J. E. T. Eldridge - Industrial Disputes - Essays in The Sociology of Industrial Relations-Routledge (2003)

The International Library of Sociology
INDUSTRIAL DISPUTES
Founded by KARL MANNHEIM

The International Library of Sociology
____ .~ ____
THE SOCIOLOGY OF
WORK AND ORGANIZATION
In 18 Volumes
I Apprenticeship Liepmann
II Industrial Disputes Eldridge
III Industrial Injuries Insurance Young
IV The Journey to Work Liepmann
V The Lorry Driver Hollowell
VI Military Organization and Society Andrzejewski
VII Mobility in the Labour Market JdFY
VIII Organization and Bureaucracy Mouzelis
IX Planned Organizational Change J ones
X Private Corporations and
their Control - Part One LeY
XI Private Corporations and
their Control - Part Two LeY
XII The Qualifying Associations Millerson
XIII Recruitment to Skilled Trades Williams
XIV Retail Trade Associations LeY
xv The Shops of Britain LeY
XVI Technological Growth and
Social Change Hetzler
XVII Work and Leisure Anderson
XVIII Workers, Unions and the State Wootton
INDUSTRIAL DISPUTES
Essays in the Sociology of Industrial Relations
by
J. E. T. ELDRIDGE
First published in 1968 by
Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd
Reprinted in 1998 by
Routledge
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Printed and bound in Great Britain
0 1968 J. E. T. Eldridge
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Industrial Disputes
ISBN 0-415-17676-X
The Sociology of Work and Organization: 18 Volumes
ISBN 0-415-17829-O
The International Library of Sociology: 274 Volumes
ISBN O-415-17838-X
Contents
LIST OF TABLES page vI
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED IN TEXT ix

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS X
INTRODUCTION I
I EXPLANATIONS OF STRIKES: A CRITICAL REVIEW 12
2 UNOFFICIAL STRIKES: SOME OBJECTIONS

CONSIDERED (Co-Author: G. C. Cameron) 68
3 THE DEMARCATION DISPUTE IN THE SHIPBUILDING
INDUSTRY: A STUDY IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF
CONFLICT
9’
4 AN OFFICIAL DISPUTE IN THE CONSTRUCTIONAL
ENGINEERING INDUSTRY (Co-Author G. Roberts) 126
J INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS IN THE NORTH EAST IRON
AND STEEL INDUSTRY IjI
6 REDUNDANCY CONFLICT IN AN ISOLATED STEEL
COMMUNITY 206
APPENDIX A
The Sociology of Work: Trends and Counter-trends 229
APPENDIX B
An Example of a Demarcation Procedural and
Apportionment Agreement 236
APPENDIX C
Status in Steel: A Group Discussion 249
APPENDIX D
The Shop Steward’s Role: A Comment on the North
East of England 2J9
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 264
INDEX 269
v
Tables
I Membership involvement in Strike Activity Page 24

II Average Duration of Strikes 2J
III Differences and Similarities in National Strike Patterns
1948-16 26
IV Patterns of Strike Activity and some Associated Factors 29
V General Patterns of Strike Propensities 36
VI Locational Characteristics Affecting Strike Proneness 37
VII Relative Propensity to Strike on Different Types of
Issue x927-36 41
VIII Recorded Strikes in Marine Engineering, Shipbuilding
and Ship Repair in North East x949-60 99
IX Unions involved in Recorded Demarcation Strikes in
North East Marine Engineering, Shipbuilding and
Ship Repair x949-60 101
X Length of Stoppage of Demarcation Strikes compared

with all other Strikes in North East Marine En-
gineering Ship Repair and Shipbuilding 1949-60 102
XI Numbers Directly involved in Demarcation Strikes
compared with all other Strikes in North East Marine
Engineering, Shipbuilding and Ship Repair I 949-60 103
XII U.K. output of merchant ships 1947-64 120
XIII Proportion of Wage Earners paid under systems of

P.B.R. in Building and construction industries
19j3 to 19jj ‘37
XIV Some Effects of the Overtime ban in the Constructional
Engineering Industry (January 195 5) ‘49
XV Iron and Steel Industry-North East Coast Area.
Employment at the first week in October for the
years I 949-6 I 1%
XVI Plant Bargaining: A content analysis of IOO meetings
A. Groups participating 170
B. Elements under discussion: their frequency and
mutual combination 172
C. The presence of Trade Union Officials in Relation
to Elements under Discussion I74
vi
Tables
XVII B.I.S.A.K.T.A. and the Settlement of Disputes :
A. The Use made of Statutory and Ad Hoc Pro-
cedures on the North East Coast 1945-61 192
B. A Classification of the issues leading to the use of
Statutory and Ad Hoc Procedures on the North
East Coast 1945-61 ‘93
XVIII A. Recorded Strikes in the North East Iron and Steel
Industry I 949-6 I ‘97
B. Length of Stoppages in Recorded Iron and Steel
Strikes on the North East Coast 1949-61 198
C. Numbers Directly Involved in Recorded Iron and
Steel Strikes on the North East Coast 1949-61 I99
D. Unions Involved in Recorded Iron and Steel Strikes
on the North East Coast 1949-61 201
vii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
USED IN THE TEXT
A.E.U. Amalgamated Engineering Union

A.S.E. Amalgamated Society of Engineers
A.S.W. Amalgamated Society of Woodworkers
A.U.B.T.W. Amalgamated Union of Building Trade Workers
A.S.S.E.T. Association of Supervisory Staffs, Executives and
Technicians
B.1.S.A.K.T.A ,. British Iron, Steel and Kindred Trades Association
B.J.I.R. British Journal of Industrial Relations
B. J.S. British Journal oj Sociology
B.M.C. British Motor Corporation
B.M.S. Boilermakers Society
C.A.W.U. Clerical and Administrative Union
C.E.U. Constructional Engineering Union
C.S.E.U. Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering
Unions
D.A.T.A. Draughtsmen’s and Allied Technicians’ Associa-
tion
E.T.U. Electrical Trades Union
I.D.T. Industrial Disputes Tribunal
N.U.B. National Union of Blastfurnacemen
N.U.G.M.W. National Union of General and Municipal
Workers
N.U.S.M.W. National Union of Sheet Metal Workers
P.E.P. Political and Economic Planning
P.B.R. Payment by Results
P.T.U. Plumbing Trades Union
S.R. Sociological Review
T.G.W.U. Transport and General Workers Union
T.U.C. Trade Union Congress
U.P.A. United Pattern Makers Association
ix
Acknowledgements
Ihe impetus to write this book came initially from involvement in an

ndustrial relations research project sponsored by the Department of
Scientific and Industrial Research and undertaken by the Business
Research Unit at the University of Durham (1961-64). The focus then
was upon the elucidation of points of friction existing between manage-
nent, unions and men in three major North-East industries: engine-
:ring, shipbuilding and steel. While these particular essays are written
From a sociological perspective, I hope that they bear the marks of the
stimulating inter-disciplinary discussions that took place in the course
3f the Durham research. I refer here particularly to economists
Gordon Cameron, Alan Odber and Geoffrey Roberts and psycho-
logist Charles Baker. Two of the essays in this volume (Chapters z and
4) are in fact joint ventures and I record here my thanks to Gordon
Cameron and Geoffrey Roberts for permission to publish them.
A number of academic colleagues have read and commented help-
fully on these essays while they were still in manuscript form. They are
Professors N. Elias, R. Fletcher and W. J. H. Sprott. To them I should
ike to add the name of publisher Norman Franklin, not least for his
.njunction to keep the text as jargon-free as possible. Other colleagues
nave commented on particular essays in one or other of their several
lrafts and I am glad to have this opportunity of thanking them. They
are Alan Odber (Chapters 2 and 6), Professor John Rex (Chapter 3),
Professor H. A. Turner (Chapter 4) and Professor T. Lupton (Chapter
5).
It remains for me to thank the following publishers for permission
to re-publish essays (in slightly altered form) from two learned journals :
Basil Blackwell for permission to re-publish ‘Redundancy Conflict in
In Isolated Steel Community’ from The Journal of Management Studies,
Vol. 3, No. 3, October 1966.
Routledge & Kegan Paul for permission to re-publish ‘Unofficial
Strikes: some objections considered’, from the British Jownal of
Sociology, Vol. XV, No. I, March 1964.
Introduction
ND UST R I AL relations in Britain since the Second World
I War, and more particularly in the 196os, have come to be

socially defined as a ‘problem’. This is reflected even in the
titles of some well-known books produced during the last few
years : Indztstrial Relations: Contemporar_y Problems and Perspectives;l
What’s Wrong with the Unions?; 2 Indtlstrial Relations: What’s Wrong
with the SystemZ3In the last named of these studies Allan Flanders
has recently written :
Whether trade union structure is under debate, or the organisation

of employers’ associations, or the prospect of an incomes policy, or
the frequency of unofficial strikes, or the relaxing of restrictive
practices, or the failure of joint consultation to realise the earlier
hopes that were placed in it, no one is any longer disputing that
pressing and largely unresolved problems abound.4
The Labour Government has in essence endorsed this view-

point by setting up a Royal Commission on Trade Unions and
Employers’ Associations, under Lord Justice Donovan, in 1965,
‘to consider relations between managements and employees and
the role of trade unions and employers’ associations in promoting
the interests of their members and in accelerating the social and
economic advance of the nation, with particular reference to the
law affecting the activities of these bodies’.
It will be evident that the chapters of this book focus on a
number of issues and themes prominent in the public debates
surrounding British industrial relations. These include: the causes
of strikes, demarcation disputes, the handling of redundancy
questions, the effects of technical change on management-worker
1 B. C. Roberts (ed.) Industrial Relations: Contemporary Problems and Perspect-
ives(Methuen, 1962).
a G. Wigham, What’s Prong with Ihe Unions? (Penguin, 1960).
8 A. Flanders, IndustrialRelations: What’s Wrong with the System? (Faber and
Faber, 1965).
4 ibid., pp. 7-8.
I
Introduction
relations, the role of plant bargaining and the effectiveness of
established procedures in regulating industrial relations in speci-
fied contexts. Obviously I hope that what I have written will
make a useful contribution to the current discussion, but one
thing should be made clear at the outset. I have sub-titled these
studies ‘essays in the sociology of industrial relations’ and I take
the view that one essential component of a sociological attitude
is, as Aron has put it, ‘the ability to look at the problems of one’s
own society, and yet be detached, in order to understand it’.l I
have not, therefore, been concerned to make industrial relations
policy recommendations in any direct sense. One may contrast
the position I have taken with that, say, of Clark Kerr as revealed
in his collection of essays, Labor and Management in Industrial
Societ_y.2In them he frankly and ably advocates a policy of liberal
pluralism. This implies, among other things, that in industrial
societies private associations should have a great deal of auto-
nomy; and the role of the state is to provide minimum protection
for the rights of individuals within the private associations. He
not only recognises the existence of competing sectional interests
but urges ‘the necessity for balance in seeking solutions to
problems’ and advises, ‘practical and constant adjustments around
the Golden Mean’.3 In other words he is seeking to legitimate a
particular form of capitalism, in which a dynamic equilibrium is
maintained between competing groups, thanks to the benevolent
existence of the forces of countervailing power. In doing so, he
goes beyond the bounds of social science. Clearly one may not
wish to start talking about the virtues of the Golden Mean until
structural changes are brought about in capitalist societies which
equalise more effectively the distribution of wealth and income.”
In any case it is simply beyond the competence of an empirical
science to demonstrate the ethical correctness of a policy whether
it be characterised as a middle-of-the-road compromise or an
extremist solution.
There are, however, certain specific ways in which a sociologist
1 Aron, Eighteen Lectures on Industrial Society (Weidenfeld and Nicolson,
19w.
a Clark Kerr, Labor and Management in Industrial Society (Harper, 1964).
3 ibid., p. xxvi.
* See for example, V. L. Allen, ‘The Paradox of Militancy’, in R. Blackburn
and A. Cockburn (eds.) The Incompatibler: Trade Union Militancy and the
Consensus (Penguin, 1967).
2
Introdzxtion
writmg about industrial conflict in a detached manner, may
legitimately hope to contribute to the public discussion. Among
them, the following may be enumerated:
I. One may attempt to clarify or refine the concepts which are
employed in industrial relations discussions. To take first an
obvious example, one cannot sensibly speak of a strike as though
it were a single category of social action. There are varieties of
strikes and indeed, the very same social conditions which give
rise to certain kinds of strikes may also lead to the diminution
of other kinds of strikes. Clearly the student of industrial relations
has to distinguish effectively between different kinds of strikes if
he is, in subsequent analysis, to compare like with like. There
are times however, when one wishes to suggest that existing
classifications of types of strike are not as precise as they might
be. This is one of the points which Cameron and I bring out in
the chapter on unofficial strikes. We make the point that to speak
of unofficial strikes in a unitary way is to ignore the fact that we
are dealing with a concept which varies in scope, content and
tactical significance as between unions and within the same union
for that matter. What follows from this of course, is that any
public policy which is framed to deal with the problem of the
unofficial strike is grounded on a mistaken assumption. Or to
assume that the number of unoflicial strikes involving members
of a particular union may be taken as an index of the degree of
union control over its membership, is inadequate, since there are
times when such activity is tacitly encouraged, and many times
when it is subsequently legitimated.
2. One may also wish to show, however, that some conventional
classificatory devices do not do justice to the social reality they
purport to describe, when the categories are treated as mutually
exclusive. In Chapter I, for example, on explanations of strikes,
I have shown how political and economic, reformist and revolu-
tionary goals may co-exist in particular strikes, although different
goals may dominate at different stages in the proceedings.
Similarly in Chapter 5, on industrial relations in the north east
steel industry, I have suggested that one might classify disputes
not simply in terms of one stated (and allegedly dominant) cause,
but rather in terms of a mixture of the known elements. If one
takes the Ministry of Labour’s categories for classifying disputes,
3
Introduction
one may consider how particular elements cluster together in
certain industries or situations. One can draw attention to the
frequency and range of such clusters. Thus, in applying this form
of analysis to bargaining issues raised at plant level in a steel
plant over a six month period, I noted that ‘wage questions’ were
often mixed with ‘manning’ or ‘other work arrangements’
elements, providing the dominant theme for plant bargaining
during this period.
3. One may consider the assumptions underlying particular view-
points on industrial relations. For example, it is commonly
maintained that the settlement of disputes through the use of
procedures and the mechanisms of conciliation, mediation and
arbitration is preferable to overt conflict in the form of strikes.
One tacit assumption here, however, is that the interest groups
in dispute accept the legitimacy of the industrial order in which
the procedures are operative. And even if this is the case, there
is the assumption that the use of procedures leads to preferable
outcomes to the parties in dispute as opposed to the use of the
strike weapon (or, rather, the parties themselves must believe
this to be so). How and why particular interest groups ignore,
accept or modify the procedural arrangements which are designed
to regulate their activities, is a theme which is taken up in several
chapters, notably perhaps in the studies of the demarcation dispute
in the shipbuilding industry and industrial relations in the north
east steel industry.
4. It may sometimes be possible to indicate the kind of condi-

tions which are necessary before certain policies can be effectively
implemented. An example of what I have in mind occurs in
Chapter 4 on the official dispute in the constructional engineering
industry where one of the questions discussed is, why was the
arbitration machinery ineffective in resolving the conflict. Follow-
ing an earlier analysis by Lockwood, Roberts and I suggest that
it is important to distinguish between an arbitration procedure
which discharges its function in a judicial way, assuming that
‘right’ principles can be enunciated and ‘correct’ solutions arrived
at, and a procedure which functions in a political way, seeking a
working compromise between interest groups. Equally, it is
important to distinguish between the type of conflict itself. Is it
predominantly a conflict of interest or a conflict of right? Our
4
Introdtlction
case study bears out the suggestion that only at the conflict of
rights level is there likely to be sufhcient normative consensus
between the parties to make arbitration possible and that the
political approach to arbitration is likely to be more effective
than the judicial. Clearly, distinctions such as these are of re-
levance for policy makers.
5. In analysing social processes, one of the central tasks of the
sociologist is to discover how those involved in those processes
define the situation. In trying thus to interpret observed be-
haviour, the investigator must attempt to understand what norms
the participants decide to follow or not follow, what rules to
obey or disobey, and in pursuit of what goals or purposes.
Needless to say, the investigator may make wrong assessments
and draw wrong inferences. But in looking at conflict situations
as an observer he is perhaps less likely to categorise the differences
which arise in terms of truth versus error, or rationality versus
irrationality. He may point instead to the co-existence of com-
peting logics. Starting from different premises, different groups
will have differing conceptions about what constitutes a desirable
outcome in terms of the goals to be attained or the priorities to
be established. To draw attention to the co-existence of competing
logics is not, however, to deny the possibility of irrational
behaviour. The logic may not always be clearly articulated in
terms of a well thought through means-end schema. There may
be times when one would want to say that an individual or
group, in the light of the evidence available to them, could have
selected certain tactics or developed certain strategies which
would have been more effective in achieving their ends. (This is
meant to imply, of course, that rational action is not dependent
on a perfect knowledge of the costs and consequences of the
action. More typically it may be defined as an adequate assess-
ment of costs and consequences in terms of probabilities.)
It is through the use of the case study particularly that the
attempt can be made to explain social behaviour in terms of the
ways in which the participants in a dispute define the situation.
And, since conflict presupposes some kind of interaction between
the disputants, it is possible to indicate how the interaction pro-
cess may lead to changing definitions of the situation. Thus, for
example, decisions as to whether to continue with a strike or
I
Introdztction
whether to go to the bargaining table, are likely to be affected
by the perceived effectiveness of the method. One may try and
calculate in advance how cohesive the striking group is likely to
be and how far the employer is likely to be able to withstand the
pressure, but re-evaluations have to be made in the light of the
on-going experience of the participants. It is precisely this kind
of issue that is discussed in Chapter 4.
In commenting on the assumptions, implications or ambiguities
of industrial relations viewpoints or policies, one is attempting
to clarify the substance of certain ‘issues’ or ‘problems’. What I
have said in this context is, in effect, a specific application of the
appropriate relations between social policy and social theory as
suggested in the writings of, among others, Max Weber and
Myrdal.1 It remains now to say something of the ways in which
these essays seek to enhance our theoretical understanding of
industrial conflict.
Much attention has been given in these essays to the presenta-
tion and analysis of case studies of industrial disputes. But, apart
from the empirical information thus provided (and, in the British
context it is surprisingly limited) is there any theoretical virtue
in such an approach? I think the answer is quite certainly yes,
but the theoretical virtues which may be manifest will depend
upon the kind of case study we are talking about. It is, in par-
ticular, helpful to distinguish between the representative case,
the deviant case, and the strategic case.
In the study on redundancy conflict in an isolated steel com-
munity, one first attempted to show, by a review of other
redundancy studies and surveys, that a generalised belief system
concerning the principles recognised as relevant in guiding
redundancy policies and procedures, existed in the country at
large. One was able to show that the particular case analysed in
this chapter conformed to this generalised belief system, in terms
of the official policy pursued by the Company. It is in this sense,
as Kaplan suggests, that we may speak of a paradigm, ‘a par-
ticular case considered as representative for a generalisation,
whose content is thereby being made manifest’.2
l See for example, Max Weber, The Methodology of the Social Sciences (Glencoe
Free Press, 1949) and G. Myrdal, Vah in Social Theory (Routledge and Kegan
Paul, 1958).
2 Abraham Kaplan, The Conduct of 1nqtrit-y (Chandler, I g64), p. I I 8.
6
Introduction
It can also be recognised, however, that a case study may serve
to throw legitimate doubt on the validity of a sociological pro-
position. If it does it may be described as a deviant case. For
example, as a result of analysing the causes of the dispute in the
constructional engineering industry, Roberts and I questioned
Baldamus’ contention that ‘occupational costs are strictly deter-
minate whereas effort is n0t.l’ The point of Baldamus’ proposition
is that, since occupational costs are determinate, this leads to a
harmony of interests in the employment situation between worker
and manager. Industrial conflict, it is maintained, is centred on
the ‘effort bargain’. Our case study suggests that this is an over-
simplified distinction. Central to the dispute was a conflict be-
tween management and labour over the skilled status of the
erector: the erectors and their union claimed that it was a skilled
category and the management denied this. This inevitably brings
an element of indeterminacy into the discussion of occupational
costs. This effectively leads to a counter-proposition that it is
precisely because differences of opinion may exist on matters
relating both to ‘effort’ and ‘occupational costs’, in the same
dispute, that the difficulties of resolving labour-management
conflicts are intensified.
In using the term strategic case, I have in mind the fact that
one may choose to describe and analyse a particular dispute
situation to give another dimension of meaning to what is already
statistically known. Such cases are used, for example, in the study
of industrial relations in the north east steel industry. There, both
in the discussion of strike patterns and in the analysis of the
plant bargaining issues, attention was drawn, not only to the
numerically frequent wage disputes but also to less frequent
disputes, which, however, served to throw light on the frontiers
of control as between one group and another. These included
demarcation questions arising between the craft and production
side of the industry, recognition issues relating to the unionisa-
tion of clerical and supervisory staff and issues of managerial
prerogative arising from changing situations created by technical
innovations and the introduction of new plant.
If the case study focuses on particular conflict episodes, histor-
ical analysis enables one to consider changing patterns of
industrial conflict: both their form and content. The chapters
l W. Baldamus, Efiiency andEJ%-t (Tavistock Publications, 1961), p. IO.
B 7
Introd44ctiott
on the north east steel industry and the study of the demarcation
dispute in the shipbuilding industry, are two examples of this
approach.
The implications of the steel industry study for a sociological
theory which seeks to explain the frequency and/or intensity of
industrial conflict by primary reference to the technological con-
text of the employment situation, is that, in the light of com-
parative studies, the theory does not fit the facts. The alternative
proposal is put forward that a less tidy but more accurate
explanation of the patterning of industrial relations in the
industry, is to be found in the interaction of cultural, economic
and organisational factors.
A further critique of the theories which relate the nature of
industrial conflict to the type of technology in an over-determin-
istic way, is to be found in the opening chapter. The logical
ambiguities of these theories mirror those involved in more
general ‘economic interpretations’ of history, which Weber so
lucidly exposed :
Wherever the strictly economic explanation encounters difhculties,
various devices are available for maintaining its general validity as
the decisive causal factor. Sometimes every historical event which
is not explicable by the invocation of economic motives is regarded
for that very reason as a scientifically insignificant ‘accident’. At others,
the definition of ‘economic’ is stretched beyond recognition so that
all human interests which are related in any way whatsoever to the
use of material means are included in the definition. If it is histor-
ically undeniable that different responses occur in two situations
which are economically identical - due to political, religious,
climatic and countless other non-economic determinants - then in
order to maintain the primacy of the economic all these factors are
reduced to historically ‘accidental’ ‘conditions’ upon which the
economic factor operates as a ‘cause’ . . .l
Whether this is a just parallel, the reader may judge by reading
not only the critique, but the texts cited in this connection.
In discussions of sociological theories, there is sometimes a
rather sharp distinction drawn between those who see power as
a scarce resource and, in consequence, emphasise the conflicts of
interest which divide society, and those who stress that for society
1 Objectivity in Social Science and Social Policy, in Max Weber, op. cit. p.
70.
8
Introduction
to work at all, there must be some underlying consensus embodied
in a value system which asserts the common advantages to be
obtained in particular forms of social relationships and organisa-
tion. This distinction between the ‘conflict theorists’, such as
Marx and Wright Mills on the one hand, and the ‘functionalists’
such as Durkheim and Parsons on the other hand, no doubt
springs in part from differing images of society. The suggestion
is now being made, however, by writers such as Dahrendorfr
and Lenski, that to posit these approaches as mutually exclusive
is misleading. Dahrendorf, for example argues:
There are sociological problems for the explanation of which the
integration theory of society provides adequate assumptions; there
are other problems which can be explained only in terms of the
coercion theory of society; there are, finally, problems for which
both theories appear adequate. For sociological analysis, society is
Janus-headed, and its two faces are equivalent aspects of the same
reality.3
Now in the study of the demarcation dispute in the ship-
building industry, I have suggested that in certain circumstances
the conflict of interest motif may dominate inter-group relations,
while in other circumstances the mutual advantage considerations
help to explain social behaviour. One of the crucial questions in
this context is why procedures emerged at all to regulate de-
marcation conflicts. In certain respects the answer given re-
presents a synthesis between the functionalist and conflict of
interest perspectives. Given the original conflict over a scarce
resource, namely job opportunities, the disputants first discovered
the degree of real power they possessed, by drawn out attritional
strikes. The parties having thus ascertained in this painful way
where they stood vis-A-vis each other, a search for a less costly
means of settlement then became realistic. In effect, the balance
of power was built into the normative system of conflict regula-
tion. This system can certainly be shown to exercise a constraining
effect on the disputants and to influence the mode of conflict
settlement by emphasising ideas of reciprocal co-ordination
1 R. Dahrendorf, Class and Class Conflict in an Indwhial Society (Routledge
and Kegan Paul, 1959).
2 Lenski, Power and Privilege. A Theov of Social Stratification (McGraw Hill,
I 966).
3 Dahrendorf,.op. cit. p. I 59.
9
Introdt/ction
between groups, but it has to be recognised that the balance of
power between groups is not a once and for all affair. Technical
changes in the industry can affect the bargaining strength of
particular unions and economic downturns can affect the willing-
ness of the craft groups to reappraise the situation by reverting to
strike action. Normative regulation in this context is thus best
viewed as a safety net rather than a strait jacket. There is, in this
respect, something of a dialectic between conflict of interest
concerns and the commitment to procedural forms of conflict
regulation.
One way of attempting to enhance our theoretical understand-
ing of industrial conflict is to examine the methodology which
underpins the theory. This in fact is the strategy pursued in the
first chapter, which critically reviews the explanations offered for
strike activity. There is no need to recapitulate the substantive
conclusions reached there, one can simply indicate the kinds of
question which such a review leads one to ask. What is the
reliability of the statistical data upon which studies of strikes are
based? What is the research design employed to explain a strike
episode, or the incidence of strike activity? What indices are
employed to measure strike activity? Are the concepts utilised in
the research design unambiguous? What empirical generalisations
about strike activity are put forward and what is the nature of
the evidence upon which they are based? What conclusions, if
any, may be drawn from the empirical study of industrial conflict
in developing sociological theory? Ifin the process of considering
these questions, I have shown that there is no universally applic-
able explanation of industrial unrest and that even more specific
propositions are sometimes of dubious status, I will, I hope, by
the same token, have drawn attention to the complexity of the
phenomena under investigation.
Although the phrase ‘sociology of industrial relations’ may
have something of a modern ring about it, it represents in fact
one dimension, albeit an important one, of sociologists’ long-
standing interest in the causes, forms and consequences of the
division of labour in industrial society. In Appendix A, The
Sociology of Work : Trends and Counter-trends, I have suggested
that studies of the impact of machine-based technologies and
bureaucratic organisations on the labour force (manual and
clerical) in the writings of Marx, Engels, Durkheim and Weber,
IO
Introduction
have formed the basis of a tradition of sociological pessimism.
The alienation theme is writ large: the mode of production and
the means of administration are depicted in a way which suggests
that the individual has lost control over the conditions of his
working life. And work as an activity is so broken down into a
minute division of labour that it has lost its meaning for the
individual worker. Moreover, he is so closely circumscribed by
an imposed system of impersonal rules that he may properly be
described as ‘unfree’.
This sociological tradition is not to be lightly discounted.
Nevertheless, more recent sociological writing (for example, that
of Blauner, Burns and Stalker, Crazier, Dalton, Friedmann and
Gouldner) has drawn attention not only to the diversity of work
experiences and situations, but to the fact that differential oppor-
tunities for control of work patterns, creativity, rule formation
and manipulation may be discerned. The differences in the degree
of control which one group of employees may exhibit vis&vis
another, or in relation to their employer may be the product of
many factors. But certainly the struggle to maintain or alter the
frontiers of control is central to the study of industrial relations.
It is to some of the facets of this struggle that I now turn in the
chapters which follow.
II
CHAPTER ONE
Explanations of Strikes
A Critical Review
To consider all strikes as homogeneous occurrences stands in the
way of enlightenment.1
A ‘strike’ is a social phenomenon of enormous complexity which,
in its totality, is never susceptible to complete description, let alone
complete explanation.‘*
N this chapter we will look at some of the ways in which
I strikes and strike patterns have been explained. Given the

truth of the two observations which head this page, one is
not surprised to find different classifications of the subject matter
and a diversity of explanations of the phenomena. In order to
bring some coherence to this review, I have chosen to organise
it by discussing in sections the research interests which have
characterised investigations. One will notice in the course of this
that what is discerned at one level of investigation may well have
relevance for another level. For example, the conclusions of
national comparisons may have to be modified by what is dis-
covered about inter-industrial differences.
This review of some of the major contributions to the study
of strikes and their causation is, then, arranged in the following
way :
A. A preliminary comment on some of the intrinsic difficulties
involved in studying strikes.
1 Arthur M. Ross and Paul T. Hartman, Changing Pafterns of Industrial

Con/&f (Wiley, 1960), p. 24.
* Alvin W. Gouldner, IE7ildtat Strike (Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1955).
P. 65.
I2
B. A note on the concept of an industrial relations system as
an aid to analysis.
C. National comparisons of strike activity.
D. Inter-industry comparisons of strike activity.
E. Intra-industry comparisons of strike activity.
F. The case study approach: three examples.
A. Preliminary comment
Whatever the logical strengths and weaknesses of particular
explanations of strike activity, one needs to realise that, even at
the level of description the record may be ‘contaminated’. Kuhn
reports, for example, in his American study Bargaining in Grievance
Settlement,1 that few firms kept any statistics on walk-outs. And
he questioned the objectivity of such statistics as were kept. In
one case he compared the management and union records of
work stoppages over a seven year period. He found that although
the trend was similar, the union record was consistently and
markedly below the management’s. He further suggests that there
is not always agreement within the ranks of management as to
what constitutes a stoppage and that, in any case, it is sometimes
thought preferable not to report a stoppage when it does occur.
Kuhn quotes a foreman who did not report a walk-out in his
department because, while it created a difficulty for him, it did
not in fact interfere with production. ‘As long as I get enough
production I’ll take the nuisance.’ One can also recognise that too
many stoppages within a department may be thought to reflect
upon a manager’s or supervisor’s ability to control his work force.
This may well provide an incentive not to report a work stoppage
where this can be avoided.
Many studies of strikes are based upon official government
statistics. As with many social statistics these are collected for
administrative convenience and usage. The research worker at
his more cynical is inclined to feel that they create almost as many
problems as they solve. One finds a certain arbitrariness existing
over basic questions of definition. What constitutes a strike?
Some countries include lock-outs in the definition, whereas others,
more sensibly, separate them. We find also differences between
1 J. W. Kuhn, Bargaining in Grievance Settlement (Columbia, 1961). See
Chapter VII, The Influence of Technology.
I3
countries in the minimum amount of time lost and/or workers
involved before a strike is officially counted. Ross and Hartman
had to face these and other difficulties in their work on inter-
national comparisons of strike activity. They maintain however,
that the statistics are usable:
When all is said and done, the dissimilarities in methods and defini-
tion are not very great. Furthermore, the conclusions reached in
this study do not require a high degree of precision in the basic
data. The recorded differences in experience among the countries
are so great as to outweigh the relatively minor inaccuracies and
ambiguities in the statistics.’
They found that the Yearbook of Statistics published by the
International Labour Office for the years since 1927, was a most
convenient source of data, since it co-ordinated government
material from many countries. Data from Communist govern-
ments was not, however, available.
The problems of international comparisons were greater for
Kerr and Siegel, since they were concerned with inter-industry
propensities to strike.2 Leaving aside the Communist countries,
they examined data from eighteen countries and found that, for
their purposes only eleven could be included in their analysis.
They found, for example, man-days lost through strikes in
France were published in aggregate but not broken down by
industry; in Denmark, there was an occupational breakdown of
man-days lost, but no industry classification, and that in Canada,
Finland and South Africa, no adequate employment data was
given to match against man-days lost. They were certainly more
cautious in evaluating the status of their findings than Ross and
Hartman :
It should be kept in mind that (the data) reflect the experience of
only eleven countries over a limited period of time and that the
industrial breakdowns are not so numerous or so comparable from
one country to another, or even from one time period to another
in the same country as would be ideally desirable for the purposes
of this analysis.3
r Ross and Hartman, op. cit., pp. 184-q.
a Clark Kerr and Abraham Siegel, ‘The Interindustry Propensity to Strike
-An International Comparison,’ in Arthur Kornhauser, Robert Dubin and
Arthur Ross (eds.) Indust~iulConpict (McGraw Hill, 1954), pp. 18p--212.
9 Ross and Hartman, op cit., p. 189.
I4
Explana f ions of Strz&s
Whether a country chooses to ‘adjust’ its official statistics
because, say, it regards a high strike record as bad for its trading
image, is a matter for speculation, but certainly the mechanisms
by which strike data are collected are likely to vary in efficiency
as between countries. In a relatively under-developed country,
for example, the channels of communication through which
government statistics are obtained and processed, are likely to be
less well established than in the older industrial countries. By the
same token there is more likely to be a shortage of qualified
administrative personnel, which may affect the reliability of the
statistics finally produced. On the other hand, some well estab-
lished administrations may produce statistics which have a mis-
leading precision about them. Thus in the United Kingdom, the
practice has long existed of classifying industrial disputes accord-
ing to their main cause or object. But, as Knowles rightly points
out:
Any such classification must be somewhat subjective, since not only
do most strikes break out on a multipicity of issues, the relative
importance of which may change in the course of the strike, but
the main issue on which the strike is fought may turn out to be
more or less relevant to the real cause of discontent.1
What this really amounts to is that we have a strait-jacketed
account of the reasons people give for striking (strait-jacketed
because only one reason appears in the classification). This is not
without interest and may provide some valuable clues for the
research worker. Indeed, comment is made below on the use
Knowles himself makes of these statistics.2 All that one is con-
cerned to point out for the moment is the weakness of the
classificatory system as a descriptive device. Since it is the kind
of description which encourages explanatory inferences, which
in practice would lay an incorrect emphasis on single factor
explanations and the role of precipitant causes of strikes, the
imperfections of the system of classification need to be made
clear.
The preceding comments draw attention to some of the basic
difficulties involved when making comparative or trend studies
1 K. G. J. C. Knowles, ‘ “Strike-Proneness” and its Determinants,’ in
Walter Galenson and Seymour Martin Lipset (eds.) Labor and Trade Unionism
(Wiley, x960), pp. 301-18. The quotation is from p. 202.
2 See section D of this chapter.
15
of strike patterns. For different reasons, case studies of particular
strikes present research problems at the level of description. For
example, the method of participant observation may be used: the
research worker interested in industrial conflict may join a par-
ticular firm as an employee in the hope that he will get ‘inside
information’ and ‘the feel of the situation’. But it has to be
recognised that his work obligations may cut across his research
objective of accurate situational observation, since he may be tied
too closely to a particular place. Further his work role, with its
concomitant status implications for the enterprise hierarchy, may
structure the way he is perceived by the various participants in
any dispute which arises. In this way, information from the
‘opposite’ side may be withheld from him. Conversely, he may
not always find it a simple matter to describe events without
treating one group in a dispute more sympathetically than
another. The possibility of having more than one participant
observer, one as manager, another as worker in the case of
management-labour conflicts, would seem to commend itself.
If the research worker comes into the situation without trying
to conceal his research interest (whether as an open participant
observer or interviewer) he may try to cash in on his stranger
value. The ambivalence with which strangers are treated, how-
ever, is suEiciently well known for us to note that, again,
advantages and disadvantages will be found to attach to the
position so far as attaining accurate descriptions of conflict
episodes are concerned. It is the field worker’s task to minimise
the disadvantages and it appears that scientific objectivity is not
always best served by adopting a role of lofty detachment.
Gouldner, for example, studying industrial conflict in a gypsum
mine, found that the miners, when being interviewed, were not
prepared to accept ‘the dependent and passive role involved in
a one-way exchange’ :
The ideal role of the interviewer could be approximated on the
surface (i.e. with surface workers) but it fell flat in the mine. We
tentatively conclude from this experience that the dangers of inter-
viewer ‘over-identification’ and ‘over-rapport’ can be much
exaggerated, and that it is sometimes indispensable to develop
friendly ties with certain kinds of respondents in order to obtain
their co-operation. . . . Deep rapport has its perils, but to treat the
norm of impersonality as sacred, even if it impairs the informants’
16
co-operation, would seem to be an inexcusable form of scientific
ritualism.r
Dalton came to similar conclusions in his perceptive study
Men Who Manage .2 As a participant observer he found that the
expectations of his work colleagues were such that ‘any straining
toward a detached manner, or pursuit of points with uncommon
persistence would-and did until I learned better - defeat the
purpose’.3 And since he was interested in industrial conflict, he
did not put all his faith in the cool detachment of the interview
situation :
Usually expecting guarded talk, I sought when possible to catch
men in or near critical situations, and to learn in advance when
important meetings were coming up and what bearing they would
have on the unofficial aspects of various issues. Experience . . .
prompted me to get comments or gestures of some kind from
certain people before their feelings cooled or they became wary.4
The point that I am making here is that there is no simple or
mechanical technique available for obtaining descriptions in the
case study situation. This is because adequate description for
sociological purposes involves the attempt to delineate the mean-
ings people attribute to their behaviour and to the situations in
which they find themselves. While certain technical skills are a
prerequisite of successful field work, in the last resort it is the
sensitivity of the research worker in adopting an appropriate
stance in his observer role that conditions the extent to which he
is able to maximise his research opportunities.
We have been looking in these preliminary comments at some
of the inherent difficulties which exist in trying to describe strikes
and strike patterns. We noted earlier some of the problems
associated with the use of strike statistics. Finally, let us consider
the use of qualitative documentary material. First one may
observe that description may be warped through the selection of
documentary materials. This may occur either because some
relevant material is withheld from or not discovered by the re-
1 Alvin W. Gouldner, Patterns of Industrial Bureawracy (Routledge and

Kegan Paul, x911), pp. zig-60.
a Melville Dalton, Men IVho Manage (Wiley, 1959).
3 ibid., p. 280.
4 ibid., pp. 280-1.
17
Explanatiotu of Strikes
searcher; or because the researcher has so much material to handle
that he selects some for the purpose of presentation. Each of
these experiences is common enough in social research. The re-
search worker can, of course, qualify his statements where he is
aware of gaps in the documentary evidence. Likewise, where he
has selected material for presentation he can explain what is
assumed in his criteria of relevance and representativeness. The
second point however is this. As soon as comments are made
about the documentary material we are in the realm of inference
and (tentative) explanation rather than description. The dilemma
is that if one accepts the documentary evidence at its face value
(its manifest content) one’s inferences may be na’ive and mis-
leading; but if one tries to describe its ‘real’ significance, the
grounds for doing so must be clearly articulated. It is then not
enough to say that the documents ‘speak for themselves’. To
continue for a moment in. terms of the dilemma thus posed: to
take the material at its face value commonly leads on to a form
of content analysis. But it may be protested that the objectivity
claimed for this approach is in fact misleading, since by choosing
the categories for analysis, we are in practice imposing our own
meaning structures on to the material. If however, one advocates
the second approach, the meaning of the material is no longer
‘obvious’. On the contrary, one is led on an elusive search, which
one expects to be only partially successful. Thus, as Cicourel has
observed in a more general context:
A newspaper article, public document, radio news story, or tele-
vision commercial may be written under the editorial guidance of
many persons with a variety of differing intentions. The ways in
which such communications are perceived and interpreted by an
audience can vary with the audience and communicator’s normative
conception about their environment at the time of communication;
with different social types of actors who may be in different struc-
tural and locational arrangements in society and oriented to the
communication according to their social identity and official and
unofficial statuses and roles.1
Moreover :
The intentions according to which the communication is produced
1 Aaron V. Cicourel, Method and Meawrement in Sociology (Glencoe Free

Press, 1964), p. 155.
18
can be independent of the social scientist’s interpretation of it, and
independent of the actors who are exposed to it (and who may
ignore, misunderstand, distort, etc.).’
The dilemma posed need not, perhaps, be as sharp as I have
expressed it, since there is often the possibility for content analysis
to be undertaken in the light of an interviewing programme or
experience as a participant observer.2 But if I have drawn attention
to the problematic character of description, I have by the same
token, shown why explanation in social research is not a matter
of simple inference from ‘the facts’. Some of the ramifications of
this for the study of strikes and their social causation will, it is
hoped, be brought out in the remainder of this chapter.
B. A Note on the Concept of an Industrial Relations System
I should like to suggest that the notion of an industrial relations

system, used as an heuristic device, can facilitate the analysis of
industrial conflict. The notion has been used and elaborated par-
ticularly by John Dunlop. a He defines an industrial relations
system in the following way:
An industrial relations system at any one time in its development is
regarded as comprised of certain actors, certain contexts, an ideology
which binds the industrial relations system together, and a body of
rules created to govern the actors at the work place and work
community.*
In Figure I, I have spelt out the main elements of the system and
the environmental features, or contexts to which Dunlop draws
attention. The broadest contextual category is clearly the locus
and distribution of power in the wider society. It is the power
context which is seen as defining the status of the actors in the
industrial relations system. Hence, in empirical terms, this is an
invitation to examine the prescribed functions and interrelations
of workers’ organisations, management organisations, and
government agencies relevant to the conduct of industrial re-
lations. This may well throw light on the ability or rights of
l ibid.
2 In Chapter 5 of this volume 1 have made one such attempt.
s John T. Dunlop, Indrrstrinf Kelationr Systems (Holt, 1958).
* ibid., p. 7.
19
FIGURE I
THE CONCEPTUALISATION OF AN INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS SYSTEM
Industrial
Relations {
System
Actors J ldeology\Rules
Contextual
factors
Locus and Distribution of Power in

Wider Society
M denotes interrelation
management and workers to be involved in strikes and lock-outs

and on the kinds of procedures which exist for settling disputes.
In analysing industrial conflict one may choose to begin by
looking at shifts in the status and power of the actors in a
country’s industrial relations system over a period of time, or
one may wish to compare the industrial relations experience of
dtierent countries with reference to the power context since, in
Dunlop’s judgment, it is in the rules most directly derived from
the power context that there exist the greatest differences among
countries.
The technical and market contexts are more readily applied to
analysing industrial relations in particular industries or plants,
rather than national industrial relations systems as such. The
technical context is in fact concerned with delineating the type
of work place and the type of work performed by the actors in
the system. There are here a whole cluster of potential differences
between systems and also in the same industry considered over
20
a period of time. There may, for example be differences in the
size of work places, which can commonly lead to a growing
complexity and formality in the rules governing industrial rela-
tions conduct and, in consequence different patters of social
relations between the actors. Or again, different forms of work
operations may differentially affect the vulnerability of enterprises
to production losses in the event of industrial stoppages. Thus,
as is well known, small groups of workers in car delivery firms
or producing components for the car industry are strategically in
a very strong position, since a stoppage can affect thousands of
workers in the car industry. The efficiency of the car industry is
based upon low-cost, tightly knit specialisation - which, at the
same time, is the source of its vulnerability.1
Considerations relating to the market context have two basic
dimensions. The first concerns the impact on the industrial
relations system of the product market (or, in the case of govern-
ment-owned or subsidised industries, not directly exposed to the
market, budgetary constraints). The second refers to conditions
in the factor markets and, particularly, labour markets. Attention
is drawn to such considerations as the following:
Different product market competitive conditions may be re-
flected in different wage rates for comparable occupations in a
given area.
There are many instances in which firms, faced with identical
or closely related product markets share common rules regulating
the behaviour of the actors. They may form in consequence
distinctive, or closely related, industrial relations systems, or
form a recognisable sub-system in a multi-product industrial
relations system.
The social characteristics of the labour force may affect in
various ways the rules which are formulated in the place of work.
Ethnic, religious and cultural divisions within the work force are
all relevant considerations here. Of particular interest for our
purpose is Dunlop’s comment that:
Some communities are noted for a high degree of tension and conflict
and for a high propensity to feuds, violence and radicalism. W’hat-
ever the social relations and experiences which have created such
1 See A. Silbertson, ‘The Motor Industry 1955-64,’ Bulletin of Oxford
University Institufe of Economics arzd SfatisiicJ, Vol. 27, 1965, pp. 25 3-86.
21
Ex$anations of Strikes
communities, these features are likely to be reflected within the work
place. Special rules respecting discipline, slowdowns, and work
stoppages may arise to constrain this state of affairs at the work
place.’
Now although I have advocated the use of the concept of an
industrial relations system as a helpful analytical tool, it should
be made clear that I am not attempting to smuggle in any assump-
tions about a system necessarily striving to perpetuate itself.
There will be patterned expectations between the actors, wherever
work is actually being produced, but the range, specificity and
stability of those expectations is a matter for inquiry. In sociology,
the sources of conflict and co-operation, order and instability
must have an equally valid claim to problem status. It is perhaps
necessary to underline this since Dunlop’s definitional statement,
that it is the ideology which binds the industrial relations system
together, might give the impression that the systems are ‘naturally’
stable and integrative. Ideology (a much over-worked term by
any count) refers here to the ‘body of common ideas that defines
the role and place of each actor and that defines the ideas which
each actor holds towards the place and function of others in the
system’.2 The extent to which such common ideas actually exist
is, in a sense, a reflection of the extent to which the system may
be regarded as legitimated. It is appropriate too, to observe that
even where there are widespread shared understandings between
the actors in an industrial relation, these may embrace the notion
of legitimate conflict and even, in certain circumstances, striking.
Thus, in the British system of industrial relations it is widely
accepted not only that conflict be regulated as far as possible
through institutionalised settlement procedures, but also that in
the event of failure to agree, after these procedures have been
exhausted, the strike is a legitimate weapon. Thus, although the
government was clearly disturbed about the probable effects of
the 1966 seamen’s strike in aggravating Britain’s balance of pay-
ments problems, its legitimacy was not denied. Mr. Wilson could
portray the seamen’s leaders as wrong-headed, but not as wrong.
In this sense, therefore, there may be certain built-in tolerances
of conflict within the existing system. In this way felt grievances
1 Dunlop, op. cit., p. 86.

z ibid., pp. 16-17.
22
and tensions arising from inconsistencies in the system may be
‘managed’. Such ‘management’ does not of course imply that
there is subsequently a restoration to the status quo, rather there
is a shift in the ‘tension balance’ of the actors on the industrial
relations scene. Further, tension is not always ‘managed’ in this
way, since it remains possible for disputes to arise over the basic
organisation of the existing industrial relations system.
What the concept of an industrial relations system does mini-
mally is to remind us of a whole range of considerations to bear
in mind when trying to explain strikes. The character of the inter-
relations, both within the system and with the environmental
features impinging on and interacting with the system, is a
matter for investigation, but their existence is a warning against
single factor explanations of social phenomena. Further, not only
may reference be made to such a conceptualisation in comparative
studies, trend studies and case studies, but one may always
recognise that different kinds of explanation can be handled and
assessed within this rubric. Thus some explanations may stress
the motives, others the goals of actors. Other explanations may
focus on the social constraints and the room for manoeuvre
which they do, or do not, allow the actors. The ways in which
these kinds of explanations may be mutually supportive is,
perhaps, best explored by the use of case studies. But, since
striking may have different meanings attached to it in different
situations, it is likely that we will also have to look for more
than one bundle of such mutually supportive explanations.
C. Strikes and National Industrial Relations Sy&ems

The major study to be discussed in this section is Ross and
Hartman’s Changing Patterns of Indtistrial Conflict.
We attempt to establish and explain the general trend of strike
activity in the non-Communist world; and to explore differences in
trends and in the meaning of strikes between one country and
another.1
The authors looked at strike data for fifteen countries and, as
far as the available material permitted, covered the years 1900-16.
Some six measures for comparing strike activity between countries
l Ross and Hartman, op. cit., p, 8.
C 23
Explanations of StrAkes
and within a country over a period of time were utilised. Two of

these measures were given prominence in the analysis ‘because
they appear to reflect most sensitively the institutional and
historical forces at work’.1 These were:
(a) The membership involvement ratio. When applied to a
country this refers to ‘the sum of all workers involved in all
strikes during a year divided by the average number of union
members during that year’.2 Table I summarises the experience
of the fourteen countries, which could be looked at individually
over the whole period.
TABLE I
MEMBERSHIPINVOLVEMENT IN STRIKE ACTIVITY
I 900-29 1930-47 ‘948-16
% % %
Denmark 6.3 2.4 I’4
Netherlands 7’0 z-6 “3
United Kingdom 16.1 6.4 S’9
Germany 14’2 2.6
Norway 27.0 2:; I.2
Sweden 22.7 3’0
France 27.1 29'0 6Z.i
Japan 30’3 39’0 21.1
India - 102'2 37’2
United States 33’2 20’3 15’4
Canada 14.7 13’3 6.3
Australia 18.2 14.8 25'2
Finland 24. S 9’0 13.9
South Africa 24.4 3’9 I.4
Source : Ross & Hartman Changing Patterns of Industrial Conjfict.
(b) The strike duration ratio. At a national level this ratio is

constructed ‘by dividing the number of workers involved into
the number of working days lost (through strikes) for the par-
ticular year. In other words it shows time lost per striker’.3 Again
this ratio could be applied to fourteen countries over the whole
period and the findings are summarised in Table II.
The general picture which emerges is of a gradual decline in
the proportion of union members going on strike during the
* ibid., p. 13.
2 ibid., p. I I.
3 ibid., p. 12.
24
Explanations of StrikeJ
TABLE 11
AVERAGE DURATION OF STRIKES
1948-56
1900-29 1948-56 as per cent of
(days) (days) 1900-29
Denmark 28.7 4’3 15
Netherlands 32’7 7’5 23
United Kingdom 23.0 4’3
Germany 15.6 9.9 t:
Norway 33.6 13'2 45
Sweden 37’1 22.6 61
France 14’4 2’9 20
India 26.6 8.8 33
Canada 27.1 19’3 71
Australia 14.2 3’2 23
Finland 36.0 15.8 44
South Africa 15.8 2.6 16
Source: Ross & Hartman Changing Patternr qf Industrial Conflict.
period studied, in most of the countries, and a decline in the

average duration of strikes in all the countries. We shall return
to the explanations offered for these trends subsequently. How-
ever, the experience of each of the countries is by no means
uniform. Taking the period 1948-56 as the point of reference,
they look for differences and similarities between countries in
terms of possible combinations of the two criteria of membership
involvement and strike duration. Thus they classify countries
according to whether they have a nominal membership involve-
ment ratio (less than 3% annual average) a moderate one (over
3% and up to 16% annual average) or a high one (over 16%
annual average). Similarly, they distinguish between countries
having a low average duration of strikes (less than five days) and
those having a high average duration (over fourteen days). Those
falling between these two extremes are categorised as inter-
mediate. On the basis of this exercise the distinctive combina-
tions (Table III, following page) emerge.
This they treat, however, as a valuable clue to further inquiry.
They ask essentially how far do these groups of countries embody
industrial relations systems with shared characteristics. And upon
examination they conclude that, with the exceptions of South
Africa, Australia and Finland, the four groups of countries re-
present four patterns of strike activity which ‘are associated with
25
TABLE 111
DIFFERENCES AND SIMILARITIES IN
NATIONAL STRIKE PATTERNS 1948-16
Membership Average
Involvement Duration country
A Nominal Low-Moderate Denmark

Netherlands
United Kingdom
Germany
South Africa
B Nominal Long Norway

Sweden
C High Low France

Italy
Japan
India
Australia
D Inter/High Long U.S.A.

