1

PEASANTS MOVEMENT: A SOCIAL

Indian economy, even in the 21st century; has been largely dominated by the primary sector. Two-
thirds of its population depends on agriculture. In local parlance they are known as Kisans 1. The
term is used differently by different authors. Economically they are identified as small producers,
who produce for their own consumption, subsistence cultivators, who produce largely for the need
of their family rather than for market and profit. Peasants are culturally unsystematic, unreflective,
unsophisticated, non-literati and part of “little tradition” the ‘incomplete’ and a ‘part society with
part cultures’. Shan2 explains peasants on these dimensions- peasant family as the basic need of
multi-dimensional social organization, land and animal husbandry as source of income, distinct
cultures way of life, politically “under dog” or in a ruled position. Eric Wolf in his book ‘Peasant
Wars of the Twentieth Century’ described peasants as “unorganized and devoid of the knowledge
required for organized collective action.”3

Karl Marx considered both European and Indian peasantry to be passive and apathetic to
injustice, and quiescent to oppression and exploitation. He asserted that peasantry were devoid of
revolutionary power and dubbed them as ‘sack of potatoes’. But, Mao, Lenin and Fanon placed
peasants at the centre of revolution and accorded them revolutionary status. Irfan Habib argued that
the history of Indian jacqueries proved Marx’s contemptuous characterization of the Indian peasants
as historically false. Barrington Moore Jr. argues that Indian peasantry lack revolutionary potential
due to their division along caste and communal lines, rural power alignment and class alliances.
This thesis has been challenged by a number of authors- K. Gough (1974), D.N. Dhanagare (1983),
R. Guha (1983), A.R. Desai (1969) and others. These authors assert that the Indian rural society
was rocked by peasant protests and revolts not only during colonial rule, but even independent India
is witnessing peasants’ revolts and rebellions.

Some Marxist authors have discussed ‘revolutionary potential of Indian peasantry’. Eric
Wolf and Hamza Alavi (1973) have asserted the revolutionary potential of ‘middle peasantry’. But,
Pouchepadass (1980) has identified ‘dominant peasantry’ as the progenitor of peasant movement in

1
“Peasants” in English
2
Roy Hofheinz, “The Broken Wave: The Chinese Communist Peasant Movement”, page no. 314
3
Available at: http://www.ccc.ugent.be/file/228
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India. It is important to note that, these authors have analyzed the class character of Indian
peasantry in its historical setting together with its ideology, goal, strategy and contradiction within
it.4

Peasant movement is a distinct category of social movements. Conceptually, peasant

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: CONCEPTUAL DIMENSIONS

Conventionally, study of social movements has been the domain of history and political
science. The famous French Revolution and its aftermath have inspired social and political
philosophers from Comte, Durkheim and Weber to Marx, from Von Stein, Sombart to Michels and
Mosca. They paid due attention to explain modern European social structures and processes of
change. But not much attention was paid to the meaning of ideas of the people who made up the
movement, or to the social structure of these groups. Thus, sociological perspective of the
movements were absent by and large till 1930. Today, study of social movements has distinct
sociological flavor, precisely because of its different theoretical frame of interpretation and
explanation, objective and subject matter.5

Meaning and Classification of Social Movements

Ghanshaym Shah clarifies movements as revolts, rebellion, reforms and revolution to bring
about changes in the political system. For Parth Mukherji social movements are accumulative,
alternative and transformative. Social movements are classified on the basis of issues around which
participants gets mobilized. Some other scholars, jurists, researchers classify movements on the
basis of the participants, such as
i. Peasants Movement
ii. Tribal Movement
iii. Dalits Movement
iv. Women Movement
4
Ibid note 3
5
Graeme Chesters & Ian Welsh, “Social Movements: The Key Concepts” page no. 23
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v. Backwards Movement
vi. Students Movement
vii. Trade Union Movement
viii. Industrial Working Class Movements6

PEASANT MOVEMENT

The term ‘peasant’ is an ambiguous term that is differently used by different authors or
variously by same authors in different studies. In India, peasant movement may be studied in three
phases,
1. The initial phase (1857-1921): This phase was characterized by the sporadic growth
of peasant movements in the absence of proper leadership.
2. The second phase (1923-1946): This phase was marked by the emergence of the
class conscious peasant organizations; its distinct feature was that during this period
peasant movements were led by people who gave priority to kisan problems in the
struggle for national liberation.
3. Post Independence phase: This era witnessed the uninterrupted continuity of the
agrarian movements due to the failure of the ruling party to resolve any of the basic
problems of the working masses of rural India. The peasant struggles in this period
were led predominantly by left political parties like the Communist Party of India
(CPI), Praja Sociologist Party (PSP), and Socialist Party (SP), through their Kisan
organizations. This phase of present movement was further sub classified as,
i. Pre Naxalbari Period or Pre Green Revolution
ii. Post Naxalbari Period or Post Green Revolution
A. R. Desai calls the struggles in colonial era as ‘peasant’s movements’ and the terms the struggles
of post independence as ‘agrarian struggles’.

