached the Prince’s auspicious ear that about six or seven
thousand cavalry and nearly 20,000 infantry of Kutbu-l Mulk,
consisting principally of matchlockmen, who had been repeatedly
defeated and dispersed in the battles mentioned above, had collected
together on the southern face of the fort, and were standing prepared
for action, the illustrious Prince mounted and set out in person to
exterminate the doomed wretches. As soon as he drew near, the
miscreants had the foolhardiness to advance, and standing on the
brink of a ravine that ran between them, fanned the flame of strife into
a blaze by the discharge of matchlocks and rockets; whilst from the
battlements of the fort also, cannons, guns, and rockets beyond
number, played upon him incessantly. The devoted heroes, however,
drawing the shield of divine Providence over their heads, pushed
rapidly across the ravine; and a detachment of their vanguard, by the
most spirited efforts, drove the villains two or three times to the foot of
the ramparts, hurling many of them into the dust of destruction, and
capturing a number more. Several of the servants of the Crown
perished in this conflict, and others were adorned with the cosmetic of
wounds; whilst a number of the Prince’s retainers also were either
killed or wounded. His Royal Highness, deeming an additional force
necessary for this quarter, stationed one there, and having taken
possession of the commanding points, and appointed a party of
matchlockmen to guard them, returned at night from the field of battle
to his own tents.
Next day, at Muhammad Sultán’s solicitation, he gave Kutbu-l Mulk’s
son-in-law permission to pay his respects, who had come two days
before with some petitions and a slight tributary offering, but had not
gained admittance. Having refused the jewelry that the latter had
brought for him, he deferred its acceptance till the conclusion of
negociations. About this time Sháyista Khán joined the army with the
nobles of Málwá, whereupon the Prince altered the previous position
of the trenches, and directed that they should throw up four, opposite
each front of the fortifications. In these very days, too, an Imperial
edict arrived, intimating the despatch of a handsome khil’at, and a
jewelled dagger with phúl-katár, for the illustrious Prince, and a
present of a fine dress of honour, and a mansab of 7000, with 2000
horse, for Muhammad Sultán, as well as a benevolent farmán to
Kutbu-l Mulk’s address, granting him a free pardon. By the untiring
efforts of the servants of the Crown, however, affairs had come to
such a pass, that Kutbu-l Mulk was all but annihilated, and every day
a number of his followers used to turn the countenance of hope
towards this prosperous threshold, and attain the honour of paying
their respects. Alarmed at the irresistible superiority of the royal
troops, moreover, he had sent two of his confidential servants with a
tributary offering, and tendered his allegiance, consenting to pay all
the stipulated tribute, due for several years up to Isfandiár of the 29th
year of this reign, and begging that the amount of that for the present
twelvemonth might be settled in addition to the former. The subject of
his daughter’s marriage with Muhammad Sultán had likewise been
broached; and the illustrious Prince, consequently, deeming it
inexpedient to forward him the warrant of pardon just now, kept it to
himself. After a lapse of two or three days, Kutbu-l Mulk despatched,
agreeably to orders, ten elephants and some jewelry, as an
instalment of the tribute in arrears, together with two more elephants
and other articles belonging to Mír Jumla’s son. For the noble
Muhammad Sultán, too, he sent a letter congratulating him on his
mansab, two elephants, one of which bore silver housings, and a
horse with gold saddle and jewelled trappings. The Prince then
directed that they should mount two heavy guns that had been
brought from fort Úsa, on the top of a mound situated in Kátalabí
Khán’s intrenchment, and point them against the fortress.

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As Kutbu-l Mulk had repeatedly begged permission to send his


mother for the purpose of asking pardon for his offences, and
solicited a safe conduct, it was ordered that Muhammad Sultán and
Sháyista Khán should despatch the customary passport. As soon as
he received that warrant and security, he sent off his mother in the
hope of gaining his other objects. Accordingly, on the 22nd of Jumáda-
l awwal, several of His Royal Highness’s intimate companions went
out, at his suggestion, to meet her, and brought her from the road to
Sháyista Khán’s camp. The latter, having treated her with the deepest
respect and attention, conducted her next day, agreeably to orders,
into the illustrious presence; where she enjoyed an interview with
Muhammad Sultán, and presented two horses. * * As Muhammad
Sultán represented that she was anxious to be admitted to a personal
audience, in order to detail her propositions, the Prince summoned
her into his presence. That chaste matron then presented a thousand
gold mohurs as nisár to His Royal Highness as well as * * .
That ward of divine providence affirmed in reply, that Kutbu-l Mulk
must pay down a kror of rupees in cash, jewelry, elephants, etc., and
she having consented to obey this mandate, returned to the fortress
for the purpose of collecting the above sum.
As a vast number of Kutbu-l Mulk’s partisans, under the command of
his kotwál, who had no intimation as yet of the armistice, had
collected together about two kos from the fortress with hostile
intentions, the Prince despatched several nobles and mansabdárs,
with 200 mounted musketeers, and 500 cavalry out of Sháyista
Khán’s retainers, amounting altogether to 6,000 horse, and a host of
matchlockmen, to coerce them. The royal troops repaired with the
utmost celerity to the menaced point, and encamped that day close to
the enemy’s position. On the succeeding one, the miscreants sent off
their heavy baggage and property to a distance, and having formed
up in line themselves, stood prepared for action. Although the
royalists several times drove them off and dispersed them, yet the
shameless wretches kept constantly rallying and renewing their
assaults, in which they suffered numerous casualties, until night
supervened; when the ill-fated villains, being incapable of further
resistance, took to a precipitate flight. A few out of the victorious army
were also killed and wounded; and the ever-successful troops, after
spending the night on the ground where the enemy’s tents had stood,
returned in triumph on the morrow.
Mír Jumla’s coming to wait upon the Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb
Bahádur.
At this time, the news of Mír Jumla’s arrival in the vicinity of Golkonda
was made known; so the Prince forwarded to him the farmán and
khil’at that had come for him from Court, by the hands of the bearer of
it. The latter having been apprised of the fact, came out to meet the
messenger, from his camp, which was pitched four kos the other side
of the Husain Ságar lake, and after observing the usual marks of
respect, received the farmán and khil’at from him on the banks of the
above-named lake. As two days were wanting to the time fixed for his
introduction to the victorious Prince, he returned for the present to his
own camp. On the appointed day, the Prince sent out some nobles to
fetch him, and he having set out with great pomp and splendour,
enjoyed at a chosen moment the honour of paying his respects, and
presented 3,000 Ibráhímís as nisár. That descendant of nobles was
recompensed from the munificent threshold by the receipt of a superb
dress of honour, a jewelled tarrah and dagger, two horses, one with a
gold, the other with a silver saddle, and an elephant with silver
housings, accompanied by a female one; and obtained permission to
be seated in the presence. As peace had now been established on a
firm basis, the fortunate and successful Prince evacuated the
trenches encircling the fortress, on the last day of the aforesaid
month, and summoned the party engaged in the siege to his
presence.

THIRTIETH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1066 A.H. (1655-6 A.D.).


Painful Death of Sa’du-lla Khán.
On the 22nd Jumáda-s sání ‘Allámí Sa’du-lla Khán, conformably to the
sacred text, “When your time of death has arrived, see that ye defer
not a moment, nor procrastinate,” returned the response of Labaiká to
the herald of God, and migrated from this transitory sphere to the
realms of immortality. For nearly four months he had been labouring
under a severe and painful attack of cholic; during the first two
months of which period, when he was not confined to his bed, he
used to attend daily in the auspicious presence, and uttered no excla-
mation of pain. In fact, he was then trying to dispel the disease by
attending to Takarrub Khán’s medical treatment; but after he became
confined to his house from the acute agony he was suffering, the
matter was disclosed to the royal ear; whereupon the skilful
physicians in attendance at the foot of the sublime throne were
commanded to effect his cure. As his appointed time of death,
however, had come, all their remedies produced no effect, and the
disease gradually gaining ground, put an end to his sufferings. The
monarch, the appreciator of worth, expressed intense regret at the
demise of that deserving object of kindness and consideration, and
showered favours on his children and all his connexions.
Marriage of Muhammad Sultán with Kutbu-l Mulk’s daughter.
The sequel to the narrative of Golkonda affairs is as follows. As the
moment for the celebration of Muhammad Sultán’s nuptials had been
fixed for the morning of the 18th of Jumáda-s sání in this happy-
omened year, Prince Muhammad Aurang-zeb Bahádur sent his
díwán, Muhammad Táhir, one day previously to Kutbu-l Mulk,
together with the ecclesiastics, and forwarded a khil’at. * * Next day,
the marriage service was read in a fortunate moment, and the
hymeneal rites were duly observed. After a week’s interval, the
illustrious Prince again despatched his own díwán and the royal
bakhshí into the fortress, with a view of fetching that chaste and
fortunate damsel; and commanded several nobles to wait outside the
fortifications, and accompany her from thence. These obedient
vassals accordingly acted in conformity with his injunctions, and
conducted her along with Kutbu-l Mulk’s mother, who had
accompanied her, to a pavilion that had been erected near His Royal
Highness’s. Kutbu-l Mulk sent about ten lacs of rupees in gems and
other articles by way of dowry. Next day the Prince forwarded the
farmán and a superb khil’at, the delivery of which he had deferred, as
has been alluded to in its proper place, to Kutbu-l Mulk, who went out
to meet them, and received them with the deepest reverence.
[Return of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb from Golkonda, investiture
of Mír Jumla with the title of Mu’azzam Khán, and bestowal of that of
Khán-Jahán on Sháyista Khán.]
Appointment of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb to conduct the
campaign of Bíjápúr, and dismissal of Mu’azzam Khán [Mír Jumla],
etc., from the presence.
Among the events of this year was the appointment of the victorious
Prince Aurangzeb Bahádur to conduct the campaign of Bíjápúr, and
the dismissal of Mu’azzam Khán and the other nobles and
mansabdárs from the sublime presence to share in the above
campaign; a concise version of which is as follows. As it had been
reported at the threshold of royalty, through the representations of the
above-named Prince, that ‘Ádil Khán had bid adieu to existence by a
natural death, and his servants had constituted Majhúl Illáhí his
successor, who professed to be his offspring, it was ordered, on the
18th of Safar, that His Royal Highness should hasten thither with the
Dakhin forces, and bring the campaign to a conclusion, in such a way
as he should deem expedient. An ever-obeyed mandate was also
issued to Khán-Jahán, to repair expeditiously to Daulatábád, and
remain in that city until the ever-successful Prince’s return. Jamdatu-l
Mulk Mu’azzam Khán, Sháh Nawáz Khán Safví, Mahábat Khán,
Nijábat Khán, Rájá Ráí Singh, and a number more nobles and
mansabdárs, whose total strength amounted to 20,000 horse, were
appointed to serve under that ward of divine providence; some being
despatched from the auspicious presence, and others from their
respective homes and jágírs, along with a great many musketeers
both horse and foot, and rocketmen. Among those who received their
dismissal from the presence, Jamdatu-l Mulk was presented with a
handsome khil’at, etc. * *
As Mu’azzam Khán had reported that he had sent several led horses,
adorned with diamonds, rubies, and precious stones, and some other
articles, that he had taken from the Zamíndár of the Karnátik, to ‘Ádil
Khán, the Sháh Buland Ikbál despatched by the hands of two
confidential slaves a mandate, agreeably to orders, to the latter,
respecting the forwarding of the aforesaid articles. As ‘Ádil Khán,
however, departed this life very shortly after the receipt of the
mandate, his servants forwarded to Court four out of the whole
number of led horses, together with an epistle from his successor, in
charge of the abovementioned slaves. They were accordingly
presented on the 1st of Rabí’u-s sání this year, and their value was
almost a lac of rupees.

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LXIV.
BÁDSHÁH-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD WÁRIS.
[THIS work is also called Sháh Jahán-náma. It is the completion of
the Bádsháh-náma of ‘Abdu-l Hamíd by his pupil and assistant
Muhammad Wáris, who was appointed to carry on the work when his
friend and master had become incapacitated by age. It embraces the
last ten years of Sháh Jahán’s reign, from the beginning of the
twenty-first to the thirtieth year, in which his actual reign closed. The
work was submitted for revision to ‘Aláu-l Mulk Túní, entitled Fázil
Khán, who became wazír in Aurangzeb’s days, and the part of the
work subsequent to the death of ‘Allámí Sa’du-lla Khán was written
by Fázil Khán, under the command of the Emperor himself. Little is
known of Muhammad Wáris, but the author of the Ma-ásir-i ‘Alamgírí
records that “On the 10th Rabí’u-l awwal, 1091 (1680 A.D.), Wáris
Khán, news reader, the graceful author of the third volume of the
Bádsháh-náma, was killed by a blow of a penknife from a mad
student, whom he had taken under his protection, and who used to
sleep at night near his patron.”
The work is composed in a style similar to that of ‘Abdu-l Hamíd, and
is of considerable length. It closes with a list of the shaikhs, learned
men and poets who flourished during its decade.
The history of this period of Sháh Jahán’s reign has been so fully
supplied by the Extracts from the Sháh Jahán-náma of ‘Ináyat Khán,
that only one short Extract has been taken from this work.
Sir H. M. Elliot’s MS. is a poor one. It is an 8vo., twelve inches by six
and a half, and contains 357 leaves, of nineteen lines to the page.
There is a copy in the British Museum, and one in the Library of the
Royal Asiatic Society.]

EXTRACT.
Twenty-second Year of the Reign.
[* When the Emperor set off from Sháhjahánábád to chastise the
Persians, it was his intention to march on and make no stay until he
reached Kábul. * * But afterwards it appeared clear to his far-reaching
judgment, that it was very improbable that the Sháh of Persia would
enter upon a campaign in the winter season, when grain and forage
are very difficult to procure in that country (of Kandahár). The
Emperor’s counsellors also represented that the Sháh of Persia had
resolved upon this evil enterprise in that infatuation which arises from
youth and inexperience. During the winter he would be busy making
preparations in Khurásán, and in the spring he would commence
operations. In this way the late Sháh ‘Abbás came up against
Kandahár in the reign of the Emperor Jahángír. The severe cold and
the heavy snow and rain, together with scarcity of provender for the
horses, would be sources of great suffering to the Imperial army; so
under all circumstances it was desirable to postpone the march until
the Nau-roz. * * So it was resolved to wait the arrival of news from
Kandahár. On the 12th Muharram a despatch arrived from the
commandant of the fortress, to the effect that on the 10th Zí-l hijja the
Sháh of Persia had invested the fortress, his evident object being to
accomplish this, the first enterprise of his reign, before the spring,
when the roads would be open for the advance of the Imperial army.]

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LXV.
‘AMAL-I SÁLIH
OF
MUHAMMAD SÁLIH KAMBÚ.
[THIS, like the other histories of the reign of Sháh Jahán, is
sometimes called Sháh Jahán-náma. It is a history of the reign of that
Emperor from his birth to his death in 1076 A.H. (1665 A.D.).
Muhammad Sálih was a fine scribe,* so there can be little doubt that
he is the Muhammad Sálih he himself mentions in his list of the noted
caligraphists of his time. Mír Muhammad Sálih and Mír Muhammad
Múman were, he says, sons of Mír ‘Abdu-lla, Mushkín kalam, whose
title shows him to have also been a fine writer. Muhammad Sálih was
known as a poet by the Persian title Kashfí and the Hindí Subhán.
Both brothers were not only fine writers, but accomplished Hindí
singers. In the list of mansabdárs, Muhammad Sálih is put down as
commander of five hundred.
The ‘Amal-i Sálih is a valuable history, and has a good reputation in
the East. It is not so long as the Bádsháh-náma of ‘Abdu-l Hamíd and
Muhammad Wáris, and it does not enter into the same petty details.
The latter part of it, devoted to the life of Sháh Jahán after his
deposition, is very brief, and notices only the tragic deaths of his sons
and his own peaceful decease. The style is polished, and often highly
wrought and rhetorical. At the end of the work the author has added
biographical notices of the saiyids, shaikhs, learned men, physicians,
poets, and fine writers who were contemporary with Sháh Jahán. Also
a list of princes, nobles, and commanders, arranged according to
their respective ranks. A borrowed MS., belonging to a native
gentleman, is a folio 13 in. X 9, containing about 1000 to 1200
pages.]
EXTRACTS.
THIRTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Death of ‘Alí Mardán Khán.
[* Amíru-l Umará ‘Alí Mardán Khán, being ill with dysentery, started
for Kashmír, the air of which country suited his constitution, but he
died on his way on the 12th Rajab. * * His sons, Ibráhím Khán and the
others, brought his corpse to Lahore, and buried it in the tomb of his
mother. He was a noble of the highest dignity; he held a mansab of
7000 with 7000 horse, 5000 do-aspas and sih-aspas. He had an
in’ám of one kror of dáms. Altogether his emoluments amounted to
thirty lacs of rupees. His death caused the Emperor great grief.]
• Mu’azzam Khán joins Aurangzeb. Capture of several fortresses
belonging to Bíjápúr. Defeat of ‘Ádil Khán’s army.
[Mu’azzam Khán departed from Court, and marched with the army
under his command to Prince Aurangzeb, whom he joined on the 12th
Rabí’u-s sání. On the same day the Prince, making no delay,
marched on his enterprise with all the Imperial forces and his own
followers. In the course of fourteen days he reached Chándor. There
he left Walí Mahaldár Khán with a force of matchlockmen, etc., to
keep open the communications and provide supplies. Next day he
encamped under the fort of Bidar. This fortress was held by Sídí
Marján, an old servant of Ibráhím ‘Ádil Khán. He had been
commander of the fortress for thirty years, and had kept it fully armed
and ready. He had under him nearly 1000 horse and 4000 infantry,
consisting of musketeers, rocketmen and gunners. The bastions and
walls and works were carefully looked after, and he made every pre-
paration for sustaining a siege. As soon as Prince Aurangzeb reached
the place, he resolved to reduce it. This strong fortress was 4500
yards (dará’) in circumference, and twelve yards high; and it had
three deep ditches twenty-five yards (gaz) wide, and fifteen yards
deep cut in the stone. The Prince went out with Mu’azzam Khán and
reconnoitered the fort on all sides. He settled the places for the lines
of approach, and named the forces which were to maintain them.
Notwithstanding the heavy fire kept up from the bastions and the
citadel, in the course of ten days Mu’azzam Khán and the other brave
commanders pushed their guns up to the very edge of the ditch and
began to fill it up. Several times the garrison sallied forth and made
fierce attacks upon the trenches, but each time they were driven back
with a great loss in killed and wounded. The besiegers by the fire of
their guns destroyed two bastions and battered down the battlements
of the wall.
On the 23rd Jumáda-s sání, in the thirty-first year of the reign,
Muhammad Murád, with a body of musketeers and other forces,
sallied from his trenches to make the assault. As soon as he reached
the bastion opposite the trench of Mu’azzam Khán, he planted scaling
ladders in several places, and ascended the wall. Marján, the
commandant, had dug a great hole in the rear of this bastion, and
had filled it with gunpowder, rockets and grenades (hukka). With his
eight sons and all his personal followers he stood near this bastion,
and with the greatest courage and determination endeavoured to
resist the assault. Just then, through the good fortune which at all
times attends the royal arms, * * a rocket directed against the
besiegers fell into the above-mentioned hole, and ignited the
gunpowder. A tremendous explosion followed, which destroyed many
of the enemy. Sídí Marján and two of his sons were severely burnt.
Those who escaped the explosion bore him and his sons back into
the citadel. The brave assailants took advantage of this accident, and
pouring into the fortress on all sides, they killed or bore down all who
resisted, and raised the flag of victory. * * The commandant of the
fortress, with great humility, sued for quarter, and as he was mortally
wounded and unable to move, he sent his sons with the keys of the
fortress. They were graciously received by the Prince, who presented
them with khil’ats, and promised them the Imperial favour. On the day
after the giving up the keys, the Prince entered the city, and
proceeding to a mosque which had been built two hundred years
before, in the reign of the Bahmaní Sultáns, he caused the khutba to
be read in the name of the Emperor. * * This strong fortress was thus
taken in twenty-seven days. Twelve lacs of rupees in money, and
eight lacs of rupees in lead, gunpowder, stores, and other munitions
of a fortress, were obtained, besides two hundred and thirty guns.
Bidar is a pleasant, well-built city, and stands on the borders of
Telingána. It is related in the histories of Hindústán, that Bidar was
the seat of government of the Ráís of the Dakhin, and that the Ráís of
the Karnátik, Mahratta (country), and Telingána were subject to the
Ráí of Bidar. Daman, the beloved of King Nala of Málwá, whose story
Shaikh Faizí has told in the poem entitled Nal o Daman, was
daughter of Bhím Sen, the marzbán of Bidar. Sultán Muhammad, son
of Sultán Tughlik, first subdued the place. After that, it passed into the
hands of the Bahmanís, and subsequently into the possession of the
Kings of Bíjápúr. By the favour of God, it now forms part of the
Imperial dominions.
Intelligence reached the Prince that large bodies of the forces of ‘Ádil
Khán were collecting at Kulbarga, and preparing for war. He
consequently sent Mahábat Khán with fifteen thousand well-mounted
veteran cavalry to chastise these forces, and not to leave one trace of
cultivation in that country. Every building and habitation was to be
thrown down, and the land was to be made a dwelling for the owls
and kites. The Khán had not got far from Bidar, when, in the middle of
the next day, two thousand of the enemy’s horse, at about three kos
from the Imperial army, seized a number of bullocks, belonging to the
Banjáras, while they were grazing, and were driving them off to their
quarters. Mu’azzam Khán and * * led a detachment of the Imperial
forces after them, to inflict chastisement upon them, and release the
cattle. Pressing forward with all speed, they overtook the enemy,
killed a great many of them, and rescued all the cattle. Such of the
enemy as escaped made off with great difficulty, and the royal forces
returned. The wretched Afzal, who had advanced very boldly, when
he heard of this disaster, was paralyzed, and fled in consternation
from Kalyání, without even waiting for the fugitives to come in, and
fell back upon his other forces. Mahábat Khán then ravaged Kalyání,
and continued his march. Every day the black-coated masses of the
enemy appeared in the distance, but they continued to retreat. * *
On the 8th Rajab, Ján Muhammad and Afzal and Rustam, the son of
Randaula, and others of the enemy, with about 20,000 horse, made
their appearance near the royal army, and were very bold and
insolent. * * Mahábat Khán left his camp in charge of Subhán Singh,
and marched out against them. The enemy began to discharge
rockets upon the right wing under the command of Diler Khán, and a
battle followed. * * Mahábat Khán was a good soldier; and when
reports were brought to him from all parts of the field, he saw that
Ikhlás Khán and Diler Khán were hard pressed. * * So he charged the
enemy with such impetuosity that they were filled with dismay and
fled. The victors followed in close pursuit, and many of the fugitives
fell by their swords.

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Aurangzeb, having left Mu’azzam Khán and Ikbál Khán in charge of


Bidar, on the 23rd Rajab marched against Kalyání. On the 29th he
reached that place, and on the same day he reconnoitered the
fortress and invested it. * * On the 8th Sha’bán the approaches were
advanced to the edge of the ditch, and the besieged were hard
pressed. [Several actions with and victories over the enemy. The
country ravaged. Kulbarga occupied.] When the ditch was filled with
stones and earth, and the bastions and ramparts had been well
battered, on the 27th the assailants placed their ladders and mounted
a bastion which had been much damaged, and began to undermine
and throw down the wall. The besieged made a gallant resistance,
and kept up a heavy discharge of rockets, arrows, and muskets.
Grenades, naphtha-balls, and trusses of burning straw were thrown
from the top of the walls. But the assailants pressed bravely on, and
victory was not far off. At this juncture Diláwar Habshí, who with 2500
men held the place for ‘Ádil Khán, felt himself in great danger of
destruction, and on the 29th wrote a letter begging for forgiveness and
offering to surrender. Most of the garrison were Musulmáns, so the
commandant and all his men were allowed to march out with their
property and their wives and families. On the 1st Zí-l ka’da, 1068, the
keys of the fortress were given up, and the Prince entered and had
the khutba read. The commandant sought and obtained permission to
go to Bíjápúr.]
Illness of the Emperor.
[Suddenly, on the 1st Zí-l ka’da, 1067 A.H., the Emperor was attacked
with serious illness in the form of strangury, constipation and other
sympathetic affections, so that he was unable to attend to worldly
affairs. Physicians tried all the remedies of their art, but in vain, for
the disorder increased. * * In Safar, 1068, the health of the Emperor
had so improved that he was convalescent, * * and great rejoicings
followed.]

THIRTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN.


[In the eyes of his father the Emperor, Prince Dárá Shukoh was
superior to his brothers both in merit and age. When his other sons
departed to their respective governments, the Emperor, from
excessive love and partiality, would not allow Dárá Shukoh to go
away from him. He also evinced the greatest partiality and affection
for the Prince, providing for his honour and dignity. * *
Sháh Buland Ikbál (Dárá Shukoh) took upon himself to interfere in the
direction of affairs of State, and induced His Majesty to do many
unwise things which tended to create disturbances. He urged that
Murád Bakhsh had diverged from the path of rectitude, and had not
ceased to act improperly. It was therefore advisable to remove him
from the súba of Ahmad-ábád, and to settle upon him the jágír of
Birár. If he obeyed the Emperor’s order and proceeded to Birár, his
offences might be forgiven and clemency be extended to him. But if,
from want of foresight and intelligence, he should prove refractory
and disobey the orders, he should be suitably chastised and be
brought to Court under restraint. Dárá Shukoh then spoke of Prince
Aurangzeb, and represented that a party of intriguers had artfully led
him astray, and nolens volens had persuaded him that he had been
worsted by the malice and revenge of his brother (Dárá Shukoh), and
that he should get the assistance of his brother (Murád Bakhsh), who
had resolved upon rebellion.* He should then march with the splendid
army under his command to the capital, under the pretence of paying
a visit to his father, and wherever he passed he should subvert the
authority of the Government. To carry out his aims Aurangzeb had set
himself to win over to his side the great nobles of the State, some of
whom he had made his own, and that he was endeavouring to effect
his object by secret communications before his designs should
become public. The money which he had received as tribute from
Kutbu-l Mulk he had spent without permission in the raising of forces,
and it would not be long before he would cast off his obedience and
commence a war. It was to be hoped that the army which had been
sent by the Emperor for the reduction of Bíjápúr, and was now with
Aurangzeb, might not be won over by the money which he had
received as tribute; for assuredly, if this were so, it would be a great
danger to the State, which it would be almost impossible to avert. The
first thing to be done was to send farmáns recalling all the nobles and
their forces from the Dakhin. Then a strenuous effort should be made
to get possession of the treasure. By these means the strength and
greatness of the Prince would be diminished, and the friends and
allies, the strength of his cause, would fall away. * *
Although the Emperor showed no haste in adopting these views, he
was quite willing to send the letters. He could not resist the influence
Prince Dárá had obtained over him. So letters of the unpleasant
purport above described were sent off by the hands of some of the
Imperial messengers. The messengers reached Prince Aurangzeb as
he was engaged in directing the operations against Bíjápúr, and he
had the place closely invested. The arrival of the messengers
disturbed the minds of the soldiers, and greatly incensed the Prince;
so, much confusion arose. Some of the nobles, Mahábat Khán, Ráo
Sattar Sál, and others, went off to Ágra without leave or notice.
Mu’azzam Khán also, who was the head and director of this
campaign, acted in a very ungenerous and foolish way, and wanted
to go off to Ágra, quite regardless of the duty and respect he owed to
the Prince.
This want of support from his followers, and the anxiety he felt about
the Emperor, led the Prince to accept the proposals of the people of
Bíjápúr. Having settled this difficult matter, he marched towards
Aurangábád; and as soon as he arrived there, he sent messengers in
a courteous way* to Mu’azzam Khán, desiring him to come and have
an interview. The Khán would not listen to the invitation, and acted in
a manner unworthy of a great noble. So the Prince ordered Prince
Sultán Muhammad to set forth with all speed and use every
expedient to bring the Khán to his presence. When the directions
were carried out, and the Khán arrived, Aurangzeb immediately
provided for his punishment, and sent him prisoner to the fort of
Daulatábád. He seized all his treasure, elephants and other property,
and gave them into the charge of the State treasurers.]
Rájá Jaswant.
[After the defeat of Sháh Shujá’, and the return of Aurangzeb to Ágra,
the Emperor sent a force * * to inflict salutary punishment upon Rájá
Jaswant. The Rájá feeling himself unable to resist, in his great
perplexity and alarm, sent some of his servants to Dárá Shukoh, who,
previous to the Rájá’s flight, had arrived at Ahmadábád, and, without
waiting to recover from his toilsome journey through the sandy desert,
was busily occupied in gathering forces. * * Dárá Shukoh, having
satisfied himself by taking from the promise-breaking Rájá a covenant
which the Rájá confirmed with the most solemn Hindu pledges,
marched towards his country. The Emperor was meanwhile moving
towards Rájá Jaswant’s territory, and he wrote the Rájá a letter, in
which expostulations and threats were mingled with kindness. This
letter greatly alarmed the Rájá, so that he departed from Dárá and re-
turned to his own country. Making use of Mírzá Rájá Jai Singh, he
wrote a penitent and submissive letter to the Emperor, begging
forgiveness for his offences; and the Emperor in his clemency
forgave him, granted him the súbadárí of Ahmadábád, and sent him a
farmán, bestowing honours and promising favours.]
Fate of the Princes Sulaimán Shukoh, Sultán Muhammad and Murád
Bakhsh.
[The zamíndár of Srínagar, having consented to surrender Prince
Sulaimán Shukoh, sent him to Court in the custody of his son. Two
days after his arrival, the Prince was brought into the Emperor’s
presence, who directed that on the morrow he, along with Prince
Sultán Muhammad, should be sent to the fort of Gwálior, and that
both should be fed with koknár.* * * The sons of ‘Alí Nakí, who had a
charge against Murád Bakhsh for the murder of their father, were sent
to Gwálior, with directions, that after a lawful judgment had been
given, the retaliation for blood should be exacted from the Prince.
When they arrived at Gwálior, an inquiry was made by the Kází. The
Prince was resigned to his fate, and said, “If the Emperor will accept
my pledges and spare my life, no harm will happen to his throne; but
if he is resolved to take my life, there is no good in listening to such
low fellows as these. He has the power, and can do what he likes.”
On the 21st Rabí’u-s sání, 1072, under the orders of the Kází, two
slaves killed the Prince with two blows of their swords. He was buried
in the fort of Gwálior. In the month of Shawwal Prince Sulaimán
Shukoh died from the treatment of his jailors, in the thirtieth year of
his age, and was buried beside Murád Bakhsh.]

SHÁH-JAHÁN-NÁMAS.
[Besides the Sháh-Jahán-námas noticed at length, there are among
the MSS. borrowed by Sir H. M. Elliot, several others bearing the
same title. 1. “An abstract of the lengthy Sháh-Jahán-náma” (the
Bádsháh-náma) of ‘Abdu-l Hamíd Lahorí. This was written in 1225
A.H. (A.D. 1810), by Muhammad Záhid. 2. A fragment of another and
lengthy Sháh-Jahán-náma, by Mirzá Jalálu-d dín Tabátabá. 3. A short
work by Bhagwán Dás, which gives brief notices of the ancestors of
Sháh Jahán, beginning with Adam. 4. A poem by Mirzá Muhammad
Ján Mashhadí. This is called Sháh-Jahán-náma, but the title given to
it by the author would rather appear to be Zafar-náma. 5. Another
Sháh-Jahán-náma in verse, by Mír Muhammad Yahya Káshí.]

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LXVI.
SHÁH JAHÁN-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD SÁDIK KHÁN.
[THE author of this history of Sháh Jahán was Muhammad Sádik,
who was Wáki’-navís in attendance upon Prince Sháh Jahán in his
campaign against the Ráná during the life of Jahángír. He afterwards
received the title of Sádik Khán. The work embraces the reign of
Sháh Jahán “from his accession to the throne unto the termination of
the confinement into which he fell through the stupidity of Dárá
Shukoh.” A copy of the work in the British Museum ends with the
deposition of Sháh Jahán, but the author adds that the deposed
monarch lived eight years in captivity. Sir H. Elliot’s MS. goes on
without any break to the end of the reign of Aurangzeb; but to have
written all this, Sádik Khán must have lived over a century. The
history of the reign of Aurangzeb turns out to be the same as that of
the Muntakhabu-l Lubáb of Kháfí Khán, with some slight variations,
not greater perhaps than Col. Lees found in various MSS. of that
work.*
The history is of moderate extent, and is written in a simple style.
Similarity or identity in many passages shows that Kháfí Khán used
the work for his history of the reign of Sháh Jahán. There is also
among Sir H. M. Elliot’s MSS. one called Tabakát-i Sháh-Jahání,
written by the same author. This consists of notices of the great and
distinguished men of the reign of Sháh Jahán. The names are
numerous, but the notices are short.]

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LXVII.
MAJÁLISU-S SALÁTÍN
OF
MUHAMMAD SHARÍF HANAFÍ.
THE Majálisu-s Salátín, or “Assemblies of the Sultáns,” was written
by Muhammad Sharíf Hanafí. The reason he assigns for writing it is,
that no one had courage enough in his time to wade through long
histories, especially mentioning those of Zíá Barní, Kází ‘Ajáz
Bádsháhí, and ‘Abdu-l Kádir, which are each works of considerable
size, and he therefore determined, notwiṭh-standing his constant
avocations, to write an abridged history of India. In the midst of a
hundred interruptions, he set himself to the work, but, short as it is, he
was nearly failing in his resolution to complete it, and “a wind arose
occasionally which was nearly making his pen fly away like an arrow
from a bow, and converting his paper into a flying kite.” At last he
asked his spiritual teachers for their aid and countenance, and
through their encouragement he brought it to a completion.
The same irresolution and want of leisure seem to have deprived us
of the account of his travels, which, as will be seen from one of the
following extracts, extended to a distance quite unusual in his days.
He had travelled from Madura in Southern India to Kashmír, and had
dwelt for some time in the intermediate countries; and he tells us that
if he had recorded all the wonderful things he had seen, he might
have filled a thousand volumes. He was employed in some public
capacity during the whole time that he was making these tours, for he
signifies that he was a person of no mean consideration.
The work was composed in the early part of Sháh Jahán’s reign, in
the year 1038 A.H. (1628 A.D.), according to a chronogram at the
close of the work in which the date is recorded.
The Majálisu-s Salátín is not divided into chapters, but the following
abstract will show the pages where the principal dynasties and reigns
commence and end.

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CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1 to 3.
The Ghaznívides, pp. 4 to 11.
The Ghorians and subsequent Dehlí dynasties, pp. 11 to 121.
Bábar, pp. 121 to 123.
Humáyún, Sher Khán, etc., pp. 124 to 193.
Akbar, pp. 193 to 200.
Jahángír, pp. 200 to 206.
Kingdoms of the Dakhin, Kashmír, etc., pp. 207 to 258.
SIZE—12mo. containing 258 pages, each of 9 lines.
The copy from which the following Extracts are taken is in
one of the Royal Libraries at Lucknow. I know of no other.
[The Extracts were translated by a munshí and corrected by
Sir H. M. Elliot.]

EXTRACTS.
Anecdotes of Muhammad Tughlik.
• After some time, intelligence was brought that Malik Bahrám
Abiya, the adopted brother of Sultán Tughlik Sháh, had revolted in
Multán, and put ‘Alí Akhtí to death, whom Sultán Muhammad ‘Ádil
had sent with orders to summon the rebel. The Sultán, with a view
to subdue the rebellion, marched from Daulatábád towards Dehlí,
and thence reached Multán by successive marches. Malik Bahrám
came out to oppose him, but was defeated and slain. His head
was brought to the Sultán, who was about to order a general
massacre of the inhabitants of Multán, and make streams of blood
flow, when the staff of the world, the most religious Shaikhu-l
Hakk, came bare-headed to the King’s court, and stood before him
soliciting pardon for the people. The Sultán forgave them for the
sake of that holy man. In short, this King called himself just, and
generally before executing persons he certainly did refer the case
for the decree of the expounders of the law.

It is said of him, that one day, having put on his shoes, he went on
foot to the court of Kází Kamálu-d dín, the Chief Justice, and told him
that Shaikh-záda Jám had called him unjust; he demanded that he
should be summoned and required to prove the injustice of which he
accused him, and that if he could not prove it, he should be punished
according to the injunctions of the law. Shaikh-záda Jám, when he
arrived, confessed that he had made the assertion. The Sultán
inquired his reason, to which he replied, “When a criminal is brought
before you, it is entirely at your royal option to punish him, justly or
unjustly; but you go further than this, and give his wife and children to
the executioners that they may do what they like with them. In what
religion is this practice lawful? If this is not injustice, what is it?” The
Sultán remained silent; and when he left the court of the Kází, he
ordered the Shaikh-záda to be imprisoned in an iron cage, and on his
journey to Daulat-ábád he took the prisoner with him on the back of
an elephant. When he returned to Dehlí, on passing before the court
of the Kází, he ordered the Shaikh-záda to be brought out of the
cage* and cut to pieces. Hence it may be learnt that he possessed
very opposite qualities. He was called by the common people “the
unjust.” There are many similar stories of the atrocities he committed.
Tyranny took the place of justice, and infidelity that of Islám. At last he
was seized with fever, and departed to the next world, when he was
in the vicinity of Thatta, on the 21st Muharram, A.H. 752 (20th March,
1351 A.D.). The period of his reign was twenty-seven years.

Accession of Sháh Jahán.*


When Núru-d dín Muhammad Jahángír died, the second Lord of the
Conjunction, the rightful heir, Sháh Khurram, who was entitled Sháh
Jahán, was in the Dakhin at a distance of three months’ journey from
the place where the Emperor Jahángír had died. It is well known to
politicians that the throne of royalty cannot remain vacant for a
moment, and therefore the ministers of the government and the
principal officers of the Court considered it expedient to place Sultán
Dáwar Bakhsh, the grandson of the Emperor Jahángír, upon the
throne for some days; and thus to guard against mutinies and
disturbances which might otherwise arise. They defeated Sháhriyár,
who, through his vain ambition, had proclaimed himself King in
Lahore. The Emperor Shahábu-d dín Muhammad Sháh Jahán (may
his dominions and reign increase, and may the world be benefited by
his bounty and munificence!) also came with a powerful army viâ
Gujarát and Ajmír, and soon arrived at Ágra, which was the seat of
his and his forefathers’ government. He mounted the throne of
sovereignty in the fort of Ágra on Monday the 7th of Jumáda-l ákhir,
corresponding with the 25th of Bahman; and distributed largesses and
rewards among his subjects. May the Almighty keep this generous
and world-conquering King under His protection and care!
Revenues of Hindústán and the Dakhin.
It also entered into the mind of this “most humble slave of God” to
write a short account of the different provinces of Hindústán, and
make it a portion of this small work, detailing how much of this
country was in possession of the Emperor Jalálu-d dín Muhammad
Akbar and his son Núru-d dín Jahángír, and into how many súbas it is
now divided.
Be it not concealed that the whole country of Hindústán, which is
known to form one-fourth of the inhabited world, and reckoned as the
largest of all the countries, is divided into fourteen súbas, or
provinces.
First, the Province of Dehlí; revenue upwards of 65,61,00,000 dáms.
Second, the Province of Ágra, which is the seat of government;
revenue 82,25,00,000 dáms. Third, the Province of the Panjáb, or
Lahore; present revenue, 82,50,00,000 dáms. Fourth, the Province of
Kábul, including Kashmír, etc.; revenue 25,00,00,000 dáms. Fifth, the
Province of the Dakhin, or Ahmadnagar; revenue 28,35,00,000 dáms.
Sixth, the Province of Khándesh and Birár; revenue 87,32,00,000
dáms. Seventh, the Province of Málwá; revenue 28,00,00,000 dáms.
Eighth, the Province of Gujarát; revenue 50,64,00,000 dáms. Ninth,
the Province of Bihár, including Patná and Jaunpúr; revenue
31,27,00,000 dáms. Tenth, the Province of Oudh with its
dependencies; revenue 23,22,00,000 dáms. Eleventh, the Province
of Ajmír with its dependencies; revenue 42,05,00,000 dáms. Twelfth,
the Province of Allahábád; revenue 30,70,00,000 dáms. Thirteenth,
the Province of Sind, including Multán, Thatta and Bhakkar; revenue
40,00,00,000 dáms. Fourteenth, the Province of Bengal, which is
equal to two or three kingdoms; revenue 50,00,00,000 dáms.
The revenue of all the territories under the Emperors of Dehli
amounts, according to the Royal registers, to six arbs and thirty krors
of dáms. One arb is equal to a hundred krors (a kror being ten
millions), and a hundred krors of dáms are equivalent to two krors
and fifty lacs of rupees. Each of the fourteen provinces above
mentioned formed the territory of a powerful king, and was conquered
by the sword of the servants of the Chaghatáís. Nine of these
fourteen provinces have been visited by the poor compiler of this
book, and the following is a detail of them.
The Author’s Travels.
He was born in the province of the Dakhin, and lived five years there.
Though it is mentioned as one province, yet the whole territory of the
Dakhin, through which he travelled with his father, consists of five
provinces. Ahmadnagar is one province, Bíjápúr is another, Golkonda
is a third; the Karnátik, which is a large territory extending as far as
Setband Rám-eshwar, forms a separate province. Khándesh and
Birár, which are in reality two provinces, though rated above only as
one, were visited throughout every space of their whole extent by the
writer, who has also travelled over the provinces of Gujarát, Málwá,
Ajmír, Dehlí, and Ágra, as well as those of the Panjáb or Lahore, and
Sind, which includes Thatta, Bhakkar and Multán. By the favour of
God, he possessed authority in all these provinces, and visited them
as a person of consideration. If he were to note down the wonders
and curiosities of all the places he has seen, he would require to
blacken paper equal to one thousand volumes. He has therefore
avoided enlarging his work.
He may, however, as well mention, that when in the territory of the
Karnátik, he arrived in company with his father at the city of Southern
Mathurá (Madura), where, after a few days, the ruler died and went to
the lowest hell. This chief had 700 wives, and they all threw
themselves at the same time into the fire. This event was related by
the compiler of this book at Burhánpúr, in the presence of the Nawáb
Khán-khánan, son of Bairám Khán; but the Nawáb did not believe it.
The vakíl of the Rájá of the Karnátik, whose name was Kaner Ráí,
was also present at the court of the Nawáb; and when inquiries were
made of him respecting the truth of my assertion, he related the event
exactly as the writer had done. So the Nawáb entered it in his note-
book.
All the people of this territory are idolators, and eat all the wild
animals of the forest. There is not a single Musulmán there.
Occasionally a Musulmán may visit the country, deputed by Nizám
Sháh, ‘Ádil Sháh or Kutb Sháh, but the natives are all infidels. The
Madarí malangs and jogís go by this road to Sarandíp and the hill-fort
of Ceylon, which is the place where the impression of Adam’s
footstep is preserved.
In A.H. 1031 the writer of this book visited the delightful land of
Kashmír, when he accompanied the victorious camp of the Emperor
who had an army as numerous as the stars, viz. Núru-d dín
Muhammad Jahángír, and was in the immediate service of the most
exalted and noble Nawáb, the Great Khán, the best of all the
descendants of the chosen prophet, the chief of the house of ‘Alí, a
nobleman of high rank and dignity, viz. Kásim Khán, may God
preserve him!
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LXVIII.
TÁRÍKH-I MUFAZZALÍ
OF
MUFAZZAL KHÁN.
[THIS is a general history of considerable length, written by Saiyid
Mufazzal Khán. It begins with the Creation, and comes down to 1077
A.H. (1666 A.D.), the tenth year of the reign of Aurangzeb. A copy of
the Table of Contents from another MS. brings the work down to the
time of Farrukh Siyar. The work is divided into seven makálas or
sections, the sixth and seventh of which are devoted to India. In the
account of Násiru-d dín Kubácha it gives an epitome of the Chach-
náma, which was translated into Persian under his patronage.* It is
an extensive work of nearly a thousand pages, seventeen lines to the
page. The following Extracts, apparently translated by a munshí,
have been revised by Sir H. M. Elliot.]

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EXTRACTS.
• When Sháh Jahán mounted the throne at Ágra, all the officers of
State came to pay their respects to him, but Khán-Jahán Lodí, who
was one of the greatest officers under the late Emperor Núru-d dín
Muhammad Jahángír, did not attend the Court on the plea of
illness. This was very displeasing to His Majesty, and when at last
he did attend the Court, he spoke in a very disrespectful tone,
which greatly excited His Majesty’s anger. As a punishment for his
insolence, an order was given to level his house with the ground.
Being informed of it, he fled immediately with his whole family and
property, and attempted to cross the Chambal, but was pursued by
Rájá Bahádur with a large force. Ismat Khán, the son of Khán-
Jahán Lodí, a boy only twelve years of age, came to an
engagement with this officer and killed him with his own hand. The
royalists, on the death of their general, made a vigorous attack
upon the enemy. Ismat Khán was slain, but Khán-Jahán himself
escaped and crossed the river.

In A.H. 1040 (1630 A.D.) the Emperor proceeded to the Dakhin, and
conquered many places there. The fort of Daulatábád, which was the
capital of the neighbouring territory, was taken by Khán-khánán
Muhammad Khán.
Such a magnificent and beautiful fort of red stone was built on the
banks of the Jumná, that no building like it was ever constructed by
any of the kings who had ruled in India. Besides other magnificent
works, the Peacock throne was made by this monarch, which was set
with all kinds of precious stones. It was prepared at the expense of
nine krors nine lacs and one thousand rupees.
Sa’du-lla Khán and Mudabbir Khán, who were both good scholars,
were deservedly appointed ministers to the throne.
Prince Dárá Shukoh was married to the grand-daughter of Sultán
Parwez, and the nuptial ceremonies were performed with such pomp
and splendour as was never witnessed before.
The Mosque of Jáma’ Jahán-numá was built near the fort under the
superintendence of Sa’du-lla Khán, at the expense of ten lacs of
rupees.
Prince Muhammad Murád Bakhsh was appointed to the
Governorship of Ahmadábád in Gujarát, with the grant of an honorary
dress and some jewels to the value of five lacs of rupees; and Prince
Aurangzeb Bahádur to that of the Province of the Dakhin, and a
khil’at with a sarpech, a horse, and jewels to the value of five lacs of
rupees, was granted to him. They were all ordered to go to their
respective provinces, and the Emperor himself came to Ágra, where
he remained nine months, and then returned to Dehlí. As he
proceeded on his journey, he amused himself on the way with all
kinds of sports.
His Majesty had been pleased to assure his mother-in-law, the wife of
Ásaf Khán, in the days of her pregnancy, that if she brought forth a
son, he would make him a mansabdár of 5000 horse; and
accordingly, when a son was born to her, the rank was conferred on
the child under the title of Sháyista Khán Bahádur.
About the same time Muhammad Dárá Shukoh was declared to be
the successor to the throne, and the entire management of the
Government was placed in his hands. The charge was accordingly
undertaken by the Prince, but Providence had determined otherwise.
The country was destined to be ruled by a juster and better prince,
and every circumstance which occurred in those days combined to
assist him in obtaining the throne.
On the 7th Zí-l hijja, 1067 A.H. (Sept. 1657 A.D.), the Emperor Sháh
Jahán, who shall henceforth be called ‘Álá Hazrat, fell sick in Dehlí,
and was unable to attend the duties of the State. Dárá Shukoh, the
eldest Prince, intending to avail himself of the circumstance, so
managed that no news regarding the public affairs could transpire.
This gave rise to great disturbances in the country. Murád Bakhsh,
the fourth son of the Emperor, who was the Governor of Gujarát,
seated himself on the throne and declared himself independent. Sháh
Shujá’, the second Prince, also followed the same course in Bengal
and prepared an army. Dárá Shukoh, being afraid of his brother
Aurangzeb, prevailed upon the Emperor during his sickness to recall
the forces which were with that Prince. His object in taking this
measure was first to despatch the two rebel princes, Shujá’ and
Murád Bakhsh, out of his way, and then to proceed to the Dakhin
against Aurangzeb. He took His Majesty to Ágra in the very height of
his illness, and sent Rájá Jai Singh with a royal army, and his own
force under the command of his eldest son Sulaimán Shukoh, against
Sháh Shujá’. He also ordered Rájá Jaswant Singh to march with a
large army towards Málwá, the threshold of the Dakhin, to prevent the
enemy from advancing. This Hindí chief was one of the greatest
Rájás of Hindústán, and as he was very nearly related to the
Emperor, he had gained his confidence in a considerable degree, and
had obtained a few days before the title of Mahárájá. * * *
Towards the end of the year 1067 A.H., when, in consequence of the
Emperor’s sickness, disturbances arose in all parts of the country,
Bím Narain, Zamíndár of Kúch Bihár, took possession of the territory
of Kámrúp, which belonged to the empire of Dehlí. It was also at the
same time encroached upon by Jai Bijai Singh, Rájá of Ásám, who
always considered his dominions secure from the depredations of the
royal army. To protect Kámrúp, a large army was despatched by land
under the command of Khán-khánán, who, considering the service
very important, obtained leave of the Emperor to depart immediately,
and left Khizrpúr on the 13th of Rabí’u-l awwal, in the 4th year after His
Majesty’s accession to the throne, and conquered the city of Kúch
Bihár on the 27th of the same month. After the conquest he changed
the name of the city to ‘Álamgírnagar, and on the 28th proceeded to
invade Ásám by way of Ghorá-ghát. After five months’ exertions, the
city of Karkálu, which the chief residence of the ruler of Ásám, was
taken on the 6th of Sha’bán. An account of the immense booty, both in
property and cash, which fell into the hands of the victors, as also of
the number of men killed on both sides in these battles, and of the
rarities and wonders of Kúch Bihár and Ásám, together with a
description of the vegetable and mineral products of the country, the
manners and customs of the people, and their forts and buildings, is
fully given in the ‘A’lamgír-náma. When the Emperor received the
report of these important conquests from the Khán-khánán, the
general of the royal army, he showed great favour to his son,
Muhammad Amín Khán, and honoured him with the grant of a khil’at
in his own presence. The Khán also received a farmán in approbation
of his services, and was rewarded with an honorary dress, one kror of
dáms, and the insignia of the farmán and tugh.

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LXIX.
MIR-ÁT-I ‘ÁLAM,
MIR-ÁT-I JAHÁN-NUMÁ,
OF
BAKHTÁWAR KHÁN.
THESE two histories, though circulating under different names, may
be considered as essentially one and the same.
Dr. Bernhard Dorn, at p. xv. of the Preface to his “History of the
Afgháns,” describes the Mir-át-i’Álam as a most valuable universal
history, written in Persian, by Bakhtáwar Khán, who by travel and
assiduous study had qualified himself for the task of an historian. Dr.
Dorn mentions also that the history of the Afgháns by Ni’amatu-lla,
which he translated, frequently corresponds, word for word, with that
found in the Mir-át-i’Á’lam.
He gives the following abstract of a copy in the British Museum:
“Section I.—History of the Patriarchs; of the Israelite Kings; of
Lukmán and Daniel; of the Hebrew Prophets; of Jesus and the
Apostles; of the Seven Sleepers; of some Saints, as Georgius,
Barseesa, Samson, etc.; of the ancient Sages, as Solon, Pythagoras,
Socrates, Diogenes, Plato, Aristotle, Pliny, Homer, Zeno, Ptolemy,
Thales, Euclid: after that follows the history of the Persian Monarchs
and of the Yemen Kings.
Section II.—History of Muhammad.
III.—History of the Khalífs of other Dynasties, as the
Saffárides, etc.
IV.—History of the Roman and the Turkish Em-
perors, etc.

Section V.—History of the Sharífs of Mecca and Medína.


VI.—History of the Turkish Kháns, etc.
VII.—History of Changíz Khán and his successors.
VIII.—History of different Dynasties in Írán, etc., after Sultán Abú
Sa’íd Bahádur Khán. After that, a history of India follows, in which
there is the History of the Kings of Dehlí, from Shahábu-d dín to
Ibráhím Lodí; of the Kings of the Dakhin, of Humáyún, Sher Sháh,
Islám Sháh, and ‘Ádil Sháh; of the Kings of Bengal, etc.; of Jaunpúr,
Kashmír, etc.; Humáyún’s conquest of Kábul.”
Dow also quotes the work as one of his authorities in his Continuation
of Firishta, and in the Preface to his third volume speaks of it as being
composed by Názir Bakhtáwar Khán, a man of letters, who led a
private life near Farídábád, within a few miles of Ágra, and states that
it contains the history of the first ten years of Aurangzeb.
This latter description corresponds with the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá
usually met with in this country; and though the name of the author is
the same in both instances, it is evident that Dr. Dorn’s and Colonel
Dow’s descriptions of the portions devoted to Indian history can
scarcely refer to the same work. The contents also of the several
books differ in many respects, as will be seen from the following
abstract of the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá, which is found in India; but as
there can be no doubt that the two works are the same in substance,
there is reason to apprehend that Dr. Dorn’s description is defective
in some particulars.
The Mir-át-i Jahán-numá is divided into a Preface, seven Books
(Áráish), and a Conclusion. These are subdivided into several
Sections (namáish and pairáish) and Sub-sections (namúd), of all
which the following is a full detail:

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CONTENTS.
Preface.
Introduction—Gives an account of the creation of the heaven and
earth, their inhabitants—the Jinns, Iblis, etc.
BOOK I.—History of the patriarchs, philosophers and kings who
flourished before the dawn of Muhammadanism. In four Chapters.—
Chapter 1. On the Patriarchs.—2. On the Ancient Philosophers.—3.
On the Kings of Persia. In five Sections.—Section i. The
Peshdádians.—ii. The Kaíánians. —iii. The Mulúku-t Tawáif.—iv. The
Sásánians.—v. The Akásirás.—Chapter 4. History of the
dependencies of Yaman.
BOOK II.—An account of Muhammad, his exploits, his character and
miracles, his descendants and wives, his successors and Imáms,
some of his friends and dependents, the learned men who
expounded the religion, the Súfias and Masháikhs. In thirteen
Chapters.—Chapter 1. An account of Muhammad and his exploits.—
2. His character and miracles.—3. His wives. —4. His descendants.
—5. The first four Khalífas.—6. The Imáms.—7. The ten disciples.—
8. Friends of Muhammad whose names are given in alphabetical
order.—9. The followers of Muhammad and their dependents.—10.
The four great Imáms.—11. The seven persons who were appointed
to read the Kurán.—12. The great expounders of the Kurán, the
descent of the holy mantle, the different orders of the sects of the
Shaikhs. In three Sections.—Section i. The great expounders of the
Kurán.—ii. The preservation of the holy mantle. —iii. The different
orders and sects of the Shaikhs.—Chapter 13. The holy men of
Arabia and Persia, the celebrated saints of Hindústán, and the
Muhammadan doctors. In three Sections.— Section i. On the Shaikhs
and the holy men of Arabia and Persia.—ii. The celebrated Saints of
Hindústán.—iii. The Muhammadan doctors.
BOOK III.—The ‘Ummayides, ‘Abbásides, and those kings who were
contemporary with the ‘Abbásides; the Cæsars of Rúm; the Sharífs of
Mecca and Medína; the Kháns of the Turks; Mulúku-t Tawáif. In eight
Chapters.—1. The ‘Ummayides.— 2. The ‘Abbáside Khalífas.—3.
The kings who were contemporary with the ‘Abbásides. In eleven
Sections.—i. The Táhirians.—ii. The Saffáríans.—iii. The Sámáníans.
—iv. The Ghaznívides.—v. The Ghorians.—vi. The Buwaihides or
Dailamís.—vii. The Saljúkians.—viii. The Khwárizm-sháhís.— ix. The
Atábaks.—x. The Isma’ílians.—xi. The Karákhitáís of Kirmán.—
Chapter 4. On the Kings of Rúm. In eight Sections.—Section i. The
Kaiásarás.—ii. The Saljúkians who ruled in Rúm.—iii. The
Dánishmandias.—iv. The Salíkiá Kings who governed in Ázurbáiján
and Rúm.—v. The Salíkiá or Mankúchakia Kings who ruled in
Ázurbáiján and Kamákh. —vi. The Karámáns.—vii. The rulers of
Malátiya and Abulistán. —viii. The Ottomans who are called out of
respect Khwándgárs. —Chapter 5. The Sharífs of Mecca and
Medína.—6. The Kháns of the Turks. In four Sections.—Section i.
History of Turk, son of Yafís (Japhet), son of Núh, and his
descendants.— ii. Tátár and his descendants.—iii. Moghúl and his
descendants. —iv. Lánjar Ká-an and his descendants.—Chapter 7.
Changíz Khán and his descendants. In seven Sections.—Section i.
Changíz Khán.—ii. Descendants of Changíz Khán who ruled in
Ulugh-yúrat, which was the seat of his government.—iii. His
descendants who obtained the rank of Khán in the desert of Kipchák.
—iv. His descendants who obtained the same rank in the country of
Írán.—v. The Kháns of Túrán who were the descendants of
Chaghatáí Khán, son of Changíz Khán.—vi. The Shaibánía Kings.—
vii. The Kháns of Káshghar who were the descendants of Chaghatáí
Khán, son of Changíz Khán.— Chapter 8. Mulúku-t Tawáif, who
reigned in Írán after Sultán Abú Sa’íd Bahádur Khán. In five Sections.
—Section i. The Chúbáníans.—ii. The Ílkáníans.—iii. Amír Shaikh
Abú-l Ishák Injú and the Muzaffarides.—iv. The Kurt Kings.—v. The
Sarabdárians.
BOOK IV.—Tímúr and his descendants who ruled in Írán and Túrán;
the Kárá-kúínlú and Ák-kúínlú rulers;* the Safawíya Kings. In four
Chapters.—Chapter 1. Tímúr and his descendants who governed in
Írán and Túrán.—2. The Gúrgánían rulers who ruled in Írán and
Khurásán.—3. The Kárá-kúínlú Kings.—4. The Safawiyá Kings who
still occupy the throne of the country of Írán.

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BOOK V.—An account of Hindústán; religious notions of the Hindús;


Sultáns of Dehlí and other parts of Hindústán, where at present the
khutba is read and coin struck in the name of the Emperor. An
Introduction and nine Chapters.—Introduction. On the religious
notions of the Hindús, history of some of the Ráís of Hindústán, and
the dawn of Muhammadanism in this country.—Chapter 1. Kings of
Dehlí from Shahábu-d dín Ghorí to Sultán Ibráhím Lodí.—2. Rulers of
the Dakhin. In six Sections.—Section i. The Bahmanís.—ii. The
Barídís.—iii. The ‘Imád-Sháhís.—iv. The Nizámu-l Mulkís.—v. The
‘Ádil-Khánís.—vi. Kutbu-l Mulkís.—Chapter 3. The Rulers of Gujarát.
—4. Chiefs of Sind. In two Sections.—Section i. Kings of Thatta.—ii.
Rulers of Multán.—Chapter 5. Princes of Bengal. —6. Chiefs of
Málwá.—7. The Fárúkís of Khándesh.—8. The Eastern Kings of
Jaunpúr.—9. Rulers of Kashmír.
BOOK VI.—The Gúrgáníans who ruled in Hindústán from the time of
Zahíru-d dín Muhammad Bábar to the reign of the Emperor Sháh
Jahán. In five Chapters.—Chapter 1. History of Bábar.—2. Humáyún.
—3. Akbar.—4. Jahángír.—5. Sháh-jahán.
BOOK VII.—Account of Aurangzeb ‘Álamgír. In three Chapters.—
Chapter 1. His history from the time of his minority to the period ten
years subsequent to his accession.—2. His qualities and character;
his descendants; the extent of his empire; his contemporary rulers, in
five Sections.—Section i. His character.—ii. His descendants.—iii.
The extent of his empire with a detail of the Provinces.—iv. His
contemporary rulers.—v. The ancient ministers.—Chapter 3. Contains
four Sections.—Section i. An account of the learned men of the
author’s time.—ii. The celebrated caligraphers.—iii. Some wonderful
and marvellous occurrences.—iv. An account of the author’s
ancestors.
Conclusion.—On the Poets, including the Author.
SIZE—Small folio, comprising 1540 pages, each page containing an
average of 20 lines.
It will be seen that both Dr. Dorn and Colonel Dow ascribe the Mir-át-i
‘Álam exclusively to Bakhtáwar Khán; but it may be doubted if he had
really anything to do with its composition. There is in fact very great
confusion attending the authorship of this work, which ought, I
believe, to be attributed almost entirely to Muhammad Baká of
Saháranpúr, an intimate friend of Bakhtáwar Khán. It may be as well
to consider the claims of these two, as well as of others, to the
authorship.
I.—BAKHTÁWAR KHÁN. He was a nobleman of Aurangzeb’s Court.
In the tenth year of the reign he was appointed to the rank of one
thousand, and in the thirteenth he was made superintendent of the
eunuchs. He was a favourite eunuch of the Emperor, who followed
his bier for some paces towards the grave.* The Mir-át-i ‘Álam, of
which he is the presumed author, and which certainly bears his name,
was comprised in a Preface, seven Áráish, two Afzáish, and a
Conclusion, and was written in the year 1078 A.H., the date being
represented by the words Áína-i bakht, “the mirror of fortune,” which
also seems to confirm the title of Bakhtáwar Khán to the authorship of
the work. He died in 1095 A.H. (1684 A.D.). The Preface states how
fond the author was of historical studies, and how he had long
determined upon writing such a work as this. Towards the end of the
work, he shows how many works he had written and abridged;
amongst others, which are all ascribed by Muhammad Shafí’ to
Muhammad Baká, we find an abridgment of the Táríkh-i Alfí and the
Akhbáru-l Akhyár. There can be no mistake about the person to
whom it is meant to ascribe these works in this passage, because the
same Chapter mentions the buildings founded by the person alluded
to as the compiler, and amongst them are mentioned the villages of
Bakhtáwarpúr and Bakhtáwarnagar.
II.—MUHAMMAD BAKÁ. His name does not appear in the Preface to
the Mir-át-i ‘Álam, but in the biography of him, written by Muhammad
Shafí’, it is distinctly stated that he wrote the work at the request, and
in the name, of his intimate friend Bakhtáwar Khán, but left it
incomplete.
III.—MUHAMMAD SHAFÍ’. He was the son of the sister of
Muhammad Baká, and he tells us in the Preface to the Mir-át-i Jahán-
numá that Muhammad Baká had left several sheets of an historical
work incomplete, ill-arranged, and requiring revision, and that he was
thinking of putting them into shape and rendering them fit for
publication, when he was warned in a dream that it was a sacred duty
he should fulfil towards his uncle’s memory, that he readily obeyed
this injunction, and after supplying what was defective in the work,
especially on the subject of the Prophets, completed his labours in
1095 A.H., the year of Bakhtáwar Khán’s death; but after it, because
he speaks of him under a title used only after death, and called his
work Mir-át-i Jahán-numá. This is the history of which the detailed
contents are given above. The loose sheets he alludes to are
evidently the Mir-át-i ‘Álam, though he does not expressly say so,
even when he mentions that work as one of those composed by
Muhammad Baká; nevertheless, as the very words of the Mir-át-i
‘Álam and the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá are identical in the chapters which
relate to the same subjects, there can be no doubt that “the loose
sheets” and the Mir-át-í ‘Álam are also the same; but why the credit of
the Mir-át-i ‘Álam should be so depreciated it is not easy to say,
except it was done for the purpose of enhancing the merit of the
nephew’s labours.
IV.—MUHAMMAD RIZÁ. He was younger brother of Muhammad
Baká. His concern in the work is very incomprehensible, unless on
the understanding that, according to the usual Indian foible, he had a
quarrel with his nephew; for he also edited the Jahán-numá from “the
loose leaves” left by Muhammad Baká, without any allusion to the
labours of his nephew. The precise date of his compilation is not
mentioned, but that he succeeded Muhammad Shafí’ in the work, and
must have been aware of what he had done, is evident; for at the
close of the work, where he gives an account of his ancestors and
relations, he mentions the death of Fathu-lla in 1100 A.H., a date five
years subsequent to that in which Muhammad Shafí’ had stated that
Fathu-lla was still living. Muhammad Rizá does not say he had the
sanction of a dream for his undertaking, but that he had long wished
to arrange the dispersed sheets of his brother’s history, and had only
waited for the time appointed by destiny to do so, which at last,
notwithstanding the avocations of his official duties, made its ap-
pearance, and the result is the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá, a name which he
gave to the work, in consequence of the implied wishes of his brother
to that effect; but as the imperfect work written in his brother’s lifetime
was called Mir-át-i ‘Álam, it does not appear why the name was
changed into Mir-át-i Jahán-numá, a title chosen with some reason by
his nephew, because it represents the chronogram of 1095 A.H. The
author says his additions comprise an account of the Prophets from
Núh to Muhammad, of the Philosophers, of the Imáms, of the Khalífs,
of the Saints of Persia, Arabia and Hindústán, and of the Poets. He
says he will mention more about his own additions in the Conclusion;
but the two copies which I have consulted, one in the Motí Mahal
Library at Lucknow, and the other in the possession of Khádim
Husain Sadru-s Sudúr of Cawnpore, are deficient at the end. He
designates the history which Muhammad Baká wrote at the request
of Bakhtáwar Khán, as Táríkh-i ‘Álamgírí, and not Mir-át-i ‘Álam; but it
is evident that in this case also the “dispersed leaves” are those
included in the Mir-át-i ‘Álam. He divides his Mir-át-i Jahán-numá into
a Preface, eleven Áráish, and a Conclusion, and has subdivided the
work in other respects a little more minutely than his predecessor. For
instance, he has devoted fourteen namáish to an account of the
wazírs, which by his predecessor is included in one, and he has
adopted some other minute differences, in order to give an air of
originality to his work, and give him a title to independent authorship;
but the two works called Mir-át-i Jahán-numá may be?? considered in
all material respects the same. Neither of the editors has added
anything to the history of Aurangzeb’s reign by Muhammad Baká,
though he carries it down only to 1078 A.H.

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It will be seen, therefore, that the real author of these various works is
Muhammad Baká, though he is the person to whom they are least
ascribed, in consequence not only of his attributing his own labours to
others, but from the prominence which his editors have endeavoured
to give to their own names.
His real name was Shaikh Muhammad, and his poetical title was
Baká. He was born in A.H. 1037. In his early youth he applied himself
to the study of the Kurán, and in a short space of time learnt the
whole of it by heart. Having read a few books with his father, he went
to Sirhind, where he studied several branches of knowledge under
Shaikh ‘Abdu-llah, surnamed Míán, and other learned men. He
acquired acquaintance with Muhammadan traditions under the tuition
of Shaikh Núru-l Hakk, son of Shaikh ‘Abdu-l Hakk of Dehlí, and
having obtained his permission to teach this branch of learning, he
returned to his native city of Saháranpúr, and devoted his time to
imparting his knowledge to others. Afterwards, by desire of his father,
he forswore worldly concerns, and directed his whole attention to
worship and devotion.
When his father died, he enrolled himself among the disciples of
Shaikh Muhammad of Sirhind, and made in a short time very
considerable progress in spiritual knowledge. On again returning to
his native place, he led, like his ancestors, a retired life. Soon after,
Iftikhár Khán (Bakhtáwar Khán)—who from early youth had been an
intimate friend of Muhammad Baká, and had attained the rank of
three thousand horse and the office of steward (mír-sámán) to the
Emperor Aurangzeb—invited him to Court, and secured for him a
respectable rank, which he accepted, but with much reluctance, and
owing only to the importunities of his friends. This appears to have
been in the fourth year of Aurangzeb’s reign. Although he held a high
rank, and had public duties to attend to, yet he always led a life of
retirement; notwithstanding which, we are told that the Emperor was
very favourably disposed towards him.
Besides writing the Mir-át-i ‘Álam, he made extracts from the works of
Hakím Sanáí, the Mantiku-t Tair of Farídu-d dín Attár, and the
celebrated masnawí of Mauláná Rúmí, “the most eminent writers on
Divine subjects, who unanimously agree in their religious tenets.”
He also abridged the Díwán of Saíb and the Sákí-náma, and
composed a Riyázu-l Auliyá, or history of Saints, and a Tazkiratu-s
Shu’ará, or biography of Poets, with extracts. It is probable that much
of these two works is comprised in the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá,
notwithstanding that Muhammad Rizá states the loose sheets left by
Muhammad Baká to have been deficient in these particulars. The
Riyázu-l Auliyá is an exceedingly useful but rare work, comprised in
380 pages of 15 lines, and its value is greatly enhanced by being
arranged alphabetically. In the preface to this work the author
distinctly states, that in the Mir-át-i ‘Álam he had devoted a namáish
to an account of the Saints, but thought proper to write, at a
subsequent period, this more copious work upon the same subject.
He was also an original poet, and his poetical talents are highly
praised in the Farhatu-n Názirín, at the close of Aurangzeb’s reign.
Towards the close of his life, he was appointed sarkár of Saháranpúr,
where he erected some useful buildings. At the instance of his
relations and friends he constructed some houses on the banks of the
tank of Ráíwála in the suburbs of Saháranpúr. He also founded the
quarter known as Bakápúra, besides constructing several mosques
and public wells. He died in 1094 A.H. (1683 A.D.).
Muhammad Baká was descended from a distinguished family. His
ancestor, who first came to Hindústán from Hirát, was Khwája Zíáu-d
dín. He arrived during the reign of Fíroz Sháh in 754 A.H. (1353-4
A.D.). He was received kindly by that King, was promoted to be
Súbadár of Multán, and received the title of Malik Mardán Daulat. He
was the adoptive father of Saiyid Khizr Khán, who afterwards became
King of Dehlí. His own lineal descendants were all men of distinction,
in their successive generations, until we come to the subject of this
article.
The Mir-át-i ‘Álam, or the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá, is a monument of his
industry and ability, and though there is little of novelty, except the
account of the first ten years of Aurangzeb’s reign, yet the compilation
must be considered useful and comprehensive. The accounts of the
Poets and Saints are very copious, and among the best to which
reference can be made. It is doubtful how far these portions are to be
attributed to his pen. They form, certainly, no portion of the Mir-át-i
‘Álam.
Several works have been formed on the same model as the Mir-át-i
Jahán-numá, and continuations of the work are occasionally met with,
which add to the confusion attending the inquiry respecting the
original authorship. There is, for instance, in the Library of Nawáb
Siráju-l Mulk, ex-minister of Haidarábád, a large volume styled the
Táríkh-i ‘Álamgírnáma , continued down to the reign of Muhammad
Sháh, subdivided in the same way into Áráish and Namáish, etc., all
taken from the Mir-át-i Jahán-numá. The continuation is extracted
from the Táríkh-i Chaghatáí.
This work is not common in India, at least in a perfect form. That of
Muhammad Shafí is the least rare, and the best copy I have seen is
in the possession of Saiyid Muhammad Rizá, Sadru-s Sudúr of
‘Alígarh, though it is not uniformly written. It is enriched by some
marginal notes written in A.H. 1216 by a person who calls himself
Muhammad bin ‘Abdu-llah. In Europe, besides the copy in the British
Museum mentioned above, there is the copy in the Bibliothèque
Nationale, fonds Gentil, No. 48, and the copy of Sir W. Ouseley
numbered 305 and 306 in his Catalogue. He observes that he never
saw another copy. [There is also a copy in the Library of the Royal
Asiatic Society,* of which Mr. Morley has given a full account.]
The cleanest copy I have seen of this work is in the Library of
Muzaffar Husain Khán, a landed proprietor in the Lower Doáb. There
is a very good copy of the work in the possession of Fakír Núru-d dín
of Lahore, and a good copy of the first half of the work is in the
Library of Nawáb ‘Ali Muhammad Khán of Jhajjar.

EXTRACTS.
Aurangzeb’s Charity.
When it was reported to His Majesty Aurangzeb, that in the reign of
his father every year a sum of seventy-nine thousand rupees was
distributed through the Sadru-s Sudúr amongst the poor during five
months of the year,—viz. twelve thousand rupees in each of the
months of Muharram and Rabí’u-l awwal, ten thousand in Rajab,
fifteen thousand in Sha’bán, and thirty thousand in the sacred month
of Ramazán,—and that during the remaining seven months no sum
was distributed in charity,—His Majesty ordered the Sadru-s Sudúr
and other accountants of the household expenses, that with regard to
those five months they should observe the same rule, and in each of
the other months also they should give ten thousand rupees to be
distributed among the poor; so that the annual sum expended in
charity, including the increase which was now made, amounted to
one lac and forty-nine thousand rupees.
Next Previous Contents
Next Previous Contents

The Habits and Manners of the Emperor Aurangzeb.


Be it known to the readers of this work that this humble slave of the
Almighty is going to describe in a correct manner the excellent
character, the worthy habits and the refined morals of this most
virtuous monarch, Abú-l Muzaffar Muhiu-d dín Muhammad Aurangzeb
‘Álamgír, according as he has witnessed them with his own eyes. The
Emperor, a great worshipper of God by natural propensity, is
remarkable for his rigid attachment to religion. He is a follower of the
doctrines of the Imám Abú Hanífa (may God be pleased with him!),
and establishes the five fundamental doctrines of the Kanz. Having
made his ablutions, he always occupies a great part of his time in
adoration of the Deity, and says the usual prayers, first in the masjid
and then at home, both in congregation and in private, with the most
heartfelt devotion. He keeps the appointed fasts on Fridays and other
sacred days, and he reads the Friday prayers in the Jámi’ masjid with
the common people of the Muhammadan faith. He keeps vigils during
the whole of the sacred nights, and with the light of the favour of God
illumines the lamps of religion and prosperity. From his great piety, he
passes whole nights in the Mosque which is in his palace, and keeps
company with men of devotion. In privacy he never sits on a throne.
He gave away in alms before his accession a portion of his allowance
of lawful food and clothing, and now devotes to the same purpose the
income of a few villages in the district of Dehlí, and the proceeds of
two or three salt-producing tracts, which are appropriated to his privy
purse. The Princes also follow the same example. During the whole
month of Ramazán he keeps fast, says the prayers appointed for that
month, and reads the holy Kurán in the assembly of religious and
learned men, with whom he sits for that purpose during six, and
sometimes nine hours of the night. During the last ten days of the
month, he performs worship in the mosque, and although, on account
of several obstacles, he is unable to proceed on a pilgrimage to
Mecca, yet the care which he takes to promote facilities for pilgrims to
that holy place may be considered equivalent to the pilgrimage.
From the dawn of his understanding he has always refrained from
prohibited meats and practices, and from his great holiness has
adopted nothing but that which is pure and lawful. Though he has
collected at the foot of his throne those who inspire ravishment in
joyous assemblies of pleasure, in the shape of singers who possess
lovely voices and clever instrumental performers, and in the
commencement of his reign sometimes used to hear them sing and
play, and though he himself understands music well, yet now for
several years past, on account of his great restraint and self-denial,
and observance of the tenets of the great Imám (Sháfi’í), (may God’s
mercy be on him!), he entirely abstains from this amusement. If any
of the singers and musicians becomes ashamed of his calling, he
makes an allowance for him or grants him land for his maintenance.
He never puts on the clothes prohibited by religion, nor does he ever
use vessels of silver or gold. In his sacred Court no improper
conversation, no word of backbiting or falsehood, is allowed. His
courtiers, on whom his light is reflected, are cautioned that if they
have to say anything which might injure the character of an absent
man, they should express themselves in decorous language and at
full detail. He appears two or three times every day in his court of
audience with a pleasing countenance and mild look, to dispense
justice to complainants who come in numbers without any hindrance,
and as he listens to them with great attention, they make their
representations without any fear or hesitation, and obtain redress
from his impartiality. If any person talks too much, or acts in an
improper manner, he is never displeased, and he never knits his
brows. His courtiers have often desired to prohibit people from
showing so much boldness, but he remarks that by hearing their very
words, and seeing their gestures, he acquires a habit of forbearance
and tolerance. All bad characters are expelled from the city of Dehlí,
and the same is ordered to be done in all places throughout the
whole empire. The duties of preserving order and regularity among
the people are very efficiently attended to, and throughout the empire,
notwithstanding its great extent, nothing can be done without meeting
with the due punishment enjoined by the Muhammadan law. Under
the dictates of anger and passion he never issues orders of death. In
consideration of their rank and merit, he shows much honour and
respect to the Saiyids, saints and learned men, and through his
cordial and liberal exertions, the sublime doctrines of Hanífa and of
our pure religion have obtained such prevalence throughout the wide
territories of Hindústán as they never had in the reign of any former
king.
Hindú writers have been entirely excluded from holding public offices,
and all the worshipping places of the infidels and the great temples of
these infamous people have been thrown down and destroyed in a
manner which excites astonishment at the successful completion of
so difficult a task. His Majesty personally teaches the sacred kalima
to many infidels with success, and invests them with khil’ats and
other favours. Alms and donations are given by this fountain of
generosity in such abundance, that the emperors of past ages did not
give even a hundredth part of the amount. In the sacred month of
Ramazán sixty thousand rupees,* and in the other months less than
that amount, are distributed among the poor. Several eating houses
have been established in the capital and other cities, at which food is
served out to the helpless and poor, and in places where there were
no caravanserais for the lodging of the travellers, they have been built
by the Emperor. All the mosques in the empire are repaired at the
public expense. Imáms, criers to the daily prayers, and readers of the
khutba, have been appointed to each of them, so that a large sum of
money has been and is still laid out in these disbursements. In all the
cities and towns of this extensive country pensions and allowances
and lands have been given to learned men and professors, and
stipends have been fixed for scholars according to their abilities and
qualifications.
As it is a great object with this Emperor that all Muham-madans
should follow the principles of the religion as expounded by the most
competent law officers and the followers of the Hanífí persuasion,
and as these principles, in consequence of the different opinions of
the kázis and muftís which have been delivered without any authority,
could not be distinctly and clearly learnt, and as there was no book
which embodied them all, and as until many books had been
collected and a man had obtained sufficient leisure, means and
knowledge of theological subjects, he could not satisfy his inquiries
on any disputed point, therefore His Majesty, the protector of the faith,
determined that a body of eminently learned and able men of
Hindústán should take up the voluminous and most trustworthy works
which were collected in the royal library, and having made a digest of
them, compose a book which might form a standard canon of the law,
and afford to all an easy and available means of ascertaining the
proper and authoritative interpretation. The chief conductor of this
difficult undertaking was the most learned man of the time, Shaikh
Nizám, and all the members of the society were very handsomely and
liberally paid, so that up to the present time a sum of about two
hundred thousand rupees has been expended in this valuable
compilation, which contains more than one hundred thousand lines.
When the work, with God’s pleasure, is completed, it will be for all the
world the standard exposition of the law, and render every one
independent of Muhammadan doctors.* Another excellence attending
this design is, that, with a view to afford facility to all, the possessor of
perfections, Chulpí ‘Abdu-llah, son of the great and the most
celebrated Mauláná ‘Abdu-l Hakím of Síalkot, and his several pupils
have been ordered to translate the work into Persian.
Among the greatest liberalities of this king of the faithful is this, that
he has ordered a remission of the transit duties upon all sorts of
grain, cloth, and other goods, as well as on tobacco, the duties on
which alone amounted to an immense sum, and to prevent the
smuggling of which the Government officers committed many
outrages, especially in regard to the exposure of females. He
exempted the Muhammadans from taxes, and all people from certain
public demands, the income of which exceeded thirty lacs of rupees
every year. He relinquished the Government claims against the
ancestors of the officers of the State, which used to be paid by
deductions from their salaries. This money every year formed a very
large income paid into the public treasury. He also abolished the
practice of confiscating the estates of deceased persons against
whom there was no Government claim, which was very strictly
observed by the accountants of his predecessors, and which was felt
as a very grievous oppression by their sorrowful heirs. The Royal
orders were also issued to collect the revenues of each province
according to the Muhammadan law.

Next Previous Contents Next Previous Contents


Some account of the battles which the Emperor fought before his
accession, as well as after that period, has been given above, and we
shall now write a few instances of his fortitude. At the time when the
Royal army arrived at Balkh, ‘Abdu-l ‘Azíz Khán, with a large force
which equalled the swarms of locusts and ants, came and arranged
his men in order of battle, and surrounded the Royal camp. While the
conflict was being carried on with great fury, the time of reading the
evening prayers came on, when His Majesty, though dissuaded by
some worldly officers, alighted from his horse and said the prayers,
etc., in a congregation, with the utmost indifference and presence of
mind. ‘Abdu-l ‘Azíz, on hearing of this, was much astonished at the
intrepidity of the Emperor, who was assisted by God, and put an end
to the battle, saying that to fight with such a man is to destroy oneself.
The Emperor is perfectly acquainted with the commentaries,
traditions and law. He always studies the compilations of the great
Imám Muhammad Ghizálí (may God’s mercy be on him!), the extracts
from the writings of Shaikh Sharaf Yahyá Munírí (may his tomb be
sanctified!), and the works of Muhí Shírazí, and other similar books.
One of the greatest excellences of this virtuous monarch is, that he
has learnt the Kurán by heart. Though in his early youth he had
committed to memory some chapters of that sacred book, yet he
learnt the whole by heart after ascending the throne. He took great
pains and showed much perseverance in impressing it upon his mind.
He writes a very elegant Naskh hand, and has acquired perfection in
this art. He has written two copies of the holy book with his own hand,
and having finished and adorned them with ornaments and marginal
lines, at the expense of seven thousand rupees, he sent them to the
holy cities of Mecca and Medína. He also wrote an excellent Nasta’lík
and Shikastah hand. He is a very elegant writer in prose, and has
acquired proficiency in versification, but agreeably to the words of
God, “Poets deal in falsehoods,” he abstains from practising it. He
does not like to hear verses except those which contain a moral. “To
please Almighty God he never turned his eye towards a flatterer, nor
gave his ear to a poet.”
The Emperor has given a very liberal education to his fortunate and
noble children, who, by virtue of his attention and care, have reached
to the summit of perfection, and made great advances in rectitude,
devotion, and piety, and in learning the manners and customs of
princes and great men. Through his instruction they have learnt the
Book of God by heart, obtained proficiency in the sciences and polite
literature, writing the various hands, and in learning the Turkí and the
Persian languages.
In like manner, the ladies of the household also, according to his
orders, have learnt the fundamental and necessary tenets of religion,
and all devote their time to the adoration and worship of the Deity, to
reading the sacred Kurán, and performing virtuous and pious acts.
The excellence of character and the purity of morals of this holy
monarch are beyond all expression. As long as nature nourishes the
tree of existence, and keeps the garden of the world fresh, may the
plant of the prosperity of this preserver of the garden of dignity and
honour continue fruitful!
The Distances of certain places in Hindústán—The Provinces and
their Revenues.
The length of the daily-increasing empire, from the port of Láhorí,
province of Thatta, to the tháná of Bindásal in Bengal, is 994 royal
kos, 1740 common kos known in most parts of Hindústán. Each royal
kos measures 5000 yards, and each yard is the breadth of 42 fingers.
Two royal kos are equal to three and a half common kos. From the
capital of Dehlí to Láhorí the distance is 437 royal kos, and 764
common kos; from the same city to tháná Bindásal 557 royal kos, and
975 common kos. In the same manner, from Láhorí to Thatta 25 royal
kos; from Thatta to Bhakkar 31 kos; from Bhakkar to Multán a little
more than 99 kos; from Multán to Láhore 75 kos; from Láhore to
Sháh-Jahánábád 170 kos; from Sháh-Jahánábád to Ágra 44 kos;
from Ágra to Alláhábád 107 kos; from Alláhábád to Patna 96 kos and
a fraction; from Patna to Mungír 37 kos; from Mungír to Akbarnagar
or Ráj Mahál 48 kos; from Akbarnagar to Jahángírnagar, or Dacca,
108 kos; from Dacca to Silhet 87 kos; from Silhet to Bindásal 30 kos;
and calculating every stage at twelve kos, the usual travelling
distance in Hindústán, the whole length is 145 stages, or a journey of
four months and twenty-seven days. The breadth of the whole empire
is from the frontier of Tibet and the delightful province of Kashmír to
the fort of Sholápúr, which in the prosperous reign of this monarch
has been taken from ‘Ádil Khán, a distance of 672 royal kos, or 1176
common kos; from Sháh-Jahánábád, the seat of Empire, to the
boundary of Tibet, is 330 royal kos, or 577 common kos; from the
seat of the Empire to Sholápúr, 342 royal kos, or 598 common kos;
as was found by measurement which may be thus detailed. From the
boundary of Tibet to Little Tibet, 60 royal kos; from Little Tibet to
Kashmír, 64 kos; from Kashmír to Láhore 101 kos; from Láhore to
Sháh-Jahánábád 105 kos; from Sháh-Jahánábád to Ágra 44 kos; and
from Ágra to Burhánpúr 178 kos. At the rate of twelve kos a stage,
the whole breadth is 98 stages, occupying a period of three months
and ten days.
Under the management and care of this virtuous monarch, the
country of Hindústán teems with population and culture. It is divided
into nineteen provinces, and 4440 parganas, the revenue of which
amounts altogether to nine arbs, twenty-four krors seventeen lacs,
16,082 dáms, or 9,24,17,16,082 dáms, out of which the khálisa, or
the sum paid to the royal treasury, is 1,72,79,81,251 dáms, and the
assignments of the jagírdárs, or the remainder, was 7,51,77,34,731
dáms.
Details of all the Provinces.
Sháhjahánábád—285 maháls; revenue 1,16,83,98,269 dáms. Ágra—
230 maháls; revenue 1,05,17,09,283 dáms. Lahore —330 maháls;
revenue 90,70,16,125 dáms. Ajmír—235 maháls; revenue
63,68,94,882 dáms. Ahmadábád—200 maháls; revenue
44,00,83,096 dáms. Alláhábád—268 maháls; revenue 43,66,88,072
dáms. Oudh—149 maháls; revenue 32,00,72,193 dáms. Bihár—252
maháls; revenue 72,17,97,019 dáms. Bengal —1219 maháls;
revenue 52,37,39,110 dáms. Orissa—244 maháls; revenue
19,71,00,000 dáms. Kashmír—51 maháls; revenue 21,30,74,826
dáms. The four provinces of the Dakhin, viz. Aurangábád, Zafarábád,
Birár, and Khándesh—552 maháls; revenue 2,96,70,00,000 dáms.
Málwa—257 maháls; revenue 42,54,76,670 dáms. Multán—98
maháls; revenue 24,53,18,575 dáms. Kábul—40 maháls; revenue
15,76,25,380 dáms. Thatta —revenue 57,49,86,900* dáms.
From the concluding Chapter of Wonders and Marvels.
Those who have visited the territory of Jakkar* and Ladakh have
heard the following story. In these hills there is found a worm which is
exceedingly small. It adheres to the toes of the foot, and bites them.
No force of hand or instrument is able to detach it, but it increases
every moment in bulk and length, so that, having swallowed up the
toe, it becomes equal to a large rat, and then swallows the whole
foot. After this it increases to the size of a dog, and then swallows up
both the legs and up to the waist or half the body of the man.
Although the people beat it much and try to cut it, yet no instrument or
weapon has any effect upon it. In a short time it becomes like a lion,
and having eaten the man entirely, goes away towards the jungle or
the hills, and then disappears.

Next Previous Contents Next Previous Contents

Some account of the battles which the Emperor fought before his
accession, as well as after that period, has been given above, and we
shall now write a few instances of his fortitude. At the time when the
Royal army arrived at Balkh, ‘Abdu-l ‘Azíz Khán, with a large force
which equalled the swarms of locusts and ants, came and arranged
his men in order of battle, and surrounded the Royal camp. While the
conflict was being carried on with great fury, the time of reading the
evening prayers came on, when His Majesty, though dissuaded by
some worldly officers, alighted from his horse and said the prayers,
etc., in a congregation, with the utmost indifference and presence of
mind. ‘Abdu-l ‘Azíz, on hearing of this, was much astonished at the
intrepidity of the Emperor, who was assisted by God, and put an end
to the battle, saying that to fight with such a man is to destroy oneself.
The Emperor is perfectly acquainted with the commentaries,
traditions and law. He always studies the compilations of the great
Imám Muhammad Ghizálí (may God’s mercy be on him!), the extracts
from the writings of Shaikh Sharaf Yahyá Munírí (may his tomb be
sanctified!), and the works of Muhí Shírazí, and other similar books.
One of the greatest excellences of this virtuous monarch is, that he
has learnt the Kurán by heart. Though in his early youth he had
committed to memory some chapters of that sacred book, yet he
learnt the whole by heart after ascending the throne. He took great
pains and showed much perseverance in impressing it upon his mind.
He writes a very elegant Naskh hand, and has acquired perfection in
this art. He has written two copies of the holy book with his own hand,
and having finished and adorned them with ornaments and marginal
lines, at the expense of seven thousand rupees, he sent them to the
holy cities of Mecca and Medína. He also wrote an excellent Nasta’lík
and Shikastah hand. He is a very elegant writer in prose, and has
acquired proficiency in versification, but agreeably to the words of
God, “Poets deal in falsehoods,” he abstains from practising it. He
does not like to hear verses except those which contain a moral. “To
please Almighty God he never turned his eye towards a flatterer, nor
gave his ear to a poet.”
The Emperor has given a very liberal education to his fortunate and
noble children, who, by virtue of his attention and care, have reached
to the summit of perfection, and made great advances in rectitude,
devotion, and piety, and in learning the manners and customs of
princes and great men. Through his instruction they have learnt the
Book of God by heart, obtained proficiency in the sciences and polite
literature, writing the various hands, and in learning the Turkí and the
Persian languages.
In like manner, the ladies of the household also, according to his
orders, have learnt the fundamental and necessary tenets of religion,
and all devote their time to the adoration and worship of the Deity, to
reading the sacred Kurán, and performing virtuous and pious acts.
The excellence of character and the purity of morals of this holy
monarch are beyond all expression. As long as nature nourishes the
tree of existence, and keeps the garden of the world fresh, may the
plant of the prosperity of this preserver of the garden of dignity and
honour continue fruitful!
The Distances of certain places in Hindústán—The Provinces and
their Revenues.
The length of the daily-increasing empire, from the port of Láhorí,
province of Thatta, to the tháná of Bindásal in Bengal, is 994 royal
kos, 1740 common kos known in most parts of Hindústán. Each royal
kos measures 5000 yards, and each yard is the breadth of 42 fingers.
Two royal kos are equal to three and a half common kos. From the
capital of Dehlí to Láhorí the distance is 437 royal kos, and 764
common kos; from the same city to tháná Bindásal 557 royal kos, and
975 common kos. In the same manner, from Láhorí to Thatta 25 royal
kos; from Thatta to Bhakkar 31 kos; from Bhakkar to Multán a little
more than 99 kos; from Multán to Láhore 75 kos; from Láhore to
Sháh-Jahánábád 170 kos; from Sháh-Jahánábád to Ágra 44 kos;
from Ágra to Alláhábád 107 kos; from Alláhábád to Patna 96 kos and
a fraction; from Patna to Mungír 37 kos; from Mungír to Akbarnagar
or Ráj Mahál 48 kos; from Akbarnagar to Jahángírnagar, or Dacca,
108 kos; from Dacca to Silhet 87 kos; from Silhet to Bindásal 30 kos;
and calculating every stage at twelve kos, the usual travelling
distance in Hindústán, the whole length is 145 stages, or a journey of
four months and twenty-seven days. The breadth of the whole empire
is from the frontier of Tibet and the delightful province of Kashmír to
the fort of Sholápúr, which in the prosperous reign of this monarch
has been taken from ‘Ádil Khán, a distance of 672 royal kos, or 1176
common kos; from Sháh-Jahánábád, the seat of Empire, to the
boundary of Tibet, is 330 royal kos, or 577 common kos; from the
seat of the Empire to Sholápúr, 342 royal kos, or 598 common kos;
as was found by measurement which may be thus detailed. From the
boundary of Tibet to Little Tibet, 60 royal kos; from Little Tibet to
Kashmír, 64 kos; from Kashmír to Láhore 101 kos; from Láhore to
Sháh-Jahánábád 105 kos; from Sháh-Jahánábád to Ágra 44 kos; and
from Ágra to Burhánpúr 178 kos. At the rate of twelve kos a stage,
the whole breadth is 98 stages, occupying a period of three months
and ten days.
Under the management and care of this virtuous monarch, the
country of Hindústán teems with population and culture. It is divided
into nineteen provinces, and 4440 parganas, the revenue of which
amounts altogether to nine arbs, twenty-four krors seventeen lacs,
16,082 dáms, or 9,24,17,16,082 dáms, out of which the khálisa, or
the sum paid to the royal treasury, is 1,72,79,81,251 dáms, and the
assignments of the jagírdárs, or the remainder, was 7,51,77,34,731
dáms.
Details of all the Provinces.
Sháhjahánábád—285 maháls; revenue 1,16,83,98,269 dáms. Ágra—
230 maháls; revenue 1,05,17,09,283 dáms. Lahore —330 maháls;
revenue 90,70,16,125 dáms. Ajmír—235 maháls; revenue
63,68,94,882 dáms. Ahmadábád—200 maháls; revenue
44,00,83,096 dáms. Alláhábád—268 maháls; revenue 43,66,88,072
dáms. Oudh—149 maháls; revenue 32,00,72,193 dáms. Bihár—252
maháls; revenue 72,17,97,019 dáms. Bengal —1219 maháls;
revenue 52,37,39,110 dáms. Orissa—244 maháls; revenue
19,71,00,000 dáms. Kashmír—51 maháls; revenue 21,30,74,826
dáms. The four provinces of the Dakhin, viz. Aurangábád, Zafarábád,
Birár, and Khándesh—552 maháls; revenue 2,96,70,00,000 dáms.
Málwa—257 maháls; revenue 42,54,76,670 dáms. Multán—98
maháls; revenue 24,53,18,575 dáms. Kábul—40 maháls; revenue
15,76,25,380 dáms. Thatta —revenue 57,49,86,900* dáms.
From the concluding Chapter of Wonders and Marvels.
Those who have visited the territory of Jakkar* and Ladakh have
heard the following story. In these hills there is found a worm which is
exceedingly small. It adheres to the toes of the foot, and bites them.
No force of hand or instrument is able to detach it, but it increases
every moment in bulk and length, so that, having swallowed up the
toe, it becomes equal to a large rat, and then swallows the whole
foot. After this it increases to the size of a dog, and then swallows up
both the legs and up to the waist or half the body of the man.
Although the people beat it much and try to cut it, yet no instrument or
weapon has any effect upon it. In a short time it becomes like a lion,
and having eaten the man entirely, goes away towards the jungle or
the hills, and then disappears.

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LXX.
ZÍNATU-T TAWÁRÍKH
OF
‘AZÍZU-LLAH.
THIS “Ornament of Histories,” by ‘Azízu-llah, is a mere compilation of
no value. The author informs us in his preface that he intended
composing a second volume, in order to reconcile the discrepancies
which were observable in different histories. Whether he ever did so
does not appear, but there is so little critical judgment exercised in the
single volume we have under consideration, that the second is not
worth the search.
In the preface we learn that the work was commenced in 1086 A.H.
(1675-6 A.D.), but passages occur at the close which show that the
work is brought down to 1126 A.H. It is evident, however, that the
original work concluded with the account of Aurangzeb’s children, and
that the few last pages, including mention of Bahádur Sháh and
Jahándár Sháh, have been added by some transcriber. In the last
volume the date of 1087 A.H. is given, which leads us to conclude
that the history occupied one year in its composition.
There is nothing worthy of translation.

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CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1-11.
The Creation.—Adam.—Prophets.—Muhammad.—Imáms, pp. 12-
111.
Persian Dynasties.—Greeks.—Saljúks.—Osmanlis.—Popes, pp. 212-
294.
‘Ummayides and ‘Abbásides, pp. 294-410.
Táhirís.—Tulúnias.—Ikhshidites.—Ghaznívides.—Buwaih-ides.—
Isma’ílians.—Sharífs.—Saiyids, pp. 410-464.
Ghorians.—Afgháns.—Mughals, pp. 674-816.
Kings of Dehlí, from the earliest Hindí period to the time of Farrukh
Siyar, pp. 816-996.
SIZE.—8vo. 996 pages, of 17 lines each.
This work is rare. I know of only one copy. Malcolm, in his “History of
Persia,” quotes a Zínatu-t Tawáríkh respecting the Ghaznívides,
which he describes as a metrical history.

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LXXI.
LUBBU-T TAWÁRÍKH-I HIND
OF
RÁÍ BHÁRÁ MAL.
THE author of this brief history was Bindrában, son of Ráí Bhárá Mal,
and was himself also honoured with the title of Ráí. We learn from the
Conclusion of the Khulásatu-l Inshá that Ráí Bhárá Mal was the
díwán of Dárá Shukoh; and it is probable, therefore, that our author
was early initiated into a knowledge of public affairs. He says that the
reason of his entering on this undertaking was that, “after meditating
upon the conquests made by the Tímúrian family in this country, upon
their being still more enlarged by ‘Álamgír (Aurangzeb) up to the year
1101 A.H., and upon the fact of their continuing uninterruptedly in the
possession of the same family, he thought of writing a book which
should briefly describe how, and in what duration of time, those
conquests were achieved, should give the history of former kings,
their origin, and the causes which occasioned their rise or fall, the
period of their reign, their abilities and enterprises, and which should
more particularly treat of the great conquests made by ‘Álamgír.”
“It is true,” he continues, “that former historians have already written
several works regarding the history of ancient kings, and especially
Abú-l Kásim, surnamed Firishta, whose compositions are very good
as far as regards the language, but the defect of that work is that,
notwithstanding its being an abstract, it is in many parts too prolix.”
Adverting also to the fact that his history does not extend beyond the
thousandth year of the Hijra, and hence the important transactions of
one hundred years are altogether omitted, he thought it expedient to
extract its essence, and compile, with his own additions, a new work,
to be called the Lubbu-t Tawáríkh, or “Marrow of Histories.”
He gives as another reason for the superiority of his work over others,
that it treats of the extensive and resplendent conquests of the
Emperor ‘Álamgír, whose kingdom extended towards the East, West,
and the South to the seas, and towards the North to the boundaries
of Írán and Túrán, a vast dominion, to the tenth of which no other
kingdom is equal. Perhaps Rúm only might enter into competition
with it, but even in that case “seeing is better than hearing.”