Canada
Finland
characteristic configurations of labour-management relations,

political structure and government policy’.1
In discussing the factors which the authors suggest influence
strike activity they emphasise that such influences must be
assessed not as independent variables but in terms of the con-
figuration in which it is located:
When we say that a certain factor is conducive to industrial peace
or to industrial conflict, we mean that it has this effect in combina-
tion with other influences which it is characteristically conjoined.
The context is crucially important.2
Given that the context is crucially important in modifying or
accentuating the role of particular factors, it is nevertheless
possible to summarise the factors which Ross and Hartman utilise
and to indicate the kinds of tendency statements which these
embody in relation to industrial peace or conflict. I have spelt
this out in the following manner:
1 ibid., p. 28.
3 ibid., p, 175.
26
Explanations of Strikrs
TENDENCY STATEMENT RELATING TO
FACTOR INDUSTRIAL CONFLICT
I. Organisational stability
(a) Age of labour movement ‘Older movements are more likely to have
completed their struggles for existence,
recognition and security, and to be in-
tegrated into their national economics.
Once this point has been reached, bargain-
ing machinery can be developed to handle
economic issues without frequent work
stoppages.’ (p. 61)
(b) Stability of union mem- ‘Pronounced fluctuations are generally
bership conducive to industrial conflict as the
unions strive to organise and absorb new
members and to settle the most pressing
grievances, or struggle to limit their losses
and recapture their territory.’ (p. 63)
2. Leadership conflicts in the
labour movement:
(a) Factionalism, rival union- ‘The union structure most conducive to
ism and rival federations the elimination of industrial conflict is a
unified national movement with strongly
centralised control. Under these condi-
tions the central leadership can consc-
iously substitute other tactics for the
strike and can restrain the exercise of
power by strong subordinate unions.
(P. 66)
(b) Strength of Communism ‘Where the Communist faction has sub-
in unions stantial strength in the labour movement,
strike activity is usually stimulated - par-
ticularly the use of massive demonstration
strikes.’ (p. 66)
3. Status of union/management
relations
(a) Degree of acceptance by Organisational conflict is minimised where
employers ‘employers and unions have attained an
acceptable balance of power and preroga-
tives.’ (p. 67)
(b) Consolidation of bargain- ‘Multi-employer bargaining is conducive
ing structure to industrial peace.’ (p. 67)
Where ‘the labour market is regulated
and disciplined as a whole . . . the strike
is most likely to wither away.’ (p. 68)
4. Labour political activity
(a) Existence of labour party Labour political action is ‘a deterrent to
as a leading political party strikes.’ (p. 69)
27
TENDENCYSTATEMENT RELATINGTO
FACTOR INDUSTRIAL CONFLICT
4. Labour political activity
(b) Labour party govcrn- ‘If the labour party comes into power the
ments deterrent effect is even stronger.’ (p. 69)
5. Role of the State
(a) Extent of government ‘Greater participation by government as
activity in defining terms entrepreneur, economic planner, guardian
of employment of labor, and supervisor of union-
management relations has been partly
responsible for the declining frequency of
strikes.’ (p. 69)
(b) Dispute settlement poli- ‘Labor protest against public employment
cies and procedure policies or compulsory arbitration awards
is more likely to take the form of brief
demonstrations than actual trials of
economic strength.’ (p. 69)
In the light of these tendency statements, the significance of

the four characteristic configurations, to which Ross and Hartman
draw our attention, can more readily be appreciated. This is
brought together in Table IV.
The explanations offered for differing strike patterns are in
terms of differing clusters of interdependent factors. But what
about the deviant cases? If one takes the point about tendency
statements being appraised in their configurational context, they
become less surprising. Thus ‘normally’ one would expect to
find a country with weak and divided unionism, relatively little
collective bargaining and a government hostile to labour, to have
a high strike rate, yet in the context of the South African indus-
trial relations system this is not so. Ross and Hartman explain
this in terms of a different power structure existing in the wider
society:
It appears that the opposite situation in South Africa is explained
largely by the thorough going repression of the non-white majority,
and particularly by the government.1
Or again, given the tendency of strong labour parties to depress
the level of strike activity in a country, why is this not so in
Finland or Australia ?
In the first case the economic environment has been too hostile for
r ibid., p. I 59.
28
TABLE IV PATTERNS OF STRIKE ACTIVITY AND SOME ASSOCIATED FACTORS
T
Rok of.Stak
(a) (b)
Regddons Interuerrlkn
of terms of in Colkctive
empbyment Bargaining
_-
Limited Active
.-
North I Highly
European II / Nominal Long Old Stable / Subdued Weak Widespread Centralised Yes COINDOn Limited Passive
1 I 1 .-
I
Mediterranean Young (or Limited Not
Asian I High LOW Reorganised) Unstable Marked strong Uncommon Consolidation Unifted NO Marked Passive
.-
I
1. North American I Intermediate Fairly Fairly
1 -High Long Young Stable Subdued Weak Widespread Decentralised No No I Limited Mixed
I
successful reliance on the political mechanism and in the second
case the constitutional powers of the federal government are too
weak.’
Hence the relevance of the power context and the market context
as delineated in Dunlop’s scheme is illustrated. Indeed, in the
case of Australia, its ‘deviance’ is also related to the character of
its industry-mix - the technological context.
The converse consideration implied in this discussion of the
deviant cases is the fact that the indices of strike activity - in this
instance membership involvement and strike duration - even
when they give similar readings as between countries, may not
be endowed with the same cultural meaning. It is only as different
industrial relations systems are shown to have shared character-
istics, which are combined in similar ways, that one can have any
confidence in suggesting that similar levels of strike activity in
different countries mean the same thing.
To get at the question of the meaning of strikes involves a
historical perspective. Ross and Hartman are aware of this, par-
ticularly when they examine trends of strikes in particular
countries. They suggest that the decline in strike activity, as
measured by their indices, particularly in Western Europe, reflects
the fact that the meaning of the strike as a form of action has
changed considerably :
After the struggles for organisation and recognition had concluded
strikes became trials of economic strength in disputes over terms of
employment. But strike activity has tended to disappear as the
labour market has been more tightly organised, union-management
relations have become more solidaristic, and labour has directed its
activities into the political sphere.2
In other words it is argued that the traditional goals of strikers
have either been realised, or changed in the course of time. Where
these goals have not been attained or where new goals are aimed
for, it is suggested that these may now be more effectively met
by other methods (notably representation in the political sphere).
In considering the adequacy of the Ross and Hartman approach
there are a number of critical points which must be raised.
First, some of the tendency statements on which the study
1 ibid., pp. 68-9.
z ibid., p. 176.
30
rests are at least problematical. For example, is it really the case
that the consolidation of bargaining structures tends to reduce
industrial conflict ? Multi-employer bargaining may, in certain
respects, be conducive to industrial peace, but not in all. Thus,
the 19j9 steel strike in the U.S.A. accounted for 42 out of 69
million man days lost through strikes in the nation as a whole for
that year. Dubinr maintains that the severity of this strike is
accounted for by the fact that, in power terms, the employers
and the union were equally matched, whilst, at the same time,
the issue at stake was a fundamental one. (A fundamental issue is
here defined as one which cuts across or is not adequately in-
corporated into existing collective bargaining procedures.) In
this instance the employers attempted to establish the contractual
right to make changes in plant operations without the consent of
the union, even though the employment opportunities of the
union membership might be adversely affected. This was held by
the union to cut across their idea of how a contract should be
established and their view of the existing ‘common law’ agree-
ments in the industry.
In an authoritative inquiry, directed by Robert Livernash into
Collective Bargaining in the Basic Steel Indt&y,2 the investigators
comment explicitly on the role of strikes in an industry which,
uncharacteristically for the U.S.A., is based on multi-employer
bargaining :
Most union officials consulted on the matter of single-company
versus industry-wide strikes feel that the former are not feasible.
Basic steel is not a consumer commodity and the source or brand-
name of the product is of little concern to the purchaser. One
industry executive expressed the opinion that his company would
lose a large percentage of its customers if it were struck separately.
A real fear of permanent loss of markets and jobs overhangs the
union’s policy in this regard. Despite certain tactical advantages it
might enjoy from ‘whip-saw’ strikes, the union is deterred by the
success of past practice in industry-wide strikes, the political con-
siderations of placing the strike burden overwhelmingly on the same
locals, and the strong possibility of some sort of industry mutual-aid
plan reducing the pressure on the struck concern. . . . The potential
l R. Dubin, ‘A Theory of Conflict and Power in Union-Management
Relations’, Industrial and Labour Relations Review, Vol. 13, July 1960, pp.
>or-18.
2 U.S. Department of Labor, 1961.
31
national crisis character of strikes in steel may well increase the

effectiveness of industry-wide strikes in steel compared with other
industries.1
Another tendency statement, which Ross and Hartman pro-
pound and which appears to me to be problematical rather than
axiomatic is the influence of a strong Labour party, and par-
ticularly a Labour government, in reducing the level and severity
of strikes in a country. They suggest, for example, that trade
union officials would not wish to sabotage the plans of their own
government by sanctioning strikes. Commenting on this supposi-
tion in the context of the U.K., H. A. Turner observes:
It is true that the incidence of disputes (having risen during the war)
declined somewhat under the post-war Labour administration and
rose again after that government fell from office. But this last change
was largely due to events in mining. Outside the coal industry, the
third Labour government’s defeat was followed by no immediate
change in the incidence of strikes, which has only risen conclusively
in the latter four years of the Conservative regime. So if that rise is
at all connected with national politics, it must rather be as an effect
of the government’s actions than as a reaction to its complexions.2
And as one turns to the experience of the present Labour govern-
ment, one finds that the seamen were not deterred from entering
on a long and costly strike, when the Prime Minister personally
appealed to them not to do so. Further, one may wonder whether
the ‘shake-out’ of labour in the summer and autumn of 1966,
with the widespread redundancy which has resulted was any
more acceptable because it was inaugurated by a Labour govern-
ment. The picketing of the Labour Party Conference at Brighton
appeared to be accompanied by much bitterness on the part of
car-workers and the industry itself was the scene of long anti-
redundancy strikes.
The underlying issue is raised in a slightly different way by
Dahrendorf when he posits his theory of the institutional isolation
of industrial conflict in modern industrial societies, such as the
U.S.A. and the U.K. In particular he argues that:
The notion of a workers’ party (in post-capitalist societies) has lost
its political meaning . . . In all post-capitalist societies . . . there is
1 ibid., pp. 89-90.
2 H. A. Turner, TlJeTrerd of Strikes (Leeds University Press,1963).
32
a double tendency to establish the political independence of trade
unions as interest groups in industrial conflict and to extend socialist
or progressive parties as interest groups in political conflict beyond
the boundaries of an industrial class to ‘peoples parties’ or ‘mass
parties’.l
Although at the time of writing Dahrendorf suggested that
the trend was less evident in the U.K. than some other post-
capitalist societies, it is perhaps gaining ground. Certainly it is
not uncommon for political commentators to take the view that
Mr. Wilson, both during the 1966 election campaign and sub-
sequently, is making the bid for the ‘middle ground’ in the battle
for electoral support. Insofar as this is happening, any identity of
interests between Labour party economic and industrial policies
and trade union policies could not be taken for granted. The
furtherance of trade union interests becomes something to be
fought for rather than assumed and the possibility of an increase
in strike activity over particular issues remains.
Apart from questioning the validity of these two tendency
statements, it is my view that the authors, probably in the search
for clarity, are too ready to make statements about the changing
meaning of strikes in particular industrial relations systems. They
recognise clearly enough that ‘the strike is not a homogeneous
phenomenon but has different meanings in different parts of the
world’.2 At the same time there is a tendency to say of any given
country that once the strike meant A and now it means B, rather
than explicitly recognising that both meanings may be applicable
at any one time. For example, it is said of the U.K. among other
countries that ‘the basic organising struggle is fairly ancient
history’.3 And so it is in many respects. Nevertheless, basic
struggles for recognition still take place, not only among white
collar groups and supervisory grades, but also among manual
workers. The evidence given by both the Transport and General
Workers Union and the National Union of General and Municipal
Workers to the Royal Commission on Trade Unions and Em-
ployers Associations, bears upon this point. The N.U.G.M.W.
report, for example, observes :
1 R. Dahrendorf, Class and C/ass Cot@ct in an Industriaf Society (Routledge
and Kegan Paul, 1959), p. 275.
2 Ross and Hartman, op. cit., p. 5.
3 ibid., p. 48.
33
Exjlanations of Strikes
There is a widespread assumption that there is little resistance to
trade unionism for manual workers among employers in manu-
facturing industry. Our experience of recruitment of members does
not bear out this assumption.1
The union alleged that of 262 firms visited by union officials in
a recruitment drive, IOO were anti-union in their attitudes, 63
were indifferent and 97 were co-operative. And the union goes on
to make the stronger point that in the Ministry of Labour’s own
evidence submitted to the same Royal Commission, ‘up to 30%
of the differences on which Ministry of Labour conciliation takes
place relate to trade union recognition’.2 A similar kind of
criticism may be made of Ross and Hartman’s contention that in
many countries ‘the strike is no longer a sustained test of economic
strength but a brief demonstration of protest’.s But again one
must ask how valid is this observation when applied to the U.K.?
There are two closely related points that need to be made here.
The first is that tests of economic strength in the U.K. industrial
relations field still take place. This is brought out in Chapter 4
of this volume. And the seamen’s strike, mentioned above is a
good example of its continued existence. No doubt such disputes
are not so frequent as once they were, but that is another matter.
Secondly, the impression conveyed by the Ross and Hartman
observation is that short protest strikes are a recent phenomenon
taking the place of the longer economic disputes. This is mis-
leading since such protest strikes have been an integral part of
the history of labour in this country, as has been well documented
by G. D. H. Cole, E. H. Phelps Brown, H. A. Turner and others.
It would be more accurate to say that what has happened in this
respect is that the decline of wars of attrition between manage-
ment and labour has exposed the rump of shorter protest strikes,
which have been a continuing phenomenon.
The explanation of different national strike patterns in terms of
differences in industry-mix is not given much prominence by Ross
and Hartman. For the greater part of the study industry-mix is
treated as a constant. Only in the case of Australia is it given
much importance, where it is shown that the great bulk of
1 Evidence to the Royal Commission on Trade Unions and Employers’ Associations
(N.U.G.M.W., 1966), p. 21.
2 ibid., p. 26.
34
strike activity was located in the coal and docks industries.
It is to the exploration of inter-industry differences in strike
proneness that we now turn. I have postponed until the next
section also the Ross and Hartman thesis concerning the ‘wither-
ing away of the strike’. I conclude this section by observing first,
that the Ross and Hartman approach is a bold and fruitful way of
organising a mass of data at the international level; secondly,
that the configurational approach advocated for explaining
differences in strike patterns is similar to the Dunlop scheme of
delineating industrial relations systems with a (perhaps under-
standable) tendency to over-emphasise the power context, when
explaining differences ; but thirdly, that the approach is marred
by some of the underlying assumptions as reflected in the tendency
statements which have been discussed; and finally, that the
historical perspectives provided to explain the changing meaning
of strikes in particular industrial relations systems are too stereo-
typed to do the job properly.
D. Inter-indtlsty Comparisons of Strike-proneness

I want to pay particular attention in this section to Clark Kerr
and Abraham Siegel’s study ‘The Inter-industry Propensity to
Strike - An International Comparison’.
The authors examined the strike records of a number of
countries. Eleven were found to have relevant statistics for
extended (but not identical) periods since the beginning of the
century. Their research procedure can be broken down into the
following stages :
(a) For each country obtain the number of man days lost by
industry.
(b) For each country work out the percentages employed in
each industry and, on that basis, construct an employment rank-
ing.
(c) Classify industries for strike proneness within a country
as follows:
High: Man-days lost rank substantially above employment
rank.
Medium-high: Man-days lost rank significantly above employ-
ment rank.
Medium: Man-days lost roughly proportionate to employment
ranking.
Medium-low : Man-days lost rank significantly below employ-
ment ranking.
Low: Man-days lost rank substantially below employment
ranking.
(d) Make an international comparison to see if any industries
commonly fall in one or another category.
(e) Attempt a theoretical explanation of the findings.
Table V, summarises the empirical findings of this international,
inter-industry comparison.
TABLE V
GENERAL PATTERNS OF STRIKE PROPENSITIES
Propensity to Strike Industry
High Mining
Maritime and Longshore
Medium-High Lumber
Textile
Medium Chemical
Printing
Leather
Manufacturing (general)
Construction
Food and Kindred Products
Medium-Low Clothing
Gas, water and electricity
Services (hotels, restaurants, etc.)
Low Railroad
Agriculture
Trade
Source: Kerr and Siegel, ‘The Inter-industry Propensity to Strike’.
But how are these differences explained? The major considera-

tion which the authors advance is that such differences should be
related to ‘the location of the worker in society’. Certain loca-
tional characteristics are specified. With this in mind, in Table VI
36
TABLE VI
LOCATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS AFFECTING STRIKEPRONENESS
High LOW
Strike t + Strike
Proneness Proneness
Worker’s I. Single industry community I. Multi-industry community

Location
in a. Little occupational differen- 2. Considerable occupational
Society tiation differentiaton
3. Geographical or social iso- 3. Integrated into wider

lation of group from wider society
society
4. Group cohesion or 4. Individual isolated from

his fellows (e.g. farm
workers)
I have summarised the polar positions making for high strike

proneness and low strike proneness respectively; in part the
locational characteristics are seen as determining the disposition
of workers to strike and in part their ability to strike. Thus the
shared and circumscribed life chances of workers in the ‘isolated
mass’ results, it is suggested in strikes which are:
. . . a kind of colonial revolt against far removed authority, an
outlet for accumulated tensions, and a substitute for occupational
and social mobility. The industrial environment places these workers
in the role of members of separate classes distinct from the com-
munity at large, classes with their share of grievances. These
individuals are not members of the ubiquitous middle class but of
their own class of miners or longshoremen; and they do not aim to
be more considerate of the general community than they think the
general community is of them.1
the ability to strike is seen as a function of group cohesion:
The capacity for group cohesion is dependent on the fairly steady
contact of the members of the group, which in turn creates the basis
for permanent organisation. . . . An isolated mass can be kept from
internal solidarity not only by the turnover of its membership but
also by racial, religious and nationality barriers.2
l Kerr and Siegel, op. cit., p. 193.
* ibid.
37
Ex~~afzafi0n.s of Strikes
However, it is argued that the first three factors noted in Table VI
at the high strike proneness end of the scale, typically provide
the structural conditions which facilitate group cohesion. Thus
the high strike proneness situation is appropriately described as
a condition of cohesivemass segregatioon.But at the other end of the
continuum, not one but two situations are identified. The first is
the condition of commt/nit_yintegration. The second is the condition
of individtlal isolation. If the workers in a condition of cohesive
mass segregation are both willing and able to strike, the com-
munity integration situation emphasises the worker’s lack of
desire or willingness to strike, whereas the individual isolation
condition emphasises the powerlessness of the worker to strike
effectively. What can be said about the character and validity of
this explanation of strike differences? First, it is important to
notice that as an explanation of inter-industry differences in strike
proneness, it is indirect in the following sense. The major concern
is to define the locational characteristics of the worker in society.
It clearly remains a possibility, however, that workers in the same
industry, but different countries, will not be identical in this
respect. This indeed is to be expected in the light of the authors’
own contention that in any one country the willingness or ability
of workers in an industry to strike will change as their location
in the social structure changes. Now in the case of coal mining,
maritime and long-shoring work, their thesis is at its strongest,
since these industries have, over an extended period of time, in
different countries, contained workers who might reasonably be
identified as being in a structural position of cohesive mass
segration.
In other cases the picture is by no means so clear. The steel
industry, for example, in six of the countries surveyed ranked
low in terms of strike proneness, in three countries it ranked
moderate and in one country (the U.S.A.) it ranked medium-high.
In terms of the Kerr-Siegel thesis this must be because the workers
in that industry are more ‘integrated’ in some societies than they
are in others. The steel industry is perhaps a notably deviant case
to use to make the point - so deviant that it is not even classified
in Table V. But it is also the case that industries classified in that
table in the middle range comprise, in fact, some which are con-
sistently medium in all the countries analysed and some which
vary from high to low as between countries. Examples of this
38
latter group are printing, chemicals, and food and kindred pro-
ducts. With these industries therefore, one is only dealing with a
statistical mean which can scarcely be said to offer an explanation
of inter-industry differences in strike proneness. Only in a
restricted number of cases can one agree with the authors that:
Both the nature of the birth and the trend of development must be
explained by some common causes, for both have been quite uniform
for the same industry from one country to another.’
In the end, it is differences between the same industry in
different countries as well as the similarities which have to be
explained. Clues to these differences are, however, to be found in
the Kerr and Siegel analysis. The marks of worker integration
into the wider society, they suggest, are the acceptance of trade
unions by employers, by the government and by the community
at large. These broad status considerations are delineations of the
power context, as indicated in the Dunlop industrial relations
system. And we may notice also that they have much in common
with the Ross and Hartman analysis, where these factors are seen
as conducive to a reduction in industrial conflict.
It is interesting to observe that both Ross and Hartman and
Kerr and Siegel comment on the declining rate of strike proneness
in the western world. Kerr and Siegel say that this is because
the process of worker integration into the wider society is
becoming widespread:
The ‘homeless, voteless, womanless’ worker is now the rare excep-
tion, and the workers and their institutions share now in the
operation of society.=
For Ross and Hartman, the ‘withering away of the strike’ has
occurred because :
First, employers have developed more sophisticated policies and
more effective organisation. Second, the state has become more
prominent as an employer of labour, economic planner, provider
of benefits, and supervisor of industrial relations. Third, in many
countries (although not in the U.S.A.) the labour movement has
been forsaking the use of the strike in favour of broad political
endeavour.3
1 ibid., p. xz.
2 ibid., p. 204.
D 39
There is, however, an element of industrial conflict which tends
to be played down by the withering strike thesis. While strike
proneness, measured in terms of average duration and man-days
lost, may be declining, this does not give any indication of what
is happening purely in terms of strike frequency. It is quite
possible in that sense that the strike might be flourishing rather
than withering.
The Kerr-Siegel thesis, as we have seen, in the discussion of
high strike-proneness, lays great emphasis on the isolated hom-
geneous mass of workers as the source of such activity. The
authors rightly point out that many general strikes in a number
of countries have developed from groups such as miners, dock-
workers and textile workers. In doing so they are stressing the
severity of such conflict and, since the workers feel alienated
from the values of the wider society, its revolutionary potential.
But strike activity may be derived not so much from deep social
divisions, but from groups of workers with more localised, albeit
strongly held, feelings of relative deprivation. Thus we may find
groups of workers seeking to challenge existing managerial pre-
rogatives. The application or interpretation of particular work
rules may be questioned, and changes in wage differentials be-
tween groups of workers may be seen as a threat to the existing
status system in a factory and even regarded as ‘unjust’.
This suggests that other considerations are necessary to fill in
some of the gaps in the generalised statements of both Ross and
Hartman, and Kerr and Siegel.
A slightly more elaborate measure of strike proneness, designed
to bring out inter-industry differences, is used by Knowles in the
context of the U.K.’ Working on the Ministry of Labour’s
classification of immediate causes of strikes, he suggests that these
causes may be fruitfully grouped into the following three
categories :
I. Basic issues :
(i) Wage increase questions
(ii) Wage decrease questions
(iii) Other wage questions
(iv) Hours of labour
l Knowles, op. cit., p. 309-10.
4o
Explauatiotts of Strikes
2. Frictional issues :
(i) Employment of certain classes of persons
(ii) Other working arrangements, rules and discipline
3. Solidarity issues :
(i) Trade-union principle
(ii) Sympathetic action
He then proposes that inter-industry differences in the propensity
to strike be considered in these three dimensions. In making such
comparisons, the relative propensity of strikers in a particular
industry to be involved in strikes of one type of issue is expressed
as a ratio between the percentage of strikers in the industry who
came out on that issue and the percentage of strikers in all other
industries who were so involved. As an example of this kind of
approach, I have inserted Table VII.
TABLE VII
RELATIVE PROPENSITYTO STRIKE ON DIFFERENT TYPES
OF ISSUE 1927-36
Ratios ihrtrating relative propem&

to strike on:
Indwy Basic Frictional Solidarity
Issues Isssfes Issues
Mining and Quarrying 0.73 1’24 4.68

Textiles ">I 0’37 0.10
Metal, Engineering and
Shipbuilding 0.90 1’37 0.77..
Transport 0.51 2.51 1.07
Building I.05 0’97 0.84
Clothing 0’74 1.08 2.46
Other industries and
services I.11 0.71 0.84
Note: The relative propensity of workers in a given industry to
strike on a particular type of issue is indicated in the following
ratio: the percentage of workers who struck on the type of
issue in question divided by the percentage of strikers in all
other industries who struck on the same type of issue.
Source: K.G. J.C. Knowles, ‘ “Strike-proneness” and its Determinants’.
41
This attempt to identify different dimensions in comparing strike
proneness in different industries is, as Knowles himself is well
aware, handicapped by two things. There is first the lack of a
detailed industrial classification and secondly, the fact that it is
derived from single cause Ministry of Labour tables. One might
also question perhaps, whether all wage questions should be
classified as ‘basic’. Many wage disputes centre on methods of
payment and their consequences for particular work groups and
there is a case for suggesting that they might be classified as
‘frictional’ issues. But the point I wish to make particularly is this.
The kind of strikes which are especially drawn to our notice in
the Kerr-Siegel study of high strike prone situations are those
which would be classified by Knowles as Basic or Solidarity
strikes. This still leaves us with the frictional issues, which, as
Knowles has ably demonstrated in the U.K. context, have tended
to play a proportionately greater part on the industrial relations
scene.
One study which does attempt to look at inter-industry
differences in strike proneness, in a way which throws more light
on frictional conflict (especially if we allow some wage issues to
be frictional) is James W. Kuhn’s study, Bargaining in Grievance
Settlement. Kuhn is, in large measure, concerned to explore the
dynamics of fractional bargaining. In the American context, in
which the study was carried out, this means that, instead of the
grievance procedure being accepted as a means of arriving at
judicial settlements in the light of the previously negotiated
management-union contract, the outcome of grievance problems
is itself a matter for bargaining. The reality of such bargaining
was illuminatingly described by a union local leader:
The realities of life do not always allow you to settle grievances

peacefully and according to simple interpretations of the contract.
The grievance process is year round, continuous collective bargain-
ing. The contract is like a rubber bag. You probe it this way and
that -what you need is leverage. The company doesn’t view all the
grievances judiciously because it cannot. Through its prerogatives
and initiative it usually has more leverage than the union. We have
to resort to undercover bargaining tactics to get any leverage to
penalise the company. You’ve got to move the situation and you
don’t do it by being nice and talking sweet. I have always felt that
the successful leader is the resourceful man who is able to find new
42
ways to put the pressure on whenever the company is able to break
the old.1
In such circumstances the strike may be one means used of
deploying and demonstrating workshop power. As a tactical
weapon such strikes are usually of short rather than long dura-
tion. There will be certain organisational pressures, if the strikes
are ‘wildcat’, to keep them brief. These derive from the pro-
fessional management and union negotiators who signed the
contract. But of their frequency there can be no doubt. What is
particularly interesting in the light of the withering strike thesis
mentioned above, is Kuhn’s observation that over the period
ICJ~I-19 there is no evidence of a long term decline in short
strikes in the U.S.A. Short strikes here are defined as those lasting
three days or less and involving six or more workers. But Kuhn
also indicates that in the short term there was a tendency for these
strikes to increase in periods of rising economic activity. This
tendency was counter-balanced by the fact that longer strikes
generally took place during periods of recession.
We may note in passing parallels with the British experience.
Knowles, for example, has suggested that the tendency for strike
frequency to increase when profits and employment are rising
stems from the feeling that ‘prospects of forcing concessions
seem better, and possible penalties of failure seem less’.2 But he
also notes that:
There is some tendency for big strikes to break out during down-
swings when the unions decide on full-scale resistance to money-
wage reductions - until the deepening of the slump inhibits further
action.a
And in a more recent study Turner and Bescoby have shown
that this observation holds good for the British car industry.4
But if fractional bargaining is a reality of everyday life in the
plant and if short strikes are an integral part of such activity very
often, how are inter-industry differences to be explained. The
* Kuhn, op. cit., pp. 78-9.

2 Knowles, op. cit., p. 310.
sibid., p. 311.
4 H. A. Turner and John Bescoby, ‘Strikes, Redundancy and the Demand
Cycle in the Motor Car Industry’, Bulletin of Oxford University Institute of
Economics and Statistics, I 96 I .
43
Explatzations of Strikes
crucial variable for Kuhn is the technological context. Instead of
the cohesive isolated mass of the Kerr-Siegel thesis, we have the
cohesive work group as the source of strike proneness. Kuhn
spells out the technological circumstances in which such a group
is most likely to be found:
The technology most conducive to fractional bargaining has the
following characteristics : First, it subjects a large portion of workers
to continued changes in work methods, standards, or materials as
they work at individually paced jobs. Second, it allows workers a
considerable degree of interaction with others in their task group
as they work at their distinctive and specialised semi-skilled or
skilled jobs. Third, it groups most of the work force into several
nearly equal-sized task departments. And fourth, it requires con-
tinuous rigidly sequential processing of materials into one major
type of product.
The first and second of the above characteristics stimulate willing-
ness of members of the work group to engage in fractional bargain-
ing. The third tends to weaken the political authority of the local
union over the work groups, and the fourth enables the work group
to disrupt the plant’s total production at a cost to itself which is
small in relation to the cost it inflicts upon management.1
Kuhn’s own fieldwork on which his conclusions are based is
mainly centred on a comparative study of workers in the rubber
tyre and electrical equipment industries in the U.S.A., over the
period 1947-59. The far greater tendency of workers in the
rubber tyre industry to participate in fractional bargaining
activity, in his judgment, confirmed his thesis. In consequence
he concludes that:
Technology determines the ability of workers to press their demands
and greatly affects their willingness to formulate demands.2
Now this explanation of industrial conflict pays more attention
to the number of points of friction and hence is more concerned
with strike frequency as such. In this respect it does seem to
provide a valuable corrective to those who too readily propound
the withering strike thesis. It is also important because one can
more readily see that in certain industries, even if the worker can
be shown to have become more integrated into the wider society
l Kuhn, op. cit., p. 148.

2 ibid., p. 166.
44
in terms of the Kerr-Siegel thesis, the technology of the situation
might still give rise to frictional conflict. And other industries
which might not be characterised as highly strike prone at all on
the Kerr-Siegel thesis, might score highly when analysed in
terms of their fractional bargaining activity.
But if there are differences between industries in terms of strike
patterns, there are also differences between firms in the same
industry. As we turn now to consider these, it will become
evident how, in some respects, they also compound the problem
of explaining differences between industries.
E. Intra-industy Comparisons of Strike Activit_y

Kuhn, as we have seen, maintains that inter-industry differences
in fractional bargaining activities are a function of the techno-
logical imperatives of the industry. But he has to admit that the
incidence of such bargaining varies between firms in the same
industry :
Special circumstances may affect the particular incidence at any one
plant but they are not the cause of the workers’ use of non-peaceful
tactics.)
The difficulty I find with this formulation is that it treats
technology as the basic factor and other considerations are
accordingly minimised. There are a number of specific points
which I should like to raise in this connection, which, at the same
time, throw light on possible differences in strike proneness as
between firms in the same industry:
I. The technology of an industry may constrain but not de-
termine the division of labour within a plant. There are at least
two senses in which this is so. Firstly, in a number of situations,
the organisation of the work flow may be organised on different
structural lines. To take a well-known example, Wilfred Brown
has distinguished between ‘process organisation’ and ‘product
organisation’.a The former term applies to an organisation in
which departmental arrangements are that a departmental manager
has control over a group of machines of the same type, or proces-
ses which involve common techniques. Product organisation
1 ibid.
2 W. Brown, ExpIoration in Management (Penguin, 1965).
41
refers to a situation in which, within a department, managers are
responsible for co-ordinating interdependent machines or pro-
cesses, which go to make up the completed product. In industries
where this organisational choice is technically and economically
feasible, differences between firms making similar products may
be a reflection of different managerial beliefs about the ‘right’
form of organisation. Brown, for example, argues in favour of
product organisation since :
. . . it is clear to me that a manager, placed in a job where the impact
of the market bears directly upon his activities, is able to obtain a
first-hand feel of the extent to which his work matches that market
demand. Such a manager is in a position where he is much more
likely to develop his work with requisite speed and objectivity than
would otherwise be the case.1
But given the fact, which Brown acknowledges, that there has
been insufficient analysis of the advantages of one form of
organisation as against the other, one would expect different
forms of organisation to co-exist between firms in the same in-
dustry. One might presumably argue that the different forms of
the division of labour to which this gives rise should be subsumed
under the heading ‘technology’ at plant level. If this is so, then
explanations of inter-industry differences in conflict activity in
terms of technology will be weakened where there is organisa-
tional variation in the division of labour between firms in the
same industry. By equating a certain type of the division of
labour with a certain type of technology, one may still postulate
a technological explanation of conflict differences between firms
in the same industry, or in the same firm at different periods of
time. This appears to be the view of Leonard Sayles, to whose
study, The Behaviour of Indtstriai Work Grotrps,2 we will refer again
below. Thus he argues:
. . . a division of labour which separates or eliminates workers
doing identical tasks, reduces their tendency to engage in concerted
activity. The number of problems on which there can be consensus
has been reduced by the simple expedient of reducing the number
of similar jobs, or so separating them in space that communications
barriers are created among the job-holders.3
l ibid., p. 127.
z L. Sayles, The Bebaviocfr of Indtutrial Work Groztps (Wiley, I 9 5 8).
3 ibid., p. 72.
46
Whether, therefore, one wishes to talk about this as organisational
variation within the same industry, or different technologies in
the same industry, it is clear that one cannot necessarily assume
some ‘normal’ pattern of work organisation for an industry, as
Kuhn seems to imply, and then explain intra-industry differences
in conflict activity as due to ‘special circumstances’. There may,
in short, be a number of feasible forms of work organisation,
with very different consequences for the kinds of bargaining
activity pursued (although this, of course, may not be understood
by the organisation planners).
A second, and related point to notice about the division of
labour is this. Even when there are strong, or compelling
economic arguments for a firm to adopt a particular form of
technology, say, mass production assembly line work, within that
framework there may still be differences in the way labour is
actually utilised and deployed. The kind of possibilities I have in
mind have been notably discussed in the work of Georges
Friedman. In The Anatomy of Work,l he has described ways in
which a number of British, American and European firms have
reacted against the orthodoxy of Taylorian Scientific Manage-
ment, and introduced schemes for their work forces involving
job transfers, job rotation and job enlargement, to counteract
the problems of worker boredom and monotony. Such schemes
are clearly meant to increase job satisfaction and, indeed, pro-
ductivity. I am not commenting here on their adequacy. Nor am
I saying that such schemes will necessarily reduce management-
worker conflict. After all, attempts to increase job satisfaction
may have as a by-product an increase in worker solidarity and
group cohesiveness. Hence, paradoxically, increased job satisfac-
tion may be accompanied by increased pressures on the grievance
procedure. This is simply speculation. But my suggestion is that,
although no systematic evidence appears to be available to
compare intra-industry conflict in this way, any explanations of
the degree or intensity of conflict would have to take account,
not simply of the type of technology, but also of the organisa-
tional style and the actual mode of the division of labour
discernible in different firms.
2. Sayles, in The Behaviow of Indwtrial W’ork Groqr, is im-
l G. Friedman, The Anatomy of Work (Heinemann, 1961).
47
pressed, as Kuhn is, with the influence of technology on the
pattern of management-labour conflict. He suggests, for example,
that:
Plants which are primarily assembly or line operations or where
crew activities predominate seemed to be very different in their
climate of industrial relations from plants in which individual or
batch operations were the dominant structure.*
But whereas Kuhn talks about differences in the incidence of
conflict between firms with the same technology - implying that
there is not much deviation from the ‘normal’ - Sayles makes
clear that this is not necessarily the case. For example, plants based
upon interdependent assembly or crew operations, and lacking
strong individual work groups with some status in the plant,
were found to comprise polar cases in his sample. That is to say,
they contained firms with the ‘best’ and the ‘worst’ industrial
relations records :
These plants seemed to have more than their share of union-
management co-operation and or complete absence of conflict, and
also more than their share of situations where the union ran rampant,
and where they were constantly threatened by irresponsible strike
activity.*
Sayles suggests in the immediate context of the above observa-
tion that open conflict situations may reflect the inability of the
rank and file to make themselves heard. In addition, however, he
had noted in an earlier part of his study that:
Interdependent work operations maintain a delicate internal balance;
new members can ‘quickly sour the whole bunch’ . . . A really
embittered empIoyee can have a startling effect on feIIow worker
attitudes and behaviour in such groups, as can a highly satisfied
worker with leadership potentia1.s
Hence, within the terms of Sayles’ analysis, the paradox is
explained as to why firms with similar technologies may in fact
vary in terms of productivity, grievance pressure exerted and
wildcat strikes. Indeed, by the same token, one might find
variations within the same firm over a period of time.
l Sayles, op. cit., p. I I 3,

2 ibid., p. I 14.
3 ibid., p. 91.
48
Applying the inter-firm comparison to the British car industry,
here at least is a possible explanation as to why, for a long period,
the industrial relations record of Vauxhall has been the envy of
its competitors. But it would seem to follow from this that
matters relating to union organisation, both on the shop floor
and at district and national level, and managerial policies in
relation to consultation with workers (both formal and informal)
and in relation to negotiating practice and procedure, become
variables in their own right.
Furthermore, the reorganisation involved as a result of com-
pany mergers, may affect the level of conflict activity within a
firm. Thus the high strike liability of the Austin plant was passed
on to other Nuflield factories following the B.M.C. merger.
Bescoby and Turner suggest that this was not simply the fact of
the merger, but the way it was handled, insofar as wage and
labour policies were not co-ordinated.1 The actual use of collective
bargaining and consultation procedures - insofar as they condi-
tion how far managerial decisions are legitimised by the work
force - is probably even more relevant than whether or not wage
and labour policies are co-ordinated. What I have in mind is the
fact that the earlier merger between Fords and Briggs had in-
volved an attempt to standardise negotiating procedures, pay-
ments systems and conditions of employment, but this managerial
initiative was rewarded with a period of prolonged labour unrest.
Indeed, the new Paint, Trim and Assembly Building, which was
created as a consequence of the reorganisation and which, it was
hoped, in the light of standardisation of work rules ‘make it
possible for the men from Fords and Briggs to mix with the
minimum of friction, misunderstanding and controversy, became
the main source of subsequent industrial relations difliculties’.e
Here again the objection was not to the changes as such, but
mainly to the way in which they were implemented.
What I would wish to argue, therefore, is first that the Vauxhall
case suggests that there is genuine freedom of manoeuvre for the
1 John Bescoby and H. A. Turner, ‘An Analysis of Post-War Labour

Disputes in the British Car-Manufacturing Firms’, The Manchester School,
May, 1961.
2 Report of a Court of Inquiry into the cause and circumstances of a Dispute
between the Ford Motor Company Ltd., Dagenbam and members of the Trade Union
Side of the Ford National Joint Negotiating Committee (H.M.S.O., 1963), p. IO.
49
involved parties, for firms sharing the same technological con-
text; secondly, that, while the experience of B.M.C. and Fords is
consistent with Sayles’ point that ‘interdependent work operations
maintain a delicate internal balance’, the actual handling of
industrial relations is an important intervening variable.
In Sayles’ own analysis, as we have seen, leadership of the work
group in certain circumstances, can make dramatic differences to
the degree and intensity of industrial conflict. This would seem
to lead us away from the doctrine of technological determinism
when discussing the question of strike-proneness as between
firms. And it does not seem to justify the rigidity of Sayles’ own
conclusion on the matter, when he writes:
This study suggests that the social system erected by the techno-
logical process is . . . a basic and continuing determinant of work-
group attitudes and actions.1
The reaction against an over-emphasis on the technological
determinants of industrial conflict has recently been taken further
by John H. Goldthorpe in his paper ‘Attitudes and behaviour of
car assembly workers: a deviant case and a theoretical critique’.2
The deviant case is Vauxhall and the question is why should it
be so ? Goldthorpe, in his exploratory paper argues that to explain
this one must look at the orientation which workers have towards
their employment (and hence, for our purposes, conflict and
grievance activity). This orientation should be regarded as a
‘crucial independent variable relative to what occurs in the work
situation’.3 For him technology and formal organisations are
treated:
. . . not as the direct determinants of shop floor attitudes and
behaviour but rather as constituting a set of limiting factors, the
psychological and social implications of which will vary with the
significance which workers attach to them.*
The investigation of the varieties of meaning attached to
similar ‘objective’ factors involves, he suggests, looking at the
l Sayles, op. cit., p. 93.
* J. H. Goldthorpe, ‘Attitudes and behaviour of car assembly workers: a
deviant case and a theoretical critique’. B.J.S., Vol. XVIII, Sept. 1966, pp.
227-44.
3 ibid., p. 241.
* ibid., p. 240.
50
non-work aspects of the social lives of workers involved. The
precise influence of these non-work factors have still to be
described but he indicated that:
. . . preliminary analysis of our data indicates that factors relevant
in this connection may include, inter alia, these workers’ experience
of both social and geographical mobility, their position in the life
cycle, and their present pattern of family and community living.1
The complexity of such an approach, derived from what
Goldthorpe terms the ‘social action’ perspective can scarcely be
over-estimated when it comes to making inter-firm comparisons.
In principle, however, it should prove susceptible to multi-
variate analysis and yield fruitful results.
3. Finally, one may observe that firms with similar tech-
nologies may be differentially affected in terms of management-
labour conflict, as a result of union strategy, tactics and organisa-
tion. The use of ‘key bargaining’ tactics is a case in point. One
firm may have to take the brunt of a union attack, with all the
strike threats and possibilities which that involves; other firms
in the industry may make peaceful adjustments in the light of the
settlement hammered out. These pattern-setting firms are often
the most efficient, since unions typically believe that this is the
way to obtain better concessions and advantages in the industry
as a whole. At the other end of the spectrum, firms which are
marginal to an industry, in cost terms may be involved in conflict
through their inability to keep pace. Clark Kerr has noted, how-
ever, that there may sometimes be situations in which union-
management co-operation may occur in high cost firms with the
aim of preserving investment and jobs2
F. An Examination of Three Case-&dies

There are surprisingly few good case studies of strikes. We have
seen, in the preceding section, some difficulties in accounting for
inter-firm differences in the level of strike activity. Certainly there
is no simple explanation. But if one is to say more precisely how
particular factors play their part, then there is no substitute for
1 ibid., p. 241.
a C. Kerr, ‘Industrial Peace and the Collective Bargaining Environment’,
in Labor and Management in Industrial Society (Harper, 1964).
II
the case study. In this way one is able to trace sequences of change
in an industrial relations system over a period of time. By
analysing strikes in this way, through the study of concrete social
processes, one hopes, in particular, to know the part played by
the different meanings which differently placed actors in the
system attach to the changes that do occur.
The three American studies, which I now discuss, have enough
in common to give them a family resemblance. But the similarities
will also serve to throw into sharp relief some notable differences.
CASE I. THE LORAY TEXTILE MILL STRIKE, IN GASTONIA,

NORTH CAROLINA, 1929
The Loray Mill strike is discussed in detail in Liston Pope’s
study, Millhands and Preachers.l In the context of the Southern
textile mills of the U.S.A. during the 192os, the ideology under-
pinning the industrial relations system was one of paternalistic
capitalism, in the mill villages:
The capitalist did not merely provide capital, he also established
the facilities and set the norms for politics, morals, religion, amuse-
ment, and all other major spheres of culture. His control and his
moral right to control had hardly been questioned. Regulation of
his activities had been minimal. In short, Gastonia was a stronghold,
relatively isolated and undisturbed, of paternalistic capitalism . . .a
Calculated benevolence was thought to be the managerial
answer to trade unions. Thus the Gastonia Gaxette pointed out
in a report of the period:
Employees of nine cotton mills in Gastonia are to meet in a joint
community picnic . . . an old-fashioned all-day picnic such as the
country churches still enjoy. . . . It will be held on the grounds of
a suburban church. . . . There will be fried chicken, country pickles,
pies and preserves. . . . The mills will furnish many substantial
eatables and mill owners and superintendents will hobnob with
operatives. . . . That is one of the answers of Gaston County to
McMahon (president of the United Textile Workers) and his kind.3
The community values, since they were dominated by the
1 L. Pope, Millhands and Preachers (Yale, 1942).
2 ibid., p. 208.
8 ibid., p. 199.
Explanatioms of Strikes
company interest and were defined in terms of ‘what is good for
the manufacturer is good for the community’, reinforced the
social controls exerted by employers over employees. And the
mill village churches in particular, whose ministers were typically
subsidised by the mill owners, preached the virtues of compliance
with the existing system. Hence, the internalisation of the
employees’ willingness to work and obey managerial authority
is to be found in the cultural milieu of the community. The
‘appropriate’ response to the benevolent mill owner on the part
of the workers was gratitude. Since this response was typically
internalised by the worker, the frowning providence of the
manager was usually hidden behind the smiling face. Managerial
power was such, however, that worker disobedience could lead
to immediate dismissal and it was not always easy to find alterna-
tive employment.
How then is the Loray strike accounted for? If we take the
Dunlop scheme for the analysis of industrial relations systems,
the following inter-relation of elements may be traced:
I. A secular decline in the market for cotton textiles. The

response to acute competition was:
2. Technological re-appraisal. This led particularly to the in-
troduction of the ‘stretch-out’ (more machines per person to
mind) an increase in the speed of the spindles, and a general
managerial pre-occupation with ‘efficient’ methods of work.
This must be linked with:
3. Budgetary re-appraisal. The attempt was made to lower the
costs of production by rationalising the industry. This involved
mill mergers throughout the industry. These reflected changing
conceptions of what constituted optimum size mills. There was
an accompanying growth in the length of the management
hierarchy and this increasing bureaucratisation of individual
enterprises was accompanied by the development of absentee
ownership. At the same time, budgetary re-appraisals led to the
conclusion that:
From the standpoint of immediate management economies, the most

flexible item of production costs appeared to be labour. For the
individual milI other costs tended to be relatively fixed. Though the
percentage of manufacturing costs which went to labour was not
unusually large, many managers attempted to effect economies on
this item. Three possibilities were open: direct wage cuts, location
in a region affording cheaper labour, or a disproportionate increase
in relation to wages of productivity per worker. Exploration of
these possibilities provided the immediate background for a wave
of textile strikes in New England, between 1926 and 1928 and in the
Southern mills in 1929, of which the strike in the Loray mill in
Gaston was one of the most spectacu1ar.l
4. Changes in the power context. Traditionally, employers had
assumed that they could impose their will on the employees in
the South, because the workers were unorganised, inarticulate
and compliant. However, compliance demands at least minimally,
the fulfilment of certain expectations -in this case expectations
about how a paternalistic capitalist should behave to his em-
ployees. The general bureaucratisation of the enterprises and the
movement towards absentee ownership tended to make this more
diflicult. ‘Welfare by proxy’ was attempted in a number of
instances as a functional equivalent of the old paternalism: the
traditional paternal responsibility of the local owner being sup-
planted by the delegated responsibility of the social welfare
workers. However, the growing impersonality of the welfare
system did not correspond with the personal bonds which once
existed between the owner-manager and the employee and on
which the ideology of the industrial relations system was based.
Hence the normative order was loosened at the same time as,
and partly because of, efforts which were being made to tighten
control over work arrangements.
At the same time, the National Union of Textile Workers was
a union which could potentially make articulate the growing dis-
satisfaction of the employees in the industry. This shift in the
balance of power, which the growth of the union represented,
as between worker and capitalist, could potentially be reflected in
individual mills if conflict broke out. Its very existence posed a
threat to the paternalistic industrial relations model. The willing-
ness to obey the employer, therefore, became less automatic as
the employers showed themselves unable to conform to the
industrial relations pattern they themselves had created, and the
ability to disobey became a more effective option with the
existence of union organisation.
If we turn now to a consideration of the internal elements of
1 ibid., pp. 221-2.
54
the industrial relations system at the Loray mill, we can begin to
see why Loray (rather than some other southern mill) became
the dramatic flashpoint of strike activity. The atypicality of Loray
as compared to the paternalistic-capitalist model of industrial
relations, was reflected in a number of ways which served to
reinforce each other:
I. It was a big mill by local standards, with some 3,,500

employees in x928.
2. It was characterised by a high labour turnover and frequent
managerial changes.
If the first factor placed an inevitable strain on the paternal-
istic model of industrial relations, the second contributed further
to the instability of the social relations in the mill.
3. Factors I and 2 both affected and contributed to the fact
that the community was not tightly integrated in a way in which
mill villages typically were. Hence the social supports for
managerial values were greatly diminished. Norms emphasising
the appropriateness of accepting managerial prerogatives and
obeying managerial authority were not so universally internalised,
since many of the employees felt no local loyalties to the com-
munity. They were often strangers - rootless and footloose.
4. Such loyalty to the company as may have existed among
the ‘locals’ was further minimised by the fact that it was part of
a Northern-owned syndicate of firms (Manville-Jencke) and
structurally dependent on absentee-ownership. In consequence,
the identity between community values and company values was
not so clearly perceived or felt.
5. The mill was further atypical because it had been selected
as a centre for union strategy. First, the United Textile Workers
had supported a strike in IgIg, as part of a campaign for recogni-
tion. This had been unsuccessful but the seeds of unionism had
been sown. More immediately, the Communist controlled
National Union of Textile Workers also selected Loray as a focal
point, sensing that this was a good place to choose to canalise
labour discontent and overthrow the existing system of industrial
relations. Essentially this meant that the mobilisation of union
resources was more likely in the event of overt management-
worker conflict breaking out. It further meant that an otherwise
anomie group of workers were provided with an organisation
E 55
which could command their loyalty, provide vigorous leadership,
and challenge the existing economic order.
6. In the attempt to adapt the Loray mill to the wider exigencies
of the textile industry, the Manville- Jenckes’ management made
certain policy decisions to cut the costs of production: the
introduction of new equipment, a cut-back in the labour force
accompanied by the introduction of cheap labour, a stretch-out
policy for workers at the same time as wage cuts were introduced.
These decisions were implemented by a new mill superintendent,
who was brought in for the purpose and who made it his business
to dismiss supervisors who were ‘lenient’. Such local normative
support as there was for the mill management was further
diminished by the sacking of local men and supervision as part
of the ‘get tough’ policy.
Management clearly felt impelled to make changes in the
organisation of work on the grounds of economic necessity, but
the manner in which they chose to implement their efficiency
programme - through arbitrary, autocratic supervision - was
based on the belief that their power position, vis-a-vis the workers
was sufficient to enable them to steam-roller the changes through.
However, in taking such action, they introduced an alien pattern
of industrial relations in a plant where the normative order of the
paternal capitalist system was already being undermined. But
given the part which the United Textile Workers had elected to
play at Loray, and the lack of other grievance channels through
which workers might express their discontent, the strike becomes
an all too understandable response.
These, then, were some of the discernible inter-relations of
the elements of the industrial relations system, which may be said
to have caused the strike. What do we learn from it about the
character of social explanation ? Mainly that various types of
classificatory schemes used to explain the varieties of strike be-
haviour, may be as misleading as they are sometimes helpful.
For example, it is sometimes thought worthwhile to classify
strikes in terms of the goals of the actors. While one does not
want to discount the utility of such a classification altogether,
this strike does illustrate certain inherent difficulties. While many
of the employees were concerned with the redressing of their
economic grievances in a localised sense, the Communist union
leaders were wanting to use the strike as the midwife of more
j6
Exphnntiolzf of Strikes
revolutionary change. They had a vision of a new economic order,
in which workers controlled and directed the means of produc-
tion, and a new political order modelled upon the Soviet Union.
But the strike itself could not in consequence be characterised
exclusively as either reformist-economic, or revolutionary-
political, since both elements were always present, although the
latter came more to be emphasised as the strike proceeded and
the union took control. The study of the union’s role and policy,
of course, does help to explain the way in which the workers’
protest was canalised.
This brings us to a related consideration. Smelser has helpfully
summarised some of the major explanations which are held to
account for the sources of active unrest leading to strikes.1 These
are :
I. The ‘economic advantage’ school, which maintains that laboc r
unions are ‘in business’ and attempt to maximise the wage gains cf
their members.
z. The ‘job security’ school which is a variant of the economic
advantage school. It focuses on the desires of workmen to protect
the conditions of their work in the long run rather than on short
term wage gains.
3. The ‘class warfare’ (or Marxist) school which attributes worker
unrest to the fact that the working classes suffer from systematic
exploitation at the hands of the capitalists. This position has been
stated in modified ways by various historians of the labour move-
ment.
4. The ‘political’ school which emphasises political conflict between
unions and management over the recognition of unions and collec-
tive bargaining, jurisdictional disputes among unions, internal
leadership rivalries, and the influence of communism in unions.
5. The ‘human relations’ school, which is associated with the industrial
sociology of Elton Mayo and his followers. Broadly speaking, this
school traces basic dissatisfactions among labourers to the break-
down of primary groups among workers and the lack of com-
munication and understanding between management and workers.2
Smelser goes on to observe:
Surely the appropriate strategy at this time is to abandon the almost
ideological positions that have crystallised round these schools and
1 N. Smelser, TIJeSociologof EconomicLife (Prentice Hall, 1963).
2 ibid., p. 52.
r7
investigate the specific conditions under which each kind of cause is
most likely to be active in the genesis of strikes.1
Smelser’s statement tends to assume that the explanations are
necessarily alternatives, whereas in some circumstances they may
be complementary. One should not assume that any particular
strike episode should fit any single type of explanation. In this
case, for example, one can certainly discern elements of ‘job
security ‘, ‘class warfare’, ‘political conflicts’ and ‘human relations’
difficulties.
CASE 2. THE YANKEE CITY SHOE INDUSTRY STRIKE, IN

NEW ENGLAND, 1933
This strike, forms the subject of Warner and Low’s study The
Social System of a Modern Factoty.2 One of the central questions
raised is this: why, in a community with a long history of in-
dustrial peace, did all the workers in the town’s largest industry
come out on strike in such a determined way? As with the Loray
mill study, the answer is given in terms of the factors which led
to the disintegration of a particular kind of industrial relations
system, namely, localised, paternalistic capitalism:
In the early days of the shoe industry the owners and managerial
staffs of the factories, as well as the operatives, were residents of
Yankee City: there was no extension of the factory social structures
outside of the local community. The factories were then entirely
under the control of the community - not only the formal control
of city ordinances and laws, but also the more pervasive informal
controls of community traditions and attitudes. There were feelings
of neighbourliness and friendship between manager and worker and
of mutual responsibilities to each other and the community that
went beyond the formal employer-employee agreement.3
Essentially Warner and Low attempt to describe both the
changes which took place in the social and economic organisation
of the industry and the meaning which these changes had for the
participants. Among the structural changes taking place may be
noted :
1 ibid., p. 13.
2 W. L. Warner and J. 0. Low, The Social Sydem of a Modern Factory (Yale,
1940
a ibid., p. 108.
58
E.x$lanatiam of Strikes
I. A shift in the composition of the consumer market. No
longer did the industry exist to meet local or regional needs: it
was caught up in a national and international market structure.
Factory output became heavily dependent upon large chain-stores
for retail distribution.
2. The attempt to meet expanding market opportunities had
originally been a source of stimulation among manufacturers to
technological innovation. This had led, in the course of time, to
the replacement of hand tool methods of work by machine tools
and, ultimately, by assembly line techniques. Mass production
both met and quickened the demands of the mass market. There
was, in consequence, an erosion and virtual disappearance of
traditional craft skills. Unskilled labour was sufficient to perform
the repetitive monotonous tasks of the ‘modern factory’.
3. However, the financing of a more capital intensive industry
to meet these wider market demands became increasingly difficult
for local capitalists to sustain. The advent of ‘Big City’ capitalism
signified the advent of absentee ownership. And the local industry
became just a link in the great chain of industrial ownership and
just another member of a national manufacturers’ association.
4. At the same time as the division of labour is simplified
among the workers, it is diversified and extended among manage-
ment. In order to cope with the complexities of marketing and
distribution functional differentiation took place. Not only is the
local manager in the community no longer the owner-manager,
but also his direct relation with his customers disappears. The
managers in direct contact with the market are to be found in
the head offices at New York (Big City). The local manager is
not master in his own house, he is an intermediary in the enter-
prise hierarchy with immediate responsiblities for production.
The bureaucratisation process is seen by Warner and Low, not
only as changing the locus and distribution of managerial power
but as creating a hiatus in the traditional pattern of authority
relations. Absentee ownership symbolised absentee and alien
power, which was not geared to serving, nor readily constrained
by, the needs of the local community. Thus they observe:
When a factory is locally owned the owner and supervisory staff
are likely to be influenced in many of their decisions regarding
factory policy by the broader community values to which they sub-
scribe and by the fact that many of their employees are old acquaint-
39
antes and friends. But when a factory is absentee-controlled few or
none of the workers are ever known to the higher officials and the
latter do not feel the pressures that a local owner would feel to
conform to the values of the community. Hence the absentee official
can set factory policies more nearly in strict accord with the profit-
making logic than a local owner, and to that extent the community
loses control over the factory and becomes dependent on outside
influences.l
The local managers at Yankee City, sons of the owner-managers
of the previous generation, are portrayed as shorn of their
effective power. They were stalked by the god-like figures of
their dead fathers who symbolised the security of a community
way of life which, to a large degree had been economically
independent. Their awareness of their weakening power was
indeed one factor which lowered the resistance of local manage-
ment to the demands of the strikers. They also resented the over-
riding dominance of the ‘outsiders’ and ‘foreigners’ in whose
hands the uncertain destinies of the community now lay. To that
extent the strike was not only a worker response but a community
response to its growing dependence on the exigencies and com-
plexities of the wider economic system.
By the same token, since the reciprocal ties and obligations,
which once existed between local management and their work
force, could no longer be sustained, because of the decline in
local managerial power, then the authority of local management
could no longer go unquestioned. But whose authority could
be obeyed?
It is certain that decisions charged with ruin or success for the
economy of Yankee City and the stability of the lives of its people
are made by men at the policy level of . . . international finance
houses who do not so much as know the name of Yankee City and
who beyond all doubt, do not care what happens to the town or
its people.2
The strike was a sign of a lack of faith in an impersonal, distant,
profit-oriented and unsympathetic power. When the depression,
to which the industry was particularly vulnerable took place, the
standardised response of the employers was to resort to wage-
cuts. This became the immediate source of worker grievance. As
l ibid., p. 179.
z ibid., p, 156.
60
such the employers’ action was a precipitant cause of the strike.
But the question still remains, why was the grievance manifested
in strike action as opposed to more amorphous and diffuse forms
of discontent ? What was it that made the work force both willing
and able to strike? The answer lies in tracing out the meaning
and consequences of the breakdown in the traditional craft system.
It is the craft system which is portrayed as providing the mechan-
ism for advancement of the individual worker. One aspired to
become a master craftsman: starting as an apprentice and gaining
proficiency in the basic skills, one moved onward and upward in
the craft hierarchy. There was typically a close correlation between
the age of a worker, his proficiency and skill level, his prestige
and his pay. If age allied to skill was the basis of social differen-
tiation among the work force, knowledge of the craft of shoe-
making was something to strive for, and it provided the basis of
one’s own self-respect and respect for others in the shoe-making
fraternity. Traditionally, one could, as a worker, entertain the
hope of becoming one’s own boss. In this sense the gap between
worker and owner-manager could be bridged. By the same token,
those who did become owners in this way could command the
respect of their workers since, by definition, they knew what
shoe-making was about. It is in this sense also that Warner and
Low can say:
Workers and managers were indissolubly interwoven into a common
enterprise, with a common set of values. In this system the internal
personal structure of workers and managers was made up of very
much the same aparatus,and their personalities were reinforced
by the social system of shoe-making.’
The changes in the industry, undertaken in the quest for
economic rationality, served to destroy the sense of communality
between managers and workers, the craft system itself and the
career pattern and way of life which this embodied. But a new
kind of work solidarity is created - a solidarity of the deprived
and the downwardly mobile, who, by virtue of their new-found
homogeneity, can more readily express a mass grievance. Further-
more, in such circumstances, the industrial union becomes an
alternative and attractive source of allegiance and bargaining
power. Indeed, the strike which began as a widespread but
* ibid., pp. 87-B.
GI
relatively unorganised expression of worker protest against
managerial behaviour, was taken over by the union and became,
in addition, a battle for union recognition.
The Loray mill strike, after a period of bitter struggle, resulted
in a victory for the employers. The Yankee City strike resulted
in a victory for the workers in the sense that, not only did
management agree to submit the wage grievances to an arbitra-
tion inquiry, but they also recognised the negotiating rights of
the union from that time forward. The difference between victory
and defeat in the two situations appears to be not simply a matter
of luck. In the Loray situation, the union had been a revolutionary
ginger-group, with an ideological commitment which did not
dispose it to make compromise settlements. It effectively organ-
ised the workers’ protest. But not all workers, as we have seen,
shared the deep commitment to the Communist aims of the union.
Hence as the strike was prolonged, doubt was cast on the
instrumental value of the union to remedy grievances, and the
more traditionally-minded workers were prepared to accept the
discredit and calumny which was heaped upon the union’s leaders.
Disaffection set in and the strike was broken. By contrast, the
industrial union to which the workers at Yankee City attached
themselves, was, as Stein has pointed out, ‘essentially a responsive
counter-bureaucracy through which workers as a group improve
their common lot’.l
CASE 3. THE ‘GENERAL GYPSUM COMPANY’ STRIKE, AT

‘OSCAR CENTRE’, NEAR THE GREAT LAKES, U.S.A.,
1910
Alvin Gouldner’s Wildcat Strike has already become something
of a sociological classic. It is an attempt to describe and explain
a strike which broke out at a gypsum mine in Oscar Centre
(a pseudonym for a small community near the Great Lakes).
Certain similarities as well as differences with the preceding two
cases will emerge.
One important social process underpinning much of Gouldner’s
analysis is the shift in the character of management-worker
relations from a ‘leniency’ to a ‘stringency’ pattern. Traditionally,
within the plant certain expectations about how management
l A. Stein, The Eclipse of Communify (Harper, 1964). p. 89.
62
should behave towards workers had been built up by the
employees. These included not only the ‘rights’ of workers as
written into the labour contract, but other matters of more
tenuous legitimacy:
Workers did not define ‘leniency’ as a management obligation.
Instead leniency seems to refer to managerial compliances with
workers’ role preferences rather than role prescriptions. Further-
more, ‘leniency’ also involves managerial behaviour which is
tempered by taking into account the worker’s obligations in his
other roles, for example, his obligations as a family member to
maintain the family’s income, to fix broken things around the house,
or to leave work early to take ‘the wife’ on a special outing.1
Among the components of the indulgency pattern Gouldner
cites, was the willingness to give workers a ‘second chance’ when
they broke the company ruling on absenteeism or lateness, the
permission given to use company materials and equipment for
home repairs, and letting an injured worker come back on light
duties before he was fully recovered, so that he might get more
income than he could derive from accident compensation.
Gouldner does not use the term ‘paternalistic capitalism’ to
describe the ideology of the industrial relations system as Pope
and Warner and Low had done, but he does stress in a similar
fashion the personal ties that had characterised the social relations
in the community. He suggests that the community embodied
an egalitarian ethos, which reduced the potential social distance
existing between men and management (and particularly between
the men and first line supervision). The virtues of neighbour-
liness in a small community were carried over into the work
situation.
What Gouldner attempts to do is to describe the way in which,
on the one hand, the managerial interpretation of work obliga-
tions moves away from a position which has external support
from the community at large, while, on the other hand, the
cohesiveness of the community and its regulatory power of social
control is itself diminished. These two social processes are seen as
mutually reinforcing the other. But it should be noted that strains
on the community value system were not solely generated from
the company. Gouldner comments, for example, that ‘with the
1 Gouldner, E%f~ut Side, op. cit., p. 22.