PEASANTS MOVEMENTS IN PRE- INDEPENDENCE ERA

There were many agitations in the 19th century- the famous Santhal and Indigo revolts in
Bengal and Punjab and Maharashtra- but none of these survived in the form of organized groups
that could continue to exert influence on administration or legislators. Gandhi and his supporters
organized peasants at Champaran (Bihar), against the exactions of indigo planters in 1917; in
Gujarat, Gandhi led the famous Khera Satygraha against the realization of land revenue in 1918. In
1928, the Bardoli Satyagraha against the enactment of land revenue was organized by Sardar Patel.

6
Ibid note 3
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The economic policy instituted by the British Government created discontentment among the
peasants of India. Further, the Indian zamindars and moneylenders exploited illiterate peasant mass.
After the permanent settlement of 1793, the absentee landlords, the intermediaries and the village
money-lenders and the oppression of the Europeans reduced the Indian peasants into beggary. The
growing oppression was not simply swallowed by the peasants but they raised voice against it.
 The Santhal rebellion, 1855-56

The Santals of Hazaribagh, Midnapur, Bankura, Birbhum, Manbhum etc. were the worst sufferers
due to the permanent settlement. The police and other government officials did not protect their
interest; rather exploited them. The Santhals under the leadership of Sidhu and Kanhu raised in
1856 with a view to put an end to colonial rule in India. They disrupted the railway and postal
communications between Bhagalpur and Rajmahal.

The British troops became alert and a force under Major Burrough suffered a defeat at the lands of
the Santhals. The British took repressive measures, arrested the Santhal leaders and quelled the
rebellion. The Rebellion was pacified with the creation of a separate district consisting of the
Santhal Parganas. However, in the great Revolt of 1857, peasants of Oudh and western U.P.
participated and fought against the British authority.

 Strike of Bengal indigo cultivators 1860

Bengal projected the first strike in the history of the peasant movement in India. The European
planters in Bengal forced the local peasants to resort to indigo cultivation and earned a good deal of
profit. The peasants suffered a lot in 1860. The peasants of the districts of Pabna and Nadia and
Barasat sub-division went on strike and refused to cultivate indigo. Soon, the news spread and
peasants of Dacca, Malda, Jessore, Khulna, Rajsahi and several other places followed their path.
The British Government was alarmed and issued order to different police stations to take due
caution in protecting the peasants from the clutches of indigo planters. In an Act of 1862, it was
decided that the planters can go to the court of law. This law freed the peasants from the clutches of
the planters who left Bengal and ultimately went to Bihar and U. P.

 Peasant uprising in Deccan, 1875

The payment of Government revenue, fall of the price of cotton and manipulation of bond by the
money-lenders in Deccan added plights to the life of the peasants. In December 1874, a money-
lender named Kālu ram obtained decree from the court for evicting Baba Saheb Deshinukh, who
failed to pay Rs 150 which he had borrowed from the former. When the money-lender evicted the
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former, the villagers were infuriated. The fire of discontent spread in Poona district. The peasants
forcibly entered into the house of the money-lenders, burnt their houses and shops and the bond of
loans. The government was alarmed and sent police who arrested hundreds of peasants. The
government could not take any action against the peasants because there was no evidence to prove
it, A Deccan Riots Commission was appointed to investigate the course of such uprising. The
Agriculturists' Relief Act of 1879 was passed which facilitated the peasants in the payment of their
loan but under no circumstance. They could be arrested and sent to jail for non- payment of loans.
Before riots could spread to other parts of the country, the British Government passed Punjab Land
Alienation Act, and pacified the discontent of the peasants of Punjab.

 Champaran Movement of 1917

The peasants of Champaran in Bihar started a movement against their planters who had forced them
for indigo cultivation. The intervention of .Mahatma Gandhi solved the problems.

 Kheda Satyagraha, 1918

The peasant’s Kheda in Gujarat in 1917 denied paying revenue to the government in 1918. Gandhi
and other leaders guided them and the government had to bend before them.

 The Moplah uprising, 1921-22

In 1921 the Muslim peasants of the Malabar districts of Kerala known as the Moplahs rose against
their landlords, the Namboodris and Nairs. These upper classes exploited the peasants. The
Moplahs had no security of their tenure. The renewal of fees, high rents and other extractions by the
zamindars broke the backbone of the Moplahs. They became united and made armed attacks on the
Namboodris, Nair’s and other higher castes. The British Government became active and suppressed
them.