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CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1-3.
Section I.—The Kings of Dehlí, from Mu’izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám
to Aurangzeb, pp. 4-256.
Section II.—The Kings of the Dakhin, viz. the Bahmaní, ‘Ádil-Sháhí,
Nizám-Sháhí, Kutb-Sháhí, the ‘Imád-Sháhí and Barídia, or the Kings
of Kulbarga, Bíjápúr, Ahmadnagar, Gol-konda, Birár, and Bidr, pp.
256-329.
Section III.—The Kings of Gujarát, pp. 330-352.
Section IV.—The Kings of Málwá, pp. 352-374.
Section V.—The Kings of Khándesh and Búrhánpúr, pp. 375-386.
Section VI.—The Kings of Bengal, pp. 386-398.
Section VII.—The Kings of Jaunpúr, 399-403.
Section VIII.—The Kings of Sind, pp. 403-408.
Section IX.—The Kings of Multán, pp. 408-410.
Section X.—The Kings of Kashmír, pp. 410-412.
SIZE.—8vo. pp. 412, of 15 lines each.
Major Scott has made great use of this work in his “History the
Dakhin,” but so brief a work is of little use. The author quotes no
authorities in his preface except Firishta, but he mentions also in the
body of the work the Akbar-náma and Jahángír-náma as being so
common as to render it unnecessary for him to enlarge on the periods
of which they treat.
The exact year in which the work was composed is somewhat
doubtful. It is not quite clear from the preface whether the date should
be rendered 1100 or 1101 A.H. A chronogram given by an early
transcriber makes it 1106; and if the title of the work be intended to
form a chronogram, which is nowhere stated by the author, the date
would be 1108 A.H. (1696 A.D.).
The Lubbu-t Tawáríkh-i Hind is very common in India. One of the best
copies I have seen is in the possession of Nawáb Hasan ‘Alí Khán of
Jhajjar, written in 1148 A.H. In Europe also it is not uncommon. There
is a copy of it in the British Museum (No. 5618). There is also an
illegible copy at Paris (Gentil, No. 44), under the incorrect title of
Muntakhabu-t Táríkh.
[The translations of the following Extracts were revised by Sir H. M.
Elliot.]

EXTRACTS.
Sháh Jahán abolishes the Ceremony of Prostration.
It had long been customary with the subjects of this state to prostrate
themselves before the King in grateful return for any royal favours
conferred on them, and on the receipt of royal mandates. This just
King (Sháh Jahán), on his accession to the throne, commanded that
the practice should be abolished, and, at the representation of
Mahábat Khán (Khán-khánán), he established instead the practice of
kissing the ground. This also being afterwards found equally
objectionable, the King, actuated by his devotion and piety, ordered
that it likewise should be discontinued; and that the usual mode of
salutation by bowing and touching the head should be restored, with
this difference, that, instead of doing so only once, as before, the act
should be performed three several times. Circular orders, enforcing
the observance of this practice, were issued to all the Governors
within the royal dominions.
Prosperity of the Country during Sháh Jahán’s Reign.
The means employed by the King in these happy times to protect and
nourish his people; to punish all kinds of oppressive evil-doers; his
knowledge on all subjects tending to the welfare of his people; his
impressing the same necessity upon the revenue functionaries, and
the appointment of honest and intelligent officers in every district; his
administration of the country, and calling for and examining annual
statements of revenue, in order to ascertain what were the resources
of the empire; his showing his royal affection to the people, and
expressing his displeasure when necessary; his issuing stringent
orders to the officers appointed to the charge of the crown and
assigned lands, to promote the increase and welfare of the tenants;
his admonishing the disobedient, and constantly directing his
generous attention towards the improvement of agriculture and the
collection of the revenues of the state;—all these contributed in a
great measure to advance the prosperity of his empire. The pargana,
the income of which was three lacs of rupees in the reign of Akbar
(whose seat is in the highest heaven!), yielded, in this happy reign, a
revenue of ten lacs! The collections made in some districts, however,
fell short of this proportionate increase. The chakladárs who, by
carefully cultivating their lands, aided in increasing the revenue,
received marked consideration, and vice versâ.
Notwithstanding the comparative increase in the expenses of the
State during this reign, gratuities for the erection of public edifices
and other works in progress, and for the paid military service and
establishments, such as those maintained in Balkh, Badakhshán, and
Kandahár, amounted, at one disbursement only, to fourteen krors of
rupees, and the advances made on account of edifices only were two
krors and fifty lacs of rupees. From this single instance of
expenditure, an idea may be formed as to what the charges must
have been under others. Besides, in times of war, large sums were
expended, in addition to fixed salaries and ordinary outlay. In short,
the expenditure of former reigns, in comparison with that of the one in
question, was not even in the proportion of one to four; and yet this
King, in a short space of time, amassed a treasure which it would
have taken several years for his predecessors to accumulate!
Sháh Jahán’s Justice.
Notwithstanding the great area of this country, plaints were so few
that only one day in the week, viz. Wednesday, was fixed upon for the
administration of justice; and it was rarely even then that twenty
plaintiffs could be found to prefer suits, the number generally being
much less. The writer of this historical sketch on more than one
occasion, when honoured with an audience of the King, heard His
Majesty chide the dárogha of the Court that although so many
confidential persons had been appointed to invite plaintiffs, and a day
of the week was set apart exclusively with the view of dispensing
justice, yet even the small number of twenty plaintiffs could but very
seldom be brought into Court. The dárogha replied that if he failed to
produce only one plaintiff, he would be worthy of punishment.
In short, it was owing to the great solicitude evinced by the King
towards the promotion of the national weal and the general
tranquillity, that the people were restrained from committing offences
against one another and breaking the public peace. But if offenders
were discovered, the local authorities used generally to try them on
the spot where the offence had been committed according to law, and
in concurrence with the law officers: and if any individual, dissatisfied
with the decision passed on his case, appealed to the Governor or
díwán, or to the kází of the súba, the matter was reviewed, and
judgment awarded with great care and discrimination, lest it should
be mentioned in the presence of the King that justice had not been
done. If parties were not satisfied even with these decisions, they
appealed to the chief díwán, or to the chief kází on matters of law.
These officers instituted further inquiries. With all this care, what
cases, except those relating to blood and religion, could become
subjects of reference to His Majesty?

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CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1-3.
Section I.—The Kings of Dehlí, from Mu’izzu-d dín Muhammad Sám
to Aurangzeb, pp. 4-256.
Section II.—The Kings of the Dakhin, viz. the Bahmaní, ‘Ádil-Sháhí,
Nizám-Sháhí, Kutb-Sháhí, the ‘Imád-Sháhí and Barídia, or the Kings
of Kulbarga, Bíjápúr, Ahmadnagar, Gol-konda, Birár, and Bidr, pp.
256-329.
Section III.—The Kings of Gujarát, pp. 330-352.
Section IV.—The Kings of Málwá, pp. 352-374.
Section V.—The Kings of Khándesh and Búrhánpúr, pp. 375-386.
Section VI.—The Kings of Bengal, pp. 386-398.
Section VII.—The Kings of Jaunpúr, 399-403.
Section VIII.—The Kings of Sind, pp. 403-408.
Section IX.—The Kings of Multán, pp. 408-410.
Section X.—The Kings of Kashmír, pp. 410-412.
SIZE.—8vo. pp. 412, of 15 lines each.
Major Scott has made great use of this work in his “History the
Dakhin,” but so brief a work is of little use. The author quotes no
authorities in his preface except Firishta, but he mentions also in the
body of the work the Akbar-náma and Jahángír-náma as being so
common as to render it unnecessary for him to enlarge on the periods
of which they treat.
The exact year in which the work was composed is somewhat
doubtful. It is not quite clear from the preface whether the date should
be rendered 1100 or 1101 A.H. A chronogram given by an early
transcriber makes it 1106; and if the title of the work be intended to
form a chronogram, which is nowhere stated by the author, the date
would be 1108 A.H. (1696 A.D.).
The Lubbu-t Tawáríkh-i Hind is very common in India. One of the best
copies I have seen is in the possession of Nawáb Hasan ‘Alí Khán of
Jhajjar, written in 1148 A.H. In Europe also it is not uncommon. There
is a copy of it in the British Museum (No. 5618). There is also an
illegible copy at Paris (Gentil, No. 44), under the incorrect title of
Muntakhabu-t Táríkh.
[The translations of the following Extracts were revised by Sir H. M.
Elliot.]

EXTRACTS.
Sháh Jahán abolishes the Ceremony of Prostration.
It had long been customary with the subjects of this state to prostrate
themselves before the King in grateful return for any royal favours
conferred on them, and on the receipt of royal mandates. This just
King (Sháh Jahán), on his accession to the throne, commanded that
the practice should be abolished, and, at the representation of
Mahábat Khán (Khán-khánán), he established instead the practice of
kissing the ground. This also being afterwards found equally
objectionable, the King, actuated by his devotion and piety, ordered
that it likewise should be discontinued; and that the usual mode of
salutation by bowing and touching the head should be restored, with
this difference, that, instead of doing so only once, as before, the act
should be performed three several times. Circular orders, enforcing
the observance of this practice, were issued to all the Governors
within the royal dominions.
Prosperity of the Country during Sháh Jahán’s Reign.
The means employed by the King in these happy times to protect and
nourish his people; to punish all kinds of oppressive evil-doers; his
knowledge on all subjects tending to the welfare of his people; his
impressing the same necessity upon the revenue functionaries, and
the appointment of honest and intelligent officers in every district; his
administration of the country, and calling for and examining annual
statements of revenue, in order to ascertain what were the resources
of the empire; his showing his royal affection to the people, and
expressing his displeasure when necessary; his issuing stringent
orders to the officers appointed to the charge of the crown and
assigned lands, to promote the increase and welfare of the tenants;
his admonishing the disobedient, and constantly directing his
generous attention towards the improvement of agriculture and the
collection of the revenues of the state;—all these contributed in a
great measure to advance the prosperity of his empire. The pargana,
the income of which was three lacs of rupees in the reign of Akbar
(whose seat is in the highest heaven!), yielded, in this happy reign, a
revenue of ten lacs! The collections made in some districts, however,
fell short of this proportionate increase. The chakladárs who, by
carefully cultivating their lands, aided in increasing the revenue,
received marked consideration, and vice versâ.
Notwithstanding the comparative increase in the expenses of the
State during this reign, gratuities for the erection of public edifices
and other works in progress, and for the paid military service and
establishments, such as those maintained in Balkh, Badakhshán, and
Kandahár, amounted, at one disbursement only, to fourteen krors of
rupees, and the advances made on account of edifices only were two
krors and fifty lacs of rupees. From this single instance of
expenditure, an idea may be formed as to what the charges must
have been under others. Besides, in times of war, large sums were
expended, in addition to fixed salaries and ordinary outlay. In short,
the expenditure of former reigns, in comparison with that of the one in
question, was not even in the proportion of one to four; and yet this
King, in a short space of time, amassed a treasure which it would
have taken several years for his predecessors to accumulate!
Sháh Jahán’s Justice.
Notwithstanding the great area of this country, plaints were so few
that only one day in the week, viz. Wednesday, was fixed upon for the
administration of justice; and it was rarely even then that twenty
plaintiffs could be found to prefer suits, the number generally being
much less. The writer of this historical sketch on more than one
occasion, when honoured with an audience of the King, heard His
Majesty chide the dárogha of the Court that although so many
confidential persons had been appointed to invite plaintiffs, and a day
of the week was set apart exclusively with the view of dispensing
justice, yet even the small number of twenty plaintiffs could but very
seldom be brought into Court. The dárogha replied that if he failed to
produce only one plaintiff, he would be worthy of punishment.
In short, it was owing to the great solicitude evinced by the King
towards the promotion of the national weal and the general
tranquillity, that the people were restrained from committing offences
against one another and breaking the public peace. But if offenders
were discovered, the local authorities used generally to try them on
the spot where the offence had been committed according to law, and
in concurrence with the law officers: and if any individual, dissatisfied
with the decision passed on his case, appealed to the Governor or
díwán, or to the kází of the súba, the matter was reviewed, and
judgment awarded with great care and discrimination, lest it should
be mentioned in the presence of the King that justice had not been
done. If parties were not satisfied even with these decisions, they
appealed to the chief díwán, or to the chief kází on matters of law.
These officers instituted further inquiries. With all this care, what
cases, except those relating to blood and religion, could become
subjects of reference to His Majesty?

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LXXII.
‘ÁLAMGÍR-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD KÁZIM.
THIS work was written 1688 A.D. by Mirzá Muhammad Kázim, son of
Muhammad Amín Munshí, the author of the Pádsháh-náma ,
previously noticed as No. LXI. It contains a history of the first ten
years of the reign of ‘Álamgír Aurangzeb. It was dedicated to
Aurangzeb in the thirty-second year of his reign; but on its being
presented, the Emperor forbad its continuation, and, like another
Alexander, edicto vetuit ne quis se pingeret, but not for the same
reason. The Mughal Emperor professed as the cause of his
prohibition that the cultivation of inward piety was preferable to the
ostentatious display of his achievements. Elphinstone observes of
this strange prohibition that the Emperor not only discontinued the
regular annals of the empire, which had before been kept by a regular
historiographer, but so effectually put a stop to all records of his trans-
actions, that from the eleventh year of his reign the course of events
can only be traced through the means of letters on business and of
notes taken clandestinely by private individuals.*
This prohibition is the more extraordinary from its inconsistency with
orders previously issued for the preparation of the ‘Álamgír-náma.
The Preface of that work shows not only the encouragement which
the author received in the prosecution of his work, but also the little
reliance that can be reposed in the narrative when any subject is
mentioned likely to affect the personal character of the monarch. It is
much the same with nearly all the histories written by contemporaries,
which are filled with the most nauseous panegyrics, and
With titles blown from adulation.
The historian was to submit his pages to the interested scrutiny of the
Emperor himself, and to be guided in doubtful questions by
information graciously given by the monarch respecting what account
was to be rejected or admitted. As the royal listener was not likely to
criminate himself, we must bear perpetually in mind that such
histories are mere one-sided accounts, and not to be received with
implicit reliance.
After an encomium of the powers of eloquence, the author says that it
was solely owing to the reputed charms of his style that he was
introduced to the great monarch ‘Álamgír, and, after a long obscurity,
was suddenly raised from insignificance to the high situation of His
Majesty’s munshí in the year of the coronation. His style being
approved by the King, he was ordered to collect information about all
the extraordinary events in which the King had been concerned, and
accounts of the bright conquests which he had effected, into a book;
and accordingly an order was given to the officers in charge of the
Royal Records to make over to the author all such papers as were
received from the news-writers and other high functionaries of the
different countries concerning the great events, the monthly and
yearly registers of all kinds of accidents and marvels, and the
descriptions of the different súbas and countries.
The author was further instructed, that if there were any such
particulars as were omitted in any of the above papers, or not
witnessed by himself, he should make inquiries regarding them from
such trustworthy officers as followed the royal camp, who would
relate the exact circumstances; and if there were anything which
particularly required the explanation of His Majesty, the author was
graciously permitted the liberty of making inquiry from the King
himself.
He was also ordered to attend on His Majesty on proper occasions, to
read over whatever he had collected, and had written from the above
authorities, and to have His Majesty’s corrections incorporated. It is to
be regretted that Aurangzeb did not here again imitate the example of
Alexander, of whom Lucian gives an anecdote which shows that
conqueror to have been less compliant with his flattering historians.
“Aristobulus, after he had written an account of the single combat
between Alexander and Porus, showed that monarch a particular part
of it, wherein, the better to get into his good graces, he had inserted a
great deal more than was true: when Alexander seized the book and
threw it (for they happened at that time to be sailing on the Hydaspes)
directly into the river: ‘Thus,’ said he, ‘ought you to have been served
yourself, for pretending to describe my battles, and killing half a
dozen elephants for me with a spear.’”
The value of the Royal Records may be known from the narrative of
an English traveller who visited the Court in A.D. 1609. Captain
Hawkins says, “During the time that he drinks his six cups of strong
liquor, he says and does many idle things; yet whatever he says or
does, whether drunk or sober, there are writers who attend him in
rotation, who set many things down in writing; so that not a single
incident of his life but is recorded, even his going to the necessary
and when he lies with his wives. The purpose of all this is that when
he dies all his actions and speeches worthy of being recorded may be
inserted in the chronicles of his reign.”
“As the history regarding His Majesty’s birth and minority up to the
time of his ascending the throne has already,” says our author, “been
fully detailed in the book called Bádsháh-náma , it was at first
resolved that this book should begin with the accounts of His
Majesty’s return from the Dakhin towards his capital (which took
place in 1068 A.H., 1657 A.D.), and it will contain an account of the
undertakings and conquests achieved by His Majesty during the
period of eighteen years. But the author subsequently thought of
writing, in an Introduction, a brief account of the King’s minority,
because it was replete with wonderful events, and because many
conquests were effected during that period. It accordingly
commences with Dárá Shukoh’s assumption of authority upon the
illness of his father Sháh Jahán, and the means employed by
Aurangzeb to cut off his brothers and obtain the Imperial Crown.
[The style in which this work is written is quite in accord with the
courtly panegyrical character of the book. It is strained, verbose, and
tedious; fulsome in its flattery, abusive in its censure. Laudatory
epithets are heaped one upon another in praise of Aurangzeb; while
his unfortunate brothers are not only sneered at and abused, but their
very names are perverted. Dárá Shukoh is repeatedly called Be-
Shukoh, “the undignified;” and Shujá’ is called Ná-shujá’, “the
unvaliant.” The work seems to have obtained no great reputation in
India. “Subsequent authors,” says Colonel Lees “do not express any
very decided opinion upon the qualifications of Muhammad Kázim as
an historian. The author of the Mir-átu-l ‘Álam, however, speaks of
him as an author of great erudition; the author of the Ma-ásiru-l
‘Álamgírí has made an abridgment of his work the first portion of his
history; and Kháfí Khán, the author of the Muntakhabu-l Lubáb, has
made the ‘Álamgír-náma a chief authority,” though he occasionally
controverts its statements. It is well that the book has been so well
worked up by later writers, for a close translation of it into English
would be quite unreadable. A few passages have been translated by
the Editor, but in them it has been necessary to prune away a good
deal of the author’s exuberance of language and metaphor.]
The history of the conquest of Assam has been translated from this
work by Mr. Vansittart, in the “Asiatic Miscellany,” vol. i., and in
“Asiatic Researches,” vol. ii. [The whole of the original work has been
printed in the “Bibliotheca Indica,” and occupies more than 1100
pages.]
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EXTRACTS.
Illness of Sháh Jahán.
[On the 8th Zí-l hijja, 1067 A.H. (8th September 1657), the Emperor
Sháh Jahán was seized with illness at Dehlí. His illness lasted for a
long time, and every day he grew weaker, so that he was unable to
attend to the business of the State. Irregularities of all sorts occurred
in the administration, and great disturbances arose in the wide
territories of Hindústán. The unworthy and frivolous Dárá Shukoh
considered himself heir-apparent, and notwithstanding his want of
ability for the kingly office, he endeavoured with the scissors of
greediness to cut the robes of the Imperial dignity into a shape suited
for his unworthy person.* With this over-weening ambition constantly
in his mind, and in pursuit of his vain design, he never left the seat of
government. When the Emperor fell ill and was unable to attend to
business, Dárá Shukoh took the opportunity of seizing the reins of
power, and interfered with everything. He closed the roads against
the spread of news, and seized letters addressed to individuals. He
forbade the officers of government to write or send any intelligence to
the provinces, and upon the mere suspicion of their having done so,
he seized and imprisoned them. The royal princes, the great nobles,
and all the men who were scattered through the provinces and
territories of this great empire, many even of the officials and servants
who were employed at the capital, had no expectation that the
Emperor would live much longer. So great disorders arose in the
affairs of the State. Disaffected and rebellious men raised their heads
in mutiny and strife on every side. Turbulent raiyats refused to pay
their revenue. The seed of rebellion was sown in all directions, and by
degrees the evil reached to such a height that in Gujarát Murád
Bakhsh took his seat upon the throne, had the khutba read and coins
struck in his name, and assumed the title of King. Shujá’ took the
same course in Bengal, led an army against Patna, and from thence
advanced to Benares.]
Heresy of Dárá Shukoh.
[Dárá Shukoh in his later days did not restrain himself to the free-
thinking and heretical notions which he had adopted under the name
of tasawwuf (Sufiism), but showed an inclination for the religion and
institutions of the Hindús. He was constantly in the society of
Bráhmans, Jogís and Sannyásís, and he used to regard these
worthless teachers of delusions as learned and true masters of
wisdom. He considered their books which they call Bed as being the
Word of God, and revealed from heaven, and he called them ancient
and excellent books. He was under such delusion about this Bed, that
he collected Bráhmans and Sannyásís from all parts of the country,
and paying them great respect and attention, he employed them in
translating the Bed. He spent all his time in this unholy work, and
devoted all his attention to the contents of these wretched books.
Instead of the sacred name of God, he adopted the Hindú name
Prabhu (lord), which the Hindús consider holy, and he had this name
engraved in Hindí letters upon rings of diamond, ruby, emerald, etc. *
* Through these perverted opinions he had given up the prayers,
fasting and other obligations imposed by the law. * * It became
manifest that if Dárá Shukoh obtained the throne and established his
power, the foundations of the faith would be in danger and the
precepts of Islám would be changed for the rant of infidelity and
Judaism.]
Mír Jumla Mu’azzam Khán.
[After the conquest of Zafarábád and Kalyán, and the return of
Aurangzeb from Bíjápúr, where he had failed in obtaining full
success, through the opposition and malevolence of Dárá Shukoh, he
left ‘Umdatu-s Saltanatu-l Káhira Mu’azzam Khán, with a part of the
Imperial army, in the vicinity of Bíjápúr, to realize a sum of a hundred
lacs of rupees as tribute from ‘Ádil Khán, by the promise of which the
retreat of Aurangzeb had been obtained. The intrigues of Dárá
Shukoh, who did his best to defeat this arrangement, and the
mischievous disturbing letters which he sent to ‘Ádil Khán and his
nobles, brought this desirable settlement to nought. His Majesty Sháh
Jahán, who at that time took no very active part in the affairs of
government, was influenced by the urgent representations of that
weak-minded (Dárá Shukoh), and summoned Mu’azzam Khán to
court. In obedience to this order, the Khán marched with the force
under his command to Aurangábád, intending to proceed from thence
to the capital. This movement at such a time seemed injurious to the
State, and encouraging to the turbulence of the Dakhinís. Mu’azzam
Khán had no sinister object in proceeding to the capital; but
Aurangzeb, as a matter of prudence and of State policy, made him
prisoner and detained him in the Dakhin. When Dárá Shukoh
obtained information of this arrest, his malignity and jealousy led him
to persuade the Emperor that it was all a trick and conspiracy
between the Khán and Aurangzeb. By this he so worked upon the
feelings and fears of the Emperor that he roused his suspicions
against Muhammad Amín Khán, son of Mu’azzam Khán, who then
held the office of Mir Bakhshí at Court, and obtained permission to
secure his person. Accordingly Dárá Shukoh summoned Muhammad
Amín to his house and made him prisoner. After he had been in
confinement three or four days, intelligence of the true state of the
case and of the innocence of Muhammad Amín reached the Emperor,
and he, being satisfied of the facts, released Muhammad Amín from
durance.]
Illness of the Emperor Aurangzeb.
[On the night of the 12th Rajab (in the eighth year of his reign), the
Emperor was suddenly attacked with strangury, and suffered great
pain until the following morning. * * The skill and attention of his
physicians had their effect, * * and in a few days he recovered.]

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LXXIII.
MA-ÁSIR-I ‘ÁLAMGÍRÍ
OF
MUHAMMAD SÁKÍ MUSTA’IDD KHÁN.
THIS is a history of the reign of ‘Álamgír (Aurangzeb). The first ten
years is an abridgment of the work last noticed, the ‘Álamgír-náma;
the continuation till the death of Aurangzeb in A.D. 1707 is an original
composition. It was written by Muhammad Sákí Musta’idd Khán,
munshí to ‘Ináyatu-lla Khán, wazír of Bahádur Sháh. He had been a
constant follower of the Court for forty years, and an eye-witness of
many of the transactions he records. He undertook the work by desire
of his patron, and finished it in A.D. 1710, only three years after the
death of Aurangzeb. [Kháfí Khán, in his Muntakhabu-l Lubáb, informs
us that “after the expiration of ten years (of Aurangzeb’s reign)
authors were forbidden from writing the events of that just and
righteous Emperor’s reign; nevertheless some competent persons
(did so), and particularly Musta’idd Khán, who secretly wrote an
abridged account of the campaign in the Dakhin, simply detailing the
conquests of the countries and forts, without alluding at all to the
misfortunes of the campaign.”*]
The Ma-ásir-i ‘Alamgírí contains two Books and a short Appendix.
Book I.—An abridgment of Mirzá Muhammad Kázim’s history of the
first ten years of the Emperor’s reign and the events preceding his
accession.
Book II.—The events of the last forty years of the Emperor’s reign,
with an account of his death.
Appendix.—Several anecdotes of the Emperor, which could not be
included in the history; and a minute account of the Royal family.
The history is written in the form of annals, each year being distinctly
marked off.
Stewart, in his “Descriptive Catalogue,” observes of the writer of this
work, that “although his style be too concise, I have never met in any
other author with the relation of an event of this reign which is not
recorded in this history.”
It is differently spoken of by the author of the “Critical Essay,” who
shows a discrimination rarely to be met with in Indian critics. The
omissions he complains of will not appear of much importance to a
European reader.
“Muhammad Sákí Musta’idd Khán, who composed the chronicle
named Ma-ásir-i ‘Álamgírí, has not by any means rendered his work
complete; for he has omitted to record several matters of
considerable importance. Thus, he has not mentioned the dignities
and offices of honour accorded to Royal princes, and their successive
appointments to different situations, such as might best qualify them
for managing the affairs of government. Some he has noticed, but he
has omitted others. Neither has he informed us in what year the
illustrious Sháh ‘Álam Bahádur Sháh (now gone to the abode of
felicity) and Muhammad ‘Ázam Sháh were invested with the high rank
of Chihal-hazarí (40,000); and of many other circumstances relating
to these two princes, some are mentioned, and many have been
altogether unnoticed. In the same manner also he has treated of
other Royal princes.
“Respecting likewise the chief nobles and their removals from
different offices or appointments and dignities, some are mentioned,
but several are omitted; thus he has neglected to notice the dates
and various circumstances of the appointment of Haft-hazarí (7000)
of Ghází’u-d dín Khán Bahádur Fíroz Jang, and the Shash-hazarí
(6000) of Zulfikár Khán Bahádur Nusrat Jang, two distinguished
generals.
“On the other hand, he relates with minute precision some very trifling
occurrences little worthy of being recorded in history, and by no
means interesting, such as particulars concerning chapels or places
of prayer, the merits of different preachers and similar topics, which
had been subjects of discussion among his intimate companions. On
this account his work is not held in high estimation among those
learned men who know how to appreciate historical compositions.”
[This verdict of a native critic is worthy of record, although it cannot
be accepted. Muhammad Sákí has a style of his own which is not
difficult, and yet has some pretensions to elegance. The early part of
the work is little better than a Court Circular or London Gazette, being
occupied almost exclusively with the private matters of the royal
family, and the promotions, appointments, and removals of the
officers of government. Farther on he enters more fully into matters of
historical record, and gives details of Aurangzeb’s campaign in the
Dakhin, and his many sieges of forts.]
The work was edited and translated into English by Henry Vansittart
in 1785, and published in a quarto volume. [The complete text has
been printed in the Bibliotheca Indica, and fills 541 pages. A
translation of the last 40 years, Muhammad Sákí’s own portion of the
work, was made for Sir H. Elliot by “Lieut. Perkins, 71st N.I.,” and from
that translation the following Extracts have been taken.]
EXTRACTS.
Earthquake.
[Text, p. 73.] On the 1st Zí-l hijja, 1078 A.H. (3rd May, 1668), the
intelligence arrived from Thatta that the town of Samájí had been
destroyed by an earthquake; thirty thousand houses were thrown
down.
Prohibition of Hindú Teaching and Worship.
[Text, p. 81.] On the 17th Zí-l ka’da, 1079 (18th April, 1669), it reached
the ear of His Majesty, the protector of the faith, that in the provinces
of Thatta, Multán, and Benares, but especially in the latter, foolish
Bráhmans were in the habit of expounding frivolous books in their
schools, and that students and learners, Musulmáns as well as
Hindús, went there, even from long distances, led by a desire to
become acquainted with the wicked sciences they taught. The
“Director of the Faith” consequently issued orders to all the governors
of provinces to destroy with a willing hand the schools and temples of
the infidels; and they were strictly enjoined to put an entire stop to the
teaching and practising of idolatrous forms of worship. On the 15th
Rabí’u-l ákhir it was reported to his religious Majesty, leader of the
unitarians, that, in obedience to order, the Government officers had
destroyed the temple of Bishnáth at Benares.
[Text, p. 95.] In the month of Ramazán, 1080 A.H. (December, 1669),
in the thirteenth year of the reign, this justice-loving monarch, the
constant enemy of tyrants, commanded the destruction of the Hindú
temple of Mathura or Mattra, known by the name of Dehra Késú Ráí,
and soon that stronghold of falsehood was levelled with the ground.
On the same spot was laid, at great expense, the foundation of a vast
mosque. The den of iniquity thus destroyed owed its erection to Nar
Singh Deo Bundela, an ignorant and depraved man. Jahángír, before
he ascended the throne, was at one time, for various reasons, much
displeased with Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, and the above-mentioned Hindú,
in order to compass the Shaikh’s death, affected great devotion to the
Prince. As a reward for his services, he obtained from the Prince
become King permission to construct the Mattra temple. Thirty-three
lacs were expended on this work. Glory be to God, who has given us
the faith of Islám, that, in this reign of the destroyer of false gods, an
undertaking so difficult of accomplishment* has been brought to a
successful termination! This vigorous support given to the true faith
was a severe blow to the arrogance of the Rájas, and, like idols, they
turned their faces awe-struck to the wall. The richly-jewelled idols
taken from the pagan temples were transferred to Ágra, and there
placed beneath the steps leading to the Nawáb Begam Sáhib’s
mosque, in order that they might ever be pressed under foot by the
true believers. Mattra changed its name into Islámábád, and was thus
called in all official documents, as well as by the people.
[Text, p. 100.] In Shawwál information reached the King that Sháh-
záda Muhammad Mu’azzam, under the influence of his passions, and
misled by pernicious associates and flatterers, had, notwithstanding
his excellent understanding, become imbued with a spirit of
insubordination. Prompted by his natural benevolence, His Majesty
wrote several letters replete with advice to the Prince, but this alone
did not satisfy him—the Nawáb Ráí, the Prince’s mother, was sent for
to go to her son, and lead him back into the right path if any symptom
of rebellion should appear in him. Iftikhár Khán Khán-zámán, a wise
and discreet man, was directed to repair to the Prince, charged with
much beneficial advice. He soon reached his destination, and
delivered himself of the King’s messages. Prince Muhammad
Mu’azzam was a fountain of candour; there was moreover no truth in
the report; so his only answer was to bow his head in submission. He
wrote to his father letters expressive of humility and shame. Unwilling
to ever transgress the obedience due to his King and to his God, he
insured himself happiness in both worlds. The King, slow to anger
and prompt to forgive, lavished presents and kind words on his son.

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FIFTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.

Outbreak of the Satnámís—also called Mondíhs.*


[Text, p. 114.] It is cause for wonder that a gang of bloody, miserable
rebels, goldsmiths, carpenters, sweepers, tanners, and other ignoble
beings, braggarts and fools of all descriptions, should become so
puffed up with vain-glory as to cast themselves headlong into the pit
of self-destruction. This is how it came to pass. A malignant set of
people, inhabitants of Mewát, collected suddenly as white ants spring
from the ground, or locusts descend from the skies. It is affirmed that
these people considered themselves immortal; seventy lives was the
reward promised to every one of them who fell in action. A body of
about 5000 had collected in the neighbourhood of Nárnaul, and were
in open rebellion. Cities and districts were plundered. Táhir Khán
Faujdár, considering himself not strong enough to oppose them,
repaired to the presence. The King resolved to exterminate the
insurgents. Accordingly, on the 26th of Zí-l ka’da, an order was issued
that Ra’d-andáz Khán should proceed with his artillery, Hámid Khán
with the guards and 500 of the horsemen belonging to Saiyid Murtazá
Khán, his father, and Yahyá Khán Rúmí, Najíb Khán, Rúmí Khán,
Kamálu-d dín, son of Diler Khán, Purdil, son of Fíroz Khán Mewátí,
and Isfandyár, bakhshí to Prince Muhammad Akbar, with their own
troops, to effect the destruction of the unbelievers. The royal forces
marched to the encounter; the insurgents showed a bold front, and,
although totally unprovided with the implements of war, made good
use of what arms they had. They fought with all the valour of former
rebels whose deeds are recorded in history, and the people of Hind
have called this battle Mahá-bhárat , on account of the great
slaughter of elephants on that trying day. The heroes of Islám
charged with impetuosity, and crimsoned their sabres with the blood
of these desperate men. The struggle was terrible. Conspicuous
above all were Ra’d-andáz Khán, Hámid Khán, and Yahyá Khán.
Many of the Moslims were slain or wounded. At length the enemy
broke and fled, but were pursued with great slaughter. Few indeed
escaped with their lives; a complete victory crowned the efforts of the
royal commanders—and those regions were cleansed of the
presence of the foul unbelievers. The triumphant gházís, permitted to
kiss the threshold, were rendered proud by the praises of their King.
The title of Shujá’at Khán was conferred on Ra’d-andáz, with the rank
of 3000 and 2000 horse.
[Text, p. 170.] On the 19th Rabí’u-l ákhir, 1089 A.H., a report from
Shafí’a Khán, díwán of Bengal, made known that the Amíru-l umará
had appropriated one kror and thirty-two lacs of rupees above his
yearly salary. A claim against the amír was accordingly ordered to be
entered.
TWENTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1090 A.H. (1679 A.D.).
[Text, p. 175.] On the 24th Rabí’u-l ákhir, Khán-Jahán Bahádur arrived
from Jodhpúr, bringing with him several cartloads of idols, taken from
the Hindú temples that had been razed. His Majesty gave him great
praise. Most of these idols were adorned with precious stones, or
made of gold, silver, brass, copper or stone; it was ordered that some
of them should be cast away in the out-offices, and the remainder
placed beneath the steps of the grand mosque, there to be trampled
under foot. There they lay a long time, until, at last, not a vestige of
them was left.
[Text, p. 176.] Rája Jaswant Singh had died at Kábul without male
issue; but, after his decease, several faithful adherents—Song,
Ragunáth Dás Bhátí, Ranjhúr, Durga Dás, and some others—sent
information to the King of two of the wives of the late Rája being with
child. These ladies, after their arrival at Lahore, gave each of them
birth to a son. This news was communicated to the King, with a
request that the children should be permitted to succeed to their
father’s rank and possessions. His Majesty replied that the children
should be sent to him to be brought up at his Court, and that rank and
wealth should be given to them.
[Text, p. 186.] On the 12th Zí-l hijja, 1090 A.H. (6th January, 1680),
Prince Muhammad ‘Ázam and Khán-Jahán Bahádur obtained
permission to visit Údípúr. Rúhu-llah Khán and Yakkatáz Khán also
proceeded thither to effect the destruction of the temples of the
idolators. These edifices, situated in the vicinity of the Ráná’s palace,
were among the wonders of the age, and had been erected by the
infidels to the ruin of their souls and the loss of their wealth. It was
here that some twenty Máchátor Rájpúts had resolved to die for their
faith. One of them slew many of his assailants before receiving his
death-blow. Another followed, and another, until all had fallen, many
of the faithful also being despatched before the last of these fanatics
had gone to hell. The temple was now clear, and the pioneers
destroyed the images.
[Text, p. 188.] On the 2nd of Muharram, 1091 A.H. (24th January,
1680), the King visited the tank of Údíságar, constructed by the Ráná.
His Majesty ordered all three of the Hindú temples to be levelled with
the ground. News was this day received that Hasan ‘Alí Khán had
emerged from the pass and attacked the Ráná on the 29th of Zí-l hijja.
The enemy had fled, leaving behind them their tents and baggage.
The enormous quantity of grain captured in this affair had created
abundance amongst the troops.
On the 7th Muharram Hasan ‘Alí Khán made his appearance with
twenty camels taken from the Ráná, and stated that the temple
situated near the palace, and one hundred and twenty-two more in
the neighbouring districts, had been destroyed. This chieftain was, for
his distinguished services, invested with the title of Bahádur.
His Majesty proceeded to Chitor on the 1st of Safar. Temples to the
number of sixty-three were here demolished.
Abú Turáb, who had been commissioned to effect the destruction of
the idol-temples of Amber, reported in person on the 24th Rajab, that
threescore and six of these edifices had been levelled with the
ground.
TWENTY-FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1091-2 A.H.
(1680-81 A.D.).
[Text, p. 207.] The Ráná had now been driven forth from his country
and his home. The victorious gházís had struck many a blow, and the
heroes of Islám had trampled under their chargers’ hoofs the land
which this reptile of the jungles and his predecessors had possessed
for a thousand years. He had been forced to fly to the very limit of his
territories. Unable to resist any longer, he saw no safety for himself
but in seeking pardon. Accordingly he threw himself on the mercy of
Prince Muhammad ‘Ázam, and implored his intercession with the
King, offering the parganas of Mándil, Púr, and Badhanor in lieu of
the jizya. By this submission he was enabled to retain possession of
his country and his wealth. The Prince, touched with compassion for
the Ráná’s forlorn state, used his influence with His Majesty, and this
merciful monarch, anxious to please his son, lent a favourable ear to
these propositions. An interview took place at the Ráj Sambar tank on
the 17th of Jumáda-l ákhir, between the Prince and the Ráná, to
whom Diler Khán and Hasan ‘Alí Khán had been deputed. The Ráná
made an offering of 500 ashrafís and eighteen horses with
caparisons of gold and silver, and did homage to the Prince, who
desired him to sit on his left. He received in return a khil’at, a sabre,
dagger, charger and elephant. His title of Ráná was acknowledged,
and the rank of commander of 5000 conferred on him.
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TWENTY-SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1094-5 A.H.


(1683-4 A.D.).
Caves of Ellora.
[Text, p. 238.] Muhammad Sháh Malik Júná, son of Tughlik, selected
the fort of Deogír as a central point whereat to establish the seat of
government, and gave it the name of Daulatábád. He removed the
inhabitants of Dehlí thither with their wives and children, and many
great and good men removed thither and were buried there. Ellora is
only a short distance from this place. At some very remote period a
race of men, as if by magic, excavated caves (nakkáb) high up
among the defiles of the mountains. These rooms (khána) extended
over a breadth of one kos. Carvings of various designs and of correct
execution adorned all the walls and ceilings; but the outside of the
mountain is perfectly level, and there is no sign of any dwelling
(khána). From the long period of time these pagans remained
masters of this territory, it is reasonable to conclude, although
historians differ, that to them is to be attributed the construction of
these places.

THIRTIETH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1097-8 A.H. (1686-7 A.D.).


Imprisonment of Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam.
[Text, p. 293.] Muhammad Mu’azzam, although a prince of great
intelligence and penetration, was led by pernicious counsellors into
opposition to his father’s wishes, and this conduct became the source
of much suffering to himself and displeasure to the ruler of the State.
For a long time His Majesty, loth that such conduct should become
known, closed his eyes to the Prince’s proceedings. During the siege
of Bíjápúr some persons were caught carrying secret messages to
Sikandar (‘Ádil Sháh); these men were put to death. Some officers
also, suspected of evil intentions, Mumín Khán, commandant of
artillery, ‘Azíz Afghán, Multifát Khán, second bakhshí, and the
cunning Bin-drában, were expelled from the army on the 18th of
Shawwál. The Prince’s destiny grew dark, and wisdom and foresight
quite forsook him. During the investment of Haidarábád he allowed
himself to be deluded by some promise of Abú-l Hasan, and at last
sundry written communications, which passed between the trenches
and the fort of Golkonda, fell into the hands of Fíroz Jang. Other
proofs were also available of the Prince’s treachery. The Khán, that
very night, laid these documents before the King, who was now well
convinced of the Prince’s wilfulness, whatever doubts he might have
entertained before. Hayát Khán, dárogha of the Prince’s díwán-
khána, was sent for and ordered to direct his master to send his
troops to oppose Shaikh Nizám Haidarábádí, who was about to make
a night attack on the camp. Ihtimám Khán, it was said, would guard
the Prince’s tents during the absence of his own people. This order
was obeyed.
The next morning, according to order, the Prince, Mu’izzu-d dín, and
Muhammad ‘Azím,* attended the darbár. His Majesty, after taking his
seat, told them that Asad Khán and Bahramand Khán had something
to communicate to them in the chapel. No sooner had the Princes
entered this place than their arms were taken from them. As soon as
a tent could be pitched, they were removed into it. His Majesty
withdrew to the seraglio by the private entrance, and there, wringing
his hands, and with many symptoms of grief, he exclaimed that the
labour of forty years had fallen to the ground!
Guards were placed round the tent, under the orders of Ihtimám
Khán. Mutasaddís seized all the Prince’s property, which, however,
was but as a drop of water in the ocean. Ihtimám was invested with
the title of Sardár Khán, and raised from the command of 1000 to that
of 1500.

THIRTY-FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1102-3 A.H. (1691-2 A.D.).


Release of Muhammad Mu’azzam from Confinement.
[Text, p. 341.] Neither the Prince nor his sons had been, when first
confined, permitted even to unbind the hair of their heads. This
treatment lasted six months. Khidmat Khán, Názir, emboldened by his
long service under this King and under his father, remonstrated most
vehemently against this severity (no other dared to speak in the
Prince’s favour), and His Majesty relented. As time wore on, the
King’s wrath grew less, his paternal feelings resumed their sway, and
he daily sent his blessing by Sardár Khan to this second Joseph,
imprisoned like Jonas, desiring him to be satisfied with this much until
the Father of all Mercies moved his heart to put an end to his
sufferings. Strange to relate, Sardár Khán one day told the King that
His Majesty could order the Prince’s release when he thought fit so to
do. “True,” replied the King, “but Providence has made me ruler of the
habitable world. The oppressed appeals to me against his oppressor,
and expects redress. This son of mine has endured some hardships
at my hands, in expiation of certain worldly offences, but the hour has
not yet come for me to release him; his only hope is in God. Let him
therefore be hopeful, so that he may not lose all hope in me, nor
appeal against me to God, for should he do so, what refuge would be
left to me?”
Fate had decreed that Muhammad Mu’azzam should adorn the
throne; wherefore the King, that personification of all virtues, resolved
to draw the Prince from the state in which he had been kept, and let
his light shine on the people. That his mind might not bow down
under the weight of grief, the rigours of confinement were gradually
made less. On one occasion, when the King marched from Badrí, all
the tents were ordered to be left standing for the Prince’s recreation.
He was permitted to wander from one to the other, enjoying the
luxuries each different place afforded, and refreshing body and mind.
The Prince observed to the officers who had charge of him that he
longed to behold His Majesty, and that the sight of such places could
not satisfy that wish. At length, when the news of the Prince’s mother
having died in the capital was received, His Majesty caused a tent of
communication to be pitched between the díwán-i khás and the
Prince’s tent, where the monarch repaired in person with the virtuous
Princess Zínatu-n Nisá Begam, and offered the usual consolations.
Some time after this, on the 4th of Zí-l ka’da, Mu’azzam had the
honour of paying his respects to the King, who desired him to perform
his mid-day prayers in his presence. When His Majesty went to the
mosque on Fridays, the Prince was to pray in the private chapel.
Permission was also granted him to visit occasionally the baths in the
fort; at other times he might wander among the parterres and tanks of
the Sháhábád gardens. Thus by degrees was broken the barrier
between father and son. Khwája Daulat received orders to fetch the
Prince’s family from the capital.*

FIFTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN.


Death of Aurangzeb.
[Text, p. 519.] After the conclusion of the holy wars which rescued the
countries of the Dakhin from the dominion of the pagans, the army
encamped at Ahmadnagar on the 16th of Shawwál, in the 50th year of
the reign. A year after this, at the end of Shawwál, in the 51st year of
the reign, the King fell ill, and consternation spread among people of
all ranks; but, by the blessing of Providence, His Majesty recovered
his health in a short time, and once more resumed the administration
of affairs. About this time the noble Sháh (‘Álam) was appointed
governor of the province of Málwá, and Prince Kám Bakhsh governor
of that of Bíjápúr. Only four or five days had elapsed after the
departure of their royal highnesses, when the King was seized with a
burning fever, which continued unabated for three days. Still His
Majesty did not relax in his devotions, every ordinance of religion was
strictly kept. On the evening of Thursday, His Majesty perused a
petition from Hámidu-d dín Khán, who stated that he had devoted the
sum of 4000 rupees, the price of an elephant, as a propitiatory
sacrifice, and begged to be permitted to make over this amount to the
Kází Mullá Haidar for distribution. The King granted the request, and,
though weak and suffering, wrote with his own hand on the petition
that it was his earnest wish that this sacrifice should lead to a speedy
dissolution of his mortal frame.

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On the morning of Friday, 28th of Zí-l ka’da (1118 A.H. 21st February,
1707 A.D.), His Majesty performed the consecrated prayers, and, at
their conclusion, returned to the sleeping apartments, where he
remained absorbed in contemplation of the Deity. Faintness came on,
and the soul of the aged monarch hovered on the verge of eternity.
Still, in this dread hour, the force of habit prevailed, and the fingers of
the dying King continued mechanically to tell the beads of the rosary
they held. A quarter of the day later the King breathed his last, and
thus was fulfilled his wish to die on a Friday. Great was the grief
among all classes of people for the King’s death. The shafts of
adversity had demolished the edifice of their hopes, and the night of
sorrow darkened the joyful noonday. Holy men prepared to perform
the funeral rites, and kept the corpse in the sleeping apartment
pending the arrival of Prince Muhammad A’zam, who was away a
distance of five-and-twenty kos from the camp. The Prince arrived the
following day, and it is impossible to describe the grief that was
depicted on his countenance; never had anything like it been beheld.
On Monday he assisted in carrying the corpse through the hall of
justice, whence the procession went on without him. May none ever
experience the anguish he felt! People sympathized with the Prince’s
sorrow, and shed torrents of tears. Such and so deeply-felt were the
lamentations for a monarch whose genius only equalled his piety,
whose equal the world did not contain, but whose luminous
countenance was now hidden from his loving people!
According to the will of the deceased King, his mortal remains were
deposited in the tomb constructed during his lifetime near the shrine
of the holy Shaikh Zainu-d dín (on whom God have mercy!). “Earth
was consigned to earth, but the pure soul survived.” This place of
sepulture, known by the name of Khuldábád, is distant eight kos from
Khujista-bunyád (Aurangábád), and three kos from Daulatábád. A red
stone three yards in length, two in width, and only a few inches in
depth, is placed above the tomb. In this stone was hollowed out, in
the shape of an amulet, a cavity for the reception of earth and seeds;
and odoriferous herbs there diffuse their fragrance around.
Account of the late King’s Family.
[Text, p. 533.] God had given unto ‘Álamgír five sons and five
daughters, born of different mothers, and all learned in spiritual and
worldly matters. Mention has already been made of them; it now
remains to give a short notice of each.
The first son was Muhammad Sultán, born of the Nawáb Báí, on the
4th of Ramazán, in the year 1049 A.H. (14th November, 1639 A.D.).
His manners were agreeable, he knew the Kurán by heart, and was
well acquainted with the Arabic, Turkish and Persian languages. His
valour was great. This Prince died in the 21st year of the reign.
The second son, Muhammad Mu’azzam Shah ‘Álam Bahádur, was
born of the same Nawáb Báí, in the end of Rajab, 1053 A.H.
(September, 1643 A.D.). While still a boy he acquired a perfect
knowledge of the Kurán, and of the science of reading. When so
engaged, his voice is pleasing and melodious. So great is his
knowledge of law and of the traditionary sayings of the Prophet, that
he is held by all the learned men of the day to be unequalled in this
accomplishment. He is deeply read in Arabic, and the fluency and
elegance of his diction are the wonder of the very Kurán-readers of
Arabia. He knows many sorts of writing, is careful of his time, and a
protector of the poor.
Prince Muhammad A’zam, the third son, was born of Dilras Bánú
Begam, daughter of Sháh Nawáz Khán Safawí, on the 12th of
Sha’bán, in the year 1063 (28th June, 1653). He was distinguished for
his wisdom and excellence. He excelled in many ways, and his innate
virtues and sagacity rendered him the indispensable companion of
the late King. His death occurred on the 18th of Rabí’u-l awwal, only
three months and twenty days after that of his royal parent. It was
marked by deeds of valour.
The next son, Prince Akbar, was born of Begam,* on the 12th of Zí-l
hijja, in the year 1067 (12th September, 1656 A.D.). He fled from his
father, and passed his life in Persia. He died in the 48th year of the
reign, but there are two reasons for supposing that his end was a
happy one. In the first place, the King remarked that Prince Akbar had
always performed his Friday prayers most devoutly; and secondly, his
mortal remains lie in the area of the tomb of Imám Rizá (on whom be
blessings and praise!).
Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, the fifth and last son, was born on the 10th
of Ramazán, in the year 1077 (25th February, 1667). His mother was
Báí Údípúrí. His father instructed him in the word of God, and his
knowledge of all known works surpassed that of his brothers. The
Turkish language and several modes of writing were familiar to him.
He was brave and generous. The death of this Prince took place two
years after that of his father.
Account of the Daughters.
Zebu-n Nisá Begam was the eldest of the daughters. She was born of
Begam* on the 10th of Shawwál, in the year 1048 (5th February, 1639).
Owing to the King’s teaching, she became thoroughly proficient in
knowledge of the Kurán, and received as a reward the sum of 30,000
ashrafís. Her learning extended to Arabic, Persian, to the various
modes of writing, and to prose and poetry. Many learned men, poets
and writers were employed by her, and numerous compilations and
original works are dedicated to her. One of these, a translation of the
Tafsír-i Kabír, called Zebu-t Tafásír, was the work of Mullá Safí’u-d dín
Ardbelí, attached to the service of this Princess. Her death occurred
in the year 1113 (1701 A.D.).
The second daughter was Zínatu-n Nisá Begam. She was born on
the 1st Sha’bán, in the year 1053 (9th October, 1643 A.D.). This
Princess is remarkable for her great piety and extreme liberality.
Badru-n Nisá Begam, the third in order, was born of the Nawáb Báí
on the 29th Shawwál, in the year 1057 (17th November, 1647 A.D.).
She knew the Kurán by heart, was pious and virtuous. Her demise
took place on the 27th Zí-l ka’da in the 13th year of the reign.
The fourth daughter, Zubdatu-n Nisá Begam, was born on the 26th
Ramazán, in the year 1061 (1st September, 1651 A.D.). Her mother
was Begam. This Princess was ever engaged in worship, prayer, and
pious works. She was wedded to Sipihr Shukoh, son of Dárá Shukoh.
She went to Paradise in the same month as her father, to whom her
death was not made known.
Mihru-n Nisá Begam, the fifth daughter, was born of Aurangábádí
Mahal on the 3rd of Safar, in the year 1072 (13th September, 1661).
She became the spouse of Ízad Bakhsh, son of Murád Bakhsh, and
lived until the year 1116.

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LXXIV.
FUTUHÁT-I ‘ÁLAMGÍRÍ
OF
MUHAMMAD MA’SÚM.
[THIS book of “the Victories of Aurangzeb” would seem also to be
known as Wáki’át-i ‘Álamgírí. There is a translation of the Preface
and of the Table of Contents among Sir H. M. Elliot’s papers. From
the Preface it appears that the author was Muhammad Ma’súm, son
of Sálih. He was employed in the service of Sultán Shujá’,
Aurangzeb’s brother, “whose generosity is equal to that of the sun.”
Having obtained a few months’ leave of absence, he, with much
hesitation and diffidence, determined, as he says, “to write the events
of these two or three years, which I have witnessed myself or have
heard from others.” The Table of Contents gives 55 Chapters. The
first relates to Sháh Jahán’s conquest of Balkh and Badakhshán.
Chapter 52 “relates the murder of Dárá Shukoh by the orders of
Aurangzeb in the garden of Khizrábád, by the hands of Sháh Nazar
Chelá, and of the burial of his remains in the mausoleum of
Humáyún, which is the burial-place of all the murdered princes of this
house.” Chapter 55 gives the remaining account of Sháh Shujá’ and
Mu’azzam Khán. The translator adds: “The history is not complete,
and it is not known whether the author had written only thus far, or
whether the scribe had no time to copy further.” As it professes to be
only the history of two or three years, it is probably complete. There
is, according to Dr. Bird, another work bearing this title written by Srí
Dás, a Nágar Brahman of Gujarát. “The author was a spectator of the
occurrences he details, and was in the service of Shaikhu-l Islám, the
son of ‘Abdu-l Wahháb Ahmadábádí. This work is very rare.”*]

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LXXV.
TÁRÍKH-I MULK-I ÁSHÁM
OF
SHAHÁBU-D DÍN TÁLÁSH.
[THIS is an account of the expedition to Assam undertaken in the
fourth year of the reign of Aurangzeb, by Mu’azzam Khán Khán-
khánán. The author was Mauláná Ahmad Shahábu-d dín Tálásh. It is
a small work, and is noticed in Stewart’s Catalogue.* There are some
Extracts of the work among Sir H. M. Elliot’s papers, and there is a
copy in the Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.]

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LXXVI.
WAKÁI’
OF
NI’AMAT KHÁN.
[THIS is the work of the celebrated wit and satirist, Mirzá Muhammad
Ni’amat Khán, whose poetical sobriquet was ‘Álí. His writings are
much valued in India for the excellence of the style, which is highly
florid; but it is very obscure, and is more pregnant with metaphor than
meaning. The author was appointed to the office of news-writer by
Aurangzeb, and the Wakái’ is especially devoted to the history of the
siege and conquest of Golkonda. The Makhzanu-l Gharaib states that
his ancestors were physicians of Shíráz, but that he was brought up
in Hindústán. He was appointed by Aurangzeb to the mansab of
bakáwalí, with the title of Ni’amat Khán, but he was ungrateful to his
patron and satirized him. At length, from improper conduct, he fell into
disgrace. “His verses and ghazals are not excellent, but his satire is
pleasant and pungent.” It appears that he had some knowledge of
medicine. The Táríkh-i Chagha-táí also speaks of his strong powers
of satire, and states that he received the title of Dánishmand Khán in
the first year of the reign of Bahádur Sháh. He afterwards wrote a
Sháh-náma, and died at Dehlí in 1122 A.H. (1710 A.D.), in the 4th year
of Bahádur Sháh, or according to another authority, two years earlier.
The author is the person referred to in the following passage from
“The Critical Essay”: “Mirzá Muhammad, generally called Ni’amat
Khán Hájí, was an eminent personage, who obtained the title of
Dánishmand Khán, and he has recorded the events of that monarch’s
(Aurangzeb’s) reign as far as the third year. Although his work is
written in a very pleasing style, yet it occasionally offends the reader’s
delicacy by indecent jests and coarse witticisms, in which the author
was too much accustomed to indulge.” In the Catalogue of Jonathan
Scott’s library, the Wakái’ is said to be a most curious work, exhibiting
anecdotes of private character in a humorous and entertaining style;
but, says Sir H. M. Elliot, “I conceive that allusion must be made to
the Muzhakát, which has been lithographed at Lucknow in the same
volume as the author’s Ruka’át.” The Wakái’ has been printed at
Bombay in a volume of 319 pages. It was also published at Lucknow
in 1843. The Editor of this edition, after lauding the author in the
Preface, says that “the work contains very difficult and complicated
passages not suited to the comprehension of common people; so,
with great pains and diligent research in Persian and Arabic
dictionaries, he has supplied marginal notes, turning the most difficult
passages into a smooth and easy style.”
There is an abstract of a portion of this work among the papers, but it
is a short dry summary of no value, either as a specimen of the work,
or as a contribution to history.*]

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LXXVII.
JANG-NÁMA
OF
NI’AMAT KHÁN ‘ÁLÍ.
[THIS “Book of War” is another production of Ni’amat Khán or
Dánishmand Khán, the writer of the last-noticed work. An abstract of
the work prepared for Sir H, M. Elliot shows that it begins with the war
carried on by Aurangzeb against the Ráná of Údípúr, and ends with
the accession of Bahádur Sháh. The struggle which followed the
death of Aurangzeb occupies a considerable portion of the work. A
lithographed edition of the work was printed at Lucknow in 1261 A.H.
(1845 A.D.).]

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LXXVIII.
RUKA’ÁT-I ‘ÁLAMGÍRÍ
OF
THE EMPEROR AURANGZEB.
THESE letters exhibit the private life and sentiments of this Prince, so
they should be allowed a place in his history. The following account is
given of them by Elphinstone in his History (p. 673).
“There are three collections of his letters. First, the Kalimát-i Taiyibát,
published by one of his chief secretaries, ‘Ináyatu-llah; second, the
Rakáim-i Kará’im by the son of another secretary; and third, the
Dastúru-l’Aml Ágáhí collected from all quarters thirty-eight years after
his death. The first two collections profess to be merely the rough
drafts or notes which he wrote with his own hand for his secretaries.
Most of the third collection have the same appearance. They are
without dates or order, and are often obscure, from their brevity, and
our ignorance of the subjects alluded to.”
One set was indifferently translated many years ago by Mr. Eales in
Calcutta, and a few Extracts have been published in the Asiatic
Annual Register, vol. iii.
Instead of three sets of these letters, there appears to be more than
four.
The first of them has the following passage in the Preface: “Be it
known to all learned men, that this book named Ruka’át-i ‘Álamgír,
and surnamed Kalimát-i Taiyibát, has been compiled from the epistles
written by Muhíu-d dín Muhammad Aurangzeb, King of Hindústán.
The expression Muhín púr khiláfat wa Farzand Sa’ádat tawam has
been used in this book for the eldest son of the King, Sultán
Muhammad Mu’azzam, surnamed Sháh ‘Álam. Sometimes the
expression Sa’ádat tawam has also been applied to his second son,
Sultán Muhammad A’zam Sháh; but the term Farzand-i’Alí Jáh is only
used for the eldest. By the term Birádar-i ná-mihrbán is meant the
King’s elder brother, Dárá Shukoh. The expressions Farzand-záda-
i’azíz and Farzand-záda bahádur are respectively intended for
Muhammad Mu’izzu-d dín, the eldest son of Sháh ‘Álam, and for
Muhammad Bedár Bakht Bahádur, the son of Sultán Muhammad
A’zam Sháh Muhín-púr. The words Farzand-záda ‘azímu-l kadr are
used for Muhammad ‘Azímu-d dín, the second son of Sháh ‘Álam.
The expressions Umdatu-l Mulk Madáru-l Muhám and án fidwí are
peculiar to Asad Khán, who was honoured with the title of Amíru-l
umará after the death of Sháyista Khán. The term Khán Fíroz Jang is
the abbreviated title of Ghází’u-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang. Nusrat Jang is
the title of Zú-l Fikár Khán. Mirzá Bakhshí is intended for Mirzá
Sadru-d dín Muhammad Khán Safawí. Mír-átash for Tarbiyat Khán,
and the single word Hamíd for Hamídu-d dín Khán.”
The name of the compiler is not mentioned. This Kalimát-i Taiyibát
has been lithographed at Lucknow in 8vo., and contains 67 pages, 17
lines to a page. It is in extensive demand.
The Rakáim-i Karáim is a somewhat smaller collection, and consists
of 48 octavo pages of fifteen lines to a page. It comprises letters
written by the Emperor to Mír ‘Abdu-l Karím Khán, father of the
compiler; and out of compliment to him, the son called the collection
by the name of Rakáim-i Karáim. The following is extracted from the
Preface: “I Saiyid Ashraf Khán Mír Muhammad Husainí do myself the
honour of collecting the epistles of the great King ‘Álamgír, which
were written to my father ‘Abdu-l Karím Amír Khán, and of arranging
them in the form of a book, which I denominate by the title of Rakáim-
i Karáim, as that expression is in a manner connected with the name
of the late ‘Abdu-l Karím. I much regret the loss of most of the
Emperor’s epistles, which were either despatched to their several
addresses without being copied in my father’s office, or were
destroyed through the ignorance and carelessness of his attendants.
However, those which have remained uninjured are most dear to me.”
The Dastúru-l’Aml Ágáhí appears from the following passage in the
Introduction to have been compiled under the orders of Rája Ayá Mal.
“The dependents of the King ‘Álamgír have collected the celebrated
epistles from that monarch to the different princes and nobles, into
several pamphlets, without arranging them in the form of a regular
book; but at the request of Rája Ayá Mal, one of his learned servants
collected the detached pamphlets into one volume in the Hijra year
1156 (1743 A.D.), and denominated the work Dastúru-l’Aml Ágáhí. As
the style of these epistles was rather difficult to be understood by
every one, since the King was very fond of figurative language, the
compiler takes the opportunity of giving in this Preface the real
meanings of the peculiar expressions used by the King.” Then follows
the explanation given in the Extract from the Kalimát-i Taiyibát.
It appears that another collection had been previously made under
the same direction, and that another name is given to that collection.
The fourth collection is called Ramz wa Isháraháe ‘Álamgír, and
bears the name of the compiler, of which in the case of the Dastúru-l
‘Aml wa Ágáhí we are left in ignorance. “The correspondence of the
Emperor ‘Álamgír appears at first sight to consist of ordinary epistles,
but in reality they convey the best instruction to kings, and the most
useful kind of information to nobles and courtiers. They may be
considered harmless friends to all, whether they love retirement or
take delight in society. Originally they did not form a regular book, but
at the instigation of the celebrated and learned Rája Ayá Mal, Budh
Mal, surnamed Rám, collected them and formed a book in the year
1151 A.H. (1738 A.D.).
There is another collection bearing the name of Ádáb-i ‘Álamgírí. This
is composed of letters written by Aurangzeb to his father, sons, and
officers. They were collected by Munshíu-l Mamálik Shaikh Abú-l
Fath, and were arranged and formed into a book by Sádik, entitled
Ná-tamám, a resident of Ambála. The work is noticed in the
Catalogue of the Mackenzie Collection (vol. ii. p. 135). [There are
several Extracts of this work among Sir H. M. Elliot’s MSS., and there
is a copy in the British Museum.]

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LXXIX.
MUNTAKHABU-L LUBÁB
OF
MUHAMMAD HÁSHIM, KHÁFÍ KHÁN.
THIS work, which the author himself styles Muntakhabu-l Lubáb
Muhammad Sháhí, is frequently called Táríkh-i Kháfí Khán. It is a
highly esteemed history, commencing with the Invasion of Bábar, A.D.
1519, and concluding with the fourteenth year of the reign of
Muhammad Sháh. It contains also an Introduction, giving an outline
of the history of the Mughals and Tartars from Noah to Bábar. It is
chiefly valuable for containing an entire account of the reign of
Aurangzeb, of which, in consequence of that Emperor’s well-known
prohibition, it is very difficult to obtain a full and connected history. It
is, however, to that very prohibition we are indebted for one of the
best and most impartial Histories of Modern India.
Muhammad Háshim, also called Háshim ‘Alí Khán, is better known as
an author by the designation Kháfí Khán. He was a man of a good
family residing at Dehlí, and he privately compiled a minute register of
all the events of this reign, which he published some years after the
monarch’s death. His father, Khwája Mír, also an historian, was an
officer of high rank in the service of Murád Bakhsh; but after that
Prince’s confinement and murder, he passed into the employment of
Aurangzeb. Muhammad Háshim Khán was brought up in
Aurangzeb’s service, and was employed by him in political and
military situations. He himself gives an interesting account of a
mission on which he was sent by the Viceroy of Gujarát to the English
at Bombay; on which occasion, while commending them in other
respects, he accuses them of levity in laughing more than befitted the
solemnity of political intercourse. [He frequently speaks in his own
person, reporting what he had himself seen or heard. In the reign of
Farrukh Siyar, he was made a díwán by Nizámu-l Mulk (the first of the
Nizáms of Haidarábád), and writes with interest and favour in all that
concerns that chief. For this reason he is sometimes designated
Nizámu-l Mulkí.]
His work is a complete history of the House of Tímúr, giving first a
clear and concise account of that dynasty, from the founder down to
the close of Akbar’s reign. This portion of the work is condensed, the
events having been so fully detailed by previous writers. The great
body of the work is occupied with the hundred and thirty years that
succeeded the death of Akbar, of which period the author states that
the last fifty-three years were written from his own personal
observation, and the verbal accounts of men who had watched the
occurrences of the time. It is considered probable that he had
composed the first half of the work before he was compelled to stop
by Aurangzeb’s orders, but, being anxious to bring down his history to
the close of his own life, he continued his labours in secret. It is
represented that Muhammad Sháh was so pleased with the history
that he ennobled the author with the title of Kháfí Khán, the word
kháfí meaning “concealed.” This origin of the designation is the one
ascribed by all modern writers, and has been fully accredited by our
English historians; but I am disposed to dispute the correctness of
this story, and to consider Kháfí as a gentilitious name denoting the
country whence his family sprung. Kháf, or more correctly Khwáf, is a
district of Khurásán near Naishápúr, and Khwáfí so applied is by no
means unfamiliar to Asiatics. Thus we have the famous doctor Shaikh
Zainu-d dín Khwáfí,* Imám Khwáfí, the Khwáfí Saiyids, etc., and what
is confirmatory of this opinion is that not only does Ghulám ‘Alí Sháh
style our author Muhammad Háshim the son of Khwája Mír Khwáfí,
but he himself gives his father’s name as Mír Khwáfí. It is not
impossible that Muhammad Sháh may have indulged in a joke upon
the author’s original name, and may have expressed himself in some
such phrase to the effect that the author was now really Khwáfí. [Mr.
Morley, in his Catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society,
adopts the former explanation, and says: “From the fact of the work
having been so long concealed (kháfí), its author received the title of
Kháfí Khán.” Colonel Lees, on the other hand, arrived independently
at the same conclusion as Sir H. M. Elliot. He shows that the
patronymic Khwáfí was one in very common use, and thinks that the
interpretation “concealed” “had its origin in an imperfect and
somewhat ludicrous misrepresentation of what Kháfí Khán himself
says, to which has consequently been given a sense the very
opposite of its true meaning. Kháfí Khán certainly says that he kept
all these things locked up in a box, but it was the box of his
‘memory.’* There might have been some reason for Kháfí Khán
concealing his work for a year or two after the death of Aurangzeb;
but there seems no sound or apparent reason for his concealing his
work for nearly thirty years after that event.”*]
The author of the “Critical Essay,” translated and published for the
Oriental Translation Fund, speaks of this history as containing a
detailed and particular statement of various transactions which the
author himself had actually witnessed, regretting at the same time
that he had never seen it. When Colonel Dow wrote his History of
Hindústán, he was obliged to conclude at the end of the tenth year of
Aurangzeb’s reign, because there were no documents calculated to
throw light upon the subsequent period. Mill also complains that we
have no complete history of Aurangzeb. This defect has since been
remedied by the Honourable Mountstewart Elphinstone, who has
judiciously availed himself of Kháfí Khán’s history, and thus has been
enabled to give us a complete narrative of the reign of Aurang-zeb
and his immediate successors. Elphinstone confesses himself
indebted to Major A. Gordon, of the Madras Army, for a MS.
translation of Kháfí Khán’s history down to near the end of Jahángír’s
reign; and he expresses his regret (Book X. Ch. I.), “that this excellent
translation has not been carried on to the end of the history, which
comes down to recent times, and affords the only full and connected
account of the whole period which it embraces.” Grant Duff
acknowledges the same obliga-tíon in his History of the Mahrattas
(vol. i. p. 118), and states that Mr. Erskine had translated the portion
relating to Sháh Jahán’s transactions with the Dakhin. [Inquiries have
been made for this MS. translation of Major Gordon, but without
success.]
[Sir H. M. Elliot had made no provision for the translation of this work.
The lengthy translation which follows is entirely the work of the Editor.
The Text used is that published in the Bibliotheca Indica; but two
MSS. containing the history of Aurangzeb’s reign, one belonging to
the Library of the East India Office, and the other to the Royal Asiatic
Society, have been occasionally referred to. A greater number of
copies has not been sought for, because, according to Colonel Lees,
the MSS. differ very much. “Copies (of Kháfí Khán’s history) are very
numerous; but, strange to say, no two copies that I have met with—
and I have compared five apparently very good MSS. —are exactly
alike, while some present such dissimilarities as almost to warrant the
supposition that they are distinct works, some passages being quite
accurate, and others again entirely dissimilar. In the copies to be
found of other well-known MSS., which have been copied and
recopied repeatedly, we find omissions and a variety of readings, but
not such broadcast discrepancies as I have found in some of the
copies of Kháfí Khán which I have consulted.”]

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EXTRACTS.

Europeans at Húglí.*
[Text, vol. i. p. 468.] The Firingís had formed a commercial settlement
at Húglí, twenty kos from Rájmahál in Bengal. In former times they
had obtained the grant of a parcel of land for the stowing of their
merchandize and for their abode. There they built a strong fort, with
towers and walls, and furnished it with artillery. They also built a place
of worship which they call “church” (kalísá). In course of time they
overstepped the sufferance they had obtained. They vexed the
Musulmáns of the neighbourhood, and they harassed travellers, and
they exerted themselves continually to strengthen their settlement. Of
all their odious practices this was the worst:—In the ports which they
occupied on the sea-coast, they offered no injury either to the
property or person of either Muhammadans or Hindús who dwelt
under their rule; but if one of these inhabitants died, leaving children
of tender age, they took both the children and the property under their
charge, and, whether these young children were saiyids, or whether
they were bráh-mans , they made them Christians and slaves
(mamlúk). In the ports of the Kokan in the Dakhin, and on the sea-
coast, wherever they had forts and exercised authority, this was the
custom of that insolent people. But notwithstanding the notoriety of
this tyrannical practice, Musulmáns and Hindús of all tribes went into
their settlements in pursuit of a livelihood, and took up their abode
there. They allowed no religious mendicant (fakír) to come into their
bounds. When one found his way in unawares, if he were a Hindú he
was subjected to such tortures as made his escape with life very
doubtful; and if he were a Musulmán he was imprisoned and worried
for some days, and then set at liberty. When travellers passed in, and
their baggage was examined for the custom-duties, no leniency was
shown if any tobacco was found, because there are regular licensed
sellers of tobacco, and a traveller must not carry more than enough
for his own use. Unlike a Hindú temple, their place of worship was
very conspicuous, for tapers of camphor were kept burning there in
the day-time. In accordance with their vain tenets, they had set up
figures of the Lord Jesus and Mary (on our Prophet and on them be
peace!), and other figures in wood, paint and wax, with great
gaudiness. But in the churches of the English, who are also
Christians, there are no figures set up as idols. The writer of these
pages has frequently gone into that place, and has conversed with
their learned men, and records what he has observed.
Reports of the unseemly practices of these people reached the
Emperor, and when Kásim Khán was sent to Bengal as Governor, he
received secret orders to suppress them, and to take their fortress.
Kásim Khán accordingly proceeded to Húglí and laid siege to it. The
detail of his skilful arrangements and strenuous exertions would be of
great length; suffice it to say that, by the aid of boats, and by the
advance of his forces both by land and water, he brought down the
pride of those people, and subdued their fortress after a siege of
three months. Nearly 50,000 raiyats of that place came out and took
refuge with Kásim Khán. Ten thousand persons, Firingís and raiyats
perished in the course of the siege. Fourteen hundred Firingís, and a
number of persons who had been made Christians by force, were
taken prisoners. Nearly ten thousand persons, innocent raiyats and
captives of those people, were set free. More than a thousand
Musulmáns of the Imperial army fell in the course of the siege.
REIGN OF ABÚ-L MUZAFFAR MUHÍU-D DÍN MUHAMMAD
AURANGZEB BAHÁDUR ‘ÁLAMGÍR PÁDSHÁH-I GHÁZÍ,
ELEVENTH IN DESCENT FROM AMÍR TÍMÚR. Aurangzeb.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 2.] The attempt to write an epitome of the fifty years’
reign of this illustrious monarch is like trying to measure the waters of
the sea in a pitcher; the affairs of the last forty years in particular are
a boundless ocean, which authors have shrunk from committing to
the thread of narrative. But for all this, the writer of these pages has
resolved that to the best of his ability, and with the most active
exertion, after the most exhaustive inquiry and complete
investigation, he will narrate some events capable of narration which
he has heard from the tongues of men advanced in years, which he
has fully verified by inquiries from men in office and from the writers
of official despatches, and by the evidence of his own eyes during
this period of time. Like plagiarists of no ability, he commits one fact
out of a hundred to his crude relation, and offers his petition to his
intelligent critics and well-informed readers, that if, from his feeble
grasp of the thread of narrative, any discrepancies should appear
between the earlier and later portions of his work, or if any trifling
variations from other histories should appear, they will hold him
excused, because in trustworthy books even discrepancies are found
arising from varying versions (of the same occurrence).
Birth of Aurangzeb.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 3.] Aurangzeb was born in the year 1028 A.H. (1619
A.D.) at Dhúd,* which is on the frontiers of the súba of Ahmadábád
and Málwá, whilst his father was súbadár of the Dakhin.
Illness of Sháh Jahán.
[vol. ii. p. 4.] On the 7th Zí-l hijja, 1067 A.H. (Sept. 8, 1657 A.D.), (the
Emperor Sháh Jahán, called after his death) Firdaus makání, was
attacked with illness, which turned out to be strangury. This produced
much derangement in the government of the country, and in the
peace of the people. Dárá Shukoh looked upon himself as heir to the
throne, and even in the time of his father’s health he had held the
reins of government. But he had fallen into ill repute through having
imbibed the heretical tenets of the Súfís. He had declared infidelity
(kufr) and Islám to be twin brothers, and had written treatises on this
subject; he had also associated himself with Bráhmans and Gosains.
Seizing the opportunity (of his father’s illness), he took the direction of
State affairs into his own hands, and having exacted from the
ministers their pledges not to publish what passed in council, he
closed the roads of Bengal, Ahmadábád, and the Dakhin against
messengers and travellers. But when the intelligence of his officious
meddling had spread abroad through the provinces by the dák-chauki
(post), a strong adverse feeling was shown by the amírs, zamíndárs,
and raiyats, and also by the unruly spirits who sought for a field of
action. Turbulent men from every corner and quarter, and men eager
for a fray, in every province and country, raised their heads in
expectation of strife.
When intelligence of these proceedings reached Muhammad Shujá’
in Bengal, and Muhammad Murád Bakhsh in Ahmad-ábád, each of
them, vying with the other, had coins struck and the khutba read in
his own name. Shujá’, with a large force, marched against Bihár and
Patna, and the news of his movements was carried to the capital.
Sháh Jahán had from the very first shown great partiality and
affection for Dárá Shukoh, and generally, in all matters, had done his
best to gratify his son. Now that he was ill, and no longer master of
himself, he was more than ever inclined to gratify Dárá and yield to
his wishes. Dárá Shukoh looked with an eye of apprehension upon
the talents of Prince Aurangzeb, and was made uneasy by the vigour
and wisdom which he displayed. So, by various arguments, he
induced his father to recall to Court the nobles and generals who
were engaged with Aurangzeb in the siege of Bíjápúr. When this evil
news became known, the prosecution and completion of the siege of
Bíjápúr was prevented. Aurang-zeb made an arrangement with
Sikandar ‘Ádil Sháh of Bíjápúr, and accepted from him a promise to
pay a tribute of a kror of rupees in cash and goods as the price of
peace. He then raised the siege of Bíjápúr, and proceeded to
Khujista-bunyád (Aurangábád). After this he learned that Dárá
Shukoh, with the intention of getting possession of the treasure of
Sháh Jahán, had left Dehlí, and had gone to Ágra.
Defeat of Muhammad Shujá’.
[vol. ii. p. 5.] On the 4th Rabí’u-l awwal, 1068 A.H. (1st December,
1657), Dárá Shukoh sent Rája Jai Singh, and several other amírs,
with an army under the command (of his son) Sulai-mán Shukoh
against Muhammad Shujá’. When the Rája with the vanguard arrived
near Benares,* Muhammad Shujá’ prepared his forces for battle, and
having got possession of several boats, he advanced to give battle to
the Rája, and halted a kos and a half from him. Next day the Rája
moved from his ground early in the morning before sunrise, and while
Muhammad Shujá’ was yet asleep under the influence of wine, the
Rája attacked him. Roused from his slumber, the incautious and
careless Prince found that all was lost. He made a hurried flight with
some of his servants and companions to a boat, and made his
escape. All his camp and treasure, artillery, and matériel, was
plundered, and fell into the hands of the Rája. After this defeat,
Muhammad Shujá’ did not return to Bengal, and that country fell into
the possession of the officers of Dárá Shukoh. A number of his
servants and companions were taken prisoners, and were carried off
by the Rája to Ágra. Dárá Shukoh had them paraded round the city;
afterwards he put some of them to death, and of many others he had
a hand amputated.
March against Murád Bakhsh.
[vol. ii. p. 6.] * On the same day that Sulaimán Shukoh and Rája Jai
Singh were sent against Muhammad Shujá’, Mahárája Jaswant Singh
and Kásim Khán, with the royal artillery and with several thousand
horse and some guns of their own, and attended by several amírs of
repute, were ordered to march to Ahmadábád and the Dakhin. Their
instructions were that they were to ascertain the true state of affairs,
and if Muhammad Murád Bakhsh should move from Ahmadábád,
Kásim Khán* was to advance with several amírs and some guns to
meet and receive him. After receiving intelligence of Prince (Murád
Bakhsh’s) departure from the Dakhin, Mahárája Jaswant Singh was
to act according to circumstances. If Prince Aurangzeb should begin
to move from the Dakhin, the Mahárája and Kásim Khán were to lead
all the royal forces across his line of march, and give him battle when
opportunity offered. Dárá Shukoh made the province of Málwá his
own iktá’, and devoted the whole of the revenues to the payment of
his officers, so that, their hopes being excited by the riches of that
country, they might heartily support each other, and strengthen the
army in prosecuting the war.
It also came to hearing that Dárá Skuhoh had imprisoned Ísá Beg,
the vakíl of Aurangzeb, and had sequestered his house.

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Proceedings of Murád Bakhsh.


[vol. ii. p. 7.] It was learned from the news-letters (akhbár) of
Ahmadábád that Prince Muhammad Murád Bakhsh had struck coin
and caused the khutba to be read in his name. He had also sent
Khwája Sháhbáz, a eunuch, with an army and necessary siege train
for the reduction of the fort of Surat, and the occupation of the port.
Khwája Sháhbáz, on reaching Surat, invested the place, and after
driving mines and blowing up bastions and forts, he reduced the
fortress. Then he called together the merchants of the place, and
demanded from them a contribution of fifteen lacs of rupees. After
much parley, the chiefs of the merchants agreed to pay six lacs of
rupees on behalf of their body, and took a bond for the money under
the seal of Muhammad Murád Bakhsh, and the bail of Khwája
Sháhbáz. * * * *
Movements of Aurangzeb.
[vol. ii. p. 9.] About this time Mír Jumla arrived, who had been sent by
Sháh Jahán before his illness to support Aurangzeb, and he acted as
a trusted friend and faithful counsellor. But Aurangzeb deemed it
expedient, in order to avoid reproach, to leave Mír Jumla as a
prisoner at Daulatábád, while he himself marched against his
enemies. As a matter of prudence and expediency, Aurangzeb wrote
repeatedly and in the most affectionate terms to Muhammand Murád
Bakhsh, and offered him his congratulations. In his letters he said, “I
have not the slightest liking for or wish to take any part in the
government of this deceitful and unstable world, my only desire is that
I may make the pilgrimage to the temple of God. But whatever course
you have resolved upon in opposition to the good-for-nothing and
unjust conduct of our disgraceful brother (birádar-i be-shukoh), you
may consider me your sincere friend and ally. Our revered father is
still alive, and I think that we two brothers should devote ourselves to
his service, and to the punishment of the wilfulness of that haughty
one and the presumption and conceit of that apostate. If it be
possible, and we are permitted to see our father again, after exerting
ourselves to put down that strife and insurrection, we will entreat the
King to forgive the faults of our brother, who has involuntarily been
impelled to such a course of action. After setting the government in
order, and punishing the enemies of the State, our brother must be
reclaimed, and he must go to pay a visit to the holy temple. It is
important that you should allow of no delay in your movements, but
should march at once to chastise that presumptuous infidel Jaswant
Singh. You must consider me as having arrived on your side of the
Nerbadda, and must look upon my numerous army and powerful
artillery as the means of securing your victory. You must know that I
make the Word of God my bail for this treaty and compact, and you
must by all means banish suspicion from your mind.”
Aurangzeb arrived in Burhánpúr on the 25th Jumáda-l awwal, (1068
A.H., 19th February, 1658 A.D.), * * and remained there a month
attending to necessary arrangements, and obtaining accurate
intelligence. On the 25th Jumáda-l ákhir he set out on his march to the
capital. * * Jaswant Singh knew nothing of the approach of the great
army of the two brothers until they came within seven kos of Ujjain,
when Rája Sheoráj, commandant of Mándú, obtained information of
their having crossed at the ford of Akbarpúr, and wrote the particulars
to the Mahárája. Kásim Khán, on hearing that Prince Murád Bakhsh
had left Ahmadábád, went forth in haste to welcome him. But when
he learnt that the Prince had gone eighteen kos out of the way to
meet Aurangzeb, he turned back disappointed. Dárá Shukoh’s men,
who were in the fortress of Dhár, when they beheld the irresistible
forces of the two brothers, took to flight and joined the Mahárája.
Rája Jaswant Singh, with Kásim Khán, on the approach of Prince
Aurangzeb, advanced a march to meet him, and pitched his camp at
the distance of one kos and a half. Aurangzeb then sent a Bráhman
called Kab, who had a great reputation as a Hindí poet and master of
language, to the Rája with this message: “My desire is to visit my
father.* I have no desire for war. It is therefore desirable that you
should either accompany me, or keep away from my route, so that no
conflict may arise, or blood be shed.” The Rája did not acquiesce in
this proposition, and sent an impertinent answer. Next day both sides
prepared for battle. * * * On the 22nd Rajab, 1068 A.H. (20th April, 1658
A.D.), the battle was joined.* * * * Every minute the dark ranks of the
infidel Rájpúts were dispersed by the prowess of the followers of
Islám. Dismay and great fear fell upon the heart of Jaswant, their
leader, and he, far from acting like one of the renowned class of rájas,
turned his back upon the battle, and was content to bring upon
himself everlasting infamy. * * Kásim Khán also, with other Imperial
officers and the forces of Dárá Shukoh, took to flight. Shouts of
victory arose from the men of Aurangzeb, and all the artillery,
elephants, treasure, camels, baggage, animals, and equipments of
the enemy, after being rifled and plundered, came into the possession
of Aurangzeb. * * On the 27th Rajab the Prince marched from the
borders of Ujjain, and on the 28th pitched his camp in the territories of
Gwálior, * * and on the 1st of Ramazán crossed the Chambal.
Condition of the Emperor Sháh Jahán.
[vol. ii. p. 20.] The hot climate of Ágra did not agree with the Emperor,
and as he had only slightly improved in health, he set off for Dehlí.
Dárá Shukoh from the first disapproved of this removal, and spoke
against it. Now when he had heard of the defeat of Rája Jaswant
Singh, he was bewildered, and so worried his father with complaints
and importunities, that he prevailed upon him to return. With the
greatest urgency he made preparations for the coming conflict, and
began his march with all the great nobles of his father’s suite, with the
old and newly raised followers of his own amounting to about 60,000
men, and with a strong train of artillery. * * It is said that the Emperor
repeatedly forbad the march of Dárá Shukoh, and said that nothing
would come of it but further strife and contention between the
brothers. He conceived the idea of setting out himself to expostulate
with the two brothers, and bring about a peace, and gave orders that
preparations should be made for his journey. But Dárá Shukoh was
averse to this, and being supported in his representations by Khán-
Jahán Sháyista Khán, he diverted his father from his purpose. It is
also recorded that before the news arrived of Rája Jaswant’s defeat,
and before the two armies of the Dakhin and Ahmadábád had united,
the Emperor desired to go towards them, and frequently consulted
Khán-Jahán about it. Khán-Jahán was maternal uncle of Aurangzeb,
and was well disposed towards him. He did not approve of the
Emperor’s design, but spoke of the excellent character and
intelligence of Aurangzeb out of the hearty kindness he felt for him.
When the intelligence arrived of the defeat of Rája Jaswant Singh,
the Emperor was very angry with Khán-Jahán for the part he had
taken. He struck him on the breast with his staff, and refused to see
him for some two or three days. But his old feeling of kindness
revived. He again consulted him about going forth to meet his sons;
but the Khán gave the same advice as before, so that,
notwithstanding the preparations, the intended journey ended in
nothing.

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Defeat of Dárá Shukoh by Aurangzeb.


[Text, vol. ii. p. 22.] On the 16th of Sha’bán, (1068 A.H., 10th May, 1658
A.D.), Dárá Shukoh sent Khalílu-llah Khán, and * * with some of the
Imperial and his own forces, as an advanced force to Dholpúr, to
make a stand there, and secure the fords of the Chambal. He himself
remained outside the city (of Ágra) waiting for the arrival of Sulaimán
Shukoh, who was expected to return from his operations against
Shujá’. But as Sulaimán did not arrive, he was obliged to start on his
march to meet and engage his two brothers. On the 6th Ramazán,
near Samúgarh, the two armies encamped about half a kos distant
from each other. The forces which had been sent to guard the fords
had effected nothing at all. Next day Dárá Shukoh busied himself in
distributing his forces, putting his guns in position, and arranging his
train of elephants. He advanced a little and took up a position in a
wide plain, presenting a front nearly two kos in width. The day was so
hot that many strong men died from the heat of their armour and want
of water. Aurangzeb also rode forth, but as he saw no advantage in
being precipitate and beginning the fight, he took his stand about a
cannon-shot distance, and waited for his adversary to commence the
attack. But, as he made no sign beyond a parade of his forces, after
evening prayer, Aurangzeb encamped in the same position, but gave
orders for a strict watch being kept until morning. Next morning*
Aurangzeb * * distributed his forces (in the following manner). * *
Muhammad Murád Bakhsh, with his famous sardárs, took his place
with the left wing. * * Having made his arrangements, he kept with
him a party of bold and trusty men, of all tribes, and placing Prince
Muhammad A’zam behind, in the howda, he went forth to battle. * *
The action began with discharges of rockets and guns, and
thousands of arrows flew from both sides. Sipihr Shukoh, the leader
of Dárá’s advanced force, in concert with Rustam Khán Dakhiní, with
ten or twelve thousand horse, made an attack upon Aurangzeb’s
guns. Driving back all before them, they pressed forward to Prince
Muhammad Sultán, who was with Aurangzeb’s advance, and great
confusion arose in this part of the army. Just at this juncture, by luck,
a ball from the enemy’s own guns struck the elephant of the brave
Rustam Khán, and stretched the animal dead upon the ground. This
accident intimidated Rustam Khán, and he withdrew from his attack
upon the advanced force, and fell upon the right wing under Bahádur
Khán Koka. This commanding officer made a vigorous resistance; but
forces were continually brought to support Rustam Khán, and the
battle grew warm. Bahádur Khán at length received a wound which
compelled him to retire, and many were killed and wounded on both
sides. Aurangzeb’s forces wavered, and seemed about to give way,
when Islám Khán and others brought reinforcements to Bahádur. At
the same time Shaikh Mír and others, with the altamsh, came up to
support the right wing, and to oppose Rustam Khán and the forces
under Sipihr Shukoh. A desperate contest was maintained, * * but at
length Rustam Khán was defeated, and Sipihr Shukoh also was
hurled back.
Dárá Shukoh, being informed of the repulse of Sipihr Shukoh and
Rustam Khán, led the centre of his army, composed of not less than
20,000 horse, against the victorious wing. He advanced with great
bravery and firmness from behind his own guns against the guns and
the advanced force which had won the victory. He was received with
such heavy discharges of rockets, guns and muskets, and with such
fierce charges from his brave opponents, that he was compelled to
retire.
Dárá next made an attack upon Prince Murád Bakhsh, and led a
force like the waves of the sea against that lion of the field of battle.
The conflict was raging when Khalílu-llah Khán, the leader of the
enemy’s vanguard, led three or four thousand Uzbek archers against
the elephant of Murád Bakhsh. The arrows rained down from both
sides, and confusion arose in the ranks of Murád Bakhsh, so that
many were overpowered with fear and fell back. The elephant of
Murád Bakhsh was about to turn away covered with wounds from
arrows, spears, and battle-axes, but his brave rider ordered a chain to
be cast round his legs. At this moment Rája Rám Singh, a man highly
renowned among the Rájpúts for his bravery, wound a string of costly
pearls round his head, and with his men clothed in yellow, as bent
upon some desperate action, charged upon the elephant of Murád
Bakhsh, and crying out defiantly, “What, do you contest the throne
with Dárá Shukoh?” hurled his javelin against Murád Bakhsh. Then
he cried out fiercely to the elephant-driver, “Make the elephant kneel
down!” Murád Bakhsh having warded off his assault, shot him in the
forehead with an arrow and killed him. The Rájpúts who followed that
daring fellow mostly fell dead around the feet of the Prince’s elephant,
and made the ground as yellow as a field of saffron.
It is related in the ‘Álamgír-náma that at this point of the battle
Aurangzeb came to the support of his brother, and helped to repulse
the enemy. But the author of this work has heard from his father (who
was present in the battle in the suite of the Prince, and remained with
him to the end of the engagement, although he was severely
wounded), and from other trustworthy informants, that the Prince,
after repeatedly making inquiries and learning of the progress of the
enemy, was desirous of going to the support of his brother. But
Shaikh Mír dissuaded him, and advised him to remain patient where
he was. Meanwhile the battle raged fiercely, and deeds of valour and
devotion were displayed on all sides.
The fierce Rájpúts, by their energy and desperate fighting, made their
way to the centre (which was under the command of Aurangzeb
himself). One of them, Rája Rúp Singh Ráthor, sprang from his horse,
and, with the greatest daring, having washed his hands of life, cut his
way through the ranks of his enemies sword in hand, cast himself
under the elephant on which the Prince was riding, and began to cut
the girths which secured the howda. The Prince became aware of this
daring attempt, and in admiration of the man’s bravery, desired his
followers to take the rash and fearless fellow alive, but he was cut to
pieces.
While this was going on, Rustam Khán again advanced against his
brave opponents, and the fight grew hotter. Rustam, who was the
mainstay of Dárá’s army, Rája Sattar Sál, and * * were killed in this
conflict. Dárá, seeing so many of his noble and heroic followers killed
and wounded, was much affected. He became distracted and
irresolute, and knew not what to do. Just at this time a rocket struck
the howda of his elephant. This alarmed and discouraged him so
much that he dismounted in haste from his elephant, without even
waiting to put on his slippers, and he then without arms mounted a
horse. The sight of this ill-timed alarm, and of the empty howda, after
he had changed his elephant for a horse, disheartened the soldiers.
The men lost heart in sympathy with their leader, and began to think
of flight. Just at this time, as one of his attendants was girding him
with a quiver, a cannonball carried off the man’s right hand and he fell
dead. The sight of this struck terror into the hearts of those around
him; some of them dispersed, and others fled from the fatal field.
Dárá, beholding the dispersion of his followers, and the repulse of his
army, prizing life more than the hope of a crown, turned away and
fled. Sipihr Shukoh also, at this time, joined his father with some of
his followers,* and they all fled in despair towards Ágra. A great
victory was thus gained. Shouts of exultation followed, and the young
princes offered their congratulations.
Aurangzeb descended from his elephant to return thanks for this
signal victory, surpassing all expectation, and, after performing his
devotions, he proceeded to the tent of Dárá Shukoh. Everything had
been ransacked except this tent and the artillery, so he took
possession of the tent, which thus received a new honour. He
bestowed presents and praises upon the princes and his devoted
nobles, delighting them with his commendation and eulogy.

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Prince Murád Bakhsh had received many arrow wounds in his face
and body. Aurangzeb first applied to them the salve of praise and
compliment, and then had them dressed by skilful surgeons. To the
internal wounds of that weak-minded * Prince he applied the balm of
thousands of praises and congratulations upon (his approaching)
sovereignty. Then he wiped away the tears and blood from his
brother’s cheek with the sleeve of condolence. It is said that the
howda in which Murád Bakhsh rode was stuck as thick with arrows as
a porcupine with quills, so that the ground of it was not visible. This
howda was kept in the store-house in the fort of the capital as a
curiosity, and as a memorial of the bravery of that descendant of the
house of Tímúr, and there it remained till the time of the Emperor
Farrukh Siyar. * *
Dárá Shukoh, with two thousand horse, many of whom were
wounded, and without baggage, arrived at Ágra in the evening
without torches. He proceeded to his own house, and shame and
remorse for his ruined fortune would not allow him to visit his father.
The Emperor sent for him, professing a desire to talk and take
counsel with him, but he excused himself. In the same night, after the
third watch, he went out of the city towards Dehlí, intending to
proceed to Láhore. He took with him Sipihr Shukoh, his wife and
daughter and several attendants. He also carried off on elephants,
camels and mules, his jewels, gold, silver, necessaries, and
whatsoever he could. In the third day’s march he was joined by nearly
5000 horse, and some nobles and equipments, which were sent after
him by his father.
After resting a while from his victory, Aurangzeb addressed a letter to
the Emperor [recounting what had passed], and excusing himself by
referring all to the will of God. Soon afterwards, Muhammad Amín
Khán, and Khán-Jahán, son of Ásaf Khán, with many other nobles,
who were the props of the State, came and proffered their services to
Aurangzeb, and he honoured them with gifts of robes and jewels,
horses and elephants. On the 10th Ramazán Aurangzeb marched
from Samúgarh for Ágra, and encamped outside the city. There he
received from his father a consolatory letter written in his own hand.
Next day Kudsiya Pádsháh Begam, by command of her father, came
out to her brother, and spake to him some words of kindness and
reproach by way of advice and as a proof of affection. The answer
she received was contrary to what she had wished, and she returned.
The Emperor then wrote another admonitory letter, and with a sword
which bore upon it the auspicious name “Álamgír” (world-conqueror),
he sent it with kind messages by one of his personal attendants to
Aurangzeb. The word “Álamgír” immediately attracted notice. It was
deemed a good omen, and called forth congratulations. Aurangzeb
then sent Prince Muhammad Sultán to restore order in the city, to
rescue it from the violence and oppression of the army and the mob,
and to give peace to the people. To Khán-Jahán, son of Ásaf Khán,
he gave the title of Amíru-l umará, * * and many of the other nobles
who had come to wait upon him were rewarded with increase of rank
and presents of money and jewels. * *
Confinement of Sháh Jahán.
[vol. ii. p. 32.] The authors of the three ‘Álamgír-námas have each
described the seclusion of the Emperor Sháh Jahán by the will of
Aurangzeb, but ‘Ákil Khán Kháfí, in his Wáki’át-i ‘Álamgírí has
entered fully and particularly into matters, and has described the
investment of the fort (of Ágra), the confinement of Sháh Jahán, the
closing up of the waters (band-namú-dan-i áb),* and the somewhat
bitter correspondence which passed. From this it appears that on the
17th Ramazán, 1068 (8th June, 1658), Aurangzeb directed Prince
Muhammad Sultán to go into the fort of Ágra, and to place some of
his trusty followers in charge of the gates. Afterwards he was directed
to wait upon his grandfather, to deliver to him some agreeable and
disagreeable messages respecting his retirement, and to cut off from
him all means of intercourse with the outside. Accordingly Prince
Muhammad Sultán went in and acted according to his instructions.
He took from the Emperor all power and choice in matters of rule and
government, and placed him in seclusion.
Muhammad Ja’far Khán was sent to secure Mewát, which formed
part of the jágír of Dárá Shukoh. Twenty-six lacs of rupees, with some
other requirements of royalty, were presented to Murád Bakhsh. On
the 22nd Ramazán Aurangzeb made his entry into Ágra, and took up
his abode in the house of Dárá Shukoh. * *
Flight of Dárá Shukoh.
[vol. ii. p. 33.] When Dárá Shukoh reached the vicinity of Dehlí, the
close pursuit of Aurangzeb’s forces, and the apprehension of being
shut up in the city, determined him to remain outside. There he
employed himself in gathering money and supplies. Whatever he
found in the royal stores, or in the houses of the amírs, he laid hands
upon. He remained some days awaiting the arrival of Sulaimán
Shukoh, who, after his defeat of Shujá’, was wandering about in Bihár
and Patna in a state of perplexity—for the news of the success of
Aurangzeb frightened him from going to join his father. Dárá,
perceiving that if he remained longer he would fall a prisoner into the
harsh hands of his brother, marched off towards the Panjáb with the
new army which had gathered round him, numbering about 10,000
horse. Every day he wrote letters to Sulaimán Shukoh, describing his
wretched condition and his approaching arrival at Sirhind and Láhore.
He also wrote conciliatory letters to the faujdárs and governors of the
Panjáb, in which he mingled promises and threats. He repeatedly
wrote to his father, lamenting his inability to wait upon him, through
his adverse fortune and the unhappy dissension between the two
brothers and their respective adherents.
Aurangzeb also frequently resolved to go and see his father, to make
excuses, and to seek forgiveness of the offences of which he had
been guilty, by no choice of his own, but through the divine decrees of
fate, and the unseemly conduct of his brother. But he knew that his
father’s feelings were strongly in favour of Dárá Shukoh, and that
under the influence of destiny he lost all self-control, so he
determined that it was better not to pay the visit. Instead of going
himself, he directed Prince Muhammad A’zam to go and wait upon
the Emperor with many apologies. The Prince accordingly presented
500 ashrafís and 4000 rupees; and the Emperor, half in joy, half in
anger, took the Prince to his bosom, and shed tears over him as he
embraced him.
Aurangzeb next turned his attention to the pursuit of Dárá Shukoh.
He left Prince Muhammad Sultán with * * * to attend upon the
Emperor, and he appointed Islám Khán to be the Prince’s director
(atálík). * * On the 22nd Ramazán he started in pursuit of his brother.
On his way he learnt that Dárá had left Dehlí on the 21st Ramazán,
and had gone towards Láhore. * * * He sent Khán-daurán to
supersede Saiyid Kásim Bárha in command of the fortress of
Alláhábád. If the Saiyid gave over the fortress, he was to be treated
with courtesy and sent to Aurangzeb; if he refused to yield, Khán-
daurán was directed to invest the fortress, and to call for
reinforcements if necessary.
Sháh Jahán, while in confinement, wrote secretly to Mahábat Khán,
Governor of Kábul [a long letter, in which he said]: “Dárá Shukoh is
proceeding to Láhore. There is no want of money in Láhore, there is
abundance of men and horses in Kábul, and no one equal to
Mahábat Khán in valour and generalship. The Khán ought therefore
to hasten with his army to Láhore, and, having there joined Dárá
Shukoh, they might march against the two undutiful sons, to inflict
upon them the due reward of their misconduct, and to release the
Emperor, the Sáhib Kirán-i sání, from prison.” * *

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Next Previous Contents

Imprisonment of Murád Bakhsh.