63
transformation of farming into a business, class stratification in
the area emerges more clearly, and intimate personalised relation-
ships begin to wane’.1 When it is said, therefore, that the strike is
a symptom of social disorganisation, this disorganisation is of
two forms : a growing discrepancy between the community value
system and the value system detectable in industrial behaviour
within the company; and the disintegration of the traditional
value system of the community itself.
As with the other two case studies, we can see that part of the
sequence of change leading to the strike was the changing market
situation. The ‘easy’ war years of the sellers’ market were replaced
by the ‘tight’ post-war era of acute competition:
For management rationalisation was a solution to a problem . . 1
how to retain its share of the market in the post-war period with
its heightened competition and, ultimately, to expand the Company’s
position in the industry. The means management chose to employ
were to cut unit costs and to produce more and better gypsum
board.2
In seeking to make a more economical use of their resources, top
management at the company’s headquarters in ‘Lakeport’ initiated
a policy of technical change -the introduction of new and faster
machines. During this period they took the opportunity arising
from the death of the old indulgency-oriented plant manager to
replace him with an efficiency-oriented successor. Through him
they carried out the strategic replacement of middle management
and first line supervision by men who would more readily con-
form to the new policy requirements. This led directly to the
closer supervision of work, a denial of the validity of indulgency
expectations and a corresponding legalistic stress on the work
contract. Impersonal, written rules were inflexibly applied and
status differences in the plant hierarchy became a basis for
managers and supervisors demanding deference from workers.
Now although the goal of rationalisation is increased efficiency,
it is not necessarily achieved and in this case there were un-
anticipated consequences of the planned managerial action. There
was a decline in work motivation as evidenced in a higher labour
turnover, hostility to the new administration, apathy on the part
l Gouldner, Patterns of Indurdrial Bweaucracy, op. cit., p. 44.

2 Gouldncr, IWdcat Strike, op. cit., p. 85.
64
Explanations of StnXes
of some workers, more deliberate restriction of output on the
part of others and, ultimately, the strike itself. The attempt to
introduce even closer and stricter supervision to deal with the
problem simply had the boomerang effect of lowering work
motivation and increasing aggressive feelings still further. Manage-
ment clearly thought, at the outset of its programme, that it had
the power to implement its decisions, even if some of them might
prove unpalatable to the work force. This was mainly based on
their knowledge that there were few alternative job opportunities
available at Oscar Centre. Indeed, they were even confident
enough to re-route an important export order to Oscar Centre,
from the strike-bound ‘Big City’ plant. This also had an unin-
tended consequence. To the workers at Oscar Centre the re-
routing episode symbolised the fact that the company’s orders
could be flouted and its power challenged. It reinforced grievance
feelings on the grounds that ‘we’re not the only ones who feel
this way’ and helps to explain the timing of the strike and the
fact that discontent was not simply expressed in more covert
ways.
It was not only the management’s ability to implement its
rationalisation policy which was challenged, however, but more
basically the legitimacy of its authority. The policy emanated, as
we have seen, from the company’s head oflice at Lakeport. This
at one and the same time emphasised the fact of external control
over the destinies of the work force resulting from absentee
ownership and, by the same token, encouraged the workers to
question the authority of plant management who were regarded
as puppets.
The strike is defined by Gouldner in sociological terms as a
‘breakdown in the flow of consent’.’ The social disruption, which
the strike reflected and symbolised, is seen as a consequence of
trying to ‘free’ the labour contract from the social ‘givens’ which
made it effective in the first place, namely, the shared traditional
beliefs and values in the community from which workers had
derived their complementary expectations. The attempt to sharpen
the terms of the labour contract, with precise and often written
statements about the duties and obligations of the worker, served
to highlight the conflict between these legalistic demands and the
traditional social supports which had sanctioned worker obed-
1 ibid., p. 66.
65
Exjdanatiom of Strikes
ience in the first place. The conflict which emerged is an
illustration of the fact that the ‘non-contractual element of
contract is . . . a system of common beliefs and sentiments’
which forms ‘an essential element in the basis of order in a
differentiated, individualistic society’.1
How then could the flow of consent be restored between
workers and management. J Two kinds of answers were in
evidence, classified as the traditionally-oriented and the market-
oriented respectively :
If the traditionalists sought to return to a relationship governed by
‘trust’, then the ‘market-men’ desired a situation in which trust did
not matter; they wanted their prerogatives guarded by legal guaran-
tee. If the traditionalists wanted to be able to return to the ‘fold’,
the ‘market-men’ wanted to be ‘taken into the business’. If the
traditionalists wanted workers and management to be ‘friends’, the
market-men wanted them to be ‘partners’. In sum, the traditionalists
wanted a return to the old indulgency pattern, while the ‘market-
men’ were willing to set aside the informal privileges of the
indulgency pattern in exchange for new, formally acknowledged
union power.2
Both of these positions represent an attempt to put certain
‘social givens’ into the labour contract. The traditionalist hopes
to restore the original social givens of the community norms and
values. The market man sees in the emergence of collective
bargaining structures a means of containing conflict and regulat-
ing the conditions of the ‘effort bargain’. Given the economic
and social changes that had already impinged on the community,
the first response was ritualistic rather than realistic. The second
aim was realistic in the context, but, given the fact that the labour
contract was conditioned by changing market and technological
forces, an element of instability is built into the system. Such
frictional conflict as ensues may be regarded as a reflection of
the politics of the work-place.
Unlike the Loray mill and Yankee City situations, the plant
was already unionised. But the strike was a ‘wildcat’ -that is it
took place without explicit union consent. Whereas in the Yankee
City study we observed how the union was utilised as a counter-
1 Talcott Parsons, The Structure of Social Action (Glencoe Free Press, 1g4g),
P* 338.
a Gouldner, Wi/dcat Strike, op. cit., p. 63.
66
Explanations of Strikers
bureaucracy to fight the impersonal, bureaucratic power of
management, in this instance the workers find themselves
estranged from the counter-bureaucracy as well. While then, as
we have seen, the strike symbolised a breakdown in the com-
munity-plant complex of norms and values, it also pointed to the
felt inadequacy of the existing grievance machinery. A different
kind of legitimacy crisis is implied:
When the formal union leaders are oriented toward managerial
expectations, and when they, therefore view certain of the workers’
grievances as non-legitimate, they may actually impair upward
communication1
If the labour contract is subject to scrutiny and re-negotiation
between management and labour, in the view of the market-men,
so also is the contract binding the union and the rank and file
together. What was once an acceptable grievance process need
not always remain so.
But one thing stands out clearly. If we ask whether the strike
was against management or against the union, the answer is that,
for different reasons, it was against both.
1 ibid., p. 102.
67
CHAPTER TWO
Unofficial Strikes
Some Objectians Considered

CO-AUTHOR: G. C. CAMERON’
HE purpose of this essay is to discuss critically the bases
T on which objections to unofficial strikes are made. These

we have classified broadly as sociological, administrative,
economic and moral. Before embarking upon this, however, it
is necessary to give an operational definition of what we under-
stand by the concept of the unofficial strike.
One of the tersest definitions of the unofficial strike is that of
Knowles :
An unofficial strike is one which is not recognised by the Executive
Committee of a Union.2
On the basis of Knowles’ definition one may go on to distinguish
between what may be called ‘quasi-official’ and ‘pure unofficial’
strikes. The former category would refer to unofficial strikes
which at some stage, either before or after the event, would be
regarded as justified by the official union hierarchy. The ‘pure
unofficial’ strike would refer to those stoppages which, for one
reason or another, do not have the support of the Union Execu-
tive. A distinction of this sort is sociologically useful in that we
are able to get some indication of a union’s actual policy towards
unofficial strikes and some measure of the effectiveness of its
social control over its members. At the same time, the mere fact
that the membership of a particular union commonly participates
in unofficial strikes is not a necessary sign of the union’s lack of
l We are glad to acknowledge the advice given in the preparation of this

essay by Mr. A. J. Odber.
2 K. G. J. C. Knowles, Strikes (Blackucll, IC)>Z), p. 30.
68
Unoficial Strikes
control. Mr. E. Hill, former General Secretary of the Boilermakers
Society, for example, has recorded the view that:
If a strike is on a question of wages we have got to support it.
Sometimes it has got to be unofficial but if it is for the purpose for
which unions were formed I can always find a way to justify it.1
Mr. Hill maintained his view even under the widespread adverse
criticism he received (heightened no doubt because it was linked
with an apparent condoning of ballot rigging in trade unions).
Later the same month he indicated that the important distinction
for him was not between official and unofficial strikes but between
necessary and unnecessary strikes :
We say we want to avoid unnecessary strikes. . . . But some of these
strikes cannot be avoided and if we are going to protect our members
we are going to support them.2
Quite where union officials draw the line between quasi-official
and pure unofficial strikes is a question of tactics and traditions.
B.I.S.A.K.T.A., for example, not only rules that ‘it is not per-
missible for any member or members to strike his or her employ-
ment without the authority, and sanction of the Executive
Council’, but resolutely refuses to subsequently recognise as
official, any such strike. Indeed, Branch officials who are involved
in such behaviour are suspended from office for varying periods.
At the Port Talbot works of the Steel Company of Wales, for
example, in February I y j y, an unofficial strike took place over
the dismissal of a clerk. The Company argued that they were
within their rights to sack the man. The men maintained that the
clerk was not given sufficient dismissal notice, Following the
strike action which was against the advice of the Divisional
Organiser, five Branch officials were suspended by the National
Executive.s Similar action was taken even in the case of the sym-
pathy strike of bricklayers’ mates (members of B.I.S.A.K.T.A.)
at Port Talbot in the autumn of 1961. The bricklayers (organised
by the Amalgamated Union of Building Trade Operatives) were
in dispute with the Company and the ‘mates’ refused to work
with ‘staff“ men who were doing the Bricklayers’ jobs. This brings
1 Report on the N.U.M. Annual conference, Financial Times, 3 July rg6x.

2 Report on the E.T.U. Annual conference, Financial Times, 20 July 1961.
s IZO Branch officials resigned in protest over this action.
69
Unoficiaal Strikes
out the rigidity with which the sanction against unofficial strikes
is applied. In the context of this union there can scarcely be such
a phenomenon as the quasi-official strike. By comparison, even
the N.U.G.M.W., which can scarcely be described as militant,
has had officials who have warned stubborn managements that
unless a concession is made ‘they cannot be responsible for the
actions of their members’. As Clegg points out in his study on
the General Union:
On occasion, officers have been known to suggest to a shop steward
that a demonstration of the validity of this kind of statement by
their members would be of assistance in their negotiations.1
A very useful test enabling one to distinguish between the
quasi-official and the pure unoflicial strike is whether or not
dispute benefit is paid. Payment of dispute benefit is the mark
of ultimate justification. In the T.U.C.‘s own report unofficial
strikes were essentially regarded as those in which a dispute
benefit was not paid.2 One might also add, however, that there
are cases where a dispute benefit as such has not been paid to
strikers but an ex gratia payment has been given. In this way a
union’s policy about the non-payment of dispute benefit to strikes
that take place without official union sanction, can be circum-
vented. Such strikes also are clearly quasi-official.
It is important to recognise that what we have termed quasi-
official strikes are not always felt to be unofficial strikes. Thus
W. Gallacher separated unofficial strikes from spontaneous
strikes over trade union principles - ‘such a strike is often
necessary when something occurs leaving only the option of
submitting or fighting’.3 These might be described as ‘perishable
disputes’, where speed of action is placed at a premium by the
strikers. They might arise in circumstances where it is either
impossible to contact the union official, or where it is felt that by
the time the issue has gone through the negotiating procedure
the battle will have been lost. Perishable disputes might arise in
relation to such matters as the upholding of a closed shop
principle, objections to manning arrangements or other conditions
of work which were felt to be contrary to existing agreements
1 H. A. Clegg, The General Union (Blackwell, 1914), p. 133,

2 T.U.C. Report, 1961.
3 Knowles, op. cit., p. 31.
70
UnoJkial Strikes
and so on. Not all spontaneous strikes, therefore, need be re-
garded as wildcat strikes.1
A former Minister of Labour, Mr. Hare (now Lord Blakenham)
showed that he was aware of some of the pitfalls that await those
who try to define the unofficial strike. In the House of Commons
on 21 May 1962, he pointed out that:
There are difficulties in defining and classifying strikes as official
and unofficial. . . . Some strikes start as unofficial and end as official.
Some are official only when they are over. Some are official at
district level and are repudiated at headquarters. It is difficult to
give the breakdown.2
It is, however, a pity that only when specific questions are
asked in the House of Commons, does the Government make
any attempt to discover the incidence of unofficial strikes. It is
now a decade ago that Knowles suggested that the Ministry of
Labour improve its strike statistics by introducing a distinction
between official and unofficial strikes.3 He was thinking par-
ticularly of isolating the pure unofficial strikes, in order that the
extent to which the unions used the strike weapon as an instru-
ment of policy could be ascertained. Doubtful cases, he suggested,
could be classified as such. Despite the difficulties which Mr. Hare
outlined, it might still prove a rewarding and worthwhile
exercise. In the House of Commons Mr. Hare revealed that in
1961, three million days were lost through all strikes reported to
the Ministry of Labour. 4 Of these about 860,000 days were lost
through strikes which were definitely stated to be official. On
this reckoning 71% of time lost was through unofficial strikes.
These would mainly refer to pure unofficial strikes because many
of the quasi-official strikes would subsequently have been declared
official.
The categories around which the following discussion is hinged
are not regarded as water-tight. But they do provide a useful
framework and should serve to reduce some of the confusion
1 Seep. 78 below for a discussionof the wildcat strike.
a Hansard (May Ig6z), Vol. 660, col. 8.
8 op. cit., p. 305.
4 These refer to strikes involving ten or more workpeople and lasting for
one day or more. The aggregate number of days lost exceed IOO. Countless
small stoppages which characterise many unofficial strikes are thereby
excluded.
F 71
Un@iciaZ Strikes
that surrounds a rather controversial subject in which the
emotions rather than the intellect are the first to be stirred.
SocioZogt2aZO&ections
A number of sociological objections to unofficial strikes are rooted
in certain theories of conflict. In industrial sociology one form
of this is to be found in the style of thinking which tends to
assume that management/labour conflict can and must be
eliminated by ‘good’ human relations. Writing on ‘The Perspec-
tives of Elton Mayo’ Reinhard Bendix and Lloyd N. Fisher
argue that:
It is difficult to understand Mayo’s work unless one realises how
much he abhors conflict, competition or disagreement: conflict to
him is a ‘social disease’ and co-operation is ‘social health.1
This, perhaps, does less than justice to Mayo’s position but the
statement illustrates the type of theoretical approach we have in
mind. Landsberger 2 has reasonably noted that the epithet
‘management-oriented’ with which the Mayo school is dubbed
is more readily applicable to the Michigan studies of supervision
in industry and the Group Dynamics approach typified in Coch
and French’s ‘Overcoming Resistance to Social Change’.3
But the existence of authority relationships both within and
between particular social groups, which gives rise to real and
perceived differences when the costs of prescribed courses of
behaviour are evaluated, strongly suggests the inevitability of
conflict both at the social psychological and sociological level.
Certainly when one looks at the field of industrial sociology the
power element is far more evident than in some other areas of
sociological investigation. Yet, as John Rex has indicated:
Anyone with experience of industrial relations knows that the actual
relations between employers and employees are determined by a
contract which ends a period of negotiations in which both sides
are likely to deploy their powers in threatening strikes and lock
outs. Yet very often industrial sociology ignores ail this and discusses
the social relations of a factory as though they were akin to those of
1 R. Bendix and L. N. Fisher, ‘The Perspectives of Elton Mayo’, Review of
Economic.r and Statistics, Vol. 31, 1949, p. 272.
2 Henry A. Landsberger, Hawtborne Re-hited (Cornell, 1918).
* L. Coch and J. R. P. French, ‘Overcoming Resistance to Social Change’,
Human Relations, 1948, I, pp. 1x2~33.
72
Ufloj%aal Strikes
a village community, in terms of some sort of value framework
which is supposed to be accepted by both sides.1
This statement acts as a useful bridge to a sociological objection
which is rather more convincing. While strikes and lock outs
have always been a feature of the industrial relations landscape,
some observers are questioning whether they are a necessary
feature. The international comparisons of Ross and Hartman in
Changing Patterns of Indtistrial Confict2 show that in most countries
there has been a reduction in the number of days lost through
strike activity in the last 25 years. This trend provides grounds of
hope for those who believe that the strike will become outmoded
in mature industrial societies. B. C. Roberts, for example, argues
that:
The relative scarcity of major strikes will make the occurrence of
small protest strikes of greater significance and will probably induce
demands for some form of compulsory arbitration . . . when there
are many strikes arbitration is impossible, but when there are very
few there seems to be much less reason for letting them occur.8
It is not social conflict per se that is denied or abhorred, but
social conflict that expresses itself in strike action. The regulation
of conflict through collective bargaining procedures is advocated
in order that the sharper forms of social antagonisms might be
avoided, for, as Dahrendorf suggests:
Conciliation, mediation and arbitration and their normative and
structural prerequisites are the outstanding mechanisms for reducing
the violence of class conflict. When these routines of relationship
are established group conflict loses its sting and becomes an insti-
tutionalised pattern of social life.4
But it is precisely the normative and structural prerequisites
that need to be established before the mechanisms of conciliation,
mediation and arbitration are more acceptable to potential strikers
than the use of the strike weapon. There would appear to be at
1 J. Rex, Key Problems of Sociological Theory (Routledge and Kegan Paul,
1961), p. III.
2 Ross and Hartman, Changing Patterns of Industrial ConJ%ct(Wiley, 1960).
s B. C. Roberts, Indxrtrial Relations: Confemporary Problems and Perspectives
(Methuen, 1962), p. 17.
4 R. Dahrendorf, Class and Class Conflict in an Industrial Society (Routledge
and Kegan Paul, 1959), p. 230.
73
Unoj%iaal Strikes
least two presuppositions before the superiority of these mechan-
isms over the strike in general and the unofficial strike in par-
ticular can be admitted. The first presupposition is an acceptance
in principle of the broad outlines of the existing industrial order
by the major interest groups. Without this there will be an
insufficient consensus of opinion for the collective bargaining
procedures to work effectively. Where the legitimacy of an order
is being questioned by any of the major interest groups, an appeal
for industrial peace which would buttress that order can scarcely
expect to be heeded. The strike weapon is held to be justified, in
such a situation if it brings about the desired re-distribution of
rights, duties and privileges. This is the source of the political
strike. The Court of Inquiry into the Dispute in Civil Air Trans-
port in 195 8 admitted the possibility of the intrusion of political
issues into the field of industrial relations. The Court deplored
the use of industrial action for political ends, indicating that this
was ‘not compatible with the development of harmonious in-
dustrial relations and the smooth working of constitutional
procedures’.
The second presupposition is that the procedures of concilia-
tion mediation and arbitration are efficient, representative and
in some meaningful sense ‘fair’. Efficiency here refers to the speed
at which decisions are taken and communicated back to the
interested parties. Representativeness implies that, not only do
the interested parties have someone to plead their case, but that
the spokesman should understand the issues involved and be
trustworthy in his conduct of the case. The cleavage between the
style of life of the professional negotiator and the rank and file
member of the trade union has not escaped the attention of
commentators since the Webbs. This gives rise to a latent fear
that the negotiator will join ‘them’ and sell his group ‘down the
river’. The need for constitutional safeguards to keep this fear
in check is clear. Thus, Sir William Carron, at the annual con-
ference of the A.E.U. in 1961, replying to a claim that the
executive committee of the union had flouted a national com-
mittee resolution, maintained that:
In this extremely democratic union all members can have redress
by taking the executive to the final appeal court if it breaks the
ru1es.l
l The Guardian, 28 April I~GI.
74
Unoj%cial Strikes
The national committee here is the fifty-two man rank and file
committee. The barbed retort of Mr. W. Fleming, one of the
delegates, serves to illustrate the point that such constitutional
safeguards must be properly maintained if the professional leaders
are to be regarded as truly representative:
The final appeal court is supposed to over-rule the executive, but
when they over-rule them and the executive doesn’t like it, the
executive over-rules the final appeal court. So where are we? In
Fred Karno’s Army.1
The concept of ‘fairness’ is not susceptible to precise definition.
But in broad terms we suggest that it implies that, under existing
procedures, where gains and losses are involved, the parties
concerned should have a roughly equal share of them. Where
one union was constantly losing work as a result of decisions
under demarcation procedures, for example, one might safely
predict the advent of official or unofficial strikes. The concept of
fairness is therefore, concerned with the distribution of decisions
but it is also derived from the ideas of efficiency and representa-
tiveness. The expression of sentiments such as ‘it’s not fair that
the men should be kept waiting,’ or ‘we shouldn’t be kept in
the dark about what’s going on’, or ‘it’s only fair that our point
of view should be heard’, illustrate this.
Apart from the sharing of gains and losses referred to above,
it can also be maintained that there are situations in which the
use of collective bargaining procedures leads to outcomes that are
strategically preferable to all concerned. It is this kind of thinking,
no doubt, which led Mr. Bertil Kugelburg, Managing Director
of the Swedish Employers’ Confederation to say:
If you think of a negotiator, I think his first duty is to try to place
himself in the chair of his opponent and try to find out what are the
aims of the opposing party. What are their conditions, how do they
work? If you do that and try to find a solution, even if you have
strongly conflicting interests, I think it is possible to find a com-
promise which, to a certain degree, will be satisfactory to both of
them.2
The actual evaluation of the costs involved, and hence of the
l ibid.
* Quoted in Jack Cooper, ‘Industrial Relations: Sweden shows the Way’
(Fabian Research Pamphlet, May 1963)~ p. 3.
75
Unoflciaal Strikes
superiority of the procedural methods to the strike weapon, is a
matter for the parties concerned. But the empirical difficulties
here for the student are considerable. Not only is it likely that the
main interest groups will perceive the elements and issues of the
bargaining situation differently, but the individual groups them-
selves are by no means homogeneous. In a trade union, for
example, not only will there be differences potentially in the
assessment of a situation as between the National Executive, the
District Officials, the Branches, the Shop Stewards and the rank
and file, but also between different skills and industry groupings
as any dispute over wage differentials reveals.
Belief in the legitimacy of the industrial order, and the adequacy
of the collective bargaining procedures are analytically separate
propositions. But, as we have indicated, without the establishment
of the first proposition, it is hardly likely that the collective
bargaining procedures will work effectively. Similarly, if the
negotiating procedures as laid down were constantly failing the
tests of efficiency, representativeness and fairness, the legitimacy
of the order would eventually be questioned.
Administrative O&e&ions
The administrative objections to unofficial strikes arise in part
from resistance to change which, to a greater or lesser extent is
encountered in all bureaucratic organisations and in part from
the dilemmas which the functionaries of the parties involved find
themselves in as a result of such strikes. The position of minority
groups is a perennial problem of democratic theory and highlights
the issue of bureaucratic resistance to change. In industry, a group
of workers who wish to transfer their allegiance from one union
to another or to establish a new union, will meet the formidable
opposition of the entrenched union and employers’ bureaucratic
structures. The employers and their Associations are reluctant to
give negotiating rights to unions with which they are unused to
dealing. The T.U.C. is likewise reluctant to recognise new unions
and further holds that a union’s right to retain its members is
supreme over the member’s right to change his affiliation, as the
analysis of post-war jurisdictional disputes awards emphatically
sh0ws.l A small breakaway group does not easily gain control
l See S. W. Lerner, Breakaway Unions and the Smalc Trade Union (1961)
Chapter 2, The T.U.C. Jurisdictional Dispute Settlement.
76
Unojicial Strikes
over the means of communication to present its point of view
adequately to potential converts. When, therefore, the group
draws attention to itself in the form of an unofficial stoppage, its
leaders are likely to be described and dismissed as ‘troublemakers’.
Mr. Harry Douglas, General Secretary of B.I.S.A.K.T.A., speak-
ing at the T.U.C. Conference debate on unofficial strikes in 1960,
declared :
The individual unions have set up a constitution democratically by
their own elected members and then have come to this rostrum to
support those who defy that constitution. . . . If self-elected dictators
attempt to destroy the agreements democratically negotiated, they
will just as surely destroy the Movement which negotiated these
agreements.l
This is an expression of what Karl Mannheim in a more general
context described as ‘bureaucratic conservatism’, the type of
mentality which attempts to turn all problems of politics into
problems of administration. 8 In its extreme form bureaucratic
conservatism refuses to accept any revolutionary tendencies as
legitimate and seeks to control industrial discontent by the
manipulative techniques at its disposal. The moral objections to
‘unconstitutional’ behaviour, which we discuss separately, pro-
vide the ideological content and justification of bureaucratic
conservatism.
Turning to the dilemmas which the functionaries of the parties
involved find themselves in as a result of unofficial strikes, one
can see that too many disputes when trade union officials are thin
on the ground, makes it physically impossible to cope. The time
and resources of the official may be stretched beyond endurance.
In addition, there is the further dilemma of how to respond when
an unofficial strike is brought to the attention of the trade union
official. V. L. Allen has well illustrated this problem in connection
with the dockworkers. When strikes were being spread from
port to port by unofficial strike leaders, the union officials had to
try to get to the ports first. They then had to decide whether to
hold their own properly constituted union meetings, with the risk
IIbid., p. 351.
* K. Mannheim, Ideolog and Utopia (Routledge and Kegan Paul, rgbo),
p. 107.
a V. L. Allen, Trade Union Leadership (Longmans, 1937). Chapter 12:
(I) Dockworkers in the Union; (2) Union Leadership in the Docks.
77
Unoj%iaZ Strikes
that those they really wanted to be present would not come, or
would even hold their own rival meetings, or to attend the
unofficial meetings to put the official union view across. While
the latter approach might appear to concede recognition to the
unofficial group and certainly puts the union officials on the spot
in a hotly dissentient atmosphere, on balance it appears to have
been the most successful tactic in resolving the dilemma to the
union’s advantage.
It is what is commonly called the wildcat strike that gives rise
to the union’s administrative dilemma in its most acute form.
The genuine wildcat strike is defined by Gouldner as:
One in which the formal union leaders have actually lost control
and the strike is led by individuals whose position in the formal
structure does not prescribe such a role for them.1
Such strikes may give the appearance of being ‘unreasonable’ and
apparently unpredictable, but Paterson who equates the wildcat
strike to his ‘operative variable’ strike suggests that they are
always preceded by changes in performance indices and to that
extent can be expected.2 They have, as it were, an internal logic
of their own. It is a failure to read the signs embodied in an
increased rate of accidents, work spoilage, labour turnover,
psychosomatic illness and a lowered rate of productivity that
gives the appearance of spontaneity. Contrary to popular notions,
the wildcat strike is no new phenomenon. Writing of the nine-
teenth-century experience in The Growth of British Indmtrial
Relations, E. H. Phelps-Brown observed :
From time to time anxieties, grievances and vague resentments
(regarding type of work, supervision, disruption of work groups,
insecurity or technical change) seemed to cumulate and re-inforce
one another . . . No issue had arisen of the kind with which union
headquarters were used to dealing. So when strike followed, it broke
out suddenly, men suffering from a real but undefined sense of
grievance formulated some unreasonable complaint; a trivial in-
1 A. W. Gouldner, lV’j&zt 5’Mze (Routledge and Kegan Paul, 195 y), p. 93.
Gouldner distinguishes between the genuine wildcat and the pseudo wildcat
strike, the latter being the situation in which the formal union leaders have
employed concealed influence in sanctioning and leading the strike (p. 95).
In our terminology this would be a form of quasi-official strike, whereas the
former is pure unofficial.
z T. T. Paterson, GlasgowLimited (Cambridge, 1960).
78
Unoj%ial Strikes
cident precipitated an unofficial strike. The men felt they had to
take action into their own hands because the union was no help to
them. The officials at headquarters and the national executive were
taken by surprise, and found fault with the men for breaking an
agreement made in their name. The public blamed the leaders for
being out of touch with the rank and file.1
It is not only the spontaneous element of the strike but the sense
of alienation from the established union that characterises the
wildcat strike. As far as the existing union organisation is con-
cerned, the perishable dispute, which we noted earlier, is essentially
defensive, whereas the wildcat strike is aggressive. (‘The men
felt they had to take action into their own hands because the
union was no help to them.‘)
An administrative dilemma also confronts the Ministry of
Labour in its conciliatory activities. Can it consult with the
unofficial strike leaders without undermining the authority of the
union officials and unjustifiably elevating the status of the strike
leaders, thereby encouraging imitation by other potential strikers ?
Yet not to consult might only prolong the dispute. Michael
Shanks has suggested that the official conciliation service should
be separated from the Ministry of Labour.2 but what it gains in
freedom it might lose in authority for its own status would suffer
by such a reorganisation.
Economic Objections
One of the most frequently stated views is that this country
cannot afford unofficial strikes. Vigorous exponents of the
attitude stress the disruption caused to industry by these disputes,
and castigate the union leaders for not preventing strikes which
hold back production, lose exports and reduce the national
income. A motion in 1963 to the Central Council of the Con-
servative Party exemplifies this kind of thinking:
That this Council . . . urges Her Majesty’s Government to provide

further safeguards to workers, employers and the public against
1 E. H. Phelps-Brown, The Growth ofBritish Indusfrial Relations (Macmillan,

1960), PP. 331-Z.
z In B. C. Roberts, op. cit. Chapter 9, Public Policy and the Ministry of
Labour.
79
unofficial strikes and the disruption caused by individuals who
neither represent, nor serve any national interest.1
More moderate opponents of unofficial strikes, including many

prominent Labour Party leaders, argue that the unofficial strike
is a ‘luxury’ which will have to be sacrificed if this country is to
achieve a faster rate of productive growth. This attitude is clearly
shown in a speech of Mr. Harold Wilson:
We cannot afford unofficial strikes any more than we can afford tax
avoidance or financial manoeuvrings that put quick profits . . .
ahead of the national interest.a
Although it is clearly legitimate to argue that the economic costs

of unofficial strikes are too high, this can never rise above the
level of assertion unless precision can be given to the meaning
and extent of these costs and to achieve this precision is a formid-
able task.s Initially there is the problem of data. Even if we can
arrive at a workable definition of an unofficial strike, we have
extremely inadequate statistics on the effects of such strikes upon
production, earnings, revenue, consumption and exports. More-
over, these effects ought to be studied not only in relation to
costs in the strike bound producing unit, but in units dependent
for supplies upon the strike bound plant. Unfortunately the
indirect effect of strikes are not taken into account in the official
statistics, apart from estimates of the number of workers indirectly
put out of work by the principal stoppages. Furthermore it is
clear that the costs of unofficial strikes will vary from industry to
industry in more ways than the loss of working days per
employee. For example, an unofficial strike may cause the loss of
an important order to a company, and yet the cost of this strike
will be measured in terms of the loss of a certain number of
working days, and this will take no account of the loss of ‘future
output’. In any case, the loss of working days ought to be
weighed in some way to allow for varying economic conditions.
For example, the loss of export orders due to unoflicial strikes,
at a time when a country faces a severe balance of payments
r Annual Meeting, May 1963.

a Speech to the Annual Conference of the N.U.R., 8 July 1963.
a The economic consequences of strikes are excellently analysed in
Knowles, op. cit., pp. 262 ff.
80
deficit, is obviously more serious than any loss sustained during
conditions of a favourable balance.
Our data on the after effects of unofficial strikes is similarly
inadequate. By and large we do not know what happens to
productivity after the completion of strikes, nor can we quantify
the improvements in plant or material utilisation or from mechan-
isation, which management may undertake as a result of unofficial
strikes. An insuperable problem also arises when we try to assess
what would have happened to such things as earnings or output
if the unofficial strike had not taken place.
The basic difficulty is that in trying to estimate the costs of
unofficial strikes to the national economy, we not only have to
weigh the gains of one group against the losses of other groups,
but allow for the fact that the gainers may gain in one capacity
but lose in another.
Bearing these complications in mind, we have attempted to
estimate the loss of productive time and production itself as a
result of unofficial strikes. Obviously this calculation will be
affected by the definition of an unofficial strike and for this
purpose we will consider only ‘pure unofficial’ stoppages and
take these as covering approximately 70-80~/~ of working days
lost through all strikes. The loss of productive time can be
measured by dividing the total loss of working days due to
strikes by the total of potential working days, given the labour
force and a standard working year.1 A calculation of this kind
for the decade between 1912 and 1961 shows that approximately
one out of every 2,000 working days was lost through all strikes,
and, as we have seen, this should be roughly deflated by zo-30%
to give the percentage loss due to pure unofficial disputes alone.
More recent figures tend to substantiate the general conclusion
that the direct loss of working time due to unofficial strikes is
extremely small. When he was Minister of Labour, Mr. Hare
pointed out that in the first six months of 1963, out of 5,000
working days only one was lost as a result of strikes.2 Even in
the three most strike prone industries of 1962, the loss of working
days due to all stoppages as a percentage of total working days,
was less than one-quarter of one per cent in shipbuilding, just
l The standard working year is roughly equivalent to 294 days, i.e. 364
minus 52 days of weekends and 18 days of public and annual holidays.
a The Guardian, 22 July 1963.
81
UnojTcial Strikes
over one-third of one per cent in engineering and less than two-
thirds of one per cent in the most strike prone industry of all,
the motor industry.
As we have already suggested however, the loss of working
days may not be an accurate measure of the loss of output, for
without consideration of a wider range of variables this measure
alone may easily over-state or under-estimate the actual loss of
output. In national terms, for example, it is conceivable that the
loss of output in strike bound producing units may simply be
off-set by the increase in the demand for output from plants with
spare capacity and similar products; or, in the extreme case,
national output may be maintained by the flow of goods or
services from producers who were on the point of destroying
their surpluses. Even if it is not possible to replace lost output
in this way, there is no certainty that the strike bound plant will
not be able to maintain normal output by using management
officials, oflice staff, new workers and even, in some cases, with
the aid of customers themselves. One interesting incident of
re-manning occurred in the 1961 strike of I 10 seamen who
delayed the departure of their vessel in order to force the manage-
ment to dismiss a bosun:
The Canadian Pacific Company had recruited replacements from
other ports, who travelled overnight to Liverpool. And in the
November dawn, the vessel slipped quietly out into the Mersey,
fully manned.
The strikers, confident that they were going to achieve their object
of either getting the ship’s bosun removed or tying up the vessel
indefinitely, were dumbfounded when they discovered she had
sailed.
‘Our Christmas money has gone down the Mersey’ shouted one of
the angry strikers who had previously rejected the advice of the
General Secretary of the National Union of Seamen, to end their
strike.1
Obviously, the ease with which strikers can be replaced will
depend on a host of factors-how many men are on strike,
whether their work is of a highly specialised nature whether the
safety of their replacements is imperilled by under-manning, and
whether non-striking workers within and outside of the plant
will work with the replacements. Of greater importance, perhaps,
1 Da@ Telegvaph, 17 November rgbr.
82
is the attitude of the strikers themselves to the use of replacement
personnel, or in some cases strikes have been prolonged until
‘black labour’ was withdrawn.
It is considerations of this kind which result in a seemingly
large loss of output in the shipbuilding industry. Figures given
by the shipbuilding employers imply that over the three years
195 S-60, an annual average loss of 4% was due to unofficial
strikes. Here the strict demarcation of trades, and the assembly
type of production dictate that each trade must wait its turn to
start its work on the vessel, and this is complicated by the
difficulty of not only finding replacement labour, but of per-
suading the non-strikers to work with these replacements.
The 1962 strike in the Wearside yard of J. L. Thompson is a
good example of how the inability to replace a small number of
strikers resulted in a general lay off and a considerable loss of
output :
. . . The yard was closed (to 1,300 workers) because the absence of
(ten) fitters meant that the cranes could not be serviced. The re-
sumption of work has been made possible because two apprentice
fitters have gone back to work. With the departmental foreman they
have been checking the cranes, and as a result it is hoped that
several hundred men will resume today with more to follow.2
On the other hand, employers may not always regret the loss
of the workers’ output, for the strike may enable managements to
make improvements to plant lay-out. This may be particularly
true of short strikes in ‘round-the-clock’ industries. A case in
point has come to our attention in one such industry - steel
rolling - where the management used a one day strike of main-
tenance craftsmen to try a new (and successful) method of
changing rolls.
Even allowing for the fact that national output may be main-
tained by an increase in substitute output, by replacement
workers, or in the long term by improvements resulting from
the strike, it is clear that the loss of working days may, in some
instances, understate the actual loss of production. This is most
clearly seen when the actions of unofficial strikers in a few
companies, deter overseas buyers from placing orders from all
the companies in the country in question. The views of a leading
Swedish shipowner, Mr. Tore Ulff are relevant when he said:
1 The Guardian, 3 May 1962.
83
Unofficiaal Strikes
. . . there are things in British shipbuilding that are not at all satis-
factory-the strikes and the threatened strikes. If it were not for
the unfortunate effect of these disputes foreign owners would have
more tonnage built in Britain - and they would have great confidence
about the orders they placed . . . shipyard strikes on the continent
are on a far smaller scale. Some countries just don’t have strikes . . .1
‘Future output’ may also be impaired by the damage caused to
plant and equipment as a result of a strike. If, for example, a steel
furnace is left unattended during a strike, then there may not
only be a loss of metal but damage to the furnace as well, which
holds up production on the return of the strikers.
All of these factors suggest that the national loss of output
from unofficial strikes can easily be exaggerated or minimised.
This is also true of the loss resulting from the effects of strikes
on other producers. Here three questions are relevant. First, does
the producer possess a stock of products, or can he obtain stocks
which can tide him over the strike? Second, are there any sub-
stitutes which can be used instead of the ‘strike product’?
Finally, can consumption of the strike output be delayed tem-
porarily? To take the last-mentioned it may be possible for a
firm to do without its steel supplies for one day but not its supply
of electricity to run the machinery.
The after effects of strikes on output are, as we have suggested,
extremely difficult to estimate. Some writers consider that as a
strike involves a rest from work, output is sure to rise when the
workers return.2 ‘I’. T. Paterson puts the strike in quite a different
perspective when he argues:
The loss of coal output through strikes is comparatively small, the
loss through bad performance is immense. And though miners may
be castigated for striking, the real culprits are the agents who
produce the frustrating and insecure situations . . . It might be the
case in the coal mining industry that the ‘wildcat’ strike is ‘good
for production (in the aggression causing environment) for the
cathartic effect of the strike, ‘It lets them get it off their chests’, the
recovery makes up part of the leeway lost in the approach to the
strikes.3
1 TheJournui(Newcastle), 5 May 1962.

2 Knowles, op. cit., p. 266 quotes a Ministry of Labour official as saying:
‘Strikes are a form of rest and consequently beneficial to production.’
3 Paterson, op. cit., p. 212.
84
Unoj%ia/ Strikes
What seems clear is that the after effects of the unofficial strike
will vary according to the human and technical conditions within
the plant. If the grievances which have caused the strikes are not
removed then the cathartic effect which Paterson describes will
soon be dissipated and output will fall again. Further, it may be
a technical impossibility to get into full production immediately
following a strike. The difference between re-lighting a blast
furnace and switching on a machine in an engineering shop brings
out this problem.
With loss of production may come increased operating costs
and/or loss of revenue. Increased costs are often associated with
paying premium (overtime) rates to workers to catch up on out-
put, or there may be honorariums to pay to supervisory staff who
have undertaken extra duties during a strike. Loss of revenue is
extremely difficult to pin-point. If the factory is producing for
stock then no loss of revenue may be incurred as long as the
existing stocks are sufficient to meet current demand. Further,
if consumption of the goods or service can be postponed, then
revenue may be recouped at a future date. A one-day strike of
barbers may simply result in twice the normal amount of work
on the day following the strike. But a one-day strike in say
electricity supply or rail transport will almost certainly mean that
one day’s revenue is lost to the generating company or railway
company, since consumers cannot easily postpone their need for
the services, and are unlikely to compensate by taking twice the
amount of electricity or double the number of journeys on the
following day. This loss of revenue may be especially high, of
course, if the strike coincides with a peak in travel or in demand
for electricity. Moreover, consumers may incur extra expense in
substituting another service for the electricity or rail transport
and this must be measured as a cost of the strike. On the other
hand, their inability to have electricity or rail transport may induce
them to consume other services which may prove cheaper and
just as effective as the strike bound services. From the consumers’
point of view then, this ought to be considered as a net advantage
of the strike.
From these arguments it is apparent that the inadequacies of
existing statistical data and the lack of detailed research, make it
extremely difT.icult to arrive at any overall conclusions as to the
economic benefits or evils of unofficial strikes.
85
Unofficiaal Strikes
Moral Objections
In a leading article of the November 1960 edition of The British
Mantlfactwerl the following attack was made on the activities of
the strikers in the seamen’s and tally clerks’ strikes of that year:
To the informed and thinking man these strikes have been self
evident examples of the wanton sacrifice of the national interest to
private greed. Unfortunately, the public are not informed and
seldom think, and the full moral obliquity of the men concerned
has therefore escaped the general condemnation it deserved. . . . It
is easy to say, and probably largely true, that the strikes were
‘unofficial’, which means that the men were not ordered out by their
unions. It remains true that the strikers wielded the power they used
so wickedly solely by courtesy of the established power of the
unions.
Less strident and more reasoned objections come from writers
who see in conditions of full employment a situation which makes
both sides of industry willing to depart from agreements wherever
some temporary advantage was thought to be attainable. B. C.
Roberts, in his editorial introduction to Indtistrial Relations
summed it up thus:
Today, in national industry wide agreements are not looked upon
either by employers or trade unionists as firmly binding the parties
to their terms as they were in the past.
Referring to shop stewards Roberts continued:
(They) think of the agreements negotiated by their unions at national
level as no more than jumping-off points to be improved upon
whenever possible by their own pressures. What is bad about this
situation is that the demands of the stewards are often in breach
of an agreement; it is no longer felt to be morally improper to make
such demands and to back them up by actions that are a violation
of agreed procedure . . .a
In the same volume Nancy Sear has this to say of the unofficial
strike :
In the British system of industrial relations in which agreements
have no legal backing and are, therefore, valueless unless voluntarily
l Published by the National Association of Manufacturers.

2 Roberts, op. cit., pp. IO-II.
86
Unoficial Strikes
honoured, even a small-scale tendency to treat them as scraps of
paper can be seen as a serious threat not to be ignored.1
She realistically adds, however, that while the unofficial strike
may weaken the official union hierarchy, as a bargaining weapon
it is not likely to be abandoned cheaply, both because of its
nuisance value in obtaining concessions from management and
its prestige value to the shop steward leader.
What is made explicit by all of the writers quoted is the moral
impropriety of the shop stewards, who in their pursuit of selfish,
local ends, break formally and legitimately constituted agree-
ments. Nevertheless, the second writer at least, accepts the fact
that the present system of collective bargaining must be radically
re-shaped if agreements are to once again command general
acceptance by their signatories.
The danger of this kind of reasoning is that in accusing shop
stewards and others who break national agreements of moral
impropriety, whilst accepting that these same agreements may
not be relevant to modern conditions, one is surely supporting
loyalty to agreements for no better reason than ‘all workers
ought to be loyal to agreements’.
The stand of the two other writers may be even more diflicult
to sustain. In basing their moral attack on the sanctity of national
agreements they make a basic assumption that these agreements
are in some way the only agreements worthy of loyalty. Thus
moral propriety is equated with supporting national collective
bargaining. This attitude obscures the need for a precise and
detailed investigation into the motives of shop stewards and
others who break agreements. There seems little doubt that some
plant leaders do exploit favourable local markets for labour, but
the empirical question of how often in fact this ‘exploitation’
arises from the use of unconstitutional and coercive action by
the shop steward or, instead, results from managements being
pressed by the need to increase output in conditions of scarce
labour is hardly ever asked. It is also possible that we have too
often stressed the monetary selfishness of plant bargainers and
failed to recognise the value of the increasing number of agree-
ments on such things as redundancy, severance payments, sick
pay and the like. There is the final point that with the multiplicity
of national, local, plant and departmental agreements, some
* N. Sear in ibid., pp. 142.
G 87
UnojkiaZ Strikes
formally drawn up, others informally accepted on both sides,
there is a strong possibility that one agreement may overlap or
even contradict other agreements. Consequently, when critics
blame shop stewards for breaking agreements they ought first to
establish to which agreement they are referring. Moral con-
demnation may not be so simple when it becomes apparent that
shop stewards are obliged to break a national agreement for-
bidding strike action until the procedure has been exhausted, in
order to defend a plant agreement which is being infringed by
the plant management. Mr. C. Berridge, for example, a member
of the A.E.U. Executive, has criticised the procedure for settling
disputes in the engineering industry, as laid down in the York
Memorandum, saying that it was responsible for many disputes
because the employer was encouraged to adopt an inflexible
attitude.l This also raises the question of whether stewards may
be justified in ‘unconstitutional action’ if management refuse to
put certain matters on the procedural agenda, since it is regarded
as a basic management prerogative which cannot be the subject
of negotiation. Stewards may be faced by a similar dilemma if
they f!ind that the national agreement covering the work of the
plant is ambiguously phrased and leaves considerable scope for
management to adopt an interpretation of the agreement which
suits their purposes. An example of this is quoted by an engineer
working at Ford’s:
Under the agreement the unions recognise the company’s right to
manage the job. But this means changing the speed of the plant line
without consultation. We’ve had two big disputes in my plant where
we got the national officers down to do something on this question
of speeding up, but nothing came of it.z
We have also come across the case of an agreement covering
steel workers which provided for consultation between manage-
ment and unions over any change in the number of shifts to be
worked, but, as one workers’ representative put it:
Consultation in this case simply means that we are called in by the
management and told that shifts are going to be reduced next week.3
1 Seeaccount in The Guardian of the C.S.E.U. Annual Conference, 29 June
1963.
a Peter Dunn, ‘Behind all the trouble at Fords’, The Observer, 3 June 1962.
3 For further illustration of the ambiguities and problems surrounding the
shop steward’s role see Appendix D.
88
Unoficial Strikes
The T.U.C., in its report on unofficial strikes, maintained that
the responsibility of employers for causing such stoppages is
often minimised by the Press. In this connection it cited such
issues as non-recognition, dismissal, out-dated claims of pre-
rogatives by management and changes made in working con-
ditions without adequate consultation. It went on to argue that:
It may be formally correct to define an unofficial strike as one which
takes place contrary to union rules and contrary to agreed pro-
cedures. But such a definition is not helpful. The strikers are
automatically put in the wrong and the problem is therefore shown
as one of ‘how to persuade them to conform or force them to
conform’. This leads to the proposal of simple remedies: for in-
stance-the employers should stand firm, the unions should
discipline their members, the Government should legislate.1
Finally, two empirical questions remain. How often in fact are
national agreements broken, as opposed to being actually enforced
by strike action, in the face of management infringement of these
same agreements ? Secondly, how often in fact do unofficial
strikes break out when the whole of the procedure has been
exhausted ?
Answers to the points raised above may give us a clearer
insight into the strike leaders’ motives for breaking national
agreements and remove some of the certainty on which moral
condemnation of their actions is based. The attitude of Mr.
George Woodcock, General Secretary of the T.U.C., is perhaps
more in keeping with the complexity of the subject. He indicated
that for him there are no ready-made rules or principles by which
we can pre-judge every strike, be it official or unofficial:
I do not like to hear of an unofficial strike but I do not immediately
assume when I hear of one that there is no merit in the strikers’
case or even that the strike is unjustified. Nor do I assume that
workpeople are never selfish or that if a strike is official it is all
right.2
Conchsion
It should be made clear that we have not presented an apologia
for the unofficial strike, but rather we have attempted to examine
l T.U.C. Report, op. cit., p. 126.
2 The Observer, 20 November rg6o.
89
Uno$%aal Strikes
some of the assumptions on which objections to unofficial strikes
are based. In conclusion it must be emphasised that the unofficial
strike is a relative concept varying in scope, content and tactical
significance as between unions, and within a union over time.
Further, it is only one form of conflict which, in other situations,
might give rise to go-slows, increased absenteeism and labour
turnover and so forth (although, of course, these factors may
co-exist with, as well as be substitutes for unofficial strikes).
Unofficial strikes need, ultimately, to be incorporated into a
more general theory of industrial conflict. They may be seen as
a particular expression of dissatisfaction with the existing rules
of the industrial game (or a particular aspect of those rules). The
rules, which are extensive and complex in modern industrial
societies, are those which govern relations within a union
organisation, between various unions, between the unions and
the employers, between the employers and the work force - and
all are influenced by social, political and legal sanctions exerted
by the state. The same weapon, the industrial stoppage, may be
used to express various forms of dissatisfaction with the existing
‘reign of rules’. It may be an anarchical type of protest against
the fact that there has to be a reign of rules at all. The work group
becomes more than usually aware of the essentially coercive
nature of the rules and rebels from a sense of oppressiveness.
The unofficial strike then becomes a gesture of defiance against
their industrial lot (although it may not always be consciously
understood and defined as such). It may, however, be a protest
against the fact that some other groups have broken the existing
rules. This is a struggle for ‘rights’ as they are currently defined.
Or again it may be used to point to existing anomalies in the
rules and to demand that they be reformed and/or extended,
either to cover adequately existing conditions, or, as the case may
be, to cater effectively for changed conditions. Finally, the strikers
may accept the necessity for a reign of rules, but wish substan-
tially to re-model or revolutionise the existing industrial order.
Unofficial strikes may therefore, be evaluated at a philosophical
and tactical level. At the first level, judgment will rest on whether
we regard the goals of the strikers as legitimate. But such
judgment may be modified by whether or not we regard the
unofficial strike as tactically most efficacious, in the light of
available alternatives, in achieving the stated goals.
90
CHAPTER THREE
The Demarcation Dispute in the

Shipbuilding Industry
A Stti& in the Sociologyof Conjlict
T
HE shipbuilding industry in this country has long been a
battlefield in which demarcation disputes have taken place.
From the standpoint of the sociologist, one is concerned
neither to condone nor condemn such behaviour in its various
manifestations, but simply to try and understand it. This par-
ticular study has emerged, in the first instance, from field work
conducted on the North East Coast, hence special attention will
be given to that area. 1 However, this work is considered in rela-
tion both to historical and contemporary aspects of the industry
as a whole. The description, analysis and interpretation of the
demarcation dispute presented here is organised in four sections :
I. A discussion of the social sources and functions of the demarcation

dispute in the industry.
a. A discussion of the changing frequency of demarcation strikes as
reflected in the post-war experience of the North East Coast.
3. A consideration in terms of illustrative case material of the ways
1 The field work was part of a D.S.I.R. research project, ‘A Comparative

Study of Industrial Relations in Three North East Industries: Steel, Engin-
eering and Shipbuilding’. The interviewing material used at several points in
the essay was collected by A. J. Odber, G. Roberts and the present writer.
Particular thanks must be expressed to managers and shop stewards who
took part in the interviewing programme and to some firms, who prefer to
remain anonymous, but who generously allowed us access to documentary
material relevant for the analysis of collective bargaining. The Newcastle
regional o&e of the Ministry of Labour was of assistance in many ways,
especially in checking and confirming our strike statistics, collected from
newspaper sources, with their own records.
9’
The Demarcation Dispute in the Shipbuilding Industv
in which demarcation conflicts may be regulated by the use of
procedures.
4. A consideration of the extent to which changes in the shipbuilding
environment are undermining the raison d’etre of the demarcation
dispute.
I. The Social Sources and Functions of the Demarcation Dispute