 The Kisan Sabhas

Formation of the Kisan Sabhas during 1922-1928 at different places inside the country protected the
interests of the peasants. The Kisan Sabhas at Andhra, Bihar, U.P. Gujarat, Karnataka etc. were
organized by the national leaders who came forward to champion the causes of the peasants. The
peasants came to the great help at different points of India's struggle for independence. The popular
ministries in provinces looked after the problems of the peasants. The Restoration of Bengal Land
Act and Bihar Tenancy Act in 1938 were passed in 1938.
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 Other Peasant Movements Before Independence

Before independence, several peasant movements took place in India. The Tebhaga Movement in
Bengal, the Telengana Outbreak in Hyderabad, the revolt of the Varlis, mostly guided by the
communist party, were other popular peasant movements in India on the eve of independence. The
peasants out and out were the supporters of the Indian National Congress. The All-India Kisan
Congress carried on massive educative propaganda work to bring peasants of the country closer to
each other. However, the British Government did not give much importance to the peasants. The
Civil Disobedience Movement (1930) contributed to the emerging peasant movement in another
important way. But eventually with the decline of Civil Disobedience Movement, the people began
to search for an outlet for their political energies and many of them found the answer in organizing
the peasants. Besides this, the formation of Congress Socialist Party (1934) the process of
consolidation of the left forces receives a significant push forward. This subsequently led to the
formation of an all India body for coordinating the Kisan Movement. The culmination was the
establishment of All India Kisan Congress7 at Lucknow in April 1936. In 1937 the Kisan Congress
dropped the word ‘Congress’ and renamed itself the All India Kisan Sabha and adopted red flag,
then the symbol of all leftist group in India.8

The peasant struggle definitely forms a subtle study of Indian history. No doubt, their uprising put
pressure on the British Government which devoted at least some time and machinery to solve some
of the problems of the peasants and to quell the peasant uprisings wherever it was necessary.

PEASANTS MOVEMENTS IN INDEPENDENT INDIA9

 Peasant Movement In Bihar

Peasant Movements in Bihar after the Champaran Satyagraha in 1917, Bihar became an important
centre for peasant movements. These activities had addressed the problems of share croppers such
as abolition of customary non-rent payments, regulation of eviction, and fixation of fair rent. The
main centre of the movements was north Bihar. The Bihar Kisan Sabha, started in 1927, developed
as an extensive organization under the leadership of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati. It was the
strongest section of the All-India Kisan Sabha. With passage of Zamindari Abolition Act, 1949, the
movements disappeared. In 1978, the peasants in Bihar, under the leadership of the Yuva Chhatra
Sangharsh Samity, organized a long drawn out struggle in Bodhgaya to secure land rights from the

7
Later the name was changed to All India Kisan Sabha
8
Bipin Chandra, “India’s Struggle For Independence”, 1989, page no. 197- 209
9
Dr. B. L. Fadia & Dr. Kuldeep Fadia, Indian Government And Politics, page no. 750
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Shankar Math. The mahants (religious heads) of the Buddhist monasteries in the area had amassed
huge tracts of land under the exemption given to religious and charitable institutions in the ceiling
laws of the state. The situation erupted in violence. After the Supreme Court’s directive to the effect
that the land is handed over to the tillers, the struggle was considered to be successful.

 Kisan Sabha and Khet Mazdoor Sabha in Uttar Pradesh

Kisan sabhas were started in U.P. in 1926-27. Their main demands centered on problems of tenants,
such as giving tenants occupancy rights, abolishing non-rent extraction and forced labour,
cancelling all rent arrears, reducing rent and water rates. These movements did not show much
interest in problems of agricultural laborers. This led to the establishment of the Khet Mazdoor
Sabha in 1959.

 Tebhaga Movement in Bengal

Despite repeated famines in the Bengal region, the tenants were forced to surrender half of their
produce to the landlords. The famine was worsened when the jotedar (landlord) class was indulged
in hoarding and black marketing of food grains. In 1946, the All India Kisan Sabha started the
Tebhaga movement, demanding that tenants be allowed to keep two-thirds of the produce. The
movement received the massive support from agricultural laborers. The movement declined in 1947
due to crackdowns by the police, and the divisions that developed within the movement along
religious lines.