[vol. ii. p. 37.] This simple-minded* Prince had some good qualities;
but in the honesty of his heart and trustfulness of his disposition, he
had never given heed to the saying of the great man (Sa’dí) that two
kings cannot be contained in one kingdom. He was deluded by
flattering promises, and by the presents of money, etc., which had
been sent to him, but they were deposits or loans rather than gifts. * *
* On the 4th Shawwál, while they were encamped at Mathurá, twenty-
five kos from Ágra, Murád Bakhsh was made prisoner by a clever
trick, which was aided by fortune, and into the particulars of which it is
needless to enter. Chains were placed upon his feet. That same night
four elephants with covered howdas were sent off in four different
directions, each under two or three sardárs and an escort. The
elephant which was sent to the fort of Salím-garh carried the prisoner
Murád Bakhsh. This precaution was taken lest the partisans of the
Prince should fall upon the howda in which he was confined. All the
treasure and effects of Murád Bakhsh, not one dám or diram of which
was plundered, was confiscated.
Flight of Dárá Shukoh. Aurangzeb ascends the Throne.
[vol. ii. p. 39.] Dárá Shukoh, in his progress through the Panjáb, broke
up, burnt or sunk the boats where he crossed the rivers. * * It was
reported that upon his arrival at Láhore he had seized upon nearly a
kror of treasure, together with all the stores belonging to the
Government and the royal amírs, and that he was engaged in
enlisting soldiers and collecting munitions of war. On hearing this,
Aurangzeb, not caring to enter the fortress of Dehlí, encamped in the
garden of Ághar-ábád, now called Shálámár, and he sent on an
advanced force, under Bahá-dur Khán, in pursuit of Dárá. On the 1st
Zí-l ka’da, 1068 A.H. (22nd July, 1658 A.D.), after saying his prayers,
and at an auspicious time, he took his seat on the throne of the
Empire of Hindústán, without even troubling himself about placing his
name on the coinage or having it repeated in the khutba. * * Such
matters as titles, the khutba, the coinage, and the sending of presents
to other sovereigns, were all deferred to his second taking
possession of the throne.
Sulaimán Shukoh.
[vol. ii. p. 41.] Intelligence now arrived that Sulaimán Shukoh had
crossed the Ganges, and intended to proceed by way of Hardwár, to
join his father. The Amíru-l umará and * were sent off to intercept him
by forced marches. On the 7th Zí-l ka’da Aurangzeb began his march
to Láhore in pursuit of Dárá. * * The reporters now sent in the news
that when Sulaimán Shukoh was approaching Hardwár, he heard that
a force had been sent against him, and he had consequently turned
off to the mountains of Srínagar. His expectations of assistance from
the zamíndárs of this country had not been fulfilled; so some of his
adherents had parted from him, and were repairing to Aurangzeb.
There remained with him altogether not more than five hundred
horsemen; so, not deeming it prudent to stop longer there, he went
off in the direction of Alláhábád. Before reaching that city his
guardian* (atálík) fell ill, and parted from him with more of his
followers. Not more than two hundred now remained with him, so he
returned to the Zamíndár of Srínagar. His road passed through the
jágír of the Princess Kudsiya. He extorted two lacs of rupees from her
manager, plundered his house, carried the man off prisoner, and
afterwards put him to death. The remainder of his men now deserted
him, and there remained only Muhammad Sháh Koka and a few
attendants and servants. The Zamíndár of Srínagar coveted the
money and jewels that he had with him, and kept him as a sort of
prisoner in his fort. After this had been reported, Amíru-l umará, who
had been sent to intercept Sulaimán Shukoh, was directed to send
him prisoner in charge of a detachment, and to go himself to Ágra to
Prince Muhammad Sultán.
Dárá Shukoh.
[vol. ii. p. 42.] After leaving Láhore, Dárá Shukoh busied himself in
raising forces, and in winning the hearts of the dwellers in those
parts. He made promises and engagements in writing to the
zamíndárs and faujdárs, to conciliate them and augment his army. So
he collected nearly twenty thousand horsemen. He wrote to his
brother Shujá’, and made the most solemn promises and oaths, that
after bringing the country into subjection they would divide it between
them in a brotherly way. These deceitful and treacherous letters
deceived Shujá’, and although he had received kind and assuring
letters and promises from Aurangzeb, the foolish fellow busied
himself in collecting forces, and marched from Dacca to the
assistance of Dárá Shukoh, with a strong army and a large force of
artillery. It was Dárá Shukoh’s desire to celebrate his accession to the
throne at Láhore, and to have his name placed upon the coins and
repeated in the khutba; but the power of the sword of Aurangzeb
prevented this. The zamíndárs and faujdárs of name and station,
hearing of the decline of the fortunes of Dárá and the rise of the
fortunes of Aurangzeb, forsook the former.
Rája Jasnant.
[vol. ii. p. 42.] Rája Jaswant, when he fled from the encounter with
Aurangzeb, betook himself to his own country. Women, especially
Rájpút women, have often a higher sense of honour than men; and
for this reason will rather bear the torture of fire than suffer disgrace.
Rája Jaswant’s chief wife was a daughter of Rája Chattar Sál. She
strongly condemned her husband’s conduct, and refused to sleep
with him. In conversation she would express her censure both by
words and hints. The Rája was stung to the quick by her reproaches,
so he sent a letter by his vakíls to Aurangzeb, asking forgiveness of
his offences. After his apology was accepted, he proceeded to Court,
where he was graciously received, presented with many gifts and
confirmed in his mansab.
Dárá Shukoh.
[vol. ii. p. 44.] Dárá Shukoh’s newly-raised army had been greatly
reduced by desertion, and he was alarmed at the approach of
Aurangzeb; so he fled with three or four thousand horse and a few
guns towards Thatta and Multán. He left behind Dáúd Khán to
obstruct as much as possible the passage of the rivers by the army of
Aurangzeb, by burning or sinking the boats. * * After a while the
intelligence arrived that Dárá Shukoh, after staying at Multán for a
short time, had gone off towards Bhak-kar, and that his followers
were daily decreasing. * * In the beginning of Muharram, 1069 A.H.,
Aurangzeb (continuing his pursuit of Dárá) pitched his camp on the
banks of the Ráví near Multán. * *
Prince Shujá’.
[vol. ii. p. 45.] Intelligence now arrived that Muhammad Shujá’ had
marched from Bengal with 25,000 horse and a strong force of
artillery, with the intention of fighting against Aurang-zeb. This
proceeding changed the plans of Aurangzeb, who deemed it
necessary to give up the pursuit of Dárá, and to direct his energies to
the repression of this graceless brother. So on the 12th Muharram,
1069 (30th Sept., 1658 A.D.), Aurangzeb fell back towards Dehlí, the
capital. * * On the last day of Muharram, he started from Láhore, * *
and on the 4th Rabí’u-l awwal he reached Dehlí. There he learned that
Muhammad Shujá’ had advanced as far as Benares, and that Rám
Dás, the commandant, who had been appointed by Dárá Shukoh,
had surrendered the fort to Shujá’. The commandants of Chítápúr
and Alláhábád had also surrendered their fortresses and joined him. *
* After exacting three lacs of rupees under the name of a loan from
the bankers of Benares, Muhammad Shujá’ continued his march. He
sent a force against Jaunpúr, and the commander of that fortress
after its investment surrendered and joined Shujá’.
Mír Jumla Mu’azzam Khán.
[vol. ii. p. 44.] Instructions were sent to the Dakhin, directing the
release of Mu’azzam Khán, alias Mír Jumla, whom Aurangzeb had
deemed it desirable to leave in confinement at Daulatábád.*
Mu’azzam Khán now arrived from the Dakhin, his zeal having urged
him to make a quick journey. He brought with him his military
matériel. Aurangzeb received him graciously, and acted under his
advice in managing the army. * * He and his son Muhammad Amín
Khán, with some other devoted adherents, were appointed to attend
Aurangzeb, who was with the centre of the army.
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Next Previous Contents

Defeat of Prince Shujá’.


[vol. ii. p. 50.] The armies of Aurangzeb and Shujá’* were within half a
kos of each other, and both sides prepared for battle. * * The guns of
Shujá’ were so placed as to have an advantage over those of his
opponents; so Mu’azzam Khán, who was a good tactician, removed
forty guns during the night to another position. He took no rest, but
busied himself in ordering his army and encouraging the men. The
Emperor Aurangzeb was engaged in his tent performing his
devotions, and praying to God for victory. Suddenly, about the fourth
watch, a great tumult arose. Rája Jaswant Singh,* the treacherous
wretch,* who marched with the army, had, through one of his
confidants, opened communications with Shujá’ in the early part of
the night, undertaking to make a sudden assault upon the army just
before daybreak, and to desert, doing as much mischief as he could.
“When I do this,” said he, “the King (Aurangzeb) will come in pursuit
of me; you must then charge sharply upon his forces.”
About two hours of the night remained, when Jaswant Singh, in
league with other Rájpút leaders, set their numerous followers in
motion, and began to move off, destroying and plundering as they
went, and cutting down all who opposed them. The forces under
Prince Muhammad Sultán suffered especially from their attacks. No
tent, small or great, escaped their ravages. All his treasure and
effects were plundered. * * Then they made towards the royal
quarters, ransacking everything, and not a tent near the royal pavilion
remained safe from them. For some time the cause of all this disorder
was unknown. All kinds of erroneous surmises were made, and a
panic was spreading through the whole army. Many men were so
disheartened that they joined the plunderers, thinking that the best
way of escaping from the disaster. One party fled to the open country;
another approached the enemy’s army, and set about ravaging. * *
But for all this confusion in the army, nothing shook the resolution of
Aurangzeb. It was now reported to him that the traitor had moved off
towards his home. Then Aurangzeb descended from his elephant,
and took his seat in a litter that all the panic-stricken men who beheld
him might see that he was resolute, and had no intention of
retreating. He sent orderlies round to the commanders, directing them
to forbid all riders of elephants or horses to stir from their places.* * *
Without exaggeration, half the army had gone away to plunder or
escape, and many had joined the enemy. Intelligence was brought of
Jaswant Singh having marched away towards Ágra.
Aurangzeb’s devoted servants now gathered round him from far and
near. He then again mounted his elephant, and without a cloud upon
his brow rode forth to arrange his order of battle. * * Mu’azzam Khán
received authority to make such alterations in the disposition of the
forces as he deemed necessary. * * The battle began about the fourth
or fifth gharí of the day with a cannonade which made the earth to
tremble, and filled the hearts of both armies with awe and trembling. *
* A cannon-ball from the Emperor’s army reached the elephant on
which Sultán Zainu-l ‘ábidín* was riding, and although it did not strike
the Sultán,* it carried off one leg of the elephant-driver, and one leg
also of the personal attendant who was seated behind the howda.
This circumstance greatly discouraged many of Shujá’s army. * *
Saiyid ‘Álam Bárha, with three elephants, made an attack upon the
left of the royal army, and the vigour of his assault spread confusion
in the ranks of his opponents, and many of them took to flight. The
retreat of the left wing made the centre waver, and the Emperor was
left with only 2000 horsemen to protect him. Greatly encouraged by
the sight, the enemy made a bold and fierce attack upon the centre.
The Emperor mounted upon an elephant, moved about inspiriting his
men and shooting arrows against his enemies. Murtazá Kúlí Khán, of
the left wing, with * * several others, made a bold charge upon the
enemy, and the Emperor, seeing how matters stood, joined in the
charge. * * This gave a severe check to the enemy, who lost many
men killed and wounded.
The vigour of the Saiyids of Bárha had abated, but their three
elephants, each of them dashing about with his trunk a chain of two
or three mans weight, overthrew and crushed every one who came in
their way. One of them at length charged towards the elephant of the
Emperor. Without moving from his place or changing countenance,
the Emperor made signs for his guards to shoot the animal’s driver.
One of the guards brought the man to the ground, and then one of
the royal elephant-drivers got upon the elephant’s neck and led him
off. The other two elephants then charged the right wing of the royal
army, and other forces of the enemy coming up, this wing fell into
confusion. * * The Emperor was urged to move to its support, but he
was hotly engaged himself. * * He sent messages to the officers of
the right wing, urging them to stand fast until he could come to their
assistance. Several of the enemy’s leading men now fell, and the
efforts of the forces opposed to the Emperor relaxed, so that he was
able to proceed to the succour of his right. This encouraged the men.
Cries of “Kill! kill!” were raised on every side, and many of the enemy
were killed. A general attack was made on the enemy’s centre, and
then several chiefs, who had thought it expedient to support him,
came over and joined the Emperor. Victory declared in favour of the
Emperor, and when the glad news of Shujá’s flight was brought,
shouts of congratulation and victory arose, and the drums and
trumpets sounded in triumph.
The victors fell upon the camp of the enemy and thoroughly
plundered it; every man took what he could lay hands on; but 114
guns, 115 elephants, and much treasure, and many jewels, came into
the possession of the Emperor. After descending from his elephant,
and returning thanks to God for his victory, he praised his nobles for
their exertions. Then he sent his son Muhammad Sultán* in pursuit of
Shujá’, with directions to use every exertion to cut off his flight. * *
Flight of Dárá Shukoh.
[vol. ii. p. 60.] Intelligence was brought that Dárá Shukoh had arrived
at Bhakkar in a wretched condition, with only three thousand horse.
Want of porters, and the desertion of many of his adherents,
compelled him to leave part of his treasure and baggage under
charge of some of his servants at Bhakkar. Dense thorn-brakes,
toilsome marches, and loss of porters, impeded his progress through
the salt desert beside the river of Thatta; this, with the loss of
baggage, which fell into the hands of his pursuers, allowed him no
rest. Through want of water, the hardships of the march, and various
diseases, many of his men died or fell away from him. Shaikh Mír, his
pursuer, kept treading on his heels, and, after crossing the desert, he
had not more than a thousand horsemen left. After arriving at
Siwistán he determined to proceed to Ahmadábád.
The force of Shaikh Mír, the pursuer, also suffered greatly from want
of water, and the long and rapid march. Loss of horses and porters,
added to the other hardships, killed and scattered them. Most of
those who remained had to march on foot. On these facts being
reported, Shaikh Mír was ordered to return.
Surrender of Alláhábád.
[vol. ii. p. 61.] On the 1st Jumáda-l awwal Aurangzeb proceeded
towards Ágra, and at the second stage he received a despatch from
Prince Muhammad Sultán, reporting a second success over Shujá’.
Saiyid Kásim, commandant of the fortress of Alláhábád, left a deputy
in charge of the fortress, and accompanied Shujá’ to battle. After the
defeat, Kásim Khán returned to the fortress, and busied hímself in
making it secure. When Shujá’ arrived, he made plausible excuses
for not giving up the place. He went out with alacrity to meet the
Prince, made promises of fidelity, and entertained him, after which he
was dismissed to his post. When Prince Muhammad Sultáu drew
near, he wrote to him a repentant letter, professing his obedience,
and sending to him the keys of the fortress. On hearing of this,
Aurangzeb ordered Khán-daurán to be placed in command of
Alláhábád, and Kásim Khán to be sent courteously to his presence.
Rája Jaswant.
[vol. ii. p. 61.] Aurangzeb appointed Amír Khán and * * with ten
thousand horse to punish the traitor Rája Jaswant. He also joined to
this force Ráí Singh Ráthor, a nephew of Rája Jaswant, who had a
family feud with his uncle. This chief was honoured with the title of
rája and many presents. Hopes also were held out to him of a grant
of Jodpúr, his native country.
Dárá Shukoh.
[vol. ii. p. 62.] Directions were sent to Amír Khán, Governor of Láhore,
that upon the return of Shaikh Mír from the pursuit of Dárá, he was to
remove Prince Murád Bakhsh from Salím-garh, and send him under
charge of Shaikh Mír to Gwálior.

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Next Previous Contents

On the 18th Jumáda-l awwal Aurangzeb reached Ágra, and on the 23rd
he again set out. He now learnt that Dárá Shukoh had passed
through Kachh to the borders of the province of Ahmadábád. He had
collected round him three or four thousand horse. After the troops of
Aurangzeb had given up the pursuit of him, he proceeded leisurely,
endeavouring to gain over the faujdárs and zamíndárs, and to collect
soldiers. By presents of money and jewels he won over the Zamíndár
of Kachh, and affianced his daughter in marriage to Prince Sipihr
Shukoh. The zamíndár sent him on with an escort through his
territory towards Ahmadábád. Upon his arriving there, Sháh Nawáz
Khán, the súbadár, one of whose daughters was married to
Aurangzeb, and another was in the house of Murád Bakhsh, went out
to meet him, accompanied by Rahmat Khán díwán, and others. They
presented to him near ten lacs worth of gold, silver, and other
property belonging to Murád Bakhsh, which was in Ahmadábád. Dárá
Shukoh then exerted himself in collecting money and men, and in
winning adherents by presents of robes and jewels, and by
promotions in rank and title. He appointed officers, who took
possession of the ports of Surat, Kambáyat, Broach, and the districts
around. In the course of a month and seven days he collected 20,000
horse, and he sent requisitions to the governors of Bíjápúr and
Haidarábád for money and men. He also thought over several plans
for going to the Dakhin, and for joining Rája Jaswant Singh. * * On
the 1st Jumáda-l ákhir Dárá Shukoh began his march with a well-
appointed army and a large train of artillery, for he had obtained thirty
or forty guns from Surat. As he pursued his march, he every day
received false and delusive letters from Rája Jaswant, befooling him
with promises of coming to his assistance.
When Aurangzeb received intelligence of these proceedings, he
marched towards Ajmír. Mirzá* Rája Jai Singh had interceded with
him on behalf of Rája Jaswant; so he pardoned his offences, and
wrote to him a conciliatory letter, reinstating him in his mansab, and
restoring to him his title of Mahárája. He at the same time directed the
Rája to write to him about the state of affairs, and send the letter by
swift messengers. * * Muhammad Amín Khán, who had been
commissioned to punish the Rája, was recalled. Rája Jaswant, who
had advanced twenty kos from Jodpúr to meet Dárá Shukoh, on
receiving the Emperor’s letter, broke off his alliance with Dárá, and
returned to his own country.
This defection greatly troubled Dárá, who opened a correspondence
with the Rája, and endeavoured to win him over by promises and
flattery, but without effect. When Dárá came to a place twenty kos
distant from Jodpúr, he sent a Hindú named De Chand to the Rája;
but he artfully replied that he remained true to his engagement, but
that it was not expedient for him to move just then. Dárá Shukoh, he
said, should go to Ajmír, and open communications with other
Rájpúts. If two or three Rájpúts of note joined him, then he, the Rája,
would also come to his support. Dárá Shukoh, having no other course
open, proceeded to Ajmír, and again sent De Chand to Jaswant; but
all his persuasions and remonstrances were in vain, and it was
evident that all the Rája’s statements were false and treacherous.
The fact of his having received a letter of pardon from Aurangzeb was
also publicly talked about. It has been said that “Necessity turns lions
into foxes,” and so Dárá Shukoh, notwithstanding his knowledge of
the Rája’s perfidy, sent Sipihr Shukoh to him; but although the Prince
flattered and persuaded, and held out great promises, the traitor did
not listen, and the Prince, like De Chand, turned empty away.
Deprived of all hope of assistance from Rája Jaswant, Dárá Shukoh
was at a loss what course to pursue. Then he heard of the near
approach of Aurangzeb, and resolved to fight. But not deeming it
expedient to fight a regular battle, he determined to retire into the hills
about Ajmír, and to throw up lines of defence. Accordingly he moved
into the defiles, blocked up the roads with barriers of stone and earth,
and stationed his guns and musketeers so as to make his position
secure. * * He himself took his station with the centre. * * Aurangzeb
directed the commander of his artillery to advance his guns against
Dárá’s lines. * * For three days most vigorous attacks were made, but
Dárá’s position was very strong, and his men fought bravely, so that
the assailants made no impression. Dárá’s forces indeed sallied out,
and after causing considerable destruction of men and beasts,
returned to their positions. The artillery practice of the assailants
damaged only the defence works. On the fourth night Aurangzeb
called around him some of his most trusty servants, and incited them
by strong exhortations and promises to undertake an assault. * * Next
day Aurangzeb sent Rája Rájrúp, Zamíndár of Jamún, with his
infantry, against the rear of a hill, where an assault was not expected,
and where the concentration of forces was thought to render it
impossible. * * But he forced his way, and planted his banner on the
summit of the hill. * * The success at the beginning of the battle was
due to Rája Rájrúp; but at last the victory was owing to the devotion
of Shaikh Mír, and the intrepidity of Diler Khán Afghán, who attacked
the lines held by Sháh Nawáz Khán. Pride and shame so worked
upon Sháh Nawáz, that he gave up all hope of surviving, and died
fighting most courageously.
Dárá Shukoh seeing the defeat of his army, and hearing of the death
of Sháh Nawáz Khán, seeing also the approach of his victorious foes,
lost all sense and self-control, and fled with Sipihr Shukoh, Fíroz
Mewátí, and some of the inmates of his harem, in great consternation
and sorrow. Of all his nobles none accompanied him but the two
above named. He managed to save some jewels and money, and
with some of his women, his daughter, and a few attendants, he went
off towards Ahmadábád. * * The fact of his flight was not known for
certain until three hours after dark, and fighting went on in several
parts of the lines until the flight of the enemy and the abandonment of
the lines were ascertained. * * Rája Jai Singh and Bahádur were sent
in command of a force in pursuit of Dárá Shukoh. * * Aurangzeb
made a short stay at Ajmír, and started from thence for the capital on
the 4th Rajab, 1069.
Prince Shujá’.
[vol. ii. p. 75.] Prince Shujá’ fled before the pursuing force of Prince
Muhammad Sultán to Jahángír-nagar (Dacca), and Mu’azzam Khán
obtained possession of the fort of Mongír. * * Shortly afterwards the
fort of Chunár, which Shujá’ had got into his power, was given up to
Aurangzeb.

SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN (1659 A.D.).


[vol. ii. p. 77.] The second year of the reign commenced on the 4th
Ramazán, 1069 A.H. * * The Emperor’s name and titles were
proclaimed in the pulpit as “Abú-l Muzaffar Muhíu-d dín Muhammad
Aurangzeb Bahádur ‘Álamgír Bádsháh-i Ghází.” In former reigns one
side of the coins had been adorned with the words of the creed and
the names of the first four Khalífs; but as coins pass into many
unworthy places, and fall under the feet of infidels, it was ordered that
this superscription should be changed [for certain couplets containing
the Emperor’s name].
[vol. ii. p. 79.] Since the reign of the Emperor Akbar the official year of
account and the years of the reign had been reckoned from the 1st
Farwardí, when the Sun enters Aries, to the end of Isfandiyár, and the
year and its months were called Iláhí; but as this resembled the
system of the fire-worshippers, the Emperor, in his zeal for upholding
Muhammadan rule, directed that the year of the reign should be
reckoned by the Arab lunar year and months, and that in the revenue
accounts also the lunar year should be preferred to the solar. The
festival of the (solar) new year was entirely abolished.
Mathematicians, astronomers, and men who have studied history,
know that * * the recurrence of the four seasons, summer, winter, the
rainy season of Hindú-stán, the autumn and spring harvests, the
ripening of the corn and fruit of each season, the tankhwáh of the
jágírs, and the money of the mansabdars, are all dependent upon the
solar reckoning, and cannot be regulated by the lunar; still his
religious Majesty was unwilling that the nauroz and the year and
months of the Magi should gives their names to the anniversary of his
accession.

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Dárá Shukoh.
[vol. ii. p. 80.] The sad circumstances of the remainder of Dárá
Shukoh’s career must now be related. On leaving the mountains of
Ajmír, he proceeded with his wife, daughter, some jewels, a little
money, and a few domestic servants, towards Ahmadábád. The rest
of his treasure, goods, and necessary baggage, with some female
servants, borne by twelve elephants and horses, he left behind in
charge of servants, some of them old, some new, in the company and
under the superintendence of some trusty eunuchs, with orders to
follow as quickly as possible. When this party had marched four or
five kos, all the servants* began to plunder the property, and
struggling and fighting with each other, every man seized what he
could lay hands on. The baggage was taken from the backs of the
elephants and placed on camels, and the women were stripped of
their jewels and taken off the camels to be mounted on the elephants;
then the plunderers, with camels and horses laden with money and
articles of great value, made off for the desert. The eunuchs were
unable to prevent the proceedings of their escort. In great distress,
and in dread of the pursuit of the victorious troops, they were intent
upon preserving their own honour and that of their master; so they led
off the women on the elephants, and pursuing all night the track of
Dárá through the desert, after a night and a day they overtook him.
That forlorn fugitive, in sore distress, without baggage, and despoiled
by plunderers, wandered on through the desert. In eight days’ time he
approached Ahmadábád. But the officials of the city * * proclaimed
Aurangzeb, and took measures to prevent Dárá from entering. The
fugitive perceived that ill-fortune everywhere awaited him. He gave up
all hope of getting possession of the city, and went to Karí, two kos
from Ahmadábád. There he sought assistance from Kánjí Kolí, one of
the most notorious rebels and robbers of that country. Kánjí joined
him, and conducted him through Gujarát to the confines of Kachh.
Here he was joined by Gul Muhammad, whom he had made governor
of Surat and Broach, and who brought with him fifty horse and two
hundred matchlockmen. The zamíndár of Kachh, when Dárá lately
passed through the country, entertained him, treated him with every
respect, and affianced a daughter in marriage to his son, all in
expectation of future advantage. Dárá, in his distress, now looked to
him for assistance; but he heeded not, and did not even show the
courtesy of a visit. After two days spent in fruitless efforts to soften
the zamíndár, Dárá, with tearful eyes and burning heart, resolved to
proceed to Bhakkar.
On reaching the frontier of Sind, Fíroz Mewátí, who had hitherto
accompanied the unfortunate Prince, seeing how his evil fate still
clung to him, abandoned the ill-starred fugitive, and went off to Dehlí.
Dárá, in a bewildered condition, proceeded towards the country of
Jáwiyán;* but the dwellers in the deserts of that country closed the
roads with the intention of making him prisoner. With some fighting
and trouble he escaped from these people, and made his way into
the country of the Makashís. Mirzá Makashí, the chief of the tribe,
came forth to meet him, took him home with great kindness, and en-
tertained him. After this he proposed to send him towards Írán, under
an escort which was to conduct him to Kandahár, twelve marches
distant from where he was, and he strongly advised the adoption of
this course. But Dárá could not give up his futile hopes of recovering
his throne and crown, and resolved to go to Malik Jíwan, zamíndár of
Dhándar,* who had long been bound to him by acts of generosity, and
sent to assure him of his devotion and fidelity.
When Dárá reached the land of this evil zamíndár, Malik Jíwan came
out like the destroying angel to meet him. As a guest-murdering host
he conducted Dárá home, and exerted himself to entertain him.
During the two or three days that Dárá remained here, his wife,
Nádira Begam, daughter of Parwez, died of dysentery and vexation.
Mountain after mountain of trouble thus pressed upon the heart of
Dárá, grief was added to grief, sorrow to sorrow, so that his mind no
longer retained its equilibrium. Without considering the
consequences, he sent her corpse to Láhore in charge of Gul
Muhammad, to be buried there.* He thus parted from one who had
been faithful to him through his darkest troubles. He himself
remained, attended only by a few domestic servants and useless
eunuchs.
After performing the ceremonies of mourning, Dárá determined to set
out the next morning under the escort of Malik Jíwan for Írán, by way
of Kandahár. Jíwan apparently was ready to accompany him to Írán;
but he had inwardly resolved to forward his own interests by
trampling under foot all claims of gratitude,* and of making the
wretched fugitive prisoner. So he formed his plan. He accompanied
his guest for some kos. Then he represented that it was necessary
for him to return, in order to procure some further provisions for the
journey, which he would collect, and would overtake Dárá after two or
three days’ march. Accordingly he went back, leaving his brother with
a party of the ruffians and robbers of the country to attend Dárá. This
man suddenly fell upon his victim and made him prisoner, without
giving him a chance of resistance. Then he carried him back with
Sipihr Shukoh and his companions to the perfidious host, and kept
him under guard in the place appointed. Malik Jíwan wrote an
account of this good service to Rája Jai Singh and Bahádur Khán,
who had been sent from Ajmír in pursuit of Dárá, and he also wrote to
Bákir Khán, governor of Bhakkar. Bákir Khán instantly sent off Malik
Jíwan’s letter express to Aurangzeb. Upon the arrival of Bákir Khán’s
despatch, Aurangzeb communicated the fact to his private
councillors, but did not make it public until the arrival of a letter from
Bahádur Khán confirming the news. At the end of the month of
Shawwál it was published by beat of drum. The public voice spoke
with condemnation and abhorrence of Malik Jíwan; but a robe and a
mansab of 1000, with 200 horse, were conferred upon him.
It was now ascertained that Sulaimán Shukoh had sought refuge with
the zamíndár of Srínagar. Rája Rájrúp was therefore directed to write
to the zamíndár, and advise him to consult his own interest and bring
Sulaimán out of his territory; if not, he must suffer the consequences
of the royal anger.*
In the middle of Zí-l hijja, Bahádur Khán brought Dárá Shukoh and his
son Sipihr Shukoh to the Emperor, who gave orders that both father
and son should be carried into the city chained and seated on an
elephant, and thus be exposed to the people in the Chándní chauk
and the bázár, after which they were to be carried to Khizrábád in old
Dehlí, and there confined. Bahádur Khán, after giving up his prisoner,
received great rewards and marks of favour.
Two days afterwards Malik Jíwan, who had received the title of
Bakhtiyár Khán, entered the city, and was passing through the streets
of the bázár. The idlers, the partisans of Dárá Shukoh, the workmen
and people of all sorts, inciting each other, gathered into a mob, and,
assailing Jíwan and his companions with abuse and imprecations,
they pelted them with dirt and filth, and clods and stones, so that
several persons were knocked down and killed, and many were
wounded. Jíwan was protected by shields held over his head, and he
at length made his way through the crowd to the palace. They say
that the disturbance on this day was so great that it bordered on re-
bellion. If the kotwál had not come forward with his policemen, not
one of Malik Jíwan’s followers would have escaped with life. Ashes
and pots full of urine and ordure were thrown down from the roofs of
the houses upon the heads of the Afgháns, and many of the
bystanders were injured. Next day the kotwál made an investigation,
and it was ascertained that an ahadí (guardsman) named Haibat had
taken a leading part in the disturbance. He was condemned by a
legal decision, and was executed.

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At the end of Zí-l hijja, 1069* (Sept. 1659), the order was given for
Dárá Shukoh to be put to death under a legal opinion of the lawyers,
because he had apostatized from the law, had vilified religion, and
had allied himself with heresy and infidelity. After he was slain, his
body was placed on a howda and carried round the city.* So once
alive and once dead he was exposed to the eyes of all men, and
many wept over his fate. He was buried in the tomb of Humáyún.
Sipihr Shukoh was ordered to be imprisoned in the fortress of
Gwálior.
Remission of Taxes.
[vol. ii. p. 87.] The movements of large armies through the country,
especially in the eastern and northern parts, during the two years
past, and scarcity of rain in some parts, had combined to make grain
dear. To comfort the people and alleviate their distress, the Emperor
gave orders for the remission of the ráhdárí (toll) which was collected
on every highway (guzar), frontier and ferry, and brought in a large
sum to the revenue. He also remitted the pándarí, a ground or house
cess, which was paid throughout the Imperial dominions by every
tradesman and dealer, from the butcher, the potter, and the
greengrocer, to the draper, jeweller, and banker. Something was paid
to the government according to rule under this name for every bit of
ground in the market, for every stall and shop, and the total revenue
thus derived exceeded lacs (of rupees). Other cesses, lawful and
unlawful, as the sar-shumárí, buz-shumárí,* bar-gadí,* the charáí
(grazing tax) of the Banjáras, the tuwa’ána,* the collections from the
fairs held at the festivals of Muhammadan saints, and at the játras or
fairs of the infidels, held near Hindú temples, throughout the country
far and wide, where lacs of people assemble once a year, and where
buying and selling of all kinds goes on. The tax on spirits, on
gambling-houses, on brothels, the fines, thank-offerings, and the
fourth part of debts recovered by the help of magistrates from
creditors. These and other imposts, nearly eighty in number, which
brought in krors of rupees to the public treasury, were all abolished
throughout Hindústán. Besides these, the tithe of corn,* which
lawfully brought in twenty-five lacs of rupees, was remitted in order to
alleviate the heavy cost of grain. To enforce these remissions,
stringent orders were published everywhere throughout the provinces
by the hands of mace-bearers and soldiers (ahadí).
But although his gracious and beneficent Majesty remitted these
taxes, and issued strict orders prohibiting their collection, the
avaricious propensities of men prevailed, so that, with the exception
of the pándarí, which, being mostly obtained from the capital and the
chief cities, felt the force of the abolition, the royal prohibition had no
effect, and faujdárs and jágírdárs in remote places did not withhold
their hands from these exactions. Firstly, because throughout the
Imperial dominions in the reign of Aurangzeb, no fear and dread of
punishment remained in the hearts of the jágírdárs, faujdárs, and
zamíndárs. Secondly, because the revenue officers, through
inattention, or want of consideration, or with an eye to profit, contrary
to what was intended, made deductions (for these cesses) from the
tankhwáh accounts of the jágírdárs. So the jágírdárs, under the
pretext that the amount of the cesses was entered in their tankhwáh
papers, continued to collect the ráhdárí and many other of the
abolished imposts, and even increased them. When reports reached
the government of infractions of these orders, (the offenders) were
punished with a diminution of mansab, and the delegation of mace-
bearers to their districts. The mace-bearers forbad the collection of
the imposts for a few days, and then retired. After a while, the
offenders, through their patrons or the management of their agents,
got their mansab restored to its original amount. So the regulation for
the abolition of most of the imposts had no effect.
The ráhdárí in particular is condemned by righteous and just men as
a most vexatious impost, and oppressive to travellers, but a large
sum is raised by it. In most parts of the Imperial territories the
faujdárs and jágírdárs, by force and tyranny, now exact more than
ever from the traders and poor and necessitous travellers. The
zamíndárs also, seeing that no inquiries are made, extort more on
roads within their boundaries than is collected on roads under royal
officers. By degrees matters have come to such a pass, that between
the time of leaving the factory or port and reaching their destination,
goods and merchandize pay double their cost price in tolls. Through
the villainy and oppression of the toll-collectors and the zamíndárs ,
the property, the honour, and the lives of thousands of travellers and
peaceful wayfarers are frittered away. The Mahrattas, those turbulent
people of the Dakhin (before the peace and after the peace which I
shall have to write about in the reign of Farrukh Siyar), and other
zamíndárs upon the frontier, have carried their violence and
oppression in the matter of the ráhdárí to such extremes as are
beyond description.
The War with Shujá’.—Defection of Prince Muhammad Sultán.
[vol. ii. p. 90.] Prince Muhammad Sultán, with Mu’azzam Khán as his
adviser and commander-in-chief, pursued Shujá’ until he reached
Dacca, where Shujá’ busied himself in collecting munitions of war,
men and artillery. The command of the Imperial army and the
appointment of the amírs rested in a great degree with Mu’azzam
Khán. This was a great annoyance to the Prince, and Shujá’, having
got information of this, conceived the idea of winning the Prince over
to his side. So he opened communications with the Prince, and by
letters and presents, and the arts which gain the feelings of young,
inexperienced men, he seduced the Prince from the duty he owed to
his father, and brought him over to his own side. Soon he offered the
Prince his daughter in marriage, * * and at length the Prince was so
deluded as to resolve upon joining Shujá’. Towards the end of the
month Ramazán, at the beginning of the third year of the reign, he
sent a message to Shujá’, informing him of his intention, and in the
night he embarked in a boat on the Ganges with Amír Kúlí, the
commander of the artillery, Kásim ‘Alí Mír-tuzak, who were the prime
movers in this business, and with some eunuchs and domestic
servants, taking with him all the treasure and jewels he could. When
Shujá’ heard of this step, he referred it to the favour of God, and sent
his son Buland Akhtar with several boats and porters to conduct the
Prince with his treasure and baggage over the river.
After the Prince had crossed over, and Shujá’s men were busy in
carrying away his treasure and baggage, the fact of his evasion
became known, and was communicated to Mu’azzam Khán. The
desertion caused great uneasiness in the Imperial army, * * and
Mu’azzam Khán himself was much annoyed and troubled, but he
would not allow this to be seen. He mounted his horse, inspected the
lines, encouraged the troops, and did all he could to counteract the
effects of this untoward proceeding. The rainy season had come, * *
so, for the comfort of his troops, he removed thirty kos from Akbar-
nagar, to a high ground suitable for a camp in the rains. * *
Shujá’ passed over to Akbar-nagar by boats, and attacked Mu’azzam
unawares; and although the Imperial forces made a splendid
resistance, some of their allies were indifferent or disaffected, so they
were overpowered and compelled to retreat. Mu’azzam Khán brought
up some forces from his centre, and encouraging the waverers, he
renewed the resistance, and charged. Two or three of Shujá’s chief
amírs were killed or wounded, and his attack was eventually
repulsed. There were several other conflicts with similar results, until
the rains and the rising of the river put an end to all fighting. * *
Muhammad Sultán married Shujá’s daughter, and it was announced
that after spending a few days in nuptial pleasure at Akbar-nagar, the
attack on the Imperial army would be renewed. * * Mu’azzam Khán
received reinforcements after the cessation of the rains, and it would
be a long story to relate all his bold and skilful movements. Suffice it
to say that in the course of fifteen to twenty days there were some
sharp conflicts, in which Shujá’ was defeated, and eventually put to
flight, and escaped in the war-boats, by means of which he had been
enabled to make his attacks on the army of Mu’azzam, * * Many of
the war-boats were sunk by the fire of the artillery, and some were
captured. * * Several actions were fought near the streams, and also
between the war-boats on the Ganges in the vicinity of Tánda, in
which many men were killed and wounded.

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When Aurangzeb received the intelligence of Muhammad Sultán’s


going over to Shujá’, and of Mu’azzam Khán’s obstinate fighting, he
thought it prudent and necessary to go himself to the seat of war, and
on the 5th Rabí’u-l awwal he set out for the East. * * About the middle
of Rabí’u-s sání intelligence arrived that Prince Muhammad Sultán
had left Shujá’, and had again joined Mu’azzam Khán. The Prince
repented of the step he had taken, * * and communicated to one of
the commanders in the royal army that he desired to return. * * He
escaped with some of his servants and jewels and money on board of
four boats, but he was pursued by the boats of Shujá’. * * The boats
were fired upon, and one was sunk, but the Prince escaped. His
return gave great joy to Mu’azzam Khán, who reported the fact to the
Emperor, under whose orders he was sent to Court* [and his
associates to prison].
When the Prince returned to his father’s army, Shujá’ meditated flight,
but still some hard fighting went on. At length Shujá’ despaired of
success, and retired leaving Bengal to the occupation of Mu’azzam
Khán.
Sháh Jahán.
[vol. ii. p. 101.] Many letters passed between the Emperor Sháh
Jahán and Aurangzeb, full of complaints and reproaches on one side,
and of irritating excuses on the other. There is no advantage to be
gained from recording this correspondence, and the copies of the
Emperor’s letters are not in the author’s possession; but two or three*
letters which Aurangzeb wrote to his father are here reproduced
verbatim, and the contents of Sháh Jahán’s letters may be inferred
from them.
[p. 104.] The third letter is in answer to one written by Sháh Jahán to
Aurangzeb, pardoning his offences, and sending some jewels and
clothes, belonging to Dárá Shukoh, which had been left in his palace.
“After discharging the observances of religion, it is represented to
your most august presence. The gracious letter which you sent in
answer to the humble statement of your servant* conferred great
honour upon him at a most auspicious time. The glad tidings of the
pardon of his faults and sins has filled him with joy and gladness.
Through the gracious kindness of his fault-forgiving and excuse-
accepting father and master, he is filled with hope. Thanks be to God
that Your Highness, listening to the suggestions of equity and merit,
has preferred mercy to revenge, and has rescued this wicked and
disgraced sinner from the abyss of sorrow and misery in both worlds!
His firm hope in the mercy of God is that in future no unworthy action
will proceed from this humble servant! God, who knows the secrets of
the hearts, who, according to the belief of the faithful and the infidel,
and according to all religions and faiths, takes note of lies and
falsehoods, He knows that this servant is not and has never been
acting in opposition to the will and pleasure of his august father, as
evil-judging men have supposed, but that he has considered himself
the deputy of his father, and continues firm in this important service
and duty! But the due ordering of the affairs of the State and of the
Faith, and the comfort of the people, are impossible under the rule of
one who acts as a deputy. So, unwillingly, for the safety of the State
and the good of the people, he is acting, for a few days, in the way
which his heart disapproves. God knows how many regrets he has
felt in this course of action! Please God, the moment that peace shall
dawn upon the country, and the clouds of strife shall be dispelled, all
Your Majesty’s wishes shall be gratified to your heart’s desire! This
humble one has devoted the best part of his life entirely to performing
good service and rendering satisfaction (to God); how then can he be
satisfied that, for the fleeting trifles of the world, the august days of
Your Majesty, to whose happiness the life and wealth of your children
are devoted, should be passed in discomfort, and that the people of
your palace should be separated from you! Shujá’, not knowing the
value of safety, came to Alláh-ábád with evil intentions, and stirred up
strife. Your Majesty’s humble servant, though he feels somewhat at
ease as regards his elder brother, has not given up all thought of him;
but, placing his trust in God, and hoping for the help of the true giver
of victory, he marched against him on the 17th instant. He is hopeful
that, under the guidance of God and the help of the Prophet, and the
good wishes of his old paternal protector,* he will soon be free of this
business, and do nothing to hurt the feelings of Your Majesty. It is
clear to Your Majesty that God Almighty bestows his trusts upon one
who discharges the duty of cherishing his subjects and protecting the
people. It is manifest and clear to wise men that a wolf is not fit for a
shepherd, and that no poor-spirited man can perform the great duty
of governing. Sovereignty signifies protection of the people, not self-
indulgence and libertinism. The Almighty will deliver your humble
servant from all feeling of remorse as regards Your Majesty. Your
servant, after acknowledging your pardon of his faults and offences,
and the present of the jewels of Dárá Shukoh, returns his thanks for
your kindness and forgiveness.”
The author heard from a trustworthy person, who was formerly
superintendent of the jewel-house, that Dárá Shukoh left jewels and
pearls worth 27 lacs of rupees, belonging to the inmates of his harem,
in the jewel-room inside the palace, with the cognizance of the
Emperor. After his defeat he found no opportunity of removing them.
Sháh Jahán, after much contention, perquisition and demanding, sent
them to Aurangzeb, with the letter of forgiveness which nolens volens
he had written.

THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1070 (A.H., 1660 A.D.).


Disappearance of Prince Shujá’.
[vol. ii. p. 107.] The third year of the reign began on the 24th
Ramazán. * * Despatches about this time arrived from Mu’azzam
Khán, reporting his successive victories and the flight of Shujá’ to the
country of Rakhang (Arracan), leaving Bengal undefended. It
appeared that there had been several actions in which Shujá’ was
invariably defeated, and that after the last, he loaded two boats with
his personal effects, vessels of gold and silver, jewels, treasure and
other appendages of royalty. * * His son had been in correspondence
with the Rája of Rakhang, (Arracan), * * and when Shujá’ saw that he
had no ally or friend anywhere left, and that those whom he had
deemed faithful had deserted him, he conceived the idea of
occupying one of the fortresses on the frontiers of the Rája of
Rakhang, and addressed the Rája on the subject. * * But he was
unable to carry his design into execution, and at length, in the
greatest wretchedness and distress, he fell into the clutches of the
treacherous infidel ruler of that country, and according to common
rumour he was killed, so that no one ascertained what became of
him.*

Beginning of the troubles with Sivají.*


[vol. ii. p. 110.] I now relate what I have heard from trusty men of the
Dakhin and of the Mahratta race about the origin and race of the
reprobate Sivají. His ancestors owe their origin to the line of the
Ránás of Chitor. In the tribe of the Rájpúts, and among all Hindús, it
is the settled opinion, that to have a son by a woman of a different
caste, or to beget one upon a slave-girl (kaníz), is wrong and
censurable. But if in youth, when the passions are strong, a man
should have a son by a strange woman, he should take him into his
house and have him brought up among his confidential handmaids
and slaves. But nothing descends to such a son on the death (of the
father). Even if the mother of the child is of a better stock than the
father, she cannot marry him unless she be of the same tribe. If,
through love, a man consorts with such a woman, and has a son, the
child is looked upon with great disdain, he is brought up as a bastard,
and can only marry with one like himself. If a woman of the merchant
caste goes into the house of a man of lower caste than herself, or the
daughter of a Bráhman consorts with a Khatrí, every child that is born
is looked upon as a slave (kaníz o ghulám).

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It is said that one of the ancestors of Sivají, from whom he received


the name of Bhoslah, dwelt in the country of the Ráná. He formed a
connexion with a woman of inferior caste, and, according to the
custom of his tribe, he took the woman to himself without marriage.
She bore him a son. Reflecting upon this disgrace to himself and
tribe, he kept the child concealed in the hills in that position of life
which he had determined for him. There he secretly brought him up.
He was very devoted to the woman; so that, although his father and
mother wished him to marry a woman of his own tribe, he would not
consent. When the cup of his affection ran over, and the fact of this
maintenance of his child was the common talk of friends and
strangers, he secretly took the boy from the place where he had
concealed him, and carried him off along with his mother to the
Dakhin. Although he falsely gave out that his son was by a woman of
his own tribe, no Rájpút of pure race would allow of any matrimonial
connexion with the boy. So he was obliged to marry the lad to a girl of
the Mahratta tribe, which also claims to belong to an obscure class of
Rájpúts. From this good stock, in the seventh or eighth generation,
was born Sáhú Bhoslah. The origin of the name Bhoslah, according
to the commonly-received opinion, is from the Hinduwí word
“ghoslah,” meaning “place,”* or a very small and narrow place; and as
that man was brought up in such a place, he received the name of
Bhoslah. But I have heard a different explanation.
After the dominions of the Nizámu-l Mulk dynasty had passed into the
possession of Sháh Jahán, and that Emperor had entered into
friendly relations with ‘Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr, the latter proposed to
exchange certain districts in the neighbourhood of Khujista-bunyád
(Aurangábád), and belonging to Bíjápúr, for the ports of Jíwal, Bábal
Danda Rájpúrí, and Chákna* in the Kokan, which had formerly
appertained to Nizámu-l Mulk, but had been taken possession of by
‘Ádil Sháh, as being in proximity with his territory in the Konkan
known by the name of Tal Kokan. These districts consisted of jungles
and hills full of trees. The proposal was accepted, and both Kokans
were included in the territory of ‘Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr. * *
Mullá Ahmad, an adherent of the Bíjápúr dynasty, who was
descended from an Arab immigrant, held three parganas in this
country. * * At this time two parganas, named Púna and Súpa,
became the jágír of Sáhú Bhoslah. Sivají became the manager of
these two parganas on the part of his father, and looked carefully
after them. He was distinguished in his tribe for courage and
intelligence; and for craft and trickery he was reckoned a sharp son of
the devil, the father of fraud. In that country, where all the hills rise to
the sky, and the jungles are full of trees and bushes, he had an
inaccessible abode. Like the zamíndárs of the country, he set about
erecting forts on the hills, and mud forts, which in the Hinduwí dialect
of the Dakhin are called garhí.
‘Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr was attacked by sickness, under which he
suffered for a long time, and great confusion arose in his territory. At
this time Mullá Ahmad went with his followers to wait upon the
Emperor Sháh Jahán, and Sivají, seeing his country left without a
ruler, boldly and wickedly stepped in and seized it, with the
possessions of some other jágírdárs. This was the beginning of that
system of violence which he and his descendants have spread over
the rest of the Kokan and all the territory of the Dakhin. Whenever he
heard of a prosperous town, or of a district inhabited by thriving
cultivators, he plundered it and took possession of it. Before the
jágírdárs in those troublous times could appeal to Bíjápúr, he had
sent in his own account of the matter, with presents and offerings,
charging the jágírdárs or proprietors with some offence which he had
felt called upon to punish, and offering to pay some advanced amount
for the lands on their being attached to his own jágír, or to pay their
revenues direct to the Government. He communicated these matters
to the officials at Bíjápúr, who in those disturbed times took little heed
of what any one did. So when the jágírdár’s complaint arrived, he
obtained no redress, because no one took any notice of it. The
country of the Dakhin was never free from commotions and
outbreaks, and so the officials, the raiyats, and the soldiery, under the
influence of surrounding circumstances, were greedy, stupid, and
frivolous; thus they applied the axe to their feet with their own hands,
and threw their wealth and property to the winds. The greed of the
officials increased, especially in those days when the authority of the
rulers was interrupted, or their attention diverted. In accordance with
the wishes of this disturber, the reins of authority over that country fell
into his hands, and he at length became the most notorious of all the
rebels.
He assembled a large force of Mahratta robbers and plunderers, and
set about reducing fortresses. The first fort he reduced was that of
Chandan.* After that he got possession of some other fortresses
which were short of supplies, or were in charge of weak and
inexperienced commandants. Evil days fell upon the kingdom of
Bíjápúr in the time of Sikandar ‘Alí ‘Ádil Khán the Second, whose
legitimacy was questioned, and who ruled when a minor as the locum
tenens of his father. The operations of Aurangzeb against that country
when he was a prince in the reign of his father, brought great evil
upon the country, and other troubles also arose. Sivají day by day
increased in strength, and reduced all the forts of the country, so that
in course of time he became a man of power and means. He had
drawn together a large force, and attacked the Kings of Hind and of
Bíjápúr, and, protected by mountains and jungles full of trees, he
ravaged and plundered in all directions far and wide. The
inaccessible forts of Rájgarh* and Chákna were his abodes, and he
had secured several islands in the sea by means of a fleet which he
had formed. He built several forts also in those parts, so that
altogether he had forty forts, all of which were well supplied with
provisions and munitions of war. Boldly raising his standard of
rebellion, he became the most noted rebel of the Dakhin.
Sivají murders Afzal Khán Bíjápúrí.
When Sikandar ‘Alí ‘Ádil Khán came to years of discretion, and took
the government into his own hands, he wrote letters to Sivají, but
without effect. He then sent Afzal Khán with a large army to chastise
the rebel. Afzal Khán was one of ‘Ádil Khán’s most distinguished and
courageous officers, and he pressed Sivají hard. The truculent rebel,
knowing that he could gain nothing by regular warfare, artfully sent
some of his people to express his repentance, and to beg forgiveness
of his offences. After some negociation, the deceitful bráhmans made
an agreement that Sivají should come to wait upon Afzal Khán at a
certain place under his fortress with only three or four servants and
entirely without arms. Afzal Khán likewise was to proceed in a pálkí,
with four or five servants, and without arms, to the place agreed upon
under the fort. After Sivají had paid his respects, and verbal
agreements had been made, he was to receive a khil’at and then be
dismissed. When Afzal Khán had taken the proffered tribute and
peshkash, Sivají was to entertain him, and speed him on his way
back to Bíjápúr, or rather he would attend him thither in person upon
an assurance of reconciliation.
The designing rascal by sending various presents and fruits of the
country, and by his humbleness and submission, conciliated Afzal
Khán, who fell into the snare, believing all his false deceiving
statements, and observing none of that caution which the wise
commend. Without arms he mounted the pálkí, and proceeded to the
place appointed under the fortress. He left all his attendants at the
distance of a long arrow-shot. Then the deceiver came down on foot
from the fort, and made his appearance with manifestations of
humility and despair. Upon reaching the foot of the hill, after every
three or four steps, he made a confession of his offences, and
begged forgiveness in abject terms and with limbs trembling and
crouching. He begged that the armed men and the servants who had
accompanied Afzal Khán’s litter should move farther off. Sivají had a
weapon, called in the language of the Dakhin bichúá,* on the fingers
of his hand hidden under his sleeve, so that it could not be seen. He
had concealed a number of armed men among the trees and rocks all
about the hill, and he had placed a trumpeter on the steps, to whom
he said, “I intend to kill my enemy with this murderous weapon; the
moment you see me strike, do not think about me, but blow your
trumpet and give the signal to my soldiers.” He had given orders to
his troops also that as soon as they heard the blast of the trumpet,
they should rush out and fall upon the men of Afzal Khán, and do
their best to attain success.

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Afzal Khán, whom the angel of doom had led by the collar to that
place, was confident in his own courage, and saw Sivají approach
unarmed and fearing and trembling. He looked upon his person and
spirit as much alike, so he directed all the men who had accompanied
his litter to withdraw to a distance. The treacherous foe then
approached and threw himself weeping at the feet of Afzal Khán, who
raised his head, and was about to place the hand of kindness on his
back and embrace him. Sivají then struck the concealed weapon so
fiercely into his stomach that he died without a groan. According to
his orders, the trumpeter blew a blast of triumph to arouse the
concealed troops. Men on horse and foot then rushed forth in great
numbers on all sides, and fell upon the army of Afzal Khán, killing,
plundering, and destroying. The bloodthirsty assassin rushed away in
safety and joined his own men, whom he ordered to offer quarter to
the defeated troops. He obtained possession of the horses,
elephants, treasure, and all the baggage and stores. He proposed to
take the soldiers into his service, and gained them over. Then, as
usual, he went on collecting stores and men.
‘Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr, on hearing of this defeat, sent another army
against Sivají, under the command of Rustam Khán, one of his best
generals. An action was fought near the fort of Parnála, and Rustam
Khán was defeated. In fine, Fortune so favoured this treacherous
worthless man, that his forces increased, and he grew more powerful
every day. He erected new forts, and employed himself in settling his
own territories, and in plundering those of Bíjápúr. He attacked the
caravans which came from distant parts, and appropriated to himself
the goods and the women. But he made it a rule that wherever his
followers went plundering, they should do no harm to the mosques,
the Book of God, or the women of any one. Whenever a copy of the
sacred Kurán came into his hands, he treated it with respect, and
gave it to some of his Musulmán followers. When the women of any
Hindú or Muhammadan were taken prisoners by his men, and they
had no friend to protect them, he watched over them until their
relations came with a suitable ransom to buy their liberty. Whenever
he found out that a woman was a slave-girl, he looked upon her as
being the property of her master, and appropriated her to himself. He
laid down the rule that whenever a place was plundered, the goods of
poor people, pul-siyáh (copper money), and vessels of brass and
copper, should belong to the man who found them; but other articles,
gold and silver, coined or uncoined, gems, valuable stuffs and jewels,
were not to belong to the finder, but were to be given up without the
smallest deduction to the officers, and to be by them paid over to
Sivají’s government.
March of Amíru-l umará*
to punish Sivají.
[vol. ii. p. 119.] When Aurangzeb was informed of Sivají’s violence, he
directed Amíru-l umará who was Súbadár of the Dakhin, to punish
and put him down. Amíru-l umará marched, in accordance with these
orders, from Aurangábád at the end of Jumáda-l awwal, 1070 (end of
January, 1660 A.D.), and marched towards Púna and Chákna, which
in those days were Sivají’s places of abode and security. He left
Mumtáz Khán in command at Aurangábád, and on the 1st Rajab
arrived at the village of Seogánw, belonging to Sivají. At this time
Sivají was at the town of Súpa,* but upon hearing of Amíru-l umará’s
movements, he vacated that place, and went off in another direction.
Amíru-l umará took Súpa without opposition, and left Jádú Ráí there
to take charge of it, and to provide supplies of corn for the army. The
daring freebooter Sivají ordered his followers to attack and plunder
the baggage* of Amíru-l umará’s army wherever they met with it.
When the Amír was informed of this, he appointed 4000 horse, under
experienced officers, to protect the baggage. But every day, and in
every march, Sivají’s Dakhinís swarmed round the baggage, and
falling suddenly upon it like Cossacks, they carried off horses,
camels, men, and whatever they could secure, until they became
aware of the approach of the troops. The Imperial forces pursued
them, and harassed them, so that they lost courage, and giving up
fighting for flight, they dispersed. At length they reached Púna and
Sívápúr, two places built by that dog (Sivají). The Imperial forces took
both these places and held them.
Then the royal armies marched to the fort of Chákna, and after
examining its bastions and walls, they opened trenches, erected
batteries, threw up intrenchments round their own position, and
began to drive mines under the fort. Thus having invested the place,
they used their best efforts to reduce it. The rains in that country last
nearly five months, and fall night and day, so that people cannot put
their heads out of their houses. The heavy masses of clouds change
day into night, so that lamps are often needed, for without them one
man cannot see another one of a party. But for all the muskets were
rendered useless, the powder spoilt, and the bows deprived of their
strings, the siege was vigorously pressed, and the walls of the
fortress were breached by the fire of the guns. The garrison were
hard pressed and troubled, but in dark nights they sallied forth into
the trenches and fought with surprising boldness. Sometimes the
forces of the freebooter on the outside combined with those inside in
making a simultaneous attack in broad daylight, and placed the
trenches in great danger. After the siege had lasted fifty or sixty days,
a bastion which had been mined was blown up, and stones, bricks
and men flew into the air like pigeons. The brave soldiers of Islám,
trusting in God, and placing their shields before them, rushed to the
assault and fought with great determination. But the infidels had
thrown up a barrier of earth inside the fortress, and had made
intrench-ments and places of defence in many parts. All the day
passed in fighting, and many of the assailants were killed. But the
brave warriors disdained to retreat, and passed the night without food
or rest amid the ruins and the blood. As soon as the sun rose, they
renewed their attacks, and after putting many of the garrison to the
sword, by dint of great exertion and resolution they carried the place.
The survivors of the garrison retired into the citadel. In this assault
300 men of the royal army were slain, besides sappers and others
engaged in the work of the siege. Six or seven hundred horse and
foot were wounded by stones and bullets, arrows and swords. The
men in the citadel being reduced to extremity, sent Ráo Bháo Singh
to make terms, and then surrendered. Next day Amíru-l umará
entered and inspected the fortress, and having left Uzbek Khán in
command of it, he marched after Sivají. After a time he gave the
name of Islámábád to Chákna, and called Ja’far Khán from Málwá to
his assistance. Amíru-l umará reported that the fort of Parenda had
been won without fighting.*
Sulaimán Shukoh.
[vol. ii. p. 123.] Sulaimán Shukoh had for some time found refuge in
the hills with Pirthí Singh, Zamíndár of Srínagar, and Tarbiyat Khán
had been sent with an army to overrun that territory. Pirthí Singh now
wrote, through the medium of Rája Jai Singh, begging forgiveness for
his offences, and offering to give up Sulaimán Shukoh. Kunwar Ráí
Singh, son of Rája Jai Singh, was sent to fetch Sulaimán Shukoh, * *
and he brought him to Court on the 11th Jumáda-l awwal. He was led
into the presence of the Emperor, who graciously took a lenient
course, and ordered him to be sent prisoner to the fort of Gwálior,
along with Muhammad Sultán, who had been confined in Salím-garh.
Season of Scarcity.
[vol. ii. p. 123.] Unfavourable seasons and want of rain, combined
with war and movements of armies, had made grain very scarce and
dear. Many districts lay entirely waste, and crowds of people from all
parts made their way to the capital. Every street and bázár of the city
was choked with poor helpless people, so that it was difficult for the
inhabitants to move about. An Imperial order was issued, that in
addition to the regular bulghúr-khánas, where raw and cooked grain
was given away, ten more langar-khánas (free houses of
entertainment), should be opened in the city, and twelve bulghúr-
khánas in the suburbs and among the tombs, and careful men were
appointed to superintend them. Instructions were also issued for the
amírs to make provision for langar distributions, and orders were
given for the remission of taxes on (the transport of) grain, with the
view of favouring the gathering of stores.

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FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1071 A.H. (1661 A.D.).


[vol. ii. p. 128.] Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam married (in 1071 A.H.)
the daughter of Rája Rúp Singh.
Campaign of Khán-khánán Mu’azzam Khán (Mír Jumla) against
Assam.
[vol. ii. p. 130.] The country of Áshám (Assam) lies to the east and
north of Bengal between long ranges of hills. Its length is nearly 100
jaríbí kos, and its width from the mountains on the north to those on
the south side is eight days’ journey. It is said to be the native land of
Pírán Waisiya,* the wazír of Afrásiyáb, and the Rája of the country
traces his descent from this Pírán. In the beginning the Rájas were
fire-worshippers, but in course of time they became identified with the
idolators of Hind. * * It is the established practice in that country that
every individual pays annually one tola of gold-dust to the
government of the Rája. * * When the Rája of that country or a great
zamíndár dies, they dig a large tomb or apartment in the earth, and in
it they place his wives and concubines, as also his horses and
equipage, carpets, vessels of gold and silver, grain, etc., all such
things as are used in that country, the jewels worn by wives and
nobles, perfumes and fruit, sufficient to last for several days. These
they call the provisions for his journey to the next world, and when
they are all collected the door is closed upon them. It was in
consequence of this custom that the forces of Khán-khánán obtained
such large sums of money from under ground. The country of
Kámrúp borders upon Assam, and the two countries are friendly. For
the last twenty years the people of this country had been refractory.
They were in the habit of attacking the Imperial territories in the
province of Bengal, and of carrying off the ryots and Musulmáns as
prisoners. So great injury was done to life and property, and great
scandal was cast upon the Muhammadan religion.
Islám Khán, Súbadár of Bengal, led an army against the country in
the reign of Sháh Jahán, but he was recalled and appointed to the
office of wazír before the work was accomplished. Afterwards Shujá’
went to seek refuge with the Zamíndár of Rak-hang, who was one of
the zamíndárs of those parts, and his fate was never ascertained.
After Khán-khánán had settled the affairs of Dacca and other parts of
Bengal, he resolved upon marching against Assam, and began to
collect men and supplies for the campaign. When the Rája of Assam
and the Zamíndár of Kúch Bihár, named Bhím Naráín, heard of this,
they were greatly alarmed, and wrote penitent letters making
submission and seeking forgiveness. * * * These were forwarded to
the Emperor, but orders were sent to Khán-khánán for the
extermination of both of them. So he marched against that country
with artillery, provisions for sieges, and a number of boats, which are
of great importance for carrying on war in those parts. [Long details of
the campaign.] Khán-khánán had the khutba read and money coined
in the name of the Emperor. He set aside the government of the Rája,
and was desirous of pursuing him; but the rainy season was coming
on, and in that country it lasts five months, and rains almost
incessantly night and day. * * Large quantities of gold and silver were
obtained from the places of sepulture. * * Khán-khánán left the
commander of his artillery in the conquered fortress of Ghar-gánw to
take charge of it, and to get his guns in order, for artillery is all-
important in that country. The Khán then retired thirty kos and a half
from Ghar-gánw to Mathura-púr, which is situated at the foot of a hill,
and is not liable to inundation. There he found cantonments in which
to pass the rainy season. For seven or eight kos round he stationed
outposts under experienced officers to guard against surprise by the
Assamese. The infidels repeatedly made attacks on dark nights, and
killed many men and horses.
FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, CORRESPONDING TO 1072 A.H.
(1662 A.D.).
[vol. ii. p. 154.] The fifth year of the reign began 1st Shaw-wál. Soon
after the celebration of the fifth anniversary, the Emperor was
attacked by illness.* In the course of a week the fact got noised about
in the vicinity of the capital, where it interrupted the ordinary
occupations of the people, and excited the hopes of the disaffected.
But His Majesty’s health soon recovered, * * and on the 7th Jumáda-l
awwal he started from Dehlí for Láhore on his way to Kashmír.
Murder of Prince Murád Bakhsh.
[vol. ii. p. 155.] The author of the ‘Álamgír-náma has given an account
of the killing of Murád Bakhsh as suited his own pleasure (marzí). I
now give my version of it as I have ascertained it from written
records, and as I have heard it from the evidence of truthful men of
the time, and from the mouth of my own father, who was a
confidential servant of Murád Bakhsh, and until his services were no
longer needed lived at the foot of the fort (of Gwálior), intent upon
raising a rope-ladder (kamand) and of rescuing his master, without
even thinking of taking service under Aurangzeb. When Muhammad
Bakhsh was sent to the fortress, a favourite concubine, named
Sarsun Báí, was at his request allowed to accompany him. The
unfortunate prisoner used to give away half what was allowed him for
his support in cooked food to the Mughals and Mughal woman who
had followed him to his place of captivity, and lived in poverty at the
foot of the fortress. After many schemes had been proposed, the
Mughals contrived a plan for fastening a rope-ladder to the ramparts
at a given time and place. After the second watch of the night, before
the world was asleep, Murád Bakhsh communicated his intended
escape to Sarsun Báí, and promised to do his best to return and
rescue her. On hearing this, Sarsun Báí began to weep and cry out in
such a way that the guards heard what she said, and with lights and
torches searched for and discovered the ladder. When the plot was
communicated to Aurangzeb, he felt some alarm for his throne. At the
instigation of some of the Emperor’s friends, the sons of ‘Alí Nakí,
whom Murád Bakhsh had put to death, brought a charge of murder
against him. The eldest son refused to demand satisfaction for his
father’s death, but the second complied with the expressed wish, and
brought a charge of murder in a court of law against Murád Bakhsh.
The case came at length before the Emperor, and he directed that it
should be submitted to a judge. After it had been decided according
to law, the order was given in Rabí’u-s sání, 1072 A.H., for the judge
to go along with the heir of the slain man to Murád Bakhsh to
pronounce the sentence of the law, upon the murder being proved.
The date of his death is found in the line Ai wai ba-har bahánah
kushtand, “Alas and alas! on some pretext they killed him.” His
gracious Majesty rewarded the eldest son for not enforcing his claim
of blood.
The Campaign in Assam.
[vol. ii. p. 157.] I now revert to the campaign of Khán-khánán in
Assam. [Long details of the sufferings of the troops from the constant
attacks of the natives, from the rains and floods, from want of food,
and from sickness and disease.] The men of the army were reduced
to such extremity that some of the officers, after consulting together,
were about to move off and leave Khán-khánán. He got information of
this, and took measures to prevent it. He gave public orders for the
army to move its position towards that held by the Rája, but privately
he prepared for a (backward) march, and comforted his men with
prospects of peace and return. When the Assamese got intelligence
of the movement, they assembled in great numbers, and showed
great insolence. Diler Khán resolved to punish them, and thousands
of them were slain and made prisoners. Khán-khánán ordered that
the prisoners should have the heads of the slain tied round them, and
be thus exposed to the derision of the camp. He then sent them to
the outposts to be again exposed, and afterwards put to death. * *
The Rája at length consented to terms of peace. He agreed to pay
120,000 tolas of silver, and 2000 tolas of gold, and to present fifty
elephants and one of his ugly daughters to the Emperor. He also
agreed to present fifteen elephants and another daughter to Khán-
khánán, together with some cash and goods. It was further agreed
that of the conquered places a few forts and towns in cultivated
districts near the frontier of Bengal should be attached to the Imperial
dominions. * *

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In the middle of Jumáda-l awwal, in the fifth year of the reign, the
Khán-khánán began his return march with an army broken down by
disease, and with many of the officers and nobles at the point of
death. The Khán-khánán himself was seriously ill, but he strove to the
last in the service of his master. Concealing his own suffering, or
making light of it, he exerted himself night and day to direct and
comfort his army, until he was overpowered by disease, and knew
that the time of his departure was near. He appointed certain of his
officers to march against the Rája of Kúch Bihár, who had failed in
keeping his engagements and paying tribute. Then he spoke a few
last words of kindly counsel, and died at Khizr-púr, on the frontiers of
Kúch Bihár, on the 12th Ramazán, at the beginning of the sixth year of
the reign.

SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1073 A.H. (1663 A.D.).


Sivají surprises Sháyista Khán at Púna.
[vol. ii. p. 171.] The Amíru-l umará (Sháyista Khán), after taking
several forts and strong places, proceeded to Púna, and lodged there
in a house which had been built by that hell-dog Sivají. From thence
he sent out detachments to destroy the power of Sivají, and to make
him prisoner. A regulation had been made that no person, especially
no Mahratta, should be allowed to enter the city or the lines of the
army without a pass, whether armed or unarmed, excepting persons
in the Imperial service. No Mahratta horseman was taken into the
service. Sivají, beaten and dispirited, had retired into mountains
difficult of access, and was continually changing his position. One day
a party of Mahrattas, who were serving as foot-soldiers, went to the
kotwál, and applied for a pass to admit 200 Mahrattas, who were
accompanying a marriage party. A boy dressed up as a bridegroom,
and escorted by a party of Mahrattas with drums and music, entered
the town early in the evening. On the same day another party was
allowed to enter the town on the report that a number of the enemy
had been made prisoners at one of the outposts, and that another
party was bringing them in pinioned and bare-headed, holding them
by ropes and abusing and reviling them as they went along. They
proceeded to the place agreed upon, where the whole party met and
put on arms. At midnight they went to the cook-house, which was
near the women’s apartments. Between the two there was a small
window stopped up with mud and bricks. They proceeded by a way
well known to them, and got into the kitchen. It was the month of the
fast. Some of the cooks were awake, and busy in preparing the
vessels for cooking, and others were asleep. The assailants
approached noiselessly, and, as far as they were able, they attacked
and killed unawares those who were awake. Those who were asleep
they butchered as they lay. So no great alarm was raised. They then
quickly set to work about opening the closed window in the palace.
The noise of their pickaxes and the cries of the slaughtered men
awoke a servant who was sleeping in a room next to the wall of the
cook-house. He went to the Amíru-l umará (Sháyista Khán), and
informed him of what he had heard. The Amír scolded him, and said
that it was only the cooks who had got up to do their work. Some
maid-servants then came, one after another, to say that a hole was
being made through the wall. The Amír then jumped up in great
alarm, and seized a bow, some arrows, and a spear. Just then some
Mah-rattas came up in front, and the Amír shot one with an arrow; but
he got up to the Amír, and cut off his thumb. Two Mahrattas fell into a
reservoir of water, and Amíru-l umará brought down another with his
spear. In the midst of the confusion two slave-girls took Sháyista
Khán, Amíru-l umará, by the hand, and dragged him from the scene
of strife to a place of safety. A number of Mahrattas got into the
guard-house, and killed every one they found on his pillow, whether
sleeping or awake, and said: “This is how they keep watch!” Some
men got into the nakár-khána, and in the name of the Amíru-l umará
ordered the drums to be beaten; so such a din was raised that one
man could not hear another speak, and the noise made by the
assailants grew higher. They closed the doors. Abú-l Fath Khán, son
of Sháyista Khán, a brave young man, rushed forward and killed two
or three men, but was himself wounded and killed. A man of
importance, who had a house behind the palace of the Amíru-l
umará, hearing the outcry, and finding the doors shut, endeavoured
to escape by a rope-ladder from a window; but he was old and feeble,
and somewhat resembled Sháyista Khán. The Mahrattas mistook him
for the Amíru-l umará, killed him and cut off his head. They also
attacked two of the Amír’s women. One of them was so cut about that
her remains were collected in a basket which served for her coffin.
The other recovered, although she had received thirty or forty
wounds. The assailants gave no thought to plundering, but made
their way out of the house and went off.
In the morning Rája Jaswant, who was commander of Amíru-l
umará’s supports, came in to see the Amír, and make his apology;
but that high-born noble spoke not a word beyond saying, “I thought
the Mahárája was in His Majesty’s service when such an evil befell
me.” When this occurrence was reported to the Emperor, he passed
censure both upon the Amír and Rája Jaswant. The Súbadárí of the
Dakhin and the command of the forces employed against Sivají was
given to Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam. The Amíru-l umará was
recalled, but a subsequent order sent him to be Súbadár of Bengal.
Mahárája Jaswant was continued as before among the auxiliary
forces under the Prince.

SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1074 A.H. (1664 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 177.] Despatches arrived from Prince Mu’azzam to the
effect that Sivají was growing more and more daring, and every day
was attacking and plundering the Imperial territories and caravans.
He had seized the ports of Jíwal, Pábal* and others near Surat, and
attacked the vessels of pilgrims bound to Mecca. He had built several
forts by the seashore, and had entirely interrupted maritime
intercourse. He had also struck copper coins (sikka-i pul) and huns in
the fort of Ráj-garh. Mahárája Jaswant had endeavoured to suppress
him, but without avail. Rája Jai Sing [and many other nobles] were
sent to join the armies fighting against him.

EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1075 A.H. (1665 A.D.).


War in the Dakhin. Surrender of Sivají.
Rája Jai Singh proceeded to his command and paid his respects to
Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam at Aurangábád. He then went to Púna,
and having arranged the affairs of that district, he employed himself in
distributing the forces under his command to ravage the country and
attack the forts of the enemy. He himself proceeded to attack the forts
of Púrandhar and Rúdar Mál,* two of the most noted fortresses in the
country, which had formerly belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk. The two forts
were close to each other. Diler Khán was sent on in command of the
advanced force. * * Diler Khán began the siege, and both the forts
were invested. The garrison made a vigorous defence. * * Jai Singh
arrived with his son Kesar Singh. * * After a bastion had been blown
up on one side, a panic seized the defenders of the foot of the hill.
The besiegers then attacked them and succeeded in making their
way to the top of the hill, when the defenders called for quarter, which
was granted to them by the Rája and Diler Khán. The two
commandants waited upon Diler Khán, and were sent to the Rája,
who disarmed the garrison, and took possession of the forts. Eighty
men, horsemen, infantry and sappers, were lost in the siege, and
more than a hundred were wounded.
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After the conquest of the two forts, Rája Jai Singh sent Dáúd Khán
and * * with seven thousand horse to plunder and lay waste the
country which Sivají had won by force and violence. Great efforts
were made on both sides, and for five months the Imperial forces
never rested from harassing and fighting the enemy. At Sívápúr,
which was built by Sivají, and at the forts of Kandána* and Kanwárí-
garh, not one trace of cultivation was left, and cattle out of number
were taken. But on the other hand, the sudden attacks by the enemy,
their brilliant successes, their assaults in dark nights, their seizure of
the roads and difficult passes, and the firing of the jungles full of
trees, severely tried the Imperial forces, and men and beasts in great
numbers perished. But the enemy also had suffered great losses, and
took to flight. The fort of Rájgarh,* which Sivají himself held, and the
fort of Kandána, in which were his wife and his maternal relations,
were both invested, and the besiegers pressed the garrisons hard.
The roads on all sides were blockaded, and Sivají knew that,
however much he might desire it, he could not rescue his family and
carry them to a place of safety. He also knew that if these strongholds
were taken, his wife and family would be liable to suffer the
consequences of his own evil deeds. Accordingly he sent some
intelligent men to Rája Jai Singh, begging forgiveness of his offences,
promising the surrender of several forts which he still held, and
proposing to pay a visit to the Rája. But the Rája, knowing well his
craft and falsehood, gave directions for pressing the attack more
vigorously, until the intelligence was brought that Sivají had come out
of the fortress. Some confidential Bráhmans now came from him, and
confirmed his expressions of submission and repentance with the
most stringent oaths.
The Rája promised him security for his life and honour, upon
condition of his going to wait on the Emperor, and of agreeing to enter
into his service. He also promised him the grant of a high mansab,
and made preparations for suitably receiving him. Sivají then
approached with great humility. The Rája sent his munshí to receive
him, and he also sent some armed Rájpúts to provide against
treachery. The munshí carried a message to say that if Sivají
submitted frankly, gave up his forts, and consented to show
obedience, his petition for forgiveness would be granted by the
Emperor. If he did not accept these terms, he had better return and
prepare to renew the war. When Sivají received the message, he said
with great humility that he knew his life and honour were safe if he
made his submission. The Rája then sent a person of higher rank to
bring him in with honour.
When Sivají entered, the Rája arose, embraced him, and seated him
near himself. Sivají then, with a thousand signs of shame, clasped his
hands and said, “I have come as a guilty slave to seek forgiveness,
and it is for you either to pardon or to kill me at your pleasure. I will
make over my great forts, with the country of the Kokan, to the
Emperor’s officers, and I will send my son to enter the Imperial
service. As for myself, I hope that after the interval of one year, when
I have paid my respects to the Emperor, I may be allowed, like other
servants of the State, who exercise authority in their own provinces,
to live with my wife and family in a small fort or two. Whenever and
wherever my services, are required, I will, on receiving orders,
discharge my duty loyally.” The Rája cheered him up, and sent him to
Diler Khán.
After directions had been given for the cessation of the siege, seven
thousand persons, men, women and children, came out of the fort. All
that they could not carry away became the property of the
Government, and the fort was taken possession of by the forces.
Diler Khán presented Sivají with a sword, and * *. He then took him
back to the Rája, who presented him with a robe, * * and renewed his
assurances of safety and honourable treatment. Sivají, with ready
tact, bound on the sword in an instant, and promised to render faithful
service. When the question about the time Sivají was to remain under
parole, and of his return home, came under consideration, Rája Jai
Singh wrote to the Emperor, asking forgiveness for Sivají and the
grant of a robe to him, and awaited instructions. * * A mace-bearer
arrived with the farmán and a robe, * * and Sivají was overjoyed at
receiving forgiveness and honour.
A discussion then arose about the forts, and it was finally settled that
out of the thirty-five forts which he possessed, the keys of twenty-
three should be given up, with their revenues, amounting to ten lacs
of huns, or forty lacs of rupees. Twelve small forts, with moderate
revenues,* were to remain in the possession of Sivají’s people.
Sambhá his son, a boy of eight years old, in whose name a mansab
of 5000 had been granted at Rája Jai Singh’s suggestion, was to
proceed to Court with the Rája, attended by a suitable retinue. Sivají
himself, with his family, was to remain in the hills, and endeavour to
restore the prosperity of his ravaged country. Whenever he was
summoned on Imperial service, he was to attend. On his being
allowed to depart, he received a robe, horse, and * *.
Death of Sháh Jahán.
[vol. ii. p. 186.] It now became known that the Sáhib Kirán-i sání
(Sháh Jahán) was very ill, and that his life was drawing to a close.
Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam was immediately sent off in haste to
visit him, but he received the intelligence of his (grandfather’s) death
while on his way. He died* at the end of Rajab 1076 A.H. (22nd Jan.
1666), in the eighth year of the reign of Aurangzeb, who grieved
much over his deatḥ. Sháh Jahán reigned thirty-one years, and he
was secluded and under restraint nearly eight years.*
[vol. ii. p. 188.] Among the events of this year was the subjugation of
Sangrám-nagar and Chátgám near Arracan. The zamíndárs of these
places had shaken off their allegiance, but Ummed Khán, eldest son
of Sháyista Khán, Amíru-l umará, defeated them. * * The name of
Sangrám-nagar was changed to ‘Álamgír-nagar, and that of Chátgám
to Islámábád.

NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1076 A.H. (1666 A.D.).


Sivají at the Imperial Court.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 189.] Rája Jai Singh, in the war with Bíjápúr, to be
described presently, had, with the co-operation of Sivají, done
splendid service. After giving Sivají every assurance of a kind and
gracious reception, he made himself responsible for his safety, and
sent him to Court. News of Sivají’s arrival was brought as the festival
of the accession was being celebrated. It was ordered that Kunwar
Rám Singh, son of Rája Jai Singh, with Mukhlis Khán, should go out
to meet and conduct that evil malicious fellow into Ágra. On the 18th
Zí-l ka’da, 1076, Sivají, and his son of nine years old, had the honour
of being introduced to the Emperor. He made an offering of 500
ashrafís and 6000 rupees, altogether 30,000 rupees. By the royal
command he was placed in the position of a panj-hazárí. But his son,
a boy of eight years, had privately been made a panj-hazárí, and
Nathují, one of his relations, who had rendered great service to Rája
Jai Singh in his campaign against Bíjápúr, had been advanced to the
same dignity, so that Sivají had a claim to nothing less than the
dignity of a haft-hazárí (7000). Rája Jai Singh had flattered Sivají with
promises; but as the Rája knew the Emperor to have a strong feeling
against Sivají, he artfully refrained from making known the promises
he had held out. The istikbál, or reception of Sivají, had not been
such as he expected. He was annoyed,* and so, before the robe and
jewels and elephant, which were ready for presentation to him, could
be presented, he complained to Rám Singh that he was disappointed.
The Kunwar tried to pacify him, but without effect. When his
disrespectful bearing came to the knowledge of the Emperor, he was
dismissed with little ceremony, without receiving any mark of the
Imperial bounty, and was taken to a house outside the city near to the
house of Rája Jai Singh, as had been arranged by Kunwar Rám
Singh. A letter was sent to Rája Jai Singh, informing him of what had
passed, and Sivají was forbidden to come to the Royal presence until
the Rája’s answer and advice should arrive. His son was ordered to
attend the presence in the company of Rám Singh.

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Next Previous Contents Next Previous Contents

Campaign against Bíjápúr.


[Text, vol. ii. p. 191.] Rája Jai Singh, with Diler Khán and his other
associates, in obedience to orders, marched against Bíjá-púr. He took
with him, as guides and assistants, Mullá Yahyá Bíjápúrí, Purdil
Khán, Sivají, and Nathují, one of Sivají’s relations, who was his chief
supporter, and for whom also a mansab of 5000 had been proposed.
His force amounted on paper (kalamí) to 33,000 horse, but he had
with him 25,000. Abú-l Majd, grandson of Bahlol Khán, and one of the
bravest of the nobles of Bíjápúr, separated from ‘Ádil Khán, and
joined Rája Jai Singh, whom he assisted in subduing that country.
The Rája acted in all matters upon his advice, and he wrote to the
Emperor recommending that a mansab of 5000 and 4000 horse
should be settled upon him, which request was graciously acceded
to. Forts belonging to Bíjápúr were taken by storm, or after a few
days’ siege, in all directions. Sivají and Nathují, with two thousand
horse and eight or nine thousand infantry, showed great skill in taking
forts, and won much fame. In the course of three or four weeks three
forts, Mangal-pahra and others, were taken. [Severe fighting.]
At length, after two months’ fighting, the Imperial forces came to five
kos distance from Bíjápúr. On the 2nd Rajab they began the
investment of the city. ‘Ádil Khán, being now closed in, directed his
generals to enter the Imperial territory and lay it waste. Others were
sent to oppose the Rája and attack his baggage. The embankments
of the tanks were cut, poisonous matters and carrion were thrown into
the wells, the trees and lofty buildings near the fortress were
destroyed, spikes were fixed in the ground, and the gardens and
houses on both sides of the city were so destroyed that not a trace of
culture was left near the city. * * Khwája Neknám, a eunuch, joined
Sharza Khán, the commander of ‘Ádil Khán’s army, with a
reinforcement of 6000 horse and 25,000 infantry, from Kutbu-l Mulk.
Every day there was severe fighting, and the men and animals which
went out from the Imperial army to forage were cut off. Diler Khán
was present wherever danger was, but to recount all the combats
which were fought would be long and tedious. * *
Sivají, with Nathují and several thousand Imperial horse, had been
sent to reduce the fort of Parnála;* but after making some bold
movements, he was obliged to relinquish the attempt, and proceeded
to Khelna,* one of his own forts. Nathújí, who had been corrupted by
some of the Bíjápúr chiefs, separated from Sivají, and went off along
with them. The Rája called Sivají to him, and treated him very
courteously. At length, by the active exertions and clever
management of Sivají, several forts came into the possession of the
royal forces. In accordance with Sivají’s own desire, and in
performance of the promise made to him, under the Imperial orders
he was sent off express with his son at the end of the month of
Ramazán to Court. After the departure of Sivají, the siege of Bíjápúr
was carried on for two months and a half longer, and there were
many hard fights under the walls. * *
At the end of Zí-l ka’da the siege had gone on for eight months,
during which neither cavalry nor infantry had rested. All round Bíjápúr
for forty or fifty kos not a trace of grass or fodder was left. No supplies
arrived, so the Imperial armies were reduced to great straits. The
Rája and Diler Khán therefore deemed it advisable to remove to the
neighbourhood of Dhárúr, to have their wounded tended, to give rest
to their troops, and to collect lead and powder. They also hoped to
obtain there supplies of fodder and corn. A despatch to this effect was
sent off to the Emperor. The Dakhinís also, inside the fortress, found
their provisions drawing to an end, and their weapons expended or
damaged. Both besiegers and besieged were therefore anxious for
an arrangement. * * When the despatch reached the Emperor, he
issued an order directing his generals to cease operations against
‘Ádil Khán. Rája Jai Singh was directed to proceed to Auraugábád,
and Diler Khán was recalled to Court.
Sivají’s Escape.
[vol. ii. p. 198.] After Sivají returned angry and disappointed from the
royal presence to his house, orders were given to the kotwál to place
guards round it.* Sivají, reflecting upon his former deeds and his
present condition, was sadly troubled by the state of his affairs. He
thought of nothing else but of delivering himself by some crafty plan
from his perilous position. His subtle mind was not long in contriving a
scheme. From the beginning he kept up a show of friendship and
intimacy with the amírs, and with Kunwar Rám Singh. He sent them
presents of Dakhin products, and, by expressing contrition for his
past conduct, he won them over to advocate the acceptance of his
shame and repentance.
Afterwards he feigned to be ill, and groaned and sighed aloud.
Complaining of pains in the liver and spleen, he took to his bed, and,
as if prostrated with consumption or fever, he sought remedies from
the physicians. For some time he carried on this artifice. At length he
made known his recovery. He sent presents to his doctors and
attendants, food to the Bráhmans, and presents of grain and money
to needy Musulmáns and Hindús. For this purpose he had provided
large baskets covered with paper. These, being filled with
sweetmeats of all sorts, were sent to the houses of the amírs and the
abodes of fakírs. Two or three swift horses were procured, and, under
the pretence of being presents to Bráhmans, they were sent to a
place appointed fourteen kos from the city, in charge of some of his
people, who were privy to his plans. A devoted companion, who
resembled him in height and figure, took his place upon the couch,
and Sivají’s gold ring was placed upon his hand. He was directed to
throw a piece of fine muslin over his head, but to display the ring he
wore upon his hand; and when any one came in, to feign to be
asleep. Sivají, with his son, got into two baskets, and were carried
out, it being pretended that the baskets contained sweetmeats in-
tended for the bráhmans and fakírs of Mathurá.
Thus, on the last day of Safar, Sivají got out of Ágra, and proceeded
to where his horses were posted. Thence, in the course of two
watches, he reached Mathurá. There he shaved off his beard and
whiskers, and smeared his own and his son’s face with ashes, and,
taking with him some jewels and gold, he went off with some of his
confederates, who were also disguised as fakírs. He crossed the
Jumna at an unfrequented ferry, and proceeded towards Benares,
travelling in the night, and being guided by some swift Dakhiní
runners, whose business is to disguise themselves and travel in all
directions. It is said that they carried sufficient money and jewels for
their wants in hollow walking-sticks.
On the following day, at the fifth watch, a Dakhiní runner, employed
as a spy, brought information that Sivají had got free and was making
off. The kotwál was directed to make inquiry, but he replied that the
guards were at their posts round the house. Another spy confidently
reported his escape. The kotwál’s men went to see, and they saw as
they thought Sivají asleep under his thin covering, and his ring
distinctly visible. The kotwál reported accordingly. A third spy now
strongly asseverated that Sivají had escaped, and was forty or fifty
kos away. A closer investigation revealed the fact of his escape. The
kotwál and Kunwar Rám Singh were censured, and as Rám Singh
was suspected of having prompted the evasion, he was deprived of
his mansab and forbidden to come to Court. Orders were sent to the
provincial governors, and to the officials in all directions, to search for
Sivají, and to seize him and send him to the Emperor.
Rája Jai Singh, who just at this time had retired from Bíjápúr, and had
arrived at Aurangábád, received orders to arrest Nathújí before the
escape of Sivají became public, and to send him to Court. After that
he was to watch carefully for the bird escaped from the cage, and not
suffer him to re-establish himself in his old haunts and to gather his
followers around him. * * It is said that Sivají made such expedition in
his flight that no courier could have overtaken him. But his son
Sambhá, a boy of tender years, was with him, and he suffered so
much from the rapid motion, that Sivají left him behind at Alláhábád,
in charge of a Bráhman, a man of high repute in that place, whose
relations in the Dakhin had been closely connected with Sivají’s
father. Sivají placed a sum of money with the Bráhman and
commended the boy to his care. He was not to part from him until he
received a letter in Sivají’s own hand; and if he obtained certain
intelligence of Sivají’s death, he was to act as he deemed best.

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Next Previous Contents

Siege of Bíjápúr raised.


Rája Jai Singh, in obedience to orders, raised the siege of Bíjápúr.
Knowing that the forts which he had taken could not be held after his
departure, through want of provisions on the inside, against the
swarms of Dakhinís outside, he resolved to abandon them. He took
out of them such guns as he could carry away. Then he gave the forts
up to plunder, and afterwards set fire to them, and blew up the strong
towers and walls. Then he proceeded to Aurangábád. Information
now reached him of the flight of Sivají, and, in obedience to the
Imperial command, he arrested Nathújí and his son, and sent them to
Court. * * On arriving there, Nathújí was ordered to be kept under
close surveillance. Seeing no other chance of escape, he expressed
a wish to become a Musulmán, which greatly pleased the Emperor.
So he was initiated, and received a mansab of three thousand and
two thousand horse, with the title of Muhammad Kulí Khán. After
some time, when he returned to the Dakhin with reinforcements for
Diler Khán, he recanted, and seized an opportunity to join Sivají.

TENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1077 A.H. (1667 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 207.] Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam was appointed
Súbadár of the Dakhin, * * and intelligence reached the Court of the
death of Rája Jai Singh.

ELEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1078 A.H. (1668 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 211.] After the expiration of ten years (of the reign),
authors were forbidden to write the events of this just and righteous
Emperor’s reign. Nevertheless some competent persons (did write),
and particularly Musta’idd Khán, who secretly wrote an abridged
account of the campaign in the Dakhin, simply detailing the
conquests of the countries and forts, without alluding at all to the
misfortunes of the campaign; and Bindrában, who wrote an abridged
account of the events of some years of the second and third decades.
But I have neither seen nor obtained any history that contains a full
and detailed account of the forty remaining years of the reign.
Consequently, from the eleventh to the twenty-first year of the
Emperor’s reign, I have not been able to relate the events in the order
in which they occurred, giving the month and year; but after this year,
with very great labour and pains, I collected information from the
papers in the public offices, and by inquiry made from truthful
persons, the confidential and old servants of the Emperor and old
eunuchs. This, and whatsoever I myself observed, after attaining
years of discretion, for thirty or forty years, I laid up in the strong box
(of my memory), and that I have written. And since I heard that
Bindrában Dás Bahádur Sháhí, who was long a mutasaddi of Sháh
‘Álam during the time he was a prince, had compiled a history, and
had included in it an account of upwards of thirty years, being
exceedingly anxious to see it, I made great search for it.
Subsequently when, after great trouble, I obtained a copy, and
examined it carefully from beginning to end, in the hope that I might
gather the rich fruits of his labours, I discovered that his work did not
contain one-half of what I had collected and included in my own
history.*
The King of happy disposition strove earnestly from day to day to put
in force the rules of the Law, and to maintain the Divine commands
and prohibitions. Orders were also issued prohibiting the collection of
the ráhdárí, the pándarí, and other imposts which brought in lacs of
rupees to the State. Prohibitions were promulgated against
intoxicating drinks, against taverns and brothels, and against the
meetings called játras or fairs, at which on certain dates countless
numbers of Hindús, men and women of every tribe, assemble at their
idol temples— when lacs of rupees change hands in buying and
selling, and from which large sums accrue to the provincial treasuries.
The minstrels and singers of reputation in the service of the Court
were made ashamed of their occupation, and were advanced to the
dignities of mansabs. Public proclamations were made prohibiting
singing and dancing. It is said that one day a number of singers and
minstrels gathered together with great cries, and having fitted up a
bier with a good deal of display, round which were grouped the public
wailers, they passed under the Emperor’s jharokha-i darsan, or
interview-window. When he inquired what was intended by the bier
and the show, the minstrels said that Music was dead, and they were
carrying his corpse for burial. Aurangzeb then directed them to place
it deep in the ground, that no sound or cry might afterwards arise
from it.
In the reigns of former kings, and up to this year, the jharokha-i
darsan had been a regular institution. Although the King might be
suffering from bodily indisposition, he went to the jharokha once or
twice a day at stated times, and put his head out of the window to
show that he was safe. This window, at Ágra and at Dehlí, was
constructed on the side looking towards the Jumna. Besides the
nobles in attendance at the Court, hundreds of thousands of men and
women of all classes used to collect under the jharokha and offer
their blessings and praises. Many Hindús were known by the name of
darsaní, for until they had seen the person of the King at the window,
they put not a morsel of food into their mouths. His religious Majesty
looked upon this as among the forbidden and unlawful practices, so
he left off sitting in the window, and forbade the assembling of the
crowd beneath it.
[TWELFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.]*
Escape of Sivají.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 217.] Sivají left Mathurá after changing his clothes and
shaving off his beard and whiskers, carrying with him his youthful son
and forty or fifty individuals, servants and dependents, who all
smeared their faces with ashes, and assumed the appearance of
Hindú mendicants. The valuable jewels and the gold mohurs and the
huns they carried with them were concealed in walking sticks, which
had been hollowed out for the purpose, and were covered at the top
with knobs. Some was sewed up in old slippers, and the wearers,
pretending to be Hindú mendicants of three different classes,
Bairágís, Gosáíns, and Udásís, proceeded by way of Alláhábád to
Benares. One very valuable diamond with some rubies was encased
in wax, and concealed in the dress of one of his followers, and other
jewels were placed in the mouths of other attendants.
So they proceeded until they reached a place of which the faujdár,
‘Alí Kulí Khán, had received private and public notice of Sivají’s
escape. The faujdár, knowing of the escape of Sivají, on hearing of
the arrival of these three parties of Hindú devotees, ordered them all
to be placed in confinement, and an inquiry to be made. All these
men and some other travellers remained in confinement a night and a
day. On the second night Sivají, at the second watch of the night,
proceeded alone to the faujdár in private, and acknowledged that he
was Sivají. But, said he, “I have two gems, a diamond and a ruby of
great value, with more than a lac of rupees. If you secure me and
send me back a prisoner, or if you cut off my head and forward that,
the two priceless jewels will be lost to you. Here am I, and here is my
head; but still, keep off thine hand from wretched me in this
dangerous strait.” ‘Alí Kulí preferred the ready bribe to the hope of the
reward which might afterwards accrue to him. He took the two
valuable jewels, and on the following morning, after making inquiries,
he released all the devotees and travellers from custody.
Sivají, looking upon his escape as a new lease of life, hastened to
pursue his journey in the direction of Benares. He himself in rapid
travelling and walking beat even the regular runners; but after
reaching Alláhábád, his young son Sambhá, who accompanied him,
was foot-sore and worn out. Sivají therefore at Benares gave a
quantity of jewels and money, and placed his boy in the charge of a
Bráhman, named Kabkalas,* who was the hereditary family priest of
his family, and who happened at that time to be at Benares. Sivají
promised that if he reached home alive, he would write to the
Bráhman, who was then to conduct the boy to his father by the road
and in the manner prescribed in the letter. He warned him against
listening to the wishes of the boy, or attending to letters from his
mother. Having thus provided for the care of his boy, he continued his
flight, * * and he had hardly entered Benares before the government
messengers brought the news of Sivají’s escape. * * Sivají then
continued his flight by way of Bihár, Patna and Chánda, which is a
thickly-wooded country and difficult of passage. Every place he came
to, he and his followers changed their disguises, and so passed on
from place to place secretly till he reached Haidarábád, and came to
‘Abdu-llah Kutbu-l Mulk. There he told such stories and used such
arts and wiles to forward his purpose that he deceived ‘Abdu-llah
Sháh.
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Conquests of Sivají.
[vol. ii. p. 220.] Sundry forts which had belonged to the Kutb-Sháhí
kings had passed into the hands of the ‘Ádil-Sháhís. Sivají had a
great reputation for skill in the reduction of forts, and he swore to
‘Abdu-lla Sháh, that if he would supply him with forces and the means
for conducting sieges, he would in a short time wrest these forts from
the Bíjápúrís, and hand them over to the officers appointed to
accompany him; he would not even accept some forts which had
belonged to himself, and were in the possession of the officers of
Aurangzeb, if he recovered them by the means supplied him. He
vowed also that for the remainder of his life he would remain the
devoted servant and adherent of ‘Abdu-lla Sháh. The ultimate objects
of the arch deceiver never entered into the consideration of ‘Abdu-llah
Sháh. He provided a sufficient force and a suitable siege train, and he
appointed to it several officers acquainted with siege operations,
whom he enjoined to serve heartily in obedience to and in accord with
Sivají.