The demarcation dispute revolves round conflicting answers to
the question ‘who does what ?’ in relation to a particular work
task. It is a form of conflict which arises when there is competition
between occupational groups concerning the establishment or
maintenance of job rights, as they perceive them. Where the
groups concerned claim exclusive competence to the disputed
work, the conflict is naturally more difficult to solve. In the ship-
building industry, as we shall see, this has often been the case.
But essentially it is a form of conflict arising from competition
over a scarce resource, namely employment opportunities. It is
a by-product of the search for job security.1
When the Webbs examined the demarcation dispute they paid
a great deal of attention to the shipbuilding industry, where they
found, ‘the most numerous and complicated disputes about “over-
lap” and “demarcation” ‘. They noted, for example, that on the
Tyne between 1890 and 1893, ‘within the space of thirty-five
months, there were no fewer than thirty-five weeks in which one
or other of the four most important sections of workmen in the
staple industry of the district absolutely refused to work’ as a
result of demarcation disputes .2 In seeking to account for this, one
may distinguish between certain factors which tended to charac-
1 I have avoided the term ‘restrictive practice’ in discussing the demarcation

dispute because of its emotive connotations and over-simplified usage in
common speech. As against the easy utterances of politicians and journalists
the cautious words of F. Zweig are still appropriate: ‘A restrictive practice is
a many dimensional phenomenon. It is like a sphinx with many faces, one
face directed towards the past and others directed towards many interests of
different orders. There is an element of equity and law and order in them, a
human element and an element of social interest. It is easy to pass judgment
on them if you limit your concern to one aspect only, but it becomes much
more difficult when other interests are taken into account. not only purely
individual but also long term industrial and social interests.’ Productivity and
Trade Unions (Blackwell, 195 I), pp. 18-19.
a S. and B. Webb, IndWriaI Democracy (Longmans, 1920), p. 3 13.
92
The Demarcation Disptlte in the Shipbuilding Industry
terise the groups participating in such disputes, and certain
environmental factors external to, but impinging upon, these
groups.
The groups themselves were, of course, primarily craft groups.
A whole range of trades was regarded as necessary for the build-
ing and fitting out of a ship: shipwrights, platers, riveters,
caulkers, smiths, joiners, engineers, patternmakers, cabinet-
makers, painters, drillers and so on. The social solidarity of these
groups which is reflected in the tenacity with which they entered
into demarcation strikes at this time may be seen as stemming
from a number. of inter-related group properties. There is first
the actual pattern of recruitment to the group. It is traditionally
the very nature of a craft to demand entry to the trade through
apprenticeship. In this way the mystery of the craft is passed on
from generation to generation. Tricks of the trade, standards of
workmanship, pride in one’s work, are the marks of such a
sociological inheritance involved in the transmission of skills.
This mode of recruitment makes for a clear social definition of
group membership and a homogeneous group composition. The
importance of group homogeneity, as Roethlisberger and
Dickson, and Sayles have notably demonstrated,’ lies in the fact
that the willingness to exert pressure to achieve common group
goals is not dissipated by internal conflicts of interest. Insofar as
common norms and values are internalised through these patterns
of recruitment and training, social cohesion within the group
may be said to be culturally induced.
It may be inferred that membership of such an occupational
group was of central importance in the life experience of the
group member. Not only did his craft training implant in him a
sense of exclusive competence in relation to a particular range of
techniques, which members of the trade could undertake, but his
work expectations were geared to that particular craft. To this
extent he was a captive by his occupation and, upon the fortunes
of his occupation in the labour market, hinged his own personal
and familial security. Merton has argued that ‘it seems likely that
the greater the culturally defined degree of engagement in a group
the greater the probability that it will serve as a reference group
l F. J. Roethlisberger and W. J. Dickson, MumgemenS and the Worker
(Harvard, 1947) and L. R. Sayles, Behaviour of Industrial Work Groups (Wiley,
195 8).
93
The Demarcation Dispute in the Shipbzdlding Industry
with respect to varied evaluations and behaviour.‘1 Hence the
readiness to put up with some short term suffering in the form
of a demarcation strike, when seen in the context of the longer
term group interest, is not so surprising. Solidarity arises with
the realisation that personal and group goals effectively depend
upon the interdependent activities of group members for their
achievement. To this extent social cohesion may be said to be
organisationally induced.
This feature of organisationally induced social cohesion is
underlined by the formation of craft unions. These unions were
characterised by a high degree of completeness, to use Simmel’s
term. Thar is to say, the ratio of actual group membership to
potential group membership was very high.2 This enhanced the
power of the union to act as an interest group. It must be pointed
out, however, that in the late nineteenth century, there were
different unions competing for the control of identical crafts.
This was notably so in the engineering trades where the Amalga-
mated Society of Engineers competed with the Steam Engine
Makers’ Society, the National Trade Society of Engineers, the
United Machine Workers’ Association, and the Amalgamated
Society of Metal Planers, Shapers and Slotters, to organise
workers engaged in fitting and turning. Thus the demarcation
question was overlaid with jurisdictional problems. The energetic
pursuit of demarcation claims by the union could be regarded as
at least one sign that they were looking after the interests of their
members and thus could serve as a basis for recruiting new
l R. K. Merton, Social Theory andSocialSfrwture (Glencoe Free Press, 193 7),

p. 311.
a The Boilermakers’ Society was particularly successful in this respect,
cf. H. A. Turner: ‘It was, in fact, the unions that combined systematic col-
lective bargaining with an exclusive restriction of entry that achieved by far
the greatest solidity and effectiveness. Thus, the United Society of Boiler-
makers and Iron Shipbuilders was obliged, despite its membership’s craft
organisation, to undertake large-scale collective negotiation by the already-
established system of piece-work sub-contracting in the shipyards, and to
develop the office of full-time “District Delegate” to deal with the powerful
local employers’ groups. In consequence, however, perhaps only the North-
umberland Miners’ Association and the London Society of Compositors
could approach the Boilermakers’ claim to be the strongest major union of
the period. Each of these unions, by the century’s end, had virtually roo”h
membership of the workers with which they primarily concerned themselves.’
Trade Union Growth, Structnre and Policy (Allen and Unwin, rgGa), p. 201.
94
The Demarcation Disptite in the Shipbh’ding Indxrtg
members and maintaining the allegiance of the existing member-
ship.
The distinction between culturally induced and organisation-
ally induced social cohesion which we have utilised here, follow-
ing Merton,’ is particularly helpful since the former tends to
stress the ‘moral’ aspects of group behaviour, while the latter
tends to emphasise the ‘expedient’ considerations. Given the
organisational possibilities outlined above, it may be suggested
that a threat to certain patterned norms and values will give rise
to the mobilisation of interest groups as a defence against such
threats. This helps to explain both the tenacity of the disputants,
but also the limitations which may be put on participation in
such conflict. The point concerning group tenacity is well re-
flected in the sympathetic observation of the Tyneside shipbuilder
John Wigham Richardson, commenting at the end of the last
century on the protracted nature of demarcation strikes:
Imagine what your feelings would be if you believed (as if it were
the Gospel) that you had a prescriptive right to certain work of
which you were being unjustly deprived . . . Unless you first realise
that the men during a strike grow to look upon themselves as
martyrs and to feel a martyr’s exultation, you will never be able to
understand how strikes last as long as they do, after the struggle is
evidently hopeless.2
The willingness to embark on demarcation strikes would appear,
in the first instance, to be limited by certain normative considera-
tions. This comes out very well in a circular issued by the United
Patternmakers Association, in 1889, justifying a strike:
We are fighting this battle on the principle that every trade shall
have the right to earn its bread without the interference of out-
siders; a principle jealously guarded by every skilled trade . . . and
one which we are fully determined shall apply to US.~
Explicit here is the recognition not only of one’s own rights but
also of the rights of others. One is not saying of course that an
interest group, once it has realised its effective power, may not
seek to extend its control over the work environment and ration-
1 Merton, op. cit., p. 316.
2 Quoted by E. H. Phelps-Brown, The Growth of British Industrial Relations
(Macmillan, 19j9), p. rbo.
3 Quoted by S. and B. Webb, op. cit., p. 114.
91
The Demarcation Disptrte in the Shipbzlilding Indxrtry
alise its behaviour in terms of the existing group morality. Ways
in which this may be done and the circumstances promoting this
form of behaviour will be discussed below.
Merton has also indicated that social cohesion in a group may
be induced by the structural context in which the group finds
itself.1 It is basically the situation in which the group is bound
more closely together in the face of threats to its existence or
stability from environmental forces or groups. In the shipbuild-
ing industry one may trace the nature of these threats to several
sources. First the industry was subject to severe cyclical fluctua-
tions. The insecurity which this bred was heightened by the fact
that notice to quit the job could be given with less than a day’s
warning. It was further accentuated by the fact that employment
opportunities outside the industry were usually very limited. If
other industries existed at all in a shipbuilding town, they were
usually heavy industries which endured slumps at the same time
as shipbuilding and would probably have surplus labour of their
own. In any case, many of the skills of shipyard workers were
not directly transferable to other industries. There is, for example,
nothing quite comparable to the shipwright’s task of framing
and fairing a ship. To exercise effective job control over a specified
range of tasks was, therefore, to provide a cushion against
shrinking employment opportunities in times of slump.
Secondly, one may observe that the industry was subject to
technical changes that were continually upsetting any established
division of labour. There were, for example, changes in the types
of material used for ship construction, the most far-reaching of
course being the change from wood to iron. The shipwrights, in
consequence, found themselves working with the same material
as the platers, and were correspondingly more vulnerable to
challenges from them. At the same time, there was the ever-
present need to cope with the additional features which came to
be regarded as a necessary part of shipbuilding: refrigeration
facilities, telegraph installations and the various luxuries associ-
ated with passenger liners. It has been fairly said, as far as
demarcation disputes are concerned, that ‘the industry had the
misfortune to be the meeting ground of many well-organised
crafts during a revolution in its technique, and to offer an expand-
ing range of new jobs which lent themselves to much hairsplitting
l Merton, op. cit., p. 316.
96
The Demarcation Dispte in the Sbipbtlild;ng Irzdxrtry
debate.‘1 Apart from changes taking place that were new to the
industry there was also the disruptive effect on existing work
arrangements caused by a firm’s decision to diversify its product,
moving, say, from cargo ships and tankers to include passenger
ships and Admiralty ships.
Thirdly, it was evident that different yards were in different
stages of technical development as far as ship construction was
concerned. This gave rise not only to different rates for the job
as between yards (and hence provided a fertile ground for wage
disputes) but also to different yard practices in the allocation of
work. Shipbuilder John Price of Palmers, Jarrow, commenting
on this state of affairs, observed:
The principal dXiculty in composing the disputes has arisen from
the variety of practice in the different works and districts . . . Each
society proposes to itself to have the largest possible number of its
members employed at the same time . . . and to this end tries to
secure the whole of the work it considers belongs to its members
in accordance with usage and custom . . .2
When workers moved between yards, even on the same river,
they were often confronted with situations that on the basis of
their previous experience seemed to them anomalous. This could
provide a source of discontent and friction when unfavourable
comparisons were drawn with the rights of their particular
occupation enjoyed in other yards.
Lewis Coser has suggested that one may use Simmel’s differen-
tiation between conflict as a means and conflict as an end in
itself as a criterion by which one may distinguish between
realistic and non-realistic conflict:
Conflicts which arise from frustration of specific demands within
the relationship and from estimates of the gains of the participants,
and which are directed at the presumed frustrating object, can be
called realistic conflicts, insofar as they are a means toward a specific
result.3
Given the kind of environment in which different groups are
1 H. A. Clegg, Alan Fox and A. F. Thompson, A HiJtory ofBrZ& Trade

Unions since 1889, Vol. I (Oxford, 1964), p. 128.
a Quoted by the Webbs, op. cit., p. 1x2.
* L. Coser, TheFunctions of SocialConficf (Routledge and Kegan Paul, 19~6),
P- 49.
97
The Demarcation Dispute in the Shipbuilding Industry
competing for a scarce resource, namely, employment oppor-
tunities, the demarcation dispute may be described as a form of
realistic conflict. To that extent it is clearly misleading to charac-
terise all demarcation disputes as irrational, They may be
dysfunctional as far as the needs of the industry measured in
terms of optimum efficiency are concerned, but insofar as they
are an effective means of achieving the stated goal of job security,
they may be said to be a form of rational action, in the defence
of particular group interests and the felt needs of the individuals
composing them. Of course, in the long run such action may be
self-defeating if it contributes to the overall decline of the in-
dustry, but this is not a problem which can be dealt with merely
by exhortation and an appeal to the workers to refrain from
‘irresponsibility’. When the interaction between group structure
and function on the one hand and environmental context of the
group on the other is drawn to our attention, then possible
changes in group behaviour must be seen in the light of the
industrial relations system of the industry seen as a whole. Some
concrete ways in which a move towards the integration of this
system in relation to the value of efficiency is currently taking
place are indicated in the concluding section of this essay.
The great reliance on the strike as a means of settling de-
marcation disputes, to which the Webbs alluded, is of interest in
itself. Since these were long drawn out affairs, they were inevitably
tests of the economic endurance of the participants. It is a
process of attrition through which one group can measure its
own power vis-a-vis another. In this respect Coser’s observation
would appear to be pertinent:
Since power can often be appraised only in its actual exercise,
accommodation may frequently be reached only after the contenders
have measured their respective strength in c0nflict.l
In the case of the shipbuilding industry, the matter may be put
a little more precisely by saying that the strike as an overt form
of conflict makes plain in a dramatic way the realities of power
between the contending parties, but that it then becomes possible
in ways which are discussed in more detail below, to build the
realities of the balance of power into a normative system of
conflict regulation. This balance of power may be challenged
1 Ibid., p. 135.
98
TABLE VIII
RECORDED STRIKES IN MARINE ENGINEERING, SHIPBUILDING AND SHIP REPAIR IN NORTH EAST 1949-60
- - - - - -
Demarcafionl Other Work
Year Wages Hours
I .- -
I. J
Redundancy a Industrial Arrangements T.U. Issues’ Total6
I
=949 (:a) Horizontal (b) Vertical Discipline and R.&s3
-- .- .- -- -- _- --
- - I - 2 - - -
= 949 3
- - I - 2 I - I
IPSO
- - - - I - I i
1951 4
II - I - - I -
1952 3 I7
- I - I - I - 8
1913
i - 2 I I - I -
1954 I3
- - - I - -
=PIl 3 3 7
1956 IO - 3 2 I 2 I 2 22
8 - - - 2 2
1917 3 17
I d - I 2 2 2
1958 5 I9
I - 2 2 - - - 8
=9s9 3
1960 - - I 2 - 2
‘3 5 23
-- .- .- -- _- -- -,-
I I
Total / 66 1 I 1 rp / 4 / IO / IO ‘5 13 IO
- I I
Notes: I.
Horizontal demarcation = inter-trade disputes.
Vertical demarcation = trade versus non-trade disputes (i.e. ‘dilution’ disputes).
2. Redundancy includes disputes over short time working.
3. Other Work Arrangements and Rules includes disputes over working conditions and disputes over the
employment of classes of persons.
4. T.U. issues includes disputes over trade union recognition, victimisation, and ‘sympathy’ strikes.
5. In this and subsequent tables, disputes lasting less than a day, or involving fewer than IO workers
(except where the total loss of working days exceeds IOO) are excluded.
Source: Newspapers checked with Ministry of Labour.
The Demarcafion Disptte in the Sbipbklding Indzrsty
from time to time and may result in strike activity, but what is
suggested is that the frequency with which the strike is used is
diminishing. A regional analysis of the North East Coast over
an extended period provides some useful information on this and
to that I now turn.
2. Demarcation Strikes on fhe Norfb East Coast in recent experience

The Webbs’ report of continuous demarcation strikes on the
Tyne in the 1890-93 period contrasts markedly with G. C.
Cameron’s finding that in the period 1946-61 only two demarca-
tion strikes took place on the river.1 This in itself provides us
with a valuable perspective, but there are a number of other
questions which suggest themselves and on which it is possible
to throw some light.
Taking the North East Coast as a whole (Tyne and Blyth,
Wear and Tees) how significant are demarcation strikes compared
with strikes arising from other causes? Table VIII provides some
answers. The classification of strikes by immediate cause is a
modified version of the Ministry of Labour’s classification. The
distinction has been introduced between horizontal and vertical
demarcation strikes. On this Kate Liepmann has written:
The device for preventing the inter-change of different trades is
termed demarcation in current usage. For the measures taken to
defend craftsmen’s jobs against unapprenticed workers no term has
yet been coined; they may be described as anti-dilutionism or as
vertical demarcations.2
It is plain that by far the most frequent strikes are over wage
questions, nearly 45% of them in fact. They are commonly a
result of arguments over piece rates. Demarcation questions are
the second most frequent cause of strike activity, but it will be
noted that in percentage terms they comprise only some I j O4, of
the recorded total strikes. The great majority of these demarcation
strikes are ‘horizontal’ inter-craft disputes. Table IX illustrates
how all the demarcation strikes, even those over ‘vertical’ de-
1 G. C. Cameron, ‘Post-war Strikes in the North-East Shipbuilding and
Ship-Repairing Industry’, Brifish Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. II, No. I,
7954, P* I*
a K. Liepmann, Apprenticeship: An Enquiry into its Adequacy under Modern
Condifions (Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1960), p. I 58.
100
The Demarcatioti Dispte in the Shipbuilding Industry
TABLE IX
UNIONS INVOLVED IN RECORDED DEMARCATION STRIKES

IN NORTH EAST MARINE ENGINEERING, SHIPBUILDING
AND SHIP REPAIR, 1949-60
Horizon fal Vertical

Union Demarcafion Demarcation Total
Boilermakers 13 3 16
Shipwrights 7 - 7
A.E.U. - I I
A.&W. - I I
N.U.S.M.W. I - I
Note : More than one union was sometimes involved in a strike hence
the total of each category are not identical with the totals in
Table VII.
marcation, are carried out by craft unions. The identification of

the unions involved also reveals that the great preponderance of
demarcation strikes is to be found on the construction side of
shipbuilding rather than the finishing side. It is the iron trades
whose workers are more exclusively linked with the shipbuilding
industry. Workers in the fitting out crafts can move in and out
of the industry more readily. Approximately 88% of the strikes
involved either the Boilermakers or the Shipwrights. Recent
evidence of the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering
Unions to the Shipbuilding Inquiry Committee, 1965-6, indicated
that the Boilermakers and Shipwrights as an amalgamated union,
accounted for 33% of the total operative labour force in ship-
building.1 The A.E.U., the A.S.W. and the National Union of
Sheet Metal Workers, on the same national check for the industry
accounted for 9.6%, 7.1% and z-80/O of the total labour force,
respectively. Each of these unions was involved in only one
demarcation strike on the North East Coast during the 1949-60
period (each strike counting as just under 4% of the total number
of demarcation strikes). It is also worth observing that the Amalga-
mated Society of Painters and Decorators, the E.T.U. and the
Plumbing Trades Union, three craft unions which on the national
returns accounted for 6.3%, 4.6%, and 3’6% of the total labour
force respectively, were not involved in demarcation strikes as
1 The Geddes Report, Cmnd. 2937 (H.M.S.O., x966), p. xgo. The figures in
the remainder of the paragraph are, it will be noted, from the same source.
101
The Demarcation Dispte in the Shipbzklding Indzxrty
active participants at all during this period. And the two general
unions, the N.U.G.M.W. and the T.G.W.U. which accounted
for I 3y0 and 7.3% of the total labour force in the industry as a
whole, were likewise not active in demarcation strikes.
Since these figures were provided after the amalgamation of
the Boilermakers and the Shipwrights’ unions, no separate pro-
portions of membership employed in the industry were given.
To get a rough indication, however, I examined the occupational
structure of a medium size yard in the North East and its fluctua-
tions over the period of a year. During this time the trades
organised by the Boilermakers outnumbered the trades organised
by the Shipwrights by an average ratio of 2.75 :I. One may use
this observation simply as a bench mark to suggest that there is
not much difference between the two unions, on a weighted
sample, in the relative proneness to demarcation strikes.
Table X makes clear that there is a general tendency for all
strikes to be settled in the first three days. This tendency is not
TABLE X
LENGTH OF STOPPAGE OF DEMARCATION STRIKES COMPARED
WITH ALLOTHER STRIKESINNORTH EASTMARINEENGINEERING,
SHIP REPAIR AND SHIPBUILDING 1949-60
Length of Horizon tal Vertical All
Stoppage Demarcation Demarcation Other
% % %
1-3 days 42.1 7.5 68.8
4-7 days 31.6 *I 14’4
Over 7 days 26.3 - 16.8
Total 100 100 100

found in the case of horizontal demarcation strikes. Nearly 58%

of them took longer than three days to settle. By contrast, vertical
demarcation strikes are not only less common than the inter-
craft disputes, but there was also a tendency for them to be
settled far more quickly. None of them lasted more than a week,
and three out of four only persisted from one to three days.
Cameron has noted this phenomenon and observes that these
strikes tended to occur when local unemployment was very low.
He suggests :
102
The Demarcation Dispute in the Shipbtlilding Indxrtry
It may be that managements were forced into attempts to employ
dilutee labour because of the shortage of skilled craftsmen. This of
course brought an immediate craft response - particularly from the
bigger trades such as the welders and the platers. It is noticeable
that these disputes were short and this suggests that in conditions
of skilled-craft shortage the employers were unwilling to antagonise
the fully-skilled craftsmen, and consequently withdrew the dilutee
labour.1
The relationship of horizontal demarcation strikes to the level of
employment is far less clear, but, broadly, they took place when
the level of local unemployment was high.
If one compares the number of men directly involved in de-
marcation strikes, as is done in Table XI, it is notable that while
TABLE XI
NUMBERS DIRECTLY INVOLVED IN DEMARCATION STRIKES
COMPARED WITH ALL OTHER STRIKES IN NORTH EAST
MARINE ENGINEERING, SHIPBUILDING AND SHIP REPAIR,
1949-60
Numbers Directly Horizontal Verfical All
Involved Demarcation Demarcation Other
% % %
I-100 36.8 100 GI4
101-200 36.8 - 21.6
201-300 -
15.8 4.8
300 + 1o.G - 8.0
Total 100 100 100

most strikes in the industry tend to involve less than 200 workers
directly, this is not so in the case of horizontal demarcation
strikes. This is a reminder of the solidarity of response, which is
manifested when an inter-craft dispute takes place. But it also
reflects the fact that it is the numerically stronger trades which
tend to strike - platers and shipwrights in particular. By contrast,
vertical demarcation strikes did not involve many men directly.
These appear to have been very localised strikes against in-
troducing dilutee labour into particular work situations.
What may be stressed here is that while the evidence from the
North East Coast suggests that resort to the demarcation strike
is not frequent (in eight of the twelve years there were two or
l Cameron, op. cit., p. x8.
H 103
The Demarcation Dispute in the Shipbuilding Industry
less) and that they tend to be restricted to the platers and boiler-
makers, nevertheless, when they do take place between crafts,
they involve more men and take longer to settle than the average
strike in the region’s industry.
3. The Use of Procedures in the Settlement of Demarcation Disputes

I have already described the demarcation dispute as ‘realistic’ in
Coser’s sense of the word. One of the marks of realistic conflict
is that the form which it takes will be assessed by considering the
relative instrumental adequacy of the choices available. Trial by
ordeal, in the form of a strike between warring unions, is a costly
and painful affair for the participants. While such strikes may have
lent drama to life, they could also bankrupt the unions involved.
Once the balance of power between unions has been established
by a process of attrition, the search for a functional alternative,
which is less costly while meeting the same individual and group
needs for security, is evidence of realism. The formation of the
Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades in 1890,
served to underline the fact that, while there could be real
conflicts of interest between unions, there was also a community
of interest, since they were all negotiating with the same em-
ployers on matters of wages and working conditions. In an
attempt to minimise overt conflict, unions began to work out
apportionments of work and to develop ‘books of agreements’
with each other. These were then given to the employers con-
cerned and used as a basis for reference. For example, the ship-
wrights and joiners of the Tees and Hartlepools wrote, as follows,
to the employers of their District in March I 893 :
Gentlemen,
As various disputes have of late occurred in
consequence of us not having a proper understanding
as to the work belonging to each other as trades, in the
construction of Modern Vessels, the Shipwrights and
Ship Joiners have jointly drawn up the subjoined lists,
which have been mutually agreed to.
Trusting thus to prevent any unpleasantness or
dispute in the future,
We are, Gentlemen,
Yours respectfully,
The Joint Committee.
The Demarcation Dispte in the Shipbuilding Indu.rty
These kind of agreements served to facilitate the possibility of
procedural settlements, by providing an agreed framework in
which the debating of issues could take p1ace.l As more disputes
were discussed and settled, the books of agreements could them-
selves be added to and clarified. In this way the normative basis
of inter-group relations could be systematised, so that, at the
very least strike activity based on norm ignorance could be
eliminated. Conflict rather tends to operate now on the basis of
differing interpretations of normative principles, as I shall
illustrate below. Before doing that however, attention should be
drawn to the fact that there are now in existence a variety of
methods by which demarcation disputes may be settled pro-
cedurally.
The Shipyard Procedure Agreement, provides machinery for
the settlement of disputes other than wages and piece work
disputes. There are four stages of procedure which can, if
necessary, be utilised :
(a) yard meetings between the employer and a deputation of the men
concerned; if this is unsuccessful,
(b) a further meeting at the yard attended by local officials of the
employers’ association and the unions directly concerned; if there
is still no success,
(c) a formal local conference between representatives of the local
employers’ association and of the union directly concerned; and
finally,
(d) a central conference attended by national officers of the employers’
federation and the trade union concerned.8
An Arbitrator may be called in, if all else fails, but in practice
this provision is not used and the decision of the central con-
ference is referred back to the yard involved to implement. It
should be noted that the Amalgamated Engineering Union and
the Boilermakers section of the Amalgamated Society are not
r Obtaining the agreed framework was not always a straightforward
operation. When in 1890, for example, Thomas Burt, M.P., at the instigation
of the joiners, conducted an investigation into the existing points of dispute
between shipwrights and joiners on the Tyne, the joiners themselves refused
to accept his recommendations as binding and struck on that account.
Appendix B is an example of a Demarcation Procedure and Apportionment
Agreement made in 1914 between Engineers and Plumbers on the Tyne,
which gives an indication of the detailed negotiations involved.
a As recorded in Geddes, op. cit., p. 107.
105
The Demarcation Dispz&e in the Shipbuilding Inahsiry
signatories to this agreement, but they are usually prepared to
observe it.
Alternatively, on demarcation questions, resort may be made
to the 1912 Demarcation Procedure Agreement. This operates in
the following way:
(a) yard meetings between the employer and a deputation of the men
concerned. The employer (or usually in practice, the Yard Manager)
makes a temporary decision in favour of one of the parties (or,
occasionally, that the work should be shared) without prejudice
to the outcome of the final decision. If either of the parties wish
to take it further then,
(b) the issue is referred to three representatives of the local employers’
association and three representatives each of the unions concerned.
The employers in this situation are ‘neutral’ in the sense that they
do not come from the yard involved in the dispute. The decision
here is made by majority vote and is to be accepted as binding by
the parties concerned.
Again it should be noted that the Boilermakers and Shipwrights
sections are not signatories to this agreement, but in the areas
where the procedure is worked it is usually followed by these
groups. However, as we have seen, these are the two groups
which are most prone to demarcation strikes, and their refusal until
r 966 to be formally bound by procedural agreements may reflect a
consciousness of their power position, based on the strong social
control which they are able to exert over their members and the
centrality and essentialness of their work in ship construction.
Both these forms of procedure involve the employer. Indeed,
the employer’s role in the settlement of demarcation disputes
under these arrangements is crucial, since he is left with the
casting vote. But it is possible for demarcation disputes to be
settled without involving the employer. Inter-union disputes may
be brought before the T.U.C. Disputes Committee, which, since
the 192os, has operated to settle jurisdictional and demarcation
disputes. Demarcation disputes may, of course, occur within a
union. This has notably been the case as between the various
sections of the Amalgamated Society of Boilermakers. These
disputes may be settled internally within the Society, when the
District Delegate may act as an umpire or, if necessary, the
National Executive Committee intervene.
The Wear District on the North East Coast operates both the
106
The Demarcation Dispute in the Shipbuilding hzdastry
Shipyard Procedure Agreement and the 1912 Demarcation
Dispute Agreement. The following three cases, which arose
between the years 19~7 and 1961, illustrate both these procedures
in use. They are chosen as case studies so that we may examine
concretely the kind of criteria that are regarded as relevant in
the presentation of evidence and judgments concerning job rights.
CASE I
Item: The fitting of water ballast tanks and bilge suction pipes.
Contending parties: Fitters (members of the A.E.U.)
Plumbers (members of the P.T.U.)
Procedure : Shipyard Procedure Agreement.
Level Reached: Yard conference (second stage in procedure).
At this stage the trade union District Officials are called in for
the first time. They join the shop stewards at a meeting chaired
by the Yard Manager. The local employers’ association sent along
their Technical Delegate. The occupant of such a post is expected
to have a wide knowledge of ship construction and of the existing
union agreements and practices governing work arrangements.
The Chairman first formulated the problem. He acknowledged
that the arrangement of the ship differed from an ordinary cargo
ship as regarded the job in question. A plan of the job was
produced and it was explained that it involved ‘a ring main going
right round the ballast tanks in the double bottom and at each
division of the tank there is a valve connected by a pad to the
floor with a gearing rod connected going right up to the deck.’
The Plumbers were in possession of the job as the Yard Manager
believed this to be consistent with yard practice. The Fitters
claimed that they should do the pipe work on the job. The
A.E.U. representatives were accordingly asked to state the basis
of their claim.
This claim was in fact based primarily on their understanding
of the Book of Apportionment of Work existing between them
and the P.T.U. The text cited comes under the general heading
of Water Services and reads as follows:
AE.U. fix, joint and strap complete all salt water services if of cast
iron flanged pipes. If wrought iron or steel is used on this line for
107
The Demarcation Disptlte in the J’hipbzlilding Indtistry
filling oil cargo tanks for testing purposes these to be jointed by
Engineers.
This clause to be applied to all deep tanks on merchant steamers if
the pipe is six inches or over in diameter.
The supporting argument was based on custom and practice.
It was said that it was the general practice of fitters to do all cast
iron pipes over six inches in diameter. In this way, therefore, the
Book of Apportionment between the A.E.U. and the P.T.U.,
and custom and practice were regarded as important criteria for
judgment and the case was put in a manner which suggested that
they were mutually supportive.
However, the P.T.U., the Yard Manager and the Technical
Delegate each brought forward evidence and information which
challenged the A.E.U.‘s contention.
The P.T.U. considered the clause from the Book of Apportion-
ment which the A.E.U. had quoted, to be irrelevant, since the
Item from which it was extracted referred to Works Plant. Having
examined the Book of Apportionment, my own view is that there
was scope for confusion between the two unions because several
subjects were dealt with under one Item. The first subject is
headed Works Plant, as the P.T.U. noted but the immediate
subject dealt with under the clause quoted is Water Services and
does not appear to refer to Works Plant at all but to work on
ships of a particular kind. It was the actual setting out of the
Book of Apportionment that gave rise to a difference of opinion
on this point. (Appendix B illustrates the way in which Apportion-
ment Lists are set out.)
The Yard Manager’s objection to the use made by the A.E.U.
of the clause quoted from the Book of Apportionment was more
substantial. He observed that the clause was inappropriate
because in context it referred only to water services for tank
testing. Further, he quoted from another Item in the Book of
Apportionment, which, he maintained, was more directly applic-
able to the case in hand. It was headed Water Ballast Tanks and
Bilge Suction Pipes. He said that it supported the Plumber’s case
since it was stated under that Item that their work included:
Cast iron flanged pipes complete on new and repair work except in
boiler room, engine room and tunnel.
The Yard Manager went on to challenge the fitters’ claim that
108
The Demarcation Dispute in the Sbipbzti1dit.g Indust
the job was theirs by virtue of general practice. He pointed out
that on an ore carrier built by a neighbouring firm on the river,
the work in question was done by plumbers.
The Technical Delegate, for his part, supported the contentions
of the Yard Manager. He added that the work on the ore carrier,
to which the Yard Manager had referred, was on pipes that were
nine inches in diameter. The A.E.U.‘s claim to do pipe work over
six inches in diameter was, in consequence, not beyond dispute.
It is evident that the criteria which the A.E.U. used to support
their case - ‘the book’ and ‘custom and practice’ - are accepted
as valid. What is questioned is the relevance, applicability and
accuracy of the information brought forward by them to sub-
stantiate their case.
At this point a deadlock was reached and the A.E.U. announced
that they would carry the matter further to the next stage of
procedure. Essentially the technique employed by the Chairman
to resolve the question was to widen the area of discussion
between the two parties. The issue as defined in the debate so
so far had referred solely to pipe work. However, there was still
the question of deciding who should work on the valves men-
tioned in the description of the total job. The A.E.U. claimed
that this too was their work on the grounds that ‘the pad that
has to be fitted to the floor is just as important as the pipe itself.
It has to be machined in such a way as to take the valve in correct
alignment’. When they had heard the claim put forward in these
terms, the plumbers’ contingent retired for a private discussion
and, on returning, announced :
We have considered this question very carefully and have arrived
at the conclusion that it would not be right for us to claim this part
of the work and that, in our opinion, it is rightfully fitter work.
Naturally, the A.E.U. representatives were very satisfied with

this statement and their delegate reflected that ‘it would be very
pleasant if all questions of demarcation could be settled in such
a manner.’ The incident is a reminder to the onlooker that claims
for work are not promiscuous or arbitrary, but are grounded in
certain moral considerations. There is a recognition of one’s own
craft rights, but there is also recognition of the rights of other
crafts and where those rights are felt to be unambiguous, there
is no desire to infringe upon them.
109
The Demarcation Dispute in the Shipbuilding Industty
At the same time, the plumbers’ readiness to concede this issue
without a fight was, in bargaining terms, an act of renunciation.
This appeared to colour the thinking of the A.E.U. on the initial
question of the pipe work. Certainly, although they formally
referred the matter to their own District Committee, they con-
ceded the pipe work without taking the matter further through
procedure. In a sense, therefore, the plumbers’ altruism was also
tactical wisdom, whether conscious or not. Not only did they
help to create a climate of greater flexibility in the bargaining
situation, but also put the onus on the A.E.U. to settle in the
same spirit. The employer, by taking the two issues separately,
played his part in resolving the conflict. He did this first by
extending the range of discussion beyond the immediate point
in dispute. This in itself can often serve to reduce the fixity of
the disputants’ entrenched positions. Secondly, and related to the
first point, the discussion of the two items helped to create a
point of saliency around which a settlement could crystallise. It
is no longer an all-or-nothing situation, but is so structured that
both sides gain something and do not return to their members
empty-handed.
CASE II
Item: The caulking of elm doublings with oakum.

Contending parties: Shipwrights (members of the Shipwrights’
Union)
Joiners (members of the A.S.W.)
Procedure : Shipyard Procedure Agreement.
Level Reached: Local Conference (third stage in procedure).
At this meeting, seven members of the local employers’ associa-

tion were present, including a representative of the yard involved
in the dispute. The union district officials and the relevant shop
stewards from the yard were also present. In addition since, as
we shall see, the dispute involved a contracting firm from outside
the District, they also were represented.
The contracting firm had put joiners on to this particular
insulating work and the shipwrights were contesting the decision.
Their claim was based on two considerations. First it was said
that the 1891 Book of Apportionment between shipwrights and
II0
The Demarcation Dispz/te in the Shipbztilding Indmy
joiners allocated all caulking work to them ‘whenever required’.
Secondly, they observed that under the 1947 agreement relating
to the recruitment and training of apprentices, caulking tools
were listed as necessary for shipwright apprentices but were not
mentioned so far as joiners were concerned. It was said that ship-
wrights normally did miles of caulking even before they finished
their apprenticeship.
The joiners, in defending their right to continue with the work,
based their case upon considerations of custom and practice. It
was admitted that in other districts, shipwrights did the work
now under discussion, but for seventy years joiners on this par-
ticular river had always done caulking work in insulated spaces.
Their delegate proceeded to give many examples to support his
own case and challenged the shipwrights’ delegate to produce
one example to the contrary. The shipwrights’ delegate did try
to meet this challenge, but was shown to be factually incorrect
in that the work he cited was not relevant to the dispute under
discussion. The Technical Delegate, however, who had heard the
A.S.W. claims at an earlier stage in procedure, had investigated
them thoroughly and they did not all stand up to his scrutiny.
In one case, the ship in question had not been built in the year
specified by the A.S.W. and it was found that the work in question
was not in fact done by anyone, since it was not part of the
specifications. In two other cases, the work was done by appren-
tice shipwrights. But, on the other hand, five of the examples
quoted were verified.
The A.S.W. buttressed their claim by pointing out that the
Technical Delegate who had preceded the present occupant of
the post, had been a shipwright by trade, and he had never
questioned the joiners’ right to this work. Further, it was
emphasised that not only the contractors involved in the present
dispute but other insulating companies also, negotiated as a
matter of course with the joiners and had produced a list of piece
prices to cover all work in insulated spaces, including caulking.
The fact that caulking tools were not mentioned in the apprentices
tool list for joiners was not felt to be conclusive evidence against
them, since the list was not exhaustive. In any case, it was said
that shipwrights did many jobs for which they did not receive
specific training.
The case, therefore, basically presented itself in terms of a
III
The Demarcation Dispute in the Shipbuilding Indushy
conflict between ‘the book’ and ‘custom and practice’. The
employers, through their casting vote, awarded the work to the
joiners: custom and practice thus won the day. It would appear
that, in the shipbuilding context, rights have to be exercised if
they are to be upheld against encroachment. Again, however,
one must note that this was not necessarily arbitrary encroach-
ment by the A.S.W. This union suggested that some seventy-five
years earlier, shipwrights had done some caulking work in
insulated spaces, but had chosen to exchange this for some work
which joiners had hitherto done elsewhere. This would certainly
help to explain the entrenched nature of the custom. It would also
help to explain why a shipwrights’ shop steward, during earlier
informal discussions, had told the yard management that his
union had no claim to the work. The dispute, however, was
subsequently initiated by the shipwrights’ District Delegate.
why?
It is perhaps significant that the dispute, which took place in
1960, was in a year which saw an average of 9.2% total un-
employed for shipbuilding in the North East and 16.2% on the
Wear, the river concerned. In both cases, this was a sharp increase
on the previous year - 5 -9% and 8.2% respectively. What this
suggests is that the union delegate was increasingly preoccupied
with safeguarding the security of his members as far as possible.
Hence a demarcation question, which had been dormant for many
years (or perhaps had been informally settled on the basis of an
exchange of work) was now formally raised by the shipwrights’
delegate in the interests of his members. It represents an attempt
to re-build broken dykes to defend the occupation against the
sharply rising tide of unemployment.
CASE III
Item: The erection of temporary pillars.

Contending parties : Shipwrights (members of the Shipwrights
Union)
Platers (members of the Boilermakers
Society)
Procedure : General Demarcation Agreement, I 9 I 2.
Level Reached: Local Conference (final stage of procedure).
112
The Demarcation Dispute in the Jbipbzlilding Industry
It will be recalled that under the terms of this procedure
agreement the employer from the yard where the dispute has
taken place is not permitted to be present.
The shipwrights, who had initiated proceedings, claimed the
work in question on the basis of custom and practice. In the yard
concerned, it was said, any pillar, whether fixed or portable, solid
or tubular, round or oval, hexagonal or any other shape, had
been erected by shipwrights on all ships. The only exception
consisted of pillars that were of angle bar construction and these,
it was admitted, had been erected by platers. But the pillars now
in dispute were I 5 inch diameter cargo hold pillars, octagonal in
shape and portable, and, it was maintained, there was a clear
distinction between these pillars and the angle-bar type erected
by platers.
The boilermakers (platers) also claimed the work on the basis
of custom and practice. Their delegate quoted the testimony of
a Foreman in the yard, which he regarded as impartial and
conclusive :
These temporary pillars were hinged at the top and were about
6 inches short at the bottom to be wedged up. I was surprised at
the time that the shipwrights made any claim to them because all
temporary or portable pillars in the yard had always been platers’
work, such as pillars under winch decks, between decks and all
pillars in connection with grain shifting boards . . .
The difference between the two unions was that in the case of
the shipwrights the method of construction was put forward as
the deciding factor, whereas, in the case of the platers, the purpose
for which the pillars were used was held to be the significant
consideration. In particular, by stressing the portability and tem-
porary nature of the pillars, the platers were emphasising that the
pillars had nothing to do with the alignment of the ship (which,
had it done, would have provided an unambiguous basis for the
shipwrights’ claim). This explains the significance of the following
exchange, which looks like the work of Lewis Carroll:
Boilermakers’ Delegate : ‘It is possible for these pillars, which are
hinged at the top end, to be stowed under the deck and never used
at all. Would they then be properly regarded as pillars ?’
Chairman: ‘They would certainly not be used as pillars while they
were stowed in this way.’
‘13
The Demarcation Dispute in the Shipbuilding Induty
However, the shipwrights, for their part, refused to accept the
position that they could only claim work connected with the
alignment of the ship. They had always fitted such pillars and
felt that they should continue to do so. They discounted the
testimony of the foreman, whom the Boilermakers had quoted,
pointing out that all the previous examples he had referred to,
related to pillars of angle-bar construction.
In this case then, both unions based their claim on considera-
tions of custom and practice. In fact, the job concerned was new
to the yard in the sense that tubular pillars had never been used
before. It was probably this slight element of uncertainty arising
from the innovation which caused the issue to emerge.
In the event, the employers’ casting vote went to the ship-
wrights. It is interesting to notice how the Boilermakers’ Delegate
accepted the decision. He said that his members would accept
the decision of the committee. He was satisfied that he always
got a fair hearing and was firmly of the opinion that the procedure
laid down in the 1912 Demarcation Agreement constituted a
right and proper manner of dealing with these questions. In his
opinion, the dispute affected three parties, two unions and the
employers. He considered that it was reasonable that the em-
ployers should have an equal right with the two unions to take
part in the discussions.
The use of procedures, such as those we have described here,
indicates the possibilities of obtaining a working consensus
between conflicting parties. In the light of these examples, one
may suggest certain ways in which this consensus is developed
and maintained.
(a) The introduction of order through the use of procedures
tends to encourage a stylised approach to the problem under
discussion. There is a definite arrangement as to who should be
present at proceedings, who should take the chair, who should
speak first (the chairman giving the aggrieved party the chance
to state its case). At the end of the debate following the decision
it is common for the rival claimants to thank each other and the
employers for the way in which the meeting has been conducted.
Even where quite harsh things are said by one party against
another, the debating framework lends it the appearance of a set-
piece in a drama, as though it is an expression of militancy or
aggressiveness which, at that particular stage in the proceedings,
114
The Demarcation Dispztte in the Sbipbztilding Indzisfy
is felt to be an appropriate step to take in the ritual performance.
These patterned enmities may serve the function of setting
boundaries between groups within the industrial relations system,
but without the economic costs attached to the alternative mode
of conflict, namely strike activity. One is reminded here of
Erving Goffman’s perceptive observation :
An interaction can be purposively set up as a time and place for
voicing differences in opinion, but in such cases participants must
be careful not to disagree on the proper tone of voice, vocabulary
and degree of seriousness in which all arguments are to be phrased,
and upon the mutual respect which disagreeing participants must
carefully continue to express toward one another. This debaters’
or academic definition of the situation may also be invoked suddenly
and judiciously as a way of translating a serious conflict of views
into one that can be handled within a framework acceptable to all
present.l
(b) The cases I have discussed draw attention to the employer
as an impartial party to the proceedings and exemplified in his
role as chairman. At the same time the employer’s impartiality is
not nai;ve in quality, since he is obviously seeped in a technical
understanding of ship construction and on points of detail may
be aided by the Technical Delegate. It is interesting to see that
another multi-craft industry, building, also operates procedures
in which employers play an active and informed part in the
settlement of disputes. As B. J. McCormick observes:
Employers, of course, have a stake in the settlement of demarcation
disputes if only because present work can be speedily and harmon-
iously completed and future work not be subject to uncertainty.2
In the building industry, the employers are assisted in their
efforts not only to be but to appear impartial by the existence of a
uniform rate for all craftsmen. Thus they cannot, in any direct
sense, be accused of choosing the cheapest way of doing the job,
regardless of the justice of the claim before them. Objections
which are sometimes heard to the employer’s decisive role in
1 E. Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Live (Doubleday, 1959),

p. IO.
2 B. J. McCormick, ‘Trade Union Reaction to Technological Change in
the Construction Industry’, Yorkshire Bulletin, Vol. rG, No. I., May 1964),
P* ‘7.
115
The Demarcation Dispute in the Sbipbh’ding Indxrtry
demarcation procedures in the shipbuilding industry,1 from the
unions, perhaps stem in part from the fact that there is no such
uniformity in rates as between crafts and it may be felt that his
judgment rests upon expedient rather than moral considerations.
However, Case 3 indicates that this fear is not always felt by the
losing party.
(c) The use of procedural methods of settlement essentially
implies the growing articulation of assumptions and principles
governing inter-group relations. The kind of process involved
is described very well by Durkheim:
It is neither necessary nor even possible for social life to be without
conflicts. The role of solidarity is not to suppress competition but
to moderate it . . . Rules are a prolongation of the division of
labour . . . pat the division of labour] brings face to face are
functions, that is to say ways of definite action, which are identically
repeated in given circumstances . . . [The relations] are certain ways
of mutual reaction which, finding themselves very conformable to
the nature of things, are repeated very often and become habits.
These habits, becoming forceful are transformed into rules of
conduct. The past determines the future . . . there is a certain
sorting of rights and duties which is established by usage and
becomes obligatory.2
In considering the use of procedures in shipbuilding, it is clear
that the past determines the future in the sense that the folkways
and mores of the various craft groups are codified. This in itself
leads to a growing clarification of normative standards governing
behaviour both within occupational groups and the relations
between them. Thus the rights of the contending parties are
scrutinised in the light of previous decisions made concerning
their spheres of competence. At the same time, however, given
the reality of technical change, it is equally clear that rights and
duties can never be established once and for all (otherwise pre-
rogatives would never be challenged). But the past determines
the future in the sense that procedural methods provide a
mechanism for sifting claims in the light of the available evidence.
Once the principle of settlement by rule making has been con-
ceded by the conflicting parties, it becomes possible to modify
1 Geddes op. cit., p. 108.
2 Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labour in Society (Glencoe, 1964), pp.
365-G.
116
The Demarcation D&-jute in the Sbipbzdlding Indtisty
old rules to deal with anomalies, but also to create new rules to
cover new situations. Through the use of procedures also
antagonistic groups grow to recognise their interdependence.
Indeed, the very fact that the contending parties have to develop
a professional expertise in the conduct of their cases before
employers who are themselves technical experts, involves a
sophisticated mutual recognition of each other’s spheres of tech-
nical craft competence. This invites a growing awareness of a
certain reciprocal co-ordination between craft groups, without
necessarily challenging their separate identity.
4. The Demarcation Dispute in a Changing Enfironmetzt: Concluding

Comments on the Current Situation
The use of labour in shipbuilding is wasteful; nobody who discussed
the industry with us has challenged this statement. Partly this waste
is due to shortcomings of planning and supervision, partly to the
practices on which the unions insist and partly to the level of the
response and application of the individual participant which is itself
conditioned by the first two factors. The planning and organisation
of work could be improved but a solution depends on a substantial
improvement in industrial relations and a raising of individual
morale.’
Management in shipbuilding may not always mobilise their
resources in a way that achieves maximum e&ciency. Indeed,
their assumptions about what constitutes such a state may not
always be correct. At the same time, it is clear that planning pro-
duction in a multi-craft industry does give rise to some distinctive
problems. This was well elaborated in discussion with the General
Manager of one shipyard:
Consider what happens when different trades are fitting some par-
ticular item. Trade I lines the thing up; trade z drills the pilot holes;
trade 3 burns it larger; trade 4 dresses it; trade 5 puts the fitment in.
And so it goes on with eight trades doing one job, for example,
fitting a porthole or cover. Some estimate that there is a IO % waste
of time; others say it is 20% . . . No one trade will give up a job
if it means unemployment. Even if unemployment falls this remains
true, because this attitude is bred in the bone. For example, at X
Company, the fabrication sheds employ twice as many men as are
needed: both boilermakers and shipwrights. This arises from
l Geddes, op cit., p. I IO.
117
changes in techniques. This is a stupid mentality although work-
sharing is an understandable reaction. But workers do not think of
costs. They only think of whether action will keep bodies in employ-
ment . . . To try to reduce demarcation, we try to give shipwrights
all the erecting and fairing jobs on the berth, but try to keep all
prefabrication in the sheds or skids for platers. But if we have two
lots on the same job, we find that we also have to have two lots of
labourers, one lot standing and letting the other lot work . . . The
tackers are supposed to help the people they work with but they
don’t. Any tradesman who wants a temporary job done should be
able to do it himself. Even in shipbuilding, a plumber can weld
pipes together and do final welding, but his is about the only trade
which can. A plater who is assembling a bulk head, putting in
stiffeners, or tack welding, has to get a tacker to do it. I think some
tackers only do a few minutes work a day . . .
The fundamental objection voiced here is that increasingly it
is wasteful to plan work such that it coincides with existing
occupational boundaries. As one Production Manager put it:
The real trouble with demarcation is that time is wasted. The
planning of jobs is increased by the existence of demarcation.
The argument is that over time job rights based on claims of
exclusive competence have become increasingly artificial. Skill
monopoly on an objective assessment may be regarded as more
notional than real,1 yet it is maintained through techniques
developed by craft unions as interest groups : the maintenance of
a closed shop and a strict regulation of conditions of entry to
the trade.
It was the over-riding and understandable concern with costs
l See W. E. J. McCarthy: ‘Although the opportunity for any skilled group

to obtain a job monopoly by means of entry control and the pre-entry shop
depends, in the first instance, of the existence of a real skill gap, and although
any development undermining the reality of the gap is a threat to the group’s
job monopoly, the group itself may rebut the threat, even if the skill gap
continues to narrow until it disappears. If it can match employer power
sufficiently, and for long enough, any group can win recognition, however
reluctant, for the notion of a skill gap.’ The Closed Shop in Brituin (Blackwell,
1964) p. 139. By an objective assessment of the reality of the skill gap I
simply have in mind the fact that comparisons of work practices may be made
not only with foreign shipyards but also between rivers and yards in this
country, to reveal wide differences in occupational boundaries and job
flexibility.
The Demarcation Dispute in the Shipbzlilding Indm‘ry
which lay behind the suggestions put forward by the Ship-
building Employers’ Federation to the unions in 1962. They
proposed that shipbuilding workers should be classified into three
groups: metal trades, fitting out trades and ancillary workers.
Within these groups emphasis should be placed on the inter-
changeability of labour. Training which would permit complete
flexibility of labour between the metal trades was advocated. And,
as a general principle, it was suggested that a worker should be
able to use any tool necessary for the performance of his task,
even if it did not ‘belong’ to his trade. The problem, as perceived
by the unions, was that to allow too much flexibility of labour
might jeopardise standards of craftsmanship, by making a man a
Jack-of-all-trades and master of none; and, at the same time, the
interests of particular union members might be jeopardised by
increasing the potential labour supply available. These traditional
concerns could not be swept aside simply by an employers’
manifesto.
Economic reality is a more powerful stimulus to structural
adaptation of interest groups than mere exhortation and in the
shipbuilding industry that reality takes the form of a fierce and
potentially annihilating competition from foreign shipbuilders.
It is revealed with stark clarity in Table XII. There we see that
the U.K. share of world tonnage of merchant ships, whether
measured by launchings or completions has declined very sharply
indeed over the period 1947-64. From being a dominating pro-
ducer in the world market making over half of the world’s
merchant tonnage, the U.K. now only makes about a tenth.
Previously, in the context of cyclical fluctuations in order books
but in which the strong position of the British shipbuilding
industry visd-vis its competitors was never in question, demarca-
tion disputes symbolised an attempt by craft unions as interest
groups to stabilise the situation for their members. But now the
overall secular decline in the industry’s fortunes affects not just
the relative prosperity of one group in its struggles with another,
but all groups including the employers. It is now a question of
arresting the decline of the industry’s fortunes and if this is to
happen, adjustments all round are called for. Coser has argued
that:
As long as the outside threat is seen to concern the entire group . . .

I 1’9
The Demarcation Dispztte in the Shipbtlilding Industy
TABLE XII
UNITED KINGDOM OUTPUT OF MERCHANT SHIPS 1947-64
Ldaunchings %of Complefions %of

Year Number 000 gross world Number 000 gross world
t0tU fans fontaage
‘947 341 1,193 57 299 944 50’2
1948 340 1,176 jr.1 345 x,=13 48.9
‘949 320 1,267 40.5 340 1,353 43’4
*9jo 275 1,325 38.0 319 1,389 42’7
1951 261 1,341 36.9 246 x.340 37’7
1912 214 1,303 29-6 238 1,264 30’0
1913 220 1,317 25’9 233 1,250 25.3
1914 213 1,409 26.8 242 1,496 27’4
‘915 276 I.474 27’7 260 1,322 26.6
*gr6 275 1,383 20’7 291 1,417 23.2
1957 260 1,414 16.6 268 1,421 17’1
‘958 282 1,402 15.1 27O 1,464 16.2
‘919 274 1,373 ‘1’7 276 1,383 ‘5’9
1960 253 1,331 ‘1’9 263 1,298 15.5
1961 247 1,192 15.0 256 1,382 17.2
1962 187 1,073 12.8 204 1,016 12.4
I963 160 928 10.9 178 1,096 12.x
1964 ‘79 1,043 10’1 152 808 8.3
Note: Figures include ships of IOO gross tons and above World
tonnage does not include U.S.S.R., East Germany or People’s
Republic of China.
Source: Lloyd’s Register of Shipping.
internal conflicts do not hinder concerted action against the outside

enemy.l
This is a little optimistic, since it is assumed that internal con-
flicts can be suspended at the drop of a hat, whereas it often takes
time to arrive at a modus vivendi. Because time itself is a scarce
resource, the survival of the group against outside threats is not
guaranteed, even assuming it has the latent power to meet the
threat. In the case of the shipbuilding industry there is evidence
to suggest that attempts are being made to integrate the logic of
efficiency and the logic of security in the light of the external
danger to the system as a whole.
There is first, a growing awareness among management in the
l Coser, op. cit., p. 94.
120
The Demarcation Dispzlte in the ShipbElilding Indtlstr_y
industry of the need to take into account the social consequences
of technical change in the labour force. Since it is through
technical change that existing patterns of work arrangements are
disrupted, it is here that a sensitive managerial policy can help
to reduce unnecessary conflict. This growing awareness is by no
means omnipresent. In one firm, for example, which not in-
frequently found itself involved in demarcation disputes, observa-
tions such as the following came up in interviews:
The extent of pre-fabrication is terrific now. We didn’t foresee how
big lifts would become. It has caused some demarcation problems
(between shipwrights and platers). We were informed about crane
and berth developments. But we were not informed how great
pre-fabrication developments would be. We are not usually asked
advice on changes. Management usually has its own ideas.
(Shipwrights’ shop steward)
The work of installing engines has provided a revolutionary change
in tank work for us. We were told in advance about this. The firm
say they ask your advice. They do go through the motions but it
is rather hypocritical because they have already made up their minds
. . . Some of us were trained for this work but the firm didn’t give
special training. They just said: ‘We’re going to do engines now.’
(A.E.U. shop steward)
In the same firm, the Yard Manager commented:
We don’t make a point of letting workers know in advance about
technical changes. They get to know on the bush telegraph.
What is suggested by these comments is not so much a con-
scious policy of managerial secrecy, but rather a piecemeal, casual
attitude towards the advent of technical changes in a yard.
Workers accordingly live in a twilight zone, where some things
are known, others half-known and rumoured about, where they
are prepared for some changes but not for others.
This kind of attitude, however, appeared to be superseded in
some yards, where systematic consultation before the implementa-
tion of technical change was regarded by management as an
integral part of planning. In one large yard, for example, it was
consciously recognised that the introduction of new techniques
sets up stresses and strains in terms of industrial relations and
that because of this ‘you are bound to get problems’. Further, it
was not always predictable where those problems would arise
I21
The Demarcation Dispute in the Shipbzlilding Indtistry
since there may be ‘over a million parts on a ship’, any of which
might potentially cause a dispute (not simply demarcation, of
course, but wages, manning or disputes about working con-
ditions). Management claimed, and the claim was supported
independently by the shop stewards, that thorough consultation
took place well before changes were implemented. This involved,
for example, in the case of the introduction of a computer profile
burner, taking a shop steward and a shipwright to London to see
the machine, some eight months before it was installed. A senior
manager also described how, before the initiation of an extensive
yard modernisation scheme, he spent six months meeting men
and stewards in the canteen ‘over beer and pies’. In this way plans
were discussed and a book of settlements between unions worked
out which provided, it was felt, a useful basis to work on. This
management also took care to introduce changes in periods of
expanding activity, so that any direct technological redundancy
would be avoided. The clash between worker security and worker
efficiency was accordingly minimised. This general attitude of
short circuiting problems rather than floundering in them was
summed up in one management comment:
Management should iron these things out and not wait for the
fateful day when production stops.
Certainly this yard was remarkably free of demarcation disputes.
Indeed, management were at some pains to point out that, to
some extent, the outside world had a misleading picture of the
worker’s attitude to technical change. In some cases, it was
noted, the workers themselves press for new equipment when
the old is not working properly.
In a small yard which was studied, the same readiness to consult
the men in matters relating to yard reorganisation was also
evident. A foreman plater, for example, described how the Yard
Manager discussed the planning of a new pre-fabrication shed,
first with supervision and then with the men:
He showed us an open plan of the shed and asked our recommenda-
tions for the planning of it . . . He then brought in two established
platers, one of whom was a shop steward and said: ‘In times past
you complained. Now let’s have some bright ideas while the job’s
still on paper.’ . . . In a small family firm you can do this. We have
the types of chap you can trust and it’s to our advantage anyway.
We’re not just being Father Christmas about this.
122
The Demarcation Dispute in the Shipbuilding Industg
In the same firm, following consultation with shop stewards
and at their suggestion, photographs were put up indicating the
proposed changes involved in the yard modernisation pro-
gramme. In this firm also demarcation strikes were very rare.
There is secondly, a growing co-operation between yards
concerning the deployment of labour. This has meant that on a
particular river, security of employment has been enhanced not
by a worker necessarily remaining in a particular job in a par-
ticular yard, but by being moved to other yards on the river as
one job finishes and another starts. The merging of separate
companies on a river to form a group, as envisaged in the recent
Geddes Report and as already operating to some extent on the
Tyne, Wear and Clyde, will facilitate this opportunity for in-
creasing both the security and the flexibility of labour.
Thirdly, one may observe the growing rationalisation of trade
union structures, particularly in the metal trades. The Boiler-
makers’ Society represents a union which has developed from a
single-craft to a multi-craft union. The amalgamation with the
Shipwrights in 1963 meant that effectively, there was one union
covering the whole of the skilled workers involved in ship con-
struction. Demarcation disputes within a union can and do take
place. However, in such eventualities the disputes are no longer
prolonged and hardened by the vested interests of different
unions. Rather the emphasis lies with the union to exercise its
own mechanisms of discipline and settlement. Indeed, the signi-
ficance of the amalgamation was brought out in a message from
the executives of the two unions at the time of the merger, to
Branch Secretaries. Stoppages of work on demarcation issues, it
was said, ‘will no longer be countenanced’. A combination of
originally antagonistic interest groups may then seek to re-mould
the cultural basis of group cohesion. New boundary lines are
joined and new loyalties are fostered by those who are initiating
these changes within the union.
It is clear that the Boilermakers’ Society is now in a very strong
position as a union vis-a-vis job control. This very fact makes it
more possible for it to think about the possibilities of increasing
the flexibility of the labour force. This, one suspects, is a key
factor making it possible for that union to respond to manage-
ment initiatives aimed at facilitating labour flexibility and inter-
changeability at yard and river level of negotiations.
123
The Demarcation Disptite in the Shipbuilding Indtlstry
A number of yard agreements which were negotiated on the
Clyde in 1965, have been noted by Keith Richardson.1 For
example, in Lithgow’s, Scotts’, Lamont yards and the Greenock
Dockyard, welders, platers, caulkers, burners and riveters are
now inter-changeable categories. This has meant that tack welding
has become a superfluous occupation and the men concerned are
being re-trained for other work within the metal trades. In the
yards at Fairfield, Yarrow, Connell, Stephen and Barclay Curle,
agreement has been reached in principle on the complete freedom
of boilermakers and shipwrights to move freely within the whole
range of metal trades. Certainly this was not simply an act of
grace on the union’s part. It involved what has come to be known
as ‘buying the book’ - a bargain in which existing work practices
are relaxed in exchange for an increase in wages. To the present
writer the Devlin Committee’s comment on this process in the
Docks is equally pertinent to the shipbuilding context:
It might be said from the employers’ side that if men have created
bad practices, they ought to be willing to give them up without
being paid. But most of the practices have now persisted for a long
time with the acquiescence, however unwilling, of the employers -
most of them for so long that the men have in effect squatters’
rights. Such rights, once acquired, have to be bought out and their
origin is irrelevant to their price . . . Most employers, we find, are
quite realistic about this and recognise that repeated statements that
all restrictive practices are objectionable and ought to be abolished
are not going to get them anywhere.2
Given these kind of developments, it is reasonable to assume
that the union will be prepared to re-consider existing apprentice-
ship regulations and divisions. It is certainly not absurd to predict
the emergence of a ‘platewright’ in the shipbuilding industry,
since this is the logical development of job inter-changeability
in an area of pre-fabricated units.
I have argued at various points in this essay that the demarca-
tion dispute was a form of realistic conflict since it was a means
to a particular end, namely job control and, through that, security
of employment. Given the uncertain environment and the fact
l ‘A question of demarcation’, The Sunday Times, 12 December 1965.
a Final Report of the Committee of Inquiry under the Rt. Hon. Lord De& info
certain matters concerning the Port Transport Industry, Cmnd. 27.~4(H.M.S.O.,
196L P. 119.
124
The Demarcation Dispute in the Sbipbt/ilding Indztstry
that employment opportunities were a scarce resource, the pro-
blem facing the craft unions as interest groups, was at the level
of deciding which form of conflict was instrumentally more
adequate, the strike or the negotiated settlement. However,
another mark of realistic conflict is that ‘it will cease if the actor
can find equally satisfying alternative ways to achieve his ends’.1
Some of these alternative ways now appear to be open. If these
ways are pursued, then we may witness not only the withering
away of the demarcation strike, but also the very marked decline
of the demarcation dispute.
* Coser, op. cit., p. So.