 Telangana Movement

One of the most politically effective peasant movements was seen in the erstwhile State of
Hyderabad. In Telangana region, the land ownership was in the hands of very few ruling class
people. The actual cultivators of the land were subjected to high rent, increasing indebtedness and a
system of free labour (also known as the vetti system). The Communist Party of India took up these
issues as the basis for a peasant’s struggle against feudalism in the period 1946-48. The objectives
of this armed struggle were land grabbing and redistribution, abolition of compulsory levy to the
government, and stopping eviction of tenants under any pretext. The struggle turned in to violent
with police retaliation against the Gram Raj Committees that were set up by the peasant groups to
work as defense squads and institutions for self-governance. Later the A.P. (Telangana Area)
Tenancy and Agricultural Lands Act, 1950, was passed when the Indian Government took over
from the Nizam’s rule.
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 Naxalbari Movement in West Bengal

In 1967, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) had started a liberation movement by
imitating Chinese Model, in the village of Naxalbari, Darjeeling district in north Bengal. The main
issue of the movement was to secure rights for the marginalized sections of the agricultural
community. In the course of the movement, several peasant committees were set up and land was
redistributed. Several landlords were put on trial and executed. Village defense squads were
established with agricultural laborers as its leaders. Later the revolution was quickly liquidated. The
agrarian society of independent India experienced a new epoch in the history of peasant movements
with the peasant uprising of May 1967 under the Naxalbari thana of Darjeeling district of West
Bengal. Immediately after the country's independence, the Govt. of West Bengal enacted the West
Bengal Estate Acquisition Act (1953) to abolish the zamindari and other intermediary systems and
the West Bengal Land Reform Act (1955) to put a ceiling on landholdings, to reserve for the
sharecroppers 60 per cent of the produced share, and to put a restriction on the eviction of
sharecroppers. However due to the lack of the political will the progressive provisions of these acts
remained in the statute book only. Moreover eviction of the tenants and the sharecroppers, sharp
downward mobility of the peasants, their economic insecurity and unemployment emerged to be the
integral part of the agrarian society of that period. The sharecroppers who constituted 16 per cent of
the rural households in 1952-53 came down to 2.9 per cent in 196162. Though because of malafide
land transfer proportion of the marginal and the small cultivators increased among the rural
population, in real term poor peasantry was undergoing a desperate situation caused by their
livelihood insecurity. This was clearly visible from the phenomenal increase of the agricultural
laborers from 15.3% in 1961 to 26.2 in 1971 and the decline of the category of cultivators 38.5% to
32 % during the same period. Significantly the All India Credit Committee in its report of 1968
pointed out to the 'emergence of sharp polarization between classes in the rural areas'. In this
backdrop while the economic condition of the poor peasantry was deteriorating, the political
happenings in West Bengal took a new turn. In February 1967 the United Front (dominated by the
communal parties viz. CPI, CPI (M) RSP etc.) came to with the promise like 'land to the tiller',
'proletarian rule', etc. The United Front pledged to implement the land reforms, promising land to
all landless households and invited more militant initiatives from the peasantry as an organized
force. The Left political parties had initiated rigorous mobilization of the peasantry in the Naxalbari
areas since the early 1960s when the landowners of the Naxalbari region started large-scale eviction
of sharecroppers. The CPI-M Darjeeling district committee started to organize the peasants on a
militant footing after the United Front Government was formed. The Naxalite movement spread
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rapidly in many parts of the country, protracted arm resistance, declaration of liberated area, killing
and arrest became regular phenomena in the agrarian society of West Bengal. By the end of June
1967 the CPI-M leadership came out against the Naxalbari leaders, calling them 'an organized anti-
party group advocates an adventurist line of action'. Nineteen members were then expelled from the
party. The rift was complete. Moving through the stages of the Naxalbari Peasant's Struggle Aid
Committee and a Coordination Committee, the CPI-ML was finally formed in May 1969 by the
organized militant groups. The Naxalbari movement is one of the most widespread movements of
the present times. Now, it no longer confines its issues to land reforms, but also on larger issues of
corruption, exploitation, maladministration.10

CONCLUSION

Historically peasants have had paradoxical social identities. In social science literature they have
been depicted on the one hand as reactionary, conservative, awkward, homologous, incomplete-part
society and dependent, on the other as revolutionary, progressive, self-conscious, heterogeneous
and self-sufficient social category with the potential for autonomous collective action. However,
notwithstanding such paradoxes, social scientists have broadly underlined the subordinated,
marginalized and underdog position of the peasantry in human society. In the sociological and the
anthropological literature peasants have widely been described as culturally 'unsystematic, concrete
tradition of many, unreflective, unsophisticated and the non-literati constituting the mosaic of the
"little tradition", 'incomplete' and a 'part society with part cultures'. Politically they are found to
occupy an 'underdog position and are subjected to the domination by outsiders, unorganized and
deprived of the knowledge required for organized collective action. In the economic term, they are
identified to be the small producers for their own consumption, subsistence cultivators who produce
predominantly for the need of the family rather than to make a profit. Historically, peasants have
always borne the brunt of the extreme forms of subordination and oppression in societies. However
the specific socio-economic conditions of their existence have largely shaped the roles of the
peasantry in social change and transformation.

10
Available at: http://socioguide.blogspot.in/2015/11/peasant-movement.html