Sivají, with the force placed under his command, marched on his
enterprise. By fraud and stratagem, and by his marvellous skill in the
conduct of sieges, every fort that he approached fell into his hands
after a few days’ investment. He cajoled the officers who had been
sent with him to take charge of the captured forts, with plausible
statements, with promises of giving them the command of more
important places, and by using the money and property he had
obtained from the captured strongholds. So he carried them with him
to other forts, and in a short time he reduced Sattára, Parnála, and
ten or twelve other renowned forts belonging to Bíjápúr, which it
would have taken years and lacs of expense to conquer. He then
marched against Rájgarh, and other forts which had been captured
by Rája Jai Singh, Diler Khán, and other Imperial generals, the keys
of which he himself had surrendered. Having mastered them all, he
placed one or two of them in charge of the officers of ‘Abdu-llah
Sháh.
According to common report, and the oral statements of men of
Haidarábád, Sivají came to that city in the first or second year of the
reign of Abú-l Hasan, and succeeded in wheedling and satisfying that
sovereign. When he had finished his fortress-taking, according to his
wont, he took up his abode at Rájgarh, and there again raised the
standard of rebellion. In the days when the fortifications of the port of
Surat were not yet completed, he attacked and took the place.* There
he obtained an immense booty in gold and silver, coined and
uncoined, and in the stuffs of Kashmír, Ahmadábád, and other places.
He also made prisoners of some thousand Hindú men and women of
name and station, and Musulmáns of honourable position. Krors in
money and goods thus came into the hands of that evil infidel.
Aurangzeb, on being informed of the capture and plunder of Surat,
ordered that the fortifications of that port should be completed; and he
placed Diler Khán and Khán-Jahán in command of an army to punish
Sivají. It is said that Sivají got together some ten or twelve thousand
Kachh and Arab horses, so that when he sent out an army most of
the horsemen were bárgírs, i.e. they rode horses belonging to him.
He rebuilt the forts which had formerly stood on the sea-shore, and
he constructed also vessels of war, which were kept under the guns
of the fortress. With these vessels he attacked and plundered ships
which were proceeding to Europe and to Mecca.
When Sivají had satisfied himself of the security of Rájgarh, his old
retreat, and of the dependent territory, he turned his thoughts towards
finding some other more inaccessible hill as a place for his abode.
After diligent search he fixed upon the hill of Ráhírí,* a very high and
strong place. The ascent of this place was three kos, and it was
situated twenty-four kos from the sea; but an inlet of the sea was
about seven kos from the foot of the hill. The road to Surat passed
near the place, and that port was ten or twelve stages distant by land.
Rájgarh was four or five stages off. The hills are very lofty and difficult
of ascent. Rain falls there for about five months in the year. The place
was a dependency of the Kokan, belonging to Nizámu-l Mulk. Having
fixed on the spot, he set about building his fort. When the gates and
bastions and walls were complete and secure, he removed thither
from Rájgarh, and made it his regular residence. After the guns were
mounted, and the place made safe, he closed all the roads around,
leaving only one leading to his fortress. One day he called an
assembly, and having placed a bag of gold and a gold bracelet worth
a hundred pagodas before the people, he ordered proclamation to be
made that this would be given to any one who would ascend to the
fort, and plant a flag, by any other than the appointed road, without
the aid of ladder or rope. A Dher came forward, and said that with the
permission of the Rája he would mount to the top of the hill, plant the
flag, and return. He ascended the hill, fixed the flag, quickly came
down again, and made his obeisance. Sivají ordered that the purse of
money and the gold bracelet should be given to him, and that he
should be set at liberty; and he gave directions for closing the way by
which the Dher had ascended.
At the first, Ráhírí was attached to the Kokan, and belonged to
Nizámu-l Mulk. Afterwards this country and several of the
dependencies of Bíjápúr passed into the possession of the Emperor
Sháh Jahán. When the Imperial government became friendly with
Bíjápúr, the Kokan, which had belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk, was
granted to ‘Ádil Sháh in exchange for territory newly acquired by
Bíjápúr. Fath Khán, an Afghán, was appointed governor of the
country on the part of Bíjápúr, and he posted himself in the fort of
Dandá-Rájpúrí,* which is situated half in the sea and half on land.
Subsequently he built the fort of Jazíra* upon an island in the sea,
about a cannon-shot distant from Dandá-Rájpúrí, in a very secure
position, so that, if the governor of the country was hard pressed by
an enemy, he might have a secure retreat in that place.
After Sivají had fixed his abode at Ráhírí, which is twenty kos from
Dandá-Rájpúrí, he appointed a commandant of that fortress. In a
short time, he reduced and occupied seven other forts, small and
great, in that neighbourhood, and then resolved upon the conquest of
Dandá-Rájpúrí. Fath Khán had observed the triumphant progress of
Sivají, and how fortress after fortress had fallen into his hands. So
Fath Khán lost courage; he abandoned Dandá-Rájpúrí, and retired to
the island fortress in the sea. Sivají then resolved to effect the
conquest of the island also, and he so conducted matters that Fath
Khán was soon reduced to extremities, and he offered to surrender
the place to Sivají, upon a pledge of security to himself and the
garrison.
Fath Khán had in his service three Abyssinian slaves, Sídí Sambal,
Sídí Yákút, and Sídí Khairiyat, each of whom had ten Abyssinian
slaves, which he had trained and drilled. The management of the
island and of many domestic concerns was in the hands of these
Abyssinians. These three men got information of the enemy’s power,
and of Fath Khán’s intention of surrendering the island to Sivají. They
took counsel together, and resolved that no good could come from
allowing the island to pass into the hands of any infidel. So they
determined to take Fath Khán prisoner, and to make Sídí Sambal
governor of the fortress. In the fourteenth year of the reign these
Abyssinians seized Fath Khán unawares, placed chains upon his
legs, and wrote a statement of the facts to ‘Ádil Sháh Bíjápúrí. They
also wrote to Khán-Jahán, the Súbadár of the Dakhin, begging the
aid of the Imperial forces, and requesting him to send his forces by
sea from Surat. Khán-Jahán graciously bestowed mansabs and
presents on each of the three Abyssinians.
Khán-Jahán also took measures to thwart the designs of Sivají.
Hegot together some ships at the fortress (of Surat), and began the
rebuilding which had been ordered. Then he collected some ships of
war with the intention of taking a cruise. One night he attacked the
vessels of Sivají which lay near the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí, and
captured them with two hundred sailors trained for warlike work. One
hundred of them were Mahrattas, and had lately been appointed to
this duty by Sivají. Stones were tied to the feet of these men, and
they were thrown into the sea. From that day forth the animosity
between the Abyssinians and Sivají grew more violent. Sivají
collected forty or fifty vessels of war to defend the forts of Kalába and
Gandírí, which were the strongest of his newly-built forts on the sea-
shore. He then turned his thoughts to the reduction of the fort of
Jazíra (Jinjera), and the capture of the Abyssinians. There were
frequent naval fights between the opposing forces, in which the
Abyssinians were often victorious.
Sídí Sambal was advanced to a mansab of 900, and then he died.
Before he expired he made Sídí Yákút his successor, and enjoined all
the other Abyssinians to pay him a loyal and cheerful obedience. Sídí
Yákút was distinguished among his people for courage, benignity and
dignity. He now strove more than ever to collect ships of war, to
strengthen the fortress, and to ward off naval attacks. He was armed
and ready night and day. He frequently captured ships of the enemy,
and cut off the heads of many Mahrattas, and sent them to Surat. He
used to write reports to Khán-Jahán, and he frequently received
marks of approbation from him. He was constantly revolving in his
mind plans for wresting the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí from the hands of
Sivají. He got together some rockets,* which he fastened to trees,
and discharged them at night against the fort.

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Sivají also was prosecuting his plans for the reduction of Jazíra. But
he now retired to a dwelling about three kos to celebrate the holí,
leaving in command at Rájpúrí some officers experienced in siege
work, to prosecute incessantly the operations against Jazíra during
his absence, and he held out to them the reward of a man of gold and
other presents. One night, while the garrison of Dandá-Rájpúrí were
celebrating the holí, and were intoxicated or inattentive, Sídí Yákút
sent on shore four or five hundred men under Sídí Khairiyat with
ropes, ladders, and other apparatus. He himself drew thirty or forty
boats laden with siege matériel under the walls of Rájpúrí, and gave
the signal agreed upon to announce his arrival. They found the
garrison off their guard, and Sídí Khairiyat assaulted the place with
loud cries from the land side. When the enemy took the alarm, and
rushed to repel the attack on that side, Sídí Yákút planted his scaling-
ladders, which he had brought in his boats, and by means of these
and of ropes, his brave followers scaled the walls, and quickly made
their way up. Some of the assailants were cast into the sea, and were
drowned, others fell under the swords of the defenders, but the
storming party forced its way into the fort, and raised the cry, “Strike!
kill!” Just at this time the powder magazine caught fire, and blew up a
number of men, including ten or twelve who were with Sídí Yákút.
The smoke and the noise made it difficult to distinguish friend from
foe, but Sídí Yákút raised his war-cry, and encouraged his men to
slaughter the defenders who had escaped the fire. Sídí Khairiyat also
scaled the walls on his side, and the place was taken.
I, the author, was in that country some time, and I repeatedly heard
from many men, and from the mouth of Yákút Khán himself, that
when the magazine blew up, although Sivají was twenty kos off, it
awoke him from sleep, and he said that some misfortune had fallen
on Dandá-Rájpúrí, and he sent men to ascertain what had happened.
At this time Sivají’s forces had gone to attack the neighbourhood of
Surat. Within the space of four or five kos from Rájpúrí there were six
or seven Nizámu-l Mulkí forts which had fallen into the hands of
Sivají, but he was unable at this time to render them any assistance.
So Sídí Yákút seized the opportunity to attack them. Six forts
surrendered after two or three days’ resistance, but the commandant
of one fort held out for a week in the hope of relief from Sivají. The
Abyssinians pushed forward their approaches, and kept up such a
fire that he was obliged to surrender. Sídí Yákút granted quarter to
the garrison, and seven hundred persons came out. But notwith-
standing his word, he made the children and pretty women slaves,
and forcibly converted them to Islám. The old and ugly women he set
free, but the men he put to death. This struck such terror into the
hearts of Sivají and his followers that he was obliged to confine
himself to securing Ráhírí. Sídí Yákút sent an account of his victory to
Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam, Súbadár of the Dakhin, and to Khán-
Jahán. His mansab was raised, a robe of honour was sent to him,
and he received the title of Khán. Similar honours were also given to
Sídí Khairiyat.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 229.] A report reached Sivají that his son Sambhá,
whom he had left at Alláhábád with the Bráhman, was dead, and
Sambhájí’s wife wanted to become a satí, * * but a few months
afterwards the Bráhman arrived, bringing Sambhájí with him.
Taxes.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 229.] An order was promulgated exempting the
commercial goods of Musulmáns from tax throughout the dominions
of Hindústán. But after a short time, upon the reports of the revenue
officers, and by recommendation of good and experienced persons,
an order was issued that every article belonging to Musulmáns, the
price of which was not large, should pass free; but that goods of
value should pay duty. Goods belonging to partners were not to be
troubled with duties. The revenue officers then reported that
Musulmáns had adopted the practice of dividing their goods into
small parcels in order to avoid the duty, and that they passed the
goods of Hindús in their names, and thus the payment of the zakát
prescribed by the Law was avoided. So an order was given that,
according to the Law, two and a half per cent. should be taken from
Musulmáns and five per cent. from Hindús.
[Disturbances among the Yúsufzáís.]
War with Bíjápúr.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 236.] In the sixteenth year of the reign, corresponding
to 1083 A.H. (1673 A.D.),* Khán-Jahán fought a battle with Bahlol, the
Bíjápúr general, near the town of Málkher,* about four stages from
Bíjápúr. Islám Khán Rúmí fought splendidly, and the Imperial army
was worsting the enemy in all directions, when an explosion of
gunpowder took place, which so frightened the elephant of Islám
Khán that the driver lost all control of it, and the animal carried off his
rider to the lines of the enemy, where Islám Khán was dragged off the
elephant and killed. A good deal of the baggage of the Imperial army
was plundered, and many men were slain in the battle. * * Aurangzeb
received the news of the defeat of Diler Khán and the death of Islám
Khán in the Dakhin, while he was at Hasan Abdál on his march
against the Afgháns, in the beginning of the seventeenth year of his
reign, and he was obliged to defer the punishment of the Dakhinís for
the time. * * The Emperor returned from Hasan Abdál to the capital at
the end of the eighteenth or nineteenth year of his reign.
Riot of Hindú Devotees.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 252.] One of the remarkable occurrences of this year*
was the outburst of the Hindú devotees called Sat-námís , who are
also known by the name of Mundíhs. There were four or five
thousand of these, who were householders in the parganas of
Nárnaul and Mewát. These men dress like devotees, but they
nevertheless carry on agriculture and trade, though their trade is on a
small scale. In the way of their religion they have dignified themselves
with the title of “Good name,” this being the meaning of Sat-nám.
They are not allowed to acquire wealth in any but a lawful calling. If
any one attempts to wrong or oppress them by force, or by exercise
of authority, they will not endure it. Many of them have weapons and
arms.
At the time Aurangzeb was returning from Hasan Abdál, a strong
altercation arose one day near Nárnaul, between a man of this sect,
who was engaged in agricultural work, and a man who was keeping
watch over the harvest. The latter broke the Sat-námí’s head with his
staff. A number of Sat-námís then collected and beat the watchman,
so that they left him for dead. When intelligence reached the shikkdár,
he assembled his men and sent them to arrest those Sat-námís.
Meantime numbers of the Sat-námís assembled. They attacked the
shikkdár’s men, overpowered them, wounded several, and took away
their arms. Their numbers went on increasing, and information was
carried to Kár-talab Khán, faujdár of Nárnaul. He sent a large force of
horse and foot to the assistance of the shikkdár, and to punish and
seize the rioters. The Sát-námís fought this force also, wounded and
killed a great many of them, and put the rest to flight. Matters grew
worse, and the faujdár set about collecting more men, both horse and
foot, and called to his assistance the zamíndárs of the
neighbourhood. With his old and new men, and with the levies from
the zamíndárs, he marched against the rioters, and gave them battle.
He killed a good many of them, but was repulsed and compelled to
fly.

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Next Previous Contents

To shorten a long story, suffice it to say that after several fights the
faujdár was killed, and the town of Nárnaul fell into the hands of the
Sat-námís. They proceeded to collect the taxes from the villages, and
established posts of their own. When the Emperor reached Dehlí, he
was informed of this outbreak, and he sent force after force to quell it,
but they were all defeated and dispersed. It was said that swords,
arrows, and musket-balls had no effect upon these men, and that
every arrow and ball which they discharged against the royal army
brought down two or three men. Thus they were credited with magic
and witchcraft, and stories were currently reported about them which
were utterly incredible. They were said to have magic wooden horses
like live ones, on which their women rode as an advanced guard.
Great rájas and veteran amírs were sent against them with powerful
armies. But the revolters were eager for the fight, and advanced to
about sixteen or seventeen kos from Dehlí. The royal army went forth
boldly to attack them; but the zamíndárs of the neighbourhood, and
some cowardly Rájpúts, seized the opportunity to throw off their
obedience, and to withhold the government dues. They even broke
out into open violence, and the flames daily increased. The King
ordered his tents to be brought out. He then wrote some prayers and
devices with his own hands, which he ordered to be sewn on the
banners and standards, and carried against the rebels. At length, by
the exertions of Rája Bishan Singh, Hámid Khán, and others, several
thousands of them were killed, and the rest were put to flight, so that
the outbreak was quelled. * *
Re-Imposition of the Jizya.
With the object of curbing the infidels, and of distinguishing the land
of the faithful from an infidel land, the jizya, or poll-tax, was imposed
upon the Hindús throughout all the provinces.* Upon the publication
of this order, the Hindús all round Dehlí assembled in vast numbers
under the jharokha of the Emperor on the river front of the palace, to
represent their inability to pay, and to pray for the recall of the edict.
But the Emperor would not listen to their complaints. One day, when
he went to public prayer in the great mosque on the Sabbath, a vast
multitude of Hindús thronged the road from the palace to the mosque,
with the object of seeking relief. Money-changers and drapers, all
kinds of shopkeepers from the Urdú bázár, mechanics, and workmen
of all kinds, left off work and business, and pressed into the way.
Notwithstanding orders were given to force a way through, it was
impossible for the Emperor to reach the mosque. Every moment the
crowd increased, and the Emperor’s equipage was brought to a
stand-still. At length an order was given to bring out the elephants
and direct them against the mob. Many fell trodden to death under
the feet of the elephants and horses. For some days the Hindús
continued to assemble in great numbers and complain, but at length
they submitted to pay the jizya.
Death of Rája Jasnant Singh.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 259.] * Intelligence now arrived of the death of Rája
Jaswant Singh, who had gone to Kábul with reinforcements. After the
death of the Rája, his foolish servants took away the Rája’s two sons,
named Ajít Singh and Dalathaman,* who were of tender years, and
the Ránís also. Without waiting for permission from Aurangzeb, and
without even obtaining a pass from the Súbadár of the province, they
set off towards the capital. When they reached the ferry of Atak, they
were unable to produce any pass, so the commander of the boats
refused to let them proceed. They then attacked him, killed and
wounded some of his men, and by force made good their way over
the river and went onwards towards Dehlí.
There was an old standing grievance in the Emperor’s heart re-
specting Rája Jaswant’s tribute, which was aggravated by these
presumptuous proceedings of the Rájpúts. He ordered the kotwál to
take his own men, with an additional force obtained from the
mansabdárs, as well as some artillery, and to surround the camp of
the Rájpúts, and keep guard over them. After some days, a party of
Rájpúts sought permission to go home. Their request was made
known to Aurangzeb, and, as it seemed right and proper, it was
granted.
Meanwhile the Rájpúts had obtained two boys of the same age as the
Rája’s children. They dressed some of the female attendants in the
garments of the ránís, and taking every precaution that their
stratagem should not be discovered, they left these women and the
boys under guard in their camp. The (real) ránís, disguised as men,
went off at night in charge of two trusty servants and a party of
devoted Rájpúts, and made their way with all speed to their own
country. The brave and active chiefs, who might have stopped or
overtaken them, were keeping guard over the tents in which the
pretended children of the Rája were. After two or three watches,
when a report of the fact was made, some officials were sent to make
inquiries, and it was repeatedly stated that the ránís and the children
were still there. Orders were then given for taking all the Rája’s
followers into the fortress. The Rájpúts and the disguised women,
who were ready to fight like men for the honour of their Rája, made a
determined resistance. Many were killed, but a party escaped.
The flight of the ránís was not clearly proved. Some men, who wished
to show their zeal, and to cover their negligence in the matter,
asserted that the boys had escaped, and that the wazír had sent out
a force to secure them. The royal forces went in pursuit twenty kos
from Dehlí, but they could not overtake the Rájpúts, and returned
unsuccessful. The two (substituted) boys were given into the charge
of the women of the royal harem, and were there brought up. The two
boys which the Rájpúts carried off were for a long time rejected by
Aurang-zeb, who refused to acknowledge that they were the sons of
Jaswant, until all doubt was removed by the Ráná of Chitor, who
married Ajít Singh to a girl of his family.
The Ráná and other Rájpúts. Defection of Prince Akbar.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 261.] At the beginning of Zí-l hijja of the twenty-second
year of the reign, Aurangzeb started from Ajmír, with the intention of
bringing the refractory Rájpúts to punishment. * * A strict farmán was
sent to the Ráná of Chitor, calling upon him to assent to the payment
of the jizya, and directing him to bring from the territories of Jodhpúr
the two alleged sons of Rája Jaswant Singh. After a short stay at
Ajmír, the army marched with the intention of ravaging Jodhpúr, and
other Rájpút districts. The Ráná, feeling himself incapable of
resistance, sent his vakíls with tribute and a letter declaring his
obedience in the matter of the jizya, but offering to give over two or
three parganas (districts) in commutation. He declared that he was
not supporting the sons of Jaswant, and finally begged forgiveness
for his offences. Aurangzeb left Khán-Jahán Bahádur to complete the
arrangements in this quarter, and returned to Dehlí. His journey to
Ajmír and back occupied seven months and twenty days.

It was soon after reported that the mean-spirited Ráná had again
broken his engagements, and showed rebellious designs, so that
Khán-Jahán could bring him to no final settlement. This kindled the
flames of the Emperor’s wrath, and towards the end of the same
year, he set off again to Ajmír, with the intention of punishing the
Ráná and the other evil-disposed Rájpúts. He wrote to Prince
Mu’azzam, directing him to come from the Dakhin to Ujjain, and
Prince Muhammad A’zam was ordered to march with all speed from
Bengal. When the King’s tents were pitched near Ajmír, Prince
Muhammad Akbar was sent with a large force to attack and chastise
the Ráná. Sháh Kulí Khán, who was promoted and received the title
of Tahawwur Khán, was placed in command of his advanced guard.

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When the Ráná heard of these preparations, he laid Údípúr, his


capital, waste, and with the treasure and family and followers of
himself and Jaswant Singh, he fled to the mountains and difficult
passes. The Prince was ordered to follow him into the hills with a
strong force of brave men suited for mountain warfare. Another force
was sent to ravage the country of the Ráná, and destroy the crops.
When Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam arrived at Ujjain, he was
directed to march against the lake of Aná-ságar, which belonged to
the Ráná, and was about eighty kos from Ajmír. His orders were to
station his army about that neighbourhood, and to trample every
scrap of cultivation under the hoofs of his horses.
It was now announced that Prince Muhammad A’zam had shown
such alacrity in the execution of the orders issued to him, that he had
compressed four months’ march into less than one, and came up with
his army. He was ordered to march through the mountains and
central fastnesses of the Ráná, into the territories of the Ráhtors, and
there to kill, ravage and make prisoners among the Rájpúts. He was
also ordered to employ a force in preventing the transport of supplies
to the Ráná, and in stopping cultivation. Nearly twenty-five thousand
horse, Ráhtors, belonging to the territories of Jaswant, and other
Rájpúts, assembled to support the Ráná, and had the boldness to
attack the royal forces, and to fall upon their supplies. They allured
several thousand of the royal forces into the heart of the Ráná’s
fastnesses. There they attacked them, and killed many, both horse
and foot; but the royal forces at length prevailed and beat them.
Notwithstanding that the Rájpúts held all the roads through the hills,
and came down occasionally from the hills, and attacked the Prince’s
forces by surprise, the Prince’s army fought bravely, and Tahawwur
Khán and others rendered distinguished service in chastising the
enemy. They employed themselves in laying waste the country,
destroying temples and buildings, cutting down fruit-trees, and
making prisoners of the women and children of the infidels who had
taken refuge in holes and ruined places.
Orders were also issued to Muhammad Amín Khán, Súbadár of
Ahmadábád, directing him to take up a position with his forces
between Ahmadábád and the territories of the Rájpúts, and to march
against them wherever he heard of them. Khán-Jahán Bahádur
Kokaltásh was re-appointed Súbadár of the Dakhin, and sent to lay
siege to the fort of Sálír,* which had fallen into the possession of the
enemy.
When the Ráná was hard pressed, and his allies were crippled, when
not a scrap of grain was left, and not a trace of cultivation was to be
found, the Ráná and the Ráhtor Rájpúts had recourse again to lies
and stratagems. They first addressed themselves to Prince
Muhammad Mu’azzam, and sought to make him an intercessor for
their forgiveness, or to persuade him to rebel and join them. The
Prince paid no heed to their allurements, and Nawáb Báí, the mother
of the Prince, being informed of what was passing, gave good
counsel to the Prince, and strongly dissuaded him from yielding an
assent; and from giving any aid, assistance, or intercession on behalf
of the Rájpúts. She even persuaded him not to allow the vakils of the
Ráná to approach him. When they despaired of success in this
quarter, the Rájpúts betook themselves to Prince Muhammad Akbar,
taking advantage of his youth, and the favour of some of his friends.
Durgá Dás was their spokesman. He was noted among them for his
plausibility, and he used all his arts and wiles to persuade the Prince
that they would supply him with forty thousand Rájpút horse, and with
abundance of treasure. This so dazzled the Prince that he was
deluded, and several of his evil companions artfully used their
persuasions. So the inexperienced Prince was led astray from the
path of rectitude, and through his youth and covetousness he fell into
the snares of the Rájpúts.
Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam, when he heard of these doings, wrote
a few words of friendly counsel to the Prince, to whom he was much
attached. He also wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, informing him that the
false and deceitful infidels were using all their wiles to mislead the
Prince, and that he must watch against being taken unawares.
Aurangzeb entertained no suspicions of Muhammad Akbar; but report
had cast an evil aspersion on the name of Prince Muhammad
Mu’azzam at the time when Aurangzeb was at Hasan Abdál. The
infidels had addressed themselves to Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam
in the first instance, and Aurang-zeb had received information about
it, so he now thought that Mu’azzam’s letter about his brother Akbar
was sheer calumny. Accordingly he wrote to him, and accused him of
making a false charge, and praying that the Almighty would keep him
in the right course, and preserve him from listening to the evil sugges-
tions of designing people.
Soon afterwards the secret became public. Thirty thousand Rájpúts
under Durgá Dás joined the Prince. The news spread from tent to
tent, and was the talk of young and old. It was reported that he had
ascended the throne, and that coins had been struck in his name;
that Tahawwur Khán had been made a haft-hazárí, and had received
the title of Amíru-l umará; that Mujáhid Khán, and other great
servants of the State, who were with the Prince, had received
distinguished honours, which some of them had felt themselves
constrained to accept. The Prince was doing his best to win the
affections of all, and was said to be marching against Aurangzeb.
On the forces being sent off, under the command of Prince Akbar,
against the infidels, only Asad Khán and a limited number of officers
and men were left in attendance upon the Emperor. All his retinue,
counting the eunuchs and writers, did not exceed seven or eight
hundred horsemen. A great panic fell upon the royal camp, and wild
confusion followed. A letter under the royal signature was sent off in
haste to Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam, urging him to come with all
his army, and with the greatest haste, to Aurangzeb. When the Prince
received it, he marched without a moment’s delay to join his father.
Leaving his ladies and attendants behind under protection, he set off
with all speed, and, pressing nine or ten days’ journey into the space
of two or three, he joined his father, bringing with him Prince Mu’izzu-
d dín and Muhammad ‘Azím.
When Muhammad Mu’azzam arrived with his nine or ten thousand
horse, and they heard the reports about the mighty force of seventy
thousand horse with which Prince Muhammad Akbar was
approaching to the attack, no man of the army had any hope of
escape. The expressions of some of Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam’s
thoughtless companions roused Aurangzeb’s caution and prudence.
Suspicion arose in his heart, and he thought it advisable to order that
his guns should be pointed against the Prince’s army, and he sent a
message desiring the Prince to leave his army, and to come to him in
all speed with his two sons. The Prince obeyed the summons, and
hastened to wait upon his father.
The precautions taken by the Rájpúts prevented intelligence being
obtained of the movements of Prince Muhammad Akbar. Shahábu-d
dín, son of Kalich Khán, a brave and intelligent man, was sent out
with a force to reconnoitre. On coming in sight of the Prince’s army,
Shahábu-d dín’s brother, Mujáhid Khán, who was with the Prince, and
had found it necessary to temporize, but watched for an opportunity
to escape, went to the Prince, and said that if he were allowed he
would go to his brother, and bring him over to the Prince’s side.
Permission being given, Mujáhid Khán took all the money and
valuables he could carry, and joined his brother. The two brothers
then went together to the Emperor.
Aurangzeb had been greatly depressed by the adverse news which
reached him; but on hearing of the approach of the two brothers, he
recovered his spirits. He directed that Shahábu-d dín should be
addressed with the title of Khán, and he also conferred great favours
on Mujáhid Khán. From the latter he learnt the state of the Prince’s
army, and about those who were acting with him from choice or from
necessity. Some other men of note now came over, and it was
ascertained that after the departure of Mujáhid Khán, dissensions had
arisen in the Prince’s army.

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Khwája Makárim, a confidential adherent of Prince Muhammad


Mu’azzam, led an advanced force towards the army of Prince
Muhammad Akbar. A skirmish took place. The Khwája was wounded,
and so were two or three men on the other side; but he ascertained
that Tahawwur Khán had advanced from the Prince’s army with a
small escort, intending to desert the Prince and join Aurangzeb. On
this being reported to the Emperor, he ordered that Tahawwur Khán
should take off his arms before being admitted to the presence. The
Khán demurred to putting off his arms, so Prince Muhammad
Mu’azzam made a sign to kill the unhappy man. It was now stated to
the Emperor that Tahawwur Khán had come, under the orders of
Prince Muhammad Akbar, to make known his pretensions and
demands. On hearing this, Aurangzeb’s anger blazed forth, and he
placed his hand upon his sword, and ordered that the Khán should be
allowed to enter with his arms. But one of the attendants, in an
insulting way, placed his hand upon the Khán’s breast to stop him.
The Khán struck him a blow on the face and retreated, but his foot
caught in a rope, and he fell down. Cries of “Strike! slay!” arose on all
sides. Numbers fell upon him, and he was soon killed, and his head
was cut off. After he was dead, it was found that he had armour under
his clothes, but there were various opinions as to what his real
intentions were.
The author of this work heard from Khwája Makárim, afterwards Ján-
nisár Khán, and from several of his contemporaries, in their old age,
that Tahawwur Khán returned in good faith, in consequence of a letter
he had received from ‘Ináyat Khán, his father-in-law, who was a
private secretary of Aurangzeb, but that he felt the order to put off his
arms was an insult to his position, his services, and his character.
However it may be, his murder caused great divisions in the Prince’s
army, and among his Rájpúts, and they were much dispirited.
It was commonly reported that Aurangzeb craftily wrote a letter to
Prince Muhammad Akbar, and contrived that it should fall into the
hands of the Rájpúts. In it he praised the Prince for having won over
the Rájpúts as he had been instructed, and that now he should crown
his service by bringing them into a position where they would be
under the fire of both armies. This letter was the cause of great
divisions among them. Such is the story I have heard, but not from
any trustworthy person. For all the mighty force which Prince Akbar
brought against his father, the sword was not drawn, and no battle
was fought, but his army was completely broken. The Prince was
soon informed that the Rájpúts had abandoned him. There remained
with him only Durgá Dás, two or three confidential officers of the
Ráná, and a small force of two or three thousand horse. Of all his old
servants and men, these alone remained. He lost all courage, self-
reliance, and hope, and being utterly cast down, he took to flight. * *
Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam was ordered to pursue him.

TWENTY-THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1090 A.H. (1679-80 A.D.).


Affairs of the Dakhin. Death of Sivají.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 270.] Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh, after arriving at
the Khujista-bunyád Aurangábád, according to order, laid siege to the
fort of Sálír. Many Rájpúts were killed, and many Musulmáns also fell.
He pressed the siege for four or five months, but making no
impression, he withdrew to Aurangábád.
The hell-dog Sivají went forth with an army on a plundering
expedition, and while Khán-Zamán, the Súbadár, was at Burhánpúr,
he entered Khandesh, and plundered the town of Dharan-gánw,* one
of the most flourishing places in that country. * * * Afterwards he
ravaged and burnt Chopra* and other parganas. He then marched
against Jálna, a rich mercantile place in the Bálághát.* * * In the
course of the same year he was attacked with illness and died.* The
date of his death is found in the words, “Káfir ba-jahannam raft,” “The
infidel went to hell,” which was discovered by the writer of these
pages. Sivají left two sons, Sambhá and Rám Rája. The former
succeeded him. He made Kabkalas,* the Bráhman who brought him
from Allahábád, his minister.
Sivají had always striven to maintain the honour of the people in his
territories. He persevered in a course of rebellion, in plundering
caravans, and troubling mankind; but he entirely abstained from other
disgraceful acts, and was careful to maintain the honour of the
women and children of Muhammadans when they fell into his hands.
His injunctions upon this point were very strict, and any one who
disobeyed them received punishment. But the son, unlike his father,
obtained an evil name by collecting round him women of all tribes,
and by assailing the honour of the women of the places in which he
dwelt. His father never showed any backwardness in attacking and
plundering prosperous places, but he never made any attack upon
Aurangábád and Burhánpúr, the provincial capitals of the Imperial
dynasty. If any of his counsellors advised an attack upon these
places, he very wisely and prudently forbade it; “for,” said he, “if we
attack these places, the honour of Aurangzeb will be wounded, and
he will march hither himself, and then, God knows how the strife will
end!”
When Sivají was dead, his wretched son Sambhá desired to surpass
his father. He raised the standard of rebellion, and on the 20th
Muharram, in the twenty-third year of the reign, corresponding with
1091 A.H. (15th February, 1680), he attacked Kákar Khán Afghán,
who acted as collector of the jizya, under Khán-Zamán, the Súbadár
of the Dakhin. Sambhá was returning with nearly twenty thousand
men from a plundering expedition in Birár. He made a forced march
of three or four kos, as was the practice in those days, and early in
the morning made his attack, while his victims were entirely ignorant
of his approach. Thus he fell upon Bahádur-púr, one kos and a half
from Burhánpúr. This place was rich, and there were many bankers
and merchants in it. Jewels, money, and goods from all parts of the
world were found there in vast abundance. He surrounded and
attacked this place, and also another town called Hafda-púra, which
was outside of the fortifications, and his attack was so sudden and
unexpected, especially upon Bahádur-pur, that no one was able to
save a dám or a diram of his property, or a single one of his wives
and children.
Kákar Khán, with his men in the city, saw the smoke of these towns
rising to the sky, but he had not a force sufficient to go out and attack
the plunderers, so he shut himself up within the walls and looked after
the security of his gates and defences. Seventeen other places of
note, such as Hasan-púra, etc., in the neighbourhood of the city, all
wealthy and flourishing places, were plundered and burnt. Many
honourable men girded on their swords, and, joining in the fight,
attained martyrdom. Others submitted themselves humbly to the will
of God. Some who were near the fortress took their wives and
children by the hand, and fled in distress within the walls. For three
days the plunderers ravaged these towns at their will. Large sums of
money fell into their hands, much of which had been buried for long
periods, and sometimes in places unknown even to the
householders. They then repeatedly attempted to carry the fortress
by assault. But the officers took their stations at the gates and other
points of attack, and with great bravery beat off the assailants. Being
unable to enter the city, the plunderers carried off with them the gold,
silver, jewels, and other articles of value which were portable; but
many other things which they had taken they were obliged to leave
behind, because they could not carry them. The property which was
thrown into the streets of the bázárs and burnt exceeded all
computation.

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Intelligence of this raid upon the neighbourhood of Burhánpúr was


carried by runners to Aurangábád, to Khán-Jahán Bahádur
Kokaltásh. He immdiately took horse, and accomplished three or four
days’ march in one day and night, and reached the pass of Fardápúr,
thirty-two kos distant. There it became necessary to wait three or four
watches to rest the animals, and to provide means for crossing the
river. According to the current reports of some men who took a
worldly view of things, and had a bad opinion of Khán-Jahán, some
emissaries of Sambhájí came to him with an immense sum of money,
and prevailed upon him to halt there for four or five watches. One
thing is certain. After the enemy were repulsed from Burhánpúr, the
burden of their plunder, and the knowledge of Khán-Jahán’s pursuit,
prevented them from reaching their renowned but distant fortresses.
They were obliged to go to the fort of Sálír, in Baglána, which was the
nearest of their strongholds. They went by way of Mustafa-ábád or
Chopra. Under these circumstances the proper course for Khán-
Jahán was to leave Fardápúr without delay, and, bearing towards his
left hand, to pass through Dharan-gánw and Chopra, to intercept the
marauders. But, through the representations of Sambhájí’s
emissaries, he went towards his right hand, contrary to what was
desirable, and proceeded to ‘Ídal-ábád. When the enemy heard this,
he made the most of his opportunity, and carried off all the plunder he
could transport, and all his prisoners, by a rapid march, through
Chopra, to the fort of Sálír, which he reached in four or five days. The
principal inhabitants of Burhánpúr wrote a statement to Aurangzeb,
describing the success of the enemy, the loss inflicted on the property
and honour of Muhammadans, and the discontinuance of the public
prayers on Fridays. Aurangzeb then wrote a letter strongly censuring
Khán-Jahán, and announcing his own intention of proceeding to the
Dakhin. In his anger he took away from Khán-Jahán all the increased
honours and emoluments he had conferred upon him in that year.
Considering the disorders in the Dakhin, and the flight of Prince
Muhammad Akbar, he gave orders for his travelling equipage to move
towards Burhánpúr.

TWENTY-FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1091 A.H. (1680 A.D.).


Prince Akbar.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 275.] When Prince Muhammad Akbar took to flight, not
more than three or four hundred men remained with him. Some of
them were his own old followers, and others were Rájpúts. * * All his
property and treasure and guns fell into the hands of the royal army,
as well as one son, a boy of tender years, named Nekú Siyar, and
two daughters. One son, who had arrived at years of discretion,
remained with the Rájpúts. The Prince himself was distracted, and
knew not whither to go. At one time he thought of going to Dehlí and
Láhore by way of Ajmír. Then he proposed to go to Persia. Whichever
way he turned, the faujdárs and zamíndárs, under orders from the
Emperor, blocked his way. Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam received
orders to pursue him; but the common report is that he only made a
feint of doing so, and marched leisurely.
Akbar proceeded by way of Láhore and Multán, and under the
guidance of the zamíndárs he then passed by difficult roads through
the hills towards the Dakhin. * * Orders had been repeatedly sent to
Khán-Jahán Bahádur, Súbadár of the Dakhin, and to all the faujdárs,
directing them to stop him wherever he might come, to take him
prisoner alive if possible, if not, to kill him. Under these orders Khán-
Jahán pursued the Prince with the intention of making him prisoner.
He came within fourteen or fifteen kos of him, but on approaching
nearer he made only a feint of arresting him. The fact was reported to
the Emperor by Mír Núru-llah, who was very unceremonious in these
matters. A strong letter of censure was written upon the matter, and
strict directions were sent to all the news-writers.
Prince Akbar then proceeded to Baglána, to the territory of Rája Debí
Singh, the commandant and faujdár of Malír. Rája Debí sent out a
force to take him prisoner; but when the force followed, the Prince
escaped from Baglána. A few of his Rájpúts remained behind, and
these were taken to the Rája. Whilst the Rája was making inquiries of
these men, another party of his horsemen overtook one of the
Prince’s followers, who had upon his back a blood-stained jacket
belonging to the Prince, but which he had thrown off in consequence
of the heat. They attacked and wounded this man, and carried him off
to the Rája, under the impression that he was the Prince. The Rája
did not believe it, and abused his men for their stupidity. Prince Akbar,
after passing through the territories of the Firingís, found unquiet
refuge for a while in the hills of Baglána. By means of a bribe of
money, he induced the hill-men to guide him to Ráhírí, belonging to
Sambhá. This chieftain came forth to receive him, gave him a house
of his own to dwell in, about three kos from the fort of Ráhírí, and
fixed an allowance for his support.

TWENTY-FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1092 A.H. (1681 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 278.] After the ‘Íd-i fitr, Aurangzeb started for the
Dakhin, to punish the infidels, and to pursue Prince Muhammad
Akbar. * * On the 14th Zí-l ka’da he reached Burhánpúr, the Dáru-s
súrúr (abode of joy). Khán-Jahán Bahádur, the Súbadár, and Amín
Khán, the Díwán of the four súbas of the Dakhin, with the faujdárs
and the officials and nobles there, waited upon him. Many great men
of Bíjápúr, of the Kutb-Sháhí dynasty, and of the Mahrattas, also
came to pay their respects.
The infidel inhabitants of the city and the country round made great
opposition to the payment of the jizya. There was not a district where
the people, with the help of the faujdárs and mukaddams, did not
make disturbances and resistance. Mír ‘Abdu-l Karím, an excellent
and honest man, now received orders to collect the jizya in
Burhánpúr. A suitable force of horse and foot was appointed to
support him, and the kotwál was directed to punish every one who
resisted payment.
A fire broke out in a house near the citadel and the chauk. There
were several sacks* of powder in the house, the roof was blown off,
and many men were burnt. It came to Aurangzeb’s knowledge that
there were thirty sacks of gunpowder in a cellar under his sleeping
apartment. An investigation was made, and it appeared that at the
very commencement of the reign, when Aurangzeb left Burhánpúr to
proceed to Dehlí, the gunners left this powder there, and during all
that time it had never been taken out. The Emperor severely
censured the officials who were answerable for this neglect, and
degraded some of them. He told them that if this had happened in the
reign of Jahángír, that King would have blown them all up with the
powder. Aurangzeb’s humanity and kindness was such that the
severest punishment was reduction of dignity, and this even was
soon restored through the intercession and kind offices of men high in
office.
Aurangzeb passed three or four months very pleasantly at
Burhánpúr; he then left for Aurangábád. Before he departed, Mír
‘Abdu-l Karím, the Amín-i jizya, reported that the jizya of the city of
Burhánpúr for the past year, amounting to 26,000 rupees, had been
paid into the public treasury. During the three months that he had
been in office, he had settled the sum of one lac and 80,000 rupees
as the amount payable by half the towns connected with Burhánpúr.
He now hoped that he might be allowed to leave with His Majesty,
and that the collection of the jizya might be deputed to some one
else. He was applauded and promoted. He was allowed to
accompany the Emperor, and his deputies were to collect the tax. * *
After Aurangzeb reached Aurangábád, Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam
was sent to take the forts and punish the infidels of Rám-darra in the
Kokan; and Prince Muhammad A’zam was directed to reduce the fort
of Sálír, near the fort of Malír in Baglána, which had been held for
some time by the Mahrattas. Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam
penetrated into the Kokan, and passing through its inmost recesses,
passes and thick woods, he laid the country waste in all directions,
and put many infidels to the sword. Khwája Abú-l Makárim,
afterwards Ján-nisár Khán, and others, greatly distinguished
themselves in this campaign; but the grain and millet and vetches of
that country were injurious to strangers, and the climate was very
uncongenial to camels and horses. Men in great numbers and
quadrupeds beyond compute perished. Horses were so scarce that
there was not one left in the stable of the Prince which was fit to carry
him. Most men were obliged to walk, and no provisions arrived, for
the enemy closed the roads on every side. Life became
insupportable, and it was impossible for the Prince to remain there.
On the facts being reported to the Emperor, he gave orders for the
recall of the army.

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TWENTY-SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1093 A.H. (1682 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 281.] The fort of Sálír, against which Prince
Muhammad A’zam had been sent, is not one capable of investment. It
is near the sea, and there are so many ravines near, that hundreds of
thousands of horsemen could not invest that lofty fortress. * *
Neknám Khán was commandant of Malír and faujdár of Baglána.
When the Prince was ordered to conquer it, Neknám opened
negociations with the commandant of Sálír, and by promises and
presents, * * induced him to surrender the fortress.
[Three officers in succession, Shahábu-d dín, Khán-Jahán, and
Kásim Khán, fail to take the fortress of Rám Síj.]
Prince Akbar.
[vol. ii. p. 284.] When Prince Akbar went to Ráhírí, and became the
guest of the accursed Sambhá, he was at first treated very kindly and
respectfully, and provision was made for the necessary expenses of
his followers. One day a kází in the presence of Muhammad Akbar, in
a stupid flattering way, said to Sambhá, “May all the Mahárája’s
enemies be trodden under foot.” The Prince heard this, and being
angry, reprimanded the kází for his folly. He also told Sambhá that
such vain words ought not to be spoken in his (the Prince’s)
presence, and that it was also unbecoming in Sambhá to listen to
them. The report also came that an army had been sent under the
command of I’tikád Khán to effect the conquest of Ráhírí. Prince
Muhammad Akbar therefore thought it advisable to make his way as
best he could to Persia. He bought two small ships, furnished them
with provisions for forty days, and was about to start. Sídí Yákút Khán
Habshí, who scoured the seas in those parts, was at first desirous of
stopping the progress of the Prince, but he at last connived at it. The
Prince, with Zíáu-d din Muhammad Shujá’í and forty or fifty persons,
put his trust in God and embarked on his voyage. His ships were
separated and endured great distress, the account of which would be
too long for admission here.
Through stress of weather, the Prince’s ship fell upon an island
belonging to the Imám of Maskat. The people of the island made him
prisoner and sent him to the Imám. This ruler is one of the great
zamíndárs or rulers who are dependent on Persia. He affected to
treat the Prince with hospitality and respect; but in reality he kept him
under surveillance, and wrote to Aurangzeb offering to surrender the
Prince for the sum of two lacs of rupees and for a charter exempting
goods carried in the ships of Maskat from the payment of duty in the
port of Surat. If Aurangzeb would send one of his officers, the Imám
promised to give up the Prince.
Upon receiving this letter, Aurangzeb wrote to the officials of the port
of Surat, directing them to act in accord with the proposition of the
Imám. So the people at Surat sent Hájí Fázil, an old sailor in the royal
service, to take Prince Akbar in charge. When intelligence of Prince
Akbar’s arrival in Maskat, and the evil designs of the Imám, became
known to the King of Persia, he issued peremptory commands to the
Imám, directing him to send the Prince (his guest) to him without
delay, or an army would be appointed to deliver him and punish the
Imám. So preforce the Imám delivered up the Prince to the Sháh’s
officers. * * When the Prince approached Isfahán, Sháh Sulaimán
went forth to meet him. * * On the death of Sháh Sulaimán, his
successor showed the Prince even greater hospitality and attention,
so that the Prince asked for an army and money to assist him in
Hindústán. Sháh Husain excused himself, * * and the Prince then
asked permission to go to Garmsír in Khurásán. * * This was granted,
and provision was made for his maintenance. * * He retired thither,
and died there towards the close of the reign of Aurangzeb.

TWENTY-SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1094 A.H. (1683 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 290.] The author of this work has not been able to
obtain such satisfactory accounts of these two or three years (in do
sih sál), as to be worthy of being committed to writing. * * But he has
here recorded what he has heard from the mouths of trustworthy
witnesses; also what he heard from his late brother, Muhammad
Murád Khán, who was a servant of the Court, and on whose
statements he places implicit trust; and lastly, what the author himself
witnessed in his travels and at Haidarábád. He has compared and
considered the information derived from these various sources, and
has reduced it to writing. If there should appear to be any excess or
deficiency, the pardon of the reader is solicited.
Siege of Rám-darra.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 290.] In the beginning of the twenty-seventh year
Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam marched from Ahmadnagar to lay
siege to the forts of Rám-darra, belonging to Sambhá, which were in
a part of the country never before penetrated by an Imperial army. * *
The roll of his army numbered 20,000 horse. * * On the march
through the narrow passes, there were many sharp fights with the
enemy, in which numbers of the royal soldiers fell; but the enemy
were put to flight. On reaching the village of Sámpgánw, the fort of
that place was invested. The besiegers showed great bravery, and
took the fort in two days. They then entered the country of Rám-
darra. It was in a very strong position, and the air of the place did not
suit the invaders. The enemy swarmed around on every side, and cut
off the supplies. On one side was the sea, and on two other sides
were mountains full of poisonous trees and serpents. The enemy cut
down the grass, which was a cause of great distress to man and
beast, and they had no food but cocoa-nuts, and the grain called
kúdún, which acted like poison upon them. Great numbers of men
and horses died. Grain was so scarce and dear that wheat flour
sometimes could not be obtained for less than three or four rupees.
Those men who escaped death dragged on a half existence, and with
crying and groaning felt as if every breath they drew was their last.
There was not a noble who had a horse in his stable fit for use. When
the wretched state of the royal army became known to Aurangzeb, he
sent an order to the officers of the port of Surat, directing them to put
as much grain as possible on board of ships, and send it to the
Prince’s succour by sea. The enemy got intelligence of this, and as
the ships had to pass by their newly-erected fortresses, they stopped
them on their way, and took most of them. A few ships escaped the
enemy, and reached their destination; but no amír got more than two
or three palas of corn. The order at length came for the retreat of the
army, and it fell back fighting all the way to Ahmadnagar, where
Aurangzeb then was.
Kutbu-l Mulk.
[vol. ii. p. 292.] It now became known to the Emperor that Abú-l
Hasan Kutbu-l Mulk, Sovereign of Haidarábád, had entrusted the
government of his kingdom to Mádaná and Ákaná, two infidels, who
were bitter enemies to the Musulmáns, and brought great and
increased troubles upon them. The King himself was given up to
luxury, drinking and debauchery. * * Aurangzeb having turned his
attention to the conquest of Haidar-ábád, and the subjugation of Abú-l
Hasan, he first sent Khán-Jahán Kokaltásh with his sons and * * with
a detachment against certain adherents of Abú-l Hasan, who had
taken possession of some districts dependent upon Zafar-nagar, on
the pretence that they had formerly formed part of the country of
Telingána. Their instructions were to chastise these men, and to
recover the districts. After this, Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam with * *
were sent to effect the conquest of the country of Telingána.
Aurangzeb now sent Mirzá Muhammad, the superintendent of his
ghusl-khána, to Abú-l Hasan Kutbu-l Mulk, with a message to this
effect: “It has come to our hearing that you have two very fine
diamonds of 150 surkhs in weight, with sundry other rarities. We wish
you to ascertain the value of these gems, and to send them to us for
the balance of tribute due.” But he told his envoy confidentially that he
did not send him to obtain the two diamonds, which he did not at all
want, but rather to ascertain the truth of the evil reports which had
reached him. * * Upon the arrival of Mirzá Muhammad, he demanded
the diamonds, according to his instructions. Abú-l Hasan swore that
he had no such gems, and that if he had, he would have been happy
to send them without any demand being made for them. * * Such
stones as his predecessors possessed had been sent to the late
Emperor. * *
Mirzá Muhammad returned, and Abú-l Hasan learnt that armies had
been sent against him under the command of Khán-Jahán and Prince
Muhammad Mu’azzam. He then sent Ibráhím Khán, otherwise called
Husainí, who had received the title of Khalílu-llah Khán, and was
commander-in-chief, and one of the chief nobles of Haidarábád, with
* *, and a force of thirty or forty thousand horse, to oppose the armies
sent against him.

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When the two armies approached each other, between the territories
of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád, Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam was
desirous of avoiding actual war by all means in his power. He sent a
message to Khalílu-llah Khán, offering peace, on the following terms.
Abú-l Hasan must express regret for his offences, and ask
forgiveness. He must remove Mádaná and Ákaná from the
management of affairs, and place them in confinement. The parganas
of Síram, Rámgír, etc., which had been taken by force, upon unjust
grounds, from the possession of servants of the Imperial throne, must
be restored. The balance of tribute due must be forwarded without
delay. The foolish amírs of the Dakhin, in their pride, sent improper
answers, regardless of the Imperial anger. So preparations for battle
were made on both sides.
The limits of this brief history will not admit of a detailed account of all
the actions fought by Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh; but a short
account of one engagement is given. In this action Khán-Jahán had
not more than ten or eleven thousand horse, and Khalílu-llah Khán
had more than thirty thousand. * * Khán-Jahán’s army was so
outnumbered and overpowered that all chance of escape seemed
difficult, and the enemy’s forces came on every moment with greater
strength. * * One of the enemy’s chiefs pressed forward, with a loud
cry, to the elephant of Khán-Jahán, with the intention of hurling a
javelin at him. Khán-Jahán encountered him, shouting out, “I am a
nobleman,” and, allowing him no time to throw his javelin, Khán-
Jahán drew his bow to his ear, and pierced his assailant with an
arrow, so that he fell headlong from his horse. The royal army was
still very hard pressed, intelligence constantly came in from the front
and rear that the enemy were in overwhelming force, and the only
course left for the army of Khán-Jahán was to retreat. At this juncture
the driver of an elephant belonging to Rája Rám Singh placed a
heavy chain in its mouth, and made it charge upon the enemy’s
advanced force. * * Wherever the elephant charged, the noise of the
chain and the blows of his trunk struck terror into the enemy. The
horses of two or three officers took fright, and threw their riders. Thus
the army of the enemy was put to flight, and Khán-Jahán celebrated
his victory, and pitched his camp on the field of battle. Many horses,
elephants, and guns fell into his hands. * * He then sent an officer
who wrested the fort of Síram from the hands of the enemy, and
placed a garrison therein. * *
The enemy advanced also against Prince Mu’azzam, and for some
days kept up a deceptive correspondence. Fighting began and went
on for three days, with great loss to both sides. On the fourth day the
action was continued with increased violence, and the enemy were at
length compelled to retreat. The Prince, Khán-Jahán, and the other
Imperial officers, did not deem it expedient to pursue them. They
determined to remain where they were, and sent a despatch of the
victory to Aurangzeb. The Emperor had for some time felt a little
dissatisfied with the Prince, and he was displeased with Khán-Jahán
for the licence and debauchery which prevailed in his camp, and
which he had repeatedly censured without effect. He was also
annoyed with him for not having pursued and secured Prince Akbar
when that Prince was near his territory. * * Whenever he wrote to him,
he got a saucy answer. For these and other reasons Aurangzeb was
quite offended with Khán-Jahán.
TWENTY-EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1095 A.H. (1684 A.D.).
The War with Kutbu-l Mulk of Haidarábád.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 300.] The despatch of victory and the intelligence of
the retreat of the enemy reached Aurangzeb; but his satisfaction was
turned into displeasure when he learnt that the enemy had not been
pursued. He wrote an angry letter to the Prince Sháh ‘Álam,* and to
Khán-Jahán, and was much dissatisfied. The generals of Abú-l Hasan
did not after this dare to venture upon an engagement, but from time
to time roving parties of them annoyed the Imperial forces at night
with rockets. They sometimes showed themselves in
reconnoissances by day, and fell back upon their camp. The Prince
and Khán-Jahán were offended, and made no attack upon them, and
remained for four or five months inactive without moving. This
aggrieved Aurangzeb still more, and he wrote a strong letter of
censure with his own hand to the Prince and Khán-Jahán. This letter
greatly incensed the Prince.
The morning after the receipt of the letter, he held a council of war
with Khán-Jahán, and the other nobles. * * Khán-Jahán was opposed
to fighting, and some amírs agreed with him. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán
and two or three rájas advised active operations. Nothing was
decided that day, and next day Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán in private
[urged an attack upon the enemy]. Prince Sháh ‘Álam wrote to
Muhammad Ibráhím, the commander of the enemy’s army, offering
terms of peace on condition of the parganas of Síram, Kír (or Khír),
etc., being restored to the Imperial officers. * * Muhammad Ibráhím
consulted with his officers as to the answer to be given, * * and the
answer given was that they had taken the parganas at the point of the
sword and spear, and were ready to fight for them. * * [Fighting
recommenced,] and the enemy were at length defeated and put to
flight. The Prince pursued them into their camp, and great
consternation fell upon them.
One of the enemy’s generals then sent two officers to the royal army
to represent that the combatants on both sides were Musul-máns,
and therefore the honour and safety of the women should be
regarded. They asked for a truce of three or four hours to remove the
women to a place of safety, and after that they would be ready to fight
again. * * So the fighting and plundering was stayed. The enemy sent
their women to a fort which was near, and at the end of three pahars
the fighting recommenced on every side. * * The enemy kept up the
fight till evening, but then they retreated.
The Prince sent a message to the enemy, to the effect that in battles
numbers of Musulmáns on both sides are killed; it would therefore be
better if two or three chiefs from both sides should meet and fight it
out. This would be a real trial of strength, skill and courage, and it
would be seen which side had the favour of God. * * Next day
messengers brought the news that the enemy’s horse had fled
towards Haidarábád. The Prince marched in pursuit, and came near
to Haidarábád.
Mádaná Pant and his friends had raised suspicions in the mind of
Abú-l Hasan, that Muhammad Ibráhím had been the means of
bringing the Prince thither. Abú-l Hasan was very angry, and was
intent upon seizing Ibráhím, and putting him to death. Muhammad
Ibráhím got intelligence of this, and went to offer his services to the
Prince, who received him with great favour. When intelligence of this
desertion became known in Haidarábád, Abú-l Hasan was greatly
alarmed, and without consulting with any of his nobles, or even caring
anything for his property or the honour of his own women and family,
or of others, he fled with a few servants by night, with boxes full of
such valuables as he could carry, to the fort of Golkonda. When this
fact became public, the stores of Abú-l Hasan were plundered, as
also was the property of the merchants, worth four or five krors of
rupees. The women of the soldiers, and of the inhabitants of the city,
were subjected to dishonour, and great disorder and destruction
prevailed. Many thousand gentlemen being unable to take horse, and
carry off their property, in the greatest distress took the hands of their
children and wives, many of whom could not even seize a veil or
sheet to cover them, and fled to the fortress.
Before Prince Sháh ‘Álam got intelligence of what was passing, the
ruffians and plunderers of the city began their work of pillage and
devastation. Nobles, merchants, and poorer men, vied with each
other as to who, by strength of arm, and by expenditure of money,
should get their families and property into the fortress. Before break
of day, the Imperial forces attacked the city, and a frightful scene of
plunder and destruction followed, for in every part and road and
market there were lacs upon lacs of money, stuffs, carpets, horses,
and elephants, belonging to Abú-l Hasan and his nobles. Words
cannot express how many women and children of Musulmáns and
Hindús were made prisoners, or how many women of high and low
degree were dishonoured. Carpets of great value, which were too
heavy to carry, were cut to pieces with swords and daggers, and
every bit was struggled for. Prince Sháh ‘Álam appointed officers
(sazáwal) to prevent the plunder, and they did their best to restrain it,
but in vain. The kotwál of the army received orders to go with the
Imperial díwán, with an escort of four or five hundred horse, to take
possession of what was left of the property of Abú-l Hasan.

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Some persons now came from Abú-l Hasan to the Prince, most
humbly and earnestly begging forgiveness of the sins which he had
and had not committed. The Prince thereon strictly enjoined his
officers to repress the plundering, and to punish those who were
setting places on fire. The disorder was in some measure diminished;
but the plunderers were not really stopped in their work. After a good
deal of negociation, the Prince took pity upon Abú-l Hasan and the
inhabitants of the place. He accepted his proposals, upon certain
conditions. A tribute of one kror and twenty lacs of rupees was to be
paid, in addition to the usual annual tribute. Mádaná and Ákaná, the
two brothers, and the chief causes of the war, were to be imprisoned
and deprived of all authority. The fort of Síram and the pargana of
Khír, and other districts which had been conquered, were to remain in
the hands of the Imperialists, and Abú-l Hasan was to ask forgiveness
of his offences from Aurangzeb.
While the negociations were pending, * * * some women of great
influence in the harem, without the knowledge of Abú-l Hasan, laid a
plot for the murder of Mádaná and Ákaná. * * Whilst the two doomed
wretches were proceeding from the darbár to their own houses, a
party of slaves attacked them and killed them. Rustam Rás also, who
had reached the house, was killed. Many bráhmans lost their lives
and property on that day. The heads of the two brothers were cut off,
and were sent to Prince Sháh ‘Álam by the hands of a discreet
person. * *
When the Prince’s despatch reached Aurangzeb, he in public
approved of the terms of peace, and sent * * an officer to receive the
tribute. Privately, however, he censured the Prince and Khán-Jahán,
and summoned the latter to his presence.
War with Bíjápúr.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 316.] Aurangzeb determined that he would march in
person to effect the conquest of Bíjápúr, and he started with that
intention on the 4th Sha’bán. * * Prince A’zam, with some experienced
nobles and a suitable force, was sent to reduce Bíjápúr. On
approaching the place, he found that the forces of the Dakhin, under
the command of ‘Abdu-r Rúf and Sharza Khán, hovered round him in
all directions. In that year calamity had fallen on the crops, and grain
was very dear. The Dakhiní forces occupied the country all around,
and prevented all supplies of corn from reaching Bíjápúr, so that grain
became very scarce and dear in the (Imperial) army, and it was
difficult to get a loaf. * * At length, after many severe actions, * * the
forces of the enemy were driven back, and convoys of provisions
were brought safely into the camp of Prince Muhammad A’zam, and
he was relieved from the difficulties which had beset him. * * Great
favours and honours were bestowed on Gházíu-d dín Khán for the
service he had rendered in bringing in the convoy.
The protracted duration of the siege of Bíjápúr, and the information he
had received of the disaffection of the allies who accompanied Prince
Muhammad A’zam, made Aurangzeb determine to proceed thither in
person. At the beginning of Sha’bán, in the twenty-eighth year of the
reign, he set out from Sholápúr, and on the 21st of the month he
arrived before the fortress, to the great dismay of the besieged. He
appointed * * several of his best officers to assist the Prince in
carrying on the siege, and addressed to them some soul-stirring
words. They set heartily to work constructing lines of approach,
driving mines and filling up the ditch. * *
Some mischief-making people reported to Aurangzeb that on a day
when an attack was made Sháh Kulí was inside the fortress along
with Sikandar; also that a person named Saiyid ‘Álam used to come
out of the city by night, and have interviews in secret with the Prince.
This was confirmed by the report of Rúhu-llah Khán kotwál. Orders
were accordingly given for the arrest of Saiyid ‘Álam when he came
out to see Prince Sháh ‘Álam, and also for the apprehension of Sháh
Kulí. Sháh Kulí was at length seized and brought before Aurangzeb,
who examined him and endeavoured to extract from him the truth
about his visits to the city. Nothing but denial was obtained from the
prisoner, so the order was given for binding him and submitting him to
the torture. After receiving a few blows, his spirit gave way; he
divulged the whole secret, and named several others who had been
concerned with him. Aurangzeb sent for Prince Sháh ‘Álam, and in a
private interview reproached him with these secret negociations. The
Prince denied them, and said that Sháh Kulí was no servant of his.
Orders were given for the confinement of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, and
for the expulsion of several other persons from the army. Aurangzeb’s
feelings had been estranged from Prince Sháh ‘Álam since the
transactions at Haidarábád, and he was now still more offended with
him. He made no outward change in the Prince’s rank and
allowances, or in the honours due to him as heir apparent, but his
estrangement daily increased.
TWENTY-NINTH AND THIRTIETH YEARS OF THE REIGN, 1096
AND 1097 A.H. (1685-6 A.D.). Conquest of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 322.] By the exertions of Gházíu-d dín Khán Fíroz
Jang, and other renowned warriors, and through want of supplies, the
garrison of Bíjápúr was in great distress, and many men and horses
had perished. Sharza Khán and other nobles asked for terms on
behalf of Sikandar, and at the beginning of the thirtieth year of the
reign, in Zí-l ka’da, 1097 (October, 1686), the keys of the fortress
were surrendered to Aurangzeb. The conquest was celebrated with
great display, and Sikandar was placed in confinement in the fort of
Daulat-ábád, a suitable provision being made for his support.
At the end of Muharram Aurangzeb notified his intention of going to
pay a visit to the tomb of Hazrat Banda-nawáz Saiyid Muhammad
Gísú, and marched towards Kulbarga. He sent a kind farmán to Abú-l
Hasan, and another to Sa’ádat Khán, his own hájib at Haidarábád,
asking for payment of the tribute. He also wrote privately to Sa’ádat
Khán, to the effect that it was his intention shortly to march against
Haidarábád and conquer it; but Sa’ádat Khán was meanwhile to do
his utmost to obtain money from Abú-l Hasan. Sa’ádat Khán flattered
Abú-l Hasan with hopes of favours from Aurangzeb, and exerted him-
self to obtain payment of the tribute. Abú-l Hasan, in the hope of
finding safety, told Sa’ádat Khán that he was unable to find the
money; but he offered instead the jewels and valuables belonging to
his wives and others. He therefore asked him to send his young
eunuch to select and take away the jewels and other things. Sa’ádat
Khán refused to send the eunuch, and negocia-tions went on for
some days, until the intelligence was brought that Aurangzeb was at
Kulbarga.
Abú-l Hasan, in the extremes of fear and hope, sent for Sa’ádat
Khán, and delivered into his charge several trays of jewels and
valuables, without even settling the value of them. These were sealed
up, and it was arranged that Sa’ádat Khán should carry them to his
house. In the course of the next two or three days Abú-l Hasan would
do his best to obtain the tribute money, and would send it to the
house of Sa’ádat Khán. The value of the jewels was then to be
settled, and the whole was to be sent to Aurangzeb, with a letter from
Sa’ádat Khán commending Abú-l Hasan’s willingness and obedience,
and praying for merciful consideration. Abú-l Hasan sent some loads
of fruit for Aurangzeb, and Sa’ádat Khán also sent some baskets with
them.
Two or three days later intelligence was brought that Aurangzeb had
left Kulbarga and had arrived at Golkonda. Everybody now said that
his object was to conquer Gol-konda. Abú-l Hasan sent to Sa’ádat
Khán, saying * * that he had no longer hope of any consideration from
Aurangzeb, and demanded back the jewels which he had placed in
his charge. Sa’ádat Khán replied that * * he had sent the jewels to
Aurangzeb in the baskets which accompanied Abú-l Hasan’s present
of fruit. A great scene followed. Abú-l Hasan placed a guard over
Sa’ádat Khán’s house. * * The latter said that he had only obeyed the
orders, and acted in accordance with his wishes in sending the
jewels. “For this,” said he, “you are now about to kill me. My master
has long desired some pretext for destroying you, he cannot have a
better one than the murder of his hájib. If I am spared, I can do
something to obtain forgiveness for you, and I will exert myself to the
utmost.” * * In some matters Sa’ádat Khán had befriended Abú-l
Hasan against the designs of his own master. So Abú-l Hasan, think-
ing of what might follow, refrained from injuring him, and made him
presents. * *

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When Aurangzeb drew near to Haidarábád, Abú-l Hasan felt that the
time of his fall was near; but he sent a letter to Aurangzeb, renewing
his protestations of obedience, and reiterating his claims to
forgiveness. * * Aurangzeb wrote a reply, the gist of which was as
follows: “The evil deeds of this wicked man pass beyond the bounds
of writing; but by mentioning one out of a hundred, and a little out of
much, some conception of them may be formed. First, placing the
reins of authority and government in the hands of vile tyrannical
infidels; oppressing and afflicting the saiyids, shaikhs, and other holy
men; openly giving himself up to excessive debauchery and
depravity; indulging in drunkenness and wickedness night and day;
making no distinction between infidelity and Islám, tyranny and
justice, depravity and devotion; waging obstinate war in defence of
infidels; want of obedience to the Divine commands and prohibitions,
especially to that command which forbids assistance to an enemy’s
country, the disregarding of which had cast a censure upon the Holy
Book in the sight both of God and man. Letters full of friendly advice
and warning upon these points had been repeatedly written, and had
been sent by the hands of discreet men. No attention had been paid
to them; moreover it had lately become known that a lac of pagodas
had been sent to the wicked Sambhá. That in this insolence and
intoxication and worthlessness, no regard had been paid to the
infamy of his deeds, and no hope shown of deliverance in this world
or in the next.”
Abú-l Hasan, seeing that there was no longer any hope for him, sent
forth his forces, under the command of his best officers, to meet
Aurangzeb, urging them to fight valiantly, and to endeavour to make
Aurangzeb prisoner. * * On the 24th Rabí’u-l awwal the royal army
took ground at gun-shot distance from Golkonda, and the work of the
siege began. * * Abú-l Hasan had forty or fifty thousand horse outside
the walls, with whom the royal army had frequent encounters, and a
sharp fire of guns and rockets was kept up from the fortifications.
Some distinguished officers of the royal army and many men were
lost on both sides. After the arrival of Fíroz Jang, the whole
management of the siege was placed in his hands.
Prince Sháh ‘Álam had fallen under the displeasure of his father at
the siege of Bíjápúr; still, at the siege of Golkonda, the lines on the
right side were under his command. But the days of his fortune and
prosperity had been overshadowed by some years of trouble and
misconduct. He now secretly received messages and presents from
Abú-l Hasan, to secure his services and the services of his
associates, in obtaining forgiveness of past offences. The Prince’s
objects were that peace and war should be dependent upon his
approval as heir apparent, and that as far as possible he should bind
Abú-l Hasan to his interests. He never reflected that this course must
eventually end in his fall and disgrace. Some meddling mischief-
making people got information of what was going on, and informed
Aurangzeb. * * The manager of the Prince’s equipages now reported
to him that the carriages belonging to his zanána were far away from
his tents, and were open to attacks from the garrison. He accordingly
ordered that they should be brought nearer to his tent.
Some of Prince Muhammad A’zam’s companions informed
Aurangzeb that Sháh ‘Álam was about to make his way into the city.
On hearing this, Aurangzeb was greatly enraged. He called Hayát
Khán, and another of Sháh ‘Álam’s confidential servants, to his
presence, and questioned them in private as to the Prince’s intention.
They replied that the Prince’s object was to obtain, by his influence, a
pardon for Abú-l Hasan, and, failing in that, to do his best for the
reduction of the fortress. Of evil intentions he had none. * * But for all
their pleas and protestations they could not remove the suspicions
which Aurangzeb had of his son. * * Orders were given for a force to
be sent to bring the Prince before him. Hayát Khán said there was no
necessity for that. If the Emperor sent an officer to call the Prince, he
would come at once, for he had no thought but of obedience. So on
the 18th Rabí’u-s sání, in the twenty-ninth year of the reign, an officer
was sent to bring the Prince, with Muhammad ‘Azím, his second son,
to the royal presence. The Prince obeyed immediately, and waited on
his august father. * * The Emperor ordered that all the establishments
of the Prince should be seized, and his mansabs and jágírs confis-
cated. [Harsh treatment of Núru-l Nissa, the Prince’s wife, and of her
eunuchs.] But here we will refrain from entering upon the unhappy
details of the Prince’s imprisonment, and his liberation, and will
proceed with the account of the conquest of Golkonda.
Day by day, and week by week, the approaches were pushed forward
under the direction of Gházíu-d dín Fíroz Jang, but they were
encountered with great daring by the besieged under the command of
Shaikh Nizám, Mustafá Khán Lárí, otherwise called ‘Abdu-r Razzák,
and others. The fighting was desperate, and many were killed on both
sides. * * After one sharp encounter, in which a sally of the garrison
was driven back with loss, Shaikh Minháj, Shaikh Nizám, and others,
deserted Abú-l Hasan, and came over to the besiegers, when
Aurangzeb granted to them suitable mansabs and titles. Muhammad
Ibráhím, who was the first to quit the way of error, and to enter upon
the royal road of rectitude, received a mansab of 7000 and 6000
horse, with the title of Mahábat Khán. He exerted himself above all
others in endeavouring to reduce the fortress. Shaikh Nizám received
a mansab of 6000 and 5000 horse, with the title of Takarrub Khán. Of
all the nobles of Abú-l Hasan, the one who never forsook him until the
fall of the place, and who throughout exerted himself in an
inconceivable manner, was Mustafá Khán Lárí, or, as he was also
called, ‘Abdu-r Razzák.
The siege was protracted for a long time, and from the immense
stores of ammunition in the fortress, an unintermitting discharge was
kept up night and day from the gates, and towers, and walls, of
cannon-balls, bullets, rockets and other fiery missiles. The smoke
arising from the constant firing removed the distinction of day and
night, and no day passed without the besiegers suffering a loss in
killed and wounded. The assailants exerted themselves vigorously,
especially * *, and so in the course of a month and some days the
lines were carried up to the very edge of the ditch, and orders were
issued for filling it up. It is said that Aurangzeb himself, after
observing the rite of purification, sewed the seams of the first cotton
bag to be filled with earth and thrown into the moat. High mounds
were raised, and heavy guns were placed upon them and pointed
against the fortress. Their heavy five greatly harassed the defenders.
The scarcity and dearness of grain and fodder (within the city) was
extreme, so that many men of wealth were disheartened; who then
can describe the position of the poor and needy? Throughout the
Dakhin in the early part of this year there was a scarcity of rain when
the jowár and bájrá came into ear, so they dried up and perished.
These productions of the autumn harvest are the main support of the
people of the Dakhin. Rice is the principal food of the people of
Haidar-ábád, and the cultivation of this had been stopped by war and
by scarcity of rain. The Dakhinís and the forces of the hell-dog
Sambhá had come to the assistance of Haidarábád, and hovering
round the Imperial forces, they cut off the supplies of grain.
Pestilence (wabá) broke out, and carried off many men. Thus great
numbers of men were lost. Others, unable to bear the pangs of
hunger and wretchedness, went over to Abú-l Hasan, and some
treacherously rendered aid to the besieged.

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When the siege had been carried on for some time, Aurangzeb
recalled Prince Muhammad A’zam, whom, in consequence of the
unfaithfulness of Prince Sháh ‘Álam, he had sent to settle the country
round Ujjain and Akbarábád, and who had got as far as Burhánpúr.
He also summoned Rúhu-lláh Khán, an experienced and highly-
trusted nobleman, from Bíjápúr. Soon after the Prince’s arrival, the
dearness of grain passed all bounds. * * In the middle of Rajab, when
the siege had lasted three months, * * it was resolved to make an
attempt to take the place by surprise at night, by means of scaling-
ladders and ropes. * * A few brave men succeeded in ascending the
ramparts, * * but the barking of a dog gave the alarm, and the
defenders rushed to the walls and soon despatched those who had
gained the top. They also threw down the ladders, and so made an
end of those who were mounting. Others opened fire. When the
leaders of the storming party gained the summit of the ramparts, one
of Aurangzeb’s servants ran off to report their success, without
waiting to see the result of the enterprise. Aurangzeb, on receiving his
report, ordered the drums of victory to be beaten, and ordered out his
royal equipage and state dress. Next day spies reported that Abú-l
Hasan gave the dog a gold collar, a plated chain, etc., and directed
that the dog should be kept chained near to himself.
In the middle of Sha’bán a heavy rain fell for three days, * * which
was the cause of very great distress to the besiegers, * * and
destroyed many of their works. * * The enemy also took courage, and
made a sally in great force, in which they did great damage, * * and
killed many men and took some prisoners. Abú-l Hasan treated his
prisoners with hospitality and honour. * * He took Sarbaráh Khán to
his granaries and magazines and showed him his stores of corn and
heaps of treasure. He then wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, reciting * *
and offering to present a kror of rupees, and also to pay a kror of
rupees for each time that Aurangzeb had besieged the place; so that
any further slaughter of Musulmáns might be prevented. If his
proposals were not accepted, he offered to supply five or six hundred
thousand mans of grain for the troops. When these proposals were
reported to Aurangzeb, he said, “If Abú-l Hasan does not repudiate
my authority, he must come to me with clasped hands, or he must be
brought bound before me. I will then consider what consideration I
can show him.” He then issued orders to the officials of Birár for the
preparation of 50,000 bags of cotton, and for other materials for
carrying on the siege and filling up the moat. * *
On the 19th Sha’bán it was reported that a triple mine had been driven
under the bastions of the fortress, and charged with gunpowder.
Orders were then given that a force should be collected in the lines
as if about to make an attack upon the undermined work, so that the
enemy might observe this, and assemble his men there. The mines
were then to be fired. ‘Abdu-r Razzák Lárí and others of the
besieged, having observed these proceedings, commenced
countermining. They pushed their work with such skill and activity, * *
that they drew the powder and match from one mine, and poured
water into the other two. The Imperial troops collected for the assault,
and raised their cries; and the gunners watched the ramparts for the
proper moment for firing the mine. When the signal was given, one
mine exploded, but as part of the powder had been extracted, and of
the remaining part that which lay nearest to the fortress was wet, the
blowing up of the bastion did more injury to the besiegers than the
besieged. * * The garrison then sallied forth, and occupied the
trenches, killing all whom they found alive in them. After a severe
struggle, in which many men fell on both sides, the trenches were
recovered. The second mine was exploded, and thousands of stones,
great and small, were hurled into the air; but, as in the former case,
they fell upon the heads of the besiegers, * * and great numbers were
killed and wounded. * *
Great wailings and complaints arose from the troops engaged in the
siege. * * The cannonade recommenced on both sides, and many
more of the besiegers fell. * * Although Fíroz Jang exerted himself
most strenuously, he made no impression upon the place. The long
delay kindled the anger of Aurangzeb. He called his chiefs and
officers together, * * and placing himself at about a gun-shot distance
from the walls, he ordered an assault to be made under his own eyes.
Prodigies of valour were exhibited. * * But a storm of wind and rain
arose, and obstructed the progress of the assailants, * * and they
were forced to fall back drenched with rain. The garrison again made
a sally, took possession of the trenches, spiked the heavy guns, on
the mounting of which immense money and labour had been
expended, and carried away all that was portable. They pulled out of
the moat the logs of wood, and the many thousands of bags which
had been used to fill it up, and used them to repair the breaches
made by the mines. * * It was afterwards determined that the third
mine should be sprung in the presence of Aurangzeb. But although
fire was applied, nothing resulted. An examination as to the cause
was instituted, but nothing was discovered until it was learnt from
spies that the enemy had cleared out the powder and cut the match. *
* Fíroz Jang had received two arrow wounds. The command of the
army was then given to Prince Muhammad A’zam.
Several of the officers of Abú-l Hasan had come over to the side of
Aurangzeb, and had received suitable titles, mansabs, and presents.
Shaikh Minháj, having heard of this, was about to desert, but Abú-l
Hasan placed him in confinement, and seized his house. Of all his
nobles, none remained faithful to Abú-l Hasan but ‘Abdu-r Razzák
Lárí, who had received the title Mustafá Khán, and ‘Abdu-llah Khán
Paní Afghán. At the end of Sha’bán, the siege had lasted eight
months, and Abú-l Hasan’s men still worked indefatigably. At length,
‘Abdu-llah Khán made secret overtures to Aurangzeb, and agreed to
open one of the gates of the city for the admission of his troops.
Aurangzeb frequently communicated with ‘Abdu-r Razzák Lárí, and
promised him a mansab of six thousand, with six thousand horse,
and other regal favours. But that ungracious faithful fellow, taking no
heed of his own interest and life, in the most insolent manner
exhibited the Emperor’s letter to the men in his bastion, and tore it to
pieces in their presence, and he sent a message by the spy who had
brought it to say that he would fight to the death like the horsemen
who fought with Imám Husain at Karbalá. * *
The besiegers continued to show great resolution in pushing on the
siege. They cast into the ditches thousands of bags filled with dirt and
rubbish, and thousands of carcases of animals and men who had
perished during the operations. Several times the valour of the
assailants carried them to the top of the walls; but the watchfulness of
the besieged frustrated their efforts; so they threw away their lives in
vain, and the fortress remained untaken. But the fortune of ‘Álamgír
at length prevailed, and after a siege of eight months and ten days,
the place fell into his hands; but by good fortune, not by force of
sword and spear.

THIRTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1098 A.H. (1687 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 361.] At the beginning of the month Zí-l ka’da, at the
commencement of the thirty-first year of the reign, agreeing with 1098
A.H. (Sept. 1687), by the efforts of Rúhu-llah Khán, a negociation
was concluded, through Ranmast Khán Afghán Paní, with ‘Abdu-llah
Khán, who was one of the confidential officers of Abú-l Hasan, and
had charge of the gate called the khirkí (wicket). In the last watch of
the night Rúhu-llah Khán and * *, at a sign from ‘Abdu-llah, entered
the fortress by means of ladders. Prince Muhammad A’zam, mounted
on an elephant, had a large force ready to enter by the gate. Those
who had got in went to the gate, posted their men, opened the gate,
and raised the cry of victory.

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‘Abdu-r Razzák Lárí heard this, and, springing on a horse without any
saddle, with a sword in one hand and a shield in the other, and
accompanied by ten or twelve followers, he rushed to the open gate,
through which the Imperial forces were pouring in. Although his
followers were dispersed, he alone, like a drop of water falling into the
sea, or an atom of dust struggling in the rays of the sun, threw himself
upon the advancing foe, and fought with inconceivable fury and
desperation, shouting that he would fight to the death for Abú-l
Hasan. Every step he advanced, thousands of swords were aimed at
him, and he received so many wounds from swords and spears that
he was covered with wounds from the crown of his head to the nails
of his feet. But his time was not yet come, and he fought his way to
the gate of the citadel without being brought down. He received
twelve wounds upon his face alone, and the skin of his forehead hung
down over his eyes and nose. One eye was severely wounded, and
the cuts upon his body seemed as numerous as the stars. His horse
also was covered with wounds, and reeled under his weight, so he
gave the reins to the beast, and by great exertion kept his seat. The
horse carried him to a garden called Nagína, near the citadel, to the
foot of an old cocoa-nut tree, where, by the help of the tree, he threw
himself off. On the morning of the second day a party of men
belonging to Husainí Beg passed, and recognizing him by his horse
and other signs, they took compassion upon him, and carried him
upon a bedstead to a house. When his own men heard of this, they
came and dressed his wounds. The remainder of the story of this
brave devoted warrior shall be told hereafter.
The shouts and cries, and the groans and lamentations, within and
without, made Abú-l Hasan aware that all was over. He went into his
harem to comfort his women, to ask pardon of them, and take leave
of them. Then, though his heart was sad, he controlled himself, and
went to his reception room, and took his seat upon the masnad, and
watched for the coming of his unbidden guests. When the time for
taking his meal arrived, he ordered the food to be served up. As
Rúhu-llah Khán and others arrived, he saluted them all, and never for
a moment lost his dignity. With perfect self-control he received them
with courtesy, and spoke to them with warmth and elegance. * *
Abú-l Hasan called for his horse and accompanied the amírs,
carrying a great wealth of pearls upon his neck. When he was
introduced into the presence of Prince Muhammad A’zam Sháh, he
took off his necklace of pearls and presented it to the Prince in a most
graceful way. The Prince took it, and placing his hand upon his back,
he did what he could to console and encourage him. He then
conducted him to the presence of Aurangzeb, who also received him
very courteously. After a few days the Emperor sent him to the
fortress of Daulatábád, and settled a suitable allowance for providing
him with food, raiment, and other necessaries. Officers were
appointed to take possession of the effects of Abú-l Hasan and his
nobles.
‘Abdu-r Razzák,* senseless, but with a spark of life remaining, was
carried to the house of Rúhu-llah Khán. As soon as the eyes of Saf-
shikan Khán fell upon him, he cried out, “This is that vile Lárí! cut off
his head and hang it over the gate.” Rúhu-llah replied that to cut off
the head of a dying man without orders, when there was no hope of
his surviving, was far from being humane. A little bird made the matter
known to Aurangzeb ,who had heard of ‘Abdu-r Razzák’s daring and
courage and loyalty, and he graciously ordered that two surgeons,
one a European, the other a Hindú, should be sent to attend the
wounded man, who were to make daily reports of his condition to
Aurangzeb.
The Emperor sent for Rúhu-llah Khán, and told him that if Abú-l
Hasan had possessed only one more servant devoted like ‘Abdu-r
Razzák, it would have taken much longer to subdue the fortress. The
surgeons reported that they had counted nearly seventy wounds,
besides the many wounds upon wounds which could not be counted.
Although one eye was not injured, it was probable that he would lose
the sight of both. They were directed carefully to attend to his cure. At
the end of sixteen days, the doctors reported that he had opened one
eye, and spoken a few faltering words expressing a hope of recovery.
Aurangzeb sent a message to him, forgiving him his offences, and
desiring him to send his eldest son ‘Abdu-l Kádir with his other sons,
that they might receive suitable mansabs and honours, and return
thanks for the pardon granted to their father, and for the mansabs and
other favours. When this gracious message reached that devoted and
peerless hero, he gasped out a few words of reverence and gratitude,
but he said that there was little hope of his recovery. If, however, it
pleased the Almighty to spare him and give him a second life, it was
not likely that he would be fit for service; but should he ever be
capable of service, he felt that no one who had eaten the salt of Abú-l
Hasan, and had thriven on his bounty, could enter the service of King
‘Álamgír (Aurangzeb). On hearing these words, a cloud was seen to
pass over the face of His Majesty; but he kindly said, “When he is
quite well, let me know.” Most of ‘Abdu-r Razzák’s property had been
plundered, but such as was left was given over to him.
• Some time afterwards it was reported that ‘Abdu-r Razzák had got
quite well, and an order was issued to the Súbadár to send him to
the royal presence. ‘Abdu-r Razzák tried to excuse himself, and
expressed a wish to go with his children on the pilgrimage to
Mecca, on returning from which blessed journey he would devote
himself to prayer for the long life of His Majesty. Orders were then
given for arresting him and sending him to Court. Fíroz Jang got
information of this, and with great sympathy invited ‘Abdu-r Razzák
to come and stay with him. He kept him for some time with marked
kindness, and after the lapse of a year ‘Abdu-r Razzák entered the
Imperial service with a mansab of 4000 and 3000 horse.

The property of Abú-l Hasan which was recovered after its dispersion
amounted to eight lacs and fifty-one thousand huns, and two krors
and fifty-three thousand rupees, altogether six krors eighty lacs and
ten thousand rupees, besides jewels, inlaid articles and vessels of
gold and silver. The total in dáms was one arb fifteen krors sixteen
lacs and a fraction, which was the sum entered on the records.
The mud fort of Golkonda was built by the ancestors of Rája Deo Ráí,
and it was acquired by the Bahmaní Sultáns after a good deal of
resistance. Upon the fall of the Bahmaní dynasty, their territories fell
into the hands of a number of petty chiefs; but Sultán Muhammad
Kulí, entitled Kutbu-l Mulk, who had been one of the nobles of Sultán
Muhammad Sháh Bahmaní, brought some of the provinces of the
Dakhin under his rule. For the old mud fort of Rája Deo Ráí, which
stood upon the summit of a hill, he substituted one of stone. After
some descents, the kingdom came to Muhammad Kutbu-l Mulk, for
all the descendants bore the name of Kutbu-l Mulk. He took great
pains in repairing the fort of Golkonda. He had a wife named
Bhágmatí, of whom he was very fond. At her request, he built a city
two kos distant from the fortress, to which he gave the name of
Bhágnagar. Some time after the death of Bhágmatí, the name was
changed to Haidarábád; but in the vernacular language of the people
it is still called Bhágnagar. That woman* had established many
brothels and drinking shops in that place, and the rulers had always
been addicted to pleasure and to all sorts of debauchery. Abú-l Hasan
exceeded all his predecessors in his devotion to pleasure. So the city
got an evil name for licentiousness. After the conquest by Aurangzeb,
it was called the hostile country (dáru-l jihád). [Surrender of the fort of
Sakar between Haidarábád and Bíjápúr.]

THIRTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1099 A.H. (1688 A.D.).


[Surrender of the fort of Adhoní to Prince Muhammad A’zam Sháh.]

THIRTY-THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1100 A.H. (1689 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 372.] The plague (tá’ún) and pestilence (wabá), which
had for several years been in the Dakhin as far as the port of Surat
and the city of Ahmadábád, now broke out with violence in Bíjápúr,
and in the royal camp. It was so virulent that when an individual was
attacked with it, he gave up all hope, and thought only about his
nursing and mourning. The black-pated guest-slayer of the sky
sought to pick out the seed of the human race from the field of the
world, and the cold blast of destruction tried to cut down the tree of
life in every living being, and to remove every shoot and sign of life
from the surface of the world. The visible marks of the plague were
swellings as big as a grape or banana under the arms, behind the
ears, and in the groin, and a redness was perceptible round the
pupils of the eyes, as in fever or pestilence (wabá). It was the
business of heirs to provide for the interment of the dead, but
thousands of obscure and friendless persons of no property died in
the towns and markets, and very few of them had the means of
burial. * * It began in the twenty-seventh year of the reign, and lasted
for seven or eight years.

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THIRTY-FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1101 A.H. (1690 A.D.).


Operaions against the Mahrattas. Capture and Execution
of Sambhá.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 383.] Prince Muhammad A’zam Sháh was sent with an
army and some experienced amírs to punish the infidels about
Bahádur-garh and Gulshanábád.* Fíroz Jang, with another army, was
sent to reduce the forts in the neigh-bouhood of Rájgarh. Mukarrab
Khan, otherwise called Shaikh Ni??ám Haidarábádí, was sent against
the infidel Sambhá. Each of them endeavoured to distinguish himself
in the performance of the service on which he had been sent.
Mukarrab Khán was distinguished above all the nobles of the Dakhin
for his military knowledge and enterprise. He laid siege to the fort of
Parnála, near Kolápúr, and sent out his spies in all directions to
gather intelligence, and especially to get information about Sambhá,
who in his vile and evil course of life was ten times worse than his
father Sivají. * *
This ill-bred fellow left his old home at Ráhírí, and went to the fort of
Khelna. After satisfying himself of the state of its stores, and the
settlement of the country round, under the guidance of adverse
fortune, which kept him ignorant of the approach of the Imperial
forces, he went to bathe in the waters of the Bán-Ganga, on the
borders of the district of Sangamnír,* one day’s journey from the sea-
shore. The place was situated in a valley, surrounded by high
mountains of difficult passage. Here Kabkalas, the filthy dog, had built
a house, embellished with paintings, and surrounded with a garden
full of fruit-trees and flowers. Sambhá, with Kab-kalas, and his wives,
and his son Sáhú, went there, accompanied with a force of two or
three thousand horse, entirely unaware of the approach of the falcon
of destiny. After bathing, he lingered there, viewing the lofty hills, the
arduous roads full of ascents and descents, and the thick woods of
thorny trees. Unlike his father, he was addicted to wine, and fond of
the society of handsome women, and gave himself up to pleasure.
Messengers brought him intelligence of the active movements of
Mukarrab Khán; but he was absorbed in the pleasures which bring so
many men of might to their ruin.
Mukarrab Khán started boldly from his base at Kolápúr, vhich was
forty-five kos distant from the retreat to which Sambhá had resorted.
He took with him two thousand horse and one thousand foot,
selected men. The reports brought to him represented that the road
was steep and arduous, over high hills, and that thrty or forty men
without arms might hold the road against a large army by throwing
down stones. But that brave leader hee??ed none of these
objections. * * He set out and made a rapid march, and in the most
difficult places they came to he himself went first on foot. * * They
pressed on, and approached near the place where the doomed one
was staying.
It is said that Sambhá’s scouts informed him of the approach of the
royal army, or the “Mughal army,” as it was called in the language of
the Mahrattas. But the heedless fellow scouted the idea of any
Mughal army penetrating to that place. He ordered the tongues of the
reporters to be cut out, and did not even take care to have his horses
ready, or to prepare any earthworks.
Mukarrab Khán, with his sons and nephews, ten or twelve brave
personal attendants, and two or three hundred horsemen, fell sword
in hand upon the heedless Sambhá, who too late thought of
defending himself. Kabkalas, his wazír, was well known for his
courage and daring. He did his best to save him, and, with a party of
Mahrattas, advanced to meet the assailants. At the commencement
of the fight he received an arrow in the right arm, which rendered the
limb useless. He fell from his horse, exclaiming that he would remain
there. Sambhá, who was about to take to flight, sprang from his
horse, and said that he would stay with him. Four or five Mahrattas
were cut down, but all the rest of Sambhá’s men fled. Kabkalas was
taken prisoner; Sambhá went for refuge into an idol temple, and there
hid himself. The place was surrounded, and he was discovered.
Several of his followers, of no importance, were killed; but he and his
family, including his son Sáhú, a boy of seven or eight years of age,
were all made prisoners. All his men and women, twenty-six
individuals in number, were taken, and also two women belonging to
Rám Rája, his younger brother, whom he kept confined in one of his
forts. The hands of all of them were bound, and they were brought to
the feet of the elephant on which Mukarrab Khán was riding. Although
Sambhá, in the brief interval, had shaved off his beard, smeared his
face with ashes, and changed his clothes, he was discovered by a
necklace of pearls under his garments, and by the gold rings upon
the legs of his horse. Mukarrab Khán made him ride behind him on
the same elephant, and the other captives were chained and carried
off, some on elephants, some on horses.
A despatch was sent to His Majesty, but news of the exploit reached
him first through the news-reporters, and was a cause of great
rejoicing. When the intelligence came that Mukarrab Khán was
approaching with his prisoners, His Majesty ordered * * a large party
to go out two kos from Aklúj,* where he was staying, to give the victor
a ceremonious reception. It is said that during the four or five days
when Mukarrab Khán was known to be coming with his prisoners, the
rejoicings were so great among all classes, from chaste matrons to
miserable men, that they could not sleep at night, and they went out
two kos to meet the prisoners, and give expression to their
satisfaction. In every town and village on the road or near it, wherever
the news reached, there was great delight; and wherever they
passed, the doors and roofs were full of men and women, who looked
on rejoicing. * *
After their arrival, Aurangzeb held a darbár, and the prisoners were
brought in. On seeing them, he descended from his throne, and made
two ruk’ats as a mark of his gratitude to the Almighty. It is said that
Kabkalas observed this. He was well versed in Hindí poetry, and
although his head and neck and every limb was firmly secured so that
he could use only his eyes and tongue, when he saw Aurangzeb
make these signs of devotion, he looked at Sambhá, and repeated
some Hindí lines to this effect, “O Rája, at the sight of thee the King
‘Álamgír (Aurangzeb), for all his pomp and dignity, cannot keep his
seat upon his throne, but has perforce descended from it to do thee
honour.”
After they had been sent to their places of confinement, some of the
councillors of the State advised that their lives should be spared, and
that they should be kept in perpetual confinement, on condition of
surrendering the keys of the fortresses held by the adherents of
Sambhá. But the doomed wretches knew that, after all, their heads
would fall upon the scaffold, or that, if by abject submission and
baseness, they escaped death, they would be kept in confinement
deprived of all the pleasures of life, and every day of life would be a
new death. So both Sambhá and Kabkalas indulged in abusive
language, and uttered the most offensive remarks in the hearing of
the Emperor’s servants. But it was the will of God that the stock of
this turbulent family should not be rooted out of the Dakhin, and that
King Aurangzeb should spend the rest of his life in the work of
repressing them and taking their fortresses. The Emperor was in
favour of seizing the opportunity of getting rid of these prime movers
of the strife, and hoped that with a little exertion their fortresses would
be reduced. He therefore rejected the advice, and would not consent
to spare them on condition of receiving the keys of the fortresses. He
gave orders that the tongues of both should be cut out, so that they
might no longer speak disrespectfully. After that, their eyes were to be
torn out. Then, with ten or eleven other persons, they were to be put
to death with a variety of tortures, and lastly he ordered that the skins
of the heads of Sambhá and Kabkalas should be stuffed with straw,
and exposed in all the cities and towns of the Dakhin, with beat of
drum and sound of trumpet. Such is the retribution for rebellious,
violent, oppressive evil-doers.
Sáhú, the son of Sambhá, a boy of seven years of age, was spared,
and orders were given for his being kept within the limits of the
palace. Suitable teachers were appointed to educate him, and a
mansab of 700 was granted to him. * * Some women, including the
mother and daughters of Sambhá, were sent to the fortress of
Daulatábád.
When the author was staying along with ‘Abdu-r Razzák Lárí near the
fort of Ráhírí, which Sivají built, he heard from the people of the
neighbourhood that Sivají, although an infidel and a rebel, was a wise
man. The country round may be called a specimen of hell, for it is
hilly and stony, and in the hot season water is very scarce, which is a
great trouble to the inhabitants. Sivají had a well dug near his abode.
A pavement was laid down round the mouth, and a stone seat was
erected. Upon this bench Sivají would take his seat, and when the
women of the traders and poor people came to draw water, he would
give their children fruit, and talk to the women as to his mother and
sisters. When the ráj descended to Sambhá, he also used to sit upon
this bench; and when the wives and daughters of the raiyats came to
draw water, the vile dog would lay one hand upon their pitcher, and
another upon their waist, and drag them to the seat. There he would
handle them roughly and indecently, and detain them for a while. The
poor woman, unable to help herself, would dash the pitcher from her
head, but she could not escape without gross insult. At length the
raiyats of the country settled by his father abandoned it, and fled to
the territory of the Firingís, which was not far off. He received the
reward of his deeds.

THIRTY-FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1102 A.H. (1691 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 391.] Aurangzeb was desirous of rewarding Mukarrab
Khán for his splendid and unparalleled success. * * * He granted to
him an increase of 1000 horse, gave him the title of Khán-Zamán
Fath-Jang, a present of 50,000 rupees, and of a horse, elephant, etc.,
etc. His son, Ikhlás Khán, who held a mansab of 4000 personal and
4000 horse, had it increased a thousand, and received the title of
Khán-i ‘Álam. His four or five sons and nephews also received titles
and marks of favour.

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About this time it was reported that Rájgarh, one of the forts of Sivají
and Sambhá, had been taken. Abú-l Khair Khán was appointed its
commandant. * * Before the news of the capture of Sambhá reached
that neighbourhood, the enemy invested the place, and summoned
Abú-l Khaír to surrender. Although the force under Fíroz Jang was
near at hand, Abú-l Khair was frightened, and was so craven as to
surrender on a promise of safety to his life, his family, and his
property. He left the place at night with some of his women in dúlís
and the rest on foot, and he had with him several baskets and boxes
of clothing, money, jewels, etc. The Mahrattas had gathered round,
waiting for him, and although they had promised security to life and
property, they stripped him of all he had, and left him in miserable
plight. In the middle of the night he reached the army of Fíroz Jang,
full of complaints and remorse. He was deprived of his mansab and
jágír, and was sent on the pilgrimage.
Turbulence of the Játs.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 394.] It was now reported from Ágra that when Ághar
Khán came there under orders from Kábul, a party of Játs attacked
the caravan near Ágra. They seized the cattle and plundered the
carts which were in the rear, and carried off some women as
prisoners. Ághar Khán pursued them to the neighbourhood of a fort,
where, after a sharp struggle, he rescued the women. He then boldly
invested the fort, but he was killed by a musket-ball. His son-in-law
was also killed. Khán-Jahán Kokaltásh had formerly failed in
executing a commission to restrain the Játs, and for this and some
displeasing actions he was recalled, and Prince Bedár Bakht was
appointed on the duty.
An order was issued that no Hindú should ride in a pálkí or on an
Arab horse without permission.

THIRTY-SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1103 A.H. (1692 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 397.] In the beginning or towards the middle of this
year, Aurangzeb moved from Gúrgáon* and Shikárpúr to Bídr, and
after a while from thence to Gulka, one day’s march from Bíjápúr,
where the camp was pitched. The evil days of Prince Muhammad
Mu’azzam now drew to a close, and it pleased the Emperor to show
him kindness. * * * He directed that the shaving of the head and other
rigours of prison discipline should be forbidden, and he held out to the
Prince hopes of release.
The Hindí names of many places end with the letter h, which there
was a tendency to pronounce like alif in such names as Málwah,
Bangálah, Baglánah, and Parnálah. * * Orders were given that such
names should be written with an alif, as Málwá, Bangálá, Bagláná,
etc.
Mukhlis Khán, darogha of the artillery, reported that some of the
Mahratta chiefs had taken Rám Rája, brother of the late Sambhá, out
of confinement, and had raised him to the ráj in succession to his
father and brother. They had assembled large forces with the vain
intention of besieging fortresses. He sent robes and presents to the
officers in command of his own forts, and, like his father and brother,
he appointed different leaders to plunder the country, and to get
possession of forts.
The Portuguese.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 400.] It was mentioned in the history of the reign of
Sháh Jahán that Christian traders had come to India to the ports on
the sea-shore. The officers of the King of Portugal occupied several
neighbouring ports, and had erected forts in strong positions and
under the protection of hills. They built villages, and in all matters
acted very kindly towards the people, and did not vex them with
oppressive taxes. They allotted a separate quarter for the Musulmáns
who dwelt with them, and appointed a kází over them to settle all
matters of taxes and marriage. But the call to prayer and public
devotion were not permitted in their settlements. If a poor traveller
had to pass through their possessions, he would meet with no other
trouble; but he would not be able to say his prayers at his ease. On
the sea, they are not like the English, and do not attack other ships,
except those ships which have not received their pass according to
rule, or the ships of Arabia or Maskat, with which two countries they
have a long-standing enmity, and they attack each other whenever
opportunity offers. If a ship from a distant port is wrecked and falls
into their hands, they look upon it as their prize. But their greatest act
of tyranny is this. If a subject of these misbelievers dies, leaving
young children, and no grown-up son, the children are considered
wards of the State. They take them to their places of worship, their
churches, which they have built in many places, and the pádrís, that
is to say the priests, instruct the children in the Christian religion, and
bring them up in their own faith, whether the child be a Musulmán
saiyid or a Hindú bráhman. They also make them serve as slaves. In
the ‘Ádil-Sháhí Kokan, close to the sea, in the fine and famous fort of
Goa, their governor resides; and there is a captain there who
exercises full powers on the part of Portugal. They have also
established some other ports and flourishing villages. Besides this,
the Portuguese occupy the country from fourteen or fifteen kos south
of Surat to the boundaries of the fort of Bombay, which belongs to the
English, and to the borders of the territories of the Habshís, which is
called the Nizám-Sháhí Kokan. In the rear of the hills of Bagláná, and
in strong positions, difficult of access, near the fort of Gulshanábád,
they have built seven or eight other forts, small and great. Two of
these, by name Daman and Basí, which they obtained by fraud from
Sultán Bahádur of Gujarát, they have made very strong, and the
villages around are flourishing. Their possessions measure in length
about forty or fifty kos; but they are not more than a kos or a kos and
a half in width. They cultivate the skirts of the hills, and grow the best
products, such as sugarcane, pine-apples, and rice; and cocoa-nut
trees, and betel-nut vines, in vast numbers, from which they derive a
very large revenue. They have made for use in their districts a silver
coin called ashrafí, worth nine ánás. They also use bits of copper
which they call buzurg, and four of these buzurgs pass for a fulús.
The orders of the King (of India) are not current there. When the
people there marry, the girl is given as the dowry, and they leave the
management of all affairs, in the house and out of it, to their wives.
They have only one wife, and concubinage is not permitted by their
religion. * * *
Rám Rája.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 413.] Messengers now brought to the knowledge of
the Emperor that the forces of Rám Rája had marched in various
directions to ravage the territories and reduce the forts belonging to
the Imperial throne. The fort of Parnála was one of the highest and
most celebrated of the forts belonging to Bíjápúr, and had been
captured by the royal forces with a good deal of difficulty. It was now
taken with little exertion by Rám Rája’s officers, and its commandant
was wounded and made prisoner. It was also reported that Rám Rája
had gone to the assistance of the chiefs of Jinjí, and was busy
collecting men. * * This information greatly troubled His Majesty. * *
He was about to send Bahramand Khán to lay siege to Parnála, when
intelligence came that Prince Mu’izzu-d dín had sat down before it.
So he resolved to proceed in person to Bairampúrí.
THIRTY-SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1104 A.H. (1693 A.D.).
The Mahrattas.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 414.] This year Aurangzeb stayed at Bairam-púrí, * the
name of which was ordered to be changed to Islámpúrí. * * Forces
were sent against the fort of Parnála and other forts in various places.
* * After the execution of Sambhá, many of the Mahratta chieftains
received instructions from Rám Rája to ravage the country. They
hovered round the Imperial armies, and were exceedingly daring. * *
Among them was Santá Ghor-púra and Dahiná Jádú, two
experienced warriors and leaders of from fifteen to twenty thousand
horse. Other Mahratta chiefs submitted to their leadership, and great
losses were inflicted on the Imperial forces.
Santá more especially distinguished himself in ravaging the cultivated
districts, and in attacking the royal leaders. Every one who
encountered him was either killed or wounded and made prisoner; or
if any one did escape, it was with his mere life, with the loss of his
army and baggage. Nothing could be done, for wherever the
accursed dog went and threatened an attack, there was no Imperial
amír bold enough to resist him, and every loss he inflicted on their
forces made the boldest warriors quake. Ismá’íl Khán was accounted
one of the bravest and most skilful warriors of the Dakhin, but he was
defeated in the first action, his army was plundered, and he himself
was wounded and made prisoner. After some months he obtained his
release, on the payment of a large sum of money. So also Rustam
Khán, otherwise called Sharza Khán, the Rus-tam of the time and as
brave as a lion, was defeated by him in the district of Sattára, and
after losing his baggage and all that he had with him, he was taken
prisoner, and had to pay a large sum for his ransom. ‘Alí Mardán
Khán, otherwise called Husainí Beg Haidarábádí, * * was defeated
and made prisoner with several others. After a detention of some
days, they obtained their release on paying a ransom of two lacs of
rupees.