CHAPTER FOUR
An Of3kial Dispute in the

Constructional Engineering Industry
CO-AUTHOR: GEOFFREY ROBERTS
ETWEEN October 1954 and March 195 j what can fairly be
B described as a war of attrition was waged between the

Constructional
ing and Constructional
Engineering Union and the Bridge Build-
Group of the Engineering Allied
Employers’ Federation. One of the firms involved gave us access
to documentary material, which throws a great deal of light on
the issues involved and the problems which both employers and
union faced. This material we have supplemented by consulting
contemporary newspaper accounts of the events. Although the
dust of this particular battle has by now settled, there are several
reasons why we feel that a description and discussion of the
dispute is worthwhile:
I. Considering the amount of comment and advice that is offered on
the uses, abuses, causes and cures of strikes, there are very few
‘natural histories’ of them. The possibility of making generalisations
based on empirical case material is surprisingly limited.2
z. Although the events described took place a decade ago, they have
1 We should like to express our thanks to Professor H. A. Turner for his

comments on an earlier draft of this easay.
2 But cf. T. T. Paterson and F. J. Willett, ‘Unofficial Strike’, Sociological
Review, XLIII, 191 I ; T. T. Paterson, Glasgow Limited, (Cambridge, x960);
and University of Liverpool Department of Social Science,The Dock Worker,
Appendix I, (Liverpool, 1916) for instructive examples of work done in this
country. In the U.S.A. the complaint of paucity of material is also to be found
‘Unfortunately, since there are so few well-documented histories of strikes,
it is difficult to ascertain their common social processes.’ Miller and Form,
Indzrsirial Sociology (Harper, rg64), p. 417.
126
An O@cial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering IndustrJy
a certain contemporary relevance. In the first place, the Industrial
Disputes Tribunal was used in an effort to resolve the conflict. The
T.U.C. have recently made representations to the Government for
the restoration of the system of compulsory arbitration which the
I.D.T. embodied.1 Since, as we shall see, the method of arbitration
was singularly unsuccessful in ending the dispute, certain observa-
tions on the efficacy of the system are in order. In the second place,
the dispute is a commentary on the way in which an unto-ordinated
wages structure can lead to leap-frogging by an appeal to the
principle of ‘comparability’ and hence may contribute significantly
to the phenomena of wage drift.
3. Very little appears to be known about industrial relations in the
Constructional Engineering Industry, by those not immediately
involved in them. By focusing on what was clearly a severe conflict,
one is able to throw some light on the sources of strain on the
industrial relations system in that industry.
In this study, then, we shall analyse the way in which conflict
between the two parties is generated, the tactics and stratagems
by which it is sustained, and the pressures and constraints by
which it is limited and, eventually, resolved.
The Organisational and Procedwal Setting

Management and labour in the Constructional Engineering in-
dustry are, for procedural purposes, linked to the general
Engineering industry. There the great majority of firms are linked
to the Engineering and Allied Employers’ National Federation,
with a total of well over 4,000 members. The Federation is broken
down into geographical regional groupings and these groupings
are themselves composed of affiliated local associations. Clegg
has argued that:
The national federation and the associations remain the most im-
portant levels of authority, because they are centres of original
power, and because they control the funds. Their importance is
increased by the collective bargaining procedure of the industry
which deals with disputes which are no longer entirely internal to
an individual firm first by ‘district’ meetings (where the local
association handles the employers’ business) and then at national
1 See Written Evidence of the Ministry of Labour to the Royal Commission on

Trade Unions and Employers’ Associations (H.M.S.O., 196y), p. TOT, para 22.
127
An Oficial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Indust
meetings held at York where the federation represents the em-
pl0yers.l
Labour’s biggest bargaining unit is the Confederation of Ship-
building and Engineering Unions, with over 40 trade unions as
constituent members. The Confederation negotiates general
agreements concerning wages and working conditions in the
industry. At the same time, individual unions (which, for manual
workers, may broadly be divided into three categories: strict
craft, e.g. Patternmakers, modified craft, e.g. A.E.U., and general,
e.g. T.G.W.U.) can negotiate with the Federation separately,
matters affecting their union alone. The following comment from
the Ministry of Labour Handbook on Industrial Relations
describes the procedural arrangement :
These national negotiations are conducted on an ad hoc basis at
special conferences. The practice is for the trade union organisation
concerned to write to the Engineering and Allied Employers’
National Federation requesting such a conference, at which they
present their claim. It is considered by the employers and a reply is
normally given at a further conference. Discussions continue until
either agreement is reached, or the negotiations break down. There
is no agreed procedure to deal with the latter eventuality and, should
the unions decide to press the case, they may seek conciliation or
arbitration, or take direct industrial action.2
It should be made clear that at national level, it is minimum
wages and conditions that are established. Thus, in the engineer-
ing industry one may find district time-rates above the national
rate, craft-differentials above the minimum skilled time-rates,
additional ‘merit’ rates and of course, a wide variety of piece-
work and incentive schemes established at the work-place, with
no uniform relationship to the national time-rate, which, as can
be seen, is a rather notional concept anyway.
Constructional Engineering, because of the distinctive pro-
blems created by site working, has given rise to the specialised
Bridge Building and Construction Group within the Federation
and separate but parallel collective bargaining arrangements exist
with the C.S.E.U. and the individual unions. This Group is itself
1 H. A. Clegg, ‘Employers’, in A. Flanders and H. A. Clegg, The Sysfemof
Industrial Relations in Great Britain (Blackwell, 1963), p. 221.
2 hdmfrial Relafionr, Ministry of Labour Handbook (H.M.S.O., 1961).
Pa 29.
128
An OjiciaZ Disptlte in the Constrzrctional Engineering Industy
divided into three sections, based on considerations of product
differentiation :
(a) Steel work erection. This applies to men who erect steel
frames for buildings, bridges, conveyors, etc. The C.E.U. signed
an agreement with the Federation covering wages and working
conditions on I January, 1947. The N.U.G.M.W. and the
T.G.W.U. signed a similar agreement subsequently.
(b) Water tube boiler erection. Those who are concerned with
the site erection of water tube boilers for land installations,
including the erection of boiler framings, conveyor supporting
steelwork and the lifting into position of the boiler drums,
operate under the Water Tube Boiler Erection agreement of
17 April, 1947, which the Federation concluded with the C.E.U.,
T.G.W.U., and N.U.G.M.W.
(c) Steel plate erection. Work covering the site erection of gas
holders, storage tanks, blast furnaces, hoppers and similar vessels
involving steel plate construction is bound, not by a national
agreement, but by a Code of Practice based on the Steel Work
Erection and the Water Tube Boiler Agreements.
It may perhaps be noted at this point that in both the general

engineering industry and the constructional section of it, there
are firms which are not members of the Federation. The signi-
ficance of non-membership may vary: it may be because the firm
is not willing or able to pay the national minimum federated
wage rate; more likely it is because the firm wishes to be free, in
conditions of labour scarcity, to bid up the price of labour; in
still other cases the non-member behaves, so far as wages and
working conditions are concerned, as though it were a member,
by simply following the federation’s lead.
At the time of the dispute the C.E.U. had approximately
22,000 members. Of these some 12,000 were steel erectors. About
8,000 of these ‘spidermen’ were employed by firms who were
affiliated to the Federation1 The remaining 4,000 were employed
by non-federated constructional engineering firms, and by firms
which were classified as members of the civil engineering industry
and the building industry, and were subject to the separate terms
and conditions laid down for those industries.
1 See The Times, 6 November 1914, and 4 March Iglj.

129
An Oficial Dis$ute in the Constructional Engineering Industr_y
The Dispte: Claims and Counter-claims
In May 1914, the C.E.U. applied on behalf of their members in
the Steel Work Erection section of the Constructional Engineer-
ing industry, to the Federation for ‘increased rates for the steel
erector in order to bridge the gap between the qualified Steel
Erector’s Rate and that of other craftsmen in the building in-
dustry, advancing the other differential between the erector and
other grades accordingly’. Other grades in this context referred
to the following occupational groupings : Riveters, Riveters’
holders up, Sheeters, Sheeters’ holders up, Riggers, Crane
Drivers, Welders, Burners, Rivet heaters, Erectors’ helpers.
What was the gap to which the C.E.U. referred? The current
rates for steel erectors in all three sections of the Constructional
Engineering Industry at that time were:
(a) The London rate - for those working within a 16 mile
radius of Charing Cross - 3/7$d. an hour.
(b) Other districts - 3/6ad. an hour.
The rates for craftsmen in the Building industry, with whom
parity was sought, were:
(a) The London 12 mile radius rate - 3/10&d. per hour.
(b) The London 12-15 mile radius rate - 3/9&d. per hour.
(c) Other districts - 3/9d. per hour.
The claim was effectively for an increase of 3$d. per hour for
erectors in the London area, and an increase of a$d. per hour for
those working elsewhere.
It is perhaps not surprising that the claim originated from the
Steel Work Erection group, since it clearly has closer affinities
with the Building industry than the other two sections. However,
the adjustment of the alleged anomaly would have been at the
expense of the creation of another, in the sense that differential
rates would then exist between workers in the same occupational
grouping employed in different sections of the same industry.
To cope with this internal difficulty, the union repeated their
claim in July at the same time extending it to cover all three
sections. Thus Steel Work Erection is for the union the key group
through which the principle of comparability may be invoked and
a general increase in the industry justified in the name of equity.
In attempting to apply this principle for bargaining purposes,
130
An O$cial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Indust~
the union were making two basic assumptions: first, that it was
legitimate to claim the status of craftsman for the steel erector,
and secondly, that it was appropriate to link a wage claim to
what was going on in the Building industry. Each assumption
could be used to justify and support the other.
At the July Conference with the Federation the C.E.U. ex-
pressed particular concern that the employers did not regard steel
erectors as skilled men. Probably the strongest ground of their
claim lay in their appeal to an agreement reached in 1947 with
the employers. Provision was there made for the category of
improver, who, as either youth or man served for three years
before graduating to the job of erector. In the agreement also
the words ‘qualified’ and ‘trade’ are used with reference to the
occupation of erector. In addition certain de facto arguments
were advanced. It was said that there was hardly any difference
between the rates of steel erectors who worked in the Building
industry and the rates of craftsmen in that industry (which
position had no doubt arisen through the narrowing of differen-
tials as a result of flat rate increases that were commonly granted
during this period). It was also argued that the steel erector
commonly works with craftsmen in the Building industry on an
equal footing and must, therefore, by extension, be regarded as
a skilled man.
The employers, for their part, maintained that, while they did
not dispute the importance of the work which erectors performed,
the occupation could not be regarded as a craft ‘in the accepted
sense of the word’ since its members served no recognised
apprenticeship. The improver’s training was presumably not an
acceptable substitute since it only lasted for three years. Now,
while the employers’ position is understandable and, in the
bargaining context, predictable, it does lead to an interesting
paradox. By adopting the criterion of apprenticeship to define
the skilled worker, they are in fact sheltering behind an institution
to which, in other circumstances, employers frequently and
vociferously object. It is objected to on the grounds of an
unnecessary length of training time - ‘You don’t need five years
to learn a trade, when Battle of Britain pilots learned to fly in
six weeks’- is not an uncommon jibe. More soberly, a sub-
committee of the National Joint Advisory Council observed,
in 1918:
131
An Oj’icial Dispute in fhe Constwtional Engineering Industry
There are some occupations for which five years may not be too
long; but we feel that with the adoption of up-to-date methods of
training there are others in which the present period could be
reduced.1
And apprenticeship, as an institution, is objected to when skilled
labour is scarce and the union concerned does not permit
dilution or upgrading of labour. Where both management and
unions are prepared to by-pass or supplement the apprenticeship
system, the craftsmen thus created become ‘acceptable’. It is
interesting to notice that the shorter training period and the
possibility of training men of 21 and over for the job of erector
provides the kind of flexibility that employers, in other contexts,
exhort trade unions to permit.
The semantic difference implied in the use of the term ‘skilled
man’ is perhaps best to be understood as a reflection rather than
the basis of the disagreement between the two parties. It illus-
trates how men in different social positions, representing different
interests, can impute different meanings to the same word and so
talk past one another. One finds the same kind of thing happening
when the employers challenge the union’s assertion that steel
erectors work with craftsmen in the Building industry. They
argued that the steel frame of a building is usually in an advanced
state before Building trade workers are brought in and that,
furthermore, there are many types of erection work on which few,
if any, Building trade workers would be employed. Without
doubt there is substance in these statements. How then can
semantic confusion arise?
To say that erectors work with Building trade craftsmen can
be interpreted in terms of ‘at the same time as’ and/or ‘in the
same place as’, and/or ‘as part of the division of labour’. Clearly,
there was some overlapping between erectors and Building trade
workers in terms of time and place and certainly there was an
element of co-operation between the two groups in relation to
the finished product. The difference between the C.E.U. and the
federation was in the significance attached to the area of over-
lapping. It is important to notice that the status grievance was
more overtly expressed in the London area, where overlap be-
tween Building trade workers and erectors was more in evidence
1 Ministry of Labour and National Service, Training for Skill (H.M.S.O.,
1958), P. 23’
132
An Oficiai Dispute in the Constrm’ional Engineering Indzstty
in the construction of office and shop blocks. One may notice in
passing that where sites are more isolated from Building trade
workers, the question of occupational status is not likely to be
so pressing. Wage claims in such circumstances tend to be more
ad hoc and take the form of claims for ‘hot’ money, ‘dirt’ money,
‘wind’ money, ‘wet’ money and other ‘abnormal condition’ pay-
ments, which are considered appropriate. The employers, for
their part, could claim that the urban sites were given an
exaggerated importance when seen in the context of the whole
industry.
The difference in perception between the C.E.U. and the
federation as to the ‘right’ skill grading of the steel erector raises
a theoretical point relating to the nature of industrial stability,
which merits elaboration. W. Baldamusl has distinguished
‘occupational costs’ from ‘employment’ as elements in wage costs.
The former are connected with ‘the acquisition of skill, ex-
perience, and occupational education and are reflected in, for
instance . . . that component of wage structure which expresses
skill differentials’. The ‘decisive criterion of employment’ is the
compensation for ‘effort’. He then goes on to make the following
assertion :
Everything that points to a ‘harmony’ of interests appears to be
connected with the self-regulating mechanism of occupational costs
and rewards within the institution of occupation. And the causes of
recurrent disorganisation stem from an unbalanced and variable
distribution of effort and effort rewards in the context of employ-
ment. The significance of this contrast can be seen at a glance from
the fact that occupational costs are strictly determinate whereas
effort is not.2
This attempt to identify the sources of industrial conflict and
stability seems to us to be an over-simplification of the matter.
It is certainly the case that much industrial conflict centres on
what has come to be known as the ‘effort bargain’. Indeed in the
present dispute, some arguments we have not yet noted were put
forward by the C.E.U. in justification of their claim, which might
be subsumed under this heading. For example, the C.E.U.
claimed that the use of machines had speeded up the pace of
1 W. Baldamus, Eflcimcy and Effort (Tavistock Publications, x961).

2 Ibid., pp. g-10.
I33
An Oficial Dis-ute in the Constructiomal Engineering Industq
work and that a high accident rate in the industry and the in-
trinsic dangers of the job merited a higher wage in compensation.
To this the employers replied that these things had been taken
into account in the existing wage payments. But central to the
dispute was the disagreement over the status of the erector.1 and
where such conflicts occur it cannot be said that occupational costs
are strictly determinate. In so far as occupational costs are linked
to status considerations, conflicts over status ranking introduce
an element of indeterminacy into the discussion of occupational
costs. Indeed, one suspects that difficulty of resolving many con-
flicts between management and labour arises because at the same
time there are differences of opinion on both the ‘effort’ and the
‘occupational costs’ axes. This is perhaps notably the case in
arguments over wage differentials in which arguments about the
reward for effort are inevitably comparative and introduce status
elements into the discussion. Just as the concept of effort lacks
an ‘objective’ frame of reference by which rewards can be agreed
upon by all the parties concerned, so too may the concept of
occupational costs .2 And since they may be interacting rather than
separate features of the industrial conflict situation it is mis-
leading to apportion ‘harmony of interests’ to the alleged self-
regulating mechanism of occupational costs and rewards, and to
attribute ‘conflicts of interest’ simply to disputes over the reward
for effort.
In order to justify the wage increase it was necessary for the
C.E.U. not only to establish the skilled status of the steel erector,
but also the relevance of the comparison with the Building in-
dustry. Conflict over the legitimacy of the comparison highlights
the essential boundary position of the Constructional Engineering
industry. Not only was it linked procedurally with the general
Engineering industry, but in many cases constructional engineer-
ing was a branch or section of a general engineering firm. There
were, therefore organisational and procedural ties to that industry.
1 For an account of a similar type of disagreement over welding in the
U.S.A. see Herbert J. Lahne, ‘The Welder’s Search for Craft Recognition’,
Indusirial and Labor Relations Review, July rgj 8, pp. Tgr-Go7.
a cf. T. H. Marshall, ‘It is . . . possible by deliberate action to raise the
social status of an occupational group, partly by altering the objective
character of the job, and partly by changing the attitude towards it.’ ‘The
Nature and Determinants of Social Status’, in Sociology at the Crossroods
(Heinemann, rg63), pp. 206-7.
I34
An Oficial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Ina’tistr_y
At the same time, however, Constructional Engineering shares
necessarily the technological context of constructional work.
Some of the more important technological characteristics have
been summarised by John Dunlop:
Work operations on a particular site are characteristically of a short
duration; at times they may only last a few hours or days; on other
sites they may last some months or even a few years. Some projects
have a large number of separate enterprises and workers; others
may involve only a single enterprise and a single worker. The size
and craft composition of the work force is likely to change markedly
in the course of construction. Sites tend to be geographically
variable; some are isolated from urban areas. A number of operations
take place out of doors, and the weather has a significant effect upon
the regularity of these work operations. The technology of building
. . . requires a very wide range of different skills of a high order,
many of which may be necessary on a single project, such as steam
generating plant, or only one of which may be used, as on a re-
painting job. Construction operations as a whole are relatively
hazardous, although not to the same degree as underground coal
mining, as a consequence of heights, material handling, temporary
installations, and the interdependence of workers of different con-
tractors on a job site. There are very wide differences in physical
working conditions and in the technological characteristics of
different construction sites and operations; the wide variety of sites
poses special problems in rule-making designed to cover such
diverse conditions.1
Hence, within this frame of reference it is clearly meaningful,
if not desirable from the Federation’s point of view, for the C.E.U.
to link its aspirations to the Building industry. If one asks why
they had not done so before, the answer is very simple: there was
nothing to be gained. The dispute was prompted by the fact that,
for the first time since the war, the rate of pay for Building crafts-
men had gone above the Engineering rate of pay, to which the
steel erectors were tied.2
In order to bolster its claim further, the C.E.U. applied the
principle of comparability in yet another way. The union asserted
that in both the Building and the Civil Engineering industries,
men had a greater opportunity to work under incentive schemes
1 J. T. Dunlop, hfarh+zl R&ions Sydem (Holt, 1958), pp. ZOI -2.

2 See The Times, 28 October 1914.
K I3j
An Oficial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Industry
than in the Constructional Engineering industry. As an expression
of dissatisfaction, this statement might be used to put pressure
on the employers to jack the rate up. Essentially, however, it was
a different issue. This is not to deny its importance since it bears
directly upon the subject of earnings opportunities and actual
take-home pay. It is also the kind of statement which, in principle,
is open to investigation. In the interim period between the July
conference with the C.E.U. and the convening of the Industrial
Disputes Tribunal in December, the Bridge Building and Con-
structional group of employers undertook an earnings inquiry
among members of the Federation. The picture that emerged for
July 1954 was as follows:
INCENTIVESCHEME
TIME WORKERS WORKERS
Hours worked Gross Hours worked Gross
per week Earnings per week Earnings
Local Men (60% of 54’7 EII 15 Id. 52’3 E13 18 zfd.
total employed)
Away men (40% of 57.6 A12 9 rid. 14’9 E14 I r Ifd.
total employed)
The earnings figures do not include a radius allowance of 13/-

per week average for Local men. Nor do they include a lodging
allowance of gb/- per week average for Away men.
It is interesting to know that Away men tend to work longer
and earn more than Local men, but basically as an inquiry this is
disappointing since some of the most pertinent questions re-
mained unanswered. While average earnings for these two groups
are presented, no attempt is made to indicate the range as between,
say, sites or districts. Neither is there any attempt made to indicate
the percentages of workers employed on a Time and Incentive
basis. It is clear also that no attempt to compare earnings
experience in Building or Civil Engineering was made. As
evidence against the C.E.U.‘s contention, it was certainly deficient.
Circumstantial evidence, however, strongly suggests that the
C.E.U. was factually incorrect in its allegation. The Ministry of
Labour collects material every two years to indicate the propor-
tion of wage earners who are paid under payment by results
systems. The following table gives the breakdown for October
19j3 and October 1911 for the industries in question:
136
An OJicial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Industy
TABLE XIII
PROPORTIONOF WAGEEARNERSPAID UNDER
SYSTEMS OF P.B.R.
October 1953 October I 9 5 j
Industry Men 21 and ouer Men 21 and over
Constructional Engineering 41% 48%
Building 16% 18%
Civil Engineering 17% 16%
Source: Ministry of Labour Gazette 1954, p. 115, and 1956, p. 121.
This table includes those paid wholly or partly under any such
system. It includes piece work arrangements, output bonus
schemes, or any other systems of payment which vary according
to the output of individuals, groups or departments. The figures
apply to the last pay week in the month.
The markedly greater opportunity for P.B.R. work in the
Constructional Engineering industry, as opposed to either Build-
ing or Civil Engineering, prompts the observation that it is
strange that the employers did not refer to the Ministry of Labour
enquiry for 1953 in the arbitration proceedings. Could it be that
they were ignorant of these official and easily accessible statistics ?
Or was it merely that they regarded the C.E.U.‘s assertion as
self-evidently wrong to all those concerned with the industry?
In either case, their own earnings inquiry seems rather beside the
point. One suspects that the C.E.U., for their part, were making
generalisations on the basis of a few cases. Perhaps in the London
area, where the difficulties first arose, there were particular sites
where those employed in the Constructional Engineering industry
had less opportunity for P.B.R. work. But on this we have no
positive information.
Tactics and Policies prior to Arbitration

At a conference with the C.E.U. on 5 October 1954, the em-
ployers’ federation rejected the union’s claim for the wage
increase. The formal collective bargaining procedure was thus
exhausted. In rejecting the claim outright at this stage the
employers knew well enough that this gave the C.E.U. the right
to call an official strike if they so wished. In taking this position
they were saying, in effect, that they did not believe in industrial
137
An Oficial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Indu.rtry
peace at any price. The cost of a strike might, in the long run,
be cheaper than the cost of a concession to the union.
The C.E.U. did not strike immediately, but spent the next
three weeks making plain to the employers through the Press
that they would strike, if no concession were made. The threat
was presented in a way that suggested that the costs to the
employers would be very high, whereas the costs to the union
would be very low. The union adopted a position of intransigence
by stating at the outset to the employers that it had no intention
of taking the matter to arbitration. This implied its readiness to
undertake a long strike. In order to convince the employers of
the feasibility of its position, the union indicated in advance how
it intended to conserve its resources. The tactic of the ‘snowball
strike, it announced, would be used. Union members on selected
sites would be called out and, if this was not successful, mounting
pressure would be applied by calling more members out fromother
sites. This is a variant of the ‘rolling strike’ tactic, in which
selected groups of workers are called out in turn to strike, while
those still at work contribute to their support. This tactic has a
long history and, as H. A. Turner has shown, was used with
conspicuous success by the early spinners’ unions in the nine-
teenth century.1
It is unlikely that the employers believed that the C.E.U. was
bluffing, given its known militancy and conditions of labour
scarcity. Nevertheless, the Federation still refused to make a con-
cession. Overt conflict broke out on 26 October when IOO
steel erectors walked out on indefinite strike from eleven large
building sites in the City of London. The General Secretary of the
C.E.U. made his policy quite explicit to a newspaper reporter of
The Times:
We have chosen the City of London for our strike demonstration
because it is a compact area, easily controlled by our organising
staff, and we believe that the eleven big building construction jobs
which will be affected will hit the employers where it hurts. The
strike will go on indefinitely until our men win a pay increase.a
1 In Trade Union Growth, Structure and Policy, A Comparative Study of the

Cotton Unions (Allen and Unwin, 1962). See for example, pp. 57, 76 and 371.
* The Times, 27 October 1914. The sites included new ofices for the Bank
of England, the United Steel Company, Lloyds Bank, and the Blue Star Line
Shipping Company.
138
The following day two more sites were called out, making a
total of IIO erectors on strike.1 Clearly, the financial burden on
a union with 22,000 in its membership, was minute, but the with-
drawal of key men could greatly slow down or even bring to a
standstill work on large sites. The claim that this would hit the
employers where it hurt was not an idle one.
The Director of the Engineering and Allied Employers
National Federation promptly convened a meeting of the Bridge
Building and Constructional group members to discuss how they
should deal with this development. The official view presented
and impressed on the members was that to concede the C.E.U.‘s
claim for ‘comparability’ with Building craftsmen would involve
a greater increase in wage costs than the alternative of rejecting
the claim and upholding the traditional link with the general
Engineering industry. This viewpoint was supported by the fact
that the craftsmen in the Building industry had just presented
their employers with a claim for an extra qd. an hour.
The Engineering employers’ readiness to battle for a principle
was a preview, on a smaller scale, of their subsequent battle on
a wider front with the Confederation, which resulted in the 1917
Shipbuilding and Engineering strike. Indeed, it pre-dates Clegg
and Adams’ comment that:
By 1956, a majority of organised employers seem to have come to
the conclusion that there was an even greater danger than industrial
conflict - continuous inflation.2
The major decision which the employers took at this meeting
was to formally report the existence of the dispute to the Minister
of Labour and ask him to appoint a Court of Inquiry or to refer
the matter to the Industrial Disputes Tribunal. Because of this
decision firms were asked to take no counter-action against the
strikers; but they were asked to give the Federation the names of
workers on strike. In addition, a sub-committee was set up to
consider what counter-action should be taken if attempts at con-
ciliation or arbitration failed. The sub-committee was an advisory
group responsible to the Management Board of the Federation.
It is when there are no further steps available for settling
disputes within an industry that the Ministry of Labour’s con-
l The Times, 28 October 1914.
a H. A. Clegg and R. Adams, The Employers Challenge (Blackwell, x957),
Pa 743.
‘39
An O&al Dispute in the Constrxctional Engineering Indtrshy
ciliation service can begin to operate, if one of the parties chooses
to invite an industrial relations officer in.1 As far as the general
public is concerned, these are the hidden men of the British
system of industrial relations. They have no legal sanctions but
operate typically in an informal way, meeting the parties to the
dispute separately, finding out the salient issues which divide the
disputants, seeking always for some kind of compromise which
may be acceptable to both parties. They may be able to discern
some difference between the public utterances of the parties
involved and the private views expressed. In this respect they
may act as an unofficial emissary. between the parties filtering
information about the ‘real’ state of the conflict, if they think it
may lead to a resolution of the dispute. If necessary or possible,
they may hold joint meetings between the parties and take the
chair at them, but their role is always quite distinct from that of
an arbitrator.
During the first two weeks of November 1954, the Chief
Conciliation OfIicer of the Ministry of Labour met first the
employers’ federation and then the C.E.U. The union was still
firm in its resolve not to accept ,arbitration as a solution. They
expressed a preference for direct negotiations with the employers,
whom they were prepared to meet. However, a certain ambiguity
in the rationale of the union’s position emerged which was to
colour the employers’ response. While the union reiterated its
claim that the erectors should receive the building trade crafts-
mens’ current rate, they added that they were not claiming that
rates in the Constructional Engineering industry should move or
be geared permanently to those of the Building industry. The
union presumably took this attitude in the light of the new claim
of 4d. an hour for Building trade craftsmen. The dilemma con-
fronting the C.E.U. was that it could either add this 4d. an hour
into its claim and lay itself open to the charge of making exor-
bitant and unreal demands, or take the course which it did and
risk the charge of opportunism. It could perhaps be argued that
a more effective union strategy would have been to take the
former course, more particularly since the Confederation of Ship-
building and Engineering Unions had also put in for a wage
increase. Had the C.E.U. kept to its intention of linking its wage
l For the official description of the Conciliation Service, see Indusrtial
Relafions,op. cit., pp. 134-36.
140
An OjTcial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Industry
rate to the Building industry, the extra qd. being claimed there
would be offset by the award they would have received from
being a member of the C.S.E.U. To this extent their claim would
not have been unrealistic and it would certainly have been more
consistent with their declared policy. As it was, when the
employers learned of the C.E.U.‘s attitude, they were strengthened
in the belief in the morality of their own stand. They inferred
that the union was not interested so much in obtaining for its
members the status and pay of building craftsmen, but rather in
using the comparison as a convenient vaulting pole to secure a
simple wage increase. In the light of this, they refused to agree
to the C.E.U.‘s suggestion that a further meeting be held, since
they did not wish to imply by such a meeting, any willingness to
make concessions. They decided instead to refer the dispute to
the Ministry of Labour under the terms of the Industrial Disputes
Order.
During this period of attempted conciliation, the C.E.U. strike
continued to spread. The guerilla aspect of the strike activity was
underlined by the comment of the union’s General Secretary to
the press :
There will definitely be a spread, but nobody will know anything
about it until it starts. It may be both in and out of London.1
Token strikes, as in the case of a day strike of erectors in Notting-
ham, were used in addition to the snowball tactic. Throughout
this period (and subsequently) the union took care to call mass
meetings of strikers (notably in London) to explain the purpose
of the strike, to encourage the strikers and to obtain their support
of the executive decision.
In the light of the C.E.U.‘s rejection of arbitration as the
appropriate next step, the Ministry of Labour suggested that a
committee of investigation be set up to examine the sources of
the dispute. This was used, apart from its intrinsic value, as a
technique to take the steam out of the dispute, since the condition
was that the strikers return to work. The union refused to accept
the condition. By the end of December, when the matter was
finally considered by the Industrial Disputes Tribunal, the union
had some 298 erectors on strike on fifteen sites throughout the
U.K.
1 The Times, 6 November 1914.
141
The Use of Arbitration Machinery
During the period 1951-59, under the terms of the Industrial
Disputes Order, a modified form of compulsory arbitration
existed in the British system of industrial relations. Either side
in a dispute could voluntarily refer the issue to the Ministry of
Labour for reference to the Industrial Disputes Tribunal. The
consent of the other party was not necessary, for such a Tribunal
to be convened, but the awards made by the Tribunal were
legally binding on both sides. It was under this arrangement that
the employers were able to take unilateral action.
The Tribunal met on 31 December 1954, over two months
after the first strike action had occurred. The union carried out
its threat to boycott proceedings, claiming that the employers had
refused to consider the case on its merits before rejecting it. To
refer the claim to arbitration in these circumstances was, the
union leaders argued, to ‘make a mockery’ of the negotiating
machinery and procedure. l The employers’ federation, however,
submitted evidence to the Tribunal. The federation also sent the
Tribunal the documents it had received from the C.E.U. in
support of the claim.
The award, published on 5 January 195 5, was as follows :
The Tribunal have given careful consideration to the . . . statements
and submissions. On the evidence made available to them, they find
that the claim made by the union has not been established. The
Tribunal award accordingly.2
Here, of course, theoretically, the matter should have ended.
In practice, this was very far from the case. As we shall see, the
dispute was not finally resolved until March.
When in 1919 the Industrial Disputes Order was rescinded, the
then Minister of Labour pointed out that as a system of com-
pulsory arbitration, it had depended on the willingness of
employers and unions to make it work.3 Employers had become
increasingly disenchanted with the system and, in the light of
events such as those we are discussing, it is not difficult to see
why. Where unions were strong, the results of such arbitration
1 The Times, 14 December 1934.
a Award 660.
3 See Ministry of Labow Gaxette, November rgy 8 and January 1959, where
employer dissatisfaction with the system is noted.
142
An Oflcial Dispute in the ConstructZonal Engineering Industry
awards were not always heeded if they upheld the employers’
position. Where unions were weak they provided employees with
a resource which, so to speak, enhanced in an artificial way their
power position. In such a context it was an effective substitute to
a strike (which the employees may not have been well organised
enough to have called). Thus although the T.U.C. in its recent
representations to the Minister of Labour, has claimed that a
unilateral reference leading to compulsory arbitration ensures
that disputes are settled in situations where one of the parties is
reluctant to submit to independent judgment,1 the employers’
criticism that in practice the system was one-sided, is not without
substance.
From the policy point of view, however, one may wish to
consider in what circumstances arbitration is likely to be effective
in resolving social conflicts. Sociological analysis may, perhaps,
make a contribution here. To illustrate, we will describe and
apply to our present dispute an approach outlined by David
Lockwood in his paper ‘Arbitration and Industrial Conflict’.2
Lockwood indicates that there are two contrasting views about
the function of arbitration: the ‘judicial’ and the ‘political’.
The judicial view implies that there is some ‘just’ solution to the
dispute possible, and that it is the business of the arbitrator to decide
on the principles and facts involved . . . Political theory regards
arbitration as an extension of collective bargaining and, of course,
collective coercion. The arbitrator now becomes a kind of sensitive
instrument which wiIl accurately record the relative strengths of
the parties and makes sure that the lion gets his share.s
In answering the question, ‘how effective are arbitration pro-
cedures likely to be?‘, Lockwood notes that this will depend in
part on the way in which the arbitration function is viewed by
the parties and by the arbitrator. But it will also depend upon the
l See T.U.C. Rejort, rg6y : ‘At the Meeting with the Minister (of Labour)
. . . General Council representatives said that . . . any machinery which pro-
vided opportunities for peaceful settlement of disputes was beneficial and
that action taken by the Ministry’s officers on reports made under the Order
had stimulated voluntary negotiations in that a number of cases were settled
voluntarily because employers were aware that otherwise they would be sent
to arbitration.’ p. 147.
‘B.J.S., Vol. 6, xgss, PP. 335-47.
3 Ibid., p. 336.
I43
An Oficial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Industy
type of conflict under consideration. Here he distinguishes be-
tween ‘institutional conflict’, ‘conflicts of interest’, and ‘conflicts
of right’. The first refers to ‘conflicts about the legitimacy of the
institutional framework within which contractual relationships
take place’; the second to ‘conflicts about the establishment of
terms of contracts’; and the third to ‘conflicts about the interpre-
tation of the terms of contracts’.1 We may summarise his position
on the effectiveness of arbitration procedures in the following
chart:
How APPROPRIATE ARE ARBITRATION PROCEDURES?
View of arbitration function

Type of indmtrial conflict
Political Judicial
Institutional conflict Not appropriate Not appropriate
Conflict of interests Limited use Not appropriate
Conflict of rights Limited use Very appropriate
Judicial arbitration, it is suggested is only effective in dealing

with the interpretation of agreements. The rationale behind this
is that organisational disagreements about the distribution of
power by their nature rule out awards that describe one party as
‘right’ and the other as ‘wrong’. Only at the conflict of rights
level is there a sufficient degree of normative consensus between
the parties presupposed to make arbitration effective.a Where
there is disagreement about the establishment of the work con-
tract, however, some form of ‘political’ arbitration (which is
essentially a form of mediation) might be effective. The empirical
1 Ibid., p. 338.
s We agree that the judicial arbitration function fits best at the conflict of
rights level and Lockwood provides some empirical evidence for his con-
tention from experience in the U.K. and the U.S.A. It is possible, however,
that he underscores the bargaining element at this level. cf. James W. Kuhn,
Bargaining in Grievance Settlement (Columbia, 1961). He notes that some unions
reject the notion that the grievance procedure has any judicial aspect (p. 14)
and comments that: ‘Managers will usually tell an outsider that grievances are
settled only on the basis of facts and the provisions of the collective agree-
ment. If so, both the facts and the agreement are amazingly tractable. Union
representatives daily convince managers that facts and agreements are not
what they first maintained them to be.’ (p. 78).
I44
An OBcial Disptite in the Constructional Engineering Industry
problem arising for the student of industrial relations is, of
course, the identification of the type of conflict. One difficulty is
that what appears to be a conflict of rights, and thus susceptible
to arbitration, may disguise a latent conflict at another level.
Possibly this is more difficult in the British context than in some
others since the division between conflicts of interest and conflicts
of right is not clear-cut in collective bargaining arrangements as
it is in, say, the U.S.A. or Sweden.
As far as the case under discussion is concerned, we know that
arbitration was not successful and with the kind of approach
outlined by Lockwood it is not diflicult to see why. A judicial
solution was offered to what was essentially a dispute in which
elements of institutional and interest conflict were to be found.
Further, since ‘the arbitrator tends to give greatest weight to
arguments in terms of cost of living and relativities, and thus
implicitly assumes that his duty is to maintain what exists’,1
whether one judges the C.E.U.‘s claim as basically an attempt to
raise the status of the erectors as an occupational group, or as
simply an opportunistic attempt to get what they could, their
refusal to accept arbitration was quite understandable.
What is perhaps implied, as far as conflict regulation is con-
cerned, is that collective bargaining is more adequately supple-
mented by what Kerr has termed tactical mediation, than arbitra-
tion, where such conflicts of interest occur.
The purpose of tactical mediation is to bring existing non-violent
conflict between the parties to a mutually acceptable result so that
there will be no need for it to become violent or to end violent
conflict by agreement or by transfer to non-violent means.2
The role of the mediator is more active than that of conciliator,
but less dogmatic than that of judicial arbitrator. He may be used,
according to Kerr, to reduce the irrational and non-rational
elements of the dispute, to assist the parties in their search for
solutions and when there is a need for either or both of the parties
to make a graceful retreat. If necessary he may seek to re-structure
the situation so that the cost of conflict is raised, leading poten-
tially to a re-appraisal of the situation by the participants.* The
l Lockwood, op. cit., p. 344.
a C. Kerr, ‘industrial Conflict and its Mediation’, in Labor and Management
in Industrial Society (Harper 1964), p. 180.
a Ibid., pp. 181-6.
I4j
An Oficial Disptlte in the Constructional Engineering Industy
ramifications of this cannot be entered into here, but we may note
that the British system of industrial relations does not allow much
scope for this kind of mediation. The logical development within
the system is the extension of the role of the industrial relations
officers of the Ministry of Labour. Although the British Em-
ployers’ Confederation have recently expressed the opinion that
the role should not be extended in this way,1 it is perhaps a
functional alternative to a system of compulsory arbitration,
which both they and the trade unions would, in the event, find
more acceptable.
Post-arbitration: The Contintlation of Conflict

The C.E.U.‘s response to the arbitration award was to step up
the number of guerilla strikes and to impose a double levy on all
its members. The union had already managed to pay the strikers
&7 10s. a week and a E6 Christmas bonus. Clearly, the selective
nature of the strikes made this high rate of strike pay possible.
Those constructional engineering firms who were not affected by
the strikes were, indirectly, subsidising their colleagues’ strikers.
The C.E.U. also attempted to harass the strike-bound firms by
offering their members directly to building contractors whose
work was being held up by the freeze on steel work erection.
The effectiveness of this move is not known but it posed yet
another threat to the employers. Even if only partially successful
the costs of the conflict would be raised for the employers at the
same time as they were lowered for the union.
It was at this stage that the employers had to decide upon a
policy to combat the continued C.E.U. militancy. The Federation
proposed to its membership a three stage tactical campaign:
Stage I. Firms should restrict their C.E.U. employees to a
working week of 44 hours (the basic working week according to
the agreements in the three sections of the Constructional
Engineering industry) by stopping all week-day overtime and
week-end work.
Stage 2. If Stage I is ineffective, then firms should reduce the
working week of C.E.U. members to 34 hours. The timing of
this move should be determined by expediency.
1 See Confederation of British Industry, Evidence to the Royal Commission on
Trade Unions and Employer.3 Associations (IgGy), p. 27, para, 133.
146
An O&cial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Industry
Stage 3. If Stage 2 is not effective, then firms should lock all
C.E.U. members out of erection sites.
The basic policy behind this campaign was to widen the battle
front in order to stretch the union’s resources and cause dis-
satisfaction within the union membership by affecting their take-
home pay. The lock-out was in fact the classic response to the
‘rolling strike’ but it was most effective in times of high or rising
unemployment1 That was far from the case in 195 5. The primary
step of the overtime ban, preceded step two of the partial lock-
out and step three of the total lock-out partly at least because the
employers wished to maintain their public image of constitutional
behaviour. Public opinion as mediated through the Press was
certainly consciously considered by the employers. Although an
intangible factor, if Press support is obtained it serves to develop
the morale of the group, while adding to the pressures on the
opposing group. Indeed it is noteworthy that the employers
decided to implement their overtime ban after a token strike
called by the C.E.U. They could thus present a picture of an
injured party hitting back only after extreme and continuous
provocation.
What should be stressed at this point are the inherent difliculties
in evaluating the costs to the parties or the consequences of the
kind of campaign outlined by the federation. There are several
clear reasons for this which may be enumerated.
First the Federation was faced with the internal problem of
maintaining cohesion among its membership. This was partly an
administrative problem. The sub-committee set up to suggest the
tactical campaign was permitted to handle the day-to-day running
of things - but a decision on when to move from one step to
another had to be taken by a full meeting of the members of the
Federation. Cohesion was also affected, however, by the fact that
employers were differentially hit by the dispute. Some who were
strike-bound would have preferred more drastic measures to be
taken straight away. Others, who had been able to continue
working, saw even the overtime ban as too costly. They were
conscious of client pressures upon them and, in some cases, felt
that they risked falling foul of penalty clauses in their contracts.
Some firms maintained that they were particularly dependent on
1 See H. A. Turner, op. cit., p. 371.
147
An Oficial Dispzlte in the Consttwctional Engineering Indtrstry
week-end working. Those working on railway contracts were a
case in point, since it was more convenient to do much of the
work when railway services were reduced over the week-end. It
was, no doubt, with such considerations in mind that the General
Secretary of the C.E.U., when the overtime ban was announced,
described it as ‘a rather Gilbertian situation’. He believed that
the employers’ plan would in fact support the union and he noted
that on some sites C.E.U. members had themselves imposed an
overtime ban.1
The Federation attempted to deal with this problem of internal
cohesion, by establishing a common rule to apply to all members
that the overtime ban would only be lifted on member firms if
the delaying of work gave rise to a clear safety problem. An
Appeals Court was set up to decide when exemption could be
granted.
Secondly, the Federation had to consider how non-member
firms would behave in the situation. Would they actively support
the policy? Would they tacitly support it by not employing labour
from strike-bound firms? Or would they cash in on the situation
by happily poaching labour?
The third imponderable was how would the C.E.U. react?
Would they sue for settlement or would they develop their own
campaign and attempt to raise the costs of the dispute for the
employers yet again by the adoption of go-slows or work-to-
rules ?
Finally, in this respect, the Federation also had to consider the
effect that its counter-tactics might have on other trade unionists
and lead to the development of ‘sympathy’ strikes or other
gestures of support for the C.E.U.?a
Given that the costs and consequences of such a campaign are
based upon imperfect knowledge, there is an inevitable element
of indeterminacy about such conflict. At best one can hope for a
feed-back during the on-going process so that fresh calculations
a The Times, I 3 January 193 5.
s Here they predicted correctly that such support, if forthcoming at all
would he very limited. The attempt to raise the status of erectors, could have
the effect of altering the prestige hierarchy of trade union organisations.
The enthusiastic support of the established skilled unions or the general
unions who would, so to speak, be left behind, could hardly be expected.
Nevertheless, the point remains that the employers could not be sure that
the C.E.U. would remain without support.
148
An Oficial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Industy
can be made with the addition of new knowledge and, if necessary,
modifications about the timing or implementations of the tactics
may be made.
The employers’ ban on overtime came into effect on 21
January 19jj. Five days later the Federation asked the 250
member firms concerned to report the number of sites and C.E.U.
workers affected and to indicate how the workers were reacting
to the ban. Replies were received from 130 firms. Of these, 32
said they were not involved, either because they did not employ
C.E.U. members or because they were not currently engaged in
site work. The replies are summarised in Table XIV. The Federa-
TABLE XIV
SOMEEFFECTS OFTHEOVERTIMEBANINTHECONSTRUCTIONAL
ENGINEERINGINDUSTRY(JANUARY 1911)
No. of C.E.U.
Section No. offrms No. of rites No. of sites members
imposing ban involved not involved involved
Steelplate erection 9 69 76 374

Water tube boiler
erection 12 77 13 1,146
Steelwork erection 77 694 32 4,789
TOtRl 98 840 161 6,309
tion considered that the bulk of the firms which failed to reply
were not committed to work on outside sites and that information
had been received from all the important sites and from the major
employers. Certainly a large proportion of C.E.U. members in
the industry were affected by the ban.
In the week following the implementation of stage I of the
employers’ campaign, the C.E.U. announced its intention to
extend the guerilla strikes and to introduce either a work-to-rule
and/or a go-slow on further sites. Thus during February the
union called 160 members out on strike at the Tilbury Power
Station site. This brought the work of several federated firms to
a standstill. Towards the end of February, the C.E.U. instructed
strikers from some of the London sites (who had been out the
longest) to return to work. They did this and then promptly
I49
An OjiZal Dispute in the Constrtlctional Engineering Industy
began to work to rule. This infuriated many of the employers
who argued that, to all intents and purposes, they were now
paying the men strike pay. The C.E.U. had simply shifted the
financial burden across to them. Such firms tended to anticipate
stage 3 of the national campaign by closing down the contract.
Thus a partial lock-out occurred in the industry, although it was
not officially sanctioned by the Federation.
In the main, the members of the C.E.U. seemed to have main-
tained quite a high degree of solidarity during the dispute, but a
number of minor exceptions were reported. Several small groups
of C.E.U. men, working on sites when the overtime ban was
declared, told their employers that they had resigned from the
union. Their action appears to have been prompted partly by
their resentment of the prospect of reduced earnings and partly
by their disagreement with the way in which the union had
conducted its case. The employers made an effort to keep these
groups together and worked them as non-union labour through-
out the dispute. They were not, of course, employed on jobs with
union men. The general effectiveness of the overtime ban was,
however, called into question by the following report:
The National Executive (of the C.E.U.) will meet on Sunday to
consider their next step in the strike of steel erectors which has been
going on for I 8 weeks. The strike, which began at I I building sites
in the City of London, now affects loo men at 24 sites.
There is no sign of any move for a settlement. The union say
they are quite prepared to go on for another 18 weeks or more. The
cost to their general funds is comparatively slight because it is mainly
met by a levy on members who are working . . .
For the past 4 weeks the employers have imposed a ban on over-
time. As a result workers have been inclined to leave them for
non-federated firms, with whom they can still obtain overtime earn-
ings. According to the union, some federated firms are paying
bonuses to keep their workers, which make up their earnings to
what they would have been if they had been working overtime. . . .r
The Federation tended to play down the extent to which
bonuses were paid to workers as compensation for the loss of
overtime, or to discourage go-slows and work-to-rules. Com-
ment here, however, is bound to be conjectural, since the essence
of such inducements was that they were concealed.
* The Times, 4 March 1911.
IlO
An O#cial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Industry
Resolution of the Dispute: The ‘Face-saving Formula
It might at first sight be a cause for wonder that the employers
fighting for a principle against a union pursuing an interest which
was in direct conflict with that principle, could ever reach agree-
ment. However, with the passage of time, the pressure on the
parties to settle the dispute, increases.
To begin with, the fundamental problems of social control over
the membership became greater both for the employers and for
the union as the dispute became more protracted. The basic aim
of the employers’ federation was to maintain the status quo of
the established bargaining relationships with the C.E.U. In that
sense it was acting essentially in a defensive manner. Having
initiated the policy of defence it then had to ensure that the policy
was kept. It sought to do this by suggesting that the interest of
one was the interest of all in the long run and that it would be
to the employers’ overall advantage to subordinate short term
considerations for ‘the common good’. However, short term
considerations are by definition those which give rise to im-
mediate concern. And these concerns were directly related to the
contractual arrangements with clients, the penalties that might be
incurred and the good-will that might be lost. The situation was
not made easier by the fact that in a few instances contracts were
lost to non-federated firms, as too was scarce labour. Such events
serve as symbolic signposts, to use Coser’s phrase,1 and under-
mine the morale of the party affected more than the numerical
significance of them might suggest.
Essentially, one suspects that the Federation did not have
adequate knowledge about whether everyone was toeing the line,
though it could send out morale boosting messages to the effect
that this was the case. The geographical diversity of the sites and
the possibility of paying concealed bonuses, made their task very
difficult. Further, although it could and did attempt to mobilise
the support of non-federated firms and circulated a black list of
strikers’ names to them, it had no sanctions that it could use to
ensure compliance. Indeed, even against member firms the only
real sanction was the threat of expulsion from the Federation. But
l See L. Coser on ‘Terminating Conflict’, Jnl. of Conjict Resolution, Vol. 5,

December 19Gr. Reprinted in A. Inkeles (ed.) Readings on Modern Sociologv
(Prentice Hall, 1966), pp. 226-32.
L III
An Oficial D’pIS u t e in the Constrtlttionai Engineering Indushy
that was very much a two-edged weapon in circumstances such
as these. Some firms, dissatisfied with the Federation’s policy were
seriously thinking of leaving anyway. Non-membership posed a
threat to the Federation of winning contracts, poaching labour
and possibly bidding up the price of labour. To increase the
number of non-members was to increase the threat.1
The C.E.U.‘s policy was, as we have seen, essentially aggres-
sive. Its wage claim was, at the same time coupled with an attempt
to increase the status of the erectors. It is probably the case that
the identity of interest between union officials and union members
was more marked than that between the employers’ federation
and member firms. Nevertheless, there were certain basic pro-
blems of social control. The possibility of recruiting and main-
taining union membership was hampered as a result of the high
degree of casualisation of labour in the industry. As late as 1963,
a Divisional Organiser of the union could still say that ‘for every
ten members we organise we keep two due to the instability of
employment’. This agonising problem gives some scope to the
employers to utilise replacement labour in times of dispute.
One of the dilemmas confronting the C.E.U. was that a period
of full employment was a strategic time to call a strike, in the
sense that employers were caught with full order books. It is also
the time to make high earnings. Even with strike pay, the snow-
ball strike seriously affected the potential earnings of C.E.U.
members. It is significant that as time went on more reliance was
placed first on guerilla strikes and then on work-to-rules and
go-slows. These enabled the union to lengthen out the struggle,
but they still were bound to have a disruptive effect on the
earnings of the strikers in many instances. Hence it was not
simply the financial cost to the union as an organisation which
counted, but the economic loss to the strikers.
l cf. R. K. Merton: ‘The non-members who actively avoid membership for
which they are eligible, are, in the words of Simmel, those to whom “the
axiom applies, who is not for me is against me.” And, as Simmel has also
implied, the eligible individuals who expressly reject membership pose more
of a threat to the group in certain respects than the antagonists, who could
not in any case become members. Rejection by eligibles symbolises the
relative dubiety of its norms and values which are not accepted by those to
whom they should in principle apply.’ Social Theory and Social Structure
(Glencoe Free Press, x957), p. 291. It is thus the social power of the group
that is directly afFected by its lack of completeness.
1jz
An 0$5cial Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Industr_y
It is for reasons such as those we have discussed in the present
case that the problems of social control get more acute when a
dispute is protracted and solidarity begins, so to speak, to fray
at the edges. Coser has observed that:
Most conflicts end in compromise in which it is often quite hard to
specify which side has gained relative advantage. Hence one must
distinguish between the will to make peace and the will to accept
defeat. Quite often the former may be present although the latter
is not. The parties to the conflict may be willing to cease the battle
when they recognise that. . . continuation of conflict is less attractive
than the making of peace.1
This is so, but it does not of course prevent the parties from
manoeuvring to obtain what advantages they can. And the
willingness to make peace usually involves the search for a salient
point around which a compromise can be agreed.
During the early part of February, the Ministry of Labour’s
industrial relations officers attempted to promote a settlement.
For the first time the employers’ federation showed some willing-
ness to move. They indicated their willingness to consider an
increase for erectors. But they argued that to consider an increase
for all other grades was not possible because the C.S.E.U. had
an all round wage claim which was currently being negotiated.
The offer in this form was rejected but the absolute deadlock
between the parties was broken. Towards the end of February,
the C.E.U. also made a tactical withdrawal from its position. It
withdrew its claim on the less important (in terms of numbers
employed) steel plate and water tube sections of the trade and
suggested that, so far as the steelwork erection group was con-
cerned, it would be prepared to settle for less than the 3$d. an
hour originally claimed.
The employers decided that to set up differential rates between
the three sections of the industry would be a tactical mistake on
their part and create further possibilities for wage leap-frogging.
The final settlement, for all three sections was agreed on 21
March 19j j.2 An offer of r$d. an hour increase for erectors was
accepted by the union. At the same time, it was agreed that the
system of qualification for the occupation through the employ-
l Coser, op. cit., p. 231.

2 The Times, 23 March I p> J .
113
An O$ciaal Dispute in the Constructional Engineering Industg
ment of improvers would be examined at a later date, with a view
to its possible revision.
Both sides managed in varying degrees to ‘save face’. The
employers had confined the union to Iid. an hour instead of the
3;td. demanded. And they had not conceded at that time the
claim of the erectors to a skilled status. The C.E.U. did not return
to their members empty-handed and were thus not ‘defeated’.
Furthermore, these negotiations were concluded only a week
after a general increase of 3d. an hour was obtained by the
C.S.E.U. It is not unlikely that C.E.U. members would feel that
the aggregate increase had been brought about by their own
efforts.
CHAPTER FIVE
Industrial Relations in the

North East Iron and Steel
Industry1
history of industrial relations in the British iron and
T
HE
steel industry has in large measure been the history of
industrial peace or, more accurately, of regulated conflict.
It has become fashionable to use ‘technology’ as the important
variable in accounting for the degree of friction in industrial
relations. There is reason, however, for caution when it comes to
applying this approach to the iron and steel industry. The reason
is to be found in Clark Kerr and Abraham Siegel’s study, ‘The
Interindustry Propensity to Strike - An International Com-
parison’ and it has been singled out for special comment by
Siegel subsequently :
No generally valid explanation for the pattern of strike activity re-
vealed in this international comparison (where the steel industries
ranked ‘low’ in strike experience in six countries, ‘moderate’ in three,
and in the United States would rank between ‘moderate’ and ‘high’)
emerges from this study. There simply does not appear (as there did
in the case of the coal-mining and long-shoring industries) to be
any inherent characteristic of the industrial environment in iron and
steel fabrication which tends to over-ride the effects of differences in
national industrial relations systems, industrial collective bargaining
history and machinery, or cultural contexts, and which bids fair to
predominate in the shaping of employee-employer relations in the
industry, whatever its industrial location. The basic environment
1 Some of the material contained in this essay has been previously published
in my paper, ‘Plant Bargaining in Steel: North East Case Studies’, Sociological
Review, Vol. 13, No. 2, July 1965.
s In A. Kornhauser, R. Dubin and A. Ross (eds.), Zndusfrial Conflict
(McGraw Hill, rgf4), pp. r8g--ZIZ.
‘r5
Industrial Relations in the North East Steel Indm-try
involving the relationships of workers, work process, and employers
in the production of steel does not per se lead toward industrial
peace or industrial conflict. In short, the explanations for the
historical experience in steel appear to be at best partial and are
frequently combined with unique causal factors. Both the partially
transferable and the unique factors appear to lie outside the charac-
teristics of the industrial environment imposed by the technology
of steel production.1
In this chapter I shall indicate some of the factors which have
been held to account for the industrial relations climate of the
British iron and steel industry and the North East sector of it in
particular. I shall then pay particular attention to the post-war
experience of industrial conflict in the North East sector of the
industry. In discussing the extent to which and the ways in which
conflict is contained within the industrial relations system, I will
develop the theme that technological influences are more
adequately seen as interacting with cultural, economic and
organisational factors.
I. The Social Sotlrcesof Indxrtrial Peace

In 1917, a Comrnision of Inquiry was evidently impressed with
the state of employer-employee relations on the North East
Coast. They commented :
We are satisfied from our inquiries that so far as employers on the
North East Coast are concerned, the idea of exploitation is foreign
to their minds . . . the employers express their appreciation of the
Unions generally and desire to see the efficiency of these Unions
maintained in the best interests of industry. If the North East Coast
were wholly independent of other fields of industry it might well
be left to employers and employed to settle by themselves any
differences which might arise . , . On the whole, we formed the
opinion that unrest arising from delay in settlement of disputes is
less evident in the North East area than it seems to be in other
districts . . . The employees collectively do not advance any demands
that are extravagant or incapable of being met by friendly co-
operation between Employer and Employee.2
l ‘Strikes and Industrial Relations in the Steel Industries of Selected
Countries’. This is Appendix B of the U.S. Department of Labor study,
Collective Bargaining in the Basic Steel Industry (1961). The quotation is from
P. 313.
a Cmd. 8662 - quoted in K. G. J. C. Knowles, Sfrikes (Blackwell, 195 t),
p. 192.
116
Industrial Relations in the North East Steel Indmtry
And yet the curious thing is, as Knowles has observed, that
South Wales historically has had an industrial structure very
similar to the North East, but a history of industrial militancy.1
Why this should be so has never been satisfactorily explained and
indeed, Phelps-Brown has argued that since we are dealing with
the inter-play of the contingent on the unforeseen, we must treat
the difference as an accident of history:
It did happen-we may suppose it was determined, but we only
know it happened -that on the North East Coast men arose on both
sides to counsel mutual respect, and reason in negotiation: Sir David
Dale, Sir Benjamin Browne, Sir Andrew Noble; John Kane, Thomas
Burt, Robert Knight. One man’s initiative would be reciprocated
by someone on the other side; no economic storm came to break
up the arrangement they made between them; a tradition was
established, and drew strength from its own success. Human rela-
tions build up like that, but in either direction. Started in the wrong
direction, not by malevolence necessarily but perhaps by some twist
of circumstance, they can generate ever new conacts out of the
bitter memories of past ones. Each friendly act is suspect as a trap,
each unfriendly one is vital to self-defence; and all because that is
how it was yesterday.2
This is a proper reminder of the complexity of the factors in-
volved in the study of industrial relations, or any other social
situation for that matter. But it is also by implication a statement
which points to the inter-locking nature of those factors. And
the picture drawn of human relations building up ‘in either
direction’, is a good illustration of the mechanism which Myrdal
has called ‘the principle of cumulation’. This concept Myrdal
applied notably to the study of race relations in the U.S.A.3 He
noted how White prejudice and low Negro standards of living
tended mutually to ‘cause’ each other. If either of the two factors
should change, a process of mutual interaction is set up, which
reinforces the direction of the original change and creates a
permanent shift in the alignment of forces within the system
under study. In empirical studies the scientific ideal for Myrdal
would involve not only defining and analysing the factors, ‘but
1 Knowles, lot. cit.

2 E. H. Phelps-Brown, The GrotvthofBritish I~&~rL.zZRelations(Macmillan,
IYfG), P* 157.
3 SeeG. Myrdal, An American Dilemma (Harper, 1944).
‘17
Indmtrial Relations in the North East Steel Industry
to give for each one of them a measure of its quantitative strength
in influencing the other factors, as well as a measure of ability to
be influenced itself by outside forces’.’ The ramifications of that
statement need not be entered into here, but the fact that we
inevitably fall short of that ideal in social research, explains why
we are reduced at times to talking of historical accidents. At the
same time, if the principle of cumulation is used as a guide, even
if the connections are only imperfectly perceived, one does avoid
the pitfall of looking for and seeking to identify the ‘basic factor’
in a social situation.2
When we turn to the iron and steel industry in the North East,
we find that it both contributed to and was influenced by the
industrial peace of the region. In 1869, The Board of Arbitration
and Conciliation for the Manufactured Iron Trade of the North
of England, the first in the industry was set up. This has been
discussed in some detail by A. J. Odber in his paper ‘The Origins
of Industrial Peace: The Manufactured Iron Trade of the North
of England’.3 The first president of this board was Mr. (later Sir)
David Dale, a director of the Consett Iron Company. He had
been impressed by the effectiveness of the conciliation procedures
already operating in the hosiery industry of the East Midlands
and pioneered by A. J. Mundella, and advocated similar arrange-
ments to his fellow iron masters in the North East, as a means of
avoiding costly strikes. The cautious iron masters were gradually
persuaded that this practical advantage, if it could be achieved,
outweighed the fact that to adopt an effective system of arbitration
meant recognising equality of rights as between the parties.
On the men’s side, Dale found a kindred spirit in John Kane,
who was President of the Amalgamated Malleable Ironworkers
Association, 186.2-67, and General Secretary of the National
Amalgamated Association of Ironworkers, 1868-76. He had
suggested arbitration as a method of solving disputes, several
times before the Board was established, but at that time the
employers would not accept it. He too, was impressed with
1 G. Myrdal, Value in Social Theory (Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1958),
PP. 203-4.
2 cf. ibid.
3 A. J. Odber, ‘The Origins of Industrial Peace’, Oxford Economic Papers
(New Series), Vol. III, June 195 I, pp. zoz--20.
See also: Ian G. Sharp, Industrial Conciliation and Arbifrafiota in Great Britain
(Allen and Unwin, 1950), Chapter III.
158
Indtistrial Relations in the North East Steel Industy
Mundella’s work on arbitration and conciliation and commented
in the Ironworkers’ Journal:
The history of the trade disputes at Nottingham and their disastrous
end-the loss to the men, to the manufacturers and the public
generally has happily been brought to an end by the appointment
of an independent Board of Arbitration. Surely, if it is possible for
the hosiery trade of Nottingham to settle their disputes, where they
have 6,000 different articles tabulated and requiring separate con-
sideration, it would be an easy matter for the ironworkers and their
employers to settle their disputes.l
The composition of the Board eventually consisted of one
employers’ representative and one operatives’ representative from
each of the member works. The operatives, who were elected
annually to the Board by their fellows at the individual works,
were not elected as trade unionists, but simply as operatives. But
in practice the operatives were trade unionists and their side of
the Board was dominated by the Ironworkers’ Union (led first by
Kane and after his death in 1876, by Trow). The Board elected
annually its own President (an employer), Vice-President (an
operative), two Secretaries (one employer, one operative), two
Auditors and two Treasurers. Further, the Board appointed a
Standing Committee - President, Vice-President and five mem-
bers from each side. The function of the Board was to discuss
general questions arising from changes in trade conditions,
whereas the function of the Standing Committee was to discuss
disputes which had arisen in particular works. When a deadlock
was reached on the Board, provision was made for an independent
arbitrator to be called in whose decision was final and binding.
Writing at the end of the nineteenth century, the Webbs
describe the Board as ‘the classical example of the success of
arbitration’.2 Resort had been made to arbitration on twenty
occasions in the first twenty-eight years of the Board’s life ‘with
regard to the settlement of future wage contracts; and on every
occasion the arbitrator’s award has been accepted by both em-
ployers and employed’.3 The more detailed account of Arthur
Pugh on the early history of the Board makes clear that this
1 Quoted in Arthur Pugh, Men ofSteel(I.S.T.C., 1951), pp. 34-5.

2 S. and B. Webb, Industrial Democracy (Longmans, 1897), p. 231.
3 Ibid., p. 232.
119
Indmtrial Relations in the North East Steel Indwty
is something of an over-statement.l There were occasions when
employers did not immediately implement the terms of an award,
and other occasions when men struck when an award went
against them. But the overall success of the system in terms of
industrial peace was undoubted and gradually similar procedures
were adopted by the industry in other parts of the country.
The Webbs were concerned to point out that arbitration pro-
cedures could not automatically be regarded as the antidote to
strike activity. The effectiveness of arbitration depended on work-
men and employers sharing common economic assumptions
about how wages should be fixed and regulated. And it was
precisely this common ground that existed in the North East iron
trade, and, to a lesser extent, in the Northumberland and Durham
mining establishments. In both cases the agreement was expressed
in the form of a sliding scale relating wages to the selling price of
the product. Given this degree of consensus between masters and
men the Webbs observe:
It will be apparent that arbitration on issues of this kind comes
really within the category of the interpretation or application of
what is, in effect, an agreement already arrived at by the parties.
The question comes very near to being one of fact, answered as
soon as the necessary figures are ascertained beyond dispute.2
The emergence of this institutionalised form of accommodation
between masters and men may be seen as a mixture of ‘interest’
and ‘value’ considerations. Both sides could and did calculate that
the arrangements were to their advantage. Industrial peace for
the employers meant that they did not have to dissipate their
energies and resources fighting strikes and, more positively, they
were well placed to secure contracts during boom periods without
the fear of labour disturbances. And the wage element in their
costs was now a factor under their control. For the men the
matter was well expressed by John Kane:
For the first time in the history of the iron trade a basis has been
laid down by which the wages shall rise and fall in accordance with
the changes in the selling price in the market, and it must not be
forgotten that the men have got more frequent and better advances
than they have ever got at any former time by strikes. With arbitra-
1 Pugh, op. cit., Chapters IV and V.
2 S. and B. Webb, op. cit., p. 23 3.
I60
Industrial Relations in the North East Steel Indtlstry
tion and conciliation wages have been gradually advanced without

a single child having to suffer the loss of food.1
The value considerations, to which I have alluded, are derived
from certain relevant religious orientations. Dale himself was a
Quaker and, as Odber noted, was interested in industrial peace
for its own sake.2 Without the practical application of his doctrine
he may not have got very far with the employers. But it will be
recalled that Darlington at this time was a flourishing centre for
the Society of Friends and Dale was by no means the only
employer attached to it. No doubt it provided a ‘resonance effect’
to much of Dale’s industrial thinking, so that it would be mis-
leading to think of him as a voice in the wilderness. In any case,
the voice of the Quaker was the voice of conscience, but it was
also the voice of successful business and therefore could claim
the ear of the business world.3
The other nonconformist religious influence of significance
here was Methodism. The part played by Methodists and par-
ticularly Primitive Methodists in providing active trade union
leadership in the mining industry in the North East has been
well documented.4 Men, as a result of the theological stress given
to the role of the laity in church affairs, became articulate as local
preachers and familiar with administrative matters through the
organisation of societies and circuits, and then applied their
knowledge to the development of trade union organisation. But,
while they were radicals, insofar as they actively sought to
improve the working conditions of their fellows, they were not
typically revolutionaries .s They were concerned that the owners
r Quoted in Pugh, op. cit., p. 46.
a Odber, op. cit., p. 207.
8 Note also that the early iron masters were typically Puritan in religion.
See T. S. Ashton, Iron and steel in be hiscstria~ Revohtion (Longmans, 1924).
Hence R. H. Tawney notes: ‘It was not that religion was expelled from
practical life, but that religion itself gave it a foundation of granite . . . The
good Christian was not wholly dissimilar from the economic man’. In such a
context business enterprise became ‘the appropriate field for Christian en-
deavour’. Religion and the Rise of Capitalism (Penguin, x938), pp. 25 I and 270.
4 See particularly, R. F. Wearmouth, Methodism and the Working-Class
Movements of England, 1800-18~0, (Epworth, 1937); and John Wilson,
History of the Durham Miners’ Association (1907).
5 The part played by Methodists in the country at large is, of course, a

more complex question. On this the main texts to be consulted are: E.
Halevy, History of the EngZisb People in the Nineteenth Cenfwy (Penguin, I 924);
161
Indtlstrial Relations in the North East Steel Indtistry
of mines should be ‘good’ owners and not tyrants and oppressors.
The ownership of the means of production was not typically a
matter for questioning, rather was the attempt made to mitigate
the evils of the existing order by establishing the legitimacy of
labour to bargain over terms and conditions of employment.
Once the existing order was reformed in this way, compliance
with it was justified. Thus the Durham Miners’ Federation
Executive Committee could comment in 1899:
We have previously expressed the opinion that the steadier we can
make our trade, and the more certainty we can infuse into our
industrial relationship with our employers, the better it will be for
the workmen; and there is nothing more calculated to foster this
desirable condition than the principle of conciliation.l
The Methodist influence although not so clear-cut as in the
case of mining, can certainly not be discounted when we turn to
the iron and steel industry. John Kane himself came from a
Methodist background. James Cox, the third General Secretary
of the Ironworkers Union, was a Wesleyan Methodist from
Darlington. Arthur Pugh, commenting on this maintains:
There was nothing unusual in the fact of the general secretary of
the Ironworkers’ Union being an active member of the Wesleyan
Church. At least the majority of the men who became trade union
leaders in both the iron and coal trades in the latter half of the
nineteenth century in the English counties, were fervent Methodists,
as were large numbers of the rank and file.2
One is not surprised to see embodied in the branch bye-laws
prohibitions against smokin g, cursing, swearing and taking the
name of God in vain.
Social justice then, was seen as abiding by the rules of the
conciliation system. Since some employers were also professing
Christians, inconsistencies between their profession and their
industrial behaviour might be noted by the union leaders, in an
attempt to shame then and bring them into conformity. The
l Quoted in Wilson, op. cit., p. 291.

2 Pugh, op. cit., p. 361.
E. J. Hobsbawm, Methodism and the Threat of Revolution in Britain, in

Labouring Men, stwdies in be history of labour (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964);
E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Gollancz, 1961).
162
Indtistrial Relations in the North East Steel Indtlstry
following comment is instructive in this respect, relating to a
Darlington firm which had refused to pay a wage advance under
the terms of a recent arbitration award in 1871:
We should like to know by what right this Albert Hill Co., tramples
on the rules of our board and the laws of our country, making
reductions on whom and where they please and refusing the just
advance to sections of the men who are expected to have no-one to
look after them and no-one to protect them from this grasping
system of avarice . . . There are other casesto which we could refer
of gross injustice which is a scandal to the firm and disgraceful to
the manager, who is an actor once a week in the Primitive Methodist
pulpit. Such teachers are a living scandal on the character of
Christianity; they give to Christ their profession and follow the
example of Judas and Barrabas.1
The belief in the fairness and the utility of the conciliation and
arbitration system on the part of the men’s leaders meant that
they were prepared not only to speak up against employers who
did not honour agreements, but also to discipline their own
membership if the need arose. Clearly, the stronger the union was
as an organisation, the better position it was in to apply sanctions
against any workers who did not abide by agreements reached
between masters and men. Dale had recognised that a strong
union organisation was an essential prerequisite to the effective
working of the Board. Once this conviction came to be shared
by other employers, this served to strengthen the union’s own
position. Essentially, a form of countervailing power was built
into the industrial relations system. The point to stress here, how-
ever, is that many employers were still not enamoured with trade
unions as such. They resisted the idea that trade unions as interest
groups should each be represented on the Board. Since, as we
have seen, the men’s side of the Board was dominated by the
Ironworkers’ Union, countervailing power was vested in them.
This did not necessarily mean that they ignored the needs of
operatives who were not in their union, but it did emphasise
their dominant position vis-a-vis other uni0ns.a
Trade union power was consolidated and rationalised in the
iron and steel industry in 1917 with the creation through
1 Ibid., p. 47.
* See Odber, op. cit., pp. zig--20. The point is also made that contract
labour was not represented on the Board, nor could it voice grievances to it.
163
Indmtrial Relations in the North East Steel Indmtty
amalgamation of various unions of the British Iron Steel and
Kindred Trades Association.’ Any understanding of industrial
relations in the iron and steel industry, must recognise the
dominating influence which this industrial union has traditionally
had. It has been the pace-setter in terms of wage negotiations and
other unions - the general and craft unions whose interests are
not geared exclusively to the industry - have been treated by the
employers in the perspective of these negotiations.
z. Contemporay Dispute Settlement Procedures on the North Easf

Coast
I refer in this section to the arrangements for the settlement of
disputes that have existed or emerged in the post-war period in
the industry so far as they affect the North East Coast. The
employers in this region form a Division of the national Iron
and Steel Trades Employers’ Association. The employment
figures for the years 1949-61 are given in Table XV. It
might be added that during this period the North East sector
has accounted for IO-I ryO of the total employed in the British
iron and steel industry.2
In discussing the bargaining groups with which the employers
have to deal, it is useful to bear in mind a basic distinction
between process, maintenance and ancillary workers.
The major union responsible for the organisation of process
workers is B.I.S.A.K.T.A.3 The branches of this union are plant
based. Within any plant one will find a number of branches co-
existing. A branch may cover a particular occupation spread
across a plant (e.g. a crane drivers’ branch) or a group of occupa-
tions in a specific location (e.g. a melting shop branch). Individual
branches are autonomous in the sense that they have the right to
negotiate as bargaining units with management. Matters concern-
ing manning, rates, work rules and conditions may be raised in
this way. They may arise from the grievance of a particuar
branch member, or they may be issues which affect the branch
1 Technical details of this amalgamation are to be found in Pugh, op. cit.,

and in B. C. Roberts, Trade Union Governmenf and Adminisfration (Bell, 1956).
2 See The Northern Region (North East Industrial and Development Associa-
tion, 1961).
3 Known alternatively as the Iron and Steel Trades Confederation.
164
--
Itadmtria/ Relations in the North East Steel Indtistty
TABLE xv
--
IRON AND STEELINDUSTRY-NORTH EAST COAST AREA
Empioyn~ent at the jirsf week in October for the yearr 1949-61
NUMBBR AT WORK*
-- Total
Year General Admin. Number
Procers and Technical Total
Workers i Mainlenanct and at Work Pgrol
Workers Clerical
--
1949 23,640 14,450 2,rrot 40,200 42,150
1950 23,410 14,5 30 3,520 41.460 43,650
I
1951 22,910 14.480 3,840 41,230 43,040
1952 23,380 14.540 3,910 41,830 43,940
‘953 23,710 14,500 4.030 42,240 44,200
1954 (4 22,460 14.410 3>9so 40,820 42,750
1955 22,470 14,oGo 4.050 40,580 42,770
1956 22,350 13,670 4,100 40,120 42,700
1917 04 21,510 14,160 4,190 39,860 43,620
1958 =%W 14,750 4,370 3 8,600 40,860
1959 19,770 =dgo 4,420 38,880 41,030
1960 21,650 16,040 4,9 30 42,620 45,020
1961 20,690 15,630 5.030 41,350 43,780
1
(a) Prior to 1954 the figures include General and Maintenance and
Administrative, Technical and Clerical workers associated with
Drop Forgings, Wire and Wire Manufacturers employed by com-
panies also engaged in other Iron and Steel Processes.
(b) From 1957 onwards excludes Labour employed in the Production
of Welded Tubes over 16" o.d.
* Two part-time female workers taken as being equal to one unit.
The number at work excludes absentees owing to sickness, holidays
and other causes.
t Clerical workers only.
Source: British Iron and Steel Federation.
collectively. In addition, if an issue arises which is felt to affect

all the branches, it is possible, within the terms of the union
constitution, to arrange meetings of the joint branches in a firm.
In the event of a branch being unable to resolve a dispute,
161
Industrial Relations in the North East Steel Industry
The branch secretary shall. without delay report the whole facts of
the dispute to the divisional officer of the division in which the
branch is situated, and the divisional officer shall arrange for an
official of the Association to interview the employer or his repre-
sentative and the representatives of the members concerned for the
purpose of effecting an amicable settlement. Failing a settlement by
this means, the divisional officer shall send a full report of the dispute
to the Central Office so that the matter may be placed before the
Executive Council, which shall decide what further action is to be
taken . . .l
The authority to call or terminate strikes at any stage resides
exclusively with the Executive Council.
The usual procedure, if an issue is not resolved at plant level,
is for it to be taken to a Neutral Committee. This committee
consists of two employers’ representatives and two workers’
representatives. Their neutrality stems from the fact that they do
not belong to the firm where the dispute has arisen, although they
must be members of a firm which is in the relevant employers’
association. It is also essentially a lay committee in the sense that
none of the members are paid full-time officials of the employers’
association or the union. The committee listens to the evidence
of the disputants, calls any relevant witnesses and, if agreement
is reached, the decision is accepted by employer and union as a
settlement of the dispute. If no agreement is reached, the matter
may be discussed at national level at a joint conference between
the union and the employers’ association. Provision is made at
this stage for the matter to be referred to arbitration if necessary.
Although one commonly thinks of the union as initiating pro-
ceedings, it is open to an employer to do so if he wishes and this,
as we shall see, does in fact happen. The only other point to note
is that sometimes, instead of a neutral committee, an Ad Hoc
Committee is convened. These appear to relate to issues arising
from the disciplining of individual workpeople, whereas neutral
committees tend to be concerned with issues which affect groups
of workers.
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. in the North East is responsible for organising
workers in the process side of the steel industry. The National
Union of Blastfurnacemen has a parallel responsibility for workers
in the iron section of the industry. Numerically they are much
l Rufes of B.I.S.A.K.T.A. (1957), Rule 19.
166
Indzlstrial Relations in the North East Steel Industr_y
smaller of course. But, apart from the fact that fewer branches
exist in any one firm, the procedural arrangements are very
similar to those operating in the case of B.I.S.A.K.T.A. and do
not merit separate discussion.
When one turns to the craft workers, who are responsible for
the maintenance and repair of plant and machinery in the industry,
one finds separate arrangements for the settlement of disputes,
In particular, mention should be made of the co-ordinated form
of disputes settlement operating at Works, District and National
levels in the industry and covering the following unions : A.E.U.,
E.T.U., Boilermakers, Patternmakers, A.S.W., Associated Black-
smiths, Forge and Smithy Workers Society, Amalgamated
Union of Foundry Workers, Plumbers, Heating and Domestic
Engineers, and the National Society of Painters. The National
Craftsmen Co-ordinating Committee has been in existence since
1949, but an Allied Crafts Committee had been operating in the
North East for some years before that. Although formal negotiat-
ing procedures are much more recent than on the production side,
the influence of the practices which have evolved among process
workers is evident in the arrangements that have been agreed
upon. If management and union representatives cannot settle a
dispute, officials of the Unions concerned and of the Employers
Association may be called in. Failing settlement at this stage, a
Joint Sub-Committee may be convened. This consists of two
employers’ representatives and two craftsmen’s representatives,
if one union is involved and four from each side if more than one
union is a party to the dispute. They are joined by the Joint
Secretaries (one employer, one trade union) of the District Joint
Committee. As with the Neutral Committee procedure members
of the Joint Sub-Committee may not be drawn from the firm
where the dispute has arisen. A further similarity is that, where
agreement is reached it is regarded as binding by the parties to
the dispute. If the matter is not disposed of in this way, it goes
before the Joint Committee for the District, which consists of an
equal number of employers and union representatives. It is also
the function of the Joint Committee to deal with disputes that
concern more than one works. If the Joint Committee fail to
agree on a question arising they may call in the services of a
neutral conciliator. Failing agreement at this stage the District
Joint Committee can choose either to refer the question to the
M ‘67
Indztstrial Relations in the North Etast Steel Indtistry
National Joint Committee, or agree to submit it to arbitration.
Arbitration is regarded as final and binding on both sides. The
National Joint Committee, if it fails to settle a dispute, may also
refer the question to arbitration.
One craft union in the iron and steel industry not represented
in these co-ordinated arrangements is the Amalgamated Union of
Building Trade Workers. This union negotiates separately and
has its own Joint Boards with the employers for the settlement of
disputes, which are similar to those of the process workers.
Another small craft union, the British Roll Turners’ Trade
Society, also negotiates separately with the Employers’ Associa-
tion.
Finally, we may notice that the two general unions, the
T.G.W.U. and the N.U.G.M.W. have some workers employed
in the industry. The latter does have a formal joint board with
the employers to deal with disputes that go outside the firm.1 In
the case of the T.G.W.U., that union is divided into trade groups
at regional and national level. The iron and steel industry is part
of a composite trade group - engineering, railway shops, ship-
building and repairing, and metal trades. The North East part of
the industry is contained within the wider Northern region of
the T.G.W.U. organisation. It will be seen then that, unlike the
other unions discussed here, no procedural agreements exist that
apply exclusively to the iron and steel industry. But shop stewards
may call upon the services of their regional officers as and when
the need arises.
We may conclude this short survey of dispute settlement pro-
cedures in the industry, by noting the general characteristics: a
three-tiered division between works, district and national levels
of settlement; the provision of neutral committees or their
equivalent; the opportunities for arbitration. There is also agree-
ment between employers and unions not to operate the pro-
cedures under duress. During negotiations strikes, lock-outs or
other forms of interfering with ‘normal work practices’ by either
side, are ruled out by mutual agreement. This is not to say that
conflict of this sort does not occur, only that it is not formally
permitted.
1 The written agreement of 1925 covering both local and general matters
between the N.U.G.M.W. and the I.S.T.E.A. is quoted in Sharp, op. cit.,
PP. 87-9.
168
3. The System at Work: Plant Bargaining
In order to examine the system at grass roots level I will do two
things. First, I give the results of a content analysis of a hundred
meetings between management and men in one steel p1ant.l These
were all the formally recorded meetings that took place in a six
month period, October 1962 -March 1963, and the analysis is
based upon documents which were verbatim reports of what took
place. The plant itself remains anonymous. Secondly, I shall bring
forward a number of case studies to illustrate, as I believe, some
of the salient features of the plant bargaining process.
The dimensions of the content analysis are summarised in
Tables XVIA, XVIB and XVIC. In Table XVIA I have first of
all distinguished between the groups engaged in discussions with
management. In all cases, except four, management met union
representatives. It is worth noting, however, that the system
evidently permitted individual groups of workers to discuss
grievances with management, if they wanted to. Thus frustrations
that could arise when a particular group of workers were not
being adequately represented by their union branch could be
minimised by allowing them to make use of the grievance
machinery, without seriously undermining the dominating
position of the unions as bargaining units.
The number of meetings with which the main bargaining
groups were involved must be seen in relation to the percentage
of the labour force which they represented. In the case of
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. it was 6S%, in the case of the Allied Crafts 18%
and in the case of the A.U.B.T.M. r%, so that (if one adds to the
Allied Crafts the issues raised by individual craft unions) the
number of meetings attended is very closely proportionate to the
size of the group memberships represented.
The calling in of the District Officer of the trade union may
be taken as an index of the severity of the issue. It usually implies
that previous meetings without him have failed to dispose of an
issue, although occasionally he is present on the first occasion a
matter is formally discussed. The tendency of union officials to be
present is expressed in ratio form in column (d). One may observe
1 This does not include iron, hence the N.U.B. is excluded from this
analysis. But see Chapter 6 Redundancy Conflict in an Isolated Steel Com-
munity, in which the role of the N.U.B. is fully discussed.
‘69
mo 0 0 00 ( m
- -
i-A
- -
*too0 o- 0 m
z
--
- -0 0 -0 0 3
-
A
,“N 0 c( d-m 0
-
Indtistrial Relations in the North East Steel Indwtry
a close similarity in this tendency as between B.I.S.A.K.T.A. and
the total for the craft groups (excluding the A.U.B.T.W.). The
A.U.B.T.W. which, as we have seen, operates under a separate
negotiating procedure from the other craft unions, was more
prone to have a District Official present. One must recognise that
different unions may have different policies so far as calling in
union officials is concerned, but given the general reluctance to
call them in, this does suggest that the system of plant bargaining
was under some strain at this point. I comment further on
this below.
For the purpose of further analysis, I have distinguished eight
elements, any one or more of which might make up the content
of a particular meeting. The classification is derived from one
used by the Ministry of Labour in its analysis of strikes. The
categories are, in the main, self explanatory, but it should perhaps
be noted that ‘Other Work Arrangements’ refers to problems
arising from work load, organisation or conditions not wholly
covered by any other element. And ‘Trade Union issues’ refers to
matters affecting the status or perceived rights of a union (apart
from a straight demarcation issue, which is treated separately). It
is clear that in this kind of analysis we can only deal with the
manifest elements in a discussion. The question of cause in any
formal sense must lie in abeyance, since we cannot account for
any underlying latent elements, which may have played a part in
promoting the discussion in the first place. But, the manifest
elements cannot in any case be discounted and by recognising
that more than one element may be present in a discussion, we
have not been obliged to ‘fit’ any meeting into a single category.
In quantitative terms the three most important elements making
up the bargaining discussion, during this period, were Wages,
Manning and Other Work Arrangements, in that order. How-
ever, when the craft unions are taken as a distinct group, the
emphasis is slightly different : Manning first and Wages and
Demarcation in second place equally. The Demarcation element
stems from the meetings held with the A.E.U. There is also a
slightly different emphasis of elements in the case of the
A.U.B.T.W., where Wages, Hours and Manning are the three
elements most frequently discussed.
In Table XVIB, I have indicated how far one element provided
the topic of discussion at a meeting and how far it was combined
171
TABLE XVIB
PLANT BARGAINING: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF IOO MEETINGS
B. Elements under discussion : their frequency and mutual combination

-
Element Number of times raised as ‘singZe’ element (e.g. ‘Box I’) or witb other
-- -
Industrial Other Work T.U.
Wages Hotrrr Demarcation Manning Discipline Arrangements Total
Issues
-- -- -- --
1. Wages 24 - - 16 - 20 -
3 57
2. Hours - I 2 - - -
3 4
3. Demarcation - - - 2 - - - z
4
4. Redundancy - I - 2 I - - 2 6
5. Manning 16 2 2 I 9 - 9 I 34
6. Industrial
Discipline - - - - - - -
s I
7. Other Work
Arrangements 20 - - - - -
9 7 31
8. T.U. Issues - - - 2 I - - -
3
- i - - -
N.B. It should not be assumed that in any one meeting only 2 elements at most were involved. In some cases
we noted issues involving a cluster of three elements. These were: ‘Wages, Manning, Other Work
Arrangements’ - 3 times: and ‘Wages, Hours, Manning’ - once.
Indtrstral Relations in the North East Steel Industry
with any other element. This helps one to see the extent to which
particular elements were associated with each other. Again the
main quantitative conclusions may be readily seen. Wages
questions were very often self-contained, but where this was not
so, they tended to be linked with Manning and/or Other Work
Arrangements. This association of elements was clearly, in
numerical terms, the dominant theme of plant bargaining during
this period. It is also interesting to see, however, the variety of
elements with which the Manning category was linked. This
perhaps is a reflection of the fact that matters of custom and
practice in the work place, when they are called into question or
challenged, directly or indirectly impinge upon established Man-
ning arrangements. By contrast one can see that the element
Industrial Discipline is self-contained. If in fact one ranks the
elements according to the degree of diffusion they have with
other elements the picture is as follows:
Manning with five other elements. Wages, Hours and Redun-
dancy with three other elements. Other Work Arrangements
and T.U. issues with two other elements. Demarcation with
one other element.
This kind of approach does then enable one to see the ‘cluster’
of elements, which are actually found in bargaining situations:
the frequency and range of combinations. Given adequate
empirical data to work on, the possibility of intra-industry and
inter-industry comparisons looks inviting.
In Table XVIC, I have taken the analysis a step further. There
I have shown, not only the frequency with which Trade Union
officials were called in, but the extent to which they were called
in when particular combinations of elements were under dis-
cussion. One important general point which emerges is that while,
as we have seen, Wages, Manning and Work Arrangements
elements were most frequently under discussion, it was when
Trade Union issues, Demarcation and Industrial Discipline
matters came up that the trade union official was most likely to
be present. It may therefore be suggested that it is not simply the
umber of issues but the kind of issues which determines whether
the industrial relations system is under pressure - and by this
approach one is able to give more sharpness to that kind of state-
ment. Indeed, having located these areas of conflict, the case
‘73
TABLE XVIC
PLANT BARGAINING: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF IOO MEETINGS
C. The Presence of Trade Union Officials in Relation to Elements under Discussion

(expressed as percentage of relevant figures in Table XVIB)
Element No. y. No. % No. y. No. y. No. yd, No. % No. % No. % No. y.
- - -
Industrial Other Work T.U.
Wages Hours Demarcation Manning Discipline Arrangements Issues TotaZ
-- _- -- _-
I. Wages 0 0.0 - -- 2 12.5 - - 15.0 - - 13 22.8

9 37’5 3
z. Hours 0 0.0 0 0.0 - 0 o-0 I 50’0 -- - - - - I IO-O
3. Demarcation - - - - I 25.0 - - 2 100.0 - - - - 3 50.0
4. Redundancy - - 0 0.0 - 0 0.0 0 0.0 -- - - I 50.0 i 16.7
5. Manning 2 12-5 I 50.0 2 100.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 - - I 11’1 I 100’0 17.6
6. Industrial
Discipline - - - - - - - 2 40’0 2 40’0
8. Other Work
Arrangements 3 15-0 - - - - - I 11’1 -- I - -
14.3 4 12.7
8. T.U. Issues - - - - - I 50’0 I 100.0 - - - - - - 2 66.7
- - - -
N.B. Totals for elements I, 5 and 7 take account of the fact that more than two elements might be combined
to make an issue. Double-counting is therefore avoided.
Indzlstrial Relations in the North East Steel Indxrtry
studies which we present below, may be seen in that perspective.
They are not chosen arbitrarily. They will serve to bring out the
ingredients of conflict which the presentation of statistics alone
cannot do. In order to make them more intelligible, however,
one or two general observations on the steel industry in the North
East must be made.
The North East sector of the industry has shared in the tech-
nical advances and modernisation schemes that have characterised
the industry over the past decade or so. The new integrated steel
plants at Dorman Long Lackenby and South Durham and the
establishment of a new Plate Mill and L-D and Kaldo furnaces1
at the Consett Iron Company, are among the most notable cases
in point. Sociologically, the potential effect of technical change
is to challenge established patterns of behaviour which have
traditionally been regarded as appropriate. In the industrial setting
these behaviour patterns have been hallowed with the phrase
‘custom and practice’. To disturb custom and practice by in-
novation is to disturb the authority structure and the nature of
role expectations. This is perhaps particularly true in the steel
industry, where the social organisation of the work force has
been relatively fixed. On the production side, a number of pro-
motion ladders are established within particular departments.
Once on a ladder, a man cannot transfer to another ladder without
starting at the bottom. Well developed job hierarchies with
seniority of service as the regulating principle of mobility have
meant traditionally that age, prestige-giving occupations, status
and pay have been closely correlated. The plant bargaining pro-
l A glossary of technical terms used in the iron and steel industry is to be
found in the Iron and Steel Board Special Report, Developmen# in the Iron and
Steel Indzrstry (H.M.S.O., 1964). In Appendix VII, the following definitions of
L-D and Kaldo processes are given:
L-D. ‘Oxygen is blown at high velocity on to the surface of molten iron
in a converter held stationary in a vertical position during the blow. The
initials originally stood for “Linzer Dusenverfahren” (Linz jet process) but are
now more commonly interpreted as Linz Donawitz, which are the names of
two places in Austria where it was first developed. The original L-D process
could use only low phosphorous ore.’
Kaldo. ‘This steelmaking technique uses a cylindrical vessel rotating on an
inclined axis (rather like a cement mixer) in which oxygen is blown against the
surface of the molten iron. It takes its name from the initials of Prof. K. A.
Lling, who developed the process, and of the Domnarfvet works in Sweden
where the work was carried out.’ p. 168.
‘75
Industrial Relations in the North East Steel Itzdxrtr_y
cess, as we shall see, reflected some of the stresses and strains that
occur when these features move out of alignment.1
While the North East has shared in the technical advances of
the industry, it has also shared in the general recession which
beset the trade from late 19j8 to well into 1963. The scrapping of
old plant and equipment sooner than would have been the case
in a sellers’ market was one of the ways in which the industry
tried to curb an embarassing amount of surplus capacity. One
result of this was redundancy of labour. This was made more
acute in the North East because the other traditional heavy in-
dustries on which the region is still greatly dependent, were
suffering in the same recession and were in no position to absorb
redundant labour from steel2 Another result was that changes in
market conditions constrained the industry to look outside the
home market and compete more actively in the world arena.
There was a corresponding development of cost consciousness
and stress on efficiency among management.
The plant whose bargaining processes we are here considering,
serves as a representative example of the impact of technical
change and recession on work arrangements and organisation.3
Indeed, the predominance of Wages and Manning issues and the
tendency for them to be linked together may be traced to the
extensive technical changes and developments in the plant. For
example, the laying down of new mills necessitated negotiations
with the union branches involved. Here, as is usual in the in-
dustry, management had the established prerogative to decide on
the initial manning arrangements, but from then on the seniority
system of promotion operates for production workers. On the
wages side in this situation, one must distinguish between initial
rates, interim rates and final rates. In the early weeks on new
plant the men are paid on a time rate, which is usually based on
r Cf. George Homans, ‘Status Congruence’, in Sentiments and Activities
(Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1962).
* See, for example, J, E. T. Eldridge and A. J. Odber, ‘When Shipyards
Close’, Nen, Society, 18 January 1962.
a Representative, that is for the region during this period. But cf. Steel
Workers and Technical Progress: A Comparative Report of six national studies
(O.E.C.D., 1919) where the point is made that: ‘The period of change was,
in almost every case, during the first half of the 1950s and in consequence a
time when there was no serious fear of unemployment for the workers
concerned.’ p. 16.
176
Indmtrial Relations in the North East Steel Indtlstv_r
the average earnings of their previous job with the firm. This is
partly done to ease the worker’s transition from one job to
another - since faced with the problem of adaptation to a new
job, he may not be able to make an adequate wage, if his wages
are related straight away to production. Or for that matter there
may be factors outside his control, which impede production
during the early commissioning of the mill. But this kind of wage
arrangement may also be sensible at the very early stage since it
is sometimes necessary for a new union branch to be formed
before effective wage negotiations can be started.
The union branches then negotiate an interim rate for the
individual jobs. This is composed of a base rate, a bonus related
to tonnage output and a cost of living adjustment.1 It is the pro-
portion of bonus allocated to individual jobs that is the critical
variable in determining the total wage. The higher up the pro-
motion ladder a job is, the greater amount of bonus in relation
to base rate that is permitted. Interim rates are established because
it is realised on both sides that any new mill presents problems
of adjustment to the men manning it and that there will be
teething problems of a technical nature. In practice this means
something like eighteen months, two years, or even longer, before
rates are finalised. Once this happens the matter is virtually closed
unless there is a major change of practice. The problem is one of
getting an adequate wage structure, such that differentials be-
tween jobs supply sufficient incentive for workers to go up the
promotion ladder (and not choose to ‘stick’ half-way up) and of
getting an appropriate wage level. It is technical change which
creates these problems, but it is recession that intensifies the
difficulties inherent in the task of wage negotiations.
If a mill is opened in time of recession, nobody really knows
what its full capacity is. Because the issue is so crucial to the whole
pattern of wages in the mill over an extended period, the union
is reluctant to accept management’s forecasts on the subject, no
matter how well-intentioned they may be. Both sides are liable to
1 The selling price sliding scale which characterised the iron and steel
industry for such an extended period was ‘suspended’ in 1940 during the
Second World War, when increasing government control and a rising cost of
living made it unrealistic. The melters’ sliding scale was stabilised at a stated
percentage and, at the same time, the cost of living adjustment was made.
See Sharp, op. cit., p. 97.
‘77
Indzlstral Relations in the North East Steel Induty
be somewhat jaundiced in their approach to the whole question.
During the recession, not only will total output be low, but the
manner in which the output is produced is not likely to inspire
confidence on the union side of management’s forecasts. This is
because the orders, when they do come, are usually smaller. This
necessitates frequent roll changes which aggravates any teething
troubles which the mill may be experiencing. Management, for
their part, will be very much concerned at such a time with costs
and are not, therefore, likely to be over-generous in their offers.
This is even true for an industry like steel that is not labour
intensive. In times of acute competition attempts are made to
minimise costs wherever the firm has some control over them.l
Let us turn now to some specific case studies.
CASE I A QUESTION OF INDUSTRIAL DISCIPLINE
In an industry as highly capital intensive as steel, the concern of

management with the equipment and product is understandable.
This concern can be and is translated into punitive measures
against members of the work force who are deemed to have
endangered either. For small matters, a fine will be deducted from
a man’s wages. More serious errors will lead to suspension or
dismissal. The case discussed here concerns the suspension of a
first hand melter for alleged negligence in the performance of his
job. A first hand is in charge of a particular furnace and is directly
responsible to the sample passer who has oversight for a number
of furnaces. The status of the first hand has traditionally been
very high in the steel plant. Management imposed three days’
suspension on the man because, it was said, he had allowed an
exceptionally high temperature on his furnace. This had caused
considerable delay in the working of the furnace and was likely
to have damaged the vessel. The union branch, however, pro-
tested to management, both on the grounds of the severity of the
punishment and because it had been implemented before the
branch had had time to discuss the matter with the management,
as commonly occurred.
The management claimed that, had an immersion temperature
been taken at the right time, the situation would not have arisen,
1 See Allan Flanders, The Fatvley Prodtlctivily Agreeme!& (Faber and Faber,
1964) where the same point is made in the context of the oil industry, p. 67.
178
Indxrtrial Relations in the North East Steel Indgsfry
therefore the first hand must be held responsible. The union
countered by pointing out that the only way an immersion tem-
perature could have been taken at the required time was by taking
an oxygen probe out of the furnace. This was because, while the
oxygen was on, a visual check was not possible owing to the
presence of brown fumes in the furnace. But the action of taking
the probe out of the furnace at such stage bad never been done before.
Furthermore, they indicated that the check on oil fuel supply
revealed nothing unusual and, in the absence of facilities for
measuring furnace roof temperature on that particular furnace,
the first hand had done all that could reasonably be expected of
him.
Labour relations disturbances among melters as a group are
very rare. It is all the more noteworthy that the melters in this
case were prepared to withhold their labour for a shift against
what they regarded as an unjust punishment. In the event the
strike did not transpire, when the first hand’s suspension was
reduced to two days. But the strong reaction of the melters to the
suspension was, perhaps, not wholly explained by a sense of
injustice. The high status accorded to the melter and the authority
stemming from this is based essentially on technical competence.
There is indeed a considerable mystique surrounding the job of
the first hand, which seems, mainly, to be based on the visual
skills, that were of paramount importance in the pre-instrumenta-
tion days. Yet it was precisely the technical competence of the
man that was called in question. It is not so surprising, therefore,
that the defence which the union representatives employed was
not just a plea for mercy (as, for example, it would have been for
persistent lateness or absenteeism) but was based on technical
considerations. It is but a short step to enquire how a man who
is technically incompetent obtained the job. The established
pattern of promotion by seniority is thereby jeopardised. Inas-
much as this principle of promotion was effectively operated by
the union, the control of the union over an important area of the
work situation was menaced. Further, this particular first hand
was the most senior in the shop. The principle of automatically
promoting senior first hands to the post of sample passer (which
custom was a management not a union prerogative) could, by the
same token, be called into question. The need to buttress the
authority of the first hand and hence preserve the aspirations of
‘79
the work group was perhaps all the more necessary at this time.
The growing use of young men as shift managers provided an
alternative focal point from which authoritative decision could
be taken. The professional qualifications of these men implied
superior theoretical knowledge of steel-making and the duties
they were called on to undertake could over-ride the decisions of
the first hand. Union strategy demanded that the melter’s account-
ability for matters within his control be upheld, in order to justify
his place in the authority structure. Hence the technical considera-
tions brought forward in his defence were an attempt to
demonstrate that the particular incident was outside his control.
What was also implicit in the union’s defence was that manage-
ment sanctions, which were used to penalise the melter who made
a mistake on the job, were not balanced by a concern that such
mistakes be minimised by appropriate training arrangements.
Whatever the merits of the allegation, the point to be noticed is
that only in the period of worker adaptation to technical change,
can it be sensibly made at all. In this sense, therefore, the case
may be said to be induced by technical change. Technical change,
however, must be seen as a necessary rather than a sufficient
cause of such conflict, since such changes may be handled in
different ways by different managements; both in terms of the
way in which labour is trained for new jobs and the way in which
sanctions are operated when mistakes are made. In this plant it
did appear that errors of judgment by workers, which affect out-
put and damage plant, were the most likely to be punished
severely.1 A similar case on the mills side of the plant occurred
when a Cogging Mill Manipulator Driver was suspended for
stopping the mill for six hours by jamming the rolls. The union
protested that it was unfair since this was the man’s first error.
Management withdrew the suspension by what they regarded as
an act of grace rather than in terms of the merit of the case. But
at the same time, they made clear their attitude on the whole
question of industrial discipline, when they argued that they did
not accept that a man should first have a warning and then a
suspension and then be dismissed. On some occasions it would be
preferable to give a man a warning but on others a dismissal
might be called for. These managerial beliefs are not in any direct
sense a function of the technology of the situation, although the
* Similar problems arose in another plant and are discussedin Appendix C.
180
Ind&riul Relations in the North East Steel In-duty
application of such beliefs might be coloured by it, as appeared
to be the case here.
CASE 2 ‘ABNORMAL’ WORKING CONDITIONS
While, no doubt, the general statement that working conditions

in British industry have improved with time, holds good, the
impact of technical change on working conditions in specific
situations is by no means clear-cut. In this respect benefits to one
work group may be at the expense of losses to another. Where this
is the case, it means that expectations about improved living
standards, inside and outside the plant, are not fulfilled. Such a
situation is likely to generate a sense of relative deprivation.
A case in point arose in connection with the maintenance work
which had to be performed in and around the electrostatic pre-
cipitators. It was taken up by the Allied Crafts. The precipitators
were used to extract dust arising from the smelting process on
the steel plant. The extension of oxygen to the furnaces resulted
in a marked increase of dust going through the precipitators, but
at the expense of worse working conditions for the maintenance
men. These men had to work in a polluted atmosphere with dust
which was 95% iron in content, and sometimes at very high
temperatures. The Allied Crafts put forward a claim for time and
a half for all work done in and around the precipitators on the
grounds that the conditions were abnormal. Such payment was
regarded as compensation for the risk of injury to health. Claims
for abnormal condition money have, of course, an implied con-
ception of normality. In this case there seemed to be at least two
ideas on the subject:
(a) Conditions in and around the precipitator deviated from
conditions that one would normally expect to meet in the steel
industry generally. Thus, the Allied Crafts claimed that working
in the chamber on the top of the precipitator in 130 degrees
Fahrenheit could not be normal steel-work conditions.
(b) Management argued that conditions in the precipitator
must be distinguished from conditions in the surrounding
vicinity. In adopting this position, management was drawing a
distinction between jobs where it was and jobs where it was not
possible to eliminate bad conditions. They pointed out that the
only dust which could escape outside the precipitators and in so
181
Indzutrial Relations in the North E&j Steel Indtistry
doing cause abnormal conditions was from the conveyors. They
were trying to eliminate this problem. Unfortunately, however,
as far as the boiler was concerned, it was not possible to improve
the conditions. The men had to go in and carry out the necessary
work. Management felt, therefore, that abnormal condition
money should be paid only on specific jobs.
Management’s conception of abnormal working conditions
was more precise than the unions’ and, in the event, they only
conceded condition money on three specific jobs in the precipi-
tator. The conflict arose, in part, because they opposed the paying
of a general flat rate extra. They feared that such payments would
be tied to nothing in particular and, once granted, would in
practice be impossible to cancel even if conditions improved. In
this way they would become an element in the wage drift. The
unions could counter by pointing to the administrative con-
venience of a general payment of condition money, for if con-
dition money were paid only on specific jobs then, while direct
wage costs may have been contained, other costs might be
increased. For example, individual claims have to be submitted
on specific jobs to the engineer in charge. His time and the time
of the man making the claim and possibly of the shop steward, is
thereby being used, when they might have been working on the
task in hand. This is debatable, but what is clear is that in defend-
ing their point of view, management’s position was made more
difficult by the fact that, on their own admission, conditions were
not as good as they might be outside the precipitator. What was
perhaps strange in the circumstances was that the Allied Crafts
did not appear to insist on condition money on jobs where
improvements were promised, even for an interim period, until
the promised improvements materialised. Whether this was a lack
of sharpness in bargaining tactics or a sign of goodwill is an
open question.
Conventional wisdom tends to interpret the human problem of
technical change as ‘the problem of overcoming resistance to
change’, with the implied assumption that such resistance is
irrational. In the light of the uncertain and uneven effects of
technical change on working conditions, which this dispute
illustrates, it is clearly most unsatisfactory to attribute resistance
to change as necessarily exhibiting a reversion to the Luddite
mentality. ‘Real’ losses can lead to ‘real’ conflict and ‘real’ claims
I82
Indmtrial Relations in the North East Steel Indzrstr_y
for compensation. But, by distinguishing at the outset of a
technical change as carefully as possible between the avoidable
and the unavoidable losses, then, at least, the area in which
conflict is likely to emerge can be more clearly delineated.
CASE 3 A QUESTION OF DEMARCATION
It is interesting to notice that even the participants in a demarca-

tion dispute sometimes get to the point where they feel the matter
has been ‘magnified out of all proportion’. It is as though they
feel ensnared in a situation not wholly of their own making. It is
perhaps not surprising that the casual observer commonly
succumbs to the temptation to cry ‘a plague on both your
houses’.
In one sense, the demarcation dispute may be regarded as the
unintended consequence of a feature of industrial organisation
that in other respects is regarded as ‘desirable’. In times of
organisational, technical and market stability the virtues of every-
one knowing his own job are stressed. It is in times of change
that the virtues, so to speak, become a liability, since the particular
rights and duties which occupational groups have come to regard
as theirs are questioned. 1 Occupational prerogatives may be
scrutinised and challenged. But such prerogatives are not lightly
given up since they represent the group’s concept of work, and,
as has frequently been observed, a threat to work is a threat to
personal and familial security. The following example will serve
to illustrate one way in which a stable situation in terms of social
organisation became an ambiguous one. We will describe and
analyse the demarcation dispute that ensued.
This episode is drawn from one of the mills in the plant.2 In
the mill was a guide shop which was manned by guide setters,
and had been since the mill opened some four years previously.
These were classified as production workers and hence were
members of B.I.S.A.K.T.A. The crucial question, however, con-
cerned who should assemble the guides. Guides are attached to
1 Parallel considerations arise, of course, at managerial level. For an

effective documentation of this point, see T. Burns and G. M. Stalker, The
Management of Innovation (Pergamon, I 96 I).
2 For the purpose of maintaining anonymity, the precise nature of the mill
discussed here is not specified.
N 183
Industrial Relations in the North East Steel Indu.@y
rollers and ensure that the stock enters the rolls at the appropriate
angle. Hence the guides have to be set in relation to the thickness
of the material being rolled. Initially this had been regarded as
the guide setters’ task - a pre-production preliminary, so to speak.
The original guides had been fairly simple in construction and
hence the skill involved in this was minimal. Management had
sanctioned this situation since they had been responsible for the
original manning arrangements. At the same time, any repairs to
the guides which were needed were performed in the machine
shop by fitters - skilled craftsmen, who were members of the
A.E.U.
In the course of time, more complicated guide equipment was
introduced by management into the department, with the in-
tention of improving the quality of the finished product. The
assembling of the roller guides became more difficult but it was
still performed by the B.I.S.A.K.T.A. guide setters. Their right
to do this was, however, challenged by the A.E.U., who main-
tained that a fitter should be employed in the guide shop to do
the ‘necessary’ skilled work involved in assembling. In other
words, it was claimed that the assembly work could no longer
fairly be claimed as merely a pre-production preliminary: it was
maintenance work.
Management, for its part, on examining the position, had come
to the conclusion that the fitters’ case was a strong one. They
indicated to B.I.S.A.K.T.A. their belief that if a fitter was put
into the guide shop it would improve the performance of the mill.
They urged B.I.S.A.K.T.A. to accept this, arguing that if the
claim went through the normal procedure, the decision would go
against them in the end. This, it was said, would, in the circum-
stances, be fairer to the company which was the suffering third
party in the dispute. B.I.S.A.K.T.A. was not to be dissuaded,
however, from its resistance, and the matter was prolonged for
another six months. High ranking union officials were called from
the respective unions, together with the Director of the Iron and
Steel Trades Employers’ Association, following which a fitter
was introduced into the guide shop.
This, in simple outline, is a description of the issue. One can,
however, go on to consider the pattern of the conflict and the
mode and significance of its resolution.
It is first of all important to stress that the matter was regarded
184
Indtstriaal Relations in the North East Steel Irzdztstry
by the guide setters as a threat to job security, but it was also
regarded by their union, B.I.S.A.K.T.A., as a threat to union
security. For the men it was the immediate issue which was at
stake; for the union it was the more general fear that this was
‘the thin edge of the wedge’. Both these fears were expressed
openly to management. These fears were symptomatic of their
awareness that modern rolling mills are becoming increasingly
dependent upon engineering skills and technology for effective
performance. The relative numbers of craftsmen and production
workers are beginning to be affected in the industry generally (for
the North East this is reflected in Table XV) and hence the
bargaining power of B.I.S.A.K.T.A. as the union ‘pace-setter’ of
the industry is being threatened. Hence, upon the resolution of
small matters, such as the one we are discussing, wider implica-
tions may follow.
At the same time, it is clear that both the fitters and the A.E.U.
representatives regarded the work of the guide setters, as en-
croaching on their monopoly of skill. Their fear was undoubtedly
that the longer the guide setters were allowed to continue in the
work, the more competent they would become and the weaker
their own claim would be. Their indignation can well be imagined,
when, during the period of the dispute, a firm that was delivering
new roller guides sent a fitter to demonstrate to the guide setters
how the equipment should be assembled! This was strictly correct
since the procedure in the industry lays down that during the
period of dispute the status quo shall be preserved, until a
decision is reached through negotiation or arbitration. Further,
the guide setters’ assembly work was supervised by a trained
engineer. This, in itself, was felt to be anomalous by the A.E.U.
and, at the same time, undermining their skill monopoly.
There were certain symbolic features which highlighted this
conflict between the two groups. There was, for example, the
importance placed by B.I.S.A.K.T.A. on the geographical loca-
tion of the job. B.I.S.A.K.T.A. men worked in the guide shop;
A.E.U. men worked in the fitting and machine shop. This stress
on territorial division was, of course, based on considerations of
custom and practice. The longer they could maintain this division,
the stronger their claim to continue in it: which was one reason
why they chose to take the matter through the procedure to
national level, Management, recognising the way in which the
185
Indmtrial Relations in the North East Steel Industry
territorial division reinforced the B.I.S.A.K.T.A. case, and
sympathising with the A.E.U. point of view, was attempting
throughout the dispute to reorganise the department so that the
guide shop and the fitting shop would not be physically separate.
There would, in short, be a guide-fitting shop. In this way the
boundaries would be blurred and the importance of the spatial
symbol lost. Ail this, however, took considerable time and did
not appear to have been completed by the time the final decision
on the dispute was reached.
On the A.E.U. side, considerable symbolic importance was
attached to ‘the tools and skills of the job’. The critical feature for
them was not the physical location of the job, but what tools were
being employed on the job. It was pointed out that assembly
work of the more complicated guide equipment involved marking
off, tapping, drilling, turning, milling and planing, and that vern-
ier gauges and surface gauges were required. The B.I.S.A.K.T.A.
reply to this was to cast doubt on how essential the tools were
for the job and to suggest that these operations were not in fact
performed by their men. At the same time, they insisted that they
had been doing the work of assembling and disassembling the
roller guides to the satisfaction of management until the A.E.U.
had challenged their right to the job. However, it is clear that
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. was in some difficulty here. If they were perform-
ing the task efficiently, they were encroaching on skills which were
not, so to speak, their property. If they were not using the
appropriate skills and tools, they were not performing the task
efficiently. In the event of the former, they incurred the dis-
pleasure of the A.E.U. In the event of the latter, they failed to
satisfy management. In fact, they appeared, to some extent, to be
falling between two stools: doing some tasks and using some
tools which were not legitimately theirs, but not exhibiting the
range of skills which management required, or, with the extension
of the mill’s productive capacity, would increasingly require.
One can now begin to see that there were in fact various forms
and levels of conflict which inter-mingled to make the issue the
complex matter it was-despite the wish of each of the par-
ticipants for a simple solution. These may be summarised as
follows :
I. An occupational conflict - guide setters versus fitters.