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These evil tidings greatly troubled Aurangzeb. * * Further, news came
that Santá had fought with Ján-nisár Khán and Tahawwur Khán, on
the borders of the Karnátik, and had inflicted upon them a severe
defeat and the loss of their artillery and baggage. Ján-nisár Khán was
wounded, and escaped with difficulty. Tahawwur Khán was also
wounded, and lay among the dead, but was restored to life. Many
other renowned amírs met with similar defeats. Aurangzeb was
greatly distressed, but in public he said that the creature could do
nothing, for everything was in the hands of God.

THIRTY-EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1105 A.H. (1694 A.D.).


Siege of Jinjí. Arrest of Prince Kám Bakhsh.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 418.] Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, with Jamdatu-l
Mulk Asad Khán and Zúl-fikár Khán Nusrat Jang, approached Jinjí,*
and encamping about a cannon-shot off the fortress, began to
prepare for the siege. The fortress of Jinjí occupies several adjacent
hills, on each of which stands a fort bearing a distinct name. Two of
these hills are very high, and the forts were well furnished with
artillery, provisions, and all necessary stores. It was impossible to
invest all the forts, but the lines were allotted to different
commanders, and every exertion was made for digging mines and
erecting batteries. * * The garrison also did their best to put the place
in order, and make a stout defence. From time to time they fired a
gun or two. The zamíndárs far and near of the country round, and the
Mahratta forces, surrounded the royal army on all sides, and showed
great audacity in cutting off supplies. Sometimes they burst
unexpectedly into an intrenchment, doing great damage to the works,
and causing great confusion in the besieging force. * *
The siege had gone on for a long time, and many men fell; but
although the enemy’s relieving force day by day increased, Zúl-fikár
Khán Nusrat Jang and the other generals so pressed the siege that it
went hard with the garrison. The command of the army and the
general management of civil and revenue affairs in that part of the
country were in the hands of Jamdatu-l Mulk and Nusrat Jang. This
gave great offence to Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, and Jamdatu-
l Mulk and Nusrat Jang had to admonish him, and speak to him
sharply about some youthful follies. The Prince was greatly offended.
The Prince wished that the siege should be carried on in his name;
but the generals acted on their own authority. Day by day the
dissensions increased. The besieged were aware of these
differences, and contrived to open communications with the Prince,
and to fan the flames of his discontent, so that great danger
threatened the army.
Intelligence now came of the approach of Santá, and the enemy’s
forces so closed round the royal army and shut up the roads, that for
some days there were no communications whatever between the
army and His Majesty. Messages still came to the Prince from the
garrison, exciting his apprehensions, and holding out allurements. He
was vexed with Jamdatu-l Mulk’s opposition, and no communications
arrived from the Emperor; so he was on the point of going over to the
enemy. Jamdatu-l Mulk and Nusrat Jang were informed of this, and
they surrounded his tents, and made the Prince prisoner.
When these troubles and discords were at their height, Santá came
down upon the royal army with twenty-five thousand horse, and
reduced it to such straits, that the commanders deemed it expedient
to leave their baggage and some of their matériel to be plundered by
Santá, and to retire into the hills for refuge. Every one was to carry off
what he could, and the idea was that Santá would stop to plunder
what was left, and not follow the retreating force. Accordingly the two
generals retired fighting for some kos, till they reached the shelter of
the hills, when they beat off Santá. A few days afterwards they
renewed the siege, and the garrison was hard pressed. According to
report, a sum of money reached the enemy, and they evacuated the
fortress and retired.

When intelligence of the arrest of Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh


reached Aurangzeb, he apparently acquiesced in it as a matter of
necessity. The news of the reduction of the fortress came soon
afterwards, and he applauded the services performed by the two
generals. In reality, he was offended, and summoned the Prince with
the two generals to his presence. The Prince was brought up under
arrest. After waiting upon Aurangzeb, he addressed a few words of
admonition to Jamdatu-l Mulk; but afterwards the marks of his
displeasure became more apparent. Orders were given to set the
Prince at liberty.
Capture of a Royal Ship by the English. The English
at Bombay.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 421.] The royal ship called the Ganj-i sawáí, than
which there was no larger in the port of Surat, used to sail every year
for the House of God (at Mecca). It was now bringing back to Surat
fifty-two lacs of rupees in silver and gold, the produce of the sale of
Indian goods at Mocha and Jedda. The captain of this ship was
Ibráhím Khán. * * There were eighty guns and four hundred muskets
on board, besides other implements of war. It had come within eight
or nine days of Surat, when an English ship came in sight, of much
smaller size, and not having a third or fourth part of the armament of
the Ganj-i sawáí. When it came within gun-shot, a gun was fired at it
from the royal ship. By ill-luck, the gun burst, and three or four men
were killed by its fragments. About the same time, a shot from the
enemy struck and damaged the mainmast, on which the safety of the
vessel depends. The Englishmen perceived this, and being
encouraged by it, bore down to attack, and drawing their swords,
jumped on board of their opponent. The Christians are not bold in the
use of the sword, and there were so many weapons on board the
royal vessel that if the captain had made any resistance, they must
have been defeated. But as soon as the English began to board,
Ibráhím Khán ran down into the hold. There were some Turkí girls
whom he had bought in Mocha as concubines for himself. He put
turbans on their heads and swords into their hands, and incited them
to fight. These fell into the hands of the enemy, who soon became
perfect masters of the ship. They transferred the treasure and many
prisoners to their own ship. When they had laden their ship, they
brought the royal ship to shore near one of their settlements, and
busied themselves for a week searching for plunder, stripping the
men, and dishonouring the women, both old and young. They then
left the ship, carrying off the men. Several honourable women, when
they found an opportunity, threw themselves into the sea, to preserve
their chastity, and some others killed themselves with knives and
daggers.
This loss was reported to Aurangzeb, and the news-writers of the port
of Surat sent some rupees which the English had coined at Bombay,
with a superscription containing the name of their impure King.
Aurangzeb then ordered that the English factors who were residing at
Surat for commerce should be seized. Orders were also given to
I’timád Khán, superintendent of the port of Surat, and Sídí Yákút
Khán, to make preparations for besieging the fort of Bombay. The
evils arising from the English occupation of Bombay were of long
standing. The English were not at all alarmed at the threatenings.
They knew that Sídí Yákút was offended at some slights he had
received. But they were more active than usual in building bastions
and walls, and in blocking up the roads, so that in the end they made
the place quite impregnable. I’timád Khán saw all these preparations,
and came to the conclusion that there was no remedy, and that a
struggle with the English would result only in a heavy loss to the
customs revenue. He made no serious preparations for carrying the
royal order into execution, and was not willing that one rupee should
be lost to the revenue. To save appearances, he kept the English
factors in confinement, but privately he endeavoured to effect an
arrangement. After the confinement of their factors, the English, by
way of reprisal, seized upon every Imperial officer, wherever they
found one, on sea or on shore, and kept them all in confinement. So
matters went on for a long time.

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During these troubles I, the writer of this work, had the misfortune of
seeing the English of Bombay, when I was acting as agent for ‘Abdu-r
Razzák Khán at the port of Surat. I had purchased goods to the value
of nearly two lacs of rupees, and had to convey them from Surat to
‘Abdu-r Razzák, the faujdár of Ráhírí. My route was along the sea-
shore through the possessions of the Portuguese and English. On
arriving near Bombay, but while I was yet in the Portuguese territory,
in consequence of a letter from ‘Abdu-r Razzák, I waited ten or twelve
days for the escort of Sídí Yákút Khán. ‘Abdu-r Razzák had been on
friendly terms with an Englishman in his old Haidarábád days, and he
had now written to him about giving assistance to the convoy. The
Englishman sent out the brother of his díwán, very kindly inviting me
to visit him. The Portuguese captain and my companions were averse
to my going there with such valuable property. I, however, put my
trust in God, and went to the Englishman. I told the díwán’s brother,
that if the conversation turned upon the capture of the ship, I might
have to say unpleasant things, for I would speak the truth. The
Englishman’s vakíl advised me to say freely what I deemed right, and
to speak nothing but the truth.
When I entered the fortress, I observed that from the gate there was
on each side of the road a line of youths, of twelve or fourteen years
of age, well dressed, and having excellent muskets on their
shoulders. Every step I advanced, young men with sprouting beards,
handsome and well clothed, with fine muskets in their hands, were
visible on every side. As I went onwards, I found Englishmen
standing, with long beards, of similar age, and with the same
accoutrements and dress. After that I saw musketeers (bark-andáz),
young men well dressed and arranged, drawn up in ranks. Further
on, I saw Englishmen with white beards, clothed in brocade, with
muskets on their shoulders, drawn up in two ranks, and in perfect
array. Next I saw some English children, handsome, and wearing
pearls on the borders of their hats. In the same way, on both sides, as
far as the door of the house where he abode, I found drawn up in
ranks on both sides nearly seven thousand musketeers, dressed and
accoutred as for a review.
I then went straight up to the place where he was seated on a chair.
He wished me Good-day, his usual form of salutation; then he rose
from his chair, embraced me, and signed for me to sit down on a
chair in front of him. After a few kind inquiries, our discourse turned
upon different things, pleasant and unpleasant, bitter and sweet; but
all he said was in a kind and friendly spirit towards ‘Abdu-r Razzák.
He inquired why his factors had been placed in confinement. Knowing
that God and the Prophet of God would protect me, I answered,
“Although you do not acknowledge that shameful action, worthy of the
reprobation of all sensible men, which was perpetrated by your
wicked men, this question you have put to me is as if a wise man
should ask where the sun is when all the world is filled with its rays.”
He replied, “Those who have an ill-feeling against me cast upon me
the blame for the fault of others. How do you know that this deed was
the work of my men? by what satisfactory proof will you establish
this?” I replied, “In that ship I had a number of wealthy acquaintances,
and two or three poor ones, destitute of all worldly wealth. I heard
from them that when the ship was plundered, and they were taken
prisoners, some men, in the dress and with the looks of Englishmen,
and on whose hands and bodies there were marks, wounds, and
scars, said in their own language, ‘We got these scars at the time of
the siege of Sídí Yákút, but to-day the scars have been removed from
our hearts.’ A person who was with them knew Hindí and Persian,
and he translated their words to my friends.”
On hearing this, he laughed loudly, and said, “It is true they may have
said so. They are a party of Englishmen, who, having received
wounds in the siege of Yákút Khán, were taken prisoners by him.
Some of them parted from me, joined the Habshí, and became
Musulmáns. They stayed with Yákút Khán some time, and then ran
away from him. But they had not the face to come back to me. Now
they have gone and taken part with the díngmárs, or sakanas, who
lay violent hands on ships upon the sea; and with them they are
serving as pirates. Your sovereign’s officers do not understand how
they are acting, but cast the blame upon me.”
I smiling replied, “What I have heard about your readiness of reply
and your wisdom, I have (now) seen. All praise to your ability for
giving off-hand, and without consideration, such an exculpatory and
sensible answer! But you must recall to mind that the hereditary
Kings of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád and the good-for-nothing Sambhá
have not escaped the hands of King Aurangzeb. Is the island of
Bombay a sure refuge?” I added, “What a manifest declaration of
rebellion you have shown in coining rupees!”
He replied, “We have to send every year a large sum of money, the
profits of our commerce, to our country, and the coins of the King of
Hindústán are taken at a loss. Besides, the coins of Hindústán are of
short weight, and much debased; and in this island, in the course of
buying and selling them, great disputes arise. Consequently we have
placed our own names on the coins, and have made them current in
our own jurisdiction.” A good deal more conversation passed between
us, and part of it seemed to vex him; but he showed himself
throughout very thoughtful of ‘Abdu-r Razzák Khán, and mindful of his
obligation to protect him. When the interview was over, he proffered
me entertainment in their fashion; but as I had resolved from the first
that I would not depart from the usual course in the present interview,
I accepted only atr and pán, and was glad to escape.
The total revenue of Bombay, which is chiefly derived from betel-nuts
and cocoa-nuts, does not reach to two or three lacs of rupees. The
profits of the commerce of these misbelievers, according to report,
does not exceed twenty lacs of rupees. The balance of the money
required for the maintenance of the English settlement is obtained by
plundering the ships voyaging to the House of God, of which they
take one or two every year. When the ships are proceeding to the
ports of Mocha and Jedda laden with the goods of Hindústán, they do
not interfere with them; but when they return bringing gold and silver
and Ibráhímí and ríál,* their spies have found out which ship bears
the richest burden, and they attack it.
The Mahrattas also possess the newly-built forts of Khanderí, Kalába,
Kása, and Katora,* in the sea opposite the island fortress belonging
to the Habshís. Their war-ships cruise about these forts, and attack
vessels whenever they get the opportunity. The sakanas also, who
are sometimes called bawáríl, a lawless set of men belonging to
Surat, in the province of Ahmadábád, are notorious for their piracies,
and they attack from time to time the small ships which come from
Bandar ‘Abbásí and Maskat. They do not venture to attack the large
ships which carry the pilgrims. The reprobate English act in the same
way as the sakanas.
Destruction of a Royal Army by the Mahrattas.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 428.] Among the events of this year was the defeat of
Kásim Khán and * * , who were sent to Danderí against Santá
Ghorpúra. * * One day intelligence was brought that Kásim Khán’s
advanced force had been attacked by a division of the enemy, that all
their portable goods had been plundered, and the standing camp set
on fire. * * Kásim Khán, on hearing this, endeavoured to push forward
to their assistance; but he was surrounded by the enemy, and fighting
went on till sunset. * * They had no food for man or animal. The
nobles passed the night upon their elephants, and the men with their
bridles in their hands. * * * At daybreak, the enemy became more
daring, and the fighting more severe, for the Mahrattas swarmed on
all sides. * * For three days the royal forces, overmatched and
surrounded, did their best to repulse the enemy; but Kásim Khán was
at length compelled to give ground and to retire fighting, to the shelter
of the fort of Danderí. The chief men got some hay and corn from the
fort, but the soldiers got no food. Movement in any direction was
scarcely possible. Thus they remained for three or four days under
the shelter of the walls of the fort, and of the lines they threw up to
protect themselves from the assaults of the enemy. Their camels and
cattle fell into the hands of the Mahrattas. While the fighting went on,
the gates of the fort were kept closed, and the traders and inhabitants
within let down food from the walls and sold it. On the fourth or fifth
day the enemy got intelligence that Himmat Khán was coming with a
force to the rescue. Santá left half his force to keep Kásim Khán’s
army invested, and with the other marched against Himmat Khán. On
learning that another force belonging to Rám Rája would act against
Himmat Khán, he returned to his former position.

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Meanwhile matters went ill with the royal forces, and Kásim Khán,
with a few other officers, resolved upon taking refuge in the fort
secretly, without the knowledge of their brethren in arms. * * Kásim
Khán went out at night with the ostensible purpose of making the
rounds. Several reasons made it inexpedient to enter the gate, near
which so many men and officers were gathered; so he ascended the
walls by a rope-ladder. Rúhu-llah Khán, Saf-shikan Khán, and a
crowd of soldiers in great tumult made their way in by the gate.
Muhammad Murád Khán and others, hearing of this, followed the
example. * * * In fine, for a month they were besieged within the four
walls, and every day affairs grew worse with them. They were
compelled to kill and eat their baggage and riding horses, which were
themselves nearly starved. For all the greatest care and economy,
the stores of grain in the fort were exhausted. * * To escape from
starvation many men threw themselves from the walls and trusted to
the enemy’s mercy. * * People brought fruit and sweetmeats from the
enemy’s bázár to the foot of the walls, and sold them at extravagant
prices. * * Reverses, disease, deficiency of water, and want of grain,
reduced the garrison to the verge of death. Kásim Khán, according to
report, poisoned himself, or else died from want of the usual potion of
opium, for he was overcome with disappointment and rage.
Rúhu-llah Khán and the other officers were compelled to make
overtures for a capitulation. * * Some officers went out to settle the
terms of the ransom. Santá said, “Besides the elephants and horses,
and money and property, which you have with you, I will not take less
than a lac of huns,” equivalent to three lacs and 50,000 rupees. A
Dakhiní officer said, “What are you thinking of! this is a mere trifle.
This is a ransom which I would fix for Rúhu-llah Khán alone.” Finally,
seven lacs of rupees was settled as the ransom, the payment of
which was to be distributed among the officers. Each one’s share was
settled, and he made an engagement to pay it as ransom, and to
leave a relation or officer of rank with Santá as bail for payment.
Santá’s officers sat down at the gate of the fort, and allowed each
officer to take out his horse and his personal clothing, the others were
allowed to carry out as much as they could bear in their arms.
Everything else, money and jewels, horses and elephants, etc., were
confiscated by Santá. * * The government and personal property lost
during this war and siege exceeded fifty or sixty lacs of rupees. * *
Santá was delighted with the terms he had made with the defeated
army. Soon afterwards he heard that Himmat Khán was approaching
by forced marches to the relief of the besieged army. Santá divided
his forces into two divisions, and marched to meet him. At the
distance of sixteen kos the force under command of Santá fell in with
Himmat Khán, and a great battle followed. Himmat Khán fought with
great spirit and bravery. Numberless Mahrattas were slain, and many
of his own army perished. Santá’s forces retreated, and the royal
forces were led against the second army. Himmat Khán made
arrangements for the pursuit. By orders of Santá many musketeers
had taken positions in the thick jungle and among the trees, to
impede the advance of Himmat Khán. Some of the best marksmen
had climbed the trees, and concealed themselves among the thick
branches. When Himmat Khán approached, a ball entered his
forehead and killed him immediately. All the baggage and elephants
and munitions of war belonging to Himmat Khán then fell bodily into
the hands of Santá.

THIRTY-NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1106 A.H. (1694-5 A.D.).


The Royal Princes.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 434.] Prince Muhammad A’zam Sháh had gone to
Kharpa (Kaddapa), to punish the rebels and to settle affairs. The
insalubrity of the climate affected his health, and dropsy supervened.
He returned to Court, and experienced physicians were appointed to
attend him. * * His illness became so serious that his couch was
placed near the chamber of the Emperor, who showed his paternal
solicitude by administering his medicine, by partaking of food with
him, and doing everything he could to restore him to health. God at
length gave him a perfect cure.
Directions were now given for the release of Prince Sháh ‘Álam, who
had been kept under restraint for seven years. * * His release [with
the provision made for him] was very annoying to Prince Muhammad
A’zam and his partisans.
While Prince Sháh ‘Álam was in confinement, the Emperor had
shown great favour to Prince Muhammad A’zam Sháh, who
considered himself to be the heir apparent. But now that the elder
Prince was restored to full liberty, and to a greater share of attention
than before, Prince Muhammad A’zam was much aggrieved. * * One
day the King took the hand of Prince Sháh ‘Álam, and placed him on
his right hand. * * Then he took the hand of Prince Muhammad
A’zam, and made signs for him to sit down on his left. This greatly
annoyed Prince Muhammad A’zam, and an open quarrel was
imminent. * * After a time Prince Muhammad Mu’azzam, who had
been entitled Sháh ‘Álam, was honoured with the title Bahádur Sháh,
and was sent to settle the affairs of Ágra, and to punish the rebels in
that quarter. * * Soon afterwards Prince Muhammad A’zam was
ordered with his sons to Kábul, and Prince Mu’izzu-d dín to Multán.
Death of Santá Ghorpúra.
[p. 445.] The death of Santá at this time was a great piece of good
fortune for Aurangzeb. The exact particulars of his death are not
known; but I will relate what I have heard from men of credit who
were with the army. Ghazíu-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang, who had been
sent to chastise Santá and other robbers, was four or five marches
from Bíjápúr. * * Intelligence was brought that Santá Ghorpúra, with
an army of 25,000 horse, was at a distance of eight or nine kos. * *
Fíroz Jang marched towards Bíjápúr, and when he was eight or nine
kos distant from the city his scouts brought him word that there was a
quarrel between Santá and Dahiná Jádú, both of whom were
senápatís, or generals, * * and they were constantly trying to get the
better of each other. Santá was very severe in the punishments he
inflicted on his followers. For a trifling offence he would cast a man
under the feet of an elephant. Many of the Mahratta chiefs had ill-
blood against him, and they had conspired with Dahiná Jádú, by
letters and by messengers, to get rid of him. Hanumant Ráí, a sardár
of distinction, at the instigation of Dahiná Jádú, made an attack in
concert with Jádú’s army upon Santá. Dahiná had also won over the
great officers who were in company with Santá. They plundered
Santá’s baggage, and several of the principal ráwats of his army went
over to Hanumant. Many of his men were killed and wounded, and he
himself, being deprived of his power, fled to the hills and his own
máwals. * *
On receipt of orders from Aurangzeb, Fíroz Jang went in pursuit of
Santá. Dahiná Jádú’s army pursued him on the other side. Santá’s
forces were entirely separated from him and dispersed. Nágojí
Manai,* a Mahratta sardár, had served for some time in the Imperial
army, but subsequently joined his own people. This part of the
country was his native land. Several years before, Santá had thrown
a brother of Nágojí under the feet of an elephant, and this had
produced a mortal hatred. Under the guidance of his wife, he led a
party in pursuit of Santá. He reached a place where Santá, worn and
weary, and without attendants, was bathing in a stream. He
approached him suddenly, and killed him unawares. He then cut off
his head, and, placing it in a bag, fastened it behind him on his horse,
and carried it off to Dahiná Jádú. On the road the bag fell off, and was
picked up by some runners and horsemen belonging to the army of
Fíroz Jang, who were in pursuit of Santá. The head was recognized,
and was carried to Lutfu-llah Khán, commander of Fíroz Jang’s
advanced guard. * * It was finally sent to Aurangzeb, who gave the
bearer of it the title of Khush-khabar Khán. The drums of joy were
beaten, and the head was ordered to be exposed with ignominy
before the army and in several places of the Dakhin.
‘Abdu-r Razzák Lárí.
[p. 448.] ‘Abdu-r Razzák Lárí, from the day of entering the royal
service, had sought for an excuse for going to his native country. * *
He was now deprived of the faujdárí of Ráhírí, and summoned to
Court. He did not go, but wrote desiring to be relieved from his
mansab, and to be allowed to go to Mecca. The leave was given, * *
but every means was taken to satisfy him, and to avert him from his
design. But he would not consent, so he received written leave to
depart with his family and property, and with marks of favour. His
three sons did not accompany him, but remained at Court.
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FORTIETH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1107 A.H. (1695-6 A.D.).


Rám Rája. Prince Akbar. Flood.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 450.] Rám Rája, brother of Sambhá, having left the
fort of Ját, in the district of Rájgarh, went to Jinjí and other strong
places. He then proceeded to the fort of Sattára, where he remained
seven months. When he was informed of the murder of Santá, he
sent for Dahiná Jádú, to consult with him about getting together an
army, and recommencing the war.
Prince Muhammad Akbar, after the accession of Sultán Husain to the
throne of Persia, repeatedly asked for the help of an army to reinstate
him in Hindústán. The new Sháh, like his predecessor, excused
himself. * * The Prince then complained that the climate of Isfahán did
not agree with him, and asked permission to reside for a while in
Garmsír. The request was granted, and assignments were made of
the revenues of that province for his support. So the Prince
proceeded thither, with an appointed escort of 10,000 kazilbáshes.
In the month of Muharram of this year the river Bhanra,* near which
the royal camp was pitched, rose to a great height, and overflowed,
causing enormous destruction. The amírs had built many houses
there. The waters began to overflow at midnight, when all the world
was asleep. * *’ The floods carried off about ten or twelve thousand
men, with the establishments of the King, and the princes and the
amírs, horses, bullocks and cattle in countless numbers, tents and
furniture beyond all count. Numberless houses were destroyed, and
some were so completely carried away that not a trace of them was
left. Great fear fell on all the army. * * The King wrote out prayers with
his own hand, and ordered them to be thrown into the water, for the
purpose of causing it to subside. * *

FORTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1108 A.H. (1696-7 A.D.).


[Attempt to murder Sídí Yákút Khán of Jazíra.]
FORTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1109 A.H. (1697-8 A.D.).
The Mahrattas.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 457.] Níbá Sindhiá and other officers of Rám Rája,
with an army of eight thousand horse, came to the district of
Nandurbár, and attacked and burnt several villages. When he heard
that Husain ‘Alí Khán was approaching from Thálír,* he suspended
his operations against Nandurbár, and went to meet him. Husain
Khán had only seven or eight hundred horse and two or three
thousand provincial musketeers and archers; but he went forth to
meet the enemy. They encountered each other at two kos from the
town of Thálír, and a fierce action ensued. * * The number of
Sindhiá’s forces enabled him to surround Husain ‘Alí Khán, about
three hundred of whose men were killed. The day went against
Husain ‘Alí, and he had received two or three wounds. Dripping with
blood, he threw himself from his elephant; but he had no strength left
for fighting, so he was surrounded and made prisoner. All his
baggage, his men, and elephants were captured.
In addition to the cash and property which they had got by plunder,
the enemy fixed two lacs of rupees as the price of the ransom of the
prisoners. After much exertion, nearly one lac and 80,000 rupees was
raised from the jágírs, and from the property which had been left in
the town of Thálír. To make up the balance, the sarráfs and
merchants of Nandurbár were importuned to raise a sum, small or
great, by way of loan. But they would not consent. The inhabitants of
the town of Nandurbár had not paid the chauth to the Mahrattas, and
being supported by the faujdár, they had closed their gates, which
greatly annoyed the enemy (Mahrattas). Husain ‘Alí Khán also was
greatly incensed by their refusal to assist him; so he took counsel
with the enemy, and agreed that after a siege of a day or two, and
some exhibition of force, he would open the gates to them. He made
it a condition that the raiyats should not be plundered, but that the
great and wealthy men, the sarráfs, the merchants, and the
mukaddams, might be put to the rack and tortured until the balance of
the ransom due to the Mahrattas was discharged. The result was that
a sum of one lac and forty thousand rupees was paid to the
Mahrattas instead of eighty thousand, and that Husain ‘Alí Khán
himself realized nearly thirty thousand rupees. When (the result of the
action) was reported to Aurangzeb, he was very angry, and said that
there was no use in fighting when too weak to win.
FORTY-THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1110 A.H. (1698-9 A.D.).
Campaign against the Mahrattas. Siege of Sattára.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 459.] The daring inroads of the Mahrattas brought
Aurangzeb to the resolution of waging a holy war against them, and
of reducing the fortresses which were their homes and defences. His
camp had now remained at Islámpúrí four years, and fine mansions
and houses had been built there, so that a new city had sprung up,
and men thought they would never move far away. Orders were given
for throwing up earthworks round the place, and the officers and men
worked so well that in fifteen or twenty days a defence was raised
which might have occupied six or seven months. The Nawáb Kudsíya
Zínatu-n Nissa, sister of Prince Muhammad A’zam Sháh, and mother
of Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, with other ladies of the royal household,
were left there under the charge of Jamdatu-l Mulk Asad Khán.
Orders were also given that all amírs and officers should leave their
wives and families and property behind. The people belonging to the
royal establishments were also to remain. Strict orders were also
given that no ahadí should take his wife or children with him. Great
stress was laid upon this order, but in the marches and campaigns of
Hindústán such orders could not be enforced without resorting to
such punishments as the Princes of the House of Tímúr held to be
inconsistent with their sense of justice. So the order was not obeyed
as it ought to have been. On the 5th Jumáda-l awwal the army
marched towards the fort of Basant-garh,* and in twenty days it
arrived at Murtaza-ábád, or Mirich. There Prince Muhammad A’zam
Sháh came, in obedience to summons, from Bír-gánw.
Rám Rája, brother of the deceased Sambhá, had, under the pressure
of the royal armies, abandoned his fortresses and fled, taking refuge
in the hills and places of difficult access. When he heard of the royal
design upon the fortresses, he went off towards Birár, ravaging the
towns and inhabited places. The Zamíndár of Deogarh, in
consequence of disturbances in his country, and the superior force of
those who disputed the inheritance, had fled to the Court of
Aurangzeb, and had received the title of Buland-bakht upon his
becoming a Musulmán. Upon hearing of the death of his competitor,
he hastened back to Deogarh without leave, and opposed the officers
who were appointed to collect the tribute. He now joined Rám Rája in
plundering the country. His Majesty ordered that his name should be
changed to Nigún-bakht, and that Prince Bedár Bakht should march
against him with a suitable force. * * Rúhu-llah Khán Bakhshí, with
Hámidu-d dín Khán, were sent to plunder the environs of the forts of
Parnála and Sattára. When the royal army came near to Basant-garh,
Tarbiyat Khán, the commander of artillery, was ordered to take steps
for investing the place and throwing up lines. * * The word was given
for an assault, but the besieged were frightened and surrendered.
Aurangzeb gave to the place the name Kilíd-i futúh, Key of Victory.
At the end of Jumáda-s sání the royal army arrived opposite Sattára,
and the camp was pitched at the distance of a kos and a half. Prince
Muhammad A’zam Sháh encamped on another side, and the amírs
and officers were posted according to the judgment of Tarbiyat Khán.
They all vied with each other in throwing up lines, digging mines, and
in carrying on other siege operations. * * On both sides a heavy fire
was kept up, * * and the garrison rolled down great stones, which
came bounding down and crushed many men and animals. The rain
obstructed the arrival of corn; the enemy were very daring in
attacking the convoys, and the country for twenty kos round the
fortress had been burnt, so that grain and hay became very scarce
and dear. A battery twenty-four yards (dar’a) high was thrown up in
face of the hill, and on the Prince’s side also the batteries were
carried to the foot of the hill. A hundred and sixty thousand rupees
were paid for the services of the troops and máwalís of that country,
who are very efficient in sieges. * * Matters went hard with the
garrison, and the chance of firing a gun or a musket was no longer in
their power; all they could do was to roll down stones from the walls. *
*

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Stone-masons were employed by the besiegers to cut two vaults in


the side of the rock four yards long and ten yards broad, which were
to be used as stations for sentinels. But when they were found not to
answer for this purpose, they were filled with powder. * * On the
morning of the 5th Zí-l ka’da, in the fourth month of the siege, one of
these was fired. The rock and the wall above it were blown into the air
and fell inside the fortress. Many of the garrison were blown up and
burnt. The besiegers, on beholding this, pushed boldly forwards. At
that time the second mine was fired. A portion of the rock above was
blown up, but instead of falling into the fortress, as was expected, it
came down upon the heads of the besiegers like a mountain of
destruction, and several thousands* were buried under it. * * The
garrison then set about repairing the walls, and they again opened
fire and rolled down the life-destroying stones.
When Aurangzeb was informed of the disaster, and of the
despondency of his men, he mounted his horse, and went to the
scene of action as if in search of death. He gave orders that the
bodies of the dead should be piled upon each other, and made to
serve as shields against the arrows of calamity; then with the ladder
of resolution, and the scaling-ropes of boldness, the men should rush
to the assault. When he perceived that his words made no impression
on the men, he was desirous to lead the way himself, accompanied
by Muhammad A’zam Sháh. But the nobles objected to this rash
proposition. Afterwards he addressed his soldiers in encouraging
words * * [and gave fresh orders for the conduct of the siege].
An extraordinary incident now occurred. A great number of Hindú
infantry soldiers had been killed all at once (in the explosion), and
their friends were unable to seek and bring out their bodies. The
violence of the shock had entirely disfigured them, and it was not
possible to distinguish between Musulmán and Hindú, friend and
stranger. The flames of animosity burst forth among all the gunners
against the commander of the artillery. So at night they secretly set
fire to the defences (marhala),* which had been raised at great
trouble and expense against the fire from above, in the hope and with
the design that the fire might reach the corpses of the slaughtered
Hindús. A great conflagration followed, and for the space of a week
served as a bright lamp both for besiegers and besieged. A number of
Hindús and Musulmáns who were alive in the huts were unable to
escape, and were burnt, the living with the dead.
Death of Rám Rája.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 468.] The news-writers now reported that Rám Rája,
after meeting with some reverses in his raid upon Birár, was returning
to the hills of his own territory. On his way he died, leaving three sons
of tender years, and two wives. Soon afterwards it was announced
that the eldest son, a boy of five years of age, had died of small-pox.
The chiefs then made Tárá Báí, the chief wife, and mother of one
son, regent. She was a clever intelligent woman, and had obtained a
reputation during her husband’s lifetime for her knowledge of civil and
military matters. Tárá Báí proceeded to the hills of difficult approach.
On receiving this intelligence, the Emperor ordered the drums of
rejoicing to be beaten, * * and the soldiers congratulated each other, *
* saying that another prime mover in the strife was removed, * * and
that it would not be difficult to overcome two young children and a
helpless woman. They thought their enemy weak, contemptible and
helpless; but Tárá Báí, as the wife of Rám Rája was called, showed
great powers of command and government, and from day to day the
war spread and the power of the Mahrattas increased.
Surrender of Sattára and Capture of Parlí.
[Text, p. 470.] At the death of Rám Rája, a chief named Parsa Rám
was in the fort of Parlí,* acting in that country as díwán in revenue
matters for Rám Rája. On hearing of his decease, without consulting
with the commandant of the fort, he came and made his submission
to Aurangzeb. The commandant also, being dismayed, sent a
proposal of surrender upon terms. At the same time Sobhán, the
commander of Sattára, was troubled by the blowing up of the wall on
one side of the fortress and the burning of a great number of his men.
The death of Rám Rája added to his perplexity. He was at feud with
the commandant of fort Parlí, and he sent a message to Aurangzeb,
through Prince Muhammad A’zam, offering to capitulate on
honourable terms, if the proposal of the commandant of Parlí were
rejected. He was willing to give up the keys of Sattára at once, and
would undertake to place Parlí in Aurangzeb’s hands unconditionally
in a short time, without any promise of security. On the 16th Zí-l ka’da
he surrendered the keys, and more than three thousand persons,
male and female, came out of the fort upon promise of safety. Great
rejoicings followed. Sobhán was brought, bound hand and neck, to
the foot of the throne; but orders were given for the forgiveness of his
offences, and for loosening his bonds. He was appointed to a
mansab of five thousand and two thousand horse, and a horse, an
elephant, etc., were presented to him.
After the surrender of Sattára, Aurangzeb marched against Parlí, the
commandant of that fort having been diverted by his advisers from his
intention of surrendering. Parlí is a more lofty fort than Sattára, and it
had been put into a state of preparation. * * On the 10th Zí-l hijja many
men were killed in an attempted assault, but in a short time the
garrison was pressed very hard. The besiegers were greatly
incommoded by the heavy rain, which in this part of the country falls
for five months without an hour’s interval by night or day, and by lack
of supplies, the convoys being cut off by the enemy who swarmed
around. * * The garrison showed great daring in coming suddenly
down the hill and attacking the besiegers; but the repeated attacks
and the daring of Fathu-llah Khán at length prevailed, and a
proposition of capitulation was made. At the beginning of Muharram,
after a siege of a month and a half, the fortress was taken, and the
men of the garrison marched out with their families and their old
clothes. * * The name of Sattára was changed to A’zam-tárá, and of
Parlí to Nauras-tárá.
Aurangzeb then determined to return, but there was little means of
carriage, for the rains and the bad climate * * had affected the
animals, so that those that were alive were nothing but skin and
bone. Some of the baggage and matériel was carried away, some
was left in the forts, and some was burnt. * * On reaching the river
Kistná, there was great difficulty in crossing it. * * Some men
attempted to swim over, but nine out of ten were drowned, * * and
thousands remained behind and died. In the middle of Safar the army
reached an obscure fort, which offered sufficient protection for a few
days, and an order was issued for a month’s rest there. The rains,
which had continued so far, now ceased, and the men of the army
found a little comfort.
Some proceedings of Prince Muhammad A’zam were displeasing to
His Majesty, and his division of the army was in a bad state; so that,
although he had shown great diligence and enterprise in the
reduction of the fort of Parnála and other forts, he was sent, in order
to appease the troops, to be Governor of the province of Ujjain. In the
same way, several officers of the army were sent to their jágírs at ten
or twelve days’ distance, to Bíjápúr, and to other places in the vicinity.
Prince Bedár Bakht was directed to lay siege to the fort of Parnála,
and Zú-l fikár Khán and Tarbiyat Khán received orders to follow him
with the artillery.
As many men had been lost in the reduction of the fortresses, strict
orders were sent to the Súbadárs of Burhánpúr, Bíjápúr, Haidarábád,
Ahmadábád, and other provinces far and near, to raise (each) a
thousand men, well horsed, to advance them six months’ pay out of
the State revenues, and to send them to the royal camp. Aurangzeb,
with the intention of giving his men rest, went to Khawáspúr,* a place
well supplied with grass and hay, and fruit-trees and water. At the end
of Rabí’u-l awwal the royal camp was pitched at that place, and the
abundance of provisions soon restored the spirits of the army. * * But
here also the army was to suffer hardship. The camp was pitched by
the side of a nála containing only a little water, and, as the rainy
season was over, there was no expectation of a heavy fall of rain. But
rain which fell out of season in the hills and distant places sent down
a flood of water, which inundated the camp, * * causing confusion and
distress which defy description.

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The fort of Parnála had been (formerly) taken by Prince Muhammad


A’zam, and had remained for some time in the royal possession. But
in the thirty-fifth year of the reign the enemy regained possession of
it. * * On the 10th Shawwál the (royal) army reached Pún-garh, a fort
connected with Parnála.

FORTY-FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1111 A.H. (1699-1700


A.D.).
[Siege of Parnála.]
FORTY-FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1112 A.H. (1700-1 A.D.).
Sieges of Forts.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 489.] The siege (of Parnála) had endured for two
months, and repeated attempts had been made to carry the place by
escalade. * * At length, when the garrison was hard pressed, the
commandant surrendered the fort, having secretly received a sum of
money from Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh and Tarbiyat Khán, with
whom he had been in correspondence. At the end of Zí-l hijja the
keys were given up, and both the forts were evacuated.
The army was about to march, when a violent storm came on [and
did great damage]. In the beginning of Muharram, 1113, it was
determined to march towards Kaháwan, where there was plenty of
grass and grain. Fathu-llah Khán was sent with a force to chastise the
plundering Mahrattas, and to subdue their forts. * * He killed many of
the enemy near the four forts in that neighbourhood, * * and, on
hearing of his approach, the enemy abandoned the fort of Páras-
garh.* Bahramand Khán was sent along with Fathu-llah Khán against
the fort of Chandan-mandan,* * * and by the middle of Jumáda-l
awwal all the four forts were subdued.
On the 16th Jumáda-l ákhir the royal army moved from Pánch-gánw,
to effect the conquest of the fort of Khelna.* The difficulties of the
road were great. * * Ambá-ghát,* at a distance of two days’ march,
took twelve days to reach. * * Prince Bedár Bakht was ordered to fall
back on Baní Sháh Darak (as Parnála was now called), to punish the
enemy, who were closing the roads in that direction, * * and to
prevent any supplies being thrown into Khelna from that quarter. Mu-
hammad Amín Khán was likewise ordered to the Ambá-ghát, to cut
off any supplies intended for the fort, and to succour the convoys of
Banjáras bearing grain for the royal army. He showed no lack of zeal
in these duties; and was so active in ravaging and burning the
inhabited places, in killing and making prisoners the people, and in
seizing and carrying off the cattle, that any sign of cultivation, or the
name or trace of a Mahratta, was not to be found. * *
The siege works were pushed on until a mine was carried near to the
gate. In the raising of the earthworks,* camel saddles and baskets
innumerable were used, full of earth and rubbish and litter, heads of
men and feet of quadrupeds; and these were advanced so far that
the garrison were intimidated.

FORTY-SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1113 A.H. (1701-2 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 499.] Fathu-llah Khán Bahádur showed extraordinary
zeal and bravery in pushing forward the siege works (of Khelna), and
never rested from his labours. * * Paras Rám, the commandant of the
fort, being much discouraged, held communications with Prince
Bedár Bakht as to his personal safety, and the acceptance of his
proposals. But his demands were not acceded to. Rúhu-llah Khán,
etc., went several times into the fort to arrange terms, but without
result. At length, according to common rumour, the Prince and some
of the amírs sent him secretly a sum of money, and a promise of
security for himself and family, on condition of his surrendering. So,
after six months’ siege, on the 19th Muharram, 1113 (16 June, 1701),
the flags of the Prince and of Rúhu-llah Khán were hoisted over the
fortress by Paras Rám, the commandant, himself, who had stipulated
that no man of the royal army should go in with the flag. He solicited a
night’s grace, and through shame he and his family went out during
the darkness of the night, with all the property they could carry. A
large number of the garrison remained in the fort, but the Emperor in
his mercy ordered that no one of them should be molested; so they
came out and departed to their native wilds. * * The name of the fort
was altered to Sakhkharalaná.
The clemency and long suffering and care of the Emperor were such
that, when he ascertained that several fortresses had been long and
vigorously besieged by the forces appointed to the duty, and that the
garrisons were in difficulty, he paid sums of money to the
commandants, and so got the forts into his possession. It often
happened also that he gave the same sum of money, neither more
nor less, to the officer conducting the siege. The heavy rains, and the
overflow of the rivers and streams, had induced Aurangzeb to defer
his march until the end of the rainy season. But he was moved by the
irresolution and the advice of some of his amírs, who pined for ease,
and complained of the dearness of grain and the insalubrity of the
climate, and by the grumbling of the inexperienced and hard-tried
soldiers. So at the end of Muharram he marched for Bír-gánw.* [Great
difficulties, dangers and losses from rains and floods.] In the course
of one month and seventeen days the fourteen kos between the forts
of Khelna and Parnála were traversed, and on the 12th Rabí’u-l awwal
the camp was pitched under the latter. [Further hardships of the
march and great difficulty in crossing the Kistná.] Seventeen days
were occupied in the transit of the river, * * * but Bahádur-gárh* was
at length reached, and there the army halted for a month. * * At the
end of Rajab, though only half a life remained in the bodies of the
men, the army marched to effect the conquest of Kandána. On the
16th it reached that fortress [and the siege was at once begun].

FORTY-SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1114 A.H. (1702-3 A.D.).


The Mahrattas.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 510.] After the siege (of Kandána*) had gone on for
three months and a half, and many men had been killed, and the
directors of the siege were in difficulty, the fort* was bought from the
commandant for a sum of money. The army then marched and
remained for a month at Púna, and the neighbouring villages.* * * In
the middle of Rajab the army marched against Rájgarh, the earliest
fortress and retreat of the restless infidels of this country. * * At the
beginning of Sha’bán the army sat down before the fort. The circuit of
the fort was so great, twelve kos in measurement, that a complete
investment sufficient to prevent the throwing in of supplies was
impossible. * * On the 15th Shawwál the royal flag was planted on the
first gate of the fortress, and many of the garrison were slain or put to
flight. * * But Hainájí, the commander, kept up an ineffectual
resistance for twelve days longer, when he asked for terms. They
were conceded on condition that the commander himself should
come to the first gate, carry the royal flag into the fortress, and
evacuate the place on the next day. * * Next day the garrison
marched out with their families, and all the property they could carry. *
* The fort received the name of Baní-Sháh-garh.
When Rám Rája died, leaving only widows and infants, men thought
that the power of the Mahrattas over the Dakhin was at an end. But
Tárá Báí, the elder wife, made her son of three years old successor
to his father, and took the reins of government into her own hands.
She took vigorous measures for ravaging the Imperial territory, and
sent armies to plunder the six súbas of the Dakhin as far as Sironj,
Mandisor, and the súba of Málwá. She won the hearts of her officers,
and for all the struggles and schemes, the campaigns and sieges of
Aurangzeb up to the end of his reign, the power of the Mahrattas
increased day by day. By hard fighting, by the expenditure of the vast
treasures accumulated by Sháh Jahán, and by the sacrifice of many
thousands of men, he had penetrated into their wretched country, had
subdued their lofty forts, and had driven them from house and home;
still the daring of the Mahrattas increased, and they penetrated into
the old territories of the Imperial throne, plundering and destroying
wherever they went. In imitation of the Emperor, who with his army
and enterprising amírs was staying in those distant mountains, the
commanders of Tárá Báí cast the anchor of permanence wherever
they penetrated, and having appointed kamáísh-dárs (revenue
collectors), they passed the years and months to their satisfaction,
with their wives and children, tents and elephants. Their daring went
beyond all bounds. They divided all the districts (parganas) among
themselves, and following the practice of the Imperial rule, they
appointed their súbadárs (provincial governors), kamáísh-dárs
(revenue collectors), and ráhdárs (toll-collectors).

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Their principal súbadár is commander of the army. Whenever he


hears of a large caravan, he takes six or seven thousand horse and
goes to plunder it. He appoints kamáísh-dárs everywhere to collect
the chauth, and whenever, from the resistance of the zamíndárs and
faujdárs, the kamáísh-dár is unable to levy the chauth, he hastens to
support him, and besieges and destroys his towns. And the ráhdár of
these evil-doers takes from small parties of merchants, who are
anxious to obtain security from plunder, a toll upon every cart and
bullock, three or four times greater than the amount imposed by the
faujdárs of the government. This excess he shares with the corrupt
jágírdárs and faujdárs, and then leaves the road open. In every súba
(province) he builds one or two forts, which he makes his
strongholds, and ravages the country round. The mukaddams, or
head men of the villages, with the countenance and co-operation of
the infidel súbadárs, have built forts, and with the aid and assistance
of the Mahrattas they make terms with the royal officers as to the
payment of their revenues. They attack and destroy the country as far
as the borders of Ahmadábád and the districts of Málwá, and spread
their devastations through the provinces of the Dakhin to the environs
of Ujjain. They fall upon and plunder large caravans within ten or
twelve kos of the Imperial camp, and have even had the hardihood to
attack the royal treasure. It would be a troublesome and useless task
to commit to writing all their misdeeds; but it must suffice to record
some few of the events which occurred in those days of sieges,
which, after all, had no effect in suppressing the daring of the
Mahrattas.
A force of the enemy, numbering fifteen or sixteen thousand horse,
proceeded towards the port of Surat, and, after ravaging several
districts, they went to cross the Nerbadda, which runs between
Ahmadábád and Surat. The Imperial officers in charge of Ahmadábád
took counsel together, and sent a suitable force against them, under
Muhammad Beg Khán, and * * ten or twelve sardárs, with thirteen or
fourteen thousand horse, and seven or eight thousand trained kolís of
that country. They crossed the Nerbadda, and encamped upon its
bank. Next morning the Mahratta army approached within seven or
eight kos. Two or three well-mounted light horsemen appeared on
one side, and the Ahmadábád army made ready to receive them.
After a conflict, the infidels took flight, and were pursued by the
Imperial officers for two or three kos, who captured several mares,
spears, and umbrellas, and returned rejoicing.
The men of the army, delighted at having put the enemy to flight, had
ungirded themselves and taken the saddles from their horses. Some
went to sleep, and some were engaged in cooking or eating, when a
picked force of seven or eight thousand of the enemy’s horse came
suddenly upon them like a flood. These men had been concealed
among the trees and rocks near the river, and had sent out their spies
to watch for an opportunity. The untried men of Ahmadábád lost their
wits, and found no means of saddling their horses or girding on their
arms. They had no experienced officers among them, and when the
Dakhinís made their attack, a panic fell upon the army. On one side
was the river, which the tide from the sea made unfordable, and on
the other the advancing tide of the enemy. Many men were killed and
wounded, and a great many threw themselves into the water, and
were drowned. * * The enemy effected a complete overthrow of the
Imperial army.
Dahiná Jádú, according to the general report of the sardárs, was a
man of the highest influence. He now proposed terms of peace. His
proposal was that conciliatory letters should be addressed to all the
principal officers of the Rání, inviting them to wait upon Aurangzeb.
When they had arrived in the vicinity of the royal camp, Rája Sáhú
(son of Sambhájí) was to be placed in charge of Prince Muhammad
Kám Bakhsh, and to be sent some four or five kos from the camp, so
that the Mahratta sardárs might have an interview with him first. With
the approval of Rája Sáhú, the chiefs were then to pay their respects
to Prince Kám Bakhsh, and to return in his custody to the royal camp,
where they were to receive the honour of admission into the royal
service. Orders were accordingly given for the sending nearly seventy
letters to various Mahratta chiefs. But, after all, the plan did not
please Aurangzeb, who prudently felt misgivings as to the craftiness
of the Mahrattas, and was apprehensive that if they assembled forty
or fifty thousand horse near the royal camp, they might by this
pretence carry off Rája Sáhú and Prince Kám Bakhsh to their hills of
difficult access.
Sultán Husain was summoned to Court; * * but his visit was
countermanded, and he was ordered to go and lay siege to the fort of
Torna.

FORTY-EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1115 A.H. (1703-4 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 521.] After the reduction of the fort of Rájgarh, the
royal army rested for a few days, and at the end of Shawwál it moved
to the fort of Torna, four kos distant from Rájgarh. * * On the 13th Zí-l
ka’da this fort was taken by assault, not like the other forts by
negociations with the commandants and promises of material
advancement. * *
Siege of Wákinkera.
[p. 524.] Pem Náík, a zamíndár of low origin, belonging to the tribe of
Bedar, which is the Hindí for “fearless,” sprang from the caste of
Dhers, the most impure caste of the Dakhin. He was noted for his
turbulent habits. At the time of the war with Haidarábád, he sent his
forces to the aid of Abú-l Hasan, and Pádsháh Khánzáda Khán, son
of Rúhu-llah Khán, was sent to subdue his fort of Sagar,* and to
occupy his fastnesses and retreats. He submitted to the royal army,
and came to wait on the Emperor, but soon hastened back to his
home.
Pem Náík had a nephew named Paryá Náík.* In the thirty-second
year of the reign, when Rúhu-llah Khán senior was sent to reduce
Ráíchor, and when the royal court was at Ahmadábád, before the
Bíjápúr affair, this Paryá Náík, having seen the great power of
Aurangzeb, came to his Court, and received a mansab. Rúhu-llah
thought he might be of service at Ráíchor, and took him there. There
the good-for-nothing knave took part in the fighting, and rendered
good service. After the reduction of Ráíchor,* he asked leave to go to
Wákinkera,* his ancestral abode, promising to levy all his powers
there, and to present himself with a proper army wherever he was
summoned.
Upon receiving permission, he went to Wákinkera, which is a village
on the top of a hill, and one of the dependencies of Sagar. The place
is inhabited by many Barkandázes, which name signifies “black-faced
infantry,”* and these people are famed for their skill in archery and
missiles. After Sagar had been taken from the hands of Pem Náík,
the worthless Paryá Náík, by craft and wiles, made it the abode of his
family and children. Having taken up his residence at Wákin-kera, he
showed no signs of moving, but set about strengthening and adding
to the defences, and laying in warlike stores. Favoured by fortune, he
in time collected nearly fourteen or fifteen thousand infantry of vigour
and audacity. He made his hill a strong fortress, and, collecting in a
short time four or five thousand horse, he ravaged flourishing places
far and near, and plundered caravans. Whenever an army was sent
against him, the strong force which he had collected around him, the
strength of his retreat, the influence of money spent in bribery, a
practice which he well understood, his knowledge of darbár
proceedings, and his own audacity, carried him through; and bags of
money and a variety of presents covered all discrepancies in his
statements. In his letters he made all sorts of artful excuses, and
represented himself as one of the most obedient of zamíndárs and
punctual of revenue-payers. Every month and year he exerted
himself in increasing his buildings, strengthening his towers and
walls, in gathering forces, and acquiring guns, great and small. At last
his place became well known as the fort of Wákinkera, and he
became a fast ally of the Mahrattas, the disturbers of the Dakhin.

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Jagná, son of Pem Náík, who was the heir to his property,* came to
Court, was honoured with a mansab, and received a sanad for the
zamíndárí as its rightful heir. He went thither with an army, but could
not get in, and after some fighting he suffered a defeat. Prince
Muhammad A’zam was afterwards sent to punish Paryá Náík, and the
royal forces ravaged the outskirts of his territory. But he seized his
opportunity, and went to wait upon the Prince. He expressed his
humility and repentance, and with subtle artifice promised a tribute of
seven lacs of rupees to the Emperor, and to make a present of two
lacs to the Prince. Besides these, he dispensed gratifications to the
officials. By these means he rescued himself from the clutches of the
royal anger.
As soon as the Prince had returned to Court, he went on in his old
way, and fanned the fires of rebellion more violently than before.
Fíroz Jang was afterwards sent with a large army to repress him, and
pressed him very hard. But he resumed his old artifices, sent
deceptive and alluring messages, and by a promise of obedience and
nine lacs of rupees as tribute, he saved his life and honour. When the
royal army marched against Púna, and lay encamped for seven
months and a half near Junír, two or three unimportant forts were
taken. Every day fresh news was brought of the insolence and
turbulence of Paryá Náík, and in consequence Aurangzeb resolved to
march in person against Wákinkera.

FORTY-NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1116 A.H. (1704-5 A.D.).


Siege of Wákinkera.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 527.] At the beginning of the forty-ninth year of the
reign, Aurangzeb moved with his army towards Wákinkera. * * At the
end of Shawwál he reached the vicinity of the fort. His tent was
pitched about a kos from the fort, and his officers were ordered to
commence operations. Paryá Náík had strengthened his defences
and called in his scattered forces. He applied to Tárá Báí for
assistance, and had collected several thousand horsemen of all
classes, especially Musulmáns of bad character. The “black-faced
infantry” with rage and clamour, and the artillery with a shower of fire,
boldly resisted the advance of the Imperial forces. Cannon-balls from
large and small guns were accompanied by thousands of blazing
rockets, which rained night and day, and allowed not a moment’s rest.
A fierce struggle was commenced, and large numbers were killed on
both sides. * *
The reduction of the fort was nearly accomplished, and the valour of
the brave besiegers was about to reap its reward. The approaching
fall of the fort was on every one’s tongue, when intelligence came in
that a large army of Mahrattas was approaching to succour the place.
Next day Dahiná Jádú and Hindú Ráo, with two or three sardárs,
whose wives and families were in Wákinkera, approached with eight
or nine thousand horse and an innumerable force of infantry. Dahiná
Jádú had been occupied for a short time in ravaging the country and
opposing the royal forces. His present object was to get his wives and
children and property out of Wákinkera, which he had deemed the
safest of all the forts, and at the same time to render assistance to
the garrison. On one side his strong force pressed severely on the
royal army.
At this juncture, when misfortunes poured like hail upon the
besiegers, one body drew the royal generals into a conflict on one
side, while on another two or three thousand horse dashed up to the
fort, mounted the women on swift mares, and with the aid of the
infantry in the fort they succeeded in carrying them off. * * Paryá Náík
sent money and goods, food and drink, to the Mahrattas, and settled
allowances to their sardárs, to induce them to remain and protract the
siege. The Mahrattas were quite willing to get money easily, so they
remained and harassed the besiegers by daily attacks on both sides.
Every day their forces increased. Many men of the royal army were
killed, and a great panic spread amongst them. [Private
negociations.]
Súm Sankar, brother of Paryá Náík, came out of the fort (as a
hostage), presented his offering, and paid homage. He received the
honour of a robe, horse, jewels, and a mansab, and then asked
humbly forgiveness for his brother, and for a truce of a week.
Muhtasham Khán then entered the fortress (to take formal
possession as kila’dár). He was entertained that night, and messages
were sent to him assuring him that Paryá Náík would see him next
day, and then under his protection would proceed to pay homage.
When he went into the fort, the drums of the royal army were beaten
joyfully. * * The people in the fort, in order to satisfy the kila’dár,
busied themselves in sending out their useless goods, their women
and the old men whose lives were precarious. The statement was still
maintained that Paryá Náík intended to visit the kila’dár, but towards
night the excuse was made that he was ill with fever. On the third it
was stated that the fever had increased, and that he was delirious
and talking wildly. Next day it was said that he was quite insane, and
that he had gone out of the fort, and no one knew whether he had
cast himself down from the fort to kill himself, or whether he had gone
to join the Mahratta army.
The mother of that crafty one artfully made great cries and
lamentations, and pretended to be in great distress. She sent a
message to Aurangzeb, saying that when she was a little consoled for
the disappearance of her son, she would leave the fort; but she
hoped that her younger son, Súm Sankar, would receive investiture
as the new zamíndár, and that he would be sent into the fort to
Muhtasham Khán, because he would be able to show the kila’dár the
various places in which the treasure was buried. She would then
leave the fort with her remaining property and children. Aurangzeb,
not suspecting deception, allowed Súm Sankar to go into the fort. * *
Then no one from the royal army was allowed to enter. Muhtasham
Khán with some other persons were kept under restraint in the fort,
and it became clear to the Emperor and his associates that they had
been made the victims of deception; but the Emperor was patient,
and acted cautiously, as the circumstances of the case required.
Intelligence was now brought that Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang and
others were approaching with the force under his command, and the
Emperor issued an order directing him to join as soon as possible. * *
Zú-l fikár Khán seized several wells from which the enemy drew their
supplies of water; and the enemy now felt the deprivation which the
Imperial forces had suffered. * * The approaches were pushed
forward to the fort, and on the day appointed for the assault the
Emperor mounted his horse to take part therein, * * and took his
position at a cannon-shot distance from the fort. * * The enemy were
overpowered, and some positions were captured. * * Being greatly
dispirited, they placed two or three thousand musketeers to hold one
of the gates to the last. They then took their wives and children, their
jewels, and whatever they could carry, and after setting fire to their
temple and other buildings, they went out at another gate, and by
some outlets which had been prepared for such an occasion, they
made their way to the Mahratta army in parties. They then fled with
the army. The conflagration in the fort and the cessation of the firing
made the besiegers aware of their flight. A party of men entered, and
found only disabled and wounded persons who were unable to fly. On
the 14th Muharram the Imperial forces took possession of the place. *
* The name Wákinkera was changed to Rahmán-bakhsh. The
Imperial army then retired to pass the rainy season at Deo-gánw,
three or four kos from the Kistná. * * News arrived that the fort of
Bakhshinda-bakhsh or Kandána had been lost through the
carelessness of the commander and the strategy of the Mahrattas.
On the same day Hámidu-d dín Khán was sent to retake it.

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Next Previous Contents
Jagná, son of Pem Náík, who was the heir to his property,* came to
Court, was honoured with a mansab, and received a sanad for the
zamíndárí as its rightful heir. He went thither with an army, but could
not get in, and after some fighting he suffered a defeat. Prince
Muhammad A’zam was afterwards sent to punish Paryá Náík, and the
royal forces ravaged the outskirts of his territory. But he seized his
opportunity, and went to wait upon the Prince. He expressed his
humility and repentance, and with subtle artifice promised a tribute of
seven lacs of rupees to the Emperor, and to make a present of two
lacs to the Prince. Besides these, he dispensed gratifications to the
officials. By these means he rescued himself from the clutches of the
royal anger.
As soon as the Prince had returned to Court, he went on in his old
way, and fanned the fires of rebellion more violently than before.
Fíroz Jang was afterwards sent with a large army to repress him, and
pressed him very hard. But he resumed his old artifices, sent
deceptive and alluring messages, and by a promise of obedience and
nine lacs of rupees as tribute, he saved his life and honour. When the
royal army marched against Púna, and lay encamped for seven
months and a half near Junír, two or three unimportant forts were
taken. Every day fresh news was brought of the insolence and
turbulence of Paryá Náík, and in consequence Aurangzeb resolved to
march in person against Wákinkera.

FORTY-NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1116 A.H. (1704-5 A.D.).


Siege of Wákinkera.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 527.] At the beginning of the forty-ninth year of the
reign, Aurangzeb moved with his army towards Wákinkera. * * At the
end of Shawwál he reached the vicinity of the fort. His tent was
pitched about a kos from the fort, and his officers were ordered to
commence operations. Paryá Náík had strengthened his defences
and called in his scattered forces. He applied to Tárá Báí for
assistance, and had collected several thousand horsemen of all
classes, especially Musulmáns of bad character. The “black-faced
infantry” with rage and clamour, and the artillery with a shower of fire,
boldly resisted the advance of the Imperial forces. Cannon-balls from
large and small guns were accompanied by thousands of blazing
rockets, which rained night and day, and allowed not a moment’s rest.
A fierce struggle was commenced, and large numbers were killed on
both sides. * *
The reduction of the fort was nearly accomplished, and the valour of
the brave besiegers was about to reap its reward. The approaching
fall of the fort was on every one’s tongue, when intelligence came in
that a large army of Mahrattas was approaching to succour the place.
Next day Dahiná Jádú and Hindú Ráo, with two or three sardárs,
whose wives and families were in Wákinkera, approached with eight
or nine thousand horse and an innumerable force of infantry. Dahiná
Jádú had been occupied for a short time in ravaging the country and
opposing the royal forces. His present object was to get his wives and
children and property out of Wákinkera, which he had deemed the
safest of all the forts, and at the same time to render assistance to
the garrison. On one side his strong force pressed severely on the
royal army.
At this juncture, when misfortunes poured like hail upon the
besiegers, one body drew the royal generals into a conflict on one
side, while on another two or three thousand horse dashed up to the
fort, mounted the women on swift mares, and with the aid of the
infantry in the fort they succeeded in carrying them off. * * Paryá Náík
sent money and goods, food and drink, to the Mahrattas, and settled
allowances to their sardárs, to induce them to remain and protract the
siege. The Mahrattas were quite willing to get money easily, so they
remained and harassed the besiegers by daily attacks on both sides.
Every day their forces increased. Many men of the royal army were
killed, and a great panic spread amongst them. [Private
negociations.]
Súm Sankar, brother of Paryá Náík, came out of the fort (as a
hostage), presented his offering, and paid homage. He received the
honour of a robe, horse, jewels, and a mansab, and then asked
humbly forgiveness for his brother, and for a truce of a week.
Muhtasham Khán then entered the fortress (to take formal
possession as kila’dár). He was entertained that night, and messages
were sent to him assuring him that Paryá Náík would see him next
day, and then under his protection would proceed to pay homage.
When he went into the fort, the drums of the royal army were beaten
joyfully. * * The people in the fort, in order to satisfy the kila’dár,
busied themselves in sending out their useless goods, their women
and the old men whose lives were precarious. The statement was still
maintained that Paryá Náík intended to visit the kila’dár, but towards
night the excuse was made that he was ill with fever. On the third it
was stated that the fever had increased, and that he was delirious
and talking wildly. Next day it was said that he was quite insane, and
that he had gone out of the fort, and no one knew whether he had
cast himself down from the fort to kill himself, or whether he had gone
to join the Mahratta army.
The mother of that crafty one artfully made great cries and
lamentations, and pretended to be in great distress. She sent a
message to Aurangzeb, saying that when she was a little consoled for
the disappearance of her son, she would leave the fort; but she
hoped that her younger son, Súm Sankar, would receive investiture
as the new zamíndár, and that he would be sent into the fort to
Muhtasham Khán, because he would be able to show the kila’dár the
various places in which the treasure was buried. She would then
leave the fort with her remaining property and children. Aurangzeb,
not suspecting deception, allowed Súm Sankar to go into the fort. * *
Then no one from the royal army was allowed to enter. Muhtasham
Khán with some other persons were kept under restraint in the fort,
and it became clear to the Emperor and his associates that they had
been made the victims of deception; but the Emperor was patient,
and acted cautiously, as the circumstances of the case required.
Intelligence was now brought that Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang and
others were approaching with the force under his command, and the
Emperor issued an order directing him to join as soon as possible. * *
Zú-l fikár Khán seized several wells from which the enemy drew their
supplies of water; and the enemy now felt the deprivation which the
Imperial forces had suffered. * * The approaches were pushed
forward to the fort, and on the day appointed for the assault the
Emperor mounted his horse to take part therein, * * and took his
position at a cannon-shot distance from the fort. * * The enemy were
overpowered, and some positions were captured. * * Being greatly
dispirited, they placed two or three thousand musketeers to hold one
of the gates to the last. They then took their wives and children, their
jewels, and whatever they could carry, and after setting fire to their
temple and other buildings, they went out at another gate, and by
some outlets which had been prepared for such an occasion, they
made their way to the Mahratta army in parties. They then fled with
the army. The conflagration in the fort and the cessation of the firing
made the besiegers aware of their flight. A party of men entered, and
found only disabled and wounded persons who were unable to fly. On
the 14th Muharram the Imperial forces took possession of the place. *
* The name Wákinkera was changed to Rahmán-bakhsh. The
Imperial army then retired to pass the rainy season at Deo-gánw,
three or four kos from the Kistná. * * News arrived that the fort of
Bakhshinda-bakhsh or Kandána had been lost through the
carelessness of the commander and the strategy of the Mahrattas.
On the same day Hámidu-d dín Khán was sent to retake it.

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ACCESSION OF SHÁH ‘ÁLAM BÁDSHÁH (BAHÁDUR SHÁH),


TWELFTH IN DESCENT FROM AMÍR TÍMÚR.
Prince Muhammad A’zam Sháh claims the Crown.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 566.] Prince Muhammad A’zam Sháh, having taken
leave of his father, was proceeding to his governorship of Málwá. He
had travelled about twenty kos from the army, when one evening the
intelligence of the Emperor’s death reached him. On the same day he
left his baggage and equipments, and with some of the chief nobles
and an escort, he set off with all speed for the army. On arriving
there, he entered the great tent. All the nobles came forth to meet
him, and to console and sympathize with him, except Asad Khán and
Hámid Khán, who were attending to the business of mourning and
watching inside. After the burial was over, Jamdatu-l Mulk Asad Khán
and other nobles and officers offered their condolences. An in-
spection was made of the amount of treasure, jewels, artillery, and
effects. What was capable of being removed was separated and
placed under the charge of vigilant officers, to provide the means of
carriage and the supplies necessary for a journey. Hindí and Persian
astrologers fixed on the 10th Zí-l hijja* as the day for ascending the
throne.
Prince Bedár Bakht, who had been left at Ahmadábád in charge of his
government, arrived. Ibráhím Khán Súbadar also thought of coming,
but an order was issued for his going to the frontier of Málwá, there to
await further orders. He was directed not to be precipitate, but to
await the arrival of the new monarch. The author of this work was at
that time in the company of Muhammad Murád Khán, who was
Wáki’-nigár and Sawánih-nigár of all the province of Ahmadábád, and
was faujdár of the sarkár of Thánesár and Kúdra. On the 9th Zí-l hijja
Murád Khán received a robe, on taking leave of Prince Bedár Bakht,
and went home. Just then some servants of Ibráhím Khán Názim
came to summon him. When he waited on Ibráhím Khán, and the
latter became aware of his having received a robe from Bedár Bakht,
he asked if the Prince had received any intelligence from his father,
and in what condition the Prince was. Murád Khán replied that he did
not know of any fresh news, and the Prince’s health appeared to be
as usual. Ibráhím Khán then placed in the hands of Murád Khán a
letter, which he had received at Ahmadábád on the 10th from his vakíl
at Ahmadnagar, informing him of the sad event which had occurred,
and said, “You must this very moment go to the Prince with the letter
and offer our condolence.”
Murád Khán went home, changed his robe, and went to wait upon the
Prince. He found that the Prince was asleep; but considering the
pressing nature of his mission, he told the eunuch on duty that he
must awake the Prince as cautiously as he could. As soon as the
Prince was aroused, he was told that Murád Khán was anxious to see
him, and had caused him to be awoke. The Prince had received
information of the Emperor’s illness, and he asked if Murád Khán still
wore the robe which had been presented to him, and the eunuch
replied that he was dressed in a fresh robe of white. The Prince’s
eyes filled with tears, and he sent for Murád Khán into a private room.
The Khán placed in his hand the letter which had arrived, and offered
his own and Ibráhím Khán’s condolences. After that the Prince said to
Murád Khán, “You know full well that the realm of Hindústán will now
fall into anarchy. People did not know the value of the Emperor. I only
hope that Heaven will direct matters as I wish, and that the Empire
will be given to my father.”
Ibráhím Khán afterwards was in doubt as to what Prince’s name was
to be recited in the khutba on the day of the ‘Ídu-z zuha, and it was
decided that after the rising of the sun, and before the news of
Aurangzeb’s death was spread abroad, the khutba should be read in
Aurangzeb’s name in the ‘Ídgáh. Ibráhím Khán ranged himself among
the partisans of A’zam Sháh, and he resolved that if, as he expected,
instructions should come for him to accompany Prince Bedár Bakht,
he would assemble his forces and would hasten with the Prince to
Ágra. In fact, if Muhammad A’zam Sháh had not been mistrustful* and
forbidden it, he (Ibráhím Khán) would have helped Prince Bedár
Bakht on his way.* Mukhtár Khán, father-in-law of Bedár Bakht, was
Súbadár of Ágra. He had nine krors of rupees, besides ashrafís and
presentation money (rúpiya-i gharíb nawáz), amounting to as much
as five hundred tolas in weight; and he had uncoined gold and silver
in the shape of vessels. Bákí Khán, the commander of the fortress,
who had the treasure in his charge, designed to surrender the
treasure and the keys of the fortress to whichever of the heirs of the
kingdom should present himself. (Ibráhím Khán’s plan) was the right
and advisable course to pursue; but what God had ordained came to
pass.
Prince Kám Bakhsh.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 569.] A few words now about Prince Kám Bakhsh.
After leaving his venerable father, he went to the fort of Parenda, forty
or fifty kos distant. There he received the sad news of his father’s
decease. Muhammad Amín Khán, with a number of persons, went off
to wait upon A’zam Sháh, without the leave or knowledge of Kám
Bakhsh. Great division and contention arose in his army in
consequence of this defection. Ahsan Khán, otherwise called Mír
Sultán Hasan, supported by the sympathy and good feeling of many
who remained, exerted himself and set off with the intention of taking
possession of the fort of Bíjápúr. On arriving near the place, he sent a
kind and flattering message to Niyáz Khán, the commandant, to in-
duce him to deliver up the fortress. Niyáz Khán refused, and set
about putting the fortifications in order. Intrenchments were then
thrown up opposite the gate. Rumours of the death of Aurangzeb had
been floating in the air before the arrival of Kám Bakhsh, and were
now confirmed. Negociations were opened, and through the exertions
and skilful management of Ahsan Khán, the keys of the fortress were
given up by Saiyid Niyáz Khán, who waited on the Prince and made
submission. At the end of two months the city and environs were
brought into a state of order. Ahsan Khán was made bakhshí, and the
portfolio of wazír was given to Hakím Muhsin, with the title Takarrub
Khán. * * Other adherents were rewarded with jewels and titles. The
Prince then assumed the throne. He was mentioned in the khutba
under the title of Dín-panáh (Asylum of the Faith), and coins also
were issued with this title.
Prince Kám Bakhsh then assembled some seven or eight thousand
horse, and marched to subdue the fort of Wákinkera. After a march or
two, Saiyid Niyáz Khán left his tent standing, and fled in the night to
Muhammad A’zam Khán. On reaching Kulbarga, the Prince took
possession of the fort, and, on the recommendation of Ahsan Khán,
placed it under the command of Saiyid Ja’far, one of the Saiyids of
Bárha. He then marched on to Wákinkera, which, since the death of
Aurangzeb, had again fallen into the hands of Paryá Náík. On arriving
there, lines were formed, and the siege commenced under the
direction of Ahsan Khán. Paryá Náík defended the place for fifteen or
twenty days, when it surrendered, through the mediation of Ahsan
Khán. An officer was placed in command, and the army marched on
to further conquests. There was a great rivalry between Takarrub
Khán and Ahsan Khán. The former removed Saiyid Ja’far from the
command of Kulbarga, and appointed another person to the charge.
When Kám Bakhsh returned to Kul-barga, he restored Saiyid Ja’far. *
* After pacifying Ahsan Khán, the Prince sent him to lay siege to
Karnúl, and directed his youngest son to accompany him as a check
(tora). The commandant was unwilling to surrender, and, after some
negocia-tions and siege work, he presented three lacs of rupees to
Ahsan Khán for the use of the government, and so induced him to
move away. * *
Prince A’zam Sháh.
[vol. ii. p. 571.] On the 10th Zí-l hijja A’zam Sháh, having ascended the
throne, made his accession public in the Dakhin by coins struck in the
name of A’zam Sháh. Having gratified the old nobles of the State with
robes and jewels, augmentations of mansabs and promises, he set
off, about the middle of Zí-l hijja, to encounter Sháh ‘Álam,
accompanied by Jamdatu-l Mulk Amíru-l umará Asad Khán, Zú-l fikár
Khán Bahádur Nusrat Jang and [many other nobles]. He marched to
Khujista-bungád (Aurangábád), * * and from thence arrived at
Burhánpúr. After leaving that place, he was abandoned by
Muhammad Amín Khán, and Chín Kalích Khán, who had received the
title of Khán-daurán. They were offended by the treatment they
received from A’zam Sháh, and went off to Aurangábád, where they
took possession of several districts.
Sháh ‘Álam (Bahádur Sháh).
[vol. ii. p. 573.] An account must now be given of the proceedings of
Sháh ‘Álam Bahádur Sháh. The late Emperor had appointed Mun’im
Khán, a very able man of business, to the management of Kábul. He
had shown great devotion and fidelity to Sháh ‘Álam, so that the
Prince placed in his hands the management of his jágírs in the
province of Láhore, and had recommended him for the diwání of the
province to the Emperor, who appointed him to that office. When
Mun’im Khán received intelligence of the continued illness of the
Emperor, in his faithfulness to Sháh ‘Álam, he busied himself in
making preparations in the countries lying between Láhore and
Pesháwar, finding means of transport, collecting camels and bullocks,
and providing things necessary for carrying on a campaign, so as to
be ready at the time of need.

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On the 7th Zí-l hijja the news of Aurangzeb’s death reached


Pesháwar, and the Prince immediately prepared to set out. Next day
a letter came from Mun’im Khán, offering congratulations upon the
Prince’s accession to royalty, and urging him to come quickly. Orders
were given for the march, and next day the Prince started, making no
delay, accompanied by his nobles, except Fathu-llah Khán, a man of
great bravery lately appointed to Kábul, who declined to accompany
him. Orders were given that Ján-nisár Khán, who was only second in
courage to Fathu-llah Khán, should go with five or six thousand horse
to the neighbourhood of Ágra, to join Prince ‘Azímu-sh Shán. Orders
also were sent calling Prince Mu’izzu-d dín from his government of
Thatta, and A’azzu-d dín from Multán, where he was acting as the
deputy of his father. Other presumed adherents were also sent for.
Sháh ‘Álam proceeded by regular marches to Láhore. Mun’im Khán
came forth to meet him, paid his homage, offered forty lacs of rupees,
and presented the soldiers, artillery and equipments that he had
busied himself in collecting directly he had heard of the death of
Aurangzeb. Sháh ‘Álam appointed him wazír. At the end of
Muharram, 1119 (April, 1707), the Prince encamped at Láhore. There
he remained over the new moon of Safar, and gave orders for the
coining of money and reading the khutba in his name. The nobles in
his retinue presented their offerings and paid their homage. * *
Directions were given that the new rupee should be increased half a
máshá in weight, and lacs were accordingly coined of that weight; but
as in the payment of tankhwáh, and in commercial transactions, it
was received at only the old rate, the new rule was discontinued.
Prince Muhammad Mu’izzu-d dín and his son A’azzu-d dín now
arrived. [Great distribution of honours and mansabs.] A letter was
received from Prince Muhammad ‘Azím, stating that * * he had raised
more than twenty thousand horse, and was hastening to reach Ágra
before Prince Bedár Bakht. News also arrived that Ágra had been
secured, that Mukhtár Khán had been placed in confinement, and
that Bákí Khán, the commandant of the fort, put off surrendering the
treasure with the excuse that he would wait till His Majesty arrived.
Spies and news-writers reported that Bákí Khán had written with
great humility to Prince Muhammad A’zam, that although the fort and
the treasures belonged to both the heirs to the crown, he would
surrender them to whichever arrived first. There was not a single
person who doubted that, comparing the distance of Pesháwar with
the difficulties in the way of A’zam Sháh, Sháh ‘Álam would arrive
before him.
On Sháh ‘Álam arriving at Dehlí, * * the commandant sent the keys of
the fortress with his offering, and many others made their allegiance.
At the beginning of Rabí’u-l awwal he started for Ágra, and reached
the environs of that city about the middle of the month, where he was
met by his son, Muhammad ‘Azím, and by Muhammad Karím, the
son of Prince ‘Azím. Bákí Khán gave up the keys of the fortress, with
the treasure, for which he received great favour and rewards.
According to one account, there were nine krors of rupees, in rupees
and ashrafís, besides vessels of gold and silver, which was what was
left remaining of the twenty-four krors of rupees amassed by Sháh
Jahán, after what had been expended by Aurangzeb during his reign,
principally in his wars in the Dakhin. According to another account,
including the presentation money, which consisted of ashrafís and
rupees of 100 to 300 tolas’ weight, specially coined for presents,* and
the ashrafís of twelve máshás and thirteen máshás of the reign of
Akbar, the whole amounted to thirteen krors. An order was given for
bringing out directly four krors of rupees. Three lacs were to be given
to each of the royal Princes, altogether nine lacs, three lacs to Khán-
zamán and his sons, one lac to the Saiyids of Bárha, one lac to Ághar
Khán and his Mughals. In the same way the officers in his retinue,
and the old servants, soldiers, [and others, received gratuitous
additions of pay and donations]. Altogether two krors were distributed.
**
March of Prince A’zam.
[vol. ii. p. 581.] Prince A’zam Sháh, with his artillery, and a a force of
nearly thirty-five thousand horse actually present (maujúdí), which
according to military reckoning means an army of more than eighty or
ninety thousand men, and with his amírs and adherents, marched
forth for war. * * He endeavoured, by augmentations of mansabs and
promotions in rank, to secure the good will of the nobles; but in
providing for advances and pay to the army, and in giving assistance
and presents of money, he, through want of treasure, was very
sparing. If any of his most attached nobles spoke to him on this
subject, he, in his proud and haughty way, gave sharp answers that
there was no real necessity in his army, but fear of the opposite
party.* In fact, he had not money to be liberal with; but his bitter
words, and the ill temper which he occasionally showed, pained and
disgusted many of his followers. After he departed from Burhánpúr,
Chín Kalích Khán, who had been created Khán-daurán, went off with
several noted men and returned to Aurangábád. Muhammad Amín
also, with many Mughals, plundered the banjáras of the army, and fell
back to Aurangábád. When the Prince was told of such matters, he
paid no attention to them, and made no change in his conduct. After
crossing the river (Nerbadda) at Hándiyá, he arrived at Doráha.
Release of Sáhú.
[vol. ii. p. 582.] Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang was very intimate with
Sáhú, grandson of Sivají, and had long been interested in his affairs.
He now persuaded A’zam Sháh to set this Sáhú at liberty, along with
several persons who were his friends and companions. Sáhú, with
fifty or sixty men, who were able to accompany him, went off to
Mohan Singh, a noted rebellious zamíndár, in the difficult mountain
country of Bíjagarh, Sultánpúr, and Nandurbár. He supplied Sáhú with
some necessary equipments, and Sáhú then went on to a Mahratta
named Ámbú, but more famous under the name of Pánd, who was an
active rebel. This man held the fort of Kokarmanda* in Sultánpúr, and
ravaged the whole country from Surat to Burhánpúr. He furnished
Sáhú with a body of men, and sent him to his native country and to
the lofty fortresses, of which several that had been reduced by
Aurangzeb had again fallen into the hands of the rebels during the
days of contention for the Empire. Many Mahratta sardárs, who
through necessity had deceitfully joined themselves to the party of
Rání Tárá Báí, widow of Rám Rája, now came and joined Rája Sáhú.
Having collected a large army, Sáhú proceeded to the neighbourhood
of Ahmadnagar, and then, according to a report at the time, he put off
his journey, and went to the place where Aurangzeb died. He paid a
mourning visit to the place, and distributed money and food to the
poor. Then, with his large army, which numbered nearly 20,000
Mahratta horse, he marched with the intention of showing his respect
to the tomb of Aurang-zeb, near Daulatábád, at a place now called
Khuldábád.* When his advance party approached Aurangábád,
although Sáhú and his brothers in his company had no intention of
ravaging, the old habit prevailed, and some of his men began
plundering in the vicinity of Aurangábád. Mansúr Khán and the other
officers in the city bestirred themselves, put the fortifications in order,
and endeavoured to repress these outrages. Rája Sáhú also forbade
his men to plunder, and after visiting the tombs of the great men, and
of Aurangzeb, he went his way to his forts.

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Defeat and Death of A’zam Sháh.


[vol. ii. p. 583.] A’zam Sháh passed the Nerbadda, and arrived at
Gwálior. There he heard of the arrival at Ágra of Sháh ‘Álam, and of
Prince ‘Azím, with his powerful army. * * He left Amíru-l umará Asad
Khán at Gwálior with the ladies and unnecessary equipments and
jewels and treasure, * * and having distributed a little money among
the soldiers, he sent Prince Bedár Bakht forward in command of the
advanced guard, and he sent with him Zú-l fikár Khán and [many
others], * * and the march to Ágra began, his force amounting to
nearly twenty-five thousand horse. It is said that although he had
collected an army of nearly fifty thousand horse, want of money had
stinted the pay of the men; and they having heard of the profuse
liberality of the opposing party, many men of name and reputation
parted from him and went over to Prince Muhammad ‘Azím and
Sháh’ Álam.
It is related that when intelligence of Prince A’zam’s arrival at Gwálior
reached Sháh ‘Álam, he wrote him a letter of expostulation,
rehearsing the particulars of the will written by their father with his
own hand respecting the division of the kingdom, and said, “Of all the
six súbas of the Dakhin, I will surrender to you four súbas, as well as
the súba of Ahmadábád, and besides these I will present you with
one or two other súbas, for I do not wish that the blood of Musulmáns
should be shed. * * You ought therefore to be content with the will of
your father, accept what is offered, and endeavour to prevent strife.”*
It is also said that he sent a message to the following effect: “If you
will not desist from unjustly making a greater demand, and will not
abide by the will of our father, but desire that the sword should be
drawn, and that the matter should be submitted to the arbitrament of
courage and valour, what is the necessity that we should doom a
multitude to the edge of the sword in our quarrel? It is better that you
and I should stake our single lives and contend with each other on
the field of combat.” * * * When this letter and message of the elder
brother reached the younger, the latter said, “I suppose the stupid
fellow has never read the lines of Sa’dí, which say that ‘Two kings
cannot be contained in one country, though ten darweshes can sleep
under one blanket.’”*
The spies of Sháh ‘Álam Bahádur Sháh brought intelligence that the
advanced guard of A’zam Sháh had marched with the intention of
taking possession of the river Chambal, which is eighteen kos from
Ágra. So he gave directions that Khána-zád Khán, Saf-shikan Khán
the commander of the artillery, with an advanced guard, should go
and take possession of the passage, and not allow the enemy to
cross. It was next reported to be A’zam Sháh’s intention to cross the
river at Samú-garh, and leaving Ágra in his rear, to turn and give
battle. Orders were then given for moving Sháh ‘Álam’s tents to Jájú
Saráí.* [Disposition made for action.]
A’zam Sháh also prepared for battle, and, without heeding the
superior force of his brother, or settling any plan of action, went boldly
forward like a fierce lion dashes upon a flock of sheep. * * His leading
forces made a sudden attack upon the most advanced camp of Sháh
‘Álam. The officers and men in charge resisted for a time, and killed
some of the assailants, but were put to flight. All their baggage was
plundered, their camp was set on fire, and the commander of the
artillery was made prisoner, and carried before Prince A’zam Sháh.
The Prince asked him who he was. He said, “I was commander of the
artillery; I am a Saiyid.” The Prince ordered his release. Prince
Muhammad ‘Azím, who had ridden forward rashly to explore, got
intelligence of what was passing, and with a strong force hastened
into action, and fell upon the advanced forces of A’zam Sháh.
The check which had been received caused great discouragement to
the forces of Sháh ‘Álam. Zú-l fikár Khán and other nobles in
attendance upon A’zam Sháh advised him that he should proclaim
the success he had achieved, order his camp to be pitched upon the
spot, and to put off the general action to the morrow, because the
victory that had been gained and the superior prowess of his men
would strike terror into the enemy’s army, and bring over many of the
leading men from his opponent’s ranks. Many also of the half-hearted
would certainly desert, and the probability was that Sháh ‘Álam would
be so much discouraged that he would retreat. A’zam Sháh got angry,
and said with warmth and bitterness, “This is the counsel of women.”
In short, although a great portion of A’zam Sháh’s army was busy in
destroying and plundering, strict and precise orders were issued to
the leading forces, and on the 18th Rabí’u-l awwal, 1119 A.H. (10th
June, 1707 A.D.), the two armies joined battle at Jájú, seven or eight
kos from Ágra. [Long details of the action.]
Prince Bedár Bakht, after rendering splendid service, which shed a
halo round him, was killed by a cannon-ball, and many of his
followers also fell. * * His younger brother Wálájáh was killed by a ball
from a zambúrak. * * A strong wind arose, which blew straight from
the side of Sháh ‘Álam against the army of A’zam Sháh, so that every
arrow, with the help of the wind of fate, reached the army of A’zam
Sháh, and pierced through armour; * * but the rockets and the arrows
and the balls from his side, being resisted by the contrary wind, failed
to reach the ranks of the enemy, and fell upon the ground. It is said
that Tarbiyat Khán twice discharged a musket from the army of A’zam
Sháh against Prince ‘Azímu-sh Shán. Both shots failed; but a musket-
ball from the other side reached the Khán’s breast, and at the same
moment an arrow pierced him and he died.
Matters now looked ill in every way for A’zam Sháh. * * On the side of
Sháh ‘Álam fourteen or fifteen nobles of distinction were killed, * * and
a great number on the side of A’zam Sháh were slain. Zú-l fikár Khán
received a slight wound upon the lip. When he saw that the day was
lost, that many of his valiant companions in arms were slain, and that
A’zam Sháh’s army was pressed so hard that there was no hope of
deliverance, he went to the Prince and said, “Your ancestors have
had to endure the same kind of reverse, and have been deprived of
their armies; but they did not refuse to do what the necessities of the
case required. The best course for you now is to leave the field of
battle, and to remove to a distance, when fortune may perhaps assist
you, and you may retrieve your reverse.” A’zam Sháh flew into a rage,
and said, “Go with your bravery, and save your life wherever you can;
it is impossible for me to leave this field: for princes there is (only the
choice of) a throne or a bier” (takht yá takhta). Zú-l fikár Khán,
accompanied by Hámidu-d dín Khán, then went off to Gwálior.
The ill-fated Prince now found himself left with only two or three
hundred horsemen among thousands of enemies, and amid a rain of
arrows and balls. In this extremity he exclaimed, “It is not Sháh ‘Álam
who fights against me; God has abandoned me, and fortune has
turned against me.” He had an infant son with him in his howda,
whom he endeavoured to shield from the balls and arrows. That
brave young Prince desired to show the valour of his race, but his
father forbade him, and tried still more to protect him. Two or three
drivers fell wounded from the elephant, and the animal itself was
pierced with many wounds, and became impatient. Death was
threatening, and A’zam Sháh felt that his foot was in the stirrup for his
last journey; but he bravely got out of the howda, and endeavoured to
control the elephant and drive him forward, but he was unable. The
sun of his life was near its setting—an arrow struck him in the fore-
head and ended his existence. Rustam ‘Alí Khán, who had got near
to the elephant, hearing what had happened, mounted the animal,
and cut off the head of the Prince with his pitiless sword. He carried it
to the army of Sháh ‘Álam, and the shouts of victory rose high. * *
When Sháh ‘Álam saw the gory head of his brother, he looked fiercely
at that dog Rustam ‘Alí Khán, and burst into tears.
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All the four Princes, Khán-khánán and his sons, and the other amírs,
came to congratulate the victor. The jewels and ashrafís which were
in the howda of A’zam Sháh were plundered; all else, tents,
elephants, guns and equipments were secured. Sháh ‘Álam caused a
small tent to be pitched, in which he offered up his thanks for the
victory. He then had the sons of A’zam Sháh brought to his presence,
the eldest son and the Princes Bedár-dil and Sa’íd-bakht. He
received them most kindly, embraced them, and stroked their heads
with paternal gentleness. He promised them safety and every
attention and care, and he did his best to console and comfort the
ladies. He embraced Khán-khánán, and avowed that all the success
was owing to his exertions and devotion. Lastly, he ordered the
corpses of A’zam Sháh, Bedár Bakht, and his brother, to be properly
tended, and to be carried for interment near the tomb of the Emperor
Humáyún.
Next day Sháh ‘Álam went to visit Khán-khánán, and raised him to
the highest rank, with the title of Khán-khánán Bahádur Zafar Jang
and Yár-i wafádár (faithful friend). He presented him with a kror of
rupees in cash and goods, a larger bounty than had ever been
bestowed on any individual since the rise of the House of Tímúr. His
mansab was increased to 7000 and 7000 horse, five thousand being
do-aspas and sih-aspas. He also received two krors of dáms as
in’ám, and he was confirmed in the office of wazír. Of the ten lacs of
rupees which he offered as peshkash, one was accepted. Na’ím
Khán, his eldest son, received the title of Khán-zamán Bahádur, with
an increase to 5000 and 5000 horse, and a robe of the third rank. The
younger son was entitled Khána-zád Khán Bahádur, and his mansab
was increased to 4000 and 3000 horse. Each of the four royal
Princes had his mansab increased to 30,000 and 20,000 horse.
[Many other honours and rewards.]
When the news of the victory and of the death of A’zam Sháh
reached Gwálior, weeping and wailing arose from every tent. Amíru-l
umará Asad Khán went to wait upon Zebu-n Nissa Begam, eldest
sister of A’zam Sháh, to offer his condolences to her and the other
ladies. In concert with ‘Ináyatu-llah Khán díwán, he placed seals upon
the jewels, the treasure and other effects, and then prepared to set
off to the presence of Bahádur Sháh. A gracious farmán promising
favour and safety arrived, summoning to the presence Amíru-l umará
Asad Khán, Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang and Hámidu-d dín Khán, who
had repaired to Gwálior (before the battle), and they were to bring
with them the ladies of the late Prince with their establishments.
Amíru-l umará accompanied the retinue of Nawáb Kudsiya Zebu-n
Nissa, who was clothed in mourning garments. When they arrived,
the Begam did not go through the form of offering congratulations, in
consequence of her being in mourning, and this vexed the King. But
he treated her with great kindness and indulgence, doubled her
annual allowance, and gave her the title of Pádsháh Begam. All the
other ladies of A’zam Sháh were treated with great sympathy and
liberality, and were ordered to accompany Pádsháh Begam to the
capital.
Promotions, Appointments, and other Arrangements.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 599.] To Asad Khán was given the title Nizámu-l Mulk
Ásafu-d daula. He was also made vakíl-i mutlak, as the office was
called in former reigns, and the appointment and removal of wazírs
and other officials used to be in this grandee’s hands. He was also
presented with four stallions, five horses with accoutrements, etc.,
etc., and was allowed the privilege of having his drums beaten in the
royal presence. Some envious spirits privately observed that the
Amíru-l umará had been the close friend and trusted adviser of A’zam
Sháh; but the Emperor answered that if his own sons had been in the
Dakhin, the exigencies of the position would have compelled them to
join their uncle. Zú-l fikár Khán’s mansab was increased to 7000 and
7000 horse. He received the title of Samsámu-d daula Amíru-l
Bahádur Nusrat Jang, and was reinstated in his office of Mír-bakhshí.
[Other promotions and rewards.] In short, all the adherents, great and
small, of the King and Princes, received lacs of rupees in in’ám,
fourfold and sixfold augmentations of their mansabs, and presents of
jewels and elephants.
Although the office of wazír had been given to Khán-khánán, it was
deemed expedient, in order to conciliate Asad Khán Amíru-l umará
and Zú-l fikár Khán, to elevate Asad Khán to the position of wazír. To
outward appearance he was raised to this dignity; but whenever any
ministerial business of importance arose, Khán-khánán did not
communicate it to Ásafu-d daula. On the day that Ásafu-d daula acted
as díwán, it became incumbent upon Khán-khánán to wait upon him
as other ministers did, and to obtain his signature to documents; but
this was disagreeable to him. Ásafu-d daula was desirous of rest, for
his continual activity during the reign of Aurangzeb had allowed him
little enjoyment of life. So it was arranged that Samsámu-d daula
should act as deputy for his father in the office of minister, and that
his father should take charge of Nawáb Pádsháh Begam, and repair
to the capital to pass his old age in comfort. With the exception that
the seal of Ásafu-d daula was placed upon revenue and civil
parwánas and sanads, he had no part in the administration of the
government.
An order was issued that the late Emperor Aurangzeb should be
styled Khuld-makán.
Khán-khánán discharged his duties as wazír with repute, integrity and
impartiality, and he exerted himself so earnestly in the performance of
his work, that when he took his seat, he appointed officers to see that
no petitions or letters of the day before remained unnoticed. One of
the most acceptable and beneficial of the measures of Khán-khánán
was the relief he afforded in that oppressive grievance, the feed of
the cattle of the mansabdárs. To explain this matter briefly, it may be
said that in the late reign the ákhta-begís and other rapacious officials
had so contrived that the responsibility of providing food for the cattle
had been fixed on the mansabdárs. Notwithstanding the mansabdárs,
through the smallness of their surplus rents, had been for a long time
in want of a loaf for supper,* (the officials), after great perseverance
and pressure, got something out of the small total of (each) jágír.
Although a jágír might be lying waste, and its total income would not
suffice for a half or a third of the expense of the animals, and leave a
little to supply the necessaries of life to the holder’s wife and family,
the officials imprisoned his vakíls, and with violence and insult
demanded contributions for the food of the cattle. The vakíls
complained of this tyranny to the Emperor, but the dárogha of the
elephant stables and the ákhta-begí made protestations which
satisfied His Majesty, so that the complaints met with no redress. This
oppression reached such a height that the vakíls resigned their
offices. In the present reign Khán-khánán made an arrangement by
which tankhwáh (cash) was to be given to the mansabdárs of jágírs.
Money sufficient for the keep of the animals being deducted from the
total rent (of the jágírs), the balance remaining was to be paid in
cash. By these means the grievance of the animal’s keep was entirely
removed from the mansabdárs and the vakíls. Indeed it may be said
that an order was given remitting the contributions for the food of the
animals.*
Khán-khánán had a strong partiality for Súfí-ism, and had a
knowledge of science. He wrote a book called Al Hámiya, upon the
spiritual life and Súfí mysticism, which in the opinion of contro-
versialists passes beyond the bounds of the Law upon some points.
Orders were given that in the coinage of rupees and ashrafís no
verse should be used, but that the name “Sháh ‘Álam Bahádur Sháh”
and the name of the (mint) city should be impressed in prose. It was
also ordered that in the khutba the name “Sháh ‘Álam” should be
embellished by the title “Saiyid.” It appears from history that from the
rise of the House of Tímúr—nay, even from the foundation of the
Ghorí dynasty—no one of the monarchs had ever used the title of
Saiyid in the khutba, or in his pedigree, with the exception of Khizr
Khán. He (Khizr Khán) was by origin and by the names of his
ancestors an Afghán, as is apparent by the title Malik; but after he
came to the throne of Dehlí, the historians of his reign, upon very
weak proofs, applied to him in a loose way the title of Saiyid.

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Ajít Singh and other Rájpúts.


[Text, vol. ii. p. 605.] Towards the end of the year 1119 the Emperor
marched from Ágra, with the intention of chastising the Rájpúts in the
vicinity of Údípúr and Jodpúr. From the reports of the news-writers of
the province of Ajmír, and the parganas around Jodpúr, the following
matters became known to His Majesty. Rája Ajít Singh, who was
called the son of Rája Jaswant, had been brought up by the wiles of
Durgá Dás, and other evil-disposed infidels, as the son of the
deceased Rája.* He had cast off his allegiance to the late Emperor,
and done many improper things. After the death of Aurangzeb he
again showed his disobedience and rebellion by oppressing
Musulmáns, forbidding the killing of cows, preventing the summons to
prayer, razing the mosques which had been built after the destruction
of the idol-temples in the late reign, and repairing and building anew
idol-temples. He warmly supported and assisted the army of the
Ráná of Údípúr, and was closely allied with Rája Jai Singh, whose
son-in-law he was. He had carried his disaffection so far that he had
not attended at Court since the accession. On the 8th Sha’bán the
Emperor marched to punish this rebel and his tribe, by way of Ámber,
the native land of Jai Singh, between Ajmír and Chitor. * *
Ajít Singh and his allied Rájas knew that submission and obedience
alone could save them and their families and property; so he
addressed himself to Khán-khánán and his son Khán-zamán,
expressing his sorrow, humility, and obedience; and he sent a
message humbly asking that Khán-zamán and the Kázíu-l Kuzát
might come into Jodpúr, to rebuild the mosques, destroy the idol-
temples, enforce the provisions of the law about the summons to
prayer and the killing of cows, to appoint magistrates and to
commission officers to collect the jizya. His submission was
graciously accepted, and his requests granted.* Officers of justice,
kázís, muftís, imáms, and muazzins (criers to prayer) were appointed
in Jodpúr and other towns in the country. Ajít Singh and Jai Singh,
with the concurrence of Durgá Dás, who was the very soul of the
opposition, came to Court in hope of receiving pardon for their
offences, and each was honoured with the gift of a robe, elephant,
etc.

SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1119 A.H. (1707-8 A.D.).


Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 608.] A kind and admonitory letter was addressed by
the Emperor to his brother Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh to the
following effect: “Our father entrusted you with the government of the
súba of Bíjápúr; we now relinquish to you the government of the two
súbas of Bíjápúr and Haidar-ábád, with all their subjects and
belongings, upon the condition, according to the old rule of the
Dakhin, that the coins shall be struck and the khutba read in our
name. The tribute which has hitherto been paid by the governors of
these two provinces we remit.” * *
A few words shall now be written about Prince Muhammad Kám
Bakhsh and his proceedings. [Cruel punishments and execution of
Ahsan Khán and others.] In answer to the kind letter which Kám
Bakhsh received from his brother Bahádur Sháh, he wrote a
provoking reply.* Kám Bakhsh arrived at Burhánpúr at the beginning
of Jumáda-l awwal, where he was detained some time by the swollen
state of the Taptí. * * Marching from thence by way of Malkápúr and
Nander, he had got within two or three marches of Haidarábád at the
end of Shawwál. His whole army had dwindled away through his
violent bloodthirsty madness; five or six hundred horse were all that
remained with him, and they were sorely distressed by harsh
treatment, hunger, and sight of bloodshed. Bahádur Sháh had with
him nearly 8000 horse. * * Kám Bakhsh advanced until he was only
two or three kos from Haidarábád. His small force now consisted only
of * * a few bold companions who would not leave him and three or
four hundred horse. * * The orders given to Bahádur Sháh’s
commanders were that they were not to bring on a fight, but to
surround Kám Bakhsh so that he should not be killed, and the blood
of Musulmáns should not be spilt. * * Khán-khánán and Zú-l fikár
Khán, with their respective forces, were about a cannon-shot distant
from the enemy, expecting the order to attack. As they had been
ordered not to begin the battle, they waited until noon, but sent
repeated messages to the Emperor for leave to begin. They were told
that he was taking his usual nap. Whether it were so, or whether this
evasion was connived at, the generals received no reply.
Zú-l fikár Khán had an old-standing aversion to Kám Bakhsh, and
repeatedly urged Khán-khánán to attack. Kám Bakhsh, with a heart
full of fear and hope, stood firm, expecting the onslaught. At length
Zú-l fikár Khán, awaiting no longer the consent of the Emperor or the
co-operation of Khán-khánán, advanced to the attack. This
movement compelled Khán-khánán to advance also with his fourteen
or fifteen thousand horse. * * Two or three of the companions of Kám
Bakhsh were killed or wounded, but he stood firm, fighting
desperately. He received three or four wounds, but he used his bow
so well in the face of three thousand foes, that a terror fell upon them,
and they were near upon taking flight. He emptied two quivers and
wounded and brought many men down; but loss of blood from his
many wounds prevailed; he lost his strength, and the enemy
surrounded his elephant and made him prisoner. His youngest son,
who was on the same elephant, was also made prisoner after
receiving four or five severe wounds. Muhíu-s Sunnat, the eldest son,
fought bravely. The drivers and others on his elephant fell wounded
one after the other. He then drove the animal himself, but fell in the
howda wounded with balls and arrows. * * The elephant ran off into
the country, but was caught by a party of Mahrattas, and the Prince
became a prisoner. * * All the men of Kám Bakhsh who fought near
his elephant were killed, and were found to be sixty-two in number. * *
Kám Bakhsh and his two sons, all desperately wounded, were taken
to Khuld-manzil, and placed near the royal tent. European and Greek
surgeons were appointed to attend them. Kám Bakhsh rejected all
treatment, and refused to take the broth prepared for his food. In the
evening the King went to see his brother. He sat down by his side,
and took the cloak from his own back, and covered him who lay
dejected and despairing, fallen from throne and fortune. He showed
him the greatest kindness, asked him about his state, and said, “I
never wished to see you in this condition.” Kám Bakhsh replied,
“Neither did I wish that one of the race of Tímúr should be made
prisoner with the imputation of cowardice and want of spirit.” The King
gave him two or three spoonfuls of broth with his own hands, and
then departed with his eyes full of tears. Three or four watches
afterwards, Kám Bakhsh and one of his sons named Fírozmand
died.* Both corpses were sent to Dehlí, to be interred near the tomb
of Humáyún.
Nímá*
Sindhiá. The Mahrattas.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 625.] Nímá Sindhiá had been one of the most
renowned of all the “Ná-sardárs” (i.e. Mahratta sardárs), and one of
the greatest leaders of the accursed armies of the Dakhin. His
plundering and destructive raids had extended as far as the province
of Málwá. Now, under the patronage and advice of Zú-l fikár Khán, he
had turned the face of repentance to the Imperial throne, with the
hope of forgiveness. He had taken part in the battle against Kám
Bakhsh, and having thus won the Imperial favour, he and his sons
and relations had received the honour of being presented to His
Majesty. He received a mansab of 7000 and 5000 horse, two lacs of
rupees, a robe, an elephant, a drum, etc. His sons and grandsons
each received mansabs of 5000 and 4000—altogether 40,000 and
25,000 horse. * *
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Rája Sáhú’s vakíl was introduced by Zú-l fikár Khán Bahádur Nusrat
Jang, who was Súbadár of the whole Dakhin, and held as well the
office of Mír-bakhshí. The vakíl presented an application for a farmán
conferring on Sáhú the sar-deshmukhí and the chauth of the six
súbas of the Dakhin, on condition of restoring prosperity to the ruined
land. Jumlatu-l Mulk Mun’im Khán Khán-khánán had separated the
súba of Burhánpúr and half the súba of Birár (which in the revenue
records and in common language is called Birár Páyín-ghát) from the
six súbas of the Dakhin, in accordance with the arrangement which
obtained under the Fárúkí dynasty and under the Emperor Akbar; and
he had included these among the súbas dependent on Dehlí, which
by universal accord is the capital (asl) of Hindústán. He was desirous
that the civil and revenue affairs (of these súbas) and the
appointment and dismissal of officers should be under the direction of
his eldest son Mahábat Khán. This caused a disagreement between
Zú-l fikár Khán and Mun’im Khán, for the Bakhshíu-l Mulk was not at
all desirous that any one else should have any authority or control in
the civil and revenue affairs of the Dakhin.
Tárá Báí was widow of Rám Rája, that is, she was the widow of the
uncle of Rája Sáhú, and Rám Rája left two sons by her of tender
years. In the reign of the late Emperor Aurangzeb, after a warfare of
ten years, she sued for peace, on condition of being allowed to levy
nine rupees per cent. as sar-deshmukhí. As has been stated in the
proper place, Aurangzeb declined for various reasons. Now, by the
intervention of Jumlatu-l Mulk, she asked for a farmân in the name of
her son, granting the nine rupees of the sar-deshmukhí, without any
reference to the chauth,* for which he would suppress other
insurgents and restore order in the country. Samsámu-d daula Zú-l
fikár Khán took the side of Rája Sáhú, and a great contention upon
the matter arose between the two ministers. The King, in his extreme
good nature, had resolved in his heart that he would not reject the
petition of any one, whether of low or high degree. The complainants
and defendants made their statements to His Majesty, and although
they differed as much as morning and evening, each was accepted,
and an order of consent was given. So in this matter of the sar-
deshmukhí, farmáns were directed to be given in compliance with the
requests both of Mun’im Khán and Zú-l fikár Khán; but in
consequence of the quarrel between these two nobles, the orders
about the sar-deshmukhí remained inoperative.
Titles. Character of Bahádur Sháh.
[vol. ii. p. 627.] Since the rise of the House of Tímúr it had been the
rule that one and the same title should not be given to two persons. *
* But now the ugly practice arose of giving the same title to two or
more persons, and in the same way the grants of mansabs, naubat
and nakára, elephants, the jígha and sar-pech were no longer
regulated by the rank and dignity of the recipient.
For generosity, munificence, boundless good nature, extenuation of
faults, and forgiveness of offences, very few monarchs have been
found equal to Bahádur Sháh in the histories of past times, and
especially in the race of Tímúr. But though he had no vice in his
character, such complacency and such negligence were exhibited in
the protection of the state and in the government and management of
the country, that witty sarcastic people found the date of his
accession in the words, Sháh-i be-khabr, “Heedless King.” He often
sat up all night, and used to sleep to the middle of the day; so in
marching his people had to suffer great inconvenience; for many poor
fellows were unable to find their tents in dark nights when the army
and baggage were scattered about, and had to pass the night in front
of the royal tent, or the drum room or offices or the bázárs.

The Freebooter Páp Ráí.*


[Text, vol. ii. p. 630.] The Kází of Warangal and many of the chief men
of that country came to Court with grievous complaints of a man
named Páp Ráí. This infamous man was by birth a toddy-seller. He
had a sister, a widow possessing some property. He went to see her,
and after four or five days’ stay with her, he cast his eyes upon her
money and effects. He got some fellows to join him. He then tortured
his sister most cruelly, burnt her limbs, and took from her all her
money and jewels. He enlisted a lot of footmen, and having made
himself a stronghold on the top of a little hill, he began to rob
travellers and pillage the neighbourhood.
The faujdárs and zamíndárs resolved to make him prisoner; but he
got intelligence of their intention, and fled to Venkat Ráo, Zamíndár of
Kolás, and entered his service. After a little while he joined another
man in the same service, and they began to plunder on their own
account. Venkat Ráo seized them and kept them in rigorous
confinement. But the Ráo’s son fell ill, and his wife, as a means of
saving her son’s life, obtained the release of all the Ráo’s prisoners.
Páp Ráí went to the village of Sháhpúr, in the pargana of Narganda,
sarkár of Bhúngír,* and there joined another noted ruffian named
Sarwá. He gathered round him a party of men, and raised a mud fort
in a rocky position at Sháhpúr, which is a place of considerable
strength. He then plundered all the country round. * *
The faujdár of pargana Kulpák, which is seven or eight kos from
Sháhpúr, sent Kásim Khán Afghán with a suitable force to apprehend
him. * * Páp Ráí from time to time confronted this force, and, seizing
his opportunity, attacked one of the villages of Kulpák; but Kásim
Khán fell upon him, killed a number of his men, and put him to flight.
He proceeded to another hill of refuge, and Kásim Khán, while
following him, was killed by a musket-ball, and his force was then
driven back. * * Another force besieged him and Sarwá in Sháhpúr for
two months, but he escaped. The fort of Sháhpúr was then
destroyed; but after the withdrawal of the forces, Páp Ráí and Sarwá
returned, and instead of the old mud fort, built a new one of stone and
chunam, which they furnished with cannon and implements of war. * *
Páp Ráí now extended his operations, and plundered all the country
from fifteen to twenty kos round. * * He was attacked by Pur Dil Khán,
who, after mortally wounding Sarwá, was himself killed. * * Páp Ráí
increased his forces and materials of war, and now turned his efforts
to the reduction of forts. Parties were frequently sent out against him,
and he was besieged for two months in Sháhpúr, but without result. *
* In Muharram, 1120, he attacked and plundered the flourishing town
of Warangal, and killed from twelve to thirteen thousand men, women
and children. * * He next attacked and was near upon capturing the
fort of Bhúngír, sixteen kos from Haidarábád, and he plundered the
town and petta, * * carrying off two or three thousand men and
women as prisoners. * * Afterwards he built another fort near
Táríkandá, four kos from Sháhpúr, which he furnished with all
requirements and a strong garrison. * *
His depredations were so great that the King was petitioned to march
against him in person. * * Yúsuf Khán was appointed to the súbadárí,
and was ordered to suppress this rebel. * * Before any force was sent
against him, he laid siege to the town of Kulpák, eight kos from
Sháhpúr. * * On a force coming up, he was driven with loss to
Sháhpúr. * * During a short absence from Sháhpúr some of his
prisoners broke loose and seized upon the fort, * * and he had to
return and besiege it, but failed to take it, as a detachment came from
Kulpák, and fought him. * * * He then fled to Táríkandá, * * whither he
was pursued. * * * After a siege of nine months, many of his men
were induced to desert, * * his provisions ran short, * * and the petta
and part of the works were taken in repeated assaults. * * He again
fled, and his absence did not become known for two days. He went
alone to Hasanábád, a place which he had founded two stages from
Táríkandá, where he was betrayed. He was wounded, captured, and
executed. His head was sent to Court, and his limbs were exposed
over the gate of Haidarábád.

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THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1120 A.H. (1708-9 A.D.).


The Sikhs.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 651.] There is a sect of infidels called Gurú, more
commonly known as Sikhs. Their chief, who dresses as a fakír, has a
fixed residence near Láhore. From old times he has built temples in
all the towns and populous places, and has appointed one of his
followers to preside in each temple as his deputy. When any one of
the sect brought presents or offerings for the Gurú to the temple, the
deputy had to collect them, and, after deducting sufficient for his own
food and expenses, his duty was to send the balance faithfully to the
Gurú. This sect consists principally of Játs and Khatrís of the Panjáb
and of other tribes of infidels. When Aurangzeb got knowledge of
these matters, he ordered these deputy Gurús to be removed and the
temples to be pulled down.
At the time that Bahádur Sháh marched towards Haidarábád, Gobind,
the chief Gurú of the sect, came to join him with two or three hundred
horsemen bearing spears and some footmen. After two or three
months, he died from the wounds of a dagger, and his murderer was
not discovered. When the news of his death reached the Panjáb,
where the bulk of the Sikhs were living, an obscure member of the
sect, about the name* given to whom there are various statements,
gave out that in the course of transmigration, which the Sikhs believe
in and call avatár, he had taken the place of the murdered Gobind,
who had come to life again as a bearded man in his body, for the
purpose of taking revenge. This worthless dog, having published this
statement, stirred up disaffection in the sect, and raised the standard
of rebellion. By jugglery, charms, and sorcery, he pretended to
perform miracles before credulous people, and gave himself the
name of Sachá Pádsháh “True King.”
He began to plunder in the Panjáb and the country about Sihrind, and
in the course of three or four months he gathered round him four or
five thousand pony (yábú) riders and seven or eight thousand motley
footmen. His numbers daily increased, and much plunder fell into his
hands, until he had eighteen or nineteen thousand men under arms,
and carried on a predatory and cruel warfare. He fought with two or
three faujdárs who went out to punish him, defeated them and killed
them. In many villages which he plundered he appointed thánádárs
and tahsíldárs to collect the revenues of the neighbourhood for him,
and matters came to such a pass that with three or four thousand
infidels who were leagued with him, he wrote orders to the Imperial
officials and the managers of the jágírdárs, calling upon them to
submit to him, and to relinquish their posts.
Wazír Khán, Faujdár of Sihrind, had held the charge of the civil and
revenue affairs of that district for a long time. He had some troops
and treasure, and had obtained a reputation by his firm management.
When he heard how districts in his charge had been ravaged and
plundered, he set about collecting troops and warlike equipments. He
joined with him four or five faujdárs and zamíndárs of name, prepared
lead and gunpowder, mustered five or six thousand horse and seven
or eight thousand musketeers (barkandáz) and archers, and with
these and some artillery and elephants he marched out to give battle
and to punish that perverse sect. After marching three or four kos, he
came up with the enemy.
The accursed wretches had got warning of the movement of Wazír
Khán, and advanced to meet him. All his followers kept shouting
“Sachá Pádsháh” and “Fath daras.” The battle began, and great
bravery was shown on both sides, but especially by the confederate
sectarians. They advanced sword in hand against the elephants, and
brought two of them down. Many Musulmáns found martyrdom, and
many of the infidels went to the sink of perdition. The Musulmán
forces were hardly able to endure the repeated attacks of the infidels,
when a musket-ball made a martyr of Wazír Khán, and they were put
to flight. Money and baggage, horses and elephants, fell into the
hands of the infidels, and not a man of the army of Islám escaped
with more than his life and the clothes he stood in. Horsemen and
footmen in great numbers fell under the swords of the infidels, who
pursued them as far as Sihrind.
Sihrind was an opulent town, with wealthy merchants, bankers, and
tradesmen, men of money, and gentlemen of every class; and there
were especially learned and religious men in great numbers residing
there. No one found the opportunity of saving his life, or wealth, or
family. When they heard of the death of Wazír Khán, and the rout of
his army, they were seized with panic. They were shut up in the town,
and for one or two days made some ineffectual resistance, but were
obliged to bow to fate. The evil dogs fell to plundering, murdering,
and making prisoners of the children and families of high and low,
and carried on their atrocities for three or four days with such violence
that they tore open the wombs of pregnant women, dashed every
living child upon the ground, set fire to the houses, and involved rich
and poor in one common ruin. Wherever they found a mosque, a
tomb, or a gravestone of a respected Musulmán, they broke it to
pieces, dug it up, and made no sin of scattering the bones of the
dead. When they had done with the pillage of Sihrind, they appointed
officers to collect the rents and taxes in all the dependent districts.
Accounts of the calamity which had fallen upon Sihrind reached ‘Alí
Muhammad Khán, Faujdár of Saháranpúr, and he was terror-struck.
Although a number of gentlemen and Afgháns gathered round him
and urged him to act boldly and to put his fortifications in a state of
defence, it was of no avail; he went off to Dehlí with his property and
family. The men of the town assembled, and, moved by one spirit,
they threw up breastworks all round. When the villainous foe arrived,
they made a manful resistance, and fighting under the protection of
their houses, they kept up such a discharge of arrows and balls, that
they sent many of their assailants to hell. Many men of noble and
respectable families fell fighting bravely, and obtained the honour of
martyrdom. The property and the families of numbers of the
inhabitants fell into the hands of the enemy, and numerous women,
seeing that their honour was at stake, and captivity before them,
threw themselves into wells. A party of brave gentlemen collected
their wives and families in one spot, and kept up such a manful
resistance that they saved the lives, the property, and the honour of
their families.
After a large booty of money, jewels, and goods of Sárangpúr had
fallen into the hands of the enemy, they took measures to secure the
surrounding country, and they sent severe orders to Jalál Khán,
Faujdár of Jalálábád, who had founded the town and built the fort,
and was famed for his boldness and valour throughout the country.
When the letter of the accursed wretches reached him, he ordered
the bearers to be exposed to derision and turned out of the place. He
set his defences in order, collected materials of war, and did his best
to protect the name and honour of those around him, and to get
together a force sufficient to oppose the infidels. Intelligence was
brought in that the enemy were only three or four kos distant, and
they had attacked and surrounded two villages dependent on
Jalálábád, the forts and houses of which were full of property
belonging to merchants.
Jalál Khán sent out three or four hundred Afghán horse, and nearly a
thousand musketeers and archers, under the command of Ghulám
Muhammad Khán, his own grandson, and Hizbar Khán, to relieve the
besieged places and drive off the infidels. Their arrival greatly
encouraged the people who were assailed. Four or five hundred
brave musketeers and bowmen and numbers of peasants, armed
with all sorts of weapons, and with slings, came forward boldly to
oppose the enemy, and the battle grew warm. Although the enemy
fought with great courage and daring, and Hizbar Khán with a great
many Musulmáns and peasants were killed, the repeated attacks of
the Afgháns and other Musulmáns of name and station routed the
enemy, and they fled, after a great number had been slain. Several
fights afterwards took place between Jalál Khán, and the infidels
received two or three defeats; but they still persevered with the
investment of Jalálábád.
At length seventy or eighty thousand men swarmed together from all
parts like ants and locusts. They brought with them two or three
hundred movable morcháls made of planks, on which they had
placed wheels as upon carts, and with them surrounded Jalálábád as
with a ring. It is impossible to relate in full all the brave deeds done by
the Afgháns in their conflicts with the enemy. The assailants
advanced their morcháls to the foot of the wall, when they discharged
arrows, musket-balls, and stones, and raising their cry of “Fath
daras,” they strove in the most daring way, with four or five hundred
pickaxes and other implements, to undermine the wall, to pass over it
by ladders, and to burn the gate. The Afgháns threw open the gate,
and went out with their drawn swords in their hands, and shields over
their heads, and in every attack killed and wounded a hundred or two
of the infidels. Many Musulmáns also fell. Attacks were also made
upon the enemy at night. For twenty days and nights the besieged
could get neither food nor rest. At length the infidels, having lost many
thousand men and gained no advantage, raised the siege. They went
off to reduce Sultánpúr and the par-ganas of the Jálandhar Doáb.
They sent a letter to Shams Khán, the Faujdár, calling upon him to
submit, to carry out certain instructions, and to come to meet them
with his treasure. * *

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Shams Khán, with four or five thousand horse and thirty thousand
foot, armed with matchlocks, bows and all kinds of weapons, which
they had possessed for a long time or newly acquired, went forth
accompanied by the zamíndárs. Gentlemen of every tribe, peasants,
and mechanics, principally weavers, came forth boldly to stake their
lives and property in resisting the infidels. They pledged themselves
to support each other, and contributed their money for the general
good. More than a hundred thousand men so assembled, and went
forth from Sultánpúr with great display. The infidels, on hearing of
these bold proceedings of Shams Khán, and of his coming forth with
such an army and implements of war, moved with their whole force,
amounting to seventy or eighty thousand horse and foot. They had
with them the guns they had brought from Sihrind, their plank
constructions, bags full of sand for making lines, and lead and
gunpowder. Plundering everywhere as they went, they came to
Ráhún,* seven kos from Sultánpúr. There they had halted, and took
post by a brick-kiln, all the bricks of which they used for making a sort
of fort; and having thrown up lines all round, they made ready for
battle. They sent out patrols in all directions, and they wrote
threatening orders to the chaudharís and kánúngos calling upon them
to submit.
Shams Khán had many thousands of brave Musulmáns on his right
hand and his left, all animated with desire for a holy war and hope of
martyrdom, who encouraged each other and said, “If Shams Khán is
defeated and killed, our lives and property and families are all lost.”
Vying with and inspiriting each other, they advanced boldly to within
cannon-shot of the enemy. At the close of the first watch of the day,
the battle began with a discharge of guns and muskets. Ten or twelve
thousand balls and stones from slings came rattling like hail upon the
forces of Islám, but by God’s mercy produced no great effect, and no
man of note was killed. Shams Khán forbade haste and a useless
discharge of ammunition. He went steadily forward, and after a volley
or two from the infidels, he sent forward an elephant supported by
forty or fifty thousand Musulmáns who had come together from all
parts. They raised their war-cry, charged the infidels, and killed and
wounded great numbers.
The infidels, after fruitless struggles, were overpowered, and being
discouraged, they took refuge in the fort of Ráhún, of which they had
obtained possession before the battle. This was invested, and a
general fire of muskets and rockets began. The garrison of the fort of
Ráhún had left in it their warlike stores and provisions when they
evacuated it, and of these the infidels took possession and stood firm
in the fort. They were invested for some days; but at night parties of
them came out, and attacked the forces of Islám, killing men and
horses. Both sides were in difficulty, but especially the enemy. They
evacuated the fort at night and fled. Shams Khán pursued them for
some kos, and took from them a gun and some baggage, camels and
bullocks, with which he returned to Sultánpúr.
Next day about a thousand of the enemy attacked the garrison which
Shams Khán had placed in Ráhún, drove them out and occupied it
themselves. The enemy then proceeded to plunder the
neighbourhood of Láhore, and great alarm was felt in that city and all
around. Islám Khán, the Prince’s díwán, and náíb of the súba of
Láhore, in concert with Kázim Khán, the royal díwán, and other
officials, after setting in order the fortifications of the city, went out
with a large muster of Musulmáns and Hindús, and encamped four or
five kos from the city, where he busied himself in cutting off the
patrolling parties of the enemy. The people in Láhore were safe from
danger to life and property, but the outskirts up to the garden of
Shálimár, which is situated two kos from the city, were very much
ravaged.
For eight or nine months, and from two or three days’ march of Dehlí
to the environs of Láhore, all the towns and places of note were
pillaged by these unclean wretches, and trodden under foot and
destroyed. Men in countless numbers were slain, the whole country
was wasted, and mosques and tombs were razed. After leaving
Láhore, they returned to the towns and villages of Shádhúra and
Karnál, the faujdár of which place was slain after resisting to the best
of his ability. Now especially great havoc was made. A hundred or two
hundred Hindús and Musulmáns who had been made prisoners were
made to sit down in one place, and were slaughtered. These infidels
had set up a new rule, and had forbidden the shaving of the hair of
the head and beard. Many of the ill-disposed low-caste Hindús joined
themselves to them, and placing their lives at the disposal of these
evil-minded people, they found their own advantage in professing
belief and obedience, and they were very active in persecuting and
killing other castes of Hindús.
The revolt and the ravages of this perverse sect were brought under
the notice of His Majesty, and greatly troubled him; but he did not
deem its suppression so urgent as the putting down of the Rájpút
rebellion, so the royal armies were not sent against them at present.
Giving the Rájpút difficulty his first attention, the royal army marched
from Ujjain towards the homes of the Rájpúts.
The Rájpúts.
[vol. ii. p. 661.] The march of the royal army to lay waste the land of
the Rájpúts awakened these rebellious people to a sense of their
danger. They sent representatives to make friends of Khán-khánán
Mu’azzam Khán and Mahábat Khán, and through their intervention to
obtain peace. The Emperor was in some points unwilling to concede
this; but the troubles near Láhore and Dehlí disturbed him, and he
yielded to the representations of the vakíls for the sake of being at
liberty to punish these infidel rebels. It was settled that Rája Jai
Singh, Rája Ajít Singh, and the vakíls of the Ráná and other Rájpúts,
should make their homage, put on the robes presented to them, and
accompany the royal train. All the Rájpúts of name and station,
forming a body of thirty or forty thousand horse, passed in review;
they tied their hands with handkerchiefs, and paid homage in front of
the cavalcade. Robes, horses, and elephants were then distributed.

FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1121 A.H. (1709-10 A.D.).


[vol. ii. p. 663.] An order was given (near the end of the previous year
of the reign) that the word wasí (heir) should be inserted among the
attributes of the Khalif ‘Alí in the khutba.* When this order reached
Láhore, Ján Muhammad and Hájí Yár Muhammad, the most eminent
learned men in that city, in accord with many other good and learned
men, went in a crowd to the houses of the Kází and the Sadr, to
forbid the reading of the word wasí in the khutba. In the same way the
learned men and elders of Ágra, supported by a large number of
Musulmáns, raised a disturbance and forbade the reading of the
khutba in the form directed. Similar reports were sent by the news-
writers of other cities. From Ahmadábád it was reported that a party
of Sunnís with a crowd killed the khatíb* of the chief mosque, who
had read the word wasí in the khutba.
After the order for the insertion of the word wasí in the khutba
reached Ahmadábád, the Sadr wrote to Fíroz Jang, the Súbadár, for
official directions as to the course he was to pursue, and in reply
received an autograph letter, directing him to act in obedience to the
orders of the Khalífa (the Emperor). On the following Friday the
khatíb used the word wasí in the khutba. Some men of the Panjáb
and some notables of Túrán came noisily forward, and harshly
addressing the khatíb, said, “We excuse you this Friday for using the
word, but next Friday you must not pronounce it.” He replied that he
would act in obedience to the orders of the Emperor, the Názim
(viceroy), and the Sadr. On the following Friday, when the khatíb
ascended the pulpit, one of the Mughals said to him, “You must not
use the word wasí.” The doomed khatíb would not be restrained; but
the moment the word wasí fell from his tongue, a Panjábí rose,
seized him by his skirt, dragged him from the top of the pulpit, and
treated him with harsh scorn. A Túrání Mughal jumped up, drew his
knife, stuck it into the stomach of the khatíb, and threw him down
under the pulpit. A general disturbance followed, and all the people
started up. The khatíb, half dead, was dragged out into the forecourt
of the mosque, and there he received so many stabs from daggers
and blows from slippers that he died ignominiously. For a night and a
day his heirs had not the courage to remove his corpse and bury it.
On the second day the parents of the deceased petitioned Fíroz Jang
for permission to inter him. He gave them some rupees of
Government money and his authority for the burial.

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Mahratta Attack on Burhánpúr.


[Text, vol. ii. p. 666.] A Mahratta woman named Tulasí Báí, with fifteen
or sixteen thousand horse, came demanding payment of the chauth
to the town of Ránwír, seven kos from Burhánpúr. Having surrounded
the saráí of Ránwír, in which a great number of travellers and
villagers had taken refuge, she sent a message to Mír Ahmad Khán
Súbadár, demanding payment of eleven lacs as chauth to save the
town and the men who were besieged in the saráí. Mír Ahmad, in his
contempt for a female warrior, having got together a force of eight or
nine thousand horse, part his own, and part obtained from the
faujdárs of the vicinity, and with all the officials of Burhánpúr, marched
out of that place on the 9th Muharram. * *
The enemy having got intelligence of his approach, left three or four
thousand men in charge of their baggage, and marched to meet Mír
Ahmad Khán with four or five thousand veteran horse. The remainder
of the Mahratta force was sent to invest and plunder the suburbs of
Burhánpúr. Mír Ahmad Khán was severely wounded in the sharp
encounters which he had with the enemy in the course of two or three
days; but hearing of the investment of Burhánpúr, he turned to
succour the besieged. Wherever he went, the enemy hovered round
him and kept up a continuous fight. Zafar Khán was wounded fighting
bravely, and finding that the enemy’s force was increasing, he
deemed it necessary for saving his life to take a son of Ahmad Khán
with him, and go to the city. The men of his rear guard were nearly all
killed, and his remaining men endeavoured to save their lives by
flight. Many were made prisoners. Mír Ahmad Khán, who was left
alone fighting with the enemy, received several wounds, and fell from
his horse; but he dragged himself half dead under a tree, and
obtained martyrdom.
The Sikhs.
[vol. ii. p. 669.] The Emperor came near to Dehlí, and then sent
Muhammad Amín Khán and * * * with a strong force against the
Sikhs. His instructions were to destroy the thánas (military posts)
established by the enemy, to re-establish the Imperial posts, and to
restore the impoverished people of Sháhábád, Mustafa-ábád,
Shádhúra, and other old seats of population, which had been
plundered and occupied by the enemy. Forgetful of former defeat, the
enemy had resumed his predatory warfare, and was very daring. On
the 10th Shawwál, 1121 (5th Dec., 1709), the royal army was four or
five kos from Shádhúra, and a party was sent forward to select
ground for the camp, when the enemy, with thirty or forty thousand
horse and countless numbers of foot, shouting their cry of “Fath
daras,” attacked the royal army.
I cannot describe the fight which followed. The enemy in their fakír
clothing struck terror into the royal troops, and matters were going
hard with them, when a party of them dismounted from their
elephants and horses, charged the enemy on foot, and put them to
flight. The royal commander then went and took post in Shádhúra,
with the intention of sending out forces to punish and drive off the
enemy. * * But rain fell for four or five days, and the weather became
very cold. * * * Thousands of soldiers, especially the Dakhinís, who
were unaccustomed to the cold of those parts, fell ill, and so many
horses died that the stench arising from them became intolerable.
The men attributed it to the witchcraft and sorcery of the enemy, and
uttered words unfit to be spoken. News also was brought in of the
daring attacks made by the enemy on the convoys and detachments
of the royal army, in which two or three faujdárs of repute were killed.
Jumlatu-l Mulk Khán-khánán, with one son, and * *, were sent under
the command of Prince Rafí’u-sh Shán to repress the enemy.
After repeated battles, in which many men were killed on both sides,
the infidels were defeated, and retreated to a fastness in the hills
called Lohgarh, which is near the hills belonging to the Barfí Rája (Icy
King),* and fortified themselves. * The Gurú of the sect incited and
encouraged his followers to action by assuring them that those who
should fall fighting bravely on the field of battle would rise in a state of
youth to an everlasting existence in a more exalted position. *
Continual fighting went on, and numbers fell. * * The provisions in
their fortress now failed, and the infidels bought what they could from
the grain-dealers with the royal army, and pulled it up with ropes. * *
The infidels were in extremity, when one of them, a man of the Khatrí
tribe, and a tobacco-seller by trade, resolved to sacrifice his life for
the good of his religion. He dressed himself in the fine garments of
the Gurú, and went and seated himself in the Gurú’s house. Then the
Gurú went forth with his forces, broke through the royal lines, and
made off to the mountains of the Barfí Rája.
The royal troops entered the fort, and, finding the false Gurú sitting in
state, they made him prisoner, and carried him to Khán-khánán.
Great was the rejoicing that followed; the men who took the news to
the Emperor received presents, and great commendation was
bestowed on Khán-khánán. The prisoner was taken before Khán-
khánán, and the truth was then discovered—the hawk had flown and
an owl had been caught. Khán-khánán was greatly vexed. He
severely reprimanded his officers, and ordered them all to dismount
and march on foot into the hills of the Barfí Rája. If they caught the
Gurú, they were to take him prisoner alive; if they could not, they
were to take the Barfí Rája and bring him to the presence. So the
Rája was made prisoner and brought to the royal camp, instead of
the Gurú. Clever smiths were then ordered to make an iron cage.
This cage became the lot of Barfí Rája and of that Sikh who so
devotedly sacrificed himself for his Gurú; for they were placed in it,
and were sent to the fort of Dehlí.
In this sect it is deemed a great sin to shave the hair of the head or
beard. Many of the secret adherents of the sect belonging to the
castes of Khatrí and Ját were employed in service with the army, at
the Court, and in public offices. A proclamation was issued requiring
Hindús in general to shave off their beards. A great many of them
thus had to submit to what they considered the disgrace of being
shaved, and for a few days the barbers were very busy. Some men of
name and position committed suicide to save the honour of their
beards.
Death of Mun’im Khán, Khán-khánán.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 674.] Khán-khánán now fell ill. Since the day he
incurred the shame of allowing the real Gurú to escape, he pined with
vexation, and he was attacked with a variety of diseases, which
neither Greek nor European physicians could cure, and he died. He
was a man inclined to Súfí-ism, and was a friend to the poor. During
all the time of his power he gave pain to no one. * * * But the best
intentions are often perverted into wrong deeds. It entered the mind
of Khán-khánán that he would build in every city a saráí, a mosque,
or a monastery, to bear his name. So he wrote to the súbadárs and
díwáns of different places about the purchase of ground and the
building of saráís, mosques, and colleges. He gave strict injunctions
and also sent bills for large sums of money. When his order reached
the place, all the officials had regard to his high dignity, and looking
upon his order as a mandate from heaven, they directed their
attention to the building of the saráís in their respective cities. In
some places ground fit for the purpose was freely sold by the owners;
but it happened in other places that although the officials were
desirous of buying suitable land, they could not obtain it with the
consent of the owners. Considering only their own authority, and the
necessity of satisfying Khán-khánán, the officials forcibly seized upon
many houses which had been occupied by the owners and their
ancestors for generations, and drove the proprietors out of their
hereditary property. Numbers of Musulmáns, Saiyids and Hindús
were thus driven, sighing and cursing, out of their old homes, as it
happened at Burhánpúr and at Surat. * *

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Upon the death of Khán-khánán there were various opinions as to


who should be appointed to his office of wazír and the súbadárí of the
Dakhin. It was the desire of Prince ‘Azímu-sh Shán, who had a
leading part in the government of the country, and of Sa’du-llah Khán,
the díwán, that Zú-l fikár Khán should be appointed wazír, and that
the two sons of Khán-khánán should be respectively appointed
Bakhshíu-l Mulk and Súbadár of the Dakhin. But Zú-l fikár Khán was
unwilling to retire from his position as Bakhshí of the Empire and
Súbadár of the Dakhin for the sake of being made minister. He said,
“When Your Majesty made Khán-khánán your minister, I could make
no objection; but now, until my father has been raised to that dignity
in the usual way, I cannot presume to accept the office.” A long
discussion followed. Prince ‘Azímu-sh Shán said that Zú-l fikár
wanted to have his father appointed minister, and to hold all the other
offices himself. The Emperor could not make up his mind to act in
opposition to the wishes of any one. * * It was finally arranged that
until the appointment of a permanent wazír, Sa’du-llah Khán, son of
‘Ináyatu-llah Khán, díwán of the person and the khálisa, should be
appointed to act as deputy, and to carry on affairs in communication
with Prince Muhammad ‘Azím.
Death of Gházíu-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 681.] Intelligence now arrived of the death of Gházíu-d
dín Khán Bahádur Fíroz Jang, Súbadár of Ahmad-ábád, in Gujarát. It
was also reported that Amánat Khán, mutasaddí of the port of Surat,
on hearing of his death, and that he, in prospect of death, had
ordered his troops and officers to be paid and discharged, hastened
to Ahmadábád, and took charge of the treasure and stores. Gházíu-d
dín Khán was a man born to victory, and a disciplinarian who always
prevailed over his enemy. A nobleman of such rank and power, and
yet so gentle and pleasant spoken, has rarely been seen or heard of
among the men of Túrán. It is said that the Government officials took
nearly nine lacs of rupees out of his treasury. * *
The Khutba.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 681.] The insertion of the word wasí in the khutba had
given great offence to the religious leaders* of Láhore, and the order
for it had remained a dead letter. An order was now given that these
religious men should be brought into the royal presence. Hájí Yár
Muhammad, Muhammad Murád Khán, and three or four other
learned men of repute, waited upon His Majesty in the oratory. They
were told to be seated. The Emperor, and some learned men whom
he had to support him, brought forward proofs that the word wasí
should be used. * * After much disputation Hájí Yár Muhammad grew
warm in replying to the Emperor, and spoke in a presumptuous,
unseemly manner. The Emperor got angry, and asked him if he was
not afraid to speak in this bold and unmannerly way in the audience
of a king. The Hájí replied, “I hope for four things from my bounteous
Creator. 1. Acquisition of knowledge. 2. Preservation of the Word of
God. 3. The Pilgrimage. 4. Martyrdom. Thanks be to God that of his
bounty I enjoy the first three. Martyrdom remains, and I am hopeful
that by the kindness of the just king I may obtain that.” The
disputation went on for several days. A great many of the inhabitants
of the city, in agreement with a party of Afgháns, formed a league of
more than a hundred thousand persons, who secretly supported Hájí
Yár Muhammad. Prince ‘Azímu-sh Shán also secretly gave his
countenance to this party. At the end of Shawwál, the Sadr presented
a petition on the subject of the khutba, and on this His Majesty wrote
with his own hand that the khutba should be read in the form used
during the reign of Aurangzeb. * * After this concession the agitation
ceased, but I have heard that Hájí Yár Muhammad and two other
learned men, whom the Emperor was angry with, were sent to one of
the fortresses.

FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1122 A.H. (1710 A.D.).


Death of Bahádur Sháh.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 683.] The festival of His Majesty’s accession was
celebrated as usual. * * * About the 20th Muharram, 1123* (Feb. 18,
1711 A.D.), when the Emperor had passed his seventieth lunar year,
there was a great change perceptible in him, and in twenty-four hours
it was evident that he was marked for death. Prince ‘Azímu-sh Shán,
who had come to visit his father, when he heard that all the (other)
three Princes had suddenly arrived, was so alarmed that he gave no
thought to the condition of his father; but, not seeing how to secure
himself, he thought it advisable to go away. On the night of the 8th of
the month the Emperor died, and was buried near the tomb of Kutbu-
d dín, four or five kos from Dehlí. He had reigned four years and two
months. At the end of the four years the treasure of thirteen lacs of
rupees, to which he succeeded, had all been given away. The income
of the Empire during his reign was insufficient to meet the expenses,
and consequently there was great parsimony shown in the Govern-
ment establishments, but especially in the royal household, so much
so that money was received every day from the treasure of Prince
‘Azímu-sh Shán to keep things going.
REIGN OF JAHÁNDÁR SHÁH, THIRTEENTH IN DESCENT FROM
AMÍR TÍMÚR SÁHIB KIRÁN.
[vol. ii. p. 685.] One week after the death of Bahádur Sháh was
passed in amicable communications and correspondence between
the four brothers (his sons) about the division of the kingdom and
property. Zú-l fikár Khán, who really inclined to Jahándár Sháh, was
the negociator among them. Some of the friends and associates of
Jahán Sháh advised him to seize Zú-l fikár Khán when he came to
wait upon him, and so to clip the wings of Jahándár Sháh. But Jahán
Sháh had not the courage to take this step. An opportunity was found
for firing the arsenal of Jahán Sháh, so that all his powder and
rockets were exploded. The patrols of each of the four brothers were
constantly moving about. While things were in this state, two or three
camels loaded with property and stuffs, including perhaps also some
bags of ashrafís, belonging to Prince ‘Azímu-sh Shán, fell into the
hands of the patrols of Jahán Sháh, and a contention arose about the
division of them.*
It was settled that the Dakhin should fall to Jahán Sháh; Multán,
Thatta, and Kashmír, to Rafí’u-sh Shán; and that ‘Azímu-sh Shán and
Jahándár Sháh should divide the remaining Súbas of Hindústán
between them. But the agreement about the division of the kingdom
and treasure all turned into discord, and the partition of the realm was
never effected. Mirzá Sadru-d dín Muhammad Khán Safawí Bakhshí
deserted Prince ‘Azímu-sh Shán, and joined the party of Prince
Jahán Sháh; but the men of this Prince held the Mirzá in such
suspicion and distrust, that by constant opposition they got him
removed before the war began.
Defeat and Death of ‘Azímu-sh Shán.
[vol. ii. p. 686.] Prince Rafí’u-sh Shán having taken offence against
Hakímu-l Mulk, son of Hakím Muhsin Khán, for some fault, extorted
from him a sum of money and some jewels by torture and
ignominious treatment. Having then changed his post, he went near
to the village of Budána, three or four kos from the city (of Láhore),
and there took up a position against Prince ‘Azímu-sh Shán. He was
protected by the river (on one side), and on the other two sides he
ordered intrenchments to be thrown up. ‘Azímu-sh Shán held the
other side of the river. The three brothers agreed together in
opposition to ‘Azímu-sh Shán. All three, in accord with each other,
mounted their horses, and for four or five days selected positions
from which to fire guns and rockets upon the army of ‘Azímu-sh
Shán. The artillery of ‘Azímu-sh Shán replied to that of the three
brothers, and many horses and men were killed. About the 20th of
Safar the sound of battle rose high on every side, and the fight was
begun. * * ‘Azímu-sh Shán, who was mounted on an elephant,
disappeared. Some said he had been killed by a cannon-ball: others,
that when he saw his enemies closing around him on all sides, and
that there was no escape from the surging armies around him, he
cast himself into the waves of the river, and no trace of him was after-
wards found. The ruffians of the neighbourhood and the soldiers of all
the four princes fell upon Prince ‘Azím’s treasure, and the vast sums
which he had extorted by tyranny and violence in and about the súba
of Bengal were plundered in the twinkling of an eye, and dispersed
into many hands. The three princes caused the drums of victory to be
beaten, and then retired to their own dwellings.

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Defeat and Death of Jahán Sháh.


[vol. ii. p. 687.] Next day many messages passed between Jahándár
Sháh and Jahán Sháh respecting an arrangement, but without result,
and the course of affairs tended to the shedding of each other’s
blood. A battle followed between the armies of the two brothers, and
raged from the beginning of the day to the third watch. Farkhanda
Akhtar, son of Jahán Sháh, and several amírs of reputation, were
killed. On the side of Jahándár Sháh, also, some amírs and many
men were killed. At length Jahán Sháh, mounted on an elephant,
made an impetuous charge upon the army of Jahándár, and bore all
before him, and matters went so ill with Jahándár that he was parted
from Lál Kunwar, his favourite charmer, and had to seek refuge
among some stacks of bricks. Jahán Sháh beat the drums of victory.
The letters of the Rájpút saráfs carried the news of his victory to
many parts, and the khutba was read with his name in several places.
After the victory had been proclaimed, and the soldiers were dis-
persed in all directions hunting for Jahán Sháh, a cannon-ball
directed by fate killed him, and his army fled. Zú-l fikár Khán’s men
hearing of this, attacked the elephant of Jahán Sháh, and brought it
with his corpse, and the corpse of his son Farkhanda, to Jahándár
Sháh. Khujista Akhtar, another son of Jahán Sháh, with a younger
brother, were brought prisoners to Jahándár Sháh, who then
proclaimed his victory.
Death of Rafí’u-sh Shán.
[vol. ii. p. 688.] There remained Prince Rafí’u-sh Shán, with whom
also Jahándár proposed friendly negociations about the division of
the kingdom. Having put the Prince off his guard, Jahándár sent a
detachment of horse against him by night. Rafí’u-sh Shán fought
desperately. He and his two sons threw themselves from their
elephant, and fought bravely on foot; but he and several of his
companions were killed. Three of his sons remained alive, but were
wounded, Muhammad Ibráhím, Rafí’u-d Daula, and Rafí’u-d Daraját.
Jahándár Sháh Emperor.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 688.] Jahándár, being thus freed from his three
brothers, became the monarch of Hindústán. He sent Muhammad
Karím and Prince Humáyún Bakht, who were only nine or ten years
old, the two sons of Jahán Shah, and the sons of Rafí’u-sh Shán, to
the fort of Dehlí. He ordered Rustam Dil Khán and Allah Wardí Khán,
who had been guilty of open and secret actions against him, and
Mukhlis Khán, whose offence was not manifest, to be subjected to
various punishments and imprisoned. Mahábat Khán and * * other
amírs, more than twenty in number, were ordered to be confined in
chains, and some were put to the rack and other tortures. Their
houses also were seized. * * Prince Muhammad Karím, after the
death of ‘Azímu-sh Shán, fled, and concealed himself in the house of
one of the unfortunate men. He took off his ring and sent it for sale,
and this led to his capture. He was brought before Jahándár, who
was unwilling to kill him; but being persuaded by Zú-l fikár Khán and
Sháh Kudrat Allah Fakír (may the curse of God be on him!), he put
him to death.
In the brief reign of Jahándár, violence and debauchery had full sway.
It was a fine time for minstrels and singers and all the tribes of
dancers and actors. There seemed to be a likelihood that kázís would
turn toss-pots, and muftís become tipplers. All the brothers and
relatives, close and distant, of Lál Kunwar, received mansabs of four
or five thousand, presents of elephants, drums and jewels, and were
raised to dignity in their tribe. Worthy, talented, and learned men were
driven away, and bold impudent wits and tellers of facetious
anecdotes gathered round. Among the stories told is the following.
The brother of Lál Kunwar, Khushhál Khán, who had received a
mansab of 5000 and 3000 horse, was named Súbadár of Ágra. Zú-l
fikár Bakhshíu-l Mulk purposely made a delay of several days in the
preparation of the farmán and other deeds. Lál Kunwar complained of
this to Jahándár, and he asked Zú-l fikár Khán what was the cause of
the delay in the drawing out of the documents. Zú-l fikár Khán was
very free-spoken to Jahándár, and he replied, “We courtiers have got
into the bad habit of taking bribes, and we cannot do any business
unless we get a bribe.” Jahándár Sháh smiled, and asked what bribe
he wanted from Lál Kunwar, and he said a thousand guitar-players
and drawing masters (ustád-i nakkáshí). When the Emperor asked
what he could want with them, he replied, “You give all the places and
offices of us courtiers to these men, and so it has become necessary
for us to learn their trade.” Jahándár smiled, and the matter dropped.
Another story about him was spoken of in society, and has become
notorious from city to city. He used to go out sometimes in a cart with
a mistress and some companions to enjoy himself in the markets and
drinking shops. One night he and his favourite went out in this way,
and both drank so much that they became drunk and senseless. On
arriving at the door of the palace, Lál Kunwar was so drunk that when
she got out she took no notice whatever of the Emperor, but went to
bed and slept heavily. The Emperor, who was perfectly helpless,
remained fast asleep in the cart, and the driver drove home and put
the cart away. When the servants saw that the Emperor was not with
Lál Kunwar, they were alarmed, and having roused her up, they
inquired what had become of him. Lál Kunwar recovered sufficient
sense to see that the Emperor was not by her side, and fell a-crying.
People went running about in all directions till the Emperor was found
in the cart.
Dáúd Khán, who was deputy of Zú-l fikár Khán in the súbas of the
Dakhin, exercised such tyranny as is quite incapable of relation.
Sambhá Chand, who was called the díwán and manager of Zú-l fikár
Khán, used such filthy obscene language that the breath of his foul
mouth threw decent men into agony and disgust. Night and day was
passed in devotion to the lusts of this vile world.
Two or three months only had passed, when it became known that
Farrukh Siyar was at Patna preparing for war, and that he was
strongly supported by the Saiyids of Bárha. In Rabí’u-s sání,
Jahándár Sháh proceeded from Láhore to Dehlí. Kalích Khán, son of
Gházíu-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang, was a man of courage, action, and
intelligence. His mansab had been taken from him by Bahádur Sháh,
through heedlessness and want of appreciation of his merits, and he
retired from Court in disgrace. He was now restored, and received a
mansab of 5000. * *
Troops sent against Farrukh Siyar.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 697.] Information was continually brought to Jahándár
Sháh of the proceedings of Farrukh Siyar and the Saiyids of Bárha.
He now sent against them his son A’azzu-d dín Khán, with 5000
horse; and he deputed with him Khwája Hasan Khán, to whom he
gave the title of Khán-daurán, and under whom he placed the Prince
and the army and all the artillery and military equipments. Zú-l fikár
Khán was aware of the limited capacity, want of experience, imbecility
and frivolity of the Prince. He was also aware of the extraction,
character, and evil disposition of Khwája Hasan Khán, who was one
of the lowest men of the time. He disapproved of sending him with the
Prince, and of placing such extensive authority in his hands. He
mentioned this matter to the Emperor, but Miyán Kokaltásh Khán,
father of Khwája Hasan, had long entertained inimical and jealous
feelings towards Zú-l fikár Khán, and opposed everything that he
proposed. The Emperor trusted Kokaltásh Khán Koka and Lál
Kunwar more than any one else at his Court, and so he shut his eyes
to what was passing. Chín Kalích Khán, who had also been directed
to accompany the Prince, was unable to do so for want of the means
of transport, and was ordered to follow him.

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No sooner had Prince A’azzu-d dín passed the Jumna than great
disorder arose in his army in consequence of jealousy and want of
co-operation among the sardárs, and the irresolution of the Prince.
When Kalích Khán arrived at Ágra, he heard of the disordered state
of the Prince’s army in consequence of the want of union among the
officers, and he advised a delay of a few days at Ágra to see what
course events would take.
Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, supported by Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán,
Husain ‘Alí Khán, and other experienced warriors, was marching
onwards. Chhabíla Rám, Faujdár of Kora and Karra, with Asghar
Khán, Faujdár of Itáwa, took the treasure of their districts, and went to
join Prince (A’azzu-d dín); but when they got knowledge of the
conduct and doings of Khán-daurán, the incapacity of the Prince, and
the disorders in the army, they fell back and carried the treasure to
Farrukh Siyar.
A’azzu-d dín arrived at the town of Khajwa, and there he obtained
intelligence of the approach of Farrukh Siyar. Although there was a
distance of thirteen or fourteen kos between them, he was frightened.
Towards the end of Shawwál he halted at Khajwa,* and ordered
intrenchments to be thrown up and lines to be drawn around his tents
and his position. When the banners of Farrukh Siyar’s advanced
force were seen at the distance of two kos, a great panic fell upon his
whole army. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, who commanded Farrukh Siyar’s
advanced force, having seized upon the walls about the ruined
villages, opened fire, and continued his cannonade from the third
watch of the day to the third watch of the night.
A’azzu-d dín had long been angry with his father in consequence of
the harsh treatment he had received from Lál Kunwar; and on the 29th
Shawwál he was much dispirited, as he received no support and
guidance from Khán-daurán, who showed more pusillanimity than
ever. The terror of Khán-daurán was visible in his face, and the
Prince consulted with him about running away. Both of them were so
alarmed that they packed up what they could of their jewels, treasure
and ashrafís to carry with them. The rest of their money, their tents,
their wardrobes, and all their military implements, they left to
plunderers. At a watch before day these two dignified chiefs, with
some trusted companions, took horse and fled. Such a panic fell
upon the whole army that the men lost all heart and self-command.
Some of them did not wait to put saddles on their horses, or to collect
their necessaries, but vied with each other in running away to save
their lives. Messengers carried the news of their flight to the camp of
Farrukh Siyar. Congratulations passed from tent to tent, and the
sounds of rejoicing rose high. The ruffians of the bázár and the
soldiers, more hungry than hawks on a hunting day, started off to
plunder, and they seized upon money, horses, elephants, and
whatever came under their hands.
When Prince A’azzu-d dín arrived at Ágra, Chín Kalích Khán advised
him to go no farther, and kept him there. On the 18th of the month
Jumáda-l awwal Jahándár Sháh entered Dehlí. He was looking for
news of victory from his son; and when he received the intelligence of
his defeat he exerted the sense and judgment which the plunderers
of the army of Venus had left him in making preparations for war.
About the middle of Zí-l ka’da he left Dehlí. The forces under the
command of Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang did not exceed 20,000
horse. Twenty-five thousand horse under Kokaltásh Khán came to
the muster. Altogether the army contained about seventy or eighty
thousand horse, and nearly a hundred thousand infantry. With this
force he marched against Farrukh Siyar, and reached Samúgarh near
Ágra. Farrukh Siyar’s army did not number one-third of that of
Jahándár Sháh, which was advancing with difficulty.
When Farrukh Siyar drew near to Ágra, and his forces were
compared with Jahándár’s, most men anticipated a victory for the
latter. But the Emperor’s partiality for low women, his liking for low
company, and his patronage of base-born nameless men, had
disgusted all the nobles of Írán and Túrán. They spoke with
discontent, and uttered ominous words about the defeat of Jahándár
Sháh. The victory of Farrukh Siyar became the hope of every man in
the army, great and small. Kalích Khán Bahádur and Muhammad
Amín Khán, both of them leaders of the men of Túrán, had come to
an understanding with Farrukh Siyar, and endeavoured to bring on a
battle. Zú-l fikár Khán and Kokaltásh Khán considered themselves
loyal and devoted servants; but their envy and hatred of each other
appeared in all their acts, and everything that one did was opposed
by the other. * *
On the 16th Zí-l hijja the armies confronted each other, and the battle
began by Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán attacking Jahándár’s army. * * The
repulse of the Saiyids of Bárha drew shouts of victory from
Jahándár’s army. But Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán came up and attacked
the centre, in which Jahándár was present. * * Fright seized the
elephants of the zanána. The elephants which carried Lál Kunwar
and the singers and eunuchs were worried by the arrows; they began
to dance and became violent. Some of Jahándár’s companions also
were overcome with fright, and thought of fleeing. Just at this time
Jahándár Sháh’s elephant became unmanageable, and his driver lost
all control over him. The fierce attack of the Bárha Saiyids threw
Jahándár’s army into confusion, and he now heard of the death of
Kokaltásh Khán and * *. He was so disheartened that he mounted the
elephant of Lál Kunwar, and, towards the end of the day, moved off,
with the intention of flying to Ágra.
Zú-l fikár Khán was informed of these facts; but although the day was
going hard with him, he struggled on until one watch of the night,
waiting to be assured of the truth about Jahándár Sháh and Prince
A’azzu-d dín; for he said, “If they find A’azzu-d dín, let them bring him
forward quickly, for with his support I can repulse the enemy.” No
trace of him was to be found. Zú-l fikár Khán had not the heart to
persevere, although he might with a little exertion have made Farrukh
Siyar prisoner, for the Prince was in front of him, protected by only a
small force. According to common report, Jahándár Sháh shaved off
his beard, and riding behind Lál Kunwar, took the road to Dehlí. Zú-l
fikár Khán having lost all hope, repaired to his father at Dehlí, and he
and Jahándár Sháh reached that city within one watch of each other.
Jahándár Sháh proceeded alone to the house of Ásafu-d daula Asad
Khán, to seek his counsel and assistance. Zú-l fikár Khán reached his
father’s house soon after, and said that if Jahándár Sháh was sent off
to the Dakhin or Kábul, another army might be raised, and something
might be done to retrieve the position. Ásafu-d daula, however,
perceived that the matter was beyond remedy, that Jahándár Sháh
was not fit to reign, and that money for one month’s expenditure
would be difficult to raise; so he thought the best course was to send
Jahándár to the fort, and keep him under restraint. * * The reign of
Jahándár Sháh had reached only eleven months when he met his
death from the hands of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar.

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REIGN OF SULTÁN MUHAMMAD FARRUKH SIYAR, SON OF


‘AZÍMU-SH SHÁN, SON OF BAHÁDUR SHÁH, FOURTEENTH IN
DESCENT FROM AMÍR TÍMÚR.
[vol. ii. p. 707.] When Prince ‘Azímu-sh Shán, eldest son of Bahádur
Sháh, left the súba of Bengal, to proceed to the Dakhin, in obedience
to the summons of the Emperor Aurangzeb, he placed his middle
son, Farrukh Siyar, as his deputy in the súba of Bengal, * * and
Farrukh Siyar remained acting as deputy of his father in Bengal until
Bahádur Sháh returned from the Dakhin to Láhore. In the year 1122
A.H. (1710 A.D.), in the fifth year of the reign, the súba of Bengal was
taken from Farrukh Siyar, and given to A’azzu-d daula Khán-khánán.
Farrukh Siyar was recalled to Court, and starting on his journey, he
got as far as ‘Azímábád, i.e. Patna. For personal appearance, and for
intelligence, he was not held in the same esteem by his father as his
elder brother, Muhammad Karím, or his younger brother, Muhammad
Humáyún Bakht. So his coming to Court was disagreeable to his
father. On reaching Patna, Farrukh Siyar, alleging a want of money
and the approach of the rainy season, made a stay in the environs of
that city. * *
When Farrukh Siyar received intelligence of the death of Bahádur
Sháh, he caused the khutba to be read and coins to be struck in the
name of ‘Azímu-sh Shán. * *
Husain ‘Alí Khán Bárha was acting as deputy of ‘Azímu-sh Shán in
the súbadárí of Patna, but at this time he had gone out into the
country to punish some robbers. When he heard that the name of
‘Azímu-sh Shán had been placed in the khutba and on the coins,
before the defeat of his three brothers had been ascertained, he felt
very sorry for and suspicious of Farrukh Siyar. The Prince, on his
side, had observed the high courage of the Bárha Saiyids, and the
sway of Husain ‘Alí Khán in that súba had deeply impressed him. He
addressed kind and friendly letters to Husain, inviting him to his side.
The mother of Farrukh Siyar also interceded with Husain ‘Alí, and
promises and engagements having been made, doubt and suspicion
were changed into brotherly concord.
The intelligence of the death of ‘Azímu-sh Shán, and of the victory of
Jahándár Sháh reached Patna. Thereupon Farrukh Siyar, in the
beginning of Rabí’u-l awwal, 1123 A.H., struck coins, and had the
khutba read in his name, and day by day he entered into closer
relations with Husain ‘Alí. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, otherwise known as
Hasan ‘Alí Khán, was Súbadár of Alláhábád, and during these
troubles about the succession the treasure of Bengal had come into
his possession. He was considered a man of courage and judgment.
Some intimations of his suspicion and mistrust, and of his want of
obedience to the profligate Jahándár, reached Farrukh Siyar. So the
Prince wrote him re-assuring letters, informing him of the compact he
had made with his brother Husain ‘Alí. He also gave him permission
to retain the treasure and to enlist troops. Husain ‘Alí also wrote what
was necessary on the subject, and removed all doubt from his mind.
After that the two brothers, who were chiefs of the brave Bárha
Saiyids, worked heart and soul to assist Farrukh Siyar. New
engagements were openly and secretly exchanged, and they set
about making preparations for the great emprise, with hearts full of
hope and in union with each other.
March of Farrukh Siyar from Patna.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 715.] Farrukh Siyar marched from Patna towards Dehlí
with his two faithful generals, also with Saf-shikan Khán, who held the
deputy súbadárship of Orissa, and * * other devoted followers,
amounting in all to twenty-five thousand horse. He was in difficulty as
to money. Out of the royal treasure, and of the treasure arising from
the jágír of ‘Azímu-sh Shán that was sent from Bengal that year,
nearly twenty-eight lacs fell into the hands of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán.
About seventy-five lacs came into the possession of Farrukh Siyar,
and he borrowed two or three lacs from the merchants of Patna. Of
all the treasure that fell into the hands of Sarbuland Khán, Faujdar of
Karra, he kept some lacs, and the remainder he carried, with the help
of hired carriers, to Jahándár Sháh. On arriving with it, Jahándár was
pleased with him, and made him Súbadár of Ahmadábád in Gujarát.
[Victory over Jahándár.]
[Text, vol. ii. p. 724.] After the victory of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar
had been loudly proclaimed, the men of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán
began to search among the dead for Husain ‘Alí Khán. They found
him lying senseless, and he had been stripped naked by plunderers;
but the moment the good news of the victory of Farrukh Siyar fell
upon the ears of the wounded man, new life came into his body, and
he got up and went to his brother Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán.
Jahándár Sháh remained a night in Ágra. He and Zú-l fikár Khán
arrived at Dehlí within a watch of each other.* * * Ásafu-d daula saw
that Jahándár’s* course was run, and sent him to the fort, to be kept
in custody. He said to his son Zú-l fikár, who opposed this violent
course, “It is our duty to render obedience to whomsoever of the
House of Tímúr the sovereign power devolves; so, as Jahándár Sháh
has been removed, we must betake ourselves to the other.” The
counsel of Ásafu-d daula in restraining his son was * * wise and
appropriate; but he did not know that it would result in the loss of his
son’s life and of the honour of his house.
Personal to the Author.
[vol. ii. p. 726.] I have already said in my Preface, that it is the duty of
an historian to be faithful, to have no hope of profit, no fear of injury,
to show no partiality on one side, or animosity on the other, to know
no difference between friend and stranger, and to write nothing but
with sincerity. But in these changeful and wonderful times of Farrukh
Siyar Bád-sháh, * * men have shown a partiality or an animosity to
one side or the other exceeding all bounds. They have looked to their
own profit and loss, and turned the reins of their imagination
accordingly. The virtues of one side they have turned into faults, while
they have shut their eyes to the faults of the other—passing all the
bounds of moderation. The writer of these leaves, who, following his
own inclination, has wasted his days in authorship, has not been
partial either to friends or strangers, and has flattered neither nobles
nor wazírs in the hope of reward. What he himself saw, what he
heard from the tongues of men who from time to time were the
associates of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, and from the Saiyids who
were his companions at the banquet table and in battle, that he has
honestly committed to writing, after endeavouring to arrive at the truth
when statements varied. But as notes of various occurrences and
transactions did not reach the author, and as, through distress and
the unfriendliness of fortune, he was unable to procure paper for his
rough drafts, and as discrepancies in the various statements became
greater, if it should appear that in any place the author differs in any
particulars from other histories and writers, who themselves may not
be free from partiality, and as variations will appear in the most
trustworthy histories, he begs that his stories being excused, they
may not be made a target for the arrows of censure, but that the pen
of kindness may be drawn over his hasty statements.

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Appointment of Ministers.
[vol. ii. p. 727.] After the victory * * Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, Lutfu-llah
Khán Sádik, and other amírs were sent to arrange matters at Dehlí.
Farrukh Siyar, after a week’s rest, started for that city, and encamped
in the environs on the 11th Muharram, 1124 A.H. (Feb. 9th, 1712 A.D.).
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán received the title of Kutbu-l Mulk and Yár-i
wafádár Zafar Jang, with other favours, and a mansab of 7000 and
7000 horse, do-aspas and sih-aspas. Husain ‘Alí Khán received the
title of Amíru-l umará Fíroz Jang, with a mansab of 7000 and 7000
horse. He also received other honours, and was appointed to the
office of Mír-Bakhshí. Muhammad Amín Khán was entitled I’timádu-d
daula; his mansab was increased 1000, and he was appointed
second Bakhshí. Kalích Khán’s mansab was augmented from 5000 to
7000 and 7000 horse; he received the title of Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur
Fath Jang, and was appointed Súbadár of the Dakhin.* [Many other
promotions and appointments.]
[Text, vol. ii. p. 730.] Farrukh Siyar had no will of his own. He was
young, inexperienced in business, and inattentive to affairs of State.
He had grown up in Bengal, far away from his grandfather and father.
He was entirely dependent on the opinions of others, for he had no
resolution or discretion. By the help of fortune he had seized the
crown. The timidity of his character contrasted with the vigour of the
race of Tímúr, and he was not cautious in listening to the words of
artful men. From the beginning of his reign he himself brought his
troubles on himself. One great fault he committed at the outset of his
reign, in appointing Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, a Saiyid of Bárha, to the office
of wazír, which is such a high and important trust that former kings
always bestowed it upon wise, great and high-minded men,
remarkable for patience, experience, clemency and affability, whose
qualities had been tested by long experience. * * [The various
appointments] sowed the seed of enmity in the hearts of both parties,
and the watering it received from malicious calumnious people
brought it to maturity.
Mír Jumla* had risen into the King’s favour. He was a friendly,
generous, and upright man (diyánat), from whom many received
kindnesses; but he was unwilling that the reins of the government of
Hindústán should pass into the hands of the Bárha Saiyids. When he
saw that the sovereign power was entirely under the control of the
two brothers, he could not suppress his envy and rivalry. By lauding
the interest and sympathy shown to the Emperor by his new
associates, he gained his point, and stirred up dissensions between
him and the Bárha Saiyids. According to common report, it was he
who was the prime mover in recommending the destruction of the old
hereditary nobles, and also of overthrowing the family of Ásafu-d
daula. The two brothers were not inclined to bear patiently Mír
Jumla’s invidious and provoking interference in their affairs, and
every day they overstepped the bounds of subordination and duty. It
has been commonly reported that the Saiyids prompted and shared
in the execution of Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang; but I will now relate
what I have ascertained from sure sources.
Murders, and other Punishments.
Ásafu-d daula and Zú-l fikár Khán came with their hearts full of doubt
and apprehension to wait upon the Emperor. Amíru-l umará Husain
‘Alí Khán, having been informed of the consultation and desires of Mír
Jumla and the Emperor, sent a message to Ásafu-d daula, promising
him that, if he would wait upon the Emperor under his (Husain
Khán’s) introduction, not a hair of his head should be injured. Some
other nobles, when they heard of this advice, disapproved of it, and
sent Takarrub Khán, who was a man of Írán, and chosen for being a
compatriot, to Zú-l fikár Khán, to console him, and to assure him,
after taking the most sacred oaths, that his introduction to the
Emperor by Husain ‘Alí Khán would be productive of nothing but
repentance and danger to his life and property. * * Mír Jumla having
brought Ásafu-d daula and Zú-l fikár Khán, fastened the hands of the
latter to his turban, and thus presented them. Ásafu-d daula spoke
two or three words, expressing sorrow for his offences and hope of
pardon. Farrukh Siyar spoke with apparent kindness, ordered (Zú-l
fikár Khán’s) hands to be released, and made presents of robes and
jewels. He then told Ásafu-d daula to return home, and said that there
was some business about which he wanted to consult with Zú-l fikár
Khán, and that Zú-l fikár Khán should sit down in an outer tent.
The father saw that his son was doomed, and with a swelling heart
and tearful eyes he repaired to his tent. Zú-l fikár Khán washed his
hands of life, and having prepared himself for death, he went to the
place appointed. He was surrounded by amírs and their men
(chelas). First, with bitter words, they demanded of him the blood of
‘Azímu-sh Shán and Muhammad Karím, and he replied to them with
rough and sharp answers. Thereupon Láchín Beg, entitled Bahádur
Dil Khán, and according to common report, one of the chelas, came
behind Zú-l fikár Khán, threw a thong (tasma)* round his neck
unawares, and pulled it tight. The chelas surrounded him on all sides;
they struck him with sticks and their fists and kicked him; others used
their knives and daggers, and never ceased till they had despatched
him.
On the same day the order was given that men should go into the
fort, to the tirpauliya, a small and dark room in which Jahándár Sháh
was confined, and despatch him also with the thong. Muhammad
Farrukh Siyar entered the city and fort on the 17th Muharram (15th
Feb. 1712 A.D.), and gave orders that, in retaliation for violent acts
against his brothers and the amírs, his head should be stuck upon a
spear, and carried round the city on an elephant, with the carcase
lying in the howda. The corpse of Zú-l fikár was ordered to be hung
head downwards from the tail of the elephant. After thus being
paraded before the people, the bodies were to be brought into the city
and thrown down at the gate of the fort.
Directions were also given that Ásafu-d daula should be placed in a
palankin and conducted along with his zanána—and carrying only the
clothes and appurtenances which he and his attendants stood upright
in—to the house of Khán-Jahán, there to be kept in confinement and
under guard. An order of confiscation was also made against the
household effects of father and son, and the effects of Kokaltásh
Khán, Rája Sabhá Chand, and some others connected with Jahándár
Sháh, who had incurred the anger of the Emperor and of Heaven.
Rája Sabhá Chand abused the officials, and so an order was given
for cutting out his tongue. [More executions.]
In common conversation the title of Láchín Beg was changed into the
nickname Tasma-kash (thong-puller). As men were subjected to this
punishment of the thong without ascertainment or proof of offence,
such a terror of it seized the hearts of the nobles of the reign of
Aurangzeb and Bahádur Sháh, that when any one left his home to
attend upon the Emperor, he took farewell of his sons and family.
Matters went to such a length that actors and mountebanks got a
living by exhibiting the newly-invented punishment of the thong. * *
Hakím Salím had been one of the personal attendants upon ‘Azímu-
sh Shán, and it was said that the Prince was killed at his suggestion.
Mír Jumla invited the hakím to his house, and treated him
sumptuously at night; but before morning men were sent to his door,
and they strangled him. The deaths of several victims were attributed
by evil report to Mír Jumla.

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[Text, vol. ii. p. 737.] An order was made that the reign of Jahándár
Sháh should be considered as an adverse possession, and that the
reign of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar should date from the 1st Rabí’u-l
awwal, 1123 A.H. (April 8, 1711 A.D.).
After Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fath Jang arrived in the Dakhin, the
might of his hereditary sword and his own sound judgment brought
about, as they had done before, a great abatement of the ravages
perpetrated by the Mahrattas upon the country and upon caravans,
without his having to resort to war with the vile foe. But wherever
Nusrat Jang and Dáúd Khán went, the Mahrattas made their
incursions, and levied the chauth.

SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGH (1124 A.H., 1712 A.D.).


[vol. ii. p. 737.] After the death of Aurangzeb, Rája Ajít Singh of
Jodhpúr showed his unworthy character by rebuilding the temples
and destroying the mosques in his territory. When Bahádur Sháh had
fought against and overcome Muhammad A’zam Sháh, he formed the
design of chastising the Rája, and of ravaging his country and the
territories of other impious Rájpúts. But events would not allow him to
prosecute his intention, and he had to march to the Dakhin against
his younger brother Muhammad Kám Bakhsh. In the reign of Bahádur
Sháh also Ajít Singh and other vicious Rájpúts were guilty of many
improper acts. Bahádur Sháh, on returning from the Dakhin, again
resolved to lead an army to chastise this perverse tribe. The revolt of
the Sikhs and the troubles they caused obliged him to abandon the
enterprise, and to march against the Sikh revolters. Upon the
accession of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, the Rájpúts did not show
proper allegiance, and therefore Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí Khán and
the Emperor’s maternal uncle, Sháyista Khán, were sent against
them, with other amírs and a suitable army.
Rája Ajít Singh, upon learning of the march of this army, was alarmed
at its strength and at the prowess of the Saiyids. He sent his property
and family into the hills and strong places, and, having cleared his
country, he sent envoys to Amíru-l umará with presents, suing for
peace and forgiveness of his offences. Just at this time several letters
arrived from Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, informing his brother of the
intrigues and malice of their rivals at Court, and urging him to return.
Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí consequently concluded a peace with Ajít
Singh, the Rája agreeing to pay tribute, to send his daughter for
Farrukh Siyar, and his son to pay homage. Having made this
settlement, Amíru-l umará left Sháyista Khán, the King’s uncle, to
bring the girl, while he went on to Court.
‘Abdu-llah Khán and Husain ‘Alí Khán desired that no mansabs or
promotions or appointments to office should be made without
consulting them. The Emperor had given Mír Jumla authority to sign
his name, and repeatedly said, “The word of Mír Jumla and the
signature of Mír Jumla are my word and my signature.” Kutbu-l Mulk
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah had given to his díwán, a grain-dealer named Ratan
Chand, the title of Rája, and a mansab of two thousand, and he had
reposed in him authority in all government and ministerial matters.
This man attended to nobody’s business without some underhand
arrangement for the benefit of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán and himself.
When an aspirant resorted to Mír Jumla for a mansab, for promotion,
or for an appointment to office, he, acting uprightly as the deputy of
the Emperor, wrote his signature and satisfied the applicant. This
practice was contrary to all the rules of the wazír’s office; it weakened
the authority of the Saiyids, and was the cause of great annoyance to
the two brothers. Mír Jumla also often exhibited his own devotion to
the Emperor by complaining of and blaming the Saiyids, and he
persuaded him by various proofs that such high offices and
ministerial authority were above the abilities of the Saiyids of Bárha.
By various unworthy artifices he brought forward evidence of their
disloyalty, and by malicious statements made in private, he
succeeded in turning the heart of Farrukh Siyar against the two
brothers. He repeatedly urged the Emperor to make Husain ‘Alí and
‘Abdu-llah Khán prisoners. They went out on a hunting excursion to
the garden of Muhsin Khán, and by various representations, he tried
to stir the Emperor up to take the bold step (of seizing them), but he
did not succeed. Report says that Farrukh Siyar’s mother,
remembering the promise and agreement he had made with the two
brothers, gave information of this secret intrigue to Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah
Khán.
Another work which the common talk of all classes attributed to the
influence of Mír Jumla, and in which it is probable the Saiyids of
Bárha had no part, was the blinding of the Princes. A’azzu-d dín, son
of Jahándár Sháh, after the flight of his father from the field of battle,
hid himself in Ágra, but he was discovered and taken. Muhammad
Humáyún Bakht, younger brother of Farrukh Siyar, was only ten or
eleven years old. Wálá-tabár was son of Muhammad A’zam Sháh. All
these were deprived of sight. In retribution of this (cruelty), Farrukh
Siyar’s son, a child of two years old, was suddenly taken from him by
death.
At this time Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí preferred a claim to the
Súbadárí of the Dakhin, with the intention of adopting Zú-l fikár
Khán’s practice of discharging the duties of the office by deputy. His
plan was to appoint Dáúd Khán as his deputy, to agree with him on a
total sum to be paid annually, while he himself would remain at Court.
But the Emperor, in consultation with Mír Jumla, desired that Husain
‘Alí should go in person to the Dakhin. It was necessary to accept or
reject the conditions, and Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí, after considering
the course pursued by the King and Mír Jumla, refused to go to the
Dakhin and leave his brother (alone at Court). A strong altercation
arose, and matters went so far that both brothers refrained from going
to Court and waiting upon the Emperor; they even meditated the
levying of soldiers and throwing up lines of defence round their
residence.
The Emperor called together for private consultation his well-affected
nobles, who had taken part in his councils with Mír Jumla, Khán-
daurán and Muhammad Amín Khán, and every day he brought
forward a new proposition. Reports of these dissensions and of the
dearness of grain caused uneasiness and disturbances in the cities
far and near. After a great deal of correspondence, and the mediation
of the mother of the Emperor, who went to see Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah at his house, and satisfied him, it was agreed that the
Saiyids should make their own arrangements in the fort, and that both
brothers should then attend the darbár. Accordingly the men of Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah and of Husain ‘Alí were posted in various places under
their direction; the brothers then went to wait upon the Emperor, to
ask pardon for their offences. They complained of the Emperor’s
change of feeling, and, taking off their swords, they laid them before
him, and said, “If, through the words of detractors, suspicion of us has
found its way into your gracious mind, order that we should be put to
death upon the spot, or deprive us of our mansabs and send us to the
holy temple. But to let the suggestions of calumniators and the words
of mischief-making designing men operate to the insult and to the
injury of the life and property of faithful servants, is far from being the
practice of just-minded kings.”

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To put away strife, and lay the foundations of peace, it was settled
that Mír Jumla should depart to the súba of ‘Azímábád (Patna) before
Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí started for the Dakhin. So with all despatch
Mír Jumla was presented with his robe, and was sent off to Patna.
Amíru-l umará further stated to the Emperor, “If in my absence you
recall Mír Jumla to your presence, or if my brother, Kutbu-l Mulk
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, again receives similar treatment, you may rely upon
my being here from the Dakhin in the course of twenty days.” He
made another stipulation that the removal from and appointment to all
jágírs and offices, and the change of commandants of forts, should
be under his control. The Emperor was in such a difficult position that
he deemed it advisable to comply. Moreover, according to common
report, he nolens volens delivered over with his own hand to Amíru-l
umará his signet ring, so that the farmáns appointing commandants
of forts should not require the royal assent. For four or five months
after the departure of Amíru-l umará there was a cessation of these
exciting scenes.
Nizámu-l Mulk.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 742.] Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fath Jang, after
receiving his appointment as Súbadár of the Dakhin, went to Khujista-
bunyád (Aurangábád). It has already been stated that the fame of the
sword of this renowned noble put a stop to the ravaging of the
country and the plundering of the caravans, which the forces of the
Mahrattas practised every year, without his having to fight with either
the army of Rája Sáhú or Tárá Báí. But as the hands of the Mahrattas
stretched everywhere, their agents appeared in all places according
to usage to collect the chauth, that is to say, the fourth part of the land
revenue of every district, which they levied every year. Nizámu-l
Mulk’s pride was too great to submit to this, and he was desirous of
preventing the collection of chauth, and especially in the neigh-
bourhood of Aurangábád. He wrote orders to the faujdárs and
zila’dárs, directing them to oust the kamáísh-dárs of Rája Sáhú from
several places dependent upon Aurangábád.
After the ‘I’d-i fitr, in the second year of the reign, he went out with five
or six thousand horse and a strong force of artillery to settle the
country, and repel any attempt of the enemy’s army. * * None of the
Mahratta chiefs had the courage to face him, but fled at his approach;
so, after satisfying himself as to the state of the country, and
chastising some rebels, he returned to Aurangábád, where he arrived
at the beginning of Zí-l hijja. After his return, the Mahrattas
summoned up courage enough to begin plundering the caravans in
remote districts. There was a caravan proceeding from Surat and
Ahmadábád to Aurangábád, and Muhammad Ibráhím Khán Tabrízí,
Bakhshí and Wáki’-nigár of Baglána, who with a party was travelling
along with that caravan, was killed. In Rajab of the second year of the
reign, 1125 (July, 1713), the enemy assembled twenty-three kos from
Aurangábád, at a fort called Panáh-garhí, which they had built, as in
other súbas, as a place of refuge for themselves in their retreats.
[Defeat of the Mahrattas, and destruction of the forts by Nizámu-l
Mulk’s lieutenants.]
Husain ‘Alí Khán in the Dakhin.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 750.] Intelligence arrived [in the Dakhin] of the
appointment of Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí Khán to the Súbadárí of the
Dakhin, and of the despatch of a sanad appointing Najábat Khán
Súbadár of Burhánpúr for civil affairs, and Haidar Kulí Khán his díwán
for revenue matters. Nizámu-l Mulk accordingly left Aurangábád at
the beginning of Safar, with the intention of proceeding to Court, and
got as far as Burhánpúr. There he found that two or three Mahratta
leaders with a large force were making threatening demonstrations;
so he took horse, and went forth to attack them. * * The Mahrattas
were unable to make any resistance, and after chastising and
pursuing them for forty kos, he returned to Burhánpúr, and resumed
his journey to Court.
Towards the end of Jumáda-l awwal, Husain ‘Alí Khán, who was on
his journey from the capital, and Nizámu-l Mulk, passed within one or
two kos of each other. Although Husain ‘Alí Khán wished very much
to meet Nizámu-l Mulk, out of consideration for the feelings of the
Emperor he passed on. When Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí arrived at
the ford of Akbarpúr on the Nerbadda, he there heard that Dáúd Khán
Paní, Súbadár of Ahmadábád, having, in pursuance of orders,
become Súbadár of Khándesh, had come to Burhánpúr. Husain ‘Alí
Khán also heard the common report that secret orders had reached
Dáúd Khán, directing him neither to meet nor obey Husain ‘Alí, but
rather to do his best in resisting him, and hopes were held out of his
being appointed Súbadár of the whole Dakhin. So Dáúd Khán had set
his heart upon winning the Súbadárí, and had no intention of waiting
upon Husain ‘Alí Khán.
Amíru-l umará, upon hearing these matters, sent a message to Dáúd
Khán to the effect: “The whole Súbadárí of the Dakhin has been
confided to me, therefore you must not overstep the bounds of
subordination, but must hasten to meet me. Otherwise you must
proceed to the Emperor, so that there may be no disturbance and
shedding of the blood of Musulmáns.” Dáúd Khán was unwilling to
assent to either proposition, and although he very unwillingly came,
he encamped outside the city; and he refrained from making his
submission to Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí, because he had very close
relations with the Mahratta chiefs. Nímá Sindhiá, who was the most
important of all the servants of the State, having heard a report of
Dáúd Khán’s going to Husain ‘Alí and giving him his support, had
come with several other chiefs and encamped near Burhánpúr, so
that at the proper time he might join the stronger party. The dispute
(guftgú) between Amíru-l umará and Dáúd Khán daily grew longer,
and at length, in the beginning of Ramazán, it came to the test of
battle. Amíru-l umará had 15,000 horse with him, and with these he
went forth to battle. Dáúd Khán had not more than three or four
thousand Afghán horse on that day; but he placed Híráman
Baksariya, who was always his chief swordsman, in command of his
advanced force, and came to the field of battle in the plain of the Lál
Bágh of Burhánpúr. * * A desperate fight followed. * * Dáúd Khán had
resolved to have a personal combat with Husain ‘Alí Khán. He went
into the field fully accoutred, and he directed his elephant-driver to
place his elephant by the side of that ridden by Husain ‘Alí. * *
Although few men remained with Dáúd Khán, he fought most
vigorously against Husain ‘Alí. With the two or three hundred devoted
Afghán horse which remained with him, he pressed forward,
discharging arrows, to encounter Husain ‘Alí. Great disorder and
panic spread in the Amíru-l umará’s force, and [many of his nobles]
were killed and wounded.

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Mír Mushrif, who was renowned for his bravery and personal
strength, went out to battle clad in armour. Seated in a splendid
howda, and drawing his bowstring to his ear, he urged his elephant
on against that of Dáúd Khán. As Dáúd Khán had come into the field
without armour, he cried out to Mír Mushrif, “Why do you cover up
your face like a woman? Put off your armour that I may see your
person!” Saying this he discharged an arrow at him, which wounded
him in the throat. Mír Mushrif pulled out the arrow with great pain, and
fell fainting in his howda. According to the statements of several
elephant-drivers, Dáúd Khán then tried to fasten the two elephants
together, and, in so doing, struck Mír Mushrif three or four blows on
the back and side with the elephant-goad. Mír Mushrif’s driver
managed to get his elephant away from that of Dáúd Khán; but
Amíru-l umará’s men, who had seen the blows, thought Mír Mushrif
was killed; so great alarm spread through their ranks, and a total rout
seemed about to fall upon the army. Some indeed withdrew from the
fight, leaving their leaders still holding their ground and fighting
bravely. At this critical moment a musket-ball struck Dáúd Khán and
killed him. The elephant-driver and Dáúd’s companions, who had
escaped the sword, finding that he was dead, turned away the
elephant from the field. The bloody elephant was brought back, and
the corpse of Dáúd was taken out and tied to its tail, and in that state
it was brought to the city.
Nímá Sindhiá and the other Mahratta chiefs who had joined Amíru-l
umará looked on the battle from a distance with an eye to plundering
the vanquished party. In the height of the battle they withdrew, and
prepared to flee; but they came to offer their congratulations to Amíru-
l umará on his victory. Their men fell to plundering the baggage and
property of Dáúd Khán’s army; but all the treasure, elephants, horses,
and warlike stores fell into the hands of Amíru-l umará. Out of all this
he sent some elephants to the Emperor after the lapse of two years.
Dáúd Khán was said to be impotent; but when he was Súbadár of
Ahmadábád, a daughter of one of the zamíndárs was brought, and,
according to the custom of the country, was presented to the ruler as
tribute. He converted her to Islám, and married her. She became
pregnant by him, and when he went forth to battle, she was seven
months gone with child. On his departure, she, in her pride, took the
dagger from his belt, and kept it carefully by her. When she heard of
his death, she ripped open her belly, brought forth the child alive, and
then departed with her husband to the next world. But this story has
not been authenticated.
When the result of the battle and the death of Dáúd Khán was
reported to Farrukh Siyar, his countenance seemed clouded with
sorrow, and he said to Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah that it was a pity
such a renowned and noble chief had been killed. Kutbu-l Mulk
replied, “If my brother had been slain by the hands of the Afghán, it
would have given Your Majesty satisfaction.”

THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN (1125 A.H., 1713 A.D.).


Religious Disturbances.
[vol. ii. p. 755.] After Dáúd Paní became Súbadár of Ahmad-ábád in
Gujarát, in the second year of the reign, on the night when the holí of
the Hindús is burnt, a certain Hindú, between whose house and the
house of some Musulmáns there was a court-yard common to both
houses, prepared to burn the holí in front of his house; but the
Musulmáns prevented him. The Hindú went to Dáúd Khán, who
frequently favoured the infidels, and argued that he had a right to do
as he liked in his own house. After a good deal of talk and
importunity, the right to burn the holí was allowed. Next day a
Musulmán, who dwelt opposite the house, desiring to give an
entertainment in honour of the Prophet, brought a cow and
slaughtered it there, on the ground that it was his own house. All the
Hindús of the quarter assembled in a mob round the Musulmáns, and
the Musulmáns, being unable to resist, went into their houses and hid
themselves.
The Hindús grew so bold and violent that they seized a lad of
fourteen or fifteen years old, the son of a cow-butcher, and, according
to the statement of one of the citizens who fell into their hands, they
dragged the boy off and slaughtered him. The report and sight of this
outrage drew the Musul-máns together from all quarters; the cry for a
general disturbance was raised, and they were ready to do battle with
the Hindús. A great concourse assembled, and among them several
thousand Afgháns, in the service of Dáúd Khán, eager to defend the
honour of Islám, without caring to please their master. The Afgháns of
the suburbs and the inhabitants of the city assembled together in a
great crowd, and went off with one accord to the house of the kází.
The kází seeing the mob, hearing the disturbance, and thinking of the
partiality of the Súbadár, shut his door upon the people.
Report says that upon a hint of the kází as to the conduct and
partiality of Dáúd Khán towards the Hindús, the Musulmáns set fire to
the door of the kází’s house, and began to burn the shops in the
chauk and the houses of the Hindús. In the riot many shops were
destroyed. They then went off with the intention of burning the house
of Kapúr Chand, a jeweller, and an active infidel, who took a leading
part in this business, and was an acquaintance of Dáúd Khán. He got
notice of their intention, and, with a number of matchlockmen whom
he collected, he shut the gate of his ward of the town and showed
fight. Numbers of Musulmáns and Hindús were killed. The riot
reached such a pitch that for three or four days all business and work
in Ahmadábád was suspended. A large number of the leaders on both
sides resolved to appeal to the Emperor. Dáúd Khán placed his own
seal on the petition of Kapúr Chand, and the kází and other officials
having certified to the violence of the Musulmáns, it was sent to
Dehlí. Shaikh ‘Abdu-l azíz [and other Musulmáns] went in person to
Court. [Further religious contention and violence at Dehlí.]

FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN (1126 A.H., 1714 A.D.).

War with the Sikhs.*


[Text, vol. ii. p. 761.] The violence [of the Sikhs] passed all bounds.
The injuries and indignities they inflicted on Musul-máns, and the
destruction of mosques and tombs, were looked upon by them as
righteous meritorious acts. They had built a fort at Gurdáspúr in the
Panjáb, ten or twelve days’ journey from Dehlí, and extended its limits
so that fifty or sixty thousand horse and foot could find protection.
They strengthened the towers and walls of the place, took possession
of all the cultivated land around, and ravaged the country from Láhore
to Sihrind, otherwise called Sirhind. ‘Abdu-s Samad Khán Diler Jang
was appointed Súbadár of Láhore, and was sent thither with * * and
with a select army and artillery. ‘Abdu-s Samad engaged the vast
army of the Gurú near his fort. The infidels fought so fiercely that the
army of Islám was nearly overpowered; and they over and over again
showed the greatest daring. Great numbers were killed on both sides;
but Mughal valour at length prevailed, and the infidels were defeated
and driven to their stronghold.
The infidels on several occasions showed the greatest boldness and
daring, and made nocturnal attacks upon the Imperial forces. ‘Abdu-s
Samad Diler Jang, while lying in front of their poor fortress,* was
obliged to throw up an intrenchment for the defence of his force. He
raised batteries, and pushed forward his approaches. The siege
lasted a long time, and the enemy exhibited great courage and
daring. They frequently made sallies into the trenches, and killed
many of the besiegers. To relate all the struggles and exertions of
‘Abdu-s Samad and his companions in arms would exceed our
bounds. Suffice it to say that the Royal army in course of time
succeeded in cutting off from the enemy his supplies of corn and
fodder, and the stores in the fort were exhausted. [Great straits and
sufferings of the besieged.]

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Being reduced to the last extremity, and despairing of life, the Sikhs
offered to surrender on condition of their lives being spared. Diler
Jang at first refused to grant quarter; but at length he advised them to
beg pardon of their crimes and offences from the Emperor. Their chief
Gurú,* with his son of seven or eight years old, his díwán, and three
or four thousand persons, became prisoners, and received the
predestined recompense for their deeds. ‘Abdu-s Samad had three or
four thousand of them put to the sword, and he filled that extensive
plain with blood as if it had been a dish. Their heads were stuffed with
hay and stuck upon spears. Those who escaped the sword were sent
in collars and chains to the Emperor. * * ‘Abdu-s Samad sent nearly
two thousand heads stuffed with hay and a thousand persons bound
with iron chains in charge of his son, Zakaríya Khán, and others, to
the Emperor.
In the month of Muharram, the prisoners and the stuffed heads
arrived at Dehlí. The Bakhshí I’timádu-d daula Muhammad Amín
Khán received orders to go out of the city, to blacken the faces and
put wooden caps on the heads of the prisoners; to ride himself upon
an elephant, place the prisoners on camels, and the heads on
spears, and thus enter the city, to give a warning to all spectators.
After they had entered the city, and passed before the Emperor,
orders were given for confining the Gurú, his son and two or three of
his principal companions, in the fort. As to the rest of the prisoners, it
was ordered that two or three hundred of the miserable wretches
should be put to death every day before the kotwal’s office and in the
streets of the bázár. The men of the Khatrí caste, who were secretly
members of the sect, and followers of the Gurú, sought by the offer of
large sums of money to Muhammad Amín Khán and other mediators
to save the life of the Gurú, but they were unsuccessful. After all the
Gurú’s companions had been killed, an order was given that his son
should be slain in his presence, or rather that the boy should be killed
by his own hands, in requital of the cruelty which that accursed one
had shown in the slaughter of the sons of others. Afterwards, he
himself was killed.
Many stories are told about the wretched dogs of this sect, which the
understanding rejects; but the author will relate what he saw with his
own eyes.
When the executions were going on, the mother of one of the
prisoners, a young man just arrived at manhood, having obtained
some influential support, pleaded the cause of her son with great
feeling and earnestness before the Emperor and Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah
Khán. She represented that her son had suffered imprisonment and
hardship at the hands of the sect. His property was plundered, and he
was made prisoner. While in captivity, he was, without any fault of his
own, introduced into the sect, and now stood innocent among those
sentenced to death. Farrukh Siyar commiserated this artful woman,
and mercifully sent an officer with orders to release the youth. That
cunning woman arrived with the order of release just as the
executioner was standing with his bloody sword upheld over the
young man’s head. She showed the order for his release. The youth
then broke out into complaints, saying, “My mother tells a falsehood: I
with heart and soul join my fellow-believers in devotion to the Gurú:
send me quickly after my companions.”
It is said that I’timádu-d daula Muhammad Amín Khán, when he had
an interview with the Gurú, said to him, “The marks of sense and
intelligence are visible in thy countenance: how is it that you never
thought about the recompense of your deeds, and that in a short
span of life with a dreadful futurity you have been guilty of such
cruelty and of such detestable actions to Hindús and Musulmáns? He
replied, “In all religions and sects, whenever disobedience and
rebellion among mortal men passes all bounds, the Great Avenger
raises up a severe man like me for the punishment of their sins and
the due reward of their works.
‘When He wishes to desolate the world,
He places dominion in the hands of a tyrant.’

When He desires to give the tyrant the recompense of his works, He


sends a strong man like you to prevail over him, and to give him his
due reward in this world: as you and I can see.”

FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN (1127 A.H., 1715 A.D.).


[vol. ii. p. 769.] Mír Jumla found it impossible to remain at Patna with
honour, in consequence of the excessive demands which the army
made upon him for pay. He had disbursed a large sum of government
treasure, but their demands and the loud cries raised by the
peasantry against their violence made him resolve to go off with all
speed to Dehlí. * * In those days, every week and every month some
new report got abroad as to the Emperor’s intentions and designs in
respect to Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah. There was a general
rumour that Mír Jumla had been recalled, and that Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah
was to be made prisoner. When Mír Jumla waited upon the Emperor,
he was coldly received, and he was severely censured for the
wretched state of the people of Patna, and for having come to Court
without permission. Mír Jumla, being hurt, went to the Saiyid, and
having represented his helplessness, despair and obedience, sought
to obtain forgiveness of his offences from the Emperor and from
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah. But intelligent men looked on all this as trick and
artifice to secure the imprisonment of the wazír.
About the same time, either by design or accident, seven or eight
thousand horsemen of dismissed mansabdárs went to the houses of
Muhammad Amín Khán Bakhshí, Khán-daurán the deputy of Amíru-l
umará, and Mír Jumla, complaining and demanding their arrears of
pay. * * For four or five days bodies of horsemen appeared in the
streets and bázárs armeo and prepared for battle. On the other side
the officers of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, with suitable forces, ready accoutred
and mounted on elephants and horses, held themselves ready for a
conflict until night-fall. Mír Jumla was bewildered, and not knowing
which way to turn, he went and took refuge in the house of Mu-
hammad Amín Khán. The arrows of censure were aimed at him from
all sides, and he knew not what to do. At length it was deemed
expedient, in order to quell the disturbance and pacify Kutbu-l Mulk,
that the Emperor should look with anger upon Mír Jumla, diminish his
mansáb, remove him from the súba of ‘Azímábád (Patna), and
appoint him to that of the Panjáb. Sarbuland Khán was named
Súbadár of ‘Azímábád and Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fath Jang was
appointed Faujdár of Murádábád, to repress the disorder which
reigned there.
For a long time it was the talk of strife-makers and restless men that
the Emperor had sent Mír Jumla to Sirhind and the Panjáb, as a
matter of policy, and that he intended to recall him. Whenever the
Emperor went out into the country round the capital to hunt, and
remained out for three or four months, the rumour spread from house
to house, and from tent to tent, that he had come out for the purpose
of making Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah prisoner. On the other side, the Saiyid
was suspicious, and continued to enlist soldiers, but he engaged very
few who were not Saiyids or inhabitants of Bárha.
In this year died Asad Khán Karam-málu,* at the age of ninety-four
years. He had held the office of wazír and other important posts
under Sháh Jahán, Aurangzeb and Bahádur Sháh. * * His ancestors
were nobles of Írán. * * It is said that in the days of his last illness,
Farrukh Siyar sent one of his attendants to visit him, and deliver the
following message secretly, “We did not know your worth, and have
done what we ought not to have done to such a valuable servant of
the State, but repentance is of no avail; still we hope you will give us
your advice about the way to treat the Saiyids.” The old man said,
“The fault which you committed, contrary to the practice of your
ancestors, proceeded only from the will of God. I knew that, when the
office of minister went out of my family, ruin threatened the House of
Tímúr. But as you have placed yourself and the reins of power in the
hands of the Saiyids of Bárha, the best thing for the State is, that you
should, to the best of your ability, deal kindly with them, and not carry
matters to such a pitch that strife and discord should increase, and
you should lose all power.

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SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1129*


A.H. (1717 A.D.).
[Text, vol. ii. p. 773.] Intelligence arrived from the Dakhin which found
no place in the communications sent to Court by Amíru-l umará
Husain ‘Alí. He was appointing his own followers to the command of
the great fortresses, which appointments had always been made
previously by the sovereign himself. At Court, also, Rája Ratan
Chand, the díwán of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, interfered with the
appointments of the revenue officers, allowing them no certainty or
security in their positions. * * Every day these things became more
and more annoying to the Emperor.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 775.] In consequence of the ill-temper of the Emperor,
who had become more than ever a man of pleasure and retirement,
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán did not, for four or five months together, go to
his office to perform his duties as minister and sign papers, so all
business was stopped. ‘Ináyatu-llah Khán made a representation
upon this matter, and asked that he would attend the office once or
twice a week. There was a contention about this for several days, but
nothing came of it.
At the instance also of ‘Ináyatu-llah, in this year 1131 (sic) A.H., an
order was given for levying the jizya from the Hindús, which was
against the wish of Ratan Chand. Hindús, eunuchs and Kashmíríans,
by craft, cheating, and oppression, had got possession of mansabs
and the rents of jágírs, and the extent of other jágírs had in like
manner been reduced. ‘Ináyatu-llah prayed that the accounts should
be inquired into, and that the mansabs in the possession of Hindús
and other oppressors should be diminished or confiscated. This
proposition was very distasteful to Ratan Chand and other revenue
officials. They addressed themselves to Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-
llah, and he was opposed to the issue of the order. All the Hindús
were greatly enraged with ‘Ináyatu-llah, because of the order for
collecting the jizya, and of the advice about the cutting down of the
mansabs.

SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1129 A.H. (1717 A.D.).