186
Indzutrial Relations in the North East Steel Industry
2. A union conflict - B.I.S.A.K.T.A. versus A.E.U. -the one
an industrial union, the other a (modified) craft union.
3. A functional conflict - production versus maintenance.
4. A management/union conflict - the A.E.U. aggrieved
that management permitted the anomaly to occur and
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. dissatisfied with the proposal of manage-
ment to change the existing practice.
These organisational conflicts of interest, in a sense, provided a
framework for other forms of conflict inherent in the dispute.
5. Conflicts of rights:
(a) Job security versus skill monopoly.
(b) Union security (B.I.S.A.K.T.A.) versus union pre-
rogative (A.E.U.).
These were reflected in:
6. Symbolic conflicts :
(a) The physical location of the job (B.I.S.A.K.T.A.).
(b) The tools and skills employed on the job (A.E.U.).
And also in:
7. Factual conflicts :
(a) Were the changes in the guide equipment changes of
kind or changes of degree?
(b) Did the existing manning arrangements impede
efficiency ?
(c) What tools and skills were necessary for the jobs of
assembling and disassembling guide equipment ?
(d) What is production and what is maintenance work?
It will be noted that the conflicts which have been delineated in
the above scheme are mutually reinforcing.
In discussing the phenomenon of social stability within a firm
the point has been well made that the:
criss-cross of relations creates communities of interest which only
partly coincide. Individuals are thus integrated and differentiated
from one another. The result is not a dichotomous classification
into ofice or shop workers, or into supervisors and non-supervisors.
It is instead a complex configuration of relations in which different
groups are separated out and yet tied together.1
1 F. Roethlisberger and W. J, Dickson, Management and the Worker (O.U.P.,
~w-9, P. 560.
187
Yet in the situation that I have been describing it is precisely
the dichotomous elements that have been made to stand out in
terms of organisation, rights and contrasting symbols as between
the various interested parties. It is the B.I.S.A.K.T.A. guide
setters, seeking to defend themselves against threats to job and
union security, who appeal to custom and practice and symbolise
this by stressing territorial differences between themselves and
the challengers. They are arrayed against the A.E.U. fitters, who
seek to maintain their skill monopoly and who appeal to the skill
differential as symbolised in the type of tools used. Management,
which would like to regard itself as an innocent and injured third
party (if not impartial) finds itself accused by B.I.S.A.K.T.A. of
having let them down, while A.E.U. members simultaneously
accuse management of procrastination. Management is to be
found, therefore, in the maelstrom of a power struggle.
The peaceful resolution of such a conflict occurs as the dicho-
tomies are shown to be in some sense false (if that is possible)
which is usually attendant upon some sort of package deal or
quid pro quo. Management, by virtue of its position is able to
take some initiative in this. Thus throughout the negotiations
and included in the final settlement was the promise that no
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. men would be made redundant if a fitter was
brought into the guide shop. The clash between job security and
skill monopoly was accordingly minimised. Similarly, it was made
plain to the B.I.S.A.K.T.A. representatives that management
was not prepared to let the A.E.U. use this case as a representative
issue, as a result of which they could touch off a series of other
claims. By containing and particularising the issue management
sought to reduce the perceived polarisation of interest, between
union security and union prerogatives. Management also, as we
have seen, sought to make the change more palatable to the
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. members by altering the physical arrangement of
the work and attempting to create a guide-fitting shop.
The final settlement, which arranged for a fitter to go into the
guide shop, also permitted the guide setters to do the final part
of the assembly work, which involved pushing two rollers into
each guide. This was accepted as a ‘necessary’ preliminary to their
task as guide setters.
During the final meeting no additional factual evidence was
presented, but the meeting was a reminder of the latent power
188
Indzhial Relations in the North East Steel Industy
which each side possessed. It was used, in effect, as a basis for
re-affirming the legitimacy of each group to govern over specified
areas. Thus the B.I.S.A.K.T.A. representative observed that his
union appreciated the increased mechanisation of rolling mills
and that there was no intention on the part of his organisation to
impinge on the work of the A.E.U. They knew the feeling the
A.E.U. had about the quality of work and skill required. It was
in B.I.S.A.K.T.A.‘s interest that this should be accepted. At the
same time, he noted that guide setting and guide assembly work
had gone on in the industry for many years and his union had to
be very careful that the A.E.U. did not take over their work.
The A.E.U., for their part, having got a fitter admitted to the
guide shop, were prepared to stress the virtues of team spirit and
to point to the abnormality of such disputes with B.I.S.A.K.T.A.
There were in fact prizes all round since, while the A.E.U.
achieved its objective, B.I.S.A.K.T.A. were able to go back to
their members and say that the guide setters could continue to
do the work they had been doing for the last four years. The
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. concession, then, was a moderate one and well
illustrates the use of casuistry in smoothing the sharp edges of an
issue. As Schelling puts it in The Strategy of Cony%?:
. . . when the opponent has resolved to make a moderate concession
one may help him by proving that he can make a moderate con-
cession consistent with his former position and that if he does there
are no grounds for believing it to reflect on his original princip1es.l
It is clear, by contrast, that where such a face-saving formula
cannot be devised; where, that is, there are ‘real’ losses attendant
upon change, in terms of job or union security, the disputes are
correspondingly more intense and intractable.
CASE 4 CONFLICTING PRINCIPLES OF LABOUR

RECRUITMENT
The plant in which this dispute was located was not the only
one owned by the Company. The conflict underlying this issue
arose when the Company employed in the plant five men, from
other plants in the combine. These men, it was alleged by
B.I.S.A.K.T.A., were either out of compliance, or had not been
1 Thomas C. Schelling, The Stvutesy of Con@ (O.U.P., 1963). p. 35.
‘89
Indt/sriaal Relations in the North East Steel Indz/str_y
associated at all with the union. The principle at stake was
whether in compliance B.I.S.A.K.T.A. membership took pre-
cedence over the company service. This clash of loyalties which
reflected different managerial and union perspectives was brought
into the open by the fact of recession. It is at such a time that the
union makes strenuous efforts to get its redundant members re-
employed, when any job opportunities occur.
In this case the Company claimed that it was not binding on
management to engage only B.I.S.A.K.T.A. labour and that,
until there was some national agreement on the matter, they had
a free hand in the recruitment of labour. The union claimed that
they were acting on a resolution adopted by their national execu-
tive at the beginning of the year (1963). So sure was the branch
of the orthodoxy of its position and so intense was the feeling of
the membership on the matter, that the branch indicated to
management that a request was being put through to the union’s
executive asking them to call an official strike. The use of this
ultimate sanction against an employer is extremely rare for
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. Just as in the earlier case we noted that the
semantic argument over what constitutes normal working con-
ditions reflected a genuine conflict of interest, so too in this case
did arguments over the concept of seniority. Management
indicated that they had some sympathy with the union view that
only B.I.S.A.K.T.A. members should be employed, but added
that it was difficult to see how to apply what the union were
asking for without giving up fundamental rights of management
in regard to the recruitment of labour. They agreed that the union
had an obligation to its members, but pointed out that the
Company also had an obligation to its employees when re-
dundancy arose.
A peaceful solution was achieved because it was discovered
that, in this case, there was enough area of overlap between these
conflicting principles to make a face-saving solution possible.
Three of the five men were made redundant on the grounds that
one had no previous service with the Company and the other two
had less claim to employment in terms of Company service than
other men who had just been made redundant on another plant
(and who were in compliance). In future, the Company agreed
to give preference to in compliance B.I.S.A.K.T.A. men, but
only within the Company, not the District. For its part, the
190
hdzlstrial Relations in the North East Steel Indztstr_y
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. branch recognised the Company’s right to operate
a ‘black list’. This consisted of men, who through misdemeanours
of one kind or another, were not felt to be worth re-employing.
The recession, therefore, not only brought this latent conflict
into the open, but also tended to put pressure on both sides to
formalise loose informal arrangements or ‘understandings’. The
Company had to acknowledge openly that it was prepared to
recognise the closed shop principle. B.I.S.A.K.T.A. had to accept
the legitimacy of the ‘black list’. The black list thus served the
function of saving face for management by prescribing an area
in which freedom still existed for them in the recruitment of
labour. The case serves as an instructive example of the kind of
adjustment that is necessary to accommodate conflicting principles
within the existing framework of negotiation.
4. The Sysfem at Work: B.I.S.A.K.T.A. and the Use of

Settlement Procedwes
In this section I will make some observations on the use
made by B.I.S.A.K.T.A. (or sometimes management against
B.I.S.A.K.T.A.) of procedures for the settlement of disputes,
which went outside the plant. The period covered is 1941-61.
In Table XVIIA, we have summarised the use made of statutory
and ad hoc procedures on the North East Coast during this
period. The figures given refer to the place where the matter was
settled. The ad hoc committees appeared to operate on matters
relating to the disciplining of individual work-people, where a
speedy settlement is called for, although neutral committees can
and do deal with similar cases. The issue under the heading
Industrial Court we have included for the sake of completeness.
It was in fact an issue which arose, not from an individual plant,
but was a claim for time and a half instead of time and a quarter
for mid-week overtime, which was brought forward by a district
committee of B.I.S.A.K.T.A. The claim was rejected by the
industrial court. The employers defended the case on the grounds
of ‘custom and practice’ and ‘the state of trade’ which, they said,
did not justify the increase.
It will be noted that up to and including 19j 3 three neutral
committees was the sum total of procedural activity outside the
plant (1948, 19jo and 1933). By contrast, thirteen of the twenty-
191
Indzt.rtrial Relations in the North East Steel Indzrsty
TABLE XVIIA
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. AND THE SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTES
The Use made of Statutory and Ad Hoc Procedures on the North

East Coast x945-61.
Ad Hoc Neutral Industrial

Year Commitfees Committees Arbitration Court Total
1945 - - - - 0
1946 - - - - 0
1947 - - - - 0
1948 - I - - I
1949 - - - - 0
I - - I
1950
1951 - - - - 0
‘952 - - - - 0
I - - I
‘953
1954 - 4 - -
4
1955 I - - I
- - I
1956 I
1957 - - - 0
- - - I
1958 I
- - -
1959 2
1960 2 4 - - l
rg6r I 2 2 I 6
Total 3 77 3 I a4
four settlements took place in 1958 and the following three years.
These included all the Arbitration cases, the ad hoc committees
and the Industrial Court settlement, together with eight of the
seventeen matters, which were settled by neutral committees.
Indeed, the 1960-61 period accounts for exactly half of the issues
during the whole period covered.
As Table XV makes clear, this is not to be accounted for by
an increase in the numbers of production workers during the
period, for in fact the reverse was the case. Indeed, this fact lay
behind the union belief that the greater use of formal bargaining
procedures in the post 1918 period was a sign that management
was using the recession to tighten control over matters of
discipline. The use of procedures, which involve going outside
the plant for settlement of disputes, is a useful indicator of the
severity of management-union conflict. Although I am inclined
Industrial Relafions in the North East SteJ Industry
to accept the union interpretation, it should be pointed out that
the system itself did not appear to be seriously threatened at this
stage, since the absolute number of issues going through in this
way is not great. Further, it should be noted that there were
considerable differences as between firms, in the use made of such
procedures. In particular, one firm, and that not the largest, was
responsible for one ad hoc committee, nine neutral committees
and two arbitration issues, in other words, half of the total issues.
In this respect, therefore, there was not uniform pressure on the
system from all the firms in the district.
In Table XVIIB, I have classified the issues that were settled
outside the individual plant, in relation to the main content of the
question. It will be seen that they relate predominantly to wages
TABLE XVIIB
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. ANDTHE SETTLEMENTOF DISPUTES
A classification of the issues leading to the use of Statutory and Ad Hoc

Procedures on the North East Coast, Ig4s-GI.
Ad Hoc Neutral Industrial

Type of Issue Committees Committees Arbitration Court Total
Wages - 16 2 I 19
Hours - I - - I
Demarcation - - - - 0
Redundancy - - - - 0
Manning - - - - 0
Industrial
Discipline 3 - I - 4
Other work
Arrangements - - - - 0
T.U. issues - - - - 0
Total 3 I7 3 I 24
issues - nineteen out of the twenty-four. Four were concerned

with matters of industrial discipline and the remaining question
was over hours of work. On investigation of the groups involved
in these disputes two points of interest stand out. The first is that
the mills rather than the melting shop side of the steel works tend
to be involved. Seven claims arose from the former and three
from the latter (not all claims of course are necessarily related to
‘93
a specific section of the plant). The issues arising from the mills
in the main referred to differences between management and the
union over rates for particular groups of jobs; sometimes during
the transition from provisional to final rates (this was usually the
case) and occasionally to revise rates for particular jobs in the
light of further experience. Thus in one case it was found that
working conditions were worse than expected and a compensating
bonus was claimed; in another case an increase in rates was
claimed in the light of new requirements for the changing of
rolls.
The second point of interest is that nine of the disputes in-
volved clerical, technical or supervisory staff (two of the ad hoc
committees, six of the neutral committees, and one of the arbitra-
tion cases). The ad hoc committee cases were appeals against
suspension in one instance and dismissal in another. The other
matters, however, were collective issues in the sense that the
union was attempting to establish more favourable conditions of
employment. In one case this was a successful claim that all clerks,
chemists, stocktakers and foremen in a particular firm should
receive three weeks’ annual holiday instead of the then two. Other
claims that figured prominently were for the introduction of
wage-age scales for clerical workers. This is a strategy commonly
employed by unions that deal exclusively for clerical and super-
visory grades (such as A.S.S.E.T., D.A.T.A. and the C.A.W.U.).
The emergence of these questions underlines the attempt of the
union, which has traditionally concerned itself with manual
workers, to represent adequately these groups. But, by the same
token, management is confronted with claims from groups, which
they tend to regard as part of management or, at least, extensions
of management. Thus it is sometimes suggested by management
in the industry that supervisors ought not to have a dual loyalty,
that is management responsibilities and union membership. It has
not been easy in consequence to form supervisors’ branches in
firms. Supervisors have sometimes been encouraged instead to
join the Staff Association, set up by the Company for them. It
tends to be a social club, but can sometimes negotiate as a com-
pany union, with the employer. For the union there is the problem
of establishing foreman’s branches in the first place. Given
managerial opposition to the unionisation of foremen, it needs a
strongly developed union consciousness on the part of a few
I94
Indzlstriai Relations in the North East Steel Indust
supervisors to get the branch off the ground. There is next the
question of how far up the staff ladder a man can progress before
having to withdraw his union membership. This came out
crucially in one neutral committee, when the employers agreed to
discuss a wages issue affecting Casting and Loading Bay Super-
visors, but refused to recognise that the procedure as laid down
covered Assistant Shift Managers and refused, therefore, to
discuss the question as it affected them. It is not without signi-
ficance that the union preferred to call the Assistant Shift
Managers, Sample Passers (in the context of the melting shop)
which is the more traditional terminology for the post. The
ambivalence of supervisors to trade union membership can well
be understood (and this was reported by a trade union official
concerned with, what for him was a crucial problem). Not only
is their strong managerial discouragement, even to the extent in
one instance known to us of refusing to promote a man to a post
of Shift Manager, despite his proved ability, because he let it be
known that he would not give up his union membership, but
there is the question derived from this as to whether the union
can, so to speak, deliver the goods for these men.
It is therefore, not only the kinds of issue, which, as we have
seen, mainly relate to wages and industrial discipline matters, but
also the groups involved in the dispute that help us to see the
points of friction in the system and their significance more clearly.
In the case of the manual workers we see that wage disputes are
quite often associated with major technical changes - but the con-
flicts which emerge are those which are accepted by both sides as
being legitimately regulated by the system. The white collar
disputes, on the other hand, help to pin-point the boundaries of
the system. It is the process of and conflict over legitimation
itself that is being examined. It serves as a timely reminder that
‘the system’ cannot in empirical terms be regarded as a static
entity. Boundaries are continually being drawn, blurred, and
re-drawn only to be blurred again.
1. The System and Overt Conflict: the Post-war Strike Pattern

In an earlier part of this chapter, I drew attention to the fact that,
with the growth of regulated procedures for the settlement of
disputes, the strike came to be regarded as a sign of failure by
Ind~.rtriaZ Relations in the North Easf Steel Indtstty
both sides when it was used. For this reason, an examination of
the part played by strikes in the North East steel industry, would
appear to be particularly appropriate. In doing this, one is not
necessarily subscribing to the view that all such strikes in fact
undermine the industrial relations system. Some strikes, for
example, may draw attention to specific weaknesses or deficiencies
in the system, which may then be remedied if so desired.
The strike data, that I will now comment on, are derived from
an analysis of newspaper sources, which has been checked against
Ministry of Labour regional aggregates. Recorded strikes, as I
have termed them, may be official or unofficial, but they exclude
disputes which lasted for less than a day or involved fewer than
ten workers (except where the loss of working days exceeded 100).
In Table XVIIIA, I have classified all the recorded strikes in
relation to the year in which they took place and the reasons given
for striking. During this period the total number on the payroll
varied between 40,000 and ~J,OOO. It will be seen that the total
number of recorded strikes was very small, averaging less than
two a year. Indeed, with the exception of 19 14, there were never
more than three strikes in one year and in three of those years
(1950,19j7 and 1918) there were no strikes at all.
Of the strikes that did take place, almost half were directly
related to wages questions. These were of two main kinds. First,
there were two claims for ‘condition’ money. The conditions in
the one case were held to be excessively dirty and in the other
case excessively hot. Secondly, and more commonly, disputes
arose over the actual wages structure. Arguments over the method
of payment and the differentials between occupations were pro-
minent here.
The number of strikes in the category Trade Union Issues is
somewhat misleading, since five of these were sympathy strikes,
which took place within the same firm within the space of a few
days. They were all in support of a group of template makers
who were already out on strike on a wage issue. It is important
also to note this since it is directly responsible for the higher
strike total of 1954. Since these small strikes clustered around the
one issue, it is fair to point out that there is nothing particularly
abnormal about the 1914 strike pattern. One should also notice
the absence of demarcation strikes throughout this whole period.
Table XVIIIB indicates the length of stoppage in relation to
196
Indzlstrial Relations in the North East Steel Industry
TABLE XVIIIB
LENGTH OF STOPPAGES IN RECORDED IRON AND STEEL STRIKES ON THE
NORTH EAST COAST 1949-61
Length of Stoppage
Type of Issue Total
1-3 days 4-7 days Over 7 days
Wages 3 2 5 IO
Hours I - - I
Demarcation - - - 0
Redundancy - - - 0
Manning 2 I - 3
Industrial
Discipline I - - I
Other Work
Arrangements I - - I
Trade Union
Issues I - 6
s
Total 13 4 5 22
the type of issue. Length of stoppage is, of course, a useful index

of the severity of a strike. Nearly three-fifths of the strikes lasted
for three days or less and over three-quarters were finished within
a week. The strikes lasting over a week were all wage disputes.
One of the longest strikes was of a fortnight’s duration in 193 3.
It was the first strike in the plant for thirty-three years. Four
hundred members of the Allied Crafts came out on strike alleging
that union officials had signed an agreement to reduce tonnage
bonus rates without getting the men’s consent. The union officials
felt that management had a case because the introduction of new
equipment had substantially improved output. They felt, and told
their members, that the settlement which they had negotiated
with management was more satisfactory than would have been
obtained by taking the matter to Arbitration. Management based
their case on a 1936 agreement with the unions, which allowed
for a revision of rates following a change of practice. They
pointed out that output had nearly doubled since 1936. The basis
of the conflict between the parties appeared to be one of time
perspective. The workers maintained that their current earnings
would be cut by I j /- to I 8/- a week. Management and union
officials argued that this would only be a temporary loss and that
earnings would continue to improve with increased production.
198
The fact, however, that there was any reduction of earnings
during a period of rising output and prosperity for the firm
suggests a certain tactical mishandling on the part of manage-
ment and union officials, whatever the overall correctness of their
agreement. Not surprisingly it led to protests among the rank
and file that they had been betrayed by their own officials. How-
ever, despite the vehemence of their protest, they did not achieve
their objective of redressing the settlement.
The longest of the strikes lasted for just under a month in 1954.
It arose because management in one firm refused to concede a
claim from a group of template makers for a percentage tonnage
bonus to be incorporated into their wages. Template workers
have traditionally been paid on a time rate basis. Their work is
regarded as highly skilled and this has been reflected in a higher
base rate than has obtained in most crafts. But the take-home pay
of many other craftsmen was nevertheless higher in many
instances. This was because their work was regarded as more
directly related to production, thus qualifying them for a bonus
on tonnage output. Interestingly enough this was the issue over
which other craftsmen in the same union (the Boilermakers)
staged a series of sympathy strikes. They had nothing personal to
TABLE XVIIIC
NUMBERS DIRECTLY INVOLVED IN RECORDED IRON AND STEEL STRIKES

ON THENORTH EAST COAST 1949-61
Numbers Directly Involved

Type of Issue Total
I-100 IOI--200 ZOI--joo 300 +
Wages 6 2 - 2 IO
Hours - - - I I
Demarcation - - - - 0
Redundancy - - - - 0
Manning 2 - I -
3
Industrial
Discipline I - - -
Other work
Arrangements - I - -
Trade Union
Issues 6 - _ -
Total 15 3 I 3 22
0 ‘99
Indtlstrial Relations in the North East Steel Indzutry
gain from such action, It appeared to stem from certain moral
feelings about what is or is not ‘fair’.
Another indicator of the severity of strike activity relates to
the numbers directly involved. This is shown in Table XVIIIC.
Here we see that in two-thirds of the recorded strikes IOO or less
men were directly involved. In only 14% of the strikes were more
than 300 men directly involved. These included the Allied
Crafts strike, to which I have already referred, which arose from
the change in the basis of the tonnage bonus. There was also an
official Allied Crafts strike in I 9 16 in support of a wage claim for
all craftsmen in the industry. This strike involved the 7,000 crafts-
men then employed in the North East sector of the industry.
The only other strike in this category occurred in 19>9 when a
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. branch closed a plant down by bringing out some
800 members. The branch claimed that management had caused
short time to be worked in a way which broke a guaranteed
minimum week agreement. The case is of some interest and we
will outline it briefly.
When a straightening machine in a particular mill broke down,
on a Thursday, management sent telegrams to the nine men due
to come in on the next shift, who were affected by this break-
down, telling them not to report back until the following Monday.
The branch officials claimed that a written domestic agreement
included prior consultation with the branch before such action
could properly be taken. This condition, they asserted, had not
been fulfllled. They argued that the men should have been trans-
ferred to other work, particularly as it was near Christmas. They
felt that it was especially unfair that the men’s earnings should
have been adversely affected at such a time. Although the branch
officials acted unconstitutionally against the rules of a union which
has a reputation for keeping its representatives in line, there is no
evidence that these officials were disciplined by their national
executive in any way. The branch officials themselves maintained
that this action did lead to some improvement subsequently in
the management-union consultation procedure.
In Table XVIIID, I have shown the extent to which particular
unions were involved in strike activity during the period I 949-61.
Plainly, the craft unions were the main instigators and participants
in strike action. The relatively large number attributed to the
Boilermakers as compared to other unions is of interest but ought
200
TABLE XVIIID
UNIONS INVOLVED IN RECORDED IRON AND STEEL STRIKES ON THE NORTH EAST COAST 1949-61
-
UNION
Blmk- Roll Allid

13.I.S.A.K.T.A.B.M.S. A.E.U. E.T.U. A.U.B.T.W. A.S.W. U.P.A. A.U.F.W. P.T.U. smiths Turners Crafts T.G.W.U. N.UG.M.W.
--
- * 2 I 2 I I I r I 2 -
4 7.
I - - - _ - - - - - - - -
Demarcation - - - - - _ - - - - - - - -
Redundancy - - - - - _ - - - - - - - -
Manning I I - - - _ - - - - - - _ 1
Industrial
Discipline - - - I - - - - - - - - - -
Other Work
Arrangements - I - - - - - - - - - - - -
Trade Union
Issues - 6 - - - - - - - - - - _ -
--
Total 7. 12 1 3 2 I 2 I I I I I 2 I
Indztstrial Relations in the North East Steel Indg.rtty
not, perhaps to be exaggerated. It will be recalled that the five
sympathy strikes were called by members of this union. While
they were separate strikes and to some extent involved different
personnel, they were all over the same issue. Again, in two other
cases the Boilermakers acted in conjunction with other unions.
The greater militancy of the craft unions so far as strike activity
is concerned, is reflected also in the fact that they alone were
involved in strikes that lasted over a week. One case here relates
to a strike which was not exclusively confined to the steel in-
dustry. It arose when the Patternmakers came out in all Pattern-
making establishments in the North East, in 1960, on the grounds
that the employers had refused to negotiate with them over a
wage claim.
Only two strikes involved B.I.S.A.K.T.A. members during
the whole period. One of these we have discussed already. The
other dispute occurred in 1960. Fifty machine operators, who
were working under an incentive payment scheme, objected to
being taken off the job on which the incentive applied and told
to off-load material which was coming into the shop.
There were then during this period very few recorded strikes
in the North East steel industry. The typical strike was of short
duration. It was usually called by a single union and directly
involved less than IOO men. It usually occurred in a particular
plant. All the strikes which did begin in individual firms began
as ‘unofficial’ and started before negotiating procedures had been
exhausted. But most of them also might be characterised as
‘perishable’ disputes, in which a premium is placed on speed of
action in response to what is felt to be unconstitutional or unfair
managerial behaviour. They might be regarded in a sense as the
backwash arising from the belief in the sanctity of custom and
practice as the regulating principle of industrial relations. For
example, the only strike which involved a general union, the
N.U.G.M.W., was in 19j1 when 275 labourers, platers’ helpers
and loaders walked out of a plant. This was because a plater’s
helper had been transferred to a job as slinger’s helper, when the
plater he had been helping was unoccupied. The union convener
objected to the management’s decision because, he said, there
were other platers who were short of help at the time and that,
in any case, the job of slingers’ helper belonged to another union
(presumably the C.E.U.).
202
Industrial Relations in the North East Steel Indzlstr_y
There is no evidence of concerted strike action being taken by
all unions in a plant at any one time. There is a curious irony in
the fact that the nearest likelihood of that occurred in 19j 5 when
a joint strike was threatened at South Durham in an attempt to
get the Cargo Fleet plant Works Manager reinstated, as reported
in the Northern Echo during January and February. A difference
of opinion had arisen between the Managing Director and the
Works Manager as to whether or not one could get more output
with existing plant and layout. The men described the Works
Manager as ‘the most popular boss they ever had’ and said that
he had their respect and confidence. Justifying their strike threat
they observed: ‘The trades union movement has such a broad
democratic basis in opposing what we regard as injustice, that
this extends to what happens within the management . . . and we
do feel an injustice has been done’.
Conch4sion
What I have tried to show in this chapter is, first, the conjunction
of circumstances which promoted and sustained a prolonged
period of industrial peace in the British iron and steel industry,
and, in particular, its North East sector. Secondly, I have looked
at a number of salient features of the structure and functioning
of the industrial relations system of the North East steel industry
during the post-war period.
In terms of strike statistics it is quite evident that in the North
East, the industry’s reputation for industrial peace is still justified.
The vicissitudes of private and public ownership, Conservative
and Labour governments are not in any obvious way related to
the level of strike activity. Equally, we noted that the largest union
in the industry, B.I.S.A.K.T.A., did not commonly take disputes
which arose in the plant for external plant settlement. Neverthe-
less, in the post-1958 period some slack in the system was, so to
speak, taken up, insofar as increasing (though scarcely excessive)
use was made of extra-plant dispute procedures. What I would
suggest is that the sources of this strain on the system are to be
located in the organisational and technological changes which
were implemented in a climate of recession. A common union
interpretation was that the recession altered the balance of power
in management’s favour. In consequence there were, for example,
203
Indx&aZ Relations in the North East Steel Industry
managerial attempts to tighten control over matters of discipline:
In full employment, management tends to allow things in an attempt
to get 19 shifts, for which it needs a special application to the union
every week. They then, after I 918, tried to put their house in order
a little too late, which led to arbitrary behaviour. For example, on
absenteeism, which was pretty high in full employment, they have
tightened up. The men feel strongly about this . . . Also, in this
area the mill stops working at the changeover of shift times for
20-40 minutes. The national agreement says that there should be
no stoppage . . . since I 918 they have tried to implement the
agreement.
This cashing-in on their power resources might be said to
constitute a management offensive. It represents a shift from a
leniency to a stringency pattern of labour relations. But it was
also maintained by the union that, by following procedure closely
(and refusing to settle matters formally or informally at plant
level) management could use such institutional arrangements as
a defensive measure against union aggression during periods of
recession. Thus it was said: ‘Problems tend to drag on and take
a long time before being settled . . . when we had the boot on
our foot we could move more quickly. Management now are
deliberately stalling on certain issues and our lads have guessed
this.’
Here is an example of the kind of stalling tactics that could be
applied. A particular plant, because of the tight market, was look-
ing for all possible sales openings. They took on a substantial
number of orders for semi-finished material in the form of billets
for export. The craftsmen’s tonnage bonus, however, was only
paid on finished material. They claimed that, because of the
alteration in the pattern of selling, semi-finished material should
also be included - ‘it had passed through the rolls and in their
opinion was finished material so far as the Company was con-
cerned’. The matter could not be settled by the shop stewards
and the relevant District Oflicials were called in. The Company
then suggested that the matter be held over until some new mills
were completed, when the whole question of the craftsmen’s
bonus would be reviewed. This was not well received by the
unions. The Company then called for an adjournment on the
grounds that, having inspected the wording of the relevant
district agreement, they were not at all clear whether they would
204
Indzrstrial Relations in the North East Steel Indu.str_y
be correct in including semi-finished material for bonus, even
with a reduction of the bonus rate. This kind of behaviour may
not unfairly be described as the managerial equivalent of working-
to-rule.
However, the movement towards a more stringent pattern of
industrial relations has not been as great as it could have been.
In particular one suspects that managerial prerogatives on man-
ning have, on the whole, been exercised judiciously. In the first
place manning arrangements in relation to new plant and equip-
ment have not, during the period surveyed, departed quantita-
tively from traditional manning patterns in any radical way.
Secondly, and very important, the running-in period of new plant
has been a time when the original manning decisions taken by
management could be challenged by the unions in the light of
experience. Hence final agreements about rates and manning have
been collectively decided upon in the context of plant bargaining.
Since much adverse comment exists about the state of British
industrial relations, often in a very parochial perspective, it is
perhaps of interest to hear the view of the American scholar,
Abraham Siegel, on the British steel industry:
In the light of the 1919 American experience with the work rules
issue, the practices of the British bargaining machinery, for example,
with respect to the relegation of issues to the proper working level
of familiarity in the bargaining hierarchy, are certainly worth more
than a casual glance.’
l Siegel, op. cit., p. 3x7.

CHAPTER SIX
Redundancy Conflict in an
Isolated Steel Community
conflict referred to in the title of this chapter arose
T
HE
when different answers were given to the question ‘who
should be dismissed?‘, following a recession in trade at the
Consett Iron Company in 1961 .1 I attempt to demonstrate that by
a social-structural analysis one can obtain a clearer understanding
of the nature of such conflict. While any particular case will have
idiosyncratic features that make it unique, the mode of analysis
may be applied to other situations which have a family resem-
blance.
The paper is divided into two main sections:
I. A discussion of the extent to which a generalised belief system
exists in the country at large concerning the principles which should
govern dismissals arising from redundancy. I shall indicate some
potential sources of conflict arising from the application of any
such principles.
II. A presentation of the Consett case in the light of the above dis-
cussion. Essentially I shall ask: how the various interest groups
defined the situation confronting them. Towards what goal or goals
was their action directed? What criteria did they appeal to, what
means did they advocate and what resources did they mobilise
in the pursuit of their goals ?
I. Selectionfor Dismissals: The Generalised Belief System

Among the more important studies of redundancy problems and
procedures one may cite the following:
1 My thanks are due to the Consett Iron Company for permission to carry
out the research and for their generous help and co-operation.
206
Redzmdang Conflict in an Isolated Steel Communit_y
(i) Acton Society Trust, Redztndancy: A Stirvey of Problems and
Practices (19j8). This work was carried out on a national basis
and reported on policies pursued by the nationalised sector of
industry and zoo firms in the private sector.
(ii) Ministry of Labour, ‘Redundancy in Great Britain’, Ministry
of Labour Gaxette, February 1963. This was another national
survey and brought up to date an earlier Ministry of Labour
publication, ‘Security and Change’. It reports on the policies of
371 private firms, industry-wide arrangements existing in the
private sector, provisions in the nationalised industries and in
National and Local Government Service.
(iii) Hilda R. K ahn, Repercxrions of Redundancy (1964).1 This
was a I in IO sample inquiry into the experiences and attitudes
of workers who were made redundant in Birmingham in 195 6.
Redundancy in this area arose mainly as a result of a temporary
recession in the car industry.
(iv) Dorothy Wedderburn, Redundanq and the Raifwaymen
(1963).~ This is a study of the impact of the railway contraction
plan, announced in 1962, upon two railway workshops: Gorton,
Manchester and Faverdale, Darlington. Redundancy in this con-
text was a direct result of structural changes taking place in the
industry.
(v) Dorothy Wedderburn, White Collar Redundany: a Case .Stu~$
(I 964).3 This was an account of a redundancy episode occurring
in a particular firm, English Electric. The redundancy arose
following the sudden cancellation, by the Government of a
defence contract for the Blue Water Guided Missile. It affected
workers in two of the firm’s plants: Stevenage and Luton.
In the two studies conducted by Wedderburn, the official re-
dundancy policies are described and the attitudes of the men
affected to these policies ascertained through interviews.
Apart from situations in which a firm closes down and all
employees are made redundant, the question ‘who should go
first?’ inevitably arises. On the evidence of the representative
studies referred to above, one may suggest that at a very general
1 Hilda R. Kahn, Repercussions of Redundancy (Allen and Unwin, 1964).

2 University of Cambridge, Department of Applied Economics, Occasional
Papers, 4. Cambridge University Press.
3 University of Cambridge, Department of Applied Economics, Occasional
Papers, I. (Cambridge University Press).
207
Redtmdancy Conficct in an Isolated Steel Community
level there is an evaluative consensus relating to the kind of
considerations that, it is felt, should apply. These beliefs may be
expressed as follows :
I. The number of employees to be dismissed should be kept
to a minimum.
z. Length of service should be taken into consideration so
that, broadly, the rule ‘last in first out’ should operate.
3. But the rule may be modified on certain grounds :
(a) Some groups or individuals may be held to have less
claim to a job regardless of their seniority (e.g. married
women, men over 65).
(b) Some groups or individuals may be held to have more
claim to a job, regardless of their seniority (i) on the
grounds of efficiency (ii) on the grounds of special
need (e.g. handicapped workers. young men finishing
apprenticeship).
In a particular redundancy situation, it is clear that the potential
sources of conflict over who should be dimissed are numerous.
Among the more important are:
I. Arguments about the appropriateness of implementing re-
dundancy procedures, as a means of dealing with the problems of
the firm or industry. It may be suggested that alternative measures
such as cutting out overtime, introducing short-time working,
re-deploying labour within the undertaking, and allowing for
‘natural wastage’ of labour, are adequate. Where the threat to
labour comes from technological change, resistance to redundancy
may arise on the grounds that the shrinkage in the size of the
labour force (where its inevitability is acknowledged) could be
done more gradually, without resort to dismissal. Where the
threat comes from changes in market demand, the same arguments
may be used. But in this case there may also be differences of
opinion concerning the nature of the recession, Is it likely to be
of short or long duration. 2 In the case of short term recessions,
restrictions on overtime, short-time working and the re-deploy-
ment of labour in the firm have much to be said for them as
alternative solutions to redundancy. In any case, beliefs about the
kind of redundancy being experienced are, one may predict,
likely to affect the character of the solutions which are regarded
as ‘fair’.
208
Redmdmcy Confricctin an Isolated Steel Commtlni~
a. Arguments about whether or not dismissals have been kept
to a minimum. The points raised in the first example may be
applied here also except that there is a limited acceptance of the
inevitability of redundancy, in this situation.
3. The legitimacy of the generalised belief system may be
questioned. For example, it may be held that the last in first out
rule should not be modified on any grounds. Or, instead of the
‘last in first out’ rule being the primary consideration and then
being modified on the grounds of efficiency, the efficiency rule
may be regarded as the primary rule. It may be treated as an
exclusive rule, or admit of modification with reference to the
seniority principle, or, for that matter, other considerations. The
Ministry of Labour survey makes clear that in fact very few firms
specify efficiency as the sole criterion, but in the case of the Civil
Service within each ‘redundancy unit’ the ‘inefficient’ are the first
to go and only after that does the ‘last in first out’ principle apply.
4. There may be disagreement on the weight to be attached to
different elements in the generalised belief system. These dis-
agreements will take the form of asking how far the rule of ‘last
in first out’ should be modified by other considerations; or, what
weight should be attached to one set of considerations, say,
efficiency compared with another set of considerations, say, pre-
ferential treatment for hardship cases. The Ministry of Labour
survey found that 40% of the firms operated policies based on
a combination of factors relating to length of service and
efficiency. Another 40% operate discriminatory policies against
certain categories of workers first and then go on to apply some
form of seniority plus efficiency policy.
3. Semantic conflicts may emerge over the operational defmi-
tion of terms and categories. Thus the point of reference for the
application of the ‘last in first out’ principle may be a section, a
department, a plant, a firm and so on, with very different implica-
tions for those involved. Again, there may be differences of
opinion as to who should be discriminated against before the
‘last in first out’ rule is applied. In Kahn’s survey, 62% of her
respondents regarded ‘last in first out’ as the fairest policy in time
of redundancy but of these
86% were nevertheless of the opinion that married women should
be asked to go first, 63% that men over 65 should and 42% that
coloured and foreign workers should. Fully ~6% of the zzo men
209
Kedtindancy Conflict in an Isolated Steel Communi~
held that all three should be dispensed with in such a contingency
before last in first out was to operate, while nearly 43% believed at
least z of the 3 shou1d.l
The Acton Society survey reported that discrimination against
women, part-time, or night shift workers and workers of pension-
able age was common; but discrimination against aliens as such
was unusual.
‘EGiciency too, is susceptible to great differences of interpre-
tation. In the first place a particular occupational group or work
group may be exempted from dismissal on the grounds that their
function is essential. In the second place efficiency considerations
may have a more individualistic basis: the separation of the
efficient sheep from the inefficient goats within a work group or
occupational group. The actual measurement of efficiency varies
irzsod deal. The A cton Society Trust report noted that some
invoke records of ability pay and merit awards to lend objectivity

to their assessment . . . others have no such inhibitions and state
roundly that they will take into account ‘adaptability’, ‘workroom
conduct’ and ‘good general relations’ and that the management’s
decision will be final.2
6. Finally, we may notice the possibility of procedural conflicts.
There may be arguments, for example, about the appropriate
parts to be played respectively by management and unions in the
concrete determination of redundancy procedures. Again, there
may be disagreement over the way the redundancy situation is
handled, rather than with the principles underlying dismissals.
Thus Wedderburn observes in White Collar Redundancy that,
‘Whatever steps the Company had taken to explain how redun-
dant workers were to be selected, the great majority (three-
quarters) of the men we interviewed insisted that they did not
know what was happening’.3
In general, therefore, one may suggest that conflict may be
generated (a) in relation to the form of the proposals for dis-
l Kahn, op. cit., pp. 224-5.

2 Acton Society Trust Report, op. cit., p. 33. In quoting this comment one
is not, of course, subscribing to the view that any of these factors effectively
measure efficiency.
s Wedderburn, op. cit., p. I 5.
210
Redundancy Conflict in an Isolated Steel Communit_y
missal policy (i.e. generalised conflicts about norm legitimacy),
(b) in relation to the content of the proposals relating to dismissal
policy (i.e. particularised conflicts about norm legitimacy) and
(c) in relation to the handling of the proposals for dismissals (i.e.
conflicts about normative regulation).
I have now discussed some of the major forms of potential
conflict arising from redundancy dismissal policy. We may turn
now to the Consett case and attempt to locate and account for
the redundancy conflict that emerged there.
2. The Consett Case1

The circumstances in which redundancy at Consett came to be
regarded as necessary can be briefly outlined. In 1961, the steel
industry was faced with a recession in trade, which had been
induced by the credit squeeze the Conservative government was
then operating. As the shipbuilding industry and the motor car
industry, to name two major customers, began to cut down on
their supplies, the steel industry began to suffer. At Consett, the
general situation confronting the industry was aggravated by the
fact that a transition was being made from an old plate mill to a
new one. Thus, at the same time as labour productivity was
increasing, sales opportunities were falling. Instead of being able
to run the two mills simultaneously for as long as originally
intended, the closure of the old mill was accelerated by adverse
market conditions. In the summer of 1961, the management in-
formed union representatives at a joint meeting of all unions, the
Joint Consultative Committee, that a large scale redundancy was
imminent. In the event, some 422 men were initially declared
redundant out of a total work force of just under 7,000 - that is,
about 6%. Ultimately, this figure rose to just over 600 - between
8 and 9% of the original work force, before the recession began
to lift in the spring of 1962.
The official proposals from the Company relating to who
should be made redundant, reflected the generalised belief system,
mentioned earlier. In substantive terms this involved:
l The field work is based on an analysis of relevant documentary material
provided by the Company. Many of those involved, including ‘key in-
fluentials’ were also interviewed. Interviews were carried out by A. J. Odber,
G. Roberts and the writer.
211
Redzmdancy Co$ict in an Isolated Steel Community
(a) Ensuring that foreign workers, women doing men’s work,
and men over the age of 6j went first.
(b) Applying the rule of last in first out on a plant basis.
(c) Excluding craftsmen and ‘specialists’ whose jobs could not
be taken over by anyone else at short notice, from the
redundancy arrangements, on the grounds of efficiency.
(e) Excluding men under the age of 21, on the grounds of
special needs for them to stay in employment.
Before going on to indicate the sources of conflict and con-
sensus with these proposals, let us clarify why the Company
reached the position of regarding its dismissal policy as ‘the most
equitable method’.
In the first place, the policy was an expression of the special
sense of responsibility and obligation which the Company felt
towards Consett and the surrounding neighbourhood. Because
the Company was the dominant employer in the area it was
evident that the Company’s fortunes were indissolubly linked
with those of the community. In the days of the early iron masters
this relationship had taken the form of a benevolent paternalism -
the provision of Company houses, a public park and general
oversight of the town’s welfare. A good example of the kind of
relationship engendered is to be found in a letter written by the
Chairman of the Consett and District United Friendly Societies
in 1877 to William Jenkins, J.P., the General Manager of the
Consett Iron Works:
We . . . beg to return to you our sincere thanks for the many favours
we have received at your hand, more especially with our annual
procession and gala. We feel assured that it is to a sincere desire on
your part to forward the welfare of our members and their families
that we owe the generous aid you have given us, and also the kindly
manner in which you have personally come forward to assist us. It
is a matter for congratulation with us that, while we are using our
best endeavours to spread the principles of our Societies, and thereby
improving the moral and physical condition of the people, we
should have the countenance and support of a gentleman possessing
the influence which your position amongst us naturally gives
you. . . .l
This letter conveys the spirit of a feudal relationship carried
1 The Hiriory andBiography of IVest Dwham (188x), pp. 38-9.
212
Redund.znc_yCon@ in an Isolated Steel Commtmit_y
over into an industrial context. This kind of relationship has, over
the years, been profoundly modified, although at least one
manager in the Company was prepared to argue that the ‘psycho-
logical remnants of feudalism’ was still in evidence. Be that as it
may, the sense of dependence on the Company, which the
economic decline of the West Durham Coalfield served to
emphasise, was still felt and voiced. In September 1960, for
example, the then Chairman of the Consett Urban District Council
could write in the Company’s House Journal:
I feel I am voicing the public thought when I say how much we
appreciate having the Consett Iron Company as the centre of our
activities . . . and how much the inhabitants, workers, and traders,
not forgetting the Council, are dependent on the progress and
expansion which have made Consett known all over the world. . . .
The Management and the Directors are to be congratulated and
praised for their decisions (during the very difficult times) to resist
the temptation to move the works to the coast, and for the decision
to modernise and extend at Consett.
The period alluded to in the last sentence was the 1930s
Immediately before the Second World War, the Company had
set up a strip mill in Jarrow and the rumour was strong that this
was the first step of a gradual transfer of the whole Company. It
was in the recognition of this special relationship with the
surrounding community that the Company chose, as the central
plank in its redundancy arrangements, the principle of ‘last in
first out’ on a plant basis. Since the most recent arrivals were, in
the main, not Consett men, it was argued that this method was
least harmful to the community itself. Further, by operating the
rule on a plant wide basis, it meant that middle-aged men would
be less likely to suffer redundancy than younger men and, in
particular, that fathers would not be out of work while their sons
were still employed.
The rules for dismissal relating to the ascribed status, the
seniority or the needs of the participants serve, it may be
suggested, to reflect and reinforce both the in-group/out-group
dichotomy between community and non-community members,
and the internal social differentiations existing within the com-
munity.
We may notice, secondly, that, in the interests of efficiency, the
Company had to concern itself, not only with the size of its
aI3
Redtlndancy Conflict in an Isolated Steel Commtmity
labour force, but also with the quality of it. Craftsmen and
‘specialists’, either because of the conventions of existing union
rules, and/or for clear functional reasons, could be regarded as
having skills that were non-transferable, at least in any immediate
sense. The problem the Company faced in relation to these
groups was one of relative shortage of supply in the array of
skills that they represented.
When, after a long period of prosperity, a recession hits an
industry, it is usually possible to defer for a limited period any
thought of laying off maintenance craftsmen. Such workers can
be deployed in the thorough overhaul of machinery and equip-
ment. This is particularly true in a continuous shift industry. As
these tasks are completed, however, the decision then has to be
taken as to whether to make some of these men redundant or
whether to under-employ the existing manpower. In the Consett
case, bearing in mind the relative geographical isolation of the
town, to make craftsmen redundant might be to lose many of
them altogether. Given that their skills were a prerequisite of
efficient plant utilisation, a shortage of such personnel could
impair the efficiency of the Company when trade returned to
normal.
This dual concern on the part of Company policy-makers to
accommodate itself to the value system of the local community,
on the one hand, and attempt to maintain the plant as a viable
economic unit on the other hand, led to the selection of criteria
for redundancy which were at least partially conflicting. But it
was the elaboration of a particular form of compound justice.
Further, in arriving at what they regarded as the appropriate
‘mix’, the Company claimed that it was following an established
precedent: its policy was not only in line with pre-war redundancy
procedures, but also with the practice which was followed in
19j 8 - their only experience of post-war redundancy. On that
occasion, the Company maintained, the unions agreed and the
policy was put into effect ‘in a completely harmonious manner’.
We may now go on to consider the extent to which, and the
ways in which particular groups deviated from the official Com-
pany policy. Although a great deal of the debate crystallised
round the question: should the ‘last in first out’ principle be
applied on a plant or a departmental basis ? this does not in itself
bring out the complexity of the issues. In the Summary Chart of
214
Redundancy Confict in an Isolated Steel Community
the Sources of Redundancy Conflict at Consett,l I have listed the
major groups involved, their evaluation of the character of the
recession, their goal orientation in relation to redundancy policy
and the instrumental behaviour they adopted in an attempt to
achieve their goals. It now remains to work through this and to
describe and to analyse the conflict in terms of the social processes
involved.
On the grounds that their function is essential, the craftsmen
were exempted from the redundancy procedure. Therefore,
objections from the craft unions were not to be expected and,
with the exception of the E.T.U., they were not forthcoming.
The E.T.U., however, included electricians’ mates within its
membership. The union argued, on their behalf, that the electrical
department, including mates, should be regarded as a separate
maintenance department and that any necessary redundancy of
craftsmen’s mates should be treated solely with reference to
departmental needs. The E.T.U. position may be viewed in the
light of the fact that B.I.S.A.K.T.A. had competing claims for
the allegiance of craftsmen’s mates. The Company scheme of the
plant-wide seniority rule involved the transfer of men between
departments. This meant that B.I.S.A.K.T.A. men would in-
evitably infiltrate into the Electrical Department. The E.T.U. had
not always organised craftsmen’s mates, hence the fear that the
Company scheme would lead to a reversal of the union’s fortunes
in this respect. Indeed, in subsequent discussion with the Com-
pany, there were differences of opinion concerning how many
electricians’ mates were in the E.T.U. and how many in
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. The E.T.U. claimed that all the men were in
their union, but the existence of a debate on a factual question
perhaps indicates the relative insecurity of the E.T.U. in relation
to the organisation of this group. To oppose the scheme would
be to indicate to the mates that the union had their interests at
heart. By denoting electricians mates as a class distinct from other
labourers, who should not go into the general category of inter-
changeable labour, the number of E.T.U. men made redundant
would be minimised. At the same time, if successful, the opposi-
tion would be of strategic value to the E.T.U. in that, effectively,
a single union department would have been established. In that
the Electrical Department did have a well established, auto-
l See below, pp. 226-8.
P 215
Redundanc_yConj%ct in an Isolated Steel Community
nomous and acceptable consultative system, the union’s attempt
to draw the boundary line there was understandable. The difficulty
was, however, that if the electricians’ mates were to be treated
as a special category, then what about the fitters’ mates? The
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. branch to which fitters’ mates belonged also
wanted redundancy to operate on a departmental basis. The Joint
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. Branches Committee in the plant did not support
this view, however, for reasons which we discuss below. This
gave added strength to the Company’s position when it came to
negotiating with the E.T.U. area official. Further, the Company
was able to point out that the union was a signatory to a 1942
domestic agreement, which gave the firm the right to deploy its
labourers and dispense with them as it saw fit.
It is significant that, even under stress, the E.T.U. official was
prepared to accept as binding an agreement into which his union
had voluntarily entered, and overt conflict was in this case
avoided. This is not to say that in the light of the current
experience, the union might not subsequently seek to revoke or
change the agreement by constitutional means. Indeed, the union
official indicated that the whole question would be re-opened
when normal working conditions were resumed at the works.
It is also worth noting that there has been a tendency in the
steel industry on the part of management to try and get away
from the one for one craftsman/mate ratio. It is possible, though
by no means clear, that the E.T.U. was worried that the recession
might result in changes of this kind. Clearly, to have all the mates
in their union, should such an issue manifest itself, would add to
their bargaining strength. And organisational changes of this sort
could be more readily disguised if redundancy operated on a
plant-wide basis.
Although the E.T.U.‘s objections led to a skirmish with the
Company, it was the dissent of the National Union of Blast-
furnacemen which had the widest repercussions. The N.U.B., like
the E.T.U., was concerned to maintain union control of jobs in
particular departments. It resisted, therefore, the suggestion that
redundancy procedures should operate on a plant-wide basis,
since this would involve the transfer of B.I.S.A.K.T.A. members
into the Blast Furnaces and Coke Works Departments. This they
regarded as infiltration. In any case, there was a further advantage
to be gained from departmentally based redundancy schemes. It
216
Redtlndancy Confrct in an Isolated Steel Commtlnit_y
is the finishing processes that suffer first in the event of a re-
dundancy and, bearing this in mind, the N.U.B. members would
be the last to suffer from the effects of recession. But the union
felt that there were impartial grounds on which its positon could
be justified. When, therefore, N.U.B. members were dismissed
under the official redundancy arrangements, the union took the
case through the negotiating procedure, appealing on behaIf of
its members on the grounds of wrongful dismissal.
In its appeal, which went outside the Company to an ad hoc
Joint Committee and then to National Arbitration, the N.U.B.
demonstrated that, in the steel industry at large, it was common
practice to operate redundancy procedures on a departmenta
basis. Recent examples were brought forward from South Dur-
ham and Dorman Long as evidence. These firms were in the
same region, the North East Coast, and this perhaps gave added
strength to the union’s case, for the Company was not in a
position to suggest that there were regional agreements that
differed from national practice. In making this point, it is clear
that the N.U.B. was not accepting as valid the distinctive com-
munity frame of reference on which the Company placed so much
emphasis. Instead it implied that a standardised redundancy pro-
cedure applicable throughout the industry was a preferable and
more just solution. Insofar as it could portray the Company as
being out of step with other firms in the industry (with the
implication that its geographical position did not entitle it to
special consideration) it could hope to gain the sympathy of the
arbitrator. The Company challenged the validity of the union’s
contention. It maintained that in all the cases cited there was an
important difference. The redundancies did not occur in integrated
steel works such as Consett but on sites where there was only
one type of plant and hence, it was argued, the question under
discussion at Consett did not arise. This is a fine point in that the
plants in question were parts of wider combines, but it represents
a difference of opinion with the union over the substantive content
of the industrial rule of law on this point.
The N.U.B. went on to challenge the consistency of a Company
policy which operated a system of promotion by seniority on a
departmental basis for production workers, while, at the same
time, adhering to a system of redundancy and demotion on a
plant-wide basis. The contradiction lay in the fact that plant-wide
217
Redundany Confict in an Isolated Steel Communit_
redundancy resulted in inter-departmental transfers, but the men
who were so transferred were replacing men to whom, in depart-
mental terms, they were inevitably junior. Thus the custom and
practice of the seniority system was held to invalidate the
redundancy procedure.
Finally, the N.U.B. questioned the procedural method by which
the redundancy was handled. They did not accept the right of
the Joint Consultative Committee to make decisions about re-
dundancy, which could be regarded as in any way binding on
individual unions. In this they were constitutionally correct. The
1946 Agreement between the Iron and Steel Trades Employers’
Association and the N.U.B.:
Provides the following machinery for dealing with questions affect-
ing blast furnaces, which is characteristic of procedures both written
and unwritten in the industry:
I. Questions of a general character are to be dealt with at meetings
between representatives of the Association and of the Union.
2. Differences at individual works are to be dealt with in the first
place between the works management and the workmen con-
cerned. The workmen have the right to call in the works’
delegate and/or the district official of the union and the manage-
ment likewise have the right to call in a district association or a
district sectional official . . .l
The high degree of consensus on the Joint Consultative Com-
mittee, to which the Company could rightly point, was therefore
set aside by the N.U.B. as irrelevant since, in procedural terms
it was not a decision taking body.
On the basis of these contentions the N.U.B. claimed that,
although it was in a minority camp vis-a-vis other unions, it was
still justified in appealing against wrongful dismissal on behalf
of its members. The Arbitrator upheld the union’s claim. In his
summing up he observed:
There is no material difference between the parties on matters of
fact so far as the present dispute is concerned. Further, both agree
that seniority in the sense of length of service should be the decisive
factor in determining which men should be declared redundant.
The difference lies in how seniority should be defined. It is clear
1 Ministry of Labour, Handbook of Industrial Relations (H.M.S.O., 1g61),

P* 43.
2x8
Redun+y Conjict in an Isolated Steel Community
that as far as promotion is concerned, under the agreed rules, it is
service in a section which determines seniority and therefore those
joining a section take precedence after those already working in that
section, whatever their seniority elsewhere might have been. The
Association maintains that seniority rules make no reference to
redundancy, the matter now in dispute is outside their scope and
can be interpreted on a different principle. I find this difficult to
accept - the seniority rules must be interpreted at need in the light
of custom and practice.
In considering the bearing of the 195 8 redundancy arrange-

ments on the 1961 situation, he stated that there appeared to be
some conflict of evidence as regards union reactions to them but
‘in any case one such precedent cannot be held to stand against
majority custom and practice’. He ruled accordingly that ‘when
redundancy necessitates dismissals the seniority rules relating to
promotion shall apply’.
The reactions of other unions and management to the N.U.B.‘s
position and to the decision of the Arbitrator are of great interest.
The Company had not only claimed that its policy was based on
equity but explicitly pointed out that this involved ‘fulfilling its
primary responsibility to the Consett community rather than an
outlying area’. At the Arbitration proceedings there were signed
statements on behalf of the N.U.G.M.W., T.G.W.U., Allied
Crafts, and B.I.S.A.K.T.A. Joint Branches Committee, which
endorsed the Company’s policy as being satisfactory and appro-
priate. The B.I.S.A.K.T.A. statement was particularly interesting
in that it outlined the belief system on which its support was
based. One can in fact distinguish a number of inter-related
elements :
(a) There is a distinction drawn between the role of the Joint