[Text, vol. ii. p. 777.] After Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí had defeated
Dáúd Khán, he went to Aurangábád, and busied himself in settling
the country. There he heard of the doings of Khandú Dapháriya,*
general in chief of Rája Sáhú. In each of the two súbas of the Dakhin
a Mahratta chief was appointed súbadár for the collection of the
Mahratta chauth, in the same way as Imperial súbadárs were
appointed. Khandú held the súba of Khándesh. On the road to the
port of Surat he had built a mud fort and placed a garrison in it. All
caravans that passed were required to pay the chauth, i.e. a fourth
part of the value of property of merchants and others which was in
the convoy. If they agreed to pay, they passed safe; if not, they were
plundered, the men were made prisoners, and were not released until
a ransom was paid for each.
Husain ‘Alí sent his bakhshí, Zú-l fikár Beg, with three or four
thousand horse and five or six thousand musketeers, to chastise this
chief. After Zú-l fikár Beg had passed through the pass between
Aurangábád and Khándesh, he learnt that Khandú, with eight or nine
thousand horse, was near the confines of Baglána and Gálna,
seventy kos from Aurangábád. He was anxious to attack him, but
Khandú made an ignominious flight, and led Zú-l fikár Beg towards
thorny and difficult jungles. For all the scouts reported that there was
no good opportunity of engaging the enemy, Zú-l fikár Beg, proud of
his own courage, and seconded by the advice of some ignorant men
of Bárha, paid no heed to their reports, but attacked Khandú. At the
first attack many of the enemy were killed; but Khandú, according to
Dakhiní practice, took to flight, drawing after him in pursuit four or five
hundred well-mounted horse. Having thus dispersed the army of the
Bárhas, he suddenly faced round, and falling upon Zú-l fikár Beg with
a large force, he closed the way by which support could be rendered
to the scattered horse, and attacked so fiercely that the army of Islám
was in hard straits. Zú-l fikár Beg and a number of his brave followers
were killed. Of the rest of the army, those who wished to save their
lives threw themselves from their horses, laid down their arms, and
were taken prisoners alive. Those who resisted were all put to the
sword. It is commonly said that not one bullock, camel or horse
belonging to that army was saved.
Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí sent Rája Muhakkim Singh, his díwán, with
a suitable force, to punish Khandú. He also directed his own brother
Saifu-d dín ‘Alí Khán, Súbadár of Burhánpúr, to support the Rája.
Saifu-d dín had gone out of Burhánpúr towards Sultánpúr and
Nandurbár for settling the country. These two famous chiefs pursued
Khandú, in the hope of retaliating upon him, or of removing his posts
so that they might no longer trouble the country and people of
Khándesh. But they accomplished nothing. Khandú bided his time,
and went to Rája Sáhú, who was in a secure fortress. His garrisons,
which were posted in various places, held their ground. Whenever the
army of Amíru-l umará approached, their force fled, and as soon as it
had departed, they returned and reoccupied their positions.
Muhakkim Singh succeeded in engaging some other Mahratta forces
which were plundering in the vicinity of Ahmadnagar, and drove them
under the walls of the fort of Sattára. They were, however, unable to
exact revenge from Khandú for the death of Zú-l fikár Beg, and the
destruction of his army.
The fact of the disagreement between the Emperor and the Saiyids
was well known from the farmáns and orders which had been sent
secretly to Rája Sáhú, the díwáns and the chief zamíndárs of
Karnátik, desiring them not to obey Husain ‘Alí Khán. They had
accordingly showed resistance, and no settlement of Bíjápúr and
Haidarábád had been effected.

EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1130 A.H. (1718 A.D.).


The Mahrattas.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 781.] The Emperor Aurangzeb having resolved upon
the reduction of the fortresses of the Dakhin, spent long time and
great treasure in the work. He took the forts of Sattára, Parnála,
Rájgarh, and others, thirty or forty in number, all fortresses of strength
and repute, and deprived the Mahrattas of house and home. The
chiefs of this race of robbers, knowing that the Imperial territory was
now vacant, and the Emperor far away, showed greater boldness
than in former years. With large armies they invaded the súbas of the
Dakhin, and Ahmadábád, and Málwá, for the purpose of collecting the
chauth, and they plundered and ravaged wherever they went. To
cities and large towns they sent messengers and letters, demanding
payment of the chauth from the governor or zamíndár. Or the
mukkaddams and zamíndárs of the towns and villages hastened out
to meet the Mahratta army, undertaking to pay the chauth, and
begged for protection. Taking back with them a messenger (harkára)
and a horseman, to protect the village and the cultivation, instead of
showing their total rent to be one or two thousand (rupees), they
made it out to be four or five hundred. But whatever sum was settled,
they promised payment, and gave sureties, called ol in the language
of India. They thus saved themselves from violence and plunder.
When the faujdárs or zamíndárs of a place refused to pay the chauth,
and made no propositions, the Mahrattas attacked the place and
thoroughly ravaged it. If, after investing a place for some days, they
found themselves unable to take it, they moved away. In this way the
towns of Nandurbár, Sultánpúr, Jámúd, and many other well-known
towns of Burhánpúr, Birár, and other súbas of the Dakhin, were
invested by twenty-eight thousand horsemen for two or three weeks,
who were finally beaten off.
The Mahrattas treated caravans just in the same way, and many were
plundered. The commanders of their bands did their best to settle the
amount of chauth to be paid, and were not willing to pillage. Their
men, on the contrary, strove to prevent any arrangement of the
chauth, so that they might be free to plunder. For, if an agreement
was arrived at, and the chauth was settled without plundering, it
belonged to the chiefs, and the men got nothing. But, if it came to
plundering, each man kept what he could lay hands upon, and the
chiefs did not gain so much.
Towards the end of the reign of Aurangzeb, Rání Tárá Báí, widow of
Rám Rája, kept up a state of warfare with the Emperor for ten or
twelve years after her husband’s death. She then offered to make
peace upon condition of receiving a grant of the sar-deshmukhí of the
six súbas of the Dakhin, at the rate of nine per cent. For the honour of
Islám, and for other reasons, Aurangzeb rejected this proposal.
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In the reign of Bahádur Sháh the vakíls of Rája Sáhú and the Rání
made proposals, and obtained a grant of the sar-desh-mukhí , upon
certain conditions, which have been stated in the history of that reign.
But differences arose between the Rání and Rája Sáhú, so that
Bahádur Sháh’s intentions were never carried out. Neither did the
arrangement as to the sar-deshmukhí take effect. In the time of Dáúd
Khán, while he was acting as deputy of Zúl-l fikár Khán, a treaty and
friendly agreement was made between him and the enemy, in which it
was stipulated that the jágírs of the princes and Dáúd Khán should
not be molested; but that as regarded the remaining tenures of the
great nobles, Dáúd Khán’s deputy, Híráman, should arrange for the
payment of the chauth. Caravans were not to be molested. So they
simmered together like milk and sugar, and matters went on without*
hitch or evasion.
The government of Nizámu-l Mulk, as we have recorded, began in
peace, and ended with war, which lasted for one year and five
months, and inflicted chastisement upon the enemy. Two or three
years of Husain ‘Alí Khán’s government passed in quarrels with the
Emperor, so that, although he raised a large army, he could not show
the vigour that was necessary, nor effect such a settlement as he
himself desired and the character of the Saiyids of Bárha required. In
the year 1130 A.H., acting upon the advice of Anwar Khán, one of the
shaikh-zádas of Burhánpúr, who were patronized by the Saiyids, and
upon the counsel of other trusted nobles, he availed himself of the
services of a Brahman named Sankarájí. This man had been one of
the principal servants of Sivají and Sambhájí, and in their confidence.
After the conquest of Jinjí, he entered the Imperial service, and acted
as vakíl of those Mahratta chiefs who had submitted and of some
who had not. He was not wanting in the intelligence which is helped
by fortune.
Through Bálájí Bishwanáth and Jamnájí, brahmans, and most
intelligent generals of Rája Sáhú, a proposal of peace was made on
these terms. There was to be paid to the officers of Rája Sáhú a
fourth part of what the amíns, krorís, and shikkdárs collected as land
revenue, and as sáir from the government lands and from the
jágírdárs. It was also settled that, in addition to the fourth share which
they were to get from the receipts of the jágírdárs, they were to
receive from the raiyats ten per cent. as sar-deshmukhí. Altogether
they were to receive thirty-five per cent. upon the total collections,
(and also) upon the abwábs called faujdárí, shikkdárí, ziyáfat, and
other charges, as shown in the gross account of the collections.
According to this account they were to receive nearly half the total
revenue recorded in the Government rent-roll, and (the collections)
were thus shared by the domineering collectors of Rája Sáhú. This
arrangement, by which they were to collect all taxes, fell very hard
upon the raiyats, and the government officers and jágírdárs; for in
every district there were two collectors—one called the kamáíshdár,
the other the gumáshta of the sar-deshmukhí. On the roll of the
collections the signature of the sarrishtadár of the sar-deshmukhí was
first placed, and what was required by the rules on that account was
to be taken separately.* The position and life of the officers of
Government and of the jágírdárs became (irksome).
Besides these, there were two separate collectors of the ráhdárí
(road duties) in each district. In consequence of the negligence of the
faujdárs and the dominance of the enemy, these had for some time
taken their positions in different places, and exacted half a rupee, or
one rupee, for each bullock and cart, from merchants, and whatever
they pleased from other persons. They exacted twice or three times
more than (the most) tyrannical fauj-dárs . Now also, since the days
of the peace, the former grievance remained, but it was aggravated
by more taking part in it. In the present state of things there were in
each district three regular collectors of Rája Sáhú, with parties of
horsemen and footmen stationed at the office, the guard-house
where the land-revenue the sáir and the tolls were collected.
Besides this there were in many places villages which had been laid
waste by the Mahrattas, and which had been again brought into
cultivation under special agreements, such as the districts about
Nandurbár, in Khándesh, in Birár, and in other places. They paid no
heed to the special contracts made by Husain ‘Alí Khán; but,
conceding the third share belonging to the jágírdár, they made the
following arrangement. They recognized three shares; one was for
the jágírdár, one they took themselves, and the third they left to the
raiyats. In revenue and civil matters the orders and the action of the
enemy prevailed over the authority of the faujdárs and jágírdárs. At
the time of the peace Husain ‘Alí Khán determined, and issued strict
injunctions that the ráhdárí should not be exacted, as in the days
before the peace, from merchants and travellers at the rate of three
(rupees) or four upon each bullock and cart, as if faujdárs and harsh
officials were acting. But it was no good. In several districts there was
no longer any plundering of villages and caravans; but, as in former
days, travellers and wanderers paid the ráhdárí, and went on in
peace without interruption. Villages which had been ravaged by
plunderers, or made completely desolate by the tyranny of rapacious
managers, were now restored to cultivation.
Husain ‘Alí delivered a sanad containing the conditions of peace,
under his seal, to the vakíls of Rája Sáhú, and made no delay in
writing for a royal farmán confirmatory of this document. He
introduced the agents of Rája Sáhú everywhere, and he settled that
Bálájí Bishwanáth and Jamnájí, two of the highest officers of Rája
Sáhú, should stay with a suitable escort in Aurangábád as deputy and
vakíl of the Rája, so that all civil and revenue matters might be settled
through them.
Transactions at Court.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 790.] Husain ‘Alí Khán’s letter communicating the
terms of the peace, and asking for a confirmatory farmán, reached
the Emperor. Several well-wishers of the State urged that it was not
well to admit the vile enemy to be overbearing partners in matters of
revenue and government. So Farrukh Siyar rejected the treaty. [The
Emperor makes several appointments to the Dakhin which Husain
‘Alí does not carry into effect.] The news from the Dakhin increased
the annoyance of the Emperor.
In these evil days there was at Court a Kashmírí of low origin, named
Muhammad Murád, an idle babbler of disreputable character, who
was the common talk of everybody, high and low. In the reign of
Bahádur Sháh he had obtained, through the interest of Jahándár
Sháh, a mansab of 1000 and the title of Wakálat Khán. * * He was
introduced to Farrukh Siyar, and, availing himself of the opportunity, *
* he obtained such an ascendency over him that in a short time he
received the title of Ruknu-d daula I’tikád Khán Farrukh Sháhí, and
an increase of his jágír from 1000 to 7000 and 10,000 horse. He
became the Emperor’s confidential adviser, and joined in
recommending the overthrow of the rule of the Saiyids of Bárha. Not
a day passed without his receiving jewels of great value, ornamented
weapons, dresses, or some great gift.
It was now resolved that Sarbuland Khán should be recalled from
Patna, and Nizámu-l Mulk Fath Jang Bahádur from Murádábád,
where he had chastised the rebels, and restored the district to peace
and security. Rája Ajít Singh was also sent for from Ahmadábád.
Hopes of high promotion and royal favour were held out to them, and
they all conspired together for the overthrow of the Bárha Saiyids.
The strangest part of the matter was that when Nizámu-l Mulk was
recalled from Murád-ábád, he received no other appointment; but the
jágír which he there held was taken from him, the name of
Murádábád was changed to Ruknábád, it was erected into a distinct
súba, and the súbadárí and the jágír were granted as an áltamghá to
Ruknu-d daula I’tikád Khán. When these nobles assembled, Rája Ajít
Singh received the title of Mahárája and other honours, but he
became the ally and companion of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán.

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Nizámu-l Mulk and Sarbuland Khán were at first led to expect the
appointments of wazír and mír-bakhshí. The Emperor spoke to them
both about removing the obnoxious minister Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán
from office, and they replied, “Your Majesty can give the portfolio of
wazír to whichever of us you deem most capable; and if Saiyid ‘Abdu-
llah shows any resistance after his removal, he shall be brought to
punishment.” The Emperor replied, “I know of no person more fit for
the post of wazír than I’tikád Khán.” Every exalted noble of Írán and
of Túrán, when he heard that it was the Emperor’s design to bestow
the important office of wazír, with every sign of partiality, upon such a
prating, base-born, infamous person, felt the greatest disgust. They
were heart-broken, but they were not disposed to obey and submit to
I’tikád Khán.
In the midst of this uneasy feeling the ‘Íd-i fitr occurred, and nearly
seventy thousand horse and foot went in the royal procession to the
‘Íd-gáh. There was great apprehension among all classes, in
expectation that Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán was about to be made
prisoner. On that day Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah had not with him more than
four or five thousand horse. * * After this Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah began to
enlist soldiers. In former days he entertained few except Saiyids of
Bárha, because he had full reliance on their courage and devotion;
but he now gave orders for the enlistment of twenty thousand men of
all tribes.
When this disturbing intelligence reached Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí
in the Dakhin, his apprehensions were aroused, and he resolved to
proceed to Court. But before doing so he resolved upon another plan,
and * * wrote to Court for information. Afterwards he received
intelligence that peace had been made between the Emperor and
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah; that Rája Ajít Singh, who had been called to Court,
had received the hereditary title of Mahárája and other royal favours,
through the help and countenance of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah; that, although
his daughter was affianced to the Emperor, he was in close accord
and intimacy with the Saiyid, and that a strict and lasting agreement
of amity had been made between them.
At the end of the month of Shawwál the Emperor, in accord with
I’tikád Khán, Khán-daurán, and other well-disposed nobles, went to
the house of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, to pay him a vist. They
then made friends together, swore to an absence of animosity, and
mutually made excuses for past behaviour, and for the ill-feelings that
had been entertained. The Emperor then returned. Ikhlás Khán, an
old and devoted friend of the two brothers, was sent to the Dakhin, to
give a feeling of assurance to Amíru-l umará.
NINTH*
YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1131 A.H. (1719 A.D.).
[Text, vol. ii. p. 749.] The opinions and resolutions of the Emperor
never remained steady to one course. Now he was resolved upon
peace and amity, and now upon the degradation recommended by
evil counsellors. * * Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán had engaged nearly
twenty thousand men, and day by day the dissension and rupture
between him and the Emperor grew wider. * * Letters arrived from
Husain ‘Alí, representing his wish to come to Court, and complaining
that the climate of the Dakhin did not agree with him. * * On the other
hand, letters reached him from his brother urging him to come quickly
to Court. So, on the 15th Shawwal, in the seventh (sic) year of the
reign, he sent forward his brother, Saifu-d dín ‘Alí Khán, with four or
five thousand horse, as an advanced force, to Burhánpúr, with
directions to collect the materials of war and artillery.
Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí received many letters in succession from
his brother, Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah. At the end of Zí-l hijja, he
left Aurangábád, and, after halting a week for making necessary
arrangements, at the beginning of Muharram, 1131* Hijra, having put
his artillery in order, and done his best to secure the good-will of the
amírs and the Mahrattas, he with * * * commenced his march upon
Dehlí. * * He placed the fort of Malhír, * * the fort of Sálír, and two or
three other forts, in charge of men of his own. * * Nearly sixteen
thousand Mah-rattas marched with him under the command of
Khandú Dapháriya, who was one of the best generals of Rája Sáhú,
and was his Súbadár of Khándesh. Santá, and several other Mah-
ratta chiefs, went with him. * * On the 22nd Muharram he marched
from Burhánpúr, and went on until he crossed the Nerbadda at
Akbarpúr, where he met Ikhlás Khán, who had been sent from Court
to re-assure him, and prevent his march. * * They had an interview
near the fort of Mándú, * * and Husain ‘Alí became more eager than
before to reach the capital. * * On the 14th Safar he reached Ujjain.
Here he heard, from the Faujdar of Gwálior, [of the pacification and
oaths of amity between the Emperor and Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah]. Then, in
open darbár, he said, “If the Emperor no longer retains any animosity
and rancour against us, and will deal with us kindly and without
malice, we have no other desire but to prove our obedience and
loyalty. After paying my homage, and re-assuring myself about sundry
matters, I will quickly return to the Dakhin.” * * But on the second or
third day after, Husain ‘Alí Khán heard from trustworthy and
confidential correspondents how the private talk was that the
Emperor’s proceedings were merely devices and snares that he was
weaving to catch fools.
Other letters also informed Saiyid Husain ‘Alí that Sarbuland Khán, in
consequence of the resumption of his jágír, and the transfer of his
prosperous lands to Mír Jumla, and through want of money, inability
to pay his soldiers, and pressing demands, had retired from service,
resigned his mansab, and had given up his elephants, horses, and
household effects to his creditors, with the intention of becoming a
religious mendicant. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, having heard of this,
went to him and endeavoured to console him. He furnished him with
money, elephants, and horses, and appointed him Súbadár of Kábul,
thus binding him to him by the obligations of kindness. Nizámu-l Mulk
also, through the hard usage of times favourable only to the base,
was called from Murádábád, with the expectation of being made
wazír, but his office and his jágír were given to I’tikád Khán. He was
disgusted and burnt with rage against the worthless (favourite). Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah did his best to console him, and promised him the súbadárí
of Málwá. I’timádu-d daula, who had come to Court without leave or
order, fell into disgrace, and was deprived of his mansab. Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah consoled him also. He likewise won over fortune-seekers
by rendering them assistance, and inquiring about their affairs. Khán-
daurán, who from the beginning had been reckoned as an associate
of Mír Jumla, and one of the Emperor’s friends, was also brought
over to the side of the minister.
It was now announced that the Emperor was going out hunting on a
certain day, and that as he returned he would pay a visit to Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah. Mahárája Ajít Singh, although he was father-in-law to the
Emperor, had become a firm ally of the minister. His house was
situated in the road leading to Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah’s, and the Emperor
had determined that, when his escort reached the Mahárája’s house,
he would make him prisoner, although he might come out to offer his
nazar and pay his respects. But although this resolve was confined to
the Emperor’s own heart, Ajít Singh was alarmed and suspicious, for
“traitors are fearful,” and before the Emperor returned he took refuge
in the house of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah.
The Emperor was returning in a boat, and was about to proceed to
the house of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, as he had determined. But he learned
of Ajít Singh’s having sought protection in the house of that noble,
which greatly annoyed him; and when he came near the house, he
changed his intention, and ordered the boat to be rowed quickly
onwards. His suite and equipage went to the house, and the wazír
went forth as far as the bank of the river to meet him, but he repaired
to his palace in the fort.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 804.] [March of Husain ‘Alí Khán.] At the end of the
month Rabí’u-l awwal, at the beginning of the eighth year of the reign,
Husain ‘Alí Khán approached Dehlí and encamped near the lát of
Fíroz Sháh, two or three kos from the city. There he showed his
rebellious designs by ordering his drums to be beaten loudly in
defiance; for it is contrary to all rule for (a subject’s) drums to be
beaten near the residence of the Emperor. Complaining of the
Emperor, he entered his tents, and repeatedly said that he no longer
reckoned himself among the servants of the monarch. “I will maintain
the honour of my race, and care neither for loss of my mansab, nor
for royal censure.”

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But the strangest thing was that the heedless Emperor— although he
heard the sounds of the hostile drums and trumpets, which rose so
boldly and publicly—and although at the sound of the drum other
drums in every street and market beat to arms— even then he did not
come to his senses. All resolution and prudence was cast aside. Now
raging with anger, he rolled up his sleeves (for action), threatening
vengeance against the two brothers; now taking a conciliatory turn,
he sat behind the curtain of dissimulation, and opened the door of
amity upon the face of enmity.
Rájádhíráj (Jai Singh), who raised his voice in favour of unanimous
action and the punishment of the rebels, met with no success. The
devoted nobles, of the stocks of ‘Arab and of ‘Ajam,* felt that they had
no power of themselves to beat the drums of war and bloodshed, and
this was particularly the case with the Mughals, who knew all about
the matter. No one had the force to speak a friendly word to him
whose head was muffled. At the sight of this change of fortune, of the
progress of the rebellion of the two ministers, and of the supineness
and want of perception in the Emperor, men lost all heart, and many,
taking their cue from him, went to wait upon Saiyid Husain ‘Alí.
Four or five days after the arrival of Husain ‘Alí, his brother Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah made a statement of his brother’s grievances, and said
that if Rája Jai Singh, the disturbing spirit, were sent home to his
country, and if the nominations to the artillery, and to the office of
President of the Privy Council, and the appointments of the
Emperor’s personal attendants, were made in favour of Husain ‘Alí’s
adherents, and if the fortress were placed under his control, then he
would come without any apprehension to pay his homage, and all
might be settled to the satisfaction of the two brothers. The poor dull-
witted Emperor, unmindful of the deceitfulness of delusive fortune,
granted the demands of the Saiyids. He consented to give over the
entire control of the appointments to Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, the other
Saiyids of Bárha, and their supporters; I’tikád Khán and other of his
favourites were to be dismissed.
On the 3rd Rabí’u-l ákhir, Rájádhíráj, under an order which did not
allow of a day’s delay, left Dehlí for Amber, his home. * * On the 5th,
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah and Mahárája Ajít Singh, with their followers,
entered the citadel, and, removing the Emperor’s men from the gates,
they made their own dispositions, and placed their own men in
charge. Of all the great men near the Emperor, none were left near
him or near the gates of the fortress, except I’tikád Khán, Imtiyáz
Khán, registrar (mushrif) of the Privy Council, whose absence or
presence made no difference, Zafar Khán, who, for his complaisance
and time-serving, was called, “the pea in every soup,” and some
helpless attendants and eunuchs.
Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí, with regal pomp and display, mounted his
horse, and entered the fort, around which his army, and that of the
Mahrattas, had taken post. He paid his homage. After that, a few sad
and admonitory words were exchanged. The Amír received the usual
presents of robes, etc., with an unwilling heart, and, showing scant
ceremony, returned to his abode. On the 8th day of the month the
Saiyids for the second time took measures to secure the fort. Kutbu-l
Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah and the Mahárája, with their trusted followers
and a select force, entered the fortress, and, as before, they removed
the royal servants, placed the charge of the gates under their own
trusty men, and demanded the keys of the díwán-i kháss, the
sleeping apartment and the hall of justice. * *
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán went to the distracted Emperor Farrukh Siyar,
along with Ajít Singh, and poured forth his grievances. He said,* “In
return for all our services to you and your ancestors, we have
received nothing from you, ungrateful King, but evil thoughts and
suspicions and treacherous designs. We have, as proofs of our
words, the farmáns which you sent to the irreligious Dáúd Khán
Afghán, and other miscreants in the Dakhin, directing them to oppose
and slay your faithful servant (Husain ‘Alí Khán). * * Our fears and
suspicions will not be removed until the control over all the great
offices shall be placed in our hands.” The bewildered Emperor made
some excuses and promises; but the talk went on to a great length,
and many bitter and offensive things were said. The Emperor got
angry and was unable to restrain himself further. He first said a few
words condemning I’tikád Khán, who was in fact the prime cause of
the mischief, and then he censured Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah. I’tikád Khán
made some foolish statements, excusing himself; but both he and the
Emperor had lost all control over themselves. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah then
interfered, and, abusing I’tikád Khán, he allowed him no retort, but
ordered him to be turned out of the fortress. * * All round and about
the fortress the cries of strife arose, and the Emperor, feeling his
reverse of fortune, went into the female apartments. * *
That night all the city was full of dread and helplessness. The soldiers
of the two brothers were posted fully armed in all the streets and
markets, and no one knew what was passing in the fort, or what
would happen. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, Rája Ajít Singh, and their chief
supporters, held counsel together, not knowing what the morn would
bring forth; but they took such precautions everywhere as seemed
necessary. The Mahratta chiefs, Khandú Dapháriya, Bálájí
Bishwanáth, Santá, and others, with their ten or eleven thousand
men, passed the night under arms, not knowing what would happen,
but ready for disturbance and plunder. * *
Reports of all kinds, false and true, spread abroad. One was that
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah had been killed. Other alarming rumours flew about.
I’tikád Khán and some other nobles, reckless as to the
consequences, were about to take horse and proceed to oppose
Amíru-l umará, when the news came of the approach of his
cavalcade, and of the banners of I’timádu-d daula Muhammad Amín
Khán and Chín Kalích Khán being in sight; for the latter, in his crafty
politic way, had left his house to join Amíru-l umará. There was no
conflict or struggle with the Mahrattas; for, before things had come to
that pass, fourteen or fifteen horsemen, in the service of Khán-
daurán, who were called “Blanket-wearers,” shot a few arrows
against the Mahrattas, when the whole of their force was seized with
panic and took to flight. * * The idlers and vagabonds of the bázár
and the unemployed Mughals, hearing of this flight, drew their swords
and fell to killing and plundering. * * A thousand to fifteen hundred
Mahrattas, horse and foot, were killed, including Santá, a chief of
note, and two or three other leaders. * * I’tikád Khán, with some of his
companions, went into the chauk of Sa’du-llah near his own house,
made some attacks, and threw up barricades. But his movement was
ill-timed, and, being alarmed at what he had done, he went and
surrendered himself prisoner.
The tumult was still high when the drums proclaimed the accession of
Abú-l Barakát Rafí’u-d Daraját, and a declaration of amnesty was
also published. * * The people were desirous to get a message sent
in by artifice to Farrukh Siyar, and to bring him out of the palace, but
they were unsuccessful. The women, the Abyssinians and the Turks,
all prepared to fight. At length some Afgháns and attendants (chelas),
backed up by Najmu-d dín ‘Alí Khán, younger brother of Saiyid ‘Abdu-
llah, and * * some other traitors, entered the palace. After much
search, Farrukh Siyar was found hidden in a corner of the roof, to
which they got a hint from some of the women. They dragged him out
with great indignity. His mother, wife, sister, and other ladies who
were near the unfortunate monarch, cried and wailed, and threw
themselves at the feet of the Afgháns and chelas, beseeching and
entreating them. * * At length the conspirators dragged him away from
the women, and, having blinded him, they placed him in confinement
in a room at the top of the tirpauliya in the fort.* This was a small and
narrow room like a grave, which had been used for keeping prisoners
destined for the torture. In this corner of sorrow and grief they left
him, with nothing but a ewer, a vessel for the necessities of nature,
and a glass to drink out of.
The troublous reign of the late Farrukh Siyar the Shahíd (martyr)
lasted for six years and four months, without counting the eleven
months of the reign of Jahándár, which were reckoned as part of his
reign, and so entered in the royal records.*

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THE SHORT REIGN OF A FEW DAYS OF ABÚ-L BARAKÁT RAFÍ’U-


D DARAJÁT, FOURTEENTH IN DESCENT FROM AMÍR TÍMÚR.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 816.] After the poor injured Emperor had been set
aside, the same confusion and trouble prevailed, both inside and
outside the palace. On the 9th Rabí’u-l ákhir, 1131* A.H., (18th Feb.,
1719) Shamsu-d dín Abú-l Barakát Rafí’u-d Daraját, younger son of
Rafí’u-sh Shán, and grandson of Bahá-dur Sháh, the eldest son of
Aurangzeb, was made Emperor. He was twenty years of age when
he was brought out of confinement, and the noise and confusion was
so great and general, that there was not even time to send him to the
bath, or change his clothes. In the same garments he was wearing,
with only a pearl necklace thrown upon his neck for ornament, he was
placed upon the throne. His accession and a general amnesty were
proclaimed to stay the tumult. Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, after
offering his congratulations, placed his partisans and faithful servants
inside the fortress. Over the doors of the public and private council
chambers, and in every place, he stationed men of his own party. The
eunuchs, the personal attendants, and all the servants of any
importance, were men of his own.
In the council of the first day, in accordance with the desire of Rája
Ajít Singh, and of the bigoted Rája Ratan Chand, an order was
passed for the abolition of the jizya, and assurances of security and
protection were circulated all over the country. I’tikád Khán was sent
to prison with every mark of ignominy; his jágír was taken away, and
his house was seized. Notwithstanding it had been disturbed, it was
found to be full of jewels, cash, gold, objects of art, and vessels of
silver; and an investigation was ordered for the discovery and
recovery of the jewels and pearls he had received as presents. * *
I’timádu-d daula Amín Khán was confirmed as Bakhshí. The súbadárí
of Patna was given to Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fath Jang. * *
Two months had passed since the late Emperor had been placed in
confinement. In that room he had endured all kinds of tortures, and
passed his days in the deepest trouble. It is reported that the blinding
operation had not entirely destroyed his sight, and in his stupidity and
love of power, which destroys the lives and integrity of so many
thousands, he sent messages to the rulers of the State, excusing
himself for the actions of past days, and spoke of again sitting upon
the throne and of directing the affairs of State with the two brothers.
An Afghán, named Abdu-llah Khán, had been placed as a guard over
him in his living tomb. He ingratiated himself with this Afghán,
promised him a mansab of 7000, and consulted with him as to the
way of escaping to Mahárájádhíráj Jai Singh, which he looked upon
as the only means of safety. The Afghán having discovered the
captive’s intentions, made them known to the ministers, and the
Saiyids, urged on by their friends, determined to take away his life.
Poison was twice administered without effect. On the second or third
occasion, when it affected him, and for all the cruelty death did not
come quickly, he thought upon the harshness of the two brothers, and
how they had acted in defiance of the solemn oaths they had given to
him. Unable to control himself, he used bitter words against them,
and asked how it was that no punishment had fallen upon these two
faithless oath-breakers. Words were uttered which ought not to have
been spoken. The two brothers were told of this, and they ordered
that he should be got rid of quickly by strangling. When the thong was
thrown upon his neck, he seized it with both his hands, and struggled
violently with hands and feet; but the executioners beat his hands
with sticks, and made him leave go his hold. There is a common
report that daggers and knives were used in that desperate struggle,
but from what the author has heard no such weapons were used.*
The coffin was borne to the tomb of Humáyún, and was accompanied
by two or three thousand men and women, chiefly the vagabonds and
mendicants of the city who had partaken of his bounty. They cried
and groaned, tore their clothes, threw dust upon their heads, and
scattered their abuse. The bakhshís of Husain ‘Alí Khán and Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah Khán were ordered to attend the funeral, and did so with
several principal men of the city. Stones were cast at them. No one
would take the bread or copper coins which were offered in charity.
On the third day some vagabonds and beggars met, cooked food,
and distributed it among the poor, and remained assembled all night.*
Report says that the two brothers took possession of, and selected
for themselves, whatever they pleased of the royal treasure, jewels,
works of art, elephants and horses. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán was very
fond of women, and the common talk was that two or three of the late
King’s beauties pleased him, and he took them to himself, although,
for the gratification of his lust and desires, he had seventy or eighty
beautiful women.
The brotherly love which had existed between the two brothers now
turned to hatred and to jealousy of each other’s power. Although the
reins of power in civil matters pertaining to the office of wazír were in
the hands of the elder brother, the younger, Amíru-l umará Husain
‘Alí, was a brave, experienced, generous and proud man, whose
equal it was hard to find. He had drawn to himself, by his kindness
and generosity, most of the brave and able nobles, and he was
getting into his hands a control over all the government of the country.
So it was said that there were contentions between the brothers. * *
On the 9th Jumáda-l ákhir, 1131, the soldiers at Ágra brought out of
confinement in the fort, and raised to the sovereignty, a person
named Nekú Siyar,* a son of Prince Muhammad Akbar, and grandson
of Aurangzeb. His accession was announced by peals of cannon, and
coins of gold and silver were struck in his name.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 829.] The Emperor Rafí’u-d Daraját was suffering from
consumption (dikk). The physicians, under the orders of the Saiyids,
did all they could to cure him, but without success. This monarch had
not the slightest control in matters of government.* * * Sorrow
increased his illness, and he became so helpless that the two
brothers considered as to which of the imprisoned princes should be
named successor. Rafí’u-d Daraját said that if, in his lifetime, the
khutba were read, and coins struck in the name of his elder brother,
Rafí’u-d Daula, it would be a great kindness, and very acceptable to
him. The Saiyids consented. Three days after Rafí’u-d Daula
ascended the throne, Rafí’u-d Daraját died. He had reigned six
months and ten days.
RAFÍ’U-D DAULA, ENTITLED SHÁH JAHÁN THE SECOND, FOUR-
TEENTH IN DESCENT FROM, AND SEVENTEENTH KING IN
SUCCESSION TO, AMÍR TÍMÚR.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 831.] On the 20th Rajab, 1131* A.H. (May 27, 1719
A.D.), Rafí’u-d Daula, who was one year and a half older than his
brother Rafí’u-d Daraját, was raised to the throne with the title of
Sháh Jahán the Second. Matters went on just as before, for,
excepting that the coins were struck and the khutba read in his name,
he had no part in the government of the country. He was surrounded
by creatures of Kutbu-l Mulk, and, as to going out or staying at home,
holding a court, or choosing his food and raiment, he was under the
direction of Himmat Khán. He was not allowed to go to the mosque
on Friday, or to go hunting, or to talk to any of the amírs, without the
presence of one of the Saiyids or his guardian.
[vol. ii. p. 832.] Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí sent Haidar Kulí Khán with
a force in advance against Ágra, and on the 7th Sha’bán he himself
set out for that city with * * an army of about 25,000 men. * *
Rájádhíráj Jai Singh, with a force of nine or ten thousand horse, and
others whom he had collected, was waiting one march from Amber
for Rája Chhabílá Rám [to go and join Nekú Siyar]. Kutbu-l Mulk
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, in consequence of the rumours that were afloat,
taking the Emperor with him, marched, at the end of Sha’bán, with
Mahárája Ajít Singh, and other amírs, and an army of upwards of
thirty thousand horse, from Dehlí towards Ágra, and against Jai
Singh.
At this time Mahárája Ajît Singh took back the Mahárání, his
daughter, who had been married to Farrukh Siyar, with all her jewels
and treasure and valuables, amounting to a kror of rupees in value.
According to report he made her throw off her Musulmán dress,
dismissed her Muhammadan attendants, and sent her to her native
country. * * In the reign of no former Emperor had any Râja been so
presumptuous as to take his daughter after she had been married to
a King and admitted to the honour of Islám.
The fort of Ágra was invested, lines of approach were formed, and
batteries raised. When Husain ‘Alí Khán arrived, the cannonade
began, and many houses inside and outside the fort were destroyed.
The siege went on for three months. * *
The rainy season caused Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah to delay in his march
against Jai Singh; but he reached Mathurá, within ten kos of which
place Jai Singh was awaiting the arrival of Rája Chhabílá Rám and
other allies. When the Rája found that none of his expected
supporters arrived, he sent vakíls to beg forgiveness for the offence
he had committed.
Nekú Siyar had a munshí named Nath Mal. At the invitation of some
crafty men among the besiegers, he came out of the fort to conduct
them to Nekú Siyar. But these men made him prisoner, and took him
to Amíru-l umará. In his portfolio were found several letters addressed
by amírs in the besieging army to Nekú Siyar, * * but the Amír thought
it desirable to hush this matter up. * * The provisions in the fort were
falling short, and the defenders were in despair. A proposal to
surrender was accepted, and an assurance of safety to life and
honour was given. The keys were given up, Ágra was secured on the
27th Ramazán, and Nekú Siyar and his supporters were made
prisoners. Mitr Sen, who had set this revolt on foot, knowing that
there was no hope of mercy for him, but that he would be put to death
with ignominy, killed himself with a dagger.
After the fall of the fortress, Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí took
possession of the treasure, jewels, and valuables which had accumu-
lated there in the course of three or four hundred years from the days
of Sikandar Lodí and Bábar Bádsháh, and were stowed away in the
store-rooms. There were the effects of Núr Jahán Begam and
Mumtáz Mahal, * * amounting in value, according to various reports,
to two or three krors of rupees. * * There was in particular the sheet of
pearls which Sháh Jahán had caused to be made for the tomb of
Mumtáz Mahal, which was spread over it upon the anniversary of her
marriage, and on Friday nights. There was the ewer of Núr Jahán,
and her cushion of woven gold and rich pearls, with a border of
valuable garnets and emeralds. The elder brother, ‘Abdu-llah Khán,
got nothing of all this, till, after four months, twenty-one lacs of rupees
were grudgingly surrendered to him.*
Rájádhíráj (Jai Singh) sent his vakíls to offer his apologies and make
peace. * * It was eventually arranged that the faujdárí of Surat, in the
súba of Ahmadábád, should be held by Jai Singh, and the súbadárís
of Ahmadábád and Ajmír, including Jodpúr, should continue under
Rája Ajít Singh. Under this arrangement the two rájas held all the
country from thirty kos of Dehlí, where the native land of Jai Singh
begins, to the shores of the sea at Surat.
Sháh Jahán the Second died of dysentery and mental disorder, after
a reign of three months and some days.

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MUHAMMAD SHÁH BÁDSHÁH, FORMERLY CALLED ROSHAN


AKHTAR, FOURTEENTH IN DESCENT AND SIXTEENTH* IN
SUCCESSION TO AMÍR TÍMÚR.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 839.] Rafí’u-d Daula had reigned only three months
and two days when it became known that his death was near at hand.
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah was in despair, and he sent from Fathpúr to bring
Prince Muhammad Roshan Akhtar, son of the late Jahán Sháh, and
grandson of Aurang-zeb, then only eighteen years of age. * * Since
the death of Jahándár Sháh he had lived with his noble mother in the
fort of Dehlí. He was a good-looking young man, with many good
qualities, and of excellent intelligence. Rafí’u-d Daula had been dead
nearly a week before the young Prince arrived; but the fact was kept
secret, and the defunct was buried soon after the arrival. On the 11th
Zí-l ka’da, 1131* A.H. (Sept. 1719 A.D.), he reached Fathpúr, and on
the 15th of that month he ascended the throne. * * * Money was struck
in the name of Abú-l Muzaffar Násiru-d dín Muhammad Sháh
Bádsháh-i Ghází, and his name was read in the khutba as Emperor
of Hindústán in the mosques. His mother was well acquainted with
State business, and was a woman of much intelligence and tact. * * It
was settled that the beginning of his reign should date from the
deposition of Farrukh Siyar, and should be so entered in the
Government records. Fifteen thousand rupees a month were allotted
to his mother. The názirs and * * all the officers and servants around
the Emperor were, as before, the servants of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah. When
the young Emperor went out for a ride, he was surrounded, as with a
halo, by numbers of the Saiyid’s trusted adherents; and when
occasionally, in the course of two or three months, he went out
hunting, or for an excursion into the country, they went with him and
brought him back.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 843.] * Mír Jumla was appointed to the office of chief
judge, and Ratan Chand held firm his position. His authority extended
over all civil, revenue, and legal matters, even to the appointment of
kázís in the cities and other judicial officers. All the other Government
officials were put in the background, and no one would undertake any
business but under a document with his seal.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 842.] Chhabílá Rám Nágar, Súbadár of Alláhábád, had
given uneasiness by his insubordination, and Husain ‘Alí Khán
prepared to march against him and bring him to order; but news
arrived that he was dead. * * After Chhabílá’s death, his brother’s son
Giridhar, who was called his swordsman, set about collecting forces
and strengthening the fortifications. When this became known, they
(the Saiyids) took Muhammad Sháh from Fathpúr to Ágra, and, in
preparation for the siege of Alláhábád, orders were given for throwing
a bridge over the Jumna, and for the march of a force in advance. * *
Giridhar hearing of the preparations for the siege of Alláhabád, sent
his vakíls to make propositions, * * which ended in his being promised
the súbadárí of Oudh, with other favours, and the title of Bahádur. * *
* But Giridhar placed no reliance on the words and promises of the
Saiyids. * * So the fortress was invested, and the siege dragged on a
long time. At length Husain ‘Alí Khán crossed the Jumna [to press the
siege].
The fort of Alláhábád is protected on three sides by the rivers Ganges
and Jumna, and Giridhar had worked hard in strengthening the
defences, and in collecting provisions and stores of war. The report of
his rebellion had caused great excitement in all the exchequer
territories and among the great jágírdárs. Taking these facts into
consideration, it was feared that the protraction of the siege might
lead to serious derangements in civil and revenue matters, and the
condition of the people in all the súbas. The promise of surrendering
the fortress had induced Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah to return with the Emperor
towards Dehlí; * * but when it was known that the promise had not
been kept, contrary to all usage, they turned back. * * Giridhar had
written repeatedly to say that if Ratan Chand were sent to him, some
settlement consistent with safety and honour might be made, so that
he might leave the fort. The two brothers decided upon deputing
Ratan Chand, and he proceeded thither with a suitable escort at the
end of Rabí’u-l ákhir, in the second year of the reign.
When Ratan Chand and Giridhar met, an arrangement was made
and confirmed by an oath upon the water of the Ganges—a very
solemn oath among Hindús. It was agreed that Giridhar should
receive, in addition to the súbadárí of Oudh and the faujdárí
dependent thereon, two or three other important faujdárís which he
desired to possess. At the beginning of Jumáda-l ákhir he withdrew
from the fortress, and proceeded towards Oudh. It has been said that
“Laughter ends with weeping, and rejoicing with sorrow.” The
surrender of Alláh-ábád was not generally known, * * before Fate
brought forth another serious matter.
Decline of the Saiyids and Rise of Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fíroz
Jang.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 847.] Husain ‘Alí Khán deemed himself superior in
military and government matters to his brother. In his judgment it
seemed that, as there were sufficient administrators with him and his
brother, and as his adopted son ‘Álam ‘Alí was acting (as súbadár) in
the Dakhin with a sufficient army, it would be well to send Nizámu-l
Mulk to be Súbadár of Málwá, half-way between Dehlí and the
Dakhin. * * * Nizámu-l Mulk accepted the appointment, and received
his robe and dismissal to his government on the third day after the
accession of Rafí’u-d Daraját. He took with him his wives and
children, and there accompanied him more than a thousand com-
panions, mansabdárs and jágírdárs, who were poor and sick at heart
with the unkindness shown by the Saiyids, and through pay being in
arrear. Nizámu-l Mulk busied himself in collecting soldiers and
artillery, which are necessary for governing the world and keeping it in
order. He gave 500 horses with accoutrements and arms to
Muhammad Ghiyás Khán for his Mughal fraternity, and turned them
into horsemen. He lent large sums of money to * * and others, binding
them to himself by the bonds of debt and kindness.
When Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán was marching from the Dakhin against
Farrukh Siyar, on coming to the Nerbadda, Marhamat Khán, who was
in the fort of Shádíábád at Mándú, made an excuse of illness, and did
not go out to meet him. * * After the death of Farrukh Siyar, the Saiyid
appointed Khwája Kulí Khán to succeed him. * * Marhamat Khán
resisted. * * Then Husain ‘Alí wrote to Nizámu-l Mulk, desiring him to
turn Marhamat Khán out of the fort. * * After some negocia-tion,
Marhamat Khán came out and joined Nizámu-l Mulk.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 850.] After the accession of Muhammad Sháh, letters
were often sent by him and by his mother, Maryam Makání, through
the medium of I’timádu-d daula Muhammad Amín Khán, to Nizámu-l
Mulk, informing him that the constraint used by the Saiyids was so
strict that he had only liberty to go to service on the Sabbath, and that
he had no power of giving any orders; that the Saiyids, in their futile
scheming, proposed, after settling the affairs of Nekú Siyar and
Giridhar, to get rid of Nizámu-l Mulk, and then to do as they pleased;
that they (Muhammad Sháh and his mother) had full reliance on
Nizámu-l Mulk, that he would not fail in the loyalty which his
ancestors had ever exhibited.
When Nekú Siyar had been taken prisoner, and peace had been
made with Giridhar, Husain ‘Alí Khán set other springs of disturbance
in action. He made a compact with Maháráo Bhím Singh Háda, that
after chastising Sálim Singh, Zamíndár of Búndí, and settling matters
with Nizámu-l Mulk, he would raise Bhím Singh to the high dignity of
Mahárája; so that, after Mahárája Ajít Singh, he would be higher in
rank than all other Rájas; and that he should receive a mansab of
7000 and 7000 horse, with the Fish banner. He appointed him, Rája
Gaj Singh of Narwar, Diláwar ‘Alí Khán, and others, with an army of
15,000 horse, first to punish and expel Sálim Singh of Búndí, and
then to direct their attention to Nizámu-l Mulk, and be ready to act
upon the directions they might receive.

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Husain ‘Alí Khán, throwing aside the veil, wrote to Nizámu-l Mulk, * *
bringing complaints and charges against him. Nizámu-l Mulk in his
honesty wrote clear answers to every charge; but they did not satisfy
Husain ‘Alí, and he wrote in plain terms to Nizámu-l Mulk, saying, that
for the purpose of arranging the affairs of the Dakhin, he wished to
hold the súba of Malwá himself, and that he would give Nizámu-l
Mulk his choice of the súbas of Ágra, Alláhábád, Multán, or
Burhánpúr.
Nizámu-l Mulk had employed the interval of eight or nine months in
collecting seven or eight thousand horse and materials of war. He
was cautious and watchful, and he had formed the design of
conquering the Dakhin, and of setting free that land of treasure and of
soldiers. He now received notice from his vakíls that the Saiyids had
sent officers to summon him to the presence. But before these he
had received letters from the Emperor and from private friends, telling
him there was no time to be lost, and that what he had to do he must
do quickly.
Nizámu-l Mulk perceived that the brothers had the fixed intention of
overthrowing the royal house and removing the Khalífa of the world.
Seeing that there were no other means of safety, he consulted with
his friends, and setting out from Ujjain, he made three marches
towards Ágra, and then turned to the Dakhin. On the 1st of Rajab he
crossed the Nerbadda, where he was joined by Rustam Beg Khán,
Faujdár of Bíjágarh,* also called Kahargáon. * * On the same day he
crossed the Nerbadda an envoy came from ‘Usmán Khán, a soldier
(hazárí) of the fort of Ásír, proposing to surrender the fortress, * * and
on the 16th Rajab he took possession of this important stronghold. * *
He next sent Muhammad Ghiyás Khán to reduce Burhánpúr. * * *
Saiyid ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán (the acting súbadár) sent Muhammad Anwar
Khán to defend Burhánpúr; * * but this man was wanting in courage,
and gave up in despair. Nizámu-l Mulk entered the town on the 17th.
Just before he got possession of Burhánpúr, the children and
dependents of Saifu-d dín ‘Alí Khán, brother of Husain ‘Alí Khán, had
come to that place on their way to Dehlí. They were greatly alarmed
when Nizámu-l Mulk became master of the city. Some of his friends
counselled him to seize upon their valuables, [but he refused] * * and
sent an escort to guard them as far as the Nerbadda. He was joined
at Burhánpúr by ‘Iwaz Khán, Názim of the súba of Birár, and by troop
after troop of adherents, and he remained there for some time to get
his artillery in order.
Diláwar ‘Alí Khán, after subjugating Búndí, under the direction of
Husain ‘Alí Khán, as above narrated, marched into Málwá with his
army, accompanied by Rája Bhím and Rája Gaj Singh, causing great
injury to the country and distress to the inhabitants.
Defeat and Death of Husain Khán Afghán.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 861.] Husain Khán Afghán was one of the proud and
bold Afgháns of the sarkár of Kasúr.* For some years past he had
occupied himself in rebellion and violence. He had taken possession
of some prosperous districts about Kasúr and Láhore, and had raised
the standard of revolt. He had several times defeated the armies of
the súbadárs and the princes; and since the time that ‘Abdu-s Samad
Khán Diler Jang had been made Súbadár of the Panjáb, he had
further overstepped the limits of a subject, had turned the officials of
the jágírdárs and súbadárs out, and had seized upon the revenues in
a most defiant manner. The author has heard from trustworthy
persons that he received letters from the Saiyids at the head of the
Government, inciting him to embarrass the súbadár, and encouraging
the hope of his obtaining for himself the súbadárí of Láhore. At any
rate, he grew bolder. He fought with Kutbu-d dín, the ‘ámil of the
súbadár, killed him, and plundered his army and treasure. With eight
or nine thousand horse he then set out on a plundering expedition.
‘Abdu-s Samad Khán, who had begun to raise an army, marched with
seven or eight thousand men to attack him, and the armies
approached the village of Jhúní, about thirty kos from Láhore. [Long
and hard-contested battle.] An arrow at length struck Husain Khán,
inflicting a severe wound. His elephant had no driver, and ran about
in all directions—a mark for arrows and bullets from every side.
Flames burst forth from the howda, the cause of which could not be
discovered; but in that condition Husain Khán fell under the swords of
the brave warriors with a large number of Afgháns. * * On the news of
the victory reaching Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, much against his will, but
to avoid censure, he lauded the services of ‘Abdu-s Samad Khán,
and gave him the title of Saifu-d Daula.
Letters from Burhánpúr reached the Court with details about the fort
of Ásír. It appeared that Khusrú, a servant of Nizámu-l Mulk, had
introduced himself to the soldiers of the fortress, and carried on a
correspondence about its surrender. Nolens volens, the soldiers
coerced Tálib Khán, the commandant appointed by the Saiyids, who
was in a great state of dismay, and made him surrender the fortress
to Nizámu-l Mulk, and give two years’ pay to the soldiers. * * Further
letters informed them that Anwar Khán, Súbadár of Burhánpúr, had
joined Nizámu-l Mulk, and that Rambhá Nimbálkar,* a famous
Mahratta chieftain, had also joined him, both bringing their followers.
All the officials of Burhánpúr and many of the zamíndárs of the neigh-
bourhood had taken the same course. This information greatly
disturbed the Saiyids. They wrote pressing letters to Diláwar Khán
and Maháráo Bhím Singh, directing them to engage Nizámu-l Mulk.
Every day and every week Saiyid Husain ‘Alí brought forward new
plans for proceeding to the Dakhin, and he waited anxiously for
letters from Diláwar Khán. Ratan Chand, seeing how matters were
tending, advised a peace and the surrender of the súbas of the
Dakhin to Nizámu-l Mulk, for he saw that war would end in the
Saiyids’ death. But Husain ‘Alí would not consent to any peace with
Nizámu-l Mulk.
Religious Troubles in Kashmír.
[vol. ii. p. 867.] Mahbúb Khán, otherwise called ‘Abdu-n Nabí
Kashmírí, had a long-standing enmity against the Hindús in Kashmír.
He had gathered round him many restless Mu-hammadans, with
whom he went to the deputy of the súbadár and to the kází, and,
presenting certain legal opinions, he demanded that the Hindús
should be interdicted from riding on horses, from wearing coats
(jáma), from putting on turbans and armour (chíra o yarák), from
going out for excursions in the fields and gardens, and from bathing
on certain days. Upon this matter he was very virulent. The officials,
in answer, said that they would act upon the rules laid down by the
Emperor, and by the chief lawyers, in respect of the treatment of
zimmís (protected unbelievers) throughout the provinces of the
Empire. Mahbúb Khán was greatly offended, and, being supported by
a party of Musulmáns, he annoyed and insulted Hindús wherever he
met them. A Hindú could not pass through any market or street
without being subjected to indignity.

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One day Majlis Ráí, a respected Hindú of Kashmír, went out with a
party to ramble in the fields and gardens, and they feasted
Brahmans. Mahbúb Khán collected ten or twelve thousand
Musulmáns, came upon them unawares, and began to beat, bind and
kill them. Majlis Ráí escaped, and fled with some others to Ahmad
Khán. Mahbúb Khán, with all his followers, went to the house of
Majlis Ráí and the Hindú quarter, and began to plunder and to fire the
houses. The Hindús and Musulmáns who interfered to prevent this
were killed and wounded. After that they proceeded to the house of
Mír Ahmad Khán, where they set to work beating, throwing stones
and bricks, and shooting arrows and bullets. Every man they found
they detained and subjected to various indignities. Some they killed,
others they wounded and plundered. Mír Ahmad Khán for a day and
night was unable to drive them from his house or to stop their
violence, but had to employ many artifices to escape from them. Next
day he got together a force, and, with Mír Sháhúr Khán Bakhshí and
other officials, they took horse and went against Mahbúb Khán. The
rioters collected, as on the preceding day, and resisted Ahmad Khán.
A party got in his rear and burnt the bridge over which he had
crossed. They set fire to both sides of the street through which he
had passed, and from in front and from the roofs and walls of the
houses they discharged arrows and muskets and cast stones and
bricks. Women and children flung filth, dirt, and whatever they could
lay hands on. A fierce fight continued, in which * * and several others
were killed or wounded. Mír Ahmad Khán was in a great strait, for he
could neither retire nor advance; so he was obliged to ask for mercy,
and escaped from his dangerous position amid volleys of gibes and
insults.
Mahbúb Khán proceeded to the Hindú quarter, and burnt and gutted
the houses which remained. Again he proceeded to the house of Mír
Ahmad Khán, and dragged out of it with insult Majlis Ráí and a
number of other persons who had taken refuge there. He and his
followers cut off their ears and noses, circumcised them, and in some
instances cut off the organ of generation. Another day they went
tumultuously to the great mosque, degraded Mír Ahmad Khán from
his office of deputy of the súbadár, and, having given the prime cause
of the disturbance the title of Díndár Khán, they appointed him to act
as ruler of the Musulmáns, and to enforce the commands of the law
and the decisions of the kázís until a new deputy súbadár should
come from the Court. For five months Mír Ahmad Khán was deprived
of power, and remained in retirement. Díndár Khán acted as ruler,
and, taking his seat in the mosque, discharged the Government
business.
Upon intelligence of this outbreak reaching Court, Múmin Khán was
sent to act as deputy of ‘Ináyatu-llah Khán, the Súbadár. * * At the
end of Shawwál he halted three kos from Kashmír. Mahbúb Khán
was ashamed of his unrighteous deeds, so he went to Khwája ‘Abdu-
llah, who was highly respected in Kashmír, and begged him to go out
with a number of the principal and most respectable Muhammadans
to meet the new deputy, and bring him into the city with honour. * *
Khwája ‘Abdu-llah advised him in a friendly way to go to Mír Sháhúr
Khán Bakhshí, and apologize for what had passed. If he did so, they
would go out with him to meet the deputy. In accordance with this
advice, Mahbúb Khán went to the house of Sháhúr Khán, and having
made a statement to him, rose to depart, alleging he had some
necessary business to attend to. The bakhshí, acting on the Khwája’s
advice, had called a number of the people from the Charbelí and
Kahkarán quarters of the city, and concealed them about his house.
They watched for Mahbúb Khán, and fell upon him unawares. First,
before his eyes, they ripped up the bellies of his two young boys, who
always accompanied him, and they killed him with great cruelty.
Next day the Musulmáns went to the Charbelí quarter, to exact
retaliation for blood. This quarter was inhabited by Shí’as. There they
began to beat, to bind, to kill, and to burn the houses. For two days
the fight was kept up, but the assailants then prevailed. Two or three
thousand people who were in that quarter, including a large number
of Mughal travellers, were killed with their wives and families.
Property to the value of lacs was plundered, and the war raged for
two or three days. It is impossible to commit to writing all that I have
heard about this outbreak. After this destruction, the rioters went to
the houses of the kází and the bakhshí. Sháhúr Khán concealed
himself and the kází escaped in disguise. They pulled down the kází’s
house to the foundations, and carried the bricks of it away in their
hands. Múmin Khán, after entering the city, sent Mír Ahmad Khán
under an escort to Ímanábád, and then had to take severe measures
with the people of Kashmír.
Nizámu-l Mulk.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 873.] Diláwar ‘Alí Khán, bakhshí of Husain ‘Alí Khán,
who had been sent with six or seven thousand horse against the Rája
of Búndí, having hastily increased them to twelve or thirteen
thousand, crossed the Nerbadda. Various rumours reached Nizámu-l
Mulk, and according to one, Diláwar ‘Alí Khán had reached Hándiyá.
Nizámu-l Mulk prepared to encounter him. The plan of ‘Álam ‘Alí
Khán (the acting súbadár) was to enlist as many Mahrattas as he
could, to gather together the great faujdárs, and to march from
Aurangábád as soon as he heard of the near approach of Diláwar ‘Alí
Khán. Nizámu-l Mulk would thus be placed between two armies. * *
[Text, vol. ii. p. 875.] Nizámu-l Mulk, on receiving intelligence that
‘Álam ‘Alí Khán had taken the field, marched from Burhánpúr to
oppose him. He crossed the Táptí and encamped towards the east.
When he heard of the advance of Diláwar ‘Alí Khán, he resolved to
meet him first. He sent his family to the fort of Ásír, and then began
his march against the enemy. On arriving within two or three kos of
Ratanpúr, and sixteen or seventeen from Burhánpúr, he encamped
about two kos distance from his adversary. To avoid shedding the
blood of Musulmáns, he sent conciliatory messages to Diláwar ‘Alí,
deprecating battle, but without effect. On the 16th Sha’bán, 1132 A.H.
(11th May, 1720), both sides drew out their forces for the struggle.
[Dispositions for and progress of the battle.] Diláwar ‘Alí Khán,
mounted on an elephant, fought resolutely, * * but he was struck by a
musket-ball and killed. The army of the Bárhas then turned to flee;
but the Rájpúts, Rája Bhím, and Rája Gaj Singh disdained to escape,
and fought with great valour. They and three or four hundred other
Rájpúts, many Bárha Saiyid officers and others, altogether four or five
thousand men, were killed. The day after the battle, intelligence came
that ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán had arrived at the tank of Hartála, seventeen kos
from Burhánpúr. Nizámu-l Mulk sent Mutawasal Khán with a force of
three thousand horse to protect the city and the people.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 882.] When the news of the defeat and death of
Diláwar ‘Alí Khán reached the Saiyid brothers, it greatly disturbed and
perplexed them. Every day some new plan was formed. Now it was
proposed that both should go to the Dakhin, and take the Emperor
with them. Then that Saiyid Husain ‘Alí should go to the Dakhin and
that Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah should proceed to Dehlí with the Emperor. * *
Every week and every month the tents of the Emperor and of the two
brothers moved in different directions, and their councils were
distracted.

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Earthquake.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 883.] On the 2nd of Ramazán, 1132 A.H. (27th June,
1720), on Friday, during prayers at the mosques, a fearful earthquake
was felt. A noise under the earth was heard, doors and walls shook
and roofs rattled. During the day and night nine shocks were felt. It
was reported that parts of the fort and many houses were thrown
down, and that great numbers of persons were killed in
Sháhjahánábád and old Dehlí. The writer of these leaves went out on
horseback to see and ascertain for himself. * * He found houses
destroyed here and there, parts of the ramparts thrown down and
damaged, two gates of the city injured, the parapets of the Fathpúrí
mosque damaged, and ten or twelve persons killed and wounded. It
was very wonderful that for a month and two days the shocks
continued, and were felt four or five times in the twenty-four hours.
Many persons were so alarmed that they would not sleep under a
roof. After this time the force of the shocks decreased; but for four or
five months the earth and the houses were found to shake occasion-
ally, until the arrival of the blessed feet of His Majesty, when the
shocks gradually ceased.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 885.] On the 1st Zí-l ka’da it was determined that His
Majesty should go with Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán to Dehlí, and that
Husain ‘Alí Khán should proceed with a number of warlike amírs to
the Dakhin. It was now that a quarrel arose between the Saiyids and
I’timádu-d daula. This caused a great feeling of alarm for some days,
and it was so much talked about that I’timádu-d daula and the braves
of Túrán remained under arms night and day.
Defeat and Death of ‘Álam Khán.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 885.] Intelligence now arrived that ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán and
many of his officers had been killed. The author has not obtained
exact information of this matter; but he will relate what he has
gathered from different accounts given to him by trustworthy men.
After the death of Diláwar ‘Alí Khán two or three thousand Bárha
horse * * were glad to make their escape to ‘Álam Khán. This officer,
when he heard that Diláwar Khán was approaching, went out of
Aurangábád (to join him) with thirty thousand horse. He had reached
the pass of Fardápúr, half-way to Burhánpúr, and was engaged in
getting his artillery through, when he received the unwelcome news.
Several of the Mahratta sardárs and his own associates advised him
to return to Aurangábád, or to go to Ahmadnagar, and await the
coming of Husain ‘Alí Khán. Under the protection of the walls he
might enlist men, and carry on the war with discretion, while the
Mahrattas might be sent out to ravage and plunder in the vicinity of
Nizámu-l Mulk’s army, and to carry on that Cossack warfare for which
the people of the Dakhin are so famous.
‘Álam ‘Alí Khán, in his pride, paid no heed to these counsels, but
went down with his whole force. After the defeat of Diláwar ‘Alí Khán,
Nizámu-l Mulk went and encamped at Burhánpúr. When he heard of
‘Álam ‘Alí Khán’s approach, he sent to him the coffins of Diláwar ‘Alí
Khán and Saiyid Sher Khán; and he wrote a few words of noble
advice for ‘Álam Khán to send to his two uncles, deprecating any
further shedding of the blood of Musulmáns. But this had no effect.
Nizámu-l Mulk then marched from Burhánpúr to the river Púrná,
sixteen or seventeen kos west of that city. ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán was
encamped near the tank of Hartála, close to the Púrná. Continuous
rain, mire and mud, the flood of waters and the want of boats,
prevented both armies from crossing the river, and compelled them to
wait awhile. Nizámu-l Mulk, to change his ground, escape the mire,
and find a ford, made a move of two kos in the direction of Birár, and
encamped on the bank of the river, until, through the guidance of the
zamíndárs, and the exertions of ‘Iwaz Khán, a ford was discovered
fourteen or fifteen kos away in the direction of Bálápúr.
In the middle of Ramazán, Nizámu-l Mulk crossed the river with his
whole army. This passage was looked upon as a good omen, and
inspirited his men. ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán was disturbed when he heard of
the crossing; but he set his forces in motion to meet his adversary.
Nizámu-l Mulk waited a day to allow the rear of his army and his
baggage to cross. In some places the water was up to the waist, in
others to the breast, but all got over in safety without loss to life or
property. Next day he marched to fix upon a position in which to give
battle. He encamped at Síúgánw, in the súba of Burhánpúr [where his
army suffered greatly from heavy rain, want of provisions, and the
skirmishing of the Mahrattas]. At length the rain ceased awhile, and
he marched to a ruined village three kos from Bálápúr.
The Mahrattas were very daring and troublesome, and ‘Iwaz Khán,
Muhammad Ghiyás Khán, and Rambhá Nimbálkar were sent to
punish them. A fight ensued, in which the Mahrattas were put to flight,
and a great spoil of mares, spears, etc., fell into the hands of the
victors. Sufficiency of fodder and grain not being procurable, another
march was necessary, and they had to bury some heavy guns, which
the mud and the weakness of the bullocks prevented them from
moving. After remaining three days to rest and recruit near Bálápúr,
where sufficient grain was found, on the 5th Shawwál the army
marched to the chosen battle-field, two or three kos distant.
Nizámu-l Mulk made his disposition of his forces. * * ‘Álam Khán also
made his arrangements. * * On his side were Santájí Sindhia,
Khándují Dapháriya Senápati, Sankarájí Malhár, Kánújí, and other
Mahrattas of repute, on the part of Rája Sáhú, with seventeen or
eighteen thousand men, who all called themselves faithful adherents
of Husain ‘Alí Khán. * * On the 6th Shawwál, 1132 A.H. (1st August,
1720 A.D.), the battle was fought. * * ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán received a
severe wound, but for all that he kept the field. * * The elephant which
carried him, unable to bear any longer the arrows and sword-cuts that
he received, turned tail. ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán, dripping with blood from his
wounds, turned his face towards the army of Nizámu-l Mulk, and
cried out that the elephant had turned his back, but he had not. All his
own arrows were exhausted, but such of the enemy’s arrows as
struck his face, or his body, or his howda, he quickly pulled out and
returned. He received so many wounds in succession that he sank
under them, and sacrificed his life for his uncles. He was only twenty-
two years of age, but he was distinguished by all the determination
and bravery of the Bárha Saiyids. Seventeen or eighteen other men
of renown, riders upon elephants, fell in the battle, with a large
number of inferior men. After the defeat Amín Khán, * * and other
men of standing came over and joined Nizámu-l Mulk. Sankarájí, one
of Rája Sáhú’s ministers (madár), was wounded and made prisoner.
The elephants and guns fell into the hands of Nizámu-l Mulk, the rest
was all plundered. Of the victorious army * * very few were killed or
wounded. * * The wives and dependents of Husain ‘Alí Khán, who
were at Aurangábád, went with their property and belongings into the
fort of Aurangábád. * * Mubáriz Khán, Súbadár of Haidarábád, and
Diláwar Khán, his fast friend, with six or seven thousand horse, joined
Nizámu-l Mulk.

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Ministerial Arrangements.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 897.] After much deliberation the two Saiyids
determined that ‘Abdu-llah Khán should proceed to Dehlí and stay
there, and that Husain ‘Alí Khán, in attendance upon the Emperor,
and accompanied by a number of the chief amírs and an army,
should go to the Dakhin and take revenge of Nizámu-l Mulk. The
Saiyids determined upon raising one hundred thousand men, and
they sent money with parwánas and contracts (kaul) to summon the
muster-masters (jamá’dárs) of the Bárhas and the Afgháns. There
was a strong disinclination to entering the service of the two brothers,
and the amírs who were to accompany Husain ‘Alí Khán had received
orders to raise squadrons, so men and horses were very scarce. The
jamá’dárs far and near had noticed the declining fortunes of the two
Saiyids, and they were unwilling to go to the Dakhin, so the desired
army was not raised. But nearly 50,000 horse, old soldiers and
recruits, and Emperor’s men, were raised, and they hoped also to
assemble the men of Bárha, and the contingents of the rájas and the
zamíndárs of the provinces. With this army, with a powerful train of
artillery, and many warlike amírs and gentlemen, Husain ‘Alí sent
them on the march for the Dakhin at the end of Shawwál. Having
himself marched two kos out of Ágra, on the 1st Zí-l ka’da he
dismissed Saiyid Khán-Jahán from the command of the artillery, and
appointed Haidar Kulí Khán in his place. * * Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán
proceeded towards Dehlí. * *
There was a number of persons, old servants, attendants and officials
of the two brothers, especially of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, who through them
had risen to great honour and prosperity. But the infamous murder of
the martyr Emperor (Farrukh Siyar), the sight of the indignities which
the Emperor, the representative of the House of Tímúr, had to
endure, and the fact of the administration being under the direction of
a base-born shopkeeper (Ratan Chand), had, under the guidance of
the Converter of Hearts, so changed their feelings, that some of them
often said, “Although we know that we shall suffer many hardships
through the downfall of the Bárhas, still we hope that, through the
blindness of its ill-wishers, the House of Tímúr may again acquire
splendour.” Some of the relations and officials of the two brothers
often offered up their prayers to God, and said, “The end of the lives
of the two brothers, who have no children, is evident; but woe to all
Bárha Saiyids, for we know what evil awaits our children through the
misdeeds of these two men!”
Death of Amíru-l umará Husain ‘Alí Khán Bárha by the Sword of
Retributive Justice.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 901.] When Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, on the 7th Zí-l hijja,
had reached a stage forty kos from Dehlí, a camel express arrived,
despatched by Ghairat Khán (sic), with a letter from Ratan Chand,
announcing the slaughter of Husain ‘Alí Khán, Ghairat Khán, and
Núru-llah Khán. The facts of this strange and marvellous matter are
these. When the representatives of the House of Tímúr lost the
control of the State, the great and the small of all classes were
disgusted with the arrogance of the two brothers, and by the fact of
the general control of civil and revenue affairs being under the
direction of Ratan Chand. For excepting men of Bárha and the shop-
keeping class, no one found any favour. The nobility of every
province carried on their existence in disgrace and distrust. I’timádu-d
daula Muhammad Amín Khán Chín Bahádur was convinced that,
notwithstanding his covenants and protestations, Husain ‘Alí Khán
would, whenever it suited his designs, perform his engagements in
the same way as he had kept them with the late martyr Emperor,
Farrukh Siyar. So I’timádu-d daula was always scheming the
overthrow of the Bárhas, but he did not think it prudent to seek
assistance of his friends and acquaintances in this dangerous project.
Sa’ádat Khán, otherwise called Mír Muhammad Amín, a Saiyid of
Naishapúr, * * a close and trusted friend of I’timádu-d daula, joined
heartily in the plot, and so also did the artilleryman Haidar Khán
Káshgharí, a Chaghatáí Turk, descended from Mír Haidar, the author
of the Táríkh-i Rashídí.* He bore the hereditary title of “Sword-
bearer.” * * * All these three were agreed upon cutting the thread of
Husain ‘Alí Khán’s life, and bound themselves together to effect their
purpose, and to keep their design secret to themselves. So strict
were they in their secrecy, that neither the Emperor, nor Kamru-d dín
Khán, son of I’timádu-d daula, knew anything of it. Excepting the
mother of the Emperor, and Sadru-n nisá, a protegée (dast-girifta) of
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, no one knew anything of the plot.
On the 6th Zí-l hijja, in the second year of the reign, the royal army
was encamped at Tora, thirty-five kos from Fathpúr. I’timádu-d daula
having accompanied the Emperor to his tent, made a show of being
unwell, and retired to the tent of Haidar Kulí Khán. When the Emperor
entered his private apartments, Husain ‘Alí Khán also retired. As he
reached the gate of the royal inclosure, Mír Haidar Khán, who had a
speaking acquaintance with him, approached. Washing his hands of
life, he placed a written statement in the hands of Husain ‘Alí Khán,
and complained of I’timádu-d daula while his victim read it. When Mír
Haidar found him off his guard, he stabbed Husain ‘Alí in the side with
a dagger, and this one wound despatched him. Núru-llah Khán, son
of Asadu-llah Khán, and nephew of the murdered man, accompanied
his pálkí on foot. He cut down Mír Haidar Khán with his sword. It is
said that Mír Mushrif then came up and finished him. He also killed
another Mughal, and was wounded himself, but escaped alive.
Mughals assembled from every side, who killed Núru-llah, and having
cut off the head of Husain ‘Alí, carried it as an offering to the
Emperor. The eunuch, Makbúl Khán, názir of the Saiyids, fought
strenuously, and so severely wounded two or three of the assailants,
that they died a few days afterwards. A water-carrier and a sweeper
of Husain ‘Alí Khán showed great devotion and courage. Raising loud
cries, they fell sword in hand upon the crowd, cut their way through,
and got into the oratory, where they fell under many balls and arrows
discharged by the Mughals.
Mustafá Khán, bakhshí of Muhkam Singh, had with him a party of his
master’s men. When he heard of the affray with Husain ‘Alí, without
ascertaining the fact, or giving information to Muhkam Singh, he went
to the gate of the royal inclosure. The crowd was so great that he
could not get in; but in another part he broke into the díwán-i kháss,
and entered sword in hand uttering cries. They fought fiercely, but two
or three fell severely wounded under the balls and arrows of the
Mughals, and the rest made their escape. Some of the artillerymen of
Husain ‘Alí Khán gathered round the royal tents, and began to fire
muskets and rámchangís. ‘Izzat Khán, nephew of Husain ‘Alí, had
gone to his tent and had loosened his belt to eat bread. When he
heard the startling news, he was roused to the highest pitch.* Without
waiting to collect the scattered soldiers, but displaying all his
resolution, he instantly mounted an elephant, and went with four or
five hundred horsemen towards the royal quarters.

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Haidar Kulí Khán Bahádur, notwithstanding the information given to


Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, had not been from the first a participator in the
conspiracy formed for taking revenge of Husain ‘Alí, but he saw that
the Emperor had no power in the government of the State, and that
everything was directed by Ratan Singh, and other vile infidels. The
two Saiyids, the real rulers, thought themselves masters of the pen
and masters of the sword in Hindústán, and as opposed to their
judgment and the swords of the Bárhas, the Mughals of Írán and of
Túrán were as nobodies. They did not remember that these Mughals
had come a thousand or two thousand miles from their native
countries, and that by their courage and sound judgment the wide
realm of Hindústán, with its great kings and famous rájas, had by
hard fighting been won for the Emperor Bábar. For two hundred years
they had lived in the favour of the House of Tímúr, and they now felt
the ignominy of seeing their Emperor without any power in his own
State. Pride, courage, and honour, continually spurred this lion-
hearted noble to make an end of this state of things, and to take
revenge. But he waited for the day to come.
Now that it had pleased Heaven to exact vengeance, and to befriend
the young inheritor of the throne, he stepped boldly forward, ready to
show his loyalty and devotion in vigorous action. When the noise of
contention rose high in every quarter, Sa’ádat Khán, under the
direction of Haidar Kulí Khán and the orders of I’timádu-d daula,
obeyed them and the dictates of his own courage. He went boldly into
the inner apartment, where the Emperor had retired. He got there just
at the time when the partisans of the two brothers were raging with
violent designs against His Majesty. The Nawáb Kudsiya (the
Emperor’s mother), in her motherly love, forbad the entrance of the
brave Sa’ádat Khán. Assuring the inmates against harm from their
enemies, he threw a shawl over his face and went boldly in; then with
the utmost devotion he took the hand of the Emperor and led him out.
I’timádu-d daula mounted him on his own elephant, and sat behind
him as his attendant.
On the arrival of the Emperor at the chief gate, the soldiers and
guards and the amírs had gone to their own abodes, according to
their custom every day. The noise of the struggle had frightened away
many men well disposed and ill disposed; the royal elephants and
horses and the amírs were dispersed. Muhammad Amín Khán Chín
(I’timádu-d daula), Kamru-d dín Khán, forty or fifty Mughals, and
some gunners, altogether amounting to a hundred or two hundred
men, were all that were present to form the Emperor’s retinue. Haidar
Kulí Khán sent for the elephants and horses of the royal equipage,
and to summon the men of the artillery. With the limited band of
devoted men who were round the royal presence, and with the aid of
Kamru-d dín Khán and Sa’ádat Khán, he awaited the onslaught of
that raging lion of the Bárhas, ‘Izzat Khán.
The noise of the strife rose high. On one side the braves of Bárha
rushed boldly into the fray; on the other the valiant men of Írán and
Túrán came from every side eager for the fight. * * * Plunderers
began to pillage the bázárs and stores, and set fire to the tents of
Husain ‘Alí, but victory inclined to the royal side. Samsámu-d daula
Khán-daurán Bahádur Mansúr-Jang arrived with his followers and
joined in the fight. * * * ‘Izzat Khán, who had already received two
wounds from arrows, was struck by a musket-bullet and killed. The
partisans of the Bárhas then fled, and on every side shouts arose
proclaiming the victory of Muhammad Sháh. * *
After His Majesty had returned, Haidar Kulí Khán sent for Muhkam
Singh, promising him the royal pardon and favour, with a mansab of
6000, ultimately raised to 7000. I’timádu-d daula sent several kind
messages to Ratan Chand, who, vainly hoping to save his life and
honour, descended from his proud elephant and went off much
frightened in a pálkí towards the royal quarters. A mob of Mughals,
vagabonds of the markets, and idlers, who were as full of fury at his
oppressive actions as the seeds of a pomegranate are full of blood,
fell upon him, dragged him from the pálkí, beat him with sticks,
punched him, kicked him, tore the clothes from his body, and stripped
him stark naked. They then carried him to I’timádu-d daula, of whom
he begged for protection, and that noble gave him some clothes, and
ordered him to be put in a collar and in chains. Ráí Siroman Dás, a
Káyat by caste, and an old agent of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, made the best
use of his opportunity in the strife, shaved off his beard and whiskers,
marked his forehead with ashes, and assuming the appearance of a
fakír, he left his furniture to be plundered, carried off some money and
valuables and hid himself for some days in the tent of his friend, until
he managed to escape and join Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah. * *
The corpses of Husain ‘Alí Khán, ‘Izzat Khán, and Núru-llah Khán,
were placed in coffins covered with gold brocade, and after the
funeral service was read over them they were sent to be buried at
Ajmír, near the tomb of ‘Abdu-llah Khán.* The common report is that
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah repeatedly stated in public that no bearers were
found to carry the coffins, that the covers of the coffins were stolen,
and that the coffins remained lying on the ground, and were not
buried. Common report says that they were eventually buried at
Ajmír. * *
[vol. ii. p. 911.] The mansab of I’timádu-d daula was increased to
eight thousand and eight thousand do-aspahs. He received a kror
and fifty lacs of rupees as in’ám, and was appointed wazír, with the
addition to his titles of Wazíru-l mamálik Zafar-Jang. Samsámu-d
daula was made bakhshí, with an increase to 7000 and 7000 horse,
and the title of Amíru-l umará. Kamru-d dín Khán was made second
bakhshí and dárogha of the ghusl-khána. He was named to other
offices, and he received an increase of 1000 with 1000 horse. Haidar
Kulí Khán received an increase to 6000 and 6000 horse, do-aspahs
and yak-aspahs , and he was entitled Násir Jang. Sa’ádat Khán was
advanced to 5000 and 5000 horse, with the title of Sa’ádat Khán
Bahádur, and the privilege of kettle-drums. Zafar Khán, and every
one of the old adherents and of the new corps of Wálá-sháhís ,
received liberal rewards according to their services and deserts.
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán was greatly distressed by the grievous news
of his brother’s death, and his eyes filled with tears; but he knew that
there was no remedy but resignation. Thinking that there was nothing
to be gained by delay, he proceeded on his journey to Dehlí. On the
arrival of the mournful news, some of his friends advised him to
hasten with all speed and heat (against the Emperor), before he was
joined by the provincial troops, and before the forces of Husain ‘Alí
were won over. But Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah did not approve of this course.
He knew the Emperor was firmly established, while his own army was
dispirited, and it was very inexpedient to march against the enemy
without toras.* He thought it best to proceed to Dehlí, there to
assemble soldiers and win the support of the amírs. So he went on to
Dehlí.
As the news (of Husain ‘Alí’s death) spread, the Mewáttís and the
turbulent zamíndárs rose up and gathered round Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah on
every side. They attacked the baggage and tents in the rear, and
plundered whatever they could lay hands on. A detachment of the
discouraged army was sent against them, but without success. A
party of men who were with the Saiyid’s tent equipage were killed
along with their commanding officers. A convoy that was coming from
Dehlí, with property belonging to Husain ‘Alí Khán, was attacked at
the saráí of Jahána, two or three kos from Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah’s army,
and it and the property and the wives of the men all fell into the hands
of the marauders.
In the jágírs belonging to Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, and in those of all the
Saiyids, and of the officials and collectors of the two brothers,
wherever the news came, the rent-paying raiyats and the turbulent
zamíndárs seized the opportunity and turned out the collectors of the
jágírdárs. Before order was restored in the State, the produce of the
kharíf harvest had for the most part gone into the hands of the
raiyats.

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Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah sent Shujá’at ‘Alí Khán and Murtazá Khán to the
capital, and he also wrote to Najmu-d dín ‘Alí Khán, Súbadár of Dehlí,
for the purpose of raising soldiers. On the 8th Zí-l hijja the news
reached Najmu-d dín. But before the news became public, he first put
forth a statement the opposite of the information he had received, and
sent a body of men, horse and foot, under the Kotwál, to the house of
I’timádu-d daula, and the work of investing it went on for a watch or
two of the night. The people in the house, who had received news
beforehand, threw up defences and showed themselves resolved to
defend it. The news spread and became the common talk in every
street and market.
A letter now came from Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah forbidding all injury to the
family and establishment of I’timádu-d daula, or else the Súbadár
thought better of his futile proceeding and recalled his men. On the
day of the ‘Íd-i kurbán Najmu-d dín ‘Alí Khán went in tears to the
prayers, and when he returned he sent the envoys of Saiyid ‘Abdu-
llah Khán to the residence of the sons of Jahándár Sháh, to make
provision for the government of the State. The young men had the
door shut against the envoys Murtazá Khán and Shujá’atu-llah Khán;
but after a good deal of pressing, they admitted them and asked the
reason of their coming; and when they were informed of it, they gave
a sharp answer, flatly refusing. It is reported that after the envoys
returned unsuccessful, they went to Nekú Siyar, and received the
same answer. Next they went to Sultán Ibráhím, son of Rafí’u-sh
Shán, and urged him to accept the proposition, saying that his
acceptance would save the lives of the party of the Saiyids. After
some conversation he consented.
Elevation of Sultán Muhammad Ibráhím by way of loan* (‘áriyat.)
[Text, vol. ii. p. 914.] On the 9th Zí-l hijja, 1132 (1st October, 1720
A.D.), Sultán Muhammad Ibráhím was raised to the throne with the
title of Abú-l Fath Zahíru-d dín Muhammad Ibráhím. Two days
afterwards Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah arrived and paid his homage. He
received the title of Gházíu-d dín Ghálib Jang, the position of Amíru-l
umará with the duties of Mír-bakhshí, and a mansab of 8000. Najmu-
d dín Khán was made second bakhshí, Salábat Khán third bakhshí,
and Bairam Khán fourth, each one obtaining an advance in rank. A
number of courtiers of the time of Rafí’u-d Daraját, who were in
confinement, or had no mansabs, or despaired of promotion, were
sent for and received mansabs and sums of money for their
expenses. They were directed to enlist horsemen at the rate of eighty
rupees per month for each man, and a sum of thirty or forty thousand
rupees was advanced for this purpose. Hámid Khán Bahádur, uncle
of Nizámu-l Mulk, who was deprived of his jágír when the war with the
latter broke out, was restored to it, and received a sum of money.
I’tikád Khán and * * other nobles of Farrukh Siyar’s days all received
favours, and had expectations held out to them. [Enlistment of
horsemen.]
[vol. ii. p. 917.] On the 17th Zí-l hijja Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah came out of
Dehlí with Sultán Ibráhím and went to the ‘Íd-gáh. Here he was joined
by Ghulám ‘Alí Khán from the royal army, by Tahawwur ‘Alí Khán
from Ágra, and by others. * * Intelligence arrived that the Emperor
Muhammad Sháh, being freed from all trouble about Husain ‘Alí
Khán, was marching to the capital by the Rájpút road. Saiyid ‘Abdu-
llah made his second and third march towards the dargáh of Kutbu-d
dín; but when he heard of the Emperor’s march from Ágra, he took
the road to Farídábád, where he waited in expectation of Saifu-d dín
‘Alí Khán and others with their Bárha soldiers. A very extraordinary
fact was that, notwithstanding the large outlay of money, the royal
domestics and officials in the train of Sultán Ibráhím rode horses with
no saddles. At every stage parties of Bárha soldiers, Afgháns with
their troops, and zamíndárs on elephants, joined the army of Sultán
Ibráhím. Soldiers of Husain ‘Alí Khán, who had entered the service of
Muhammad Sháh and received a month’s pay, deserted when they
found an opportunity, and came over every day in parties of three or
four hundred to join Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah. Such was the eagerness to
enter the service that one horse (yábú) would receive the dágh
(brand) two or three times.
Sultán Ibráhím reached Niyúl, thirty-five kos from Dehlí. Here he was
joined by Saifu-d dín ‘Alí Khán, brother of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, and
others, who had been sent by Husain ‘Alí Khán to raise forces in the
neighbourhood of Bárha. They brought with them altogether ten or
twelve thousand horse, also 150 carts full of Bárha Saiyids, each of
whom thought himself equal to twenty well-accoutred horsemen, and
had come in the expectation of making himself an amír, an elephant-
rider, and a general. Each of these demanded one year’s pay, a
horse, and a robe. * * On the 10th Muharram, 1133 (1st Nov. 1720
A.D.), as the author has ascertained from the rolls of the Bakhshí,
and as he heard from the mouth of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, more than
90,000 horsemen had been entered in the lists. Of these fourteen or
fifteen thousand perhaps were recruits, who rode ponies (yábú);
some of the old soldiers were dispersed about the vicinity, and the
remainder were present. Afterwards there were the followers of the
traitor Chúráman, of Muhkam Singh, and sundry other of the
adherents of Husain ‘Alí Khán, and the zamíndárs of the
neighbourhood. According to report, the number exceeded 100,000
horse. All around as far as the eye could reach the earth seemed
covered with horsemen.
Chúráman Ját arrived with his brother, bringing three elephants and
several camels, that he had cut off from the royal army. These were
offered as an introduction to Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, who gave them to that
good-for-nothing fellow (Chúráman). One matter of great
discouragement to the old followers of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, and of
favourable influence on the fortunes of the Emperor, was this.
Notwithstanding all the lavish distribution of the money, which had
been collected by carts full from house to house, and which had been
extorted in bribery or with violence by Ratan Chand from the
wretched raiyats, and laid up for a time like this, when it would be
spent in vain;—notwithstanding all this, the old soldiers wanted two
months’ pay in advance, that they might free themselves from their
liabilities to the bankers, and provide themselves with warm clothing,
arms, and harness. They were satisfied with the promise of one
month’s pay, and at last money for the pay of ten days of Muharram
was somehow raised, but they could not get the balance. It was very
different in the royal army, where Haidar Kulí Khán Bahádur Násir
Jang had won the hearts of the artillerymen by exerting himself to the
best of his ability to obtain the settlement of their pay.
On the 19th Muharram the royal army encamped at Sháhpúr. * * The
army was not half as numerous as that of the enemy, and it waited for
the arrival of Saifu-d daula, ‘Abdu-s Samad Khán Bahádur Diler Jang,
and Rájádhíráj Jai Singh. But although intelligence of their approach
was brought, distance and other obstacles delayed their arrival.
Muhammad Khán Bangash came in with two or three thousand
horse. ‘Azíz Khán Rohilla, Sábit Khán, and Báyazíd Khán Mewáttí
joined with their forces, and three or four thousand horse arrived from
Rája Jai Singh. Some zamíndárs of the country round also joined. * *
Two or three leading men, who deemed it expedient to stay with the
royal army, such as Muhkam Singh and other protegés of the two
brothers, kept up a correspondence with Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, assuring
him that they would join him at the proper time. The wretched
Chúráman Ját, who belonged to a race of traitors, * * communicated
with Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, who urged him to set fire to the powder
magazine, or to make a dash and bring the artillery bullocks over to
him. The rascal did his best to accomplish this, but he was foiled by
the vigilance of Haidar Kulí Khán.

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Battle between Muhammad Sháh and Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah.


[Text, vol. ii. p. 921.] [Dispositions made of the officers and forces on
both sides.] On the 12th Muharram ‘Abdu-llah Khán’s forces
encamped at Husainpúr, three kos from the Imperial army, and made
arrangements for battle. But there were such contentions among the
officers, who were unwilling to serve under the orders of each other,
that a proper disposition with right and left wings could not be made.
Each chief raised his standard where he chose, and would not
consent to obey any other. * * On the 17th of the month, during the
night, Muhkam Singh, Khudádád Khán, and Khán Mirzá, with seven
or eight hundred horse, deserted the Royal army, and joined that of
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah. * * Muhammad Sháh mounted his elephant to take
the field; but as he did so, he ordered that the head of the vile Ratan
Chand, who had been the chief cause of the unpopularity of the
Saiyids, should be struck from his filthy body, so that the world might
be gladdened by being cleansed from his polluting existence. So his
head was cut off and thrown as a propitious omen before the feet of
the Emperor’s elephant. The royal forces were then set in motion. * *
The deadly fire of the royal artillery so shook the new recruits in the
enemy’s army, that some of the pony-riders and some even of the old
soldiers took to flight. * * The Saiyids of Bárha charged many times
most heroically, and towards the close of day they nearly won the
battle, through a movement made by Najmu-d dín ‘Alí Khán Bahádur.
He advanced a battery of guns under the cover of some trees on a
hill near a village, and made a bold charge with fourteen or fifteen
thousand horse upon the royal artillery, when a fierce contest
followed. * * At length some of the enemy’s guns were taken by the
Imperialists, and the Bárhas lost their battery. * * As night came on,
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah ordered a small tent to be pitched for him to pass
the night in on the field; but he afterwards directed it to be removed. *
* When it grew dark, Haidar Kulí Khán pushed forward his guns, and
opened so heavy a fire, * * that the enemy fell back, and some went
off for refuge to the cities and towns, but most of these were
plundered on their way by the zamíndárs and Mewáttís. * * Out of the
100,000 horsemen of the enemy’s army, only seventeen or eighteen
thousand held their ground through the terrible cannonade of that
night. The chiefs and the old Bárha adherents passed all the night
hungry and thirsty on the backs of their elephants and horses, for the
water was in the possession of the Játs, who plundered friend and
foe alike, and no horsemen or footmen of either side could reach the
water. No one slept, and all the chiefs looked with anxiety for the
morning. Towards morning a cannon-ball struck the howda in which
Muhkam Singh was seated, when he jumped upon a horse and fled
precipitately. For some time afterwards no one knew whether he was
alive or dead. * * When morning came, Muhammad Sháh, who had
been sitting on his elephant for eight or nine watches, gave the order
to advance. On the other side, Najmu-d dín Khán, with some other
brave and devoted Bárha chiefs, boldly came forward. They were met
by the valiant and trusty men of the royal army, and a hard fight
ensued. [Names of killed and wounded.] Najmu-d dín ‘Alí, the leading
spirit of the Bárha army, received three or four dangerous wounds,
and was struck near the eyes by arrows and blinded. When Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah saw the desperate position of his brother, he brought up a
party of the Bárha braves to his rescue. Muhammad Sháh, hearing of
the fierce struggle that was going on, wished to join in the fight, and
give proofs of the hereditary courage of his race, but his attendants
prevented him.
The villain Chúráman Ját had several times attacked the (royal)
baggage, and killed several men. He carried off nearly a thousand
bullock and baggage camels, which had been collected on a sand-
bank by the side of the Jumna, with no suspicion of the rascal’s
intention. He also plundered some other camels carrying provisions
and official papers. Then he had the audacity to move up in support
of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, and attacked the royal forces. Muhammad Sháh
himself shot three or four arrows at him. I’timádu-d daula and Hádí
Khán, commander of the royal musketeers, discharged their arrows
at the accursed wretch.
When Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah charged with his brave companions to the
support of the remaining Bárha Saiyids, they recovered their powers,
and fought so fiercely that, notwithstanding the exertions of
Samsámu-d daula and other brave chiefs, the royal army began to
waver. Haidar Kulí Khán and * * seeing how matters stood, staked
their lives upon the venture, and charged upon the flank of Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah. The Saiyid, on becoming aware of what was passing,
drove his elephant against Haidar Kulí. * * The attack of Haidar Kulí
was overwhelming. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah had often, at the critical point of
a battle, followed the practice of the braves of Hindústán, and had
descended from his elephant and fought bravely on foot in the sight
of many; but on this fated day, when he fought against the Imperial
army, he so lost command of himself that, without showing his
prowess, he was flurried, and dismounted from his elephant in the
hope that the Bárha braves would dismount from their horses and join
him (in a charge). Some two or three thousand horse, under the
bakhshí of the army and other commanders, remained firm, more or
less near to Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah; but the rest of the army, when they saw
what was passing, fled with Saifu-d dín ‘Alí Khán and * * towards
Dehlí, leaving the brave Bárhas and Afgháns with the bakhshí to their
fate.
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah received a sword-cut on his hand and a flesh wound
from an arrow in the forehead, when Haidar Kulí and his companions,
sword in hand, charged upon him. Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, exclaiming that
he was a Saiyid, called for quarter, and Haidar Kulí mercifully made
him prisoner. Gházíu-d dín Khán kept up the fight for nearly two
gharís after Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah’s capture, and then fell back with a
portion of the baggage which had escaped the pillage of the Játs and
Mughals.
The shouts of victory rose high from the army of Muhammad Sháh,
and Haidar Kulí brought his prisoner on an elephant to the presence
of Muhammad Sháh, who showed the clemency of the race of Tímúr,
spared his life, and placed him under the charge of Haidar Kulí Khán.
Saiyid Najmu-d dín, who was so severely wounded that there was no
hope of his life; Saiyid ‘Alí Khán bakhshí, and some others, were
made prisoners. Hámid Khán and some others came over to the royal
army in hope of receiving quarter. All the elephants and treasure and
matériel which remained from the plunderers was searched for and
collected.
The innocent Sultán Muhammad Ibráhím had sought refuge in the
jungle, but he was made prisoner, and brought before the Emperor;
but as he had had no choice in what he had done, he received the
royal pardon.
On Friday, 14th Muharram, intelligence of the fall of the Bárha rule and
of the captivity of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah reached Dehlí. His women, of
whom he had gathered a large number around him, were in dismay;
but a good many of them made the best of the time, and before the
arrival of the royal guard, they seized whatever they could, and
disguishing themselves with old veils and sheets, they took their
departure. Some, who were of noble Saiyid birth, threw the sheet of
modesty over their heads, and remained in their places.
On the 17th Muharram Muhammad Sháh began his march from the
battle-field to Dehlí, before even he rewarded his supporters by
augmentations of their mansabs or promotions in rank. Ghulám ‘Alí
Khán had been left in Dehlí with Najábat ‘Alí Khán as representative
of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah. Whatever they could get together of ashrafís and
jewels, they took with them, and went out of the citadel and
fortifications, now that the position was changed. Ghulám ‘Alí saw
that the times were too dangerous for one man to trouble himself
about another; so he saved himself and such property as he was able
to carry off. Najábat ‘Alí was a youth of thirteen or fourteen; he was
the adopted son of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, and brother’s son of him
and of Ghulám ‘Alí. He was made prisoner by some of Muhammad
Sháh’s men, and conducted to the presence, when he was ordered to
be confined with Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah.
On the 19th, Muhammad Sháh reached the outskirts of the city, and
halted there two days for arranging sundry affairs of State. He paid a
visit to the dargáh of Khwája Kutbu-d dín, and gave a sum of money
to the attendants. * * The chiefs and officers who had shown their
gallantry and devotion in the battle now received augmentations, and
gifts of robes and elephants and jewels, the detail of which would
exceed due limits. Haidar Kulí Khán Bahádur Násir Jang received an
addition of a thousand to his six thousand, and was advanced to the
title of Mu’izzu-d daula. On the 22nd, Muhammad Sháh entered the
capital. * * Saifu-d daula ‘Abdu-s Samad Khán Bahádur Diler Jang
and Ághar Khán came from Láhore to pay their homage. * * In the
month of Safar Rája Jai Singh Dhíráj came from his native land, and
Rája Giridhar Bahádur from the súba of Oude, * * and on the
representations of these two, the order which had been given for the
collection of the jizya from the zimmis was recalled, on account of the
distress which had been suffered from the operations of the armies,
and because grain was dear, and the collection was deferred until the
recovery of the prosperity of the raiyats, and the settlement of the
country.
Rája Ajít Singh, Súbadár of Ahmadábád and Ajmír, had exceeded his
authority by prohibiting the slaughter of cows in his jurisdiction; so
Sa’ádat Khán, Súbadár of Ágra, was summoned to Court, and sent to
punish him; but he begged to be excused. Afterwards Samsámu-d
daula, Kamru-d dín Khán Bahádur, and Haidar Kulí Khán, were
ordered to discharge this duty. Each one accepted the duty reposed
in him, and even sent on his travelling equipage; but they all
retracted, and did not think it advisable to proceed; especially
Samsámu-d daula, who was afraid that it would be a tedious
undertaking, and that the royal funds would not suffice. It might even
cause disturbances in other parts, where men were ill disposed. So
not one of these amírs was willing to go. At this time intelligence
arrived that Nizámu-l Mulk had given Rája Ajít Singh a sharp warning.
So the Rája sent a message professing obedience, announcing his
withdrawal from Ahmad-ábád, and praying for his retention in the
súba of Ajmír. * * Haidar Kulí Khán was appointed to succeed him at
Ahmadábád.
Nizámu-l Mulk Minister.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 939.] In the latter days of Rabí’u-l ákhir, 1133 A.H.
(February, 1721 A.D.), Muhammad Amín Khán Chín died, after a four
or five days’ illness. I’náyatu-llah Khán was directed to perform the
duties of wazír as deputy. Letters had repeatedly been written to
Nizámu-l Mulk, calling him to Court; for several affairs of State
required settlement and the matter of the office of wazír waited for the
counsel of that master of the sword and pen. Nizámu-l Mulk, having
settled the affairs of the Afgháns at Bíjápúr, returned to Aurangábád,
and setting out from thence at the end Zí-l hijja, he reached Dehlí in
the latter part of Rabí’u-l ákhir. Envious detractors had cast
aspersions upon him; but the Emperor acted as if he had never heard
them, and sent Samsámu-d daula in state to meet him. On the 22nd
Rabí’u-l ákhir, he entered the city, and paid his homage to the
Emperor. In consequence of the charges brought against him, to
record which would be a perversion of language, some days were
passed in deliberation; but on the 5th Jumáda-l awwal, 1134 A.H. (8th
February, 1722 A.D.), in the fourth year of the reign, he was
appointed wazír, and received the usual robe, a dagger, an
ornamental pen-case, and a diamond ring of great value.

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Nizámu-l Mulk was anxious to carry out the duties of his office, to
maintain the character of the Emperor, and to accumulate funds,
without which a sovereign falls into disrepute. But he was unable to
accomplish his wishes through the interference of adversaries, who
maligned him to the Emperor, and obstructed his authority as wazír.
In particular, Kokí Pádsháh, a woman of great charms and
intelligence, colluded with Khwája Khid-matgár Khán, who was said
to be one of the Emperor’s close companions, and, under the show of
providing means and raising funds, they levied large sums under the
name of peshkash for the Emperor and for themselves. This was a
great difficulty in the wazír’s way. Other associates of the Emperor
made ridiculous insinuations against Nizámu-l Mulk, which the weak-
minded Emperor believed. Haidar Kulí Khán, who had firmly
established himself in the command of the artillery, meddled with
plausible talk in revenue and civil affairs. When Nizámu-l Mulk spoke
about it to the Emperor, and he, in a prudent and gentle way,
prohibited Haidar Kulí Khán from pursuing that course, the Khán was
offended, and asked to be sent to his súba. Leave being granted, he
left a deputy at Court, and set off for Ahmadábád in the middle of
Jumáda-l ákhir. On arriving there, he seized upon the jágírs of several
royal servants and courtiers. When this was complained of
repeatedly, an admonitory farmán was sent to him, prohibiting the
sequestration of jágírs. But this had no effect. At length his jágírs in
the neighbourhood of Dehlí were seized in compensation for those he
had resumed at Ahmadábád.
Death of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 941.] Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán died on the last day of Zí-
l hijja in this year (1134 A.H., 30th September, 1722 A.D.). It is said
that he was poisoned. If so, it is extraordinary that I should have
heard from the mouths of credible men the statement that when
Muhammad Sháh started on his march against Sultán Ibráhím and
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, he vowed to God, that in the event of his
gaining the victory and securing his throne, he would not kill or crush
the Saiyid, however great his crimes might be. Nizámu-l Mulk also
strove to smooth matters for the Saiyid; for whenever in conversation
the two brothers were spoken of, he praised the excellent character
of Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, and expressed his belief in the Saiyid’s
innocence of the death of Farrukh Siyar. He contended against those
who condemned the brothers, and he had forbidden men to
designate them in writing as Namak ba-harám and Harám-namak.
God forbid that his counsel should have been given for poison! But
God knows!
In the course of this narrative, upon certain points the pen has been
used to condemn the two brothers, martyrs of misfortune, and this
cannot now be rectified; but in atonement I will now write a few words
upon the excellence and beauty of character, the love of justice, and
the liberality of both brothers. What has been said about them, and
especially about Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, in the matter of the death of
Farrukh Siyar, the acceptance of bribes, the hard dealings with
farmers (sakhti ijárah), and other bad courses which became grounds
of complaint among the people,—these were all attributable to the
evil influence of Ratan Chand, his díwán, who, having been raised to
a position above his capacity, laboured hard to annoy the people. He
was also troubled by fortune-seekers and needy adventurers, whose
desires he was unable to satisfy. Husain ‘Alí Khán, before he was
appointed to the Dakhin, was exceedingly averse to the exaction of
money; but while he was in the Dakhin Muhkam Singh and other of
his officials perverted his nature. But both the brothers were
distinguished in their day for their generosity and leniency towards all
mankind. The inhabitants of those countries which were innocent of
contumacy and selfishness made no complaints of the rule of the
Saiyids. In liberality and kindness to learned men and to the needy,
and in the protection of men of merit, Husain ‘Alí Khán excelled his
elder brother, and was the Hátim suited to his day. Numbers owed
their comfort to the cooked food and raw grain which he gave away.
At the time of the scarcity at Aurangábád, he appropriated a large
sum of money and a great quantity of grain to supply the wants of the
poor and of widows. The reservoir at Aurangábád was begun by him,
and although A’azzu-d daula ‘Iwaz Khán enlarged and made higher
the buildings and the mosque, still he was the originator of that
extensive reservoir, which, in summer when water is scarce, relieves
the sufferings of the inhabitants. In their native country of Bárha they
built saráís, bridges, and other buildings for the public benefit. Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah was remarkable for his patience, endurance, and wide
sympathy.
Mullá ‘Abdu-l Ghafúr Bhora, chief of the merchants in the port of
Surat, died leaving a kror and several lacs of rupees in cash and
effects. Although he left heirs, Haidar Kulí Khán, who was then
mutasaddí of the port, in order to show his zeal and his desire to
please the Emperor Farrukh Siyar, seized upon all the property, and
made a report to Court. Just at this time the change of government
occurred which has been related, and ‘Abdu-l Hai, one of the sons,
went to Court to complain, and he stated the case to the two brothers.
He offered to pay fifteen lacs of rupees for the release of the property,
besides the sums which he promised Ratan Chand and other of the
officials. The port of Surat was under the jurisdiction of Husain ‘Alí
Khán. One morning, before the rising of the sun, he sent for Diyánat
Khán, who had just been appointed díwán of the khálisá, and told him
that he had gone through a sharp conflict in the night with the
covetousness which the wealth of ‘Abdu-l Ghafúr had excited in his
heart, but that he had prevailed over his temptation, and had thrown
off all desire for the money. The díwán therefore was to send for
‘Abdu-l Hai, and to remove all claim to the property, and to present
him with a robe and a horse, without his having to spend a dám or a
diram, and without having to apply to any other person. [Other
anecdotes.]
The Játs.
[vol. ii. p. 944.] The tribe of Játs, under the leading of the sons of
Chúráman, who was lately deceased, had strengthened and armed
some forts in the neighbourhood of Ágra. The turbulence, disaffection
and robberies of this vile class of men in the reigns of Aurangzeb and
Farrukh Siyar have been related.* Sa’ádat Khán, Súbadár of Ágra, a
man renowned for his bravery and determination, although he did his
best and showed great resolution, was unable to inflict any real
satisfactory chastisement on them, because of the density of the
woods and the inaccessibility of the places to which they retired. In
consequence of this, Rája Jai Singh Dhíráj was ordered on the
service, with many warlike amírs of the Mughals of Írán and Túrán,
and Afgháns of well-known courage. Fourteen or fifteen thousand
horse were assembled under him, he had a strong force of artillery
and siege materials, and he received a present of two lacs of rupees,
a robe and a horse. The Rája began by clearing away the jungle, and
then by fighting vigorously and pushing forward his artillery, he
pressed the insurgents hard. The rebels came out of some of the
forts, and taking refuge in the jungle, they made sudden attacks upon
the royal forces, and large numbers were killed on both sides. In the
course of a month and a half, two forts were closely invested; but by
good fortune one of the nephews of the rebel— for they had a quarrel
among themselves about their country— left him, and joining the rája,
acted as guide. After the two forts were reduced, the rebels
abandoned their chief stronghold in the night, having set fire to the
houses, blown up the powder magazine, and carried off with them all
the money and valuables that were portable. They left their guns and
grain, which, with the fort, were taken possession of by the royal
forces. There was a strong report of there being treasure in the fort;
but although great search was made, and several places were dug
up, not a trace of it was found.

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Haidar Kulí Khán.


[vol. ii. p. 946.] When Haidar Kulí Khán heard of the confiscation of
his jágírs around Dehlí, he represented to His Majesty, through some
of the amírs at Court, that although his jágírs had been seized, he
would not fail in his duty and fidelity. As stated above, censures of
these proceedings were repeatedly sent to Haidar Kulí Khán without
any effect. At last the complaints of the jágírdárs and the
insubordination of Haidar Kulí passed all bounds, so the súbadárí of
Ahmadábád was taken away from him and given to Gházíu-d dín
Khán Bahádur, eldest son of Nizámu-l Mulk.
After the Ját affair was settled, Nizámu-l Mulk left Court on the 2nd
Safar, in the fifth year of the reign, to provide for the government of
Ahmadábád, and to coerce Haidar Kulí Khán, if he made any
resistance. When he reached Ágra, some deceitful plausible letters
arrived from Haidar Kulí, making all sorts of excuses. Nizámu-l Mulk
continued his march till he reached the confines of Málwá. From
letters which he then received from Ahmadábád, it appeared that
Haidar Kulí Khán was very ill, and that he had shown some signs of
insanity. According to other accounts, it appears that when Haidar
Kulí Khán heard of the approach of Nizámu-l Mulk, of his being joined
by ‘Iwaz Khán and the armies of the Dakhin, and by Bájí Ráo, and
other Mahrattas of Rája Sáhú, and of the readiness of his associates
in Ahmadábád to recognize Nizámu-l Mulk, he, for the purpose of
defeating that general, feigned to be sick, and gave out that
symptoms of madness had appeared. Haidar Kulí sent his son to the
Emperor with a letter, in which he offered his excuses, and
announced his intention of waiting upon His Majesty. Accordingly he
set off for Dehlí by way of Ajmír. Nizámu-l Mulk ascertained this fact
when he was near the Nerbadda, seven or eight kos from
Ahmadábád. He appointed Hámid Khán to act as deputy súbadár of
Ahmadábád, and at the beginning of Jumáda-l ákhir turned back
towards the capital.

Return of Nizámu-l Mulk to the Dakhin for the second time.*


[Text, vol. ii. p. 947.] When Nizámu-l Mulk arrived at Court, he was
anxious, as a prudent minister, to show his devotion and competency
in the service of the Emperor, by settling affairs of State,
accumulating funds, and putting down disturbances. But there was
the envy and opposition of the courtiers, especially of Kokí Pádsháh,
who would interfere in ministerial affairs, and by receiving bribes and
improper gifts, was bringing the Emperor into bad odour. She was
strongly opposed to Nizámu-l Mulk. Lastly there was the indifference
of the Emperor himself, who made no resistance to the ill repute he
was falling into. For these reasons, it appeared to Nizámu-l Mulk that
he could not accomplish what was right by continuing to act as wazír.
Various reasons have been assigned for Nizámu-l Mulk’s second
departure for the Dakhin; but I will relate the explanation which I have
heard from credible sources.
At this time intelligence came to Muhammad Sháh from Persia, of the
success of Mahmúd Khán Afghán over Sultán Husain Sháh, the
sovereign of Írán. It appeared that the territory from Isfahán to Shíráz
had passed into his hands; that the people of Isfahán had suffered
great hardships; that Sultán Husain had been made prisoner, and that
Prince Tahmásp, with the brothers and sons of Sultán Husain, had
left the fortress of Isfahán, with the object of raising forces.
One day Nizámu-l Mulk, with the best intentions, told the Emperor
that the system of farming the khálisá lands was very injurious to the
country, and ought to be set aside; secondly, that the bribes which
were received, under the name of peshkash, were disgraceful to the
Emperor and adverse to good policy; thirdly, that the jizya upon
infidels ought to be collected as in the days of Aurangzeb; fourthly, he
recalled the fact that in the days of the rebellion against the Emperor
Humáyún, when the realm of Hindústán passed into the hands of
Sher Sháh Afghán, the Sháh of Persia had rendered great help and
service, and had shown hospitality to Humáyún, when he went
towards Persia. If the Emperor Muhammad Sháh were now to help
the ruler of Persia in repelling the domination of the Afgháns, it would
be recorded in history as a lasting honour to the House of Tímúr. The
Emperor said, “Whom have I got to send on such a service?”
Nizámu-l Mulk replied, “Any one of your enterprising officers whom
you might send on this service would carry out your orders; or if it
should please you to name me for the duty, I would strive heart and
soul to accomplish it,” and he added some more professions of his
loyalty and devotion.
When the Emperor consulted with other nobles of his Court on this
subject, a party of them perverted the good opinion which the
Emperor entertained of Nizámu-l Mulk, and set him against his wise
and excellent minister. The etiquette of the Court and the discipline of
the State had fallen entirely away from the proper dignified standard
of royalty, and Nizámu-l Mulk desired that orders should be issued to
restore it to a suitable style. This greatly irritated the courtiers—and
day by day they made statements about Nizámu-l Mulk which were
entirely opposed to his thoughts, and by envious malicious
insinuations they poisoned the mind of the Emperor against his
devoted servant. They put such injurious designs into the head of the
inexperienced Emperor against Nizámu-l Mulk, that for the sake of
prudence and to save his honour, he at the end of Rabí’u-l awwal, in
the sixth year of the reign, got a few days’ leave of absence in the
name of hunting, and left Dehlí. Upon the excuse of needing change
of air, he went thirty or forty kos from the capital to the side of the
Ganges. There he hunted and recruited his health.
While he was so engaged, bad news arrived of the disorders caused
by the Mahrattas and other insurgents in Ahmadábád and Málwá, the
first of these two provinces being held in the name of Nizámu-l Mulk
himself, and the other in the name of his son, Gházíu-d dín Khán
Bahádur. This became the common talk, and Nizámu-l Mulk having
written on the subject to the Emperor, received permission to go and
restore order in his two provinces. * * Before he arrived at Ujjain, the
Mahrattas heard of his approach, and taking warning departed from
the river Nerbadda towards the Dakhin. The other insurgents also put
a stop to their outrages.
Nizámu-l Mulk followed them to the neighbourhood of Ujjain; but
when he heard that they had crossed the Nerbadda, he gave up the
pursuit and fell back to the pargana of Sahúr, near Sironj, in Málwá,
intending to return to Court after he had set in order the affairs of that
province. While he was thus occupied, important intelligence came
from the Dakhin. Mubáriz Khán, názim of the súba of Haidarábád,
two years before, at the close of the war with ‘Álam ‘Alí Khán, came
to Nizámu-l Mulk, and made great professions of zeal and devotion.
Nizámu-l Mulk took an interest in him, and obtained for him from the
Emperor an addition of 2000 to his former 4000, the title of ‘Imádu-l
Mulk Mubáriz Khán Bahádur Hizbar Jang, [and other distinctions for
himself and his sons]. Mubáriz Khán had served Nizámu-l Mulk
faithfully. He now gave out that he had been appointed Súbadár of
the whole Dakhin, and leaving Haidarábád, he went to take
possession of Aurangábád. * *

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The letters which Nizámu-l Mulk received from Court informed him
that his son Gházíu-d dín, whom he had left as his deputy in the
office of wazír, had been removed, that I’timádu-d daula Kamru-d dín
Khán had been appointed wazír, and that under the influence of Kokí,
bribery had increased. For these reasons, and for others which
cannot be committed to writing, he proceeded from Málwá towards
the Dakhin, which country indeed was the conquest of that illustrious
general and his ancestors. * * At the end of the month of Ramazán he
arrived at Aurangábád. He repeatedly wrote to Mubáriz Khán, but the
answers which he received were proud and haughty, and made no
profession of giving up his designs. Nizámu-l Mulk was very calm and
forgiving. He again sent several admonitory letters, reminding
Mubáriz of old obligations, and he waited at Aurangábád for two
months to see what time would bring forth. But the destroying angel
had lain his hands upon Mubáriz Khán, and led him towards
Aurangábád.
Mubáriz Khán was joined by Bahádur Khán, brother of Dáúd Khán
Paní, and by others with considerable bodies of men. He had
collected large numbers of infantry, and his army was daily
increasing. This was a great injury to the country, and encouraged the
restless Mahrattas. At the end of Zí-l ka’da Nizámu-l Mulk marched
out of Aurangábád, and encamped by the tank of Jaswant, near the
city. He still wrote letters to Mubáriz, to prevent a war, and save the
lives of Musulmáns; but his adversary was deluded with the prospect
of being Súbadár of the Dakhin, and remonstrances were of no avail.
Mubáriz took counsel with his adherents. First he proposed to make a
rapid march and fall unawares on Nizámu-l Mulk. Then he proposed
to threaten his opponent’s flanks, and by a rapid march in another
direction throw himself into Aurangábád, and make himself master of
the city. This plan he endeavoured to carry out. * * On the 23rd
Muharram a battle was fought near the town of Shakar-Khera, in
Birár, about forty kos from Aurang-ábád. [Long account of the plan
and progress of the battle.] Two sons of Mubáriz Khán were killed,
and two were wounded and made prisoners. Mubáriz Khán’s
elephant-driver received a number of wounds, and fell off the
elephant. The Khán himself then wrapped a garment soaked with his
own blood around him, and drove the animal himself, until he fell
dead under the many wounds he received. Shouts of victory then
rose high from the successful army. * * Nizámu-l Mulk next day pro-
vided for the burial of the dead, and took especial care that the
wounds of Mubáriz Khán’s two sons should be carefully attended to. *
* He afterwards gave them a large amount in goods, jewels, and
stuffs, to set them up in life again.
After the victory, Nizámu-l Mulk marched towards Aurang-ábád. On
his way he learnt that Khwája Ahmad Khán, son of Mubáriz Khán,
who had been left as deputy in charge of Haidar-ábád, had gone into
the fortress of Muhammad-nagar, near the city, with his property and
goods, and that he had set the fort in order. After a short stay at
Aurangábád, Nizámu-l Mulk marched to Farkhunda-bunyád
Haidarábád, * * and by grant of jágírs and other favours, induced
Khwája Ahmad to give up the keys of the fortress.
Nizámu-l Mulk had never moved a hair’s breadth in opposition to the
Imperial dynasty; but in all his undertakings had shed a new glory on
the House of Tímúr. Now there came to him from the Emperor an
elephant, jewels, and the title of Ásaf Jáh, with directions to settle the
country, repress the turbulent, punish the rebels, and cherish the
people. Under his former rule the troubles caused by the Mahrattas
and other enemies had been mitigated; but although Mubáriz Khán
apparently did not pay the chauth according to the agreement made
by the Saiyids, and had shown much activity in punishing the
Mahrattas, still their officials, whenever and wherever they found the
opportunity, levied the chauth, and whatever else they could get, and
many of the roads were closed.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 965.] When Nizámu-l Mulk was appointed Súbadár of
Ahmadábád, Haidar Kulí Khán repaired to Court; but heleft (as his
deputies) in Ahmadábád, Shujá’at Khán and Ibráhím Kulí Khán, two
brothers whom he had brought forward in the world, and he also left
the third brother, Rustam ‘Alí Khán, as his deputy at Surat. * *
Nizámu-l Mulk appointed his uncle, Hámid Khán, to be deputy
governor of Ahmadábád. * * On hearing of his approach, Shujá’at ‘Alí
and Ibráhím Kulí desired to go into the city and oppose his entry, or,
according to another account, to obtain promises of safety, and then
to submit. There was a continual state of hostility and war between
these three brothers and the Mahrattas, and they did not pay the
chauth. Safdar Khán Bání had a bitter hatred of Haidar Kulí Khán.
With seven or eight thousand horse he joined the enemy, and went to
meet Hámid Khán, and persuaded him that the three brothers were
resolved upon resistance. It happened that Shujá’at Khán, riding on
an elephant, met Hámid Khán as he was entering, and he drove his
elephant towards that of Hámid Khán. A struggle then began, in which
Shujá’at Khán was killed. Ibráhím Kulí Khán hid himself in his house,
* * but he was soon afterwards killed in a party fight. * * Rustam ‘Alí
Khán heard at Surat of the death of his brothers, and his fraternal
blood boiled to avenge them. He immediately began his preparations
for exacting vengeance.
Between Rustam ‘Alí Khán and Pílújí, a Mahratta chieftain at the
head of ten or eleven thousand men, there had been for a year past a
continual state of war, in consequence of a refusal to pay the chauth.
There had been repeated conflicts, but no decisive action. Rustam
‘Alí, under pressure of events, made friendly overtures to Pílújí, and
after a peace was settled he united the Mahratta’s forces with his
own. Pílújí, on his side, thought that fortune was in his favour, and
joined him with his forces. * * Hámid Khán, hearing of Rustam ‘Alí’s
preparations, prepared his army and artillery, and he was joined by a
Mahratta chief named Kantha, with 12,000 horse. On reaching the
banks of the Mahí, a great battle was fought, with a heavy loss of
killed and wounded on both sides. Hámid Khán was defeated, and his
tents and baggage were plundered. He fled from the field to the river-
side. Rustam ‘Alí, having gained the victory, encamped a kos or two
farther on. Hámid Khán won over the crafty Pílújí, and on the next
day gave battle again. Rustam ‘Alí had lost most of his brave
veterans in the fight, but he prepared to resist. The forces of Pílújí
now fell on Rustam ‘Alí’s baggage, and after some sharp fighting
Rustam ‘Alí’s force was routed, and he himself was killed. The
Mahrattas on both sides fell to plundering, and carried off whatever
they could from the bázárs and shops of Ahmadábád and the districts
round Baroda.

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The Emperor Muhammad Sháh, on being informed of these events,


sent Sarbuland Khán to be governor of Ahmadábád. Nizámu-l Mulk
recalled Hámid Khán. But although Sar-buland Khán had an army of
seven or eight thousand horse, most of whom were veterans, and a
strong force of artillery, the Mahratta forces so swarmed in the
province that he was unable to settle its affairs or to punish the
enemy. Their power increased from day to day, and the price of grain
rose high. Sarbu-land Khán was as it were besieged in the city; all
that he could do was to wink at and rail against the Mahrattas, for as
they numbered nearly 30,000 horse, he was unable to fight and
chastise them. They ravaged the country round Ahmadábád up to its
very gates. Many merchants and traders and artisans were so ill-
treated and oppressed, that they left their native land, and wandered
into foreign parts. The country could not repel the ravagers, and in its
desolation it was unable to pay the sum required of it for the support
of the soldiers, whose numbers were excessive. The officers with
parties of men demanded their pay, and used violence and insolence
in extorting it. At length it was arranged that, for the sake of quietness
and to stop disturbances, the officers should obtain orders drawn
upon bankers and merchants for the pay. With these drafts they went
to the bankers, seized them, put them in prison, and tortured them
until they got the money. Bír-nagar was a flourishing town full of
merchants of the famous Nágar class, who carried on there a trade
amounting to lacs of rupees. That district, beyond all the flourishing
places of Hindústán, abounded in every sort of wealth, gold, cash,
and every production of nature; but it was ransacked by the enemy
because the súbadárs were unable to answer the cries of the
inhabitants for protection.
When a report of this state of things reached the Emperor
Muhammad Sháh, he removed Sarbuland Khán, and appointed Rája
Dúngar Singh in his place. On his arriving at Ahmad-ábád, Sarbuland
Khán refused to admit him, and prepared to resist him by force of
arms. So he fled, and for some days no trace was found of him. He
did not go to Court, and the Emperor was much displeased with him,
so he remained for a long time in disgrace.
This rich province, which no other province of Hindústán could equal,
* * was reduced to such a state of wretchedness, that merchants and
traders left their native land, abandoned their hereditary dwelling
places, and dispersed over distant countries. But thanks to the mercy
of God, the cries of the oppressed were heard, and the beneficent
shade of Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fath Jang Ásaf Jáh was to fall upon
it, and to be the cause of its restoration to prosperity.
Administration of Nizámu-l Mulk.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 972.] In a short time the country was brought under
the control of Musulmán authorities—it was scoured from the
abominations of infidelity and tyranny. Under former súbadárs the
roads had been infested with the ruffianism of highway robbers, and
the rapacity of the Mahrattas and rebellious zamíndárs, so that traffic
and travelling were stopped; but now the highways were safe and
secure. The Mahrattas exacted the chauth with all sorts of tyranny
from the jágírdárs; and in addition to it, ten per cent. under the name
of sar-desh-mukhí was collected from the zamíndárs and raiyats. By
these means odious kamáísh-dárs were removed and changed every
week and month; orders beyond all the endurance of the raiyats were
issued, and annoyances and insults were heaped upon the collectors
of the jágírdárs. Nizámu-l Mulk so arranged that instead of the chauth
of the súba of Haidarábád, a sum of money should be paid from his
treasury; and that the sar-deshmukhí, which was levied from the
raiyats at the rate of ten per cent., should be abandoned. He thus got
rid of the presence of the kamáísh-dárs of the chauth, and the
gumáshtas of the sar-desh-mukhí and the ráhdárí, from which latter
impost great annoyance had fallen upon travellers and traders.
Events up to the Fourteenth Year of the Reign of Muhammad Sháh.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 973.] When Nizámu-l Mulk was removed from the
office of wazír, Kamru-d dín Khán Bahádur was appointed his
successor, but a gracious farmán was sent to Nizámu-l Mulk, with a
robe and other presents, appointing him to the wakálat.*
After losing two or three children which were born to him in his harem
and soon died, a son was born of his wife, the daughter of Farrukh
Siyar, who received the name of Ahmad Sháh.
Haidar Kulí Khán Mír-i átash was sleeping with his wife in his khas-
khána,* when it caught fire. His wife was burnt to death, and he was
so injured before he was rescued, that medical treatment was of no
avail, and he died. [Political changes in Persia.]
Conclusion of the Work.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 978.] The history of the reign of the Emperor
Muhammad Sháh has thus been briefly written up to the beginning of
the fourteenth year. If by the mercy of God life and leisure are spared
to me, the history shall be continued.
Játs.
[The following are the passages referred to suprà, p. 521.]
[vol. ii. p. 316.] Aurangzeb (in the year 1095 A.H., 1684 A.D.) sent
Khán-Jahán to punish and put down the Játs, and to destroy the fort
of Sansí, which those infidels had built, under the protection of which
fort they every month attacked and plundered several caravans, and
ravaged the neighbourhood of Ágra.
[vol. ii. p. 394.] It was reported from Ágra (in 1102 A.H., 1691 A.D.),
that under the royal command Ághar Khán was coming from Kábul to
the presence. On approaching Ágra, the Játs fell upon his train, and
carried off some bullocks and carts, and made prisoners of some
women. Ághar Khán, on being informed of this, pursued them and
followed them to their fortress. After a display of great resolution, he
rescued the women and sent them on their way. He then boldly
determined to invest and besiege the fort of the Játs; but he was
struck by a musket bullet, and he and his son-in-law were both killed.
Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh, who had been sent to punish the
Játs and reduce their fort, went upon the service confided to him; but
although he exerted himself strenuously, he did not succeed in
reducing their fort of Sansí, or their other strongholds. His failure and
some unseemly acts of his gave offence to the Emperor (Aurangzeb),
who recalled him and appointed Prince Bedár Bakhsh to act against
the Játs.
[vol. ii. p. 776.] Chúráman the Ját was a notorious freebooter. His
father, his grandfather, and his brothers had ravaged the
neighbourhood of Ágra and Fathpúr since the days of Aurangzeb.
Armies had frequently been sent against him under Prince Bedár
Bakht, Khán-Jahán, and other amírs, with the object of chastising
him, and reducing the fort of Sansí, which the Játs had built. In the
days of the struggle between A’zam Sháh and Bahádur Sháh, also
when Farrukh Siyar approached Ágra, Chúráman was very bold and
daring. He plundered the royal train, and carried off much treasure
and jewels. Rája Jai Singh was sent against him, and Saiyid Khán
Jahán Bahádur, uncle of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, was sent
after him in command of a separate supporting force. Through sundry
obstacles and want of supplies, Saiyid Khán remained inactive
several months near the city; but Rája Jai Singh marched against the
enemy, opened trenches, and invested Chúráman’s fort. The struggle
went on for more than a year. There were frequent fights, and many
men fell on both sides. When Saiyid Khán arrived, the siege was
pressed more vigorously, and the trenches were carried closer to the
fort. Chúráman, being hard pressed, sent his vakíl direct to Kutbu-l
Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, promising to pay tribute, and to wait in person
on the Emperor, if his offences were forgiven and a mansab granted
to him. Rája Jai Singh knew nothing whatever of this; but the
Emperor reluctantly agreed to Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah’s proposals. This was
done against the Emperor’s will, and greatly to the annoyance of Rája
Jai Singh. The Rája, greatly vexed, came to Court, and when
Chúráman arrived, he was reluctantly allowed to wait upon the
Emperor once; but the latter was so displeased with the peace that
had been made, that he would not consent to see him again.

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LXXX.
TÁRÍKH-I IRÁDAT KHÁN.
THIS is a good history of the Mughal Empire from the close of
Aurangzeb’s reign to the commencement of Farrukh Siyar’s. It has
been well translated by Captain Jonathan Scott. It first appeared in a
separate volume, and was subsequently incorporated in the second
volume of his “History of the Deccan,” of which the first portion was
translated from Firishta.
We are told in the Ma-ásiru-l umará that the author, Mír Mubáraku-
llah Irádat Khán Wáza, was the son of Is’hák Khán, son of ‘Azím
Khán. Both his grandfather and father were noblemen of high rank.
The former was Mír-bakhshí to the Emperor Jahángír, and the latter
held various offices of importance under Sháh Jahán and Aurangzeb.
He died soon after his appointment to the government of Oudh. His
title was also Irádat Khán. One of his sons (our author) had his title
conferred on him, and in the thirty-third year of Aurangzeb was
appointed Faujdár of Jagna, and at other periods of Aurangábád and
Mándú. In the reign of Sháh ‘Álam Bahádur Sháh he was governor of
the Doáb, and the intimate friend of Mu’azzam Khán wazír. He died in
the time of Farrukh Siyar. His abilities as a poet were great, and he
left a volume of poems behind him.*
[The author opens his work with a statement of his removal from the
command of the fort of Imtiyáz-garh (Adoni), and of his subsequent
appointment to the government of Ahsanábád (Kulbarga), and
afterwards to the kila’dárí and faujdárí of Mándú. He left the latter
place to follow the fortunes of Prince Bedár Bakht as detailed in the
following pages.
In his Preface the author says, “During the short period of my age,
which has this day arrived at the sixty-fourth year, and the 1126th of
the holy Hijra (1714 A.D.), such vicissitudes in worldly affairs, the
destruction of empires, the deaths of many princes, the ruin of
ancient houses and noble families, the fall of worthy men and the rise
of the unworthy, have been beheld by me, as have not been
mentioned by history to have occurred in such number or succession
for a thousand years.
“As, on account of my office, and being engaged in these
transactions, I have obtained a perfect knowledge of the sources of
most events, and what to others even information of must be difficult,
was planned and executed in my sight; and as I was a sharer as well
as spectator of all the dangers and troubles, I have therefore
recorded them.
“My intention, however, not being to compile a history of kings or a
flowery work, but only to relate such events as happened in my own
knowledge, I have therefore, preferably to a display of learning in lofty
phrases and pompous metaphors, chosen a plain style, such as a
friend writing to a friend would use, for the purpose of information.
Indeed, if propriety is consulted, loftiness of style is unfit for plain
truth, which, pure in itself, requires only a simple delineation.”
The author’s account of his work is fair and accurate. The book is
written in a plain straightforward style, and it never wanders beyond
the sphere of the author’s own observation; but it is full of spirit, and
has all the vigour and vividness of a personal narrative. Irádat Khán
was a good soldier, and was much trusted; and not without reason,
for he evidently was clearsighted, prompt, and energetic, and he
possessed great common sense and unusual veracity. In his account
of the battle between Jahándár Sháh and Farrukh Siyar he observes,
“Every one knows that, after an engagement is once begun, it is
impossible for a single person to see more of the operations than
those on the immediate spot of his own post; how then, can I say, I
distinctly viewed every change of two lines covering ground of miles
in extent? An author once read to Aurangzeb a long account of one of
his battles. The Emperor observed at the conclusion, that he must
certainly have been upon a high mountain during the engagement,
which he had seen so minutely, as he himself, though commanding
the line, and mounted on an elephant, did not perceive one-third of
the particulars he had described.”
The following Extracts are taken from Scott’s translation, with only a
slight change here and there of the wording. The original work is
divided into many short chapters, but Scott did not maintain the
divisions in his translation. At the end will be found two letters written
by Aurangzeb. They were translated by Scott, and added as notes to
his translation. It is not said from whence they were obtained, but
they are very characteristic, and, no doubt, authentic.]

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EXTRACTS.
My attachment and regard to His Majesty (Aurangzeb) were so great,
that observing his life drawing to a close, I did not wish to quit the
presence. * * On the evening before my departure, the Emperor,
opening the window of his sleeping apartment, called me to him, and
said, “Separation now takes place between us, and our meeting
again is uncertain. Forgive then whatever, wittingly or unwittingly, I
may have done against thee, and pronounce the words I forgive!
three times with sincerity of heart. As thou hast served me long, I also
forgive thee whatever knowingly or otherwise thou mayest have done
against me.” Upon hearing these expressions, sobs became like a
knot in my throat, so that I had not power to speak. At last, after His
Majesty had repeatedly pressed me, I made a shift to pronounce the
words I forgive! three times, interrupted by heavy sobs. He shed
many tears, repeated the words, and, after blessing me, ordered me
to retire. * *
The Prince Bedár Bakht, being appointed to the government of
Málwá, I paid my respects to him at Ujjain. In a short time such a
friendship grew up between us, that a greater between a prince and
subject cannot be conceived. He would not be an instant without me:
he would not eat of anything but he sent me part of it: he did nothing
of importance without asking my advice, and considered my opinion
as religiously decisive. In short, the particulars of his favour are
beyond relation; but on this account I became envied by all his
dependents. * *
A’zam Sháh.
A’zam Sháh, being informed of the (death of Aurangzeb) by his
agents and the nobles who affected to embrace his interest, arrived
on the 3rd of Zí-l hijja at the camp at Ahmadnagar. * * Many of the
chief Imperial servants, as * * had a real attachment to him. Some
neither loved nor hated him, and a few, though they disliked, yet from
inability to oppose prudently submitted to his authority. Three Mughal
chiefs only delayed to come in to offer their allegiance—Fíroz Jang,
his son Chín Kalích Khán, and Muhammad Amín Khán.
On the 10th Zí-l hijja, 1118, A’zam Sháh ascended the throne of
empire amidst the usual rejoicings, and conferred favours on the
nobility according to their stations, but on few in a manner affording
satisfaction. * * While he was only a prince, most of the nobility were
attached to him, and regarded him as possessing every approved
quality for empire; but almost immediately after his accession to the
throne, the general opinion was altered, through his own conduct. He
slighted the principal nobility, and betrayed great parsimony to the
army, acting as if he had no occasion for their services. This
proceeded from a vain belief that none dared to oppose him, and that
his elder brother, Sháh ‘Álam, relinquishing to him such a vast empire
as Hindústán without a struggle, would fly for safety to another clime.
At the same time he openly declared his jealousy of his own son,
Bedár Bakht, whose favour with the late Emperor had displeased
him. He treated the old nobility with contempt, and would say publicly
that they were not fit for his service.
A’zam Sháh proceeded with the Imperial camp towards Ágra by
regular stages, taking the route by the ghát of Túmrí. * * * The route
of Túmrí was hilly, full of woods, and for many long spaces void of
water; so that during two days’ march, great numbers of men,
women, children, and animals perished through want of water. * *
Bedár Bakht had the greatest and most sincere affection for his
grandfather, who equally loved him. * * In obedience to the orders of
his father, he departed from Gujarát without delay, at the head of only
3000 horse, his own dependents, and carried with him about thirty
lacs of rupees in treasure, property of his own, not presuming to
touch twenty lacs in the Imperial treasury, lest it should raise
suspicions of his fidelity in the mind of his father. For the same
reason, he made not any addition to his force, though he could with
ease have raised a great army, and might have procured a kror of
rupees from the bankers and renters. * * On the eve of his march he
despatched a letter to me, and several others on his route; but the
couriers brought none to hand in due time, the public roads being
guarded by officers who had orders to search all messengers and
inspect letters. * * At length, on the 1st Muharram, the Prince’s letters
were brought to me all at once, and immediately after I departed from
Mándú. * * The Prince was moving into Ujjain when he perceived me
at a distance, and said to his attendants, “Is not that Irádat Khán that I
see?” He stopped his train, and opening wide his arms he cried,
“Come, come, my friend! in expectation of whom my eyes have been
strained even to dimness.”

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Bedár Bakht did not enter the city and palaces of Ujjain, but pitched
his camp on the bank of the river, at about a kos distant. Here he was
attended by ‘Abdu-llah Khán, the Súbadár of Málwá, and continued
one month and twenty days expecting the arrival of his father, when
that rash prince wrote him the following farmán: “Why have you not
hastened on, nor sunk the boats in the Satlej, to prevent the
approach of the enemy? Though he dare not face me, yet you have
been guilty of high neglect.”
Bedár Bakht, agreeably to the orders of his father, moved towards
Ágra, and was joined from the presence by Zú-l fikár Khán, Rám
Singh Háda Zamíndár of Kota, and Dalpat Bun-dela, also by Amánu-
llah Khán, who were sent by A’zam Sháh as much to watch the
Prince’s motions as to assist him. Mirzá Rája Jai Singh, Khán-‘álam,
a Dakhin chief, with his brother Munawwar Khán, and other officers,
also joined from the presence with about 6000 horse.
Prince Muhammad A’zímu-sh Shán, who had by Aurangzeb’s orders
left his government of Bengal to proceed to the presence, had
reached the vicinity of Ágra when he heard of the Emperor’s
decease; upon which he marched to secure that city for (his father)
Sháh ‘Álam. * * When Bedár Bakht approached the banks of the
Chambal, and A’zam Sháh arrived near Gwálior, A’zímu-sh Shán
detached a considerable body from Ágra, under Muhtasham Khán, to
guard the fords. Bedár Bakht was fond of enterprise, jealous of his
honour, and of high mind, tempered with prudence. A rivalship for
glory had always subsisted between him and his father. A’zam Shah,
who was of rash courage, never looked beyond the present in his
conduct. Like the whisker-twisting vaunters of Hindústán, if his son
made any delay on his march, he would jest and sneer, attributing it
to cowardice and dread of the enemy. On this account Bedár Bakht
resolved to cross the Chambal immediately, and attack the posts of
Muhtasham Khán; but this proceeding was strongly opposed by Zú-l
fikár Khán, an experienced general of approved conduct. * * As Zú-l
fikár Khán, in the opinion of some, was suspected of treachery, they
seized this opportunity to persuade the Prince that he corresponded
with Sháh ‘Álam, and wished to delay engaging till his approach, in
order to complete his designs of desertion to his cause. * *
The day following, suddenly, before morning prayer, the march for
battle was sounded, and the Prince, completely armed, mounted the
elephant which he always rode in the day of battle. I speeded to
attend him. He had moved some distance from the tents before I
came up. I found him with an angry countenance, uttering
contemptuous exclamations and reproachful terms of Zú-l fikár Khán
as deceiver, traitor, false wretch and the like, to some servile
attendants round his elephant. * *
In the difference between A’zam Sháh and his son Bedár Bakht,
justice was on the side of the father; for Bedár Bakht was rival to his
father, and waited opportunity to dethrone him. As for me, I was never
in the service of A’zam Sháh, nor had ever made him professions of
duty, being wholly devoted to his son. Being alone with Bedár Bakht
one night, he suddenly threw his arms about my neck, and holding
down his head upon my breast said, “If a sovereign and parent seeks
the life of a son, and that son is truly informed of his intention, how
should he act in self-defence? Have you a precedent for it?” I replied,
“Such a question is unnecessary. The behaviour of your grandfather
to his father is sufficient precedent; and sovereigns are forced to
expedients which are not justifiable in other men.” Conversation of
this sort often passed between us; and one evening he asked me
how he might gain an opportunity of seizing his father. I replied, “An
opportunity will offer thus. When he has gained the victory over Sháh
‘Álam, you will be the first to congratulate him. The troops will then be
separated here and there in search of plunder, or looking after the
dead and wounded; and as the tents will not be ready, your father will
only be under a shámiyána (canopy), surrounded by a few kanáts
(screens). You will be admitted to audience, attended by such of your
followers as may have deserved notice for their gallant conduct in
action; and at such a time they will be allowed their arms. It is
probable that your father will not have many persons with him
between the kanáts. Then is your time.” The Prince eagerly
exclaimed, “You have spoken well! Dare you at such a time strike the
blow?” I replied that though the act was easy, yet a sacred oath
rested on our family never to shed the blood of a prince unless by
chance in battle, if engaged in the cause of a rival, when it would be
excusable. I then said, “Your other opportunity will be thus. Should
the enemy fly, an army will be sent in pursuit, and probably under
your command, while your father, setting his mind at ease, will be
employed, without suspicion, in pleasure and rejoicing. You may
return suddenly upon him, and gain your wishes. Should this
opportunity not occur, as you are his eldest son and have seen much
service, he will certainly appoint you to the government of the Dakhin.
You will then have a powerful army at your disposal. As your father’s
behaviour is offensive to the people, and many of the courtiers dislike
him, they will aid your pretensions. Use open force and try for whom
God will decide.”
Bedár Bakht, having crossed the Chambal at an unobserved ford, the
troops of ‘Azímu-sh Shán, who were stationed on the banks of the
river in another quarter, left their artillery at the various posts and fled
to Ágra, happy to save their lives. Zú-l fikár, who had advised the
Prince to remain on the other side, seeing he had crossed, now came
up reluctantly, and congratulated him on the success of his march. * *
Some days after this, A’zam Sháh approaching near, Bedár Bakht
moved a kos in front, the spot he was upon being chosen for his
father’s tents, and on the morning of his arrival he went forth two kos
from the camp to meet him. A’zam Sháh loved him as a son, though
from the attention shown him by Aurangzeb he had regarded him as
a rival. When he now beheld him after a long absence, paternal
fondness for the instant overcame his jealousy, and he received him
with strong marks of affection, conferring upon him a princely khil’at,
etc.
Empire having been decreed to Sháh ‘Álam, from the agency of
destiny, such vanity took possession of the mind of A’zam Sháh, that
he was convinced his brother, though supported by the myriads of
Túr and Sallam, durst not meet him in the field. Hence those who
brought intelligence of his approach he would abuse as fools and
cowards, so that no one cared to speak the truth; as was formerly the
case with the Emperor Humáyún during the rebellion of the Afghán
Sher Sháh. Even his chief officers feared to disclose intelligence; so
that he was ignorant of the successful progress of his rival.
At length Sháh ‘Álam, having reached Mattra, sent by a celebrated
darwesh the following message to A’zam Sháh: “By the divine
auspices, we inherit from our ancestors an extensive empire,
comprehending many kingdoms. It will be just and glorious not to
draw the sword against each other, nor consent to shed the blood of
the faithful. Let us equally divide the empire between us. Though I am
the elder son, I will leave the choice in your power.” A’zam Sháh,
vain-glorious and haughty, replied that he would answer his brother
on the morrow in the field, and upon this the messenger departed.
A’zam Sháh marched the next morning, and encamped between Jájú
and Ágra, on a barren plain, void of water, so that the army was much
distressed. Intelligence arrived during this day, that Sháh ‘Álam was
encamped seven kos distant, and intended moving on the morrow,
but to what quarter was not known.
I have already mentioned that my design is not to write the history of
kings, but of myself and what I have seen. Accordingly, of the battle
between the two brothers, I shall only relate such circumstances as I
was an eye-witness of.
Prince Bedár Bakht, who commanded the advanced corps of the
army, having given the necessary orders, began his march. * * The
main body marched next, in the centre of which rode A’zam Sháh. * *
We had not yet learned the position of the enemy, or what was the
design of Sháh ‘Álam. Bedár Bakht reached a village, near which was
a stream of clear water, and there were some wells also around it.
The troops at this time were much separated, and every chief,
inattentive to order, moved as he chose. Seeing which, I represented
to the Prince, that the main body was far behind, that the country in
front was destitute of water for some miles, and the day promised to
be distressingly hot. Without order, without intelligence of the enemy’s
motions, where would he hasten? I remarked the scattered march of
his followers; Zú-l fikár Khán obliqued so far to the left as scarcely to
be visible, and other chiefs were equally distant in every quarter. I
observed that if he halted here till some news arrived of the enemy,
there was sufficient water to refresh the troops; the artillery would
come up; the Emperor would have time to join, and order would be
restored in the line; also, that should the enemy advance upon him,
he would have the advantage of good ground and plenty of water. He
replied, “Your advice is just. Go and inform my father I shall follow it.”

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It happened also that Sháh ‘Álam had no advice of the route of our
army, and as there was but little water where he was encamped, he
had this morning despatched his main body under Mun’im Khán,
while he, with his sons and personal attendants, hunted along the
bank of the river Jumna. His pesh-khána, with the usual escort, under
Rustam-dil Khán, was coming on in front of our army, in the same
route as our line.
Upon delivery of my message to A’zam Sháh, he replied, “Very well.
Go and inform my son I am coming up.” I returned to the promised
place of halt, but what did I behold? The Prince had marched on, and
left the village unguarded. I speeded after him, and upon gaining the
line, saw a joyful scene of congratulation on victory. When the Prince
saw me, he eagerly exclaimed, “I congratulate you on victory.” I
replied, “How comes victory without a battle?” Upon which His
Highness, turning to a courier, said, “Tell Irádat Khán what you have
seen.” The foolish wretch then affirmed that he had seen the elephant
of Sháh ‘Álam without a rider, and with but few attendants, running off
to Ágra. The Prince then said our left wing had defeated the enemy,
and taken all their baggage. The cause of this imaginary victory was
this. The advanced baggage of Sháh ‘Álam, falling in with our left
wing, was attacked, and, the escort being small, was soon taken. The
elephant running away belonged to Rustam-dil Khán, who com-
manded the escort.
The Prince, however, now ordered me to go and inform his father of
the victory. * * I declined going, and observed I would not carry
intelligence so very ridiculous and groundless. Upon which the Prince
was angry, and exclaimed, “What do you mean?” I replied, * *
“Accidents will happen to the baggage of armies, and this boasted
victory is no more. Your troops have plundered his advanced tents,
but woe to those who have been thus employed! If important work
should now offer, they will be useless, confused as they are and
encumbered with spoil.” To these remarks the Prince angrily
exclaimed, “You are always apprehensive and foreboding ill.” He then
ordered Kásim, the dárogha of his díwán, to carry the intelligence of
victory to A’zam Sháh.
Scarce half an hour after this had elapsed, when a great dust arose
upon our right. Upon beholding this, I said to the Prince, “Behold the
consequence of our victory, and the flight of Sháh ‘Álam! You cloud
precedes at least 50,000 horse.” Just as I concluded, another dust
arose, which certified a second body of troops approaching. I desired
His Highness to prepare for action, while yet the enemy was at some
distance. He then said, “Will you now go and inform my father of the
enemy’s approach?” To this I replied, “Though I wish not to quit Your
Highness’s person, yet as I am ordered I must obey,” and having said
this, I rode off with speed to A’zam Sháh. On my way I beheld strange
disorder. Amánu-llah Khán, a reputed good officer, who acted as
advanced guard to Prince Wálájáh, I met with only two or three
hundred straggling horse. A’zam Sháh was a kos and a half farther in
the rear, and his troops were separated into three divisions, so that I
could not easily distinguish the royal post, for the train of artillery had
been left in the Dakhin. For when the commander applied for orders
respecting it to A’zam Sháh, he was much enraged, and passionately
exclaimed, “Do men think that I will use cannon against a breeder of
cattle? I will not even draw the sword, but will bruise his head with a
staff.”
When A’zam Sháh saw me, he made a signal for me to advance; but
such was the crowd I could scarce push through it. At length, having
come near to his litter, I alighted from my horse, and said, “The Prince
informs Your Majesty of the enemy’s near approach. What shall I
say?” A’zam Sháh, starting as if stung by a scorpion, with furious
looks, eyes rolling, and, as was his custom when angry, pulling up his
sleeve, exclaimed, “Comes an enemy to me!” Being vexed at his
manner, I replied, “So it appears.” He then called aloud for his war
elephant, and, in a frantic manner, whirling a crooked staff, stood
upright on his throne, and tauntingly said, “Be not alarmed, I am
coming to my son.” Hurt at this insult to the spirit of my prince, I said,
“His Highness is son to yourself, Asylum of the World, and knoweth
not fear. He only represents the enemy’s approach, that Your Majesty
may advance with the troops, and take the post usual for the Emperor
in the day of battle.” Having said this, I rode off to rejoin Bedár Bakht.
* * Just as I reached him, a ball struck the breast of an attendant
close to his person. * *
The two bodies of the enemy had now approached, and halted within
a rocket’s flight of our line. One of these was headed by the Prince
‘Azímu-sh Shán; the other by Mun’im Khán, with whom also were the
Princes Mu’izzu-d dín Jahándár Sháh and Jahán Sháh. Our line was
so pressed upon each flank and in the rear by baggage elephants,
cattle, and followers, as greatly to incommode the troops and render
them useless. Sháh ‘Álam’s artillery played upon us incessantly, and
did great execution, and his sons advancing, fired showers of
musketry, which fell like hail. * * * At length our troops, grown im-
patient from the galling of the enemy’s cannon, prepared to charge. *
* I saw Khán ‘Álam move towards the enemy with great rapidity. As
he advanced nearer the enemy, his followers diminished, gradually
lagging behind, and not above 300 stuck by him to the charge. When
I saw this, I well knew that all was lost. The brave chief, however,
penetrated to the elephant of ‘Azímu-sh Shán, and hurled his spear at
the Prince; but it missed him, and struck the thigh of an attendant,
when the Prince drew an arrow, which pierced the heart of Khán
‘Álam, and he died on the instant. * * A body of the enemy, under Báz
Khán Afghán, now attacked Zú-l fikár Khán, but was repulsed with
great loss, and the chief badly wounded; but by the decrees of
Providence, Rám Singh Háda and Dalpat Ráo Bundela, on whose
valour and conduct most depended, were killed at the same instant
by a cannon-shot, upon which their Rájpúts lost all confidence, and
fled with the dead bodies of their chiefs. Zú-l fikár Khán, however, yet
remained firm, with his own followers; but on being charged by the
whole of ‘Azímu-sh Shán’s division, he left the conduct of the battle to
Saiyid Muzaffar, and retired to the rear of A’zam Sháh’s post, with
Hamídu-d din Khán, and having dismounted from his elephant, fled
on horseback to Gwálior, where he was received by his father, Asad
Khán. His flight determined the rout of our army.
The principal followers and personal attendants of A’zam Sháh now
dismounted, and laying their quivers on the ground, sat down to await
the charge of the enemy, and sell their lives in defence of their patron.
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah and his brother, Husain ‘Alí Khán, of the illustrious
house of Bárha, ever celebrated for valour, whose ancestors had in
every reign performed the most gallant actions, if possible superior to
their sires, descended from their elephants, and prepared to engage
on foot. The battle now raged hand to hand with sabres, and there
was great slaughter on both sides. Husain ‘Alí Khán received several
wounds and fell down faint with the loss of blood. * * At last a musket-
ball and several arrows struck the Prince Bedár Bakht, and he sank
down dead on his elephant.
A’zam Sháh, though much wounded, was still alive, when a whirl of
dust winded towards him from the army of Sháh ‘Álam. From this now
issued with a select band the Princes ‘Azímu-sh Shán, Mu’izzu-d dín
Jahándár Sháh, and Jahán Sháh. A’zam Sháh soon received a mortal
wound from a musket-ball, and resigned his soul to the Creator of life.
The Prince Wálájáh also sank down in the sleep of death. I now
made my escape to Ágra, not choosing to go to the enemy’s camp,
where I had many friends who would have given me protection.
Rustam-dil Khán, who commanded the escort of Sháh ‘Álam’s
advanced tents, when attacked in the morning by our troops, finding
his escape cut off, paid his respects to A’zam Sháh, and had
continued near his elephant during the battle till his death with great
firmness. Seeing him dead, he ascended the elephant, and cutting off
the head of the corpse, remounted his horse and hastened to the
camp of Sháh ‘Álam. With exulting hope of great reward, he laid his
prize at the Prince’s feet; but the compassionate Sháh ‘Álam, seeing
the head of his slaughtered brother in such disgrace, shed tears of
affection, and gave Rustam-dil nothing but reproaches. He ordered
the head to be buried with proper respect, and forbad the march of
victory to be beaten. Mun’im Khán took charge of the bodies of the
unfortunate Princes, and treated the ladies of their harems with the
utmost respect and tenderness. Though he had received a
dangerous wound, and suffered extreme pain, he concealed his
situation, and continued on the field till late at night, to restore order
and prevent plunder. * *

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Sháh ‘Álam Bahádur Sháh.


I shall now relate some particulars necessary to be known concerning
Sháh ‘Álam, his march from Kábul, and other proceedings to the day
of engagement with his unfortunate brother A’zam Sháh.
Some time before his death, Aurangzeb had appointed Mun’im Khán
to be díwán to Sháh ‘Álam, who was governor of Kábul. This
nobleman was of great abilities, active in the cabinet, resolute in
execution, and of unbending integrity of mind. He soon arranged the
Prince’s affairs, which, before his coming into office, were always in
confusion, owing to the ascendency of unworthy favourites. * * A
superfluous army was kept up, exceeding the ability of the revenue,
and being consequently ill-paid, was ever mutinous and discontented.
* * He diminished the Prince’s army, but took care to pay that on foot
regularly, so as to leave no room for discontent, or excuse for
licentiousness. * * When he heard of Aurangzeb’s illness, in order to
prevent cabals in favour of A’zam Sháh, he circulated a report that
Sháh ‘Álam would not contend for empire, but seek protection from
his brother by flight to Persia. Sháh ‘Álam had himself indeed made
this declaration long before, and with such apparent resolution that it
was believed and dreaded even by his sons who resided with him.
Mun’im Khán related to me afterwards the following anecdote in
these words: “When I perceived that my attachment, sincerity, and
abilities had properly impressed Sháh ‘Álam’s mind, and that he was
convinced I was a prudent, faithful, and secret servant, being alone
one day with him conversing on the affairs of the empire, I took the
liberty of thus addressing him: ‘It is reported that Your Highness
intends flying to Persia, with so much confidence, that even the
Princes, your sons, assure me by sacred oaths of its truth.’ He
replied, ‘In this rumour there lies concealed a great design, to forward
which I have spread it abroad and taken pains to make it believed.
First, because my father, on a mere suspicion of disloyalty, kept me
nine years in close confinement; and should he even now think that I
cherished the smallest ambition, he would immediately strive to
accomplish my ruin. Secondly, my brother Muhammad A’zam Sháh,
who is my powerful enemy, and valiant even to the extreme of
rashness, would exert all his force against me. From this report my
father is easy, and my brother lulled into self-security; but, by the
Almighty God who gave me life’ (laying his hand on the Kurán by
him), ‘and on this holy book, I swear, though not one friend should
join me, I will meet A’zam Sháh in single combat, wherever he may
be. This secret, which I have so long maintained, and even kept from
my own children, is now entrusted to your care. Be cautious that no
instance of your conduct may betray it!’”
When news of Aurangzeb’s death reached Mun’im Khán at Láhore,
he wrote immediately by express to Sháh ‘Álam, conjuring him to
march with the utmost expedition towards the capital, without anxiety
or preparation, and he should find artillery and all supplies ready at
Láhore. This wise minister then prepared bridges over the various
rivers, so that not a day’s delay was occasioned in crossing to the
Prince’s army, which at Láhore was joined by a powerful train of
artillery with sufficient draft. He also paid up all the troops, and
advanced large sums to new levies. Sháh ‘Álam soon arrived in the
neighbourhood of Dehlí, and Mun’im Khán entered the city with a
select party. * * Muhammad Yár Khán, the commander of the palace,
was so awed with the wazír’s gallantry, and the arrival of Sháh ‘Álam,
that he saw no security for himself but in resigning his charge. He
accordingly gave up the palace, in which were the treasures of
Hindústán collected from the days of Akbar. * * * Mun’im Khán then
advanced with some chosen troops before the Prince to Ágra. * *
Bákí Khán, an old Imperial servant, and governor of the fortress
which he had refused to resign to ‘Azímu-sh Shán, being certified that
Sháh ‘Álam was approaching, did not choose to resist longer, but
sent offers, that if Mun’im Khán would come first alone into the
citadel, he would resign the command. Mun’im Khán accordingly,
without the least distrust, entered over a narrow plank, only passable
for a single person, which was placed over a deep ditch from a small
wicket to admit him. * * After refreshment, he sealed up the treasury,
posted his people at the different gates, and about midnight went to
visit ‘Azímu-sh Shán, who was encamped at the distance of six kos. *
* Without doubt Sháh ‘Álam’s successes, and his attainment of the
empire, were owing to the conduct and valour of this great minister.
The sons of Bahádur Sháh.
It is now necessary to say something of the four sons of Sháh ‘Álam,
their dispositions and behaviour, both in public and private. Mu’izzu-d
dín Jahándár Sháh, the eldest, was a weak man, devoted to
pleasure, who gave himself no trouble about State affairs, or to gain
the attachment of any of the nobility, as will be seen when I come to
narrate his reign. ‘Azímu-sh Shán, the second son, was a statesman
of winning manners. Aurangzeb had always pursued the policy of en-
couraging his grandsons and employing them in public affairs; for as
his sons were ambitious of great power, and at the head of armies, he
thus prudently controlled them by opposing to them enemies in their
own families, as Bedár Bakht to A’zam Sháh, and ‘Azímu-sh Shán to
Sháh ‘Álam. To the latter he had given the advantageous government
of the three provinces of Bengal, Bihár, and Orissa, from whence he
had now come with a rich treasure and considerable army; and
though in the late battle he had performed great service, yet he was
suspected by his father and dreaded as a rival; but to relate the
causes would be useless prolixity. Rafí’u-sh Shán, the private
companion and favourite of his father, was a prince of quick parts, a
great proficient in religious learning, a fine writer, and of much
knowledge in the law, but at the same time addicted to pleasure,
particularly fond of music and the pomp of courtly show. He paid no
attention to public affairs or even those of his own household.
Khujista-akhtar Jahán Sháh had the greatest share of all the Princes
in the management of affairs, before his father’s accession to the
throne, and afterwards the whole administration of the empire was
influenced by him. He had the closest friendship and connexion with
Mun’im Khán, who, by his interest, was appointed wazír.
Character of Bahádur Sháh. His Court.
Sháh ‘Álam was generous and merciful, of a great soul tempered with
affability, discerning of merit. He had seen the strict exercise of power
during the reigns of his grandfather and father, and been used to
authority himself for the last fifty years. Time received a new lustre
from his accession, and all ranks of people obtained favours equal to,
if not above their merits; so that the public forgot the excellences and
great qualities of Aurang-zeb, which became absorbed in the
bounties of his successor. Some narrow-hearted persons, however,
out of ingratitude and envy, attributed his general liberality to ill-
placed extravagance and profusion; but it is a fact that the deserving
of every profession, and the worthy of all degrees, whether among
the learned or the eloquent, the noble or the ignoble, received an
attention from the throne, which prior to this the eye of time had never
seen, nor had such been heard of before by the ears of fame. His
personal qualities and perfections, speech is unable to relate. His
valour was such that he had resolved on meeting A’zam Sháh, whose
bravery was celebrated, in single combat. His four sons, possessed
of great power and considerable force, he suffered to be constantly
near his person, never giving himself a moment’s suspicion regarding
them, nor preventing them forming con-nexions with the prime
nobility; upon which subject I, the humblest of his slaves, once
ventured to present him a petition of a cautionary nature, thinking it
my duty, as I had often done so to Aurangzeb. To what I represented
he wrote a wise and just reply. He permitted the sons of those princes
who had fallen in battle against him to appear at all times completely
armed in his presence. The infant children he let remain unmolested
with their mothers, while those arrived at manhood daily
accompanied him to the chase unguarded, and shared in all his
diversions.

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His court was magnificent to a degree beyond that of Sháh Jahán.


Seventeen Princes, his sons, grandsons and nephews, sat generally
round his throne, in the manner following: On his right hand Jahándár
Sháh, his eldest son, with his three sons; his third son, Rafí’u-sh
Shán, with his three sons, and Bedár-dil, son to his nephew, Bedár
Bakht. On his left Muhammad ‘Azímu-sh Shán, with his two sons, and
Jahán Sháh with his son. ‘Áli Tabbár, the only surviving son of A’zam
Sháh, sat on the right hand of ‘Azímu-sh Shán; and a little to the right,
somewhat advanced, the two sons of Muhammad Kám Bakhsh.
Behind the royal Princes, on the right, stood the sons of conquered
sovereigns, as of Sikandar ‘Alí Sháh of Bíjápúr, and Kutb Sháh, King
of Golkonda; also a vast crowd of the nobility, from the rank of seven
to three thousand, such as were allowed to be on the platform
between the silver rails. How can I mention every particular of the
splendid scene?
On the ‘íds and other festivals, His Majesty, with his own hands, gave
the betel and perfumes to all in his presence, according to their ranks.
His gifts of jewels, dresses, and other favours were truly royal. When
in private he dressed plain and humbly, like a religious devotee, and
daily, without fail, prayed with many in company. Frequently on
holidays and Fridays, when travelling, he would read the prayers
himself in the great tent of audience, and repeat portions of the
Kurán, with a tone and sweetness which captivated the most
eloquent Arabians. He never missed the devotions of the latter part of
the night, and frequently employed the whole in prayer. In the early
part of the evening he had generally an assembly of the religious or
learned men. He himself related traditions (of the Prophet), in the
number of which he excelled, as well as in a knowledge of the Holy
Law. He had explored the different opinions of all sects, read the
works of all free thinkers, and was well acquainted with the
hypotheses of each. On this account some over-strict devotees
accused him of heterodoxy in his religious opinions, through mere
envy of his superior abilities. I heard most of his tenets, and lamented
the ignorance of his vain critics; for it was as clear as the sun how just
and orthodox he was in his opinions on religious points. But how can I
enumerate all his perfections! It would fill volumes to recite but a
small part, therefore I will desist.
Prince Kám Bakhsh.
Kám Bakhsh was a prince of an excellent memory; was learned and
a pleasing writer, possessed of all outward accomplishments in a high
degree; but there was in his mind a flightiness that approached near
to insanity. He seldom remained a month in his father’s presence, but
for some misbehaviour he was reproved, degraded or confined; and
some acts were done by him, to mention which would be unworthy of
me. * * What follies was he not guilty of, from the madness of his
mind and the confidence he put in lying visionaries! * * His flatterers
having told him that his eldest son would also at some time become
Emperor, he became jealous of the innocent child, and frequently
meditated putting him to death, but was withheld from that crime by
the dread he had of Aurangzeb. However, he kept him constantly in
confinement, miserably clothed, and worse fed than the son of a
wretched beggar, which was worse than death. From the same
cause, on ill-placed suspicions, he inflicted tortures and uncommon
punishments on the ladies of his harem, putting many of them
privately to death. To his servants, companions, and confidants, he
often behaved with outrageous cruelty, doing such acts to them as
before eye never saw nor ear heard. * *
Gházíu-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang.
Gházíu-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang, who had acquired a most powerful
influence in the Dakhin, and was chief of the Túrání Mughals, kept on
foot a great army. He had withdrawn himself from A’zam Sháh, and
he was also much in dread of Sháh ‘Álam’s resentment, because he
had advised that Prince’s being confined when Aurangzeb was before
Golkonda. He was an able statesman of long experience, who,
though blind of sight, could clearly perceive the mind of man;
therefore, whatever wishes he might have to enjoy the honour of
making an Emperor, yet he soon saw the follies of Kám Bakhsh, and
declined his cause as ruinous and lost. * * Mun’im Khán Khán-khánán
opened a correspondence with Gházíu-d dín, to whom he gave much
consolation, assurances of favour, and friendly advice. That ex-
perienced statesman, opening his eyes on the vicissitudes of life, saw
it was his interest, if His Majesty would forget the past and not molest
him in his fortune, to bend his head in submission and retire from
business to a life of devotion. His only son, Chín Kalích Khán, had
long disagreed with him, and his brother, Hámid Khán, whom he had
appointed his deputy in command of the troops, had separated from
him and gone over to the presence. The Túrán chiefs of his
household also, when they saw his fortunes on the decline, had left
his service. All these events made him glad to embrace the promises
of the minister and thankfully accept the súbadárí of Ahmadábád in
Gujarát.
Intrigues of the four Princes.
The four Princes were constantly intriguing against each other, to
obtain influence in the management of public affairs, which
occasioned much delay and confusion in business, so that the Khán-
khánán thought it happy to steer his vessel safe through four such
great seas, and could not act so independently as he wished, being
obliged to attend to the capricious interests of others, among which
he found it difficult to preserve his own.
Among the remarkable occurrences was the decline of Jahán Sháh’s
influence with his father, and the rise of that of ‘Azímu-sh Shán, of
whom till now the Emperor had ever been suspicious. The Prince
Jahán Sháh was of haughty and independent spirit, ready to take fire
on the smallest neglect. This, with the behaviour of his servants,
alarmed and displeased the Khán-khánán, who for his own safety
watched an opportunity to destroy the Prince’s influence in public
affairs: a task of no great difficulty to one well acquainted with the
disposition of Sháh ‘Álam, almost equally warm with his son, who had
more than once displeased him by his behaviour. The Prince upon
this thought to prove his disinterestedness and independence by
neglecting to frequent the darbár, and engage in business as usual.
‘Azímu-sh Shán, who had reaped experience in office, and was well
versed in the intrigues of a court, perceiving coolness taking place
between Jahán Sháh and the Khán-khánán, paid so much flattering
attention to the latter, that by degrees he gained his confidence. This
gave still more offence to Jahán Sháh, who had too much pride to
expostulate, but neglected the minister in return. He soon after fell
sick, and his indisposition continuing a long time, gave ‘Azímu-sh
Shán ample opportunities of acquiring influence over Sháh ‘Álam. * *
* ‘Azímu-sh Shán, having thus gained the credit he aimed at with his
father and the minister, employed it in softening the rigour of
government against those who laboured under its displeasure;
thinking that, thus obliged by his mediation, they would readily return
his favours, by embracing his cause, whenever the death of his father
should give him a claim to the empire.
Death and Character of Khán-khánán.
The Khán-khánán [having invested the fort to which the Sikhs had
retreated], sure of having the Guru in his power, gave orders for his
troops to cease their attack till the morning should enable him to
finish it with success. He had, however, unluckily neglected to block
up a narrow path leading from the fort to the hills, either because he
had not perceived it, or was satisfied that it could not lead but to
where the Imperial troops were posted. * * During the night the Guru
changed his dress, and left the fort undiscovered. The Khán-khánán
about dawn renewed the attack, and gained the place after a short
struggle, sword in hand, exulting in the certainty of carrying the Guru
dead or alive to the Emperor, whose displeasure at his disobedience
of orders* would by this service be changed to approbation; but who
can relate his weight of grief and disappointment on finding that his
promised prize had escaped, without leaving a trace behind him? * *
He for an instant lost almost the use of his faculties, which were
absorbed in dread of the Emperor’s anger, and not without reason. As
he was, agreeably to custom after an important victory, beating the
march of triumph on his way to the royal tents, orders arrived
commanding him to stop the drums, and not dare to enter the
presence. He retired, drowned in despair, to his own tents. * * * Sháh
‘Álam, regarding his former services, received him again into favour
after a few days; but this noble and faithful minister never recovered
from the effects of the royal ingratitude. This grief, added to the pain
of seeing three of the Princes and the Amíru-l umará using all their
arts to complete his ruin, stuck like a poisoned arrow in his breast. He
lost all satisfaction in worldly enjoyments, the emptiness of which he
now so fully experienced, and from the day of his disgrace declined in
health, so that not long after he was reduced to keep his bed, where
he lingered a few days, and then resigned his soul to the angel of
death (1124 A.H., 1712 A.D.), who never in the uncounted ages of his
office seized on a soul more pure and less defiled with the frailties of
human nature.

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Death of Bahádur Sháh.


Sháh ‘Álam Bahádur Sháh died on the 21st Muharram, 1124 A.H. (18th
February, 1712 A.D.). * * It happened that one day as Jahándár Sháh
and ‘Azímu-sh Shán were sitting near his bed, the latter perceiving
under a corner of his pillow a dagger of very exquisite workmanship,
took it up to admire the jewels with which it was adorned and the
water of the blade. Upon his drawing it from the scabbard, Jahándár
Sháh, jealous of his brother, was seized with a panic. He started up,
and retired with such precipitation, that he struck the turban from his
head against the door of the tent, forgot his slippers at the entrance,
and fell down over the ropes. Being assisted to rise and adjust his
dress by his servants, he rode off to his tents with all the speed and
hurry possible. This occasioned much alarm in the camp. I met the
Prince with his attendants, pushing on his elephant with frantic haste,
upon seeing which I endeavoured to pass unobserved; but he knew
me, and sent a messenger to call me. As I had previously attached
myself to ‘Azímu-sh Shán, I did not obey the mandate, but passed on
to the Emperor’s tents. * * The Amíru-l umará called for me, and
desired me to send my grandson ‘Ináyatu-llah to ‘Azímu-sh Shán, to
ask him how he could serve him on the present occasion. I sent him,
but he returned with a reply laconic and slight as if from a nobleman
of high rank to the commander of a hundred, written in the hand of his
confidant as follows: “As the Imperial servants can know no place of
support but this Court, and most have already repaired to it, the
Amíru-l umará must also pay his duty, with assurance of a gracious
reception in the presence.” When the Amíru-l umará read this, he
shed tears, and said to me, with much emotion, “You see the
manners of the Prince and his advisers. Alas! the errors of a favourite
unacquainted with government often endanger the very existence of
his master.” * * After saying this, he collected his followers, and
moved his tents and effects to the quarter of Prince Jahándár, where
he thought his services most likely to answer his own interest. * * He
had formerly been disgusted with ‘Azímu-sh Shán, for preferring to
himself the Khán-khánán and Mahábat Khán, and he now swore to
assist the three brothers in effecting his destruction, and in making an
equal division of the empire and treasures among them.
Jahándár Sháh.
When Jahándár Sháh, by the intrigues and support of the Amíru-l
umará Zú-l fikár Khán, had triumphed over his three brothers, and
ascended the throne of empire, without the fear or dread of a
competitor, all the customs of time were changed. He was himself a
weak man, effeminately careful of his person, fond of ease, indolent,
and totally ignorant of the arts of government. He had also blemishes
and vices unworthy of royalty, and unknown among his illustrious
ancestors. He made the vast empire of Hindústán an offering to the
foolish whims of a courtezan. The relations, friends and minions of
the mistress usurped absolute authority in the State; and high offices,
great titles and unreasonable grants from the Imperial domains were
showered profusely on beggarly musicians. Two krors of rupees
annually were settled for only the household expenses of the
mistress, exclusive of her clothes and jewels. * *
The Amíru-l umará Zú-l fikár Khán, seater, nay even creator of
emperors, with such a puppet of humanity in his hands, became
absolute and filled with pride. He studied to ruin the most ancient
families, inventing pretences to put great men to death, or disgrace
them that he might plunder their possessions. Unhappy was the
person he suspected to be rich, as wealth and vexatious accusations
always accompanied each other. He established such exactions and
abuses as no prior age had beheld, and by which now he is alone
remembered. He took enormous emoluments and revenues for
himself, while he disposed of money to others with a hand so sparing
that even his own creatures felt severe poverty with empty titles, for
he never allowed jágírs to any. The minds of high and low, rich and
poor, near and distant, friends and strangers, were turned against him
and wished his destruction. Hindús and Musulmáns agreed in praying
to Heaven for the fall of his power, night and day. Often does the
midnight sigh of the widow ruin the riches of a hundred years.
Kokaltásh Khán, foster-brother of Jahándár Sháh, and brought up
with him from his childhood, was honoured with the title of Khán-
Jahán. His wife, daughter, and whole family also possessed great
influence with Jahándár, and claimed from him the performance of a
promise he had made of the office of wazír. At the same time they
and their adherents combined to work the overthrow of Zú-l fikár
Khán Amíru-l umará. With this view all their relations and dependents
were raised to a high rank, and a great number of the nobility,
distressed by the pride and rapacity of Zú-l fikár Khán, joined their
party. They insinuated to the Emperor that the Amíru-l umará
entertained designs too ambitious for a subject, to attain which he
would dare to shed the blood of princes; that he had already
determined on a revolution, and either to seize the throne for himself,
or if he found that too dangerous, to bestow it on one of the confined
princes more favourable to his will than His Majesty.
The weak Jahándár, unendowed with the least judgment or courage,
was alarmed almost to madness with the frightful picture of his own
situation; but he had not firmness to oppose the dreaded evils, nor
sense to keep his fears secret. The intrigues of Kokaltásh Khán soon
became evident to the whole Court, and only served to stimulate the
vigilance of Zú-l fikár Khán, who took measures for his own safety by
removing his enemies. Rustam-dil Khán, Mukhlis Khán, and some
others were put to death, and a great number of the nobility cast into
confinement on various pretences. The family of the late Khán-
khánán (Mun’im Khán) was reduced so low as to want the common
necessaries of life. In short, the disposition of the Amíru-l umará
changed altogether from gentleness to the highest pitch of tyranny, so
that he now punished with cruelty the persons who had years before,
knowingly or otherwise, given him the slightest causes of offence. I,
who had differed with him in opinions during the life of the late Bedár
Bakht, and frequently warned the late Emperor against his aspiring
views, had also been the friend and confidant of his late mortal
enemy, the Khán-khánán, and of a different party in the late struggle,
had not a hope of escaping from his hands, or those of Jahándár
Sháh, who had commanded me to be searched for and put to death.
Thinking it vain to attempt concealment in Láhore, I wrote the
following verses: “I am of the family of ‘Alí, * * * of the family of which
thou art head: look not on me, but upon our mutual ancestors,” and
sent them to him by my grandson, who was much in his favour. He
invited me to see him, * * * and upon his solemn oath that he meant
no injury to me, I went without dread. He received me in his private
apartment, to which I was admitted armed as usual, and treated me
in every way with much kindness, more than I had expected; after
which he dismissed me with assurances of protection. He the same
day asked the Emperor’s pardon for me, which was immediately
passed; but His Majesty observed, that though he forgave, he would
not on any account employ me in his service. The Amíru-l umará, too,
made me promise that I would not accept any office in the State
otherwise than through his patronage. I complied with this desire
without regret, as, independent of the obligations I owed to him, there
was no temptation left to court employment in a state which had in
fact no head; for the ministry was a collection of petty tyrants and
abusers of power.
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In the height of his power and authority, all at once a report was
heard that the Prince Farrukh Siyar, son to the martyred ‘Azímu-sh
Shan, had marched from Bengal towards Bihár, intending to revenge
his father’s death and seize the throne. * * Great numbers of the
Imperial servants wished secretly for the success of this rebellion. Zú-
l fikár Khán advised Jahándár not to remain more than a week in
Dehlí, but to proceed to Ágra, and if necessary to the eastern
provinces, as the dread of his power would not be impressed fully in
the breasts of his subjects while Farrukh Siyar refused to pay
allegiance. Jahándár Sháh, on his arrival at Dehlí, fascinated by the
various luxuries it afforded, forgot the advice of his minister, and
chose to remain, indulging himself in low pleasures, moving only from
palace to palace, and garden to garden. Kokaltásh Khán and his
party persuaded him that the Amíru-l umará had excited this rebellion,
and had engaged privately with Farrukh Siyar, to whom he would
deliver His Majesty a prisoner, should he prevail upon him to march
from the capital. These ideas served to increase the fears of the weak
Jahándár Sháh. He would often exclaim, “I did not kill ‘Azímu-sh
Shán; it was the Amíru-l umará, who must now go and answer the
claims of his son for satisfaction.” The other plans of an Emperor who
was thus overcome by fear may easily be guessed, and need no
explanation. The Amíru-l umará, offended at the distrust of his
master, did not attend as he ought to business, but employed his time
also in pleasure, and forwarding his own immediate interest.
Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán Bárha and his brother Husain ‘Alí Khán had
gained great honour by their behaviour in the service of A’zam Sháh,
after whose death they attached themselves to ‘Azímu-sh Shán, by
whom they were honoured, the former with the government of
Alláhábád, and the latter with that of the province of Bihár. * * ‘Abdu-
llah Khán pretended gratitude and obedience for the royal favours in
order to avoid further trouble from the Court, but which he had
resolved to serve no longer than he found necessary. When Farrukh
Siyar arrived in Bihár, he was immediately joined by Saiyid Husain
‘Alí Khán, who was faithfully attached to him as the son of his patron,
‘Azímu-sh Shán.
On the night of the 13th Zí-l ka’da, intelligence was received that the
Saiyids had by a countermarch of twenty miles, gained the ford of
Gao-ghát, and crossed the river with their advanced corps and all
their artillery; also that Farrukh Siyar with his whole army intended to
follow next day. * * A little after midday the battle began. * * Our
troops fell back upon the camp, and great confusion took place. * *
Numbers fled, but the Amíru-l umará stood firm, and the enemy was
kept long at a stand by his gallantry and steadiness; but he was ill
supported, though Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán fell wounded in the field,
and Chhabíla Rám was not more successful in his charge on
Kokaltásh Khán. It was now about five o’clock, when affairs were thus
doubtful; but just then Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán charged Jahándár
Sháh, who stood with his troops already alarmed, some distance in
the rear of the Amíru-l umará. They scarce waited to be attacked, but
broke their line, and fled in confusion on all sides. * * Thus, in the
space of a few hours, one government was destroyed and another
became possessed of absolute authority. The robe of empire graced
the august person of Farrukh Siyar, who sounded the joyful march of
triumph.
Though I was not in the service of any one, I remained in the field till
the Amíru-l umará had retired, when, thinking it best to provide for my
own safety, I entered the city with about a hundred persons who
sought my protection. * * In the morning I wrote to Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah
Khán, with whom I was formerly on terms of friendship, expressing
my desire of leave to visit him, and to be introduced to the new
Emperor. He replied to my letter with kindness, * * and next morning,
when Farrukh Siyar entered the city, I was allowed to pay him my
respects.

LETTERS OF AURANGZEB.
To Sháh A’zam Sháh.
Health to thee! My heart is near thee. Old age is arrived: weakness
subdues me, and strength has forsaken all my members. I came a
stranger into this world, and a stranger I depart. I know nothing of
myself, what I am, or for what I am destined. The instant which has
passed in power hath left only sorrow behind it. I have not been the
guardian and protector of the empire. My valuable time has been
passed vainly. I had a patron in my own dwelling (conscience), but his
glorious light was unseen by my dim sight. Life is not lasting; there is
no vestige of departed breath, and all hopes from futurity are lost.
The fever has left me; but nothing remains of me but skin and bone.
My son (Kám Bakhsh), though gone towards Bíjápúr, is still near; and
thou my son are yet nearer. The worthy of esteem, Sháh ‘Álam, is far
distant; and my grandson (‘Azímu-sh Shán), by the orders of God, is
arrived near Hindústán. The camp and followers, helpless and
alarmed, are like myself, full of alarms, restless as quicksilver.
Separated from their lord, they know not if they have a master or not.
I brought nothing into this world, and, except the infirmities of man,
carry nothing out. I have a dread for my salvation, and with what
torments I may be punished. Though I have strong reliance on the
mercies and bounties of God, yet, regarding my actions, fear will not
quit me; but when I am gone reflection will not remain. Come then
what may, I have launched my vessel in the waves. Though
Providence will protect the camp, yet, regarding appearances, the
endeavours of my sons are indispensably incumbent. Give my last
prayers to my grandson (Bedár Bakht), whom I cannot see, but the
desire affects me. The Begam (his daughter) appears afflicted; but
God is the only judge of hearts. The foolish thoughts of women
produce nothing but disappointment. Farewell. Farewell. Farewell.
To the Prince Kám Bakhsh.
My son, nearest to my heart! Though in the height of my power, and
by God’s permission, I gave you advice, and took with you the
greatest pains, yet, as it was not the Divine will, you did not attend
with the ear of compliance. Now I depart a stranger, and lament my
own insignificance, what does it profit me? I carry with me the fruits of
my sins and imperfections. Surprising Providence! I came here alone,
and alone I depart. The leader of this caravan hath deserted me. The
fever, which troubled me for twelve days, has left me. Wherever I look
I see nothing but the Divinity. My fears for the camp and followers are
great; but, alas! I know not myself. My back is bent with weakness,
and my feet have lost the power of motion. The breath which rose is
gone, and has left not even hope behind it. I have committed
numerous crimes, and know not with what punishments I may be
seized. Though the Protector of mankind will guard the camp, yet
care is incumbent also on the faithful and my sons. When I was alive,
no care was taken; and now I am gone, the consequence may be
guessed. The guardianship of a people is the trust by God committed
to my sons. A’zam Sháh is near. Be cautious that none of the faithful
are slain, or that their miseries fall upon my head. I resign you, your
mother and son to God, as I myself am going. The agonies of death
come upon me fast. Bahádur Sháh is still where he was, and his son
is arrived near Hindústán. Bedár Bakht is in Gujarát. Hayátu-n Nissa,
who has beheld no afflictions of time till now, is full of sorrows.
Regard the Begam as without concern. Údípúr, your mother, was a
partner in my illness, and wishes to accompany me in death; but
every thing has its appointed time.
The domestics and courtiers, however deceitful, yet must not be ill-
treated. It is necessary to gain your views by gentleness and art.
Extend your feet no lower than your skirt. The complaints of the
unpaid troops are as before. Dárá Shukoh, though of much judgment
and good understanding, settled large pensions on his people, but
paid them ill, and they were ever discontented. I am going. Whatever
good or evil I have done, it was for you. Take it not amiss, nor
remember what offences I have done unto yourself, that account may
not be demanded of me hereafter. No one has seen the departure of
his own soul, but I see that mine is departing.

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LXXXI.
TÁRÍKH-I BAHÁDUR SHÁHÍ.
[THIS is a small anonymous work extending from the death of
Aurangzeb to the accession of Muhammad Sháh, written, as the
author states, forty years after the death of Aurangzeb, and therefore
in 1747 A.D. As its title indicates, Bahádur Sháh is its leading subject,
and the history of the reign of that monarch takes up about half the
volume. It is written in a prolix tedious style. The reign of Bahádur
Sháh was translated for Sir H. M. Elliot by “Lt. Anderson, 25th Native
Infantry,” but there is very little in it which has not been told far better
elsewhere. A few short Extracts follow. There are two copies of the
work among the MSS. One is a small 8vo. of 138 pages of nine lines
each.]
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EXTRACTS.
When the news of that “unavoidable event,” the death of the Emperor
Aurangzeb, reached Dehlí, an extraordinary commotion spread
through Hindústán, and wonderful events followed. On the third day
after it became known in Dehlí, on the 21st Zí-l ka’da, 1118 of the holy
Hijra (18th February, 1707), after sunset and before the cry to evening
prayer, such a noise arose on the west as might be taken as a
sample of the noise there will be at the day of judgment. If hundreds
of thousands of men were to collect together and simultaneously
raise the most dreadful shouts, there would be no resemblance to
that noise. It exceeds all my powers to describe it. Forty years have
passed up to this time, but that strange noise is still in my ears, and
whoever heard it must certainly remember it. The noise lasted for
about half an hour, and then subsiding, nothing was heard of it after
the lapse of two hours.
On account of the death of Aurangzeb, and in consequence of the
confusion in Hindústán, the price of grain in all the provinces
remained unsettled. In some places it was more, in others less. Thus
in the first year after the death of His Majesty, in 1119 of the Hijra, the
price of grain in Dehlí became known to Ásafu-d daula, viz. the rate at
which it was sold for ready money. Wheat was twenty sírs per rupee;
barley twenty-seven sírs; gram twenty-five sírs; suhkdás rice ten sírs;
dal múng (a kind of vetch) fifteen sírs; másh (pulse) eighteen sírs;
moth twenty sírs; ‘adas eighteen sírs; ghí two sírs; pungent oil
(raughan-i talkh) seven sírs; red sugar twelve sírs.
When Bahádur Sháh arrived at Burhánpúr (on his march against Kám
Bakhsh), a severe pestilence (wabá) broke out amongst the royal
troops. Those attacked suffered from such unnatural heat that they
generally died in the course of a week, and those who lived longer
than a week, after undergoing great pain and torment, recovered. The
army continued its march towards Haidarábád. Twenty rupees was
the hire paid to the porters for carrying a sick man for a march of
three kos. Pioneers were sent on ahead of the camp to dig graves,
and when the army reached its new camping ground, the tents were
filled on one side, and graves upon the other.
At the time the army was marching southwards towards Burhánpúr,
Guru Gobind, one of the grandsons of Nának, had come into these
districts to travel, and accompanied the royal camp. He was in the
habit of constantly addressing assemblies of worldly persons,
religious fanatics, and all sorts of people. One day an Afghán, who
frequently attended these meetings, was sitting listening to him, when
certain expressions, unfit for the ears of the faithful, fell from the
tongue of the Guru. The Afghán was enraged, and regardless of the
Guru’s dignity and importance, he gave him two or three stabs with a
knife and killed him.
The son of Jahándár Sháh was Sultán ‘Azízu-d dín. The sons of
‘Azímu-sh Shán were Sultán Farrukh Siyar, Sultán Karímu-d dín, and
Sultán Humáyún Bakht. The sons of Khujista Akhtar Jahán Sháh
were Sultán Farkhanda Akhtar the eldest; the second Roshan Akhtar,
afterwards the Emperor Muhammad Sháh; the third son was Sultán
Mubárak Akhtar, also called Achhi Miyán. The son of Prince Rafí’u-sh
Shán was Rafí’-d Daraja. The son of ‘Álí Jáh was ‘Álí Tabár. The sons
of Bedár Bakht were Bedár Dil, Sa’íd Bakht, and Hayátu-llah. The
sons of Prince Kám Bakhsh were Sultán Muhíu-s Sunnat, and
Yahyau-s Sunnat. Of the grandsons of Sháh Jahán and sons of Dárá
Shukoh were Dárá Bakhsh, Yazdán Bakhsh, and Sultán Sipihr
Shukoh.

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LXXXII.
TÁRÍKH-I SHÁH ‘ÁLAM BAHÁDUR SHÁH
OF
DÁNISHMAND KHÁN.
[THIS is another history of Bahádur Sháh, but it reaches only to the
month of Rajab, in the second year of his reign. It is the work of
Dánishmand Khán, already noticed in No. LXXVI. (suprà, p. 200).
The author is best known by his title Ni’amat Khán, but in the present
volume he calls himself Dánishmand Khán, and tells us that he had
received the title of Mukarrab Khán in the reign of Aurangzeb. It
appears also from this work, that he wrote a book called Bádsháh-
náma,* which was presented to the Emperor, and for which he
received an augmentation of his mansab. The work is divided into
months; and the two years and few months fill 262 leaves of fourteen
lines to the page. It is written in an ambitious style, and abounds with
quotations from the Arabic and of Persian verse.]

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[Probably the same as the Sháh-náma referred to in No. LXXVI.]

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LXXXIII.
‘IBRAT-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD KÁSIM.
THIS work is sometimes called Táríkh-i Bahádur-Sháhí. It is a well-
written history, composed by Muhammad Kásim, who describes
himself as a dependent of Amíru-l umará Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán. It
commences with the death of Aurang-zeb, and terminates with the
death of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, the author having
accomplished his purpose of writing a history of the times of the two
great Saiyids of Bárha. One copy I have in small octavo contains 224
pages of eighteen lines to a page. Another imperfect copy of a work
of the same name, and by the same author, carries the history down
to A.D. 1736. The language also occasionally varies, so that it is
probable the latter may be a second edition of the former, especially
as it seems to be more elaborately got up, and to be written in a more
polished style. There are, however, several works known by this
name, and there is a later history bearing this title.
The following is a list of the contents, with the number of pages
occupied by each chapter:
Reason of writing the ‘Ibrat-náma, 2 pp.—Cause of the author’s
becoming an attendant in the Court of Amíru-l umará Saiyid Husain
‘Alí Khán the Martyr, 9 pp.—Account of the Death of Aurangzeb
‘Álamgír, 11 pp.—Happy Accession of Bahádur Sháh to the Imperial
Throne, 11 pp.—March of Muhammad A’zam Sháh with the object of
making war against Muhammad Mu’azzam Bahádur Sháh. The
armies meet in the field of Haju in the vicinity of Ágra, 5 pp.—Battle
between Muhammad A’zam Sháh and Muhammad Mu’azzam
Bahádur Sháh and his sons. Victory gained by the latter, 4 pp.—
Rejoicings at the victory of Muhammad Mu’azzam Bahádur Sháh.
Rewards and gifts granted by him to his old and new servants,
attendants and relations, 18 pp.—Departure of Bahádur Sháh
towards the Dakhin against Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, 2 pp.—His
return into Hindústán after gaining the victory over Kám Bakhsh, his
younger brother, 13 pp.—Disturbances caused by the Sikhs in the
Panjáb. Ruin of Sirhind. Eulogy of Nának Sháh Fakír, 2 pp.—War of
the four Princes close to the garden of Shálimár in Láhore, 42 pp.—
The two Princes Jahán Sháh and Rafí’u-Shán. War with Muhammad
Mu’izzu-d dín Jahándár Sháh, 12 pp.—Happy accession of
Muhammad Mu’izzu-d dín Jahándár Sháh to the Imperial Throne of
Dehlí, 11 pp.—Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, hearing the news of the
battles of the four Princes at Láhore, prepares to take revenge for his
father and brother, 7 pp.—The troops of Sultán ‘Azzu-d dín, son of
Jahándár Sháh, defeated by the two Saiyids. His flight, 10 pp.—
Muhammad Farrukh Siyar’s Accession to the Throne at Ágra, 12 pp.
—Ísa Khán, Zamíndár of the Doáb, his family and relations, all killed
by Sháhdad Khán, an Afghán of Kasor, 19 pp.—Cause of disturbance
in the Government of Farrukh Siyar, 3 pp.—Nawáb Saiyid Husain ‘Alí
Khán appointed to superintend the affairs of the Rájpúts of Ajmír and
of the great amírs, and to bring Rája Ajít Singh’s daughter to Farrukh
Siyar, 6 pp.—Farrukh Siyar marries the daughter of Rája Ajít Singh
Ráthor on the banks of the Ráví, 7 pp.—The Súbadárí of the Dakhin
committed to the charge of Husain ‘Alí Khán, and that of the Eastern
Division to Hamla Bahádur, 6 pp.—Muhammad Rafí’u-d Darajat
raised to the throne; death of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, 4 pp.—
Tumults and seditions at Ágra. Prince Neku Siyar raised to the
throne; Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán’s march to Ágra with Rafí’u-d Daula
Sháh Jahán the Second. Reduction of the fort of Ágra, 14 pp. —
Accession of Muhammad Ghází to the throne, by the aid of the
Saiyids, at Fathpúr, 19 pp.—Disturbances at Alláhábád by Giridhar
Bahádur, brother of Rája Chhabílá; Haidar Kulí Khán sent against
him; departure of Rája Ratan Bahádur, 4 pp.—Muhammad Sháh’s
departure towards the Dakhin; Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán killed by the
treachery of a Mughal, 36 pp. —News of Saiyid Husain Khán being
killed received by Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, his elder brother; and his
affliction, 23 pp.— War between Muhammad Amín Khán and Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah Khán Kutbu-l Mulk; capture of the aforesaid Saiyid, 13 pp.
Size of one copy 9 ½ inches by 7—108 pages of 12 lines each.
[There are four copies of this work among Sir H. M. Elliot’s MSS.]

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EXTRACTS.
[The exaltation of the Saiyids (‘Abdu-llah and Husain ‘Alí Khán)
exceeded all conception, and passed the bounds of description. They
became envied by many of the nobles, and their names were upon
every tongue. Mír Jumla on his part never lost an opportunity of
making malicious insinuations and charges against Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah,
and he especially complained that the Saiyid, in pursuit of his own
pleasure, had left all the control of business in the hands of Ratan
Chand, who had a maw as insatiable as the nethermost hell for
swallowing gold and silver. Against the younger brother Amíru-l
umará Saiyid ‘Alí Khán, it was alleged that his bearing was proud and
haughty, unbecoming in a subject. By such insinuations the mind of
the Emperor was poisoned. Khán-daurán was ostensibly intimate and
friendly with the two brothers, but he considered himself one of the
most trusted counsellors of the Emperor. He was never absent from
Court night or day, and whatever entered his mind, whether exalted
or low, pleasant or unpleasant, he imparted to the Emperor. * * It was
often proposed that the two brothers should be seized in the
Emperor’s private council chamber, and committed to close
confiement.]
Murder of Husain ‘Alí Khán.
[The chief nobles having, according to practice, attended the Emperor
to his tents, were returning to their own quarters. Amíru-l umará
Husain ‘Alí, unmindful of the designs of his enemies, proceeded to his
tents in a pálkí, escorted by seven or eight of his attendants.
Muhammad Amín Khán, Sa’ádat Khán, and some other of the
conspirators, were with him. Muhammad Amín resorted to artifice,
and pretending to be faint, he wished to lie down on the ground. He
was brought round by means of rose-water and musk. Thereupon he
directed that they should bring to him Haidar Kulí Khán, the
commander of the artillery. They ran to fetch that crafty partner in the
conspiracy. At this time there were only two or three of the attendants
and valiant brothers of the Saiyid near his pálkí. A man named Haidar
Beg, from the station of Muhammad Amín, accompanied by several
Mughals, came forward complaining of Muhammad Amín, and
desiring to present a petition. * * The attendants wanted to take the
petition from his hands, but he would not allow them. The Amíru-l
umará kindly told them to let the man approach. Haidar Beg
advanced to present the petition, and as the Amír took it, the assassin
drew a dagger from his waist, and stuck the Amír in the side, so that
he rolled out of the pálkí, and his blood spurted over the bystanders.
He called out, “Will no one come to my aid?” and as he lay with his
bowels protruding, he cried, “Bring me a horse, I will ride.” A youth of
fourteen years of age, named Saiyid Mír Khán, son of the Amír’s
elder brother Asadu-llah Khán Bahádur, was walking near the pálkí,
and as soon as he saw what was passing, he cried out, “Some
rascals are killing the Nawáb!” Then he attacked Haidar Beg fiercely
with his short sword, and wounded him in two or three places,
stretching him dead upon the ground beside his victim. The other
Mughals attacked the youth, and slew him with many wounds. The
murdered Nawáb’s head was then cut off, and carried to Muhammad
Amín Khán, and those who bore it expected great rewards in
fulfilment of the promises made to them.]
Death of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah.
[The Mughals at length so worked upon the Emperor by their
importunities and artifices, that he consented to the poisoning of the
Saiyid.]

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LXXXIII.
‘IBRAT-NÁMA
OF
MUHAMMAD KÁSIM.
THIS work is sometimes called Táríkh-i Bahádur-Sháhí. It is a well-
written history, composed by Muhammad Kásim, who describes
himself as a dependent of Amíru-l umará Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán. It
commences with the death of Aurang-zeb, and terminates with the
death of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah, the author having
accomplished his purpose of writing a history of the times of the two
great Saiyids of Bárha. One copy I have in small octavo contains 224
pages of eighteen lines to a page. Another imperfect copy of a work
of the same name, and by the same author, carries the history down
to A.D. 1736. The language also occasionally varies, so that it is
probable the latter may be a second edition of the former, especially
as it seems to be more elaborately got up, and to be written in a more
polished style. There are, however, several works known by this
name, and there is a later history bearing this title.
The following is a list of the contents, with the number of pages
occupied by each chapter:
Reason of writing the ‘Ibrat-náma, 2 pp.—Cause of the author’s
becoming an attendant in the Court of Amíru-l umará Saiyid Husain
‘Alí Khán the Martyr, 9 pp.—Account of the Death of Aurangzeb
‘Álamgír, 11 pp.—Happy Accession of Bahádur Sháh to the Imperial
Throne, 11 pp.—March of Muhammad A’zam Sháh with the object of
making war against Muhammad Mu’azzam Bahádur Sháh. The
armies meet in the field of Haju in the vicinity of Ágra, 5 pp.—Battle
between Muhammad A’zam Sháh and Muhammad Mu’azzam
Bahádur Sháh and his sons. Victory gained by the latter, 4 pp.—
Rejoicings at the victory of Muhammad Mu’azzam Bahádur Sháh.
Rewards and gifts granted by him to his old and new servants,
attendants and relations, 18 pp.—Departure of Bahádur Sháh
towards the Dakhin against Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, 2 pp.—His
return into Hindústán after gaining the victory over Kám Bakhsh, his
younger brother, 13 pp.—Disturbances caused by the Sikhs in the
Panjáb. Ruin of Sirhind. Eulogy of Nának Sháh Fakír, 2 pp.—War of
the four Princes close to the garden of Shálimár in Láhore, 42 pp.—
The two Princes Jahán Sháh and Rafí’u-Shán. War with Muhammad
Mu’izzu-d dín Jahándár Sháh, 12 pp.—Happy accession of
Muhammad Mu’izzu-d dín Jahándár Sháh to the Imperial Throne of
Dehlí, 11 pp.—Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, hearing the news of the
battles of the four Princes at Láhore, prepares to take revenge for his
father and brother, 7 pp.—The troops of Sultán ‘Azzu-d dín, son of
Jahándár Sháh, defeated by the two Saiyids. His flight, 10 pp.—
Muhammad Farrukh Siyar’s Accession to the Throne at Ágra, 12 pp.
—Ísa Khán, Zamíndár of the Doáb, his family and relations, all killed
by Sháhdad Khán, an Afghán of Kasor, 19 pp.—Cause of disturbance
in the Government of Farrukh Siyar, 3 pp.—Nawáb Saiyid Husain ‘Alí
Khán appointed to superintend the affairs of the Rájpúts of Ajmír and
of the great amírs, and to bring Rája Ajít Singh’s daughter to Farrukh
Siyar, 6 pp.—Farrukh Siyar marries the daughter of Rája Ajít Singh
Ráthor on the banks of the Ráví, 7 pp.—The Súbadárí of the Dakhin
committed to the charge of Husain ‘Alí Khán, and that of the Eastern
Division to Hamla Bahádur, 6 pp.—Muhammad Rafí’u-d Darajat
raised to the throne; death of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, 4 pp.—
Tumults and seditions at Ágra. Prince Neku Siyar raised to the
throne; Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán’s march to Ágra with Rafí’u-d Daula
Sháh Jahán the Second. Reduction of the fort of Ágra, 14 pp. —
Accession of Muhammad Ghází to the throne, by the aid of the
Saiyids, at Fathpúr, 19 pp.—Disturbances at Alláhábád by Giridhar
Bahádur, brother of Rája Chhabílá; Haidar Kulí Khán sent against
him; departure of Rája Ratan Bahádur, 4 pp.—Muhammad Sháh’s
departure towards the Dakhin; Saiyid Husain ‘Alí Khán killed by the
treachery of a Mughal, 36 pp. —News of Saiyid Husain Khán being
killed received by Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah Khán, his elder brother; and his
affliction, 23 pp.— War between Muhammad Amín Khán and Saiyid
‘Abdu-llah Khán Kutbu-l Mulk; capture of the aforesaid Saiyid, 13 pp.
Size of one copy 9 ½ inches by 7—108 pages of 12 lines each.
[There are four copies of this work among Sir H. M. Elliot’s MSS.]

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EXTRACTS.
[The exaltation of the Saiyids (‘Abdu-llah and Husain ‘Alí Khán)
exceeded all conception, and passed the bounds of description. They
became envied by many of the nobles, and their names were upon
every tongue. Mír Jumla on his part never lost an opportunity of
making malicious insinuations and charges against Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah,
and he especially complained that the Saiyid, in pursuit of his own
pleasure, had left all the control of business in the hands of Ratan
Chand, who had a maw as insatiable as the nethermost hell for
swallowing gold and silver. Against the younger brother Amíru-l
umará Saiyid ‘Alí Khán, it was alleged that his bearing was proud and
haughty, unbecoming in a subject. By such insinuations the mind of
the Emperor was poisoned. Khán-daurán was ostensibly intimate and
friendly with the two brothers, but he considered himself one of the
most trusted counsellors of the Emperor. He was never absent from
Court night or day, and whatever entered his mind, whether exalted
or low, pleasant or unpleasant, he imparted to the Emperor. * * It was
often proposed that the two brothers should be seized in the
Emperor’s private council chamber, and committed to close
confiement.]
Murder of Husain ‘Alí Khán.
[The chief nobles having, according to practice, attended the Emperor
to his tents, were returning to their own quarters. Amíru-l umará
Husain ‘Alí, unmindful of the designs of his enemies, proceeded to his
tents in a pálkí, escorted by seven or eight of his attendants.
Muhammad Amín Khán, Sa’ádat Khán, and some other of the
conspirators, were with him. Muhammad Amín resorted to artifice,
and pretending to be faint, he wished to lie down on the ground. He
was brought round by means of rose-water and musk. Thereupon he
directed that they should bring to him Haidar Kulí Khán, the
commander of the artillery. They ran to fetch that crafty partner in the
conspiracy. At this time there were only two or three of the attendants
and valiant brothers of the Saiyid near his pálkí. A man named Haidar
Beg, from the station of Muhammad Amín, accompanied by several
Mughals, came forward complaining of Muhammad Amín, and
desiring to present a petition. * * The attendants wanted to take the
petition from his hands, but he would not allow them. The Amíru-l
umará kindly told them to let the man approach. Haidar Beg
advanced to present the petition, and as the Amír took it, the assassin
drew a dagger from his waist, and stuck the Amír in the side, so that
he rolled out of the pálkí, and his blood spurted over the bystanders.
He called out, “Will no one come to my aid?” and as he lay with his
bowels protruding, he cried, “Bring me a horse, I will ride.” A youth of
fourteen years of age, named Saiyid Mír Khán, son of the Amír’s
elder brother Asadu-llah Khán Bahádur, was walking near the pálkí,
and as soon as he saw what was passing, he cried out, “Some
rascals are killing the Nawáb!” Then he attacked Haidar Beg fiercely
with his short sword, and wounded him in two or three places,
stretching him dead upon the ground beside his victim. The other
Mughals attacked the youth, and slew him with many wounds. The
murdered Nawáb’s head was then cut off, and carried to Muhammad
Amín Khán, and those who bore it expected great rewards in
fulfilment of the promises made to them.]
Death of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid ‘Abdu-llah.
[The Mughals at length so worked upon the Emperor by their
importunities and artifices, that he consented to the poisoning of the
Saiyid.]

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