Consultative Committee and union-management negotiation :
The Company and the trade unions both recognised that the Con-
sultative Committee is not the negotiating body but it is the medium
by which the firm notifies the trade union representatives of major
policies, then leaving it to the union to go back to their members
after the official statement to see what would be their line of
approach; then for the unions to contact the firm through their
negotiating machinery whether they agree or not to the suggestions
outlined by the firm.
219
Redtlnd?nc_yConfEiGtin an Isolated Steei Community
For B.I.S.A.K.T.A. a collective decision was taken in favour of
the Company’s policy, but this decision was not reached without
inter-branch conflict. Each B.I.S.A.K.T.A. branch has a jealously
guarded autonomy in negotiating with the firm. The role of the
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. Joint Branches Committee is, therefore, a very
delicate one. Its formal scope is laid down in Rule 16 of the
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. Rule Book:
For the purpose of co-ordination and consultation on matters of
common and general interest to the members, the Executive Council
shall authorise where it considers necessary, the establishment of
Joint Committees at works where there are a number of branches
of the organisation or in an area within the division. It shall draw
up standing orders under which such committees shall function so
as to ensure that they do not in any way encroach upon the autonomy
of the branches nor interfere with the functioning of negotiating
machinery existing in the various sections of the industry.
The practical problem is: when does legitimate co-ordination
become illegitimate coercion ? Two of the branches wanted the
seniority rule to be applied on a departmental basis. The case of
the fitters’ mates we have already discussed. In the same branch
were the general labourers. These mainly were composed of
recent entrants. They belonged to a pool of labour before going
on to particular promotion lines, and as such were allocated to
various departments. As a group they were very much at risk
when it came to redundancy, but more of their members were
likely to be sheltered if dismissal was departmentally based. The
other dissenting branch was a small stocktakers’ branch. They
not only favoured the departmental ruling but also felt that they
should be classified as specialists and thus kept in employment.
The sensitivity of the branches to their independent status was
reflected in the fact that charges of unwarranted interference of
branch officials in the affairs of other branches were sent to the
Executive Council of the union. Neither the validity of these
charges nor the outcome is known, but they are obvious symp-
toms of inter-branch conflict.
The presentation of a united front, as symbolised in the joint
statement to the Arbitrator is most likely to be attributed to the
political expertise of two union ‘elder statesmen’ who, besides
holding senior branch positions, were lay members of the union’s
National Executive Council. Their leadership, in Weberian terms,
220
Redundancy ConfEit in an Isolated Steel Community
was based on a mixture of traditional and legal components. They
had been union officials for many years and were commonly re-
elected without opposition, but they were of course elected on
the basis of the union constitution. It was not impossible for
them so to structure the situation that a majority vote on the
B.I.S.A.K.T.A. Joint Committee would constitute a democratic
decision of B.I.S.A.K.T.A. The Joint Committee could then act
as a means of social control bringing deviant branches into line
with ‘oflicial’ union policy. To put it another way, the Joint
Branches Committee effectively prescribed what was the legi-
timate response to the redundancy situation and this circum-
scribed the decision-making role of individual branches.
(b) The joint statement to the Arbitrator re-affirmed the Com-
pany’s recognition of its special relationship with the Consett
community. Given the hope that this was a temporary recession,
it was argued that ‘last in first out’ on a Company basis was a fair
and equitable basis and the best method suitable to that particular
time. It was stated that the men of Consett ‘have got their
commitments and ties in the town . . . and have been very good
workers’. The cross-cutting ties of the Company and community
were emphasised when the writer went on to observe:
As a public representative with a wide experience on trade union

matters and negotiations I know that the general principle of the
method by which the redundancy was carried out had the full
support of the townspeople . . . if we had carried it out on a de-
partmental basis it would have had very serious consequences on
the people as a whole.
(c) The importance of inter-union co-operation during this

period was spelt out:
We stressed very strongly that we did not want to use this for
individual trade union advantage because it was dangerous for a
community like ours where recession at all times brings hardship
to create any friction between respective unions.
Inter-departmental transfers were, therefore, recognised as tem-

porary and individuals were not asked to transfer to another
union where this would normally be expected. If, after these
temporary measures, an individual chose to stay in his new
department, then it would be necessary for him to change his
221
Rediwdancy Coq%ct in an Isolated SteeZCommzmi~
union membership, where his new job was normally under the
control of another union.
This statement by the B.I.S.A.K.T.A. Joint Branches Com-
mittee serves to indicate the reasons why the majority of the men
accepted the Company’s official definition of the situation - the
evaluation of the character of the recession, the ends to be con-
sidered, and the appropriate behaviour to achieve those ends.
‘Rocking the boat’ in the light of this commitment to consensus
becomes the cardinal sin. The word sin might almost be taken
in its literal meaning here for, as one B.I.S.A.K.T.A. official
observed :
First in last out on a plant basis was a good trade union and Christian
approach - you should always think of the good of the people as a
whole, not in sectional interests.
The strong feelings which the N.U.B.‘s victory at Arbitration
engendered in the defeated majority can well be imagined. It was
described, for example, by a B.I.S.A.K.T.A. official as ‘a dirty
trick’ and by a member of senior management as ‘a glaring mis-
carriage of justice’. In terms of community interest, the N.U.B.
take on the character of a renegade group:
The renegade not only puts into question the values and interests
of the group, but also threatens its very unity. Renegadism signifies
and symbolises a desertion of those standards of the group con-
sidered vital to its well-being, if not to its actual existence . . .
Renegadism threatens to break down the boundary lines of the
established group. Therefore the group must fight the renegade with
all its might since he threatens symbolically, if not in fact, its
existence as an ongoing c0ncern.l
This comment of Coser’s applies to the individual within the
group, but it has its parallel here to the group within the com-
nunity. Thus one suspects that the very act of taking the case to
Arbitration tended to lead to a closing of the ranks between
management and the remaining unions. It is by analogy an
illustration of Coser’s contention that:
The perception of this inside ‘danger’ on the part of the remaining
group members makes for their ‘pulling together’ for an increase in
1 L. Coser, The Ftmnctions of Social Conflict (Routledge and Kegan Paul, I y 5 6),
P. 69.
222
Redmhxy Con~%ctin an IsoZated Steel Commtmit_y
their awareness of the issues at stake, and for an increase in par-
ticipation; in short, the danger signal brings about the mobilisation
of all group defences. Just because the struggle concentrates the
group’s energies for purposes of self-defence, it ties the members
more closely to each other and promotes group integration.1
The Arbitration award to the N.U.B. meant that, in order to
accommodate the legitimated minority view and the strongly held
majority union view any future redundancies would have to be
worked out partly on a plant-wide basis and partly on a depart-
mental basis. This gave added administrative difficulty and,
indeed, a small redundancy which was attempted on this mixed
basis proved very troublesome to handle. This tended to lead to
a situation in which work sharing was preferred to redundancy.2
I have left until last those whom we have characterised as
management dissentients. These men were not an organised
group as such, but it was noticeable that at middle management
level there was a tendency to support the view that departmentally
based redundancy was preferable to considerations of plant-wide
redundancy. The rationale behind this view may be briefly
enumerated :
I. Redundancy on a plant-wide basis with the concomitant
inter-departmental transfers of work-people involves an initial re-
training programme. In practice this training was frequently given
to them by the men whom they were going to replace. This could
not be an easy relationship to sustain, Sometimes the trainer
would leave before the new occupant of the job was fully trained.
z. Newness in a job characteristically gives rise to poorer
workmanship. This was reflected in an increased wastage on
scrap. The firm was, in consequence, losing in competitive
strength at a time when it was most needed.
3. It was felt that the official Company policy gave rise to an
inordinate loss of younger men. It was pointed out, for example,
that it was the younger men who went out in the redundancy of
1958. Now, 22 months later, many of them were out of work
again. Because I 9 38 was the first post-war redundancy to hit the
1 Ibid., p. 71.
2 Even on this, the N.U.B. found themselves out of step with the majority.
After a period of work sharing they had a secret ballot on whether to con-
tinue or whether to have redundancy in the department by seniority. They
chose the latter course.
aa3
Redundary Conjict in an Isolated Steel Commzmi~
firm it was, perhaps, not too difficult to adopt the ‘it can happen
once but it won’t happen again’ attitude. But a repeat episode in
1961 was bound to create much more uncertainty and to bring
thoughts of migration to the fore. In that young men tend to be
more foot-loose, it could reasonably be argued that the Company’s
policy, so far as it emphasised seniority of service as a criterion
of discrimination (particularly in its plant-based form) was liable
to accelerate a movement away from the area. It was in fact
estimated by the Personnel Department of the Company that of
the 600 men who lost their jobs, some 50% were lost to the firm -
though possibly not all of them permanently. But certainly the
loss of confidence on the part of the younger generation in the
area as a source of job opportunities and economic security,
insofar as it encouraged migration, would lead to an ageing work
population and a declining community.
4. There was, finally, the secondary re-training problem which,
it was pointed out, would emerge as the recession began to lift.
As that happened, men who had been transferred were given the
choice of staying in their present job or reverting to their old
one. Those who chose to stay in their present job, might well
cause the men whom they replaced, and who were now returning,
to take a different kind of job, for which they would need some
training. Conversely, those who chose to return to their old jobs
would theoretically be replaced by the returning original in-
cumbents of the job. But not all of the men who were made
redundant did return and the men who actually took the jobs
might need special training.
It is likely that the tendency of middle management to think
in this way was a function of the immediacy of responsibility for
output which was theirs. The Company policy-makers, for their
part, were aware that the plant-wide method of redundancy
involved them in more administrative cost and inconvenience,
but they argued that this was a positive indication of their good
faith towards the Consett community. The essence of the alterna-
tive view put forward here was that such good faith was best
expressed by an over-riding concern with competitive efficiency.
As one proponent of this view put it:
The plant is detached from the rest of the steel industry and there-
fore there is a need to be very competitive. The area as a whole
depends on the plant. There is a humanitarian or community aspect
224
Redtln&zc_y Conficcf in an Isolated Steel Commun&y
in our stress on efficiency. We do this in the men’s interest as well
as our own.
In other words the conviction was expressed that while in the
short run the official policy on redundancy might promote a
feeling of well-being in the community, in the long run the pro-
posed solution might defeat the ends it purported to serve,
namely, the survival and welfare of the community.
Conclwion
I have sought in this account to locate the sources and levels of
inter-group conflict, which arose in relation to the Company’s
official redundancy dismissal policy. In order to do this effectively
the problem was first placed in the context of the generalised
belief system concerning redundancy procedures for dismissal,
as revealed in surveys undertaken on the subject in this country.
The particular case studied here showed no basic disagreement
with the legitimacy of the generalised belief system and in that
sense at least it may be said to be a ‘representative’ case study.
At the same time, to do justice to the social processes involved
in the particular case, it has been necessary to seek to understand
the ways in which the various groups perceived their interests
and defined the situation in which they found themselves.
As one proceeds to analyse the issue in this way, it becomes
evident that one may talk meaningfully about the existence of
competing rationalities : since strong logical arguments are
advanced on the basis of different value assumptions. The implica-
tion is that one cannot speak of ‘pure rationality’. Each system
of rationality is bounded by evaluative considerations of what is
the desirable end(s) to achieve and by normative considerations
of what are the appropriate means to utilise in attaining such an
end(s). Both these sets of considerations are themselves based on
calculations which are typically imperfect of the costs and con-
sequences of particular actions.
The sociologist, by using the method advocated by Max Weber,
of ‘subjective understanding’ may seek in a systematic way to
make explicit the value assumptions, which underlie the behaviour
of the interested parties. This approach takes conflicts of interest
as a normal feature of social relations. But, at the same time, it
would be a mistake to conclude that value assumptions are
Redundancy Confict in an Isolated Steel Communit3,
necessarily ‘closed’ categories (or ‘sentiments’, as the Hawthorne
investigators and others have called them). They are at least in
some measure amenable to attention by the impact of empirical
evidence. For example, one would expect that the evaluation of
the character of the recession is something which can be affected
by the introduction of new information. Or again, through inter-
group discussion, agreement may be reached about the priority
of goals, or accommodation may be reached over the extent to
which conflicting goals may be attained. One is not of course
suggesting that this is automatically the case over all issues. But,
insofar as it is so, the positive implication for management is that
by contributing to a greater cognitive awareness of a particular
situation, sociological analysis may aid managerial skills in
minimising conflicts of interest.l
SUMMARY CHART OF THE SOURCES OF REDUNDANCY CONFLICT
AT CONSETT
Instrumental Behaviour to Achieve Ends

Other
Evaluation Perception differences Qwxtioning
of the of ends Reference with Company’s
Group character to wbicb point for company’J procedure Mobilising
of the behaviour ‘Last in definition for Resources
recession should be first out’ of terms handling
directed and redundance
categories
Company Short term Pursuit of Plant - - (a) Use of

policy- trade interests Joint Con-
maker recession limited by sultation
prevailing (b) Use of
norms domestic
defining agreements
community (c) Gaining
interest T.U.
support in
arbitration
case against
N.U.B.
l It remains the case however, that since perception is selective, there are
built in constraints which will affect the degree of acceptance of a cognitive
statement issued by a member of an ‘opposing’ group, even when evidence
is brought forward, to substantiate it.
226
Redmday Confzict in an Isolated Steel Commt/nit_y

AT CONSETT-CO&.
htrumental Behaviour to Achieve Ends

Other
Evahtion Perception differences Que&ioning
of the of ends Reference with company’s
Group character to which point for company’s procedure Mobihing
of tbe behaviour ‘Last in dejnition for Resources
recession should be first out’ of terms handling
categories
Allied Agreement with Company No No Support for

crafts policy-makers manage-
(excluding ment in
E.T.U.) Arbitration
case against
N.U.B.
BISAKTA Agreement with Company No No (a) Joint

majority policy-makers Branches
view Committee
used to
develop and
maintain
inter-branch
policy.
(b) Support
for manage-
ment in
Arbitration
case against
N.U.B.
E.T.U. Primarily Individual Department Electricians’ Uncertain Trade

short term Trade mates about Union
recession Union should validity of official
but organ- interests qualify as Joint Con- brought
isational pre- ‘specialists’ sultation in for
changes dominate domestic
may lead to discussions
permanent with
reduction manage-
in labour ment.
force Attempts to
assert union
control over
specified
jobs
227
Redmdancy Conflict in an Isolated Steel Commztnit_y
AT CONSETT-CO&.
InstrumentaZBebauiour to Achieve Ends

Other
Evahation Perception differences Qmxtioning
of the of ends Reference with Company’s
Group character to wbicb point for company’s procedure Mobiliring
of the behaviour ‘Ltist in definition for Resources
recersion Jbould be first out’ of terms handling
categories
BISAKTA Short term Individual Department Fitters’ No Assertion

minority trade T.U. mates and of branch
view recession Branch Stocktakers autonomy.
interests should Appeals to
pre- qualify as Union’s
dominate ‘specialists’ National
Executive
N.U.B. Fear of Individual Department No Refusal (a) Attempts

longer term Trade to accept to assert
recessions. Union validity of union con-
Possibly interests Joint Con- trol over
fear of tech- sultation specified
nological as basis for jobs.
redundancy decision- (b) Use of
taking industrial
disputes
procedures
through to
Arbitration
Manage- Fear that Economic Department No No Expression

ment temporary rationality of personal
recession should pre- views - no
could lead dominate known
to more ‘Real’ mobilisation
permanent Community in group
market interest terms
problems if dependent
corrective on
action not Company
taken efficiency
228
APPENDIX A
The Sociology of Work
Trends and Cotinter-trend?
HE study of the social relations and organisations which
T stem from men’s work activities is not a new sphere for

the sociologist. Among the more influential earlier writers
were Marx, Engels, Max Weber and Durkheim. Their reflections
on the nature of work in modern industrial societies can, on the
whole, be said to have created a tradition of sociological pessim-
ism. I would like to indicate some of the sources of this pessimism
and then to describe some of the ways in which this tradition has
been modified in more recent sociological writing.
In the Marx-Engels canon it is typically argued that the very
process of the division of labour diminishes man’s freedom. ‘For
as soon as the division of labour begins’, it is claimed, ‘each man
has a particular, exclusive sphere of activity which is forced upon
him and from which he cannot escape. He is a hunter, a fisherman,
a shepherd, a critical critic and must remain so if he does not
want to lose his means of livelihood.‘2 It is true that an idyllic
picture is painted of life in a communist society, in which the
division of labour would no longer exist. It would be possible to
‘hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the
evening, criticise after dinner, in accordance with my inclination,
without ever becoming hunter, fisherman, shepherd or critic.‘3
This utopian vision contrasts vividly with the Marxist analysis
1 This Appendix is based upon, but not identical with, a broadcast talk
given in January 196G, in the B.B.C. study series, ‘The Sphere of the
Sociologist’.
2 T. B. Bottomore and M. Rubel (eds.) Karl Marx. Selected Writings in
Sociology and Social Philosophy (Penguin, 1963), p. I IO.
sIbid, p. III.
229
Appendix A
of the impact of industrialism on the division of labour. But it
helps to explain the assessment of the trend.
‘The stunting of man’s faculties,’ claims Engels, ‘grows in the
same measure as the division of labour which attains its highest
development in manufacturing. Manufacturing splits up each
trade into its separate fractional operations, allots each of them
to an individual labourer as his life calling and then claims him
for life to a particular detail function and a particular tool. And
not only labourers, but also the classes directly or indirectly
exploiting the labourers are made subject through the division
of labour to the tool of their function.”
Durkheim, in his celebrated book on the division of labour,
unlike Marx and Engels, stresses in many places the social benefits
which a properly co-ordinated and agreed upon division of tasks
can confer upon a society. Yet he also recognises that industrial
societies may be prone to certain ‘abnormal’ forms of the division
of labour, which may be de-humanising in their effects on the
individual :
‘The division of labour,’ he observes, ‘has often been accused of

degrading the individual by making him a machine. And truly, if he
does not know whither the operations he performs are tending, if he
relates them to no end, he can only continue to work through
routine. Every day he repeats the same movements with monoto-
nous regularity but without being interested in them and without
understanding them . . . He is no longer anything but an inert piece
of machinery, only an external force set going which always moves
in the same direction and the same way. Surely, no matter how one
may represent the moral ideal one cannot remain indifferent to such
a debasement of human nature.‘2
A machine-based technology is seen then as actually or potentially
creating an industrial work force performing unskilled tasks which
have little intrinsic meaning. Yet these routine repetitive tasks are
such that they control the worker rather than the other wayround.
The position of the industrial worker, in short, is one of alienation.
In Max Weber’s analysis of bureaucracy the theme of the

de-humanisation of work in industrial society is developed
1 F. Engels, Herr Eugen Duhring’s Revolution in Science (Anti-Duhring)
(Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, x947), pp. 435-6.
2 E. Durkheim, The Division of Labour in Society (Glencoe Free Press, 1964)~
P. 37’.
230
Appendix A
further. Bureaucratic organisations were seen by him as raising
to the optimum point the technical advantages of precision,
speed, unambiguity, knowledge of the files and cost reduction.
In his judgment, ‘the fully developed bureaucratic mechanism
compares with other organisations exactly as does the machine
with the non-mechanical modes of production’.l The bureaucratic
official is seen as having a very limited, carefully defined and
closely supervised sphere of competence. He is portrayed as a
member of an organisation in which commands flow downwards
in an orderly fashion. Above all, he is subject to impersonal rules
not of his own making. ‘The more the bureaucracy is de-human-
ised,’ comments Weber, ‘the more completely it succeeds in
eliminating from official business love, hatred and all purely
personal, irrational and emotional elements which escape calcula-
tion. This is the specific nature of bureaucracy and is appraised
as its specific virtue.‘2
The minute sub-division of tasks, from which meaning has
been drained and freedom removed, tend to be regarded as a
natural, if not an inevitable, consequence of both a machine-based
technology and the process of bureaucratisation. It is a pre-
occupation with the alienating character of work in such contexts
which gives rise to the tradition of sociological pessimism.
When we turn to more recent sociological writing, it is evident
that the tradition has left its mark and yet, at the same time, some
important qualifications are made. Modern empirical research
certainly points, for example, to the important influence of tech-
nology upon both worker and managerial behaviour, but it draws
attention to the differing technological environments which co-
exist in modern industrial societies. The well-known studies at
the Hawthorne plant of the Western Electric Company, Chicago,
had demonstrated that work groups who were engaged on
identical tasks tended to exercise more control over the level of
earnings and output than groups whose members were engaged
on different tasks. Leonard Sayles in his book The Behaviozlr of
Industrial Work Grozqb has taken the matter further. His essential
thesis is that the technology of the work situation can separate or
promote friendship cliques, can simplify or complicate work
1 H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (eds.) Fvom MUX Weber: Essays in
Sociofogv (Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ig48), p. 214.
2 Ibid, p. 216.
Q 231
Appendix A
team relations and can accordingly influence the degree to which
the worker can become part of an effective pressure group and
thus exercise some control over the conditions of his work
situation. Some groups lack sufficient internal cohesion to imple-
ment their demands or even formulate them to management;
other elite groups performing essential tasks rarely have to fight
for their rights since they are usually conceded by management;
but in still other situations groups are sufficiently mobilised to
fight for their rights but these are not automatically granted by
management. Such an approach has interesting implications when
considering the industrial relations climate of a plant. Sayles
identifies and illustrates the kind of work situation in which overt
conflict is likely to occur:
Serious problems are likely to occur in that middle ground between
jobs which are obviously machine- or management-paced and jobs
over which the employee retains a large degree of controls, as is
true of craft occupations. A good example in the middle range is
the trim line in plants manufacturing automobile bodies. Manage-
ment has developed extensive time studies to support the speed at
which the line moves - all without worker control. But employees
in the department have never given up insisting that time studies
are not accurate, that the recalitrance of trim materials (cloth) and
the ‘judgmental’ qualities of their jobs make many of these studies
inaccurate. The continuous struggle caused by the differences
between the rates demanded by employees is one of the outstanding
sources of wildcat strikes in the automobile industry.1
Much assembly line work, however, is such that the worker
has little control over the pace, rhythm, quality or method of
work. Most contemporary observers would certainly agree that
these are the marks of alienation. Highly rationalised production
control provides a text book example of the scientific manage-
ment concern to transfer intelligence from the shop floor. Yet the
militance of car workers, in spite of, or through their unions is
a by-word, which suggests that such workers do not passively
accept their alienated condition. Similarly Warner and Low’s well
documented account of the strike at Newburyport in the New
England shoe industry, is seen as a response to the supplanting
of craft techniques of manufacture by mass production techniques.
As control over job content, techniques and standards was taken
1 L. Sayles, The Behauior of Indwtrial Work Groups (Wiley, 1958), p. 65.
a32
Appendix A
from the worker, he reacted by linking up with a national union
organisation whose collective resources and bargaining expertise
ensured that he was not left powerless.
But in any case, as Robert Blauner has pointed out in his
significant book Alienation and Freedom, technological progress is
not always associated with an increasingly minute sub-division
of labour, as the earlier sociologists tended to assume. In con-
tinuous process industries, such as chemicals, the opportunities
for a worker to play a vital part in operating and maintaining
expensive plant are stressed. The result, in his opinion, is ‘mean-
ingful work in a more cohesive, integrated industrial climate . . .
new dignity from responsibility and a sense of individual
function.‘l
More generally, the possibility that work may be humanised
as automated forms of production are applied to large scale
industry, where technically and economically feasible, has been
discussed by a number of writers, notably the French sociologist
Georges Friedmann. He sees them as eliminating the need for
semi-skilled machine operators, generating a demand for a new
artisan class and new skills involving the creation and regulation
of delicate and precise equipment and, in so doing, restoring an
intellectual quality to work. Automation, in his judgment, con-
stitutes a new stage in the dialectics of mechanisation and, at the
same time grounds for hope rather than pessimism for those
working with such productive systems.
When one turns to the treatment of bureaucracy in industrial
society one finds again that the tradition of sociological pessimism
has left its mark. It is indeed embellished in the late C. Wright
Mills’ study of the American Middle Classes, lI%te Collar. The
office worker is seen as subject to standardised and mechanised
oflice routines. He is not a person by simply ‘an item in an
enormous file’. The centrality of the selling function is viewed
with grave misgivings by Mills. The salesmen are depicted as
alienated from themselves, since their very personalities, their
smiles and their kindly gestures, are exploited in the selling
situation for their commercial relevance. Even the old professions
of law, medicine and teaching are regarded as falling bastions of
freedom. Since they now operate typically in bureaucratic con-
texts the result in Mills’ view is to reduce the status of the pro-
* R. Blauner, Alienation and Freedom (Wiley, 1964).
233
Appendix A
fessional to that of a technician who purveys packaged advice of
one sort or another. Needless to say, Mills is not impressed with
studies which purport to show that many white collar workers
are satisfied with their jobs. Such sentiments simply reflect the
morale of cheerful robots. ‘Whatever satisfaction alienated men
gain from work occurs within the framework of alienation’.
Mills’ emphasis on the negative aspects of white collar work is
too selective and impressionistic to be really convincing. Certainly
the uniformly oppressive nature of bureaucracy is contested by
other writers. Alvin Gouldner, for example, argues that for too
long the study of bureaucracy has been associated with what he
calls a mood of metaphysical pathos. In his study of an American
gypsum plant he shows that not all bureaucratic rules are imposed
from above unilaterally. Some rules may be the product of dis-
cussion and be regarded as beneficial to the parties concerned
rather than crippling. In this respect it makes sense to talk about
representative bureaucracy.
But whether rules are representatively based or not, they may
often be manipulated by people who are allegedly controlled by
them. Rules governing appointments, promotion and even the
job classifications on which salary scales are based, may in fact be
subject to bargaining and personal influence. Melville Dalton’s
colourful study Men Who Manage, is in large measure a description
of the ways in which rules are used as bargaining counters. ‘To
those with power and using power,’ he writes, ‘rules and pro-
cedures were not sacred guides but working tools to be revised,
ignored or dropped as required in striking successive balances
between company goals on the one side and their personal ends
and the claims of their supporters on the other . . .’ Those who
barely filled their offices were all rule devotees. ‘They resisted
change and were quick to fear any clique activity and to label it
as “dirty”.’ Those who worked through cliques tended for their
part to view it as ‘a way of dealing with situations that were too
urgent and dynamic for formal handling’.l
What current research into bureaucratic organisations has
tended to emphasise, is that while a precisely delineated division
of labour based on hierarchical authority may be efficient for
conditions in which past decisions and patterns of behaviour are
a reliable guide for the future, in conditions of rapid social and
1 M. Dalton, Mm Who Manage (Wiley, 1g5g), pp. 30-1.
a34
Appendix A
economic change other arrangements may be more appropriate.
The electronics industry, for example, needs managers who have
to search for innovations which will give them an edge in a highly
competitive market, and, at the same time adapt to and live with
the innovations of their competitors. Roles may be blurred, com-
munications may be problem-centred based on technical know-
ledge and expertise rather than formal authority. The demand for
flexibility of behaviour in such a context makes the alleged
conformity of the organisation man pathological and ritualistic.
It is for these and other reasons that Michael Crazier puts forward,
albeit with qualifications, the view that ‘contrary to the fear of
so many humanists and revolutionary prophets of doom, we can
expect more promises of liberalisation than standardisation’.l
Contemporary sociological writing has, then, continued to
handle these great themes of the influence of technology and
bureaucracy on man in industrial society. But insofar as it stresses
the diversity of work experiences which may co-exist within these
frameworks there is less readiness to speak in global terms about
the lot of industrial man and the plight of the bureaucrat. Aliena-
tion may be a risk but it is not always a reality. And not all the
signposts point in the direction of increasing alienation. To this
extent modern sociology speaks the language of guarded optim-
ism. No doubt Marx and Wright Mills are muttering in the wings
that it is also the language of false consciousness !
1 M. Crozier, The Bureaucratic Phenomenon (Tavistock, x964), p. 298.

a35
APPENDIX B
An Example of a
Demarcation Procedural and
Apportionment Agreement
DEMARCATION PROCEDURE
ENGINEERS’ AND PLUMBERS’ WORK
Applicable to Sh$yards, Engine Works and

Shiprepairing YarnS on the Tyne
T Is MUTUALLY AGREED that the following procedure shall
I be substituted
of the Notes
Engineers’
for and supersede
appended
and Plumbers’ Work,
that laid down in Clause 8
to the List of Apportionment
dated 14 September 1914,
of
viz. :
I. In the event of a demarcation question between Fitters and

Plumbers arising in an associated Shipyard, Engine Works, or
Shiprepairing Yard on the Tyne, there shall be no stoppage of
work either of a partial or general character, but such question
shall be considered and dealt with in accordance with the pro-
visions of this Agreement, and in no case shall men be paid off
through a demarcation difference.
z. When a question arises an endeavour shall be made in the first
instance by the men concerned to arrive at a settlement, failing
which a meeting of the Management and the Yard or Works’
Representatives of both trades shall take place.
In the event of no settlement being arrived at a further meeting
shall be arranged at the firm’s offices, at which the delegates of
each of the parties shall be present, and failing settlement, the
previous practice of the firm shall continue pending a decision of
a Joint Committee as provided herein. Should there be a difference
236
Appendix B
of opinion as to the previous practice, or where no previous
practice exists, the management, after hearing all parties, shall be
at liberty to give a temporary decision as to how the work shall
be done meantime, but this not to prejudice the ultimate settle-
ment of the question.
3. A Committee shall be formed for the purpose of settling disputes
as to the demarcation of work arising between Fitters and Plumbers
in Shipyards, Engineering Works and Shiprepairing Yards on the
Tyne. The Committee shall consist of three Fitters, three Plum-
bers, and three Employers (one Shipbuilder, one Engineer, and
one Shiprepairer). The members forming the Committee shall be
elected by their respective constituents. The Secretary of the
Employers’ Local Associations shall act as Secretary of the
Committee.
4. All disputes as to the demarcation of work that have not been
settled in the Yard or Works in which they have arisen, shall be
submitted to the Committee by the Firm giving notice in writing
to the Secretary, who shall convene a meeting of the Committee,
in accordance with paragraph IO.
In the event of any member of the Committee being unable to
attend any meeting, the party whom such member represents may
supply a substitute to attend the meeting.
5. Representatives of the parties concerned shall state their case to
the Committee, and all parties shall have power to call witnesses.
6. Six shall form a quorum at any meeting of the Committee. In all
cases the voting power of the three parties represented on the
Committee shall be equal, i.e. should one of the representatives of
any of the three parties be absent, a like number of the representa-
tives of the other two parties shall abstain from voting. Should a
tie in voting on any question that may be submitted to the
Committee arise, through the absence of any members, the decision
on such question shall be adjourned to a full meeting of the
Committee.
7. In coming to decisions the Committee shall adhere to the prin-
ciples contained in the I 9 I 4 List of Apportionment of Fitters’ and
Plumbers’ Work, and in the event of any particular question in
dispute not being covered by the List, past practice of the par-
ticular Yard or Works where the dispute has arisen shall be taken
into account.
8. The Committee’s decisions shall (unless, owing to special circum-
stances the Committee otherwise decide) be confined to the Yard
or Works in which the question arose, and continue for I z months,
and for such further time as they are not called in question by
237
Appendix B
being brought before the Committee for reconsideration, and
shall be accepted by the parties as final and binding.
9. The expenses of the Committee to be ascertained annually, shall
be borne between the parties represented thereon to the extent
of one-third each.
IO. Meetings of the Committee shall be held in January, May and
September respectively, where necessary, and all questions referred
to the Committee at least IO days before any fixed date for a
meeting shall be placed on the Agenda of the meeting for that
date.
I I. At the January meeting the Committee shall elect one of their
number to act as Chairman, who shall continue in office until the
following January meeting, or until his successor is elected. At
such meeting the Committee shall also transact any other business.
12. A report of each meeting shall be circulated to the members of
the Committee.
13. Committee decisions shall be printed from time to time as an
appendix to the List of Apportionment of Work, dated 14
September 1914.
14. This agreement shall come into force as from 1st November 1928.
Signed for and on behalf of

The Amalgamated Engineering Union -
T. R. DOBINSON
THOS. GARDNER
J. C. LITTLE, O.D.D.
J. BOWMAN, District Secretary
The United Operative Plumbers’ Association -
W. G. DENHAM
J. WIPER
Wm. SIMPSON
J. W. STEPHENSON, District Secretary
Signed for and on behalf of the Employers’ Associations, as
follows :
The Tyne Shipbuilders’ Association -
D. R. MACDONALD
The North-East Coast Engineering Employers’ Association
(Tyne District)
T. B. MCBRIDE
238
Appendix B
The North East Coast Shiprepairers’ Association -
J. W. TOCHER
JAMES CAMERON,
Bolbec Hall, Secretary, Employers’ Association
Westgate Road,
Newcastle-on-Tyne,
15 October 1928.
LIST OF APPORTIONMENT OF
ENGINEERS’ AND PLUMBERS’ WORK
Applicable to Shipyards, Engineering Works, and

Shiprepairing Yards on the Tyne
ITEM ONE
Water Ballast Tank and Bilge Suction and Delivery Pipes,

including Valve Boxes, and all connections; also Pipes and
Connections from Ballast Tanks and Bilges not provided
with Suctions, to spaces so provided.
NOTE.--cast Iron Pipes, with Spigot and Faucet Joints mixed with
flanges, Engineers and Plumbers to work conjointly.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Valve Boxes complete. Cast Iron Flanged Pipes
Cast Iron Flanged Pipes complete on repair work, ex-
complete on new work; and on cept in Boiler Rooms, Engine
repair work in Boiler Rooms, Rooms and Tunnels - outside
Engine Rooms and Tunnels - of Double Bottom.
outside of Double Bottom. Wrought Iron or Steel Pipes,
Wrought Iron or Steel Pipes, with rough or unfaced flanges
with flanges machined or faced, and screwed ferrule joints, to
to fix, joint and strap. fix, joint and strap.
Make template, bend and fit
Copper Pipes complete, in- all wrought iron or steel pipes.
&ding jointing to pipes of Lead Pipes complete, in-
any other material except lead. eluding jointing to pipes of
any other material.
239
Appendix B
ITEM TWO
Downton and Hand Deck Pumps and Connections.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Fit and fix to steel decks Fit and fix pump extension
Downton and Hand Deck chambers, if of lead, wrought
Pumps, with their mechanical iron, or steel.
gearing, also valves and deck
change plates in connection Lead Pipes complete.
therewith, including pump ex- Wrought Iron or Steel Pipes
tension chambers, other than complete, in&ding bending.
lead, wrought iron, or steel. Foot Valves, Deck, Bulk-
Copper Pipes complete. head, and Ship Side fittings
Cast Iron Pipes complete. connecting to the foregoing
pipes.
Foot Valves, Deck, Bulk-
head, and Ship Side fittings
connecting to the foregoing
pipes.
ITEM THREE
Gravitation Drains and Flooding Arrangements

on War Vessels.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Magazine direct Flooding Lead Pipes complete.
Pipes and Valves. Drain Pipes from intermed-
Copper Pipes complete. iate decks and flats to ship’s
Cast Iron Pipes complete. Bottom, including valves not
Drain Pipes from Barbettes attached to Ship’s deck or
and Torpedo Tubes, also from structure, also drains from
Torpedo Rooms when they Torpedo Rooms when led
join either of the former as a independentIy to the Ship’s
combined drain to the Ship’s Bottom, to fix, joint and strap.
Bottom, to fix, joint and strap.
Fit and fix valves attached Fit and joint Wrought Iron
to ship’s deck or structure, in- deck pieces.
cluding gearing complete.
Fit and joint cast deck pieces.
All Pipes and Valves which are Suctions from bilges or other corn
partments are provided for under Item I.
240
Appendix B
ITEM FOUR
Scupper Valves and Pipes.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Fit and fit Scupper Valves Fit and fix Scupper Valves
attached to side and bottom of to side and bottom of Mer-
War Vessels, and where they chant Vessels excepting where
are required to be chipped and they are required to be chipped
filed to place on Merchant and filed to place.
Vessels. Scupper Pipes complete.
ITEM FIVE
Sounding Pipes, Air, Overflow, and Independent

Filling Pipes for Water Tanks.
PLUMBERS
Sounding Pipes, Air, Over-
flow, and independent Filling
Pipes for Fresh and Salt Water
Tanks, Ballast Tanks, and Fore
and After Peaks complete.
ITEM SIX
Water Service Pipes for Engines and Shafting, also Steam

and Drain Pipes from Whistles, Gauges and Safety Valves.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Copper and Brass Pipes com- Lead Pipes complete.
plete. Wrought Iron or Steel Pipes
Wrought Iron or Steel Pipes to fix, joint and strap all pipes
on engines to fix, joint and except those on engines.
strap.
Appendix B
ITEM SEVEN
Fresh and Salt Water Services and Discharges or Drains

for ail Domestic Purposes.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Fit and fix Cocks and Valves Fit and fix Cocks and Valves
attached to side and bottom of attached to side and bottom
War Vessels; and where they on Merchant Vessels, except-
are required to be chipped and ing where they are required to
filed to place on Merchant be chipped and filed to place.
Vessels. Suction, Discharge and Sup-
Fix, joint and strap Sea ply Pipes, Tanks and Connec-
Suction and Sanitary Pump tions for Fresh and Salt Water,
Delivery Pipes in Engine and including those to and from
Boiler Rooms, and delivery Steam and Hand Pumps com-
pipe up to Sanitary Tank when plete.
of copper and flanged. Fit and fix Hand Pumps.
Fit and fix Steam and Motor
Pumps and Ejectors.
ITEM EIGHT
Fresh Water Condensers, Condenser Tanks and

Connections.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Fix Condensers in position, Fresh Water Pipes and Fit-
and all valves attached thereto. tings complete.
Steam Pipes and Fittings Circulating Water Pipes,
complete. when of wrought iron or steel,
Circulating Water Pipes, complete, including bending.
when of copper or cast iron,
complete.
ITEM NINE
Wash Deck and Water Fire Extinguishing Pipes

and Connections.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Copper Pipes complete. Lead Pipes complete.
Wrought Iron or Steel Pipes Wrought Iron or Steel Pipes
on War Vessels, to fix, joint complete on Merchant Vessels.
and strap.
242
Appendix B
ITEM TEN
Steam Fire Extinguishing.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Work complete on War Work complete on Merchant
Vessels. Vessels, excepting Copper
Copper Pipes complete on Pipes.
Merchant Vessels.
ITEM ELEVEN
Pipes to Shipbuilders’ Auxiliary Machinery.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Steam, Exhaust, and Drain Steam, Exhaust, and Drain
Pipes, when of Copper or Cast Pipes, when of Wrought Iron,
Iron, complete. complete.
Steam Pipes, when of Steel, Exhaust and Drain Pipes,
to fix, joint and strap. when of Steel, to fix, joint and
strap.
ITEM TWELVE
Steam Heating Installations for all Domestic Purposes.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Work complete on War Work complete on Merchant
Vessels. Vessels.
ITEM THIRTEEN
Magazine Cooling, Ventilating Pipes, Ventilating Automatic

Valves and Connections.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Fit and fix Automatic Valves Fit and fix Magazine Cooling
and Valves of the Sluice Type. Pipes, also Ventilating Pipes
and Louvres.
243
Appendix B
ITEM FOURTEEN
Telegraph, Thermometer and Voice Pipes.

ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Fit, fix, joint and strap Fit, fix, joint and strap
Wrought Iron or Steel Flange Wrought Iron or Steel Fer-
Pipes, and Inspection Boxes ruled Pipes and Inspection
for Telegraphs. Boxes for Telegraphs.
Prepare Wrought Iron or Prepare Wrought Iron or
Steel Pipes for Telegraphs Steel Pipes for Telegraphs,
when tubes are split in halves except when tubes are split in
and secured by tap bolts. halves and secured by tap
bolts.
Thermometer and Voice
Pipes complete.
ITEM FIFTEEN
Pipes and Connections for Bulk Oil Cargoes, and Oil Fuel
for the Engines and Boilers.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Cargo Filling, Suction and Running up with lead of
Discharge Pipes complete, in- Thimbles, or Expansion Joints.
cluding Cofferdam and Pump
Room Suction Connections. Fuel Filling and Suction
Valves, Deck Pieces and Pipes complete on Merchant
Branch Pipes complete from Vessels except when of copper.
Steam and Exhaust Pipes on Heating and Steaming-out
Deck to Heating and Steam- Pipes inside Oil Cargo and
ing-out Pipes inside Oil Cargo Fuel Compartments complete
and Fuel Compartments. on Merchant Vessels except
Fuel Discharge Pipes to when of copper.
Engines and Boilers, to fix, Gas Escape Pipes complete,
joint and strap. except when of copper.
Fuel Filling and Suction
Pipes complete on War Ves-
sels.
Fuel Heating Pipes complete
on War Vessels.
Copper Pipes complete.
Deck Steam and Exhaust Pipes follow the line of demarcation as in
Item II.
This item to apply to installations for Molasses or other liquid cargoes
carried in bulk.
a44
Appendix B
ITEM SIXTEEN
Cocks, Valves and Fittings in Continuation of Pipes

including those attached to Ship’s Structure, unless where
otherwise apportioned.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Cocks, Valves and Fittings Cocks, Valves and Fittings
in continuation of Pipes fixed in continuation of Pipes fixed
by Engineers. by Plumbers.
Gearing and Rods to Cocks
and Valves, including Univer- Fit and fix Wrought Iron or
sal and other Joints, Stuffing Steel Pipes for protection of
Boxes and Bushes. valve rods, except when tubes
Fit and fix Wrought Iron or are split in halves and secured
Steel Pipes for protection of by tap bolts.
valve rods when tubes are split
in halves and secured by tap
bolts.
ITEM SEVENTEEN
Independent Cocks and Valves attached to Ship’s

Structure unless where otherwise apportioned.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
All valves. Cocks on Merchant Vessels.
Cocks on War Vessels. Fit and Fix Wrought Iron
Gearing and Rods to Cocks or Steel Pipes for protection
and Valves, including Univer- of Valve Rods.
sal and other Joints, Stuffing
Boxes and Bushes.
ITEM EIGHTEEN
Cross Connections between Pipes, Cocks or Valves.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
On work done by Engineers. On work done by Plumbers.
a41
Appendix B
ITEM NINETEEN
Works Plant.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Steam and Exhaust Pipes Steam Heating Pipes of
complete. Copper, with screwed joints
Steam Heating Pipes of complete.
Copper, with flanged joints Steam Heating Pipes of
complete. Wrought Iron or Steel com-
Hydraulic Pressure and Re- plete.
turn Water Pipes complete. Gas Pipes complete.
Compressed Air Pipes, when Water Pipes complete for all
of Cast Iron, complete with purposes except hydraulic.
valves and fittings. All pipes Lead Pipes complete.
and connections between Com- Running up with lead of
pressors and 1st Reservoirs. spigot and faucet joints.
Compressed Air Pipes, when
of Wrought Iron or Steel, com-
plete, including cocks, valves,
fittings, hoses and their con-
nections.
ITEM TWENTY
Sundries.
ENGINEERS PLUMBERS
Fixing, jointing and strap- Chemical Fire Extinguishing
ping the following: and Disinfecting Pipes, Valves
Internal Pipes for Boilers. and Fittings complete.
Boiler Feeds and Suctions. Filling Pipes to Oil Store
Main and Auxiliary Steam Tanks complete.
Pipes. Ash Cooling Pipes when of
Waste Steam Pipes. lead complete.
Ash Cooling Pipes, except Brine Pipes complete.
when of lead. Metal Lining of Store
Oil Cooling and Oil Service Rooms, etc.
Pipes.
Water Cooling Pipes on In-
ternal Combustion Engines.
Hydraulic Pipes on board
ship.
Pipes and fittings for compressed air when used for power purposes on
board ship to follow the apportionment laid down for Steam Pipes.
246
Appendix B
NOTES
I. Where the word ‘complete’ is used, it includes marking all holes
making template, fitting and fixing, jointing and strapping.
2. Screwing and fitting of flanges to be done at the option of Em-
ployers.
3. Making templates for, and bending of Wrought Iron and Welded
Steel Pipes to be done by Plumbers.
4. When a joint has to be made between pipes or fittings fixed by
Engineers and pipes or fittings fixed by Plumbers, it shall, failing
agreement between the two trades, be done as directed by the
Employer.
5. In the foregoing List the purpose for which any installation or
fitting is primarily required is to decide its title; subsidiary or emer-
gency connections and uses are not to affect the apportionment.
6. This apportionment List is for the purpose of regulating work
between Engineers and Plumbers only, and does not award it to either
of the foregoing to the exclusion of other trades.
7. This List shall come into operation on 19 October 1914, for all
jobs not actually started, but work on all jobs in progress shall be
finished by the respective Trades under existing conditions.
*8. The undersigned as the Revision Committee, shall decide any
question that may arise as to the interpretation or application of any
of the items in the foregoing List:
The Amalgamated Society of Engineers -

JAMES RATCLIFFE, District Delegate
T. R. ROBINSON
THOS. BOWMAKER, District Secretary
The Steam Engine Makers’ Society -

WM. F. DAWTRY, General Secretary
* This provision is superseded by the Demarcation Procedure Agreement,

dated 15 October 1928, copy inserted at the beginning of this Section
(see opening paragraph).
R 247
Appendix B
The United Operative Plumbers’ Association -
LACHLANMACDONALD,
Assistant General Secretary
ROBERT SCORER
WILLIAM SIMPSON
SEDTIMUSSIGSWORTH,
District Secretary
Signed for and on behalf of the Employers’ Associations as
follows :
The Tyne Shipbuilders’ Association -
D.R. MACDONALD,
Chairman of the Committee
The Tyne Engineers’ Association -
R. WALLIS
The North-East Coast Shiprepairers’ Association -
H.R. CAMERON
JAMES CAMERON,
Secretary, Employers’ Association
Bolbec Hall,
Westgate Road,
Newcastle-on-Tyne,
II September 1914.
APPENDIX C
Status in Steel
following extracts are from a tape-recorded group dis-
T
HE
cussion between four blue collar workers in a Steel
company, members of a W.E.A. class and two research
workers. Names are not revealed and the company not identified
in this edited version. The discussion centres on various kinds
of status distinction evident in the Steel industry and the group
members’ perception of the significance of the distinctions and
the factors affecting them. The earlier part of the discussion, not
reported here, dealt with status distinctions between clerical and
manual workers. We take up the discussion as a research worker
is turning the group’s attention to a new set of status considera-
tions: those linked with the seniority system on the production
side of the plant:
Research Worker: Well, I think we will just move off this note for a bit
and move to a different aspect of status and this is concerned with
the question of the age of different workers. Now this, I think, is
particularly relevant to the production side of things where you have
got the seniority system. Now what sort of status would you say
that the older worker has in either a Rolling Mill or a Steel Plant,
in relation to his age ? Does it make much difference ?
Electrician: Do you mean on production?
ResearchWorker: I’m thinking of production now in particular.
Crane Driver: Well, I don’t think it raises any. In fact there is one chap
a roller, who has asked to come off rolling and to go onto labour-
ing.
Research Worker: When did this happen ?
Crane Driver: A fortnight since. And I have tried to weigh that up and
I can’t because actually he has done that himself.
Research Worker: He has asked to come off?
249
Appendix C
Crane Driver: To come off.
Research Worker: But you don’t know why?
Crane Driver: Well, I would say maybe he thinks the job is too much
for him, but in status - it does not mean a thing.
Electrician: I think seniority is the best word to use, purely seniority.
But that’s a job, if you were on the production side, you hope to
get someday, but you realise that there are so many in line for it
that it would take another atom bomb to clear a few out.
You know I don’t think we look at it from the status point of
view as I say. I would say that we do on the maintenance side with
regard to people upgraded to foreman. There’s a certain status. You
hear a chap say, as a chap said in our place: ‘I’m on the other side
of the fence now’. But, as I said, he might say that, but we don’t
take it as it would mean in the old days. I mean we tend to make a
joke of it now, where at one time it probably meant something. But
it only meant something because you were ignorant of the true facts,
where today you know that even though he is a foreman, he is not
going to get any more money. The only thing he is going to have
is, if he is off sick, his wages are going to come in. But we know that
will be ironed out in a few years time when we achieve the same
thing.
Crane Driver: Another thing, comparing the old and the new. A roller
in the old mills enjoyed the status in so much as the rolling gear was
a separate unit - and he decided when to put stuff on or not to, in
his own particular time. The new mill is part of an assembly line
where he finds he is only one of a team. He has to go as fast as the
assembly line is moved, so, actually speaking, for all he is still a
roller, he is a smaller cog, and I don’t think even the emphasis is on
his turning the professional job out. The machine is actually set . . .
Down at the old mill it used to be a continuous back and forwards,
you know, until you got it exact, sort of style, but not so now. The
plate comes along the line and it goes automatically through and
nine times out of ten its correct, its level.
Research Worker: He doesn’t decide how many times it has to pass
through now ?
Crane Driver: He might have two passes, but very rare. But as I say,
his status is going so much that he can’t stop that line nowadays, as
he would do in the old days. He hasn’t the authority. He would have
the authority in so much as a plate was bad, of course. He could stop
it and roll it back. But it doesn’t amount to any great thing.
Electrician: It hasn’t the meaning it had in the old days.
Welder A: The big thing I would like to mention is that I know two
or three that’s had the opportunity to make progress in the steel
2JO
Appendix C
industry, as we have been discussing, but they preferred to remain
put and stay as they are.
Research Worker: As opposed to becoming a roller you mean, or what ?
Welder A: Yes, or even progressing further up the tree,
Research Worker: Up into the staff?
Welder A: They preferred to stay where they are. They were quite
happy in the jobs they were doing. They had a certain amount of
responsibility -they were quite happy with that amount and they
were not prepared to take any more, even for considerably higher
wages. And I know one chap in particular, that, as far as he is
concerned, he doesn’t look up to any man higher up in the tree than
he is. And I think he is as well off - I mean this has a big bearing
on it hasn’t it ? - how you are situated at home. Now he is fairly well
off, he always smokes the best cigarettes and one thing and another,
you know. He probably smokes better cigarettes than the roller does.
He’s gone on like this for years. He owns his own motor car and he
can chop it and change it whenever he feels like it, and of course,
as far as he is concerned, status doesn’t come into it with him. He’s
doing the job he chooses.
Research Worker: Does this mean in fact that he is on a line, a seniority
line, and he chooses not to go up the line? Is this right?
Welder A: That’s true, yes.
Research Worker: How often does this happen then?
Crane Driver: It happens fairly frequently.
Research Worker: Does it?
Crane Driver: Yes. I will tell you why in a lot of cases. I will take my
own for instance. We have sixteen cranes, overhead cranes, in M.
and between the bottom crane, the lowest crane, and the top crane,
there is a very narrow margin in the wage. Now somewhere in
between that line you find some chaps will say: ‘Oh dear, this job’s
easier than what the higher job is.’ And there’s maybe only z/-
difference, so he says: ‘Oh, I’ll stay put’. And the man behind him
moves up. But he is moving up to nowhere - maybe moving up to
harder work, but without recompense. Of course, these things are
in the new mill. We are discussing wages now that are not actually
fixed. They are supposed to get only a ‘temporary’ wage - but it’s
two years of course.
Electrician: But there is a movement that way, that there are not the
big gaps between any jobs now, as there used to be.
Research Worker: You mean in wages ?
Electrician: But unfortunately in wages the move is not upward. It is
downward, sometimes, even to the likes of us. We are approaching
the stage now where you might as well say we are semi-skilled. The
251
Appendix C
steel industry is not a happy industry as compared to others. I mean
when I look at our union magazine and I see people getting 7/6d
an hour on day work and I’m only getting 6/- for shift work-1
begin to think, well, things are not as good as they should be. But
status - I don’t think we even look at it as status . . .
Welder B: Would you not say that status is more a matter of mind than
it is of actual wages or something that is tangible?
Re.reurch Worker: I would have thought, you see, that in the old days,
because the roller was obviously in control of things, much more
than he is now, that people would look up to him and say that
obviously he is a fine fellow. He is doing a really good job and he is
being paid a lot of money compared to us. Now isn’t what you are
saying really that you don’t think in terms of status now, because
he’s really no different from everybody else to a large extent? Can
this be the case ?
Crane Driver: Well . . . you mentioned a roller - that’s a different thing
altogether. When I mentioned rollers before, these rollers on an
assembly line, called rollers and so forth are pretty high paid jobs.
But the top rollers at the beginning of your mill, well I’m afraid
that them chaps do still think along those lines of what you are
quoting. But I mean nobody takes any notice of it of course, but
they still come to work dressed as good as what you are now Jack.
And they don’t seem to like to mingle with the chaps.
Electrician: Well, they can’t, they are sort of . . .
Crane Driver: That’s true.
Welder A: But I still say that it is the individual. Whilst the roller
thinks he owns a high position the people don’t look up to him at
present day as what they did pre-war. That feeling’s not there with
all the undermen, so to speak.
Crane Driver: Well, I think if we were talking to a roller and talking
between ourselves, I mean there’s a big gap you see. We know with
working on the shop floor, and they must know it, that these chaps
are the chaps that force the pace, whether we like it or not. But they
may not admit that to you.
Electrician: Oh, they do.
Crane Driver: You might say: ‘Well, what’s he playing at, he’s belting
stuff through there regardless’. You are on short time, but he is still
on Er or Er 10s. a shift. Even if he only worked four shifts, he has
still got Ezo and you are on four shifts along with him - you are
down to ES. He doesn’t consider in the likes that: ‘Oh well, I’ll
ease up here.’ No doubt maybe he has no alternative, but I don’t
even think they consider that. They are the chaps that make the pace.
Welder A: That’s what I was going to come in with - they have got
212
Appendix C
no alternative. Everything is pre-planned now and they have to
work to a programme. So, whilst the chap along the line says:
‘What’s he playing at ? He’s still belting it through,’ and, you know,
‘We’ve got our shift’s work done’, sort of style, in the planning
office, which is doing all the pre-planning, they are not worried
about whether you may be shifted out or not. They want a certain
amount of work production. So whereas before the rollers had more
or less control of the mill, that’s practically taken off altogether
now.
Crane Driver: Well, he must have lost status, in so much as his job is
concerned. As David says, he is working to a set rule from the
planning office, and so forth. In the old mill again, I think the roller
was a man something like the old steel smelter was. He knew what
was best when he rolled a plate. Under the new process, a lot of that
is taken away from him . . .
Welder A: Another instance was in the olden times, if a slab came up
for re-roll and the roller looked at it and thought it was not hot
enough, he just automatically kicked it off the rolls and sent it back
and waited for the next one. And if that was not hot enough he sent
that back, and then he went and complained to the heater and made
them put more gas in the furnace. Now when that slab comes up
I’ve seen them break rolls valued at E800-L900.
Research Worker: Why’s this ?
Welder A: The slab goes through-but it’s not hot enough. But it’s
sent off - it’s supposed to be right: ‘Thy make the decisions. We
couldn’t care less.’
Chortts: Yes, that’s right.
Crane Driver: This is perfectly true. At present we have a spindle
cradle in the mill that’s broken in two or three places.
Electrician: Now you see we (i.e. electricians) are sitting in a room
where we can’t see the rolls - just the motors going round. But we
can tell by the number of alarms we get up, and by the charts, that
he’s having an awful job to get that roll. You can hear the speed of
the set going down.
WeZder A: But he cannot make the decision and say: ‘I’m sending
that down.’
Research Worker: No. Who does make the decision now?
Welder A: The planning officer - sitting over in an office.
Crane Driver: I wouldn’t say to that extent, David. I mean, at the same
time, for all we are running him down, sort of style, he is in charge
of them rolls. And if a slab comes along there and it is not correct,
I would say that it’s more than his life’s worth to attempt to roll it.
What they do is - the gears there just automatically lift it clear. It’s
233
Appendix C
just the same thing as a cobble. When the plate goes wrong, it’s just
lifted clear. It is not - you just try and roll it, sort of style. I mean
you just could not do that. It’s not just the plates that you are doing
no good - you are breaking the gear. Well, that just wouldn’t do
at all.
Welder A: I mean in the past they have broken numerous rolls and
they have also broken the main shears.
Cborzls: Aye. Yes, yes.
Research Worker: Is this because the roller is not trained sufficiently
well to go on the new job ?
Welder A: No. I think all this work has been taken away from him.
Crane Driver: Somebody is pushing him.
Research Worker: Could that be the important thing? Especially with
the new mill starting, perhaps he feels that he’s really got to get a
shift on, otherwise he will be out of that box and they will be trying
someone else. And so he wants to really try and get the tonnage up,
so that the output during the time that he is running it, is as good
as it is during the time the other blokes are running it?
Crane Driver: You hit the nail on the head there.
Electrician: You see, when you come to status, it doesn’t always mean
from the outside looking in. It’s within as well, among the rollermen.
Whatever friction you get at the lowest level, it is always far more
sensitive when you get to the top level, until you get the sort of
gloating that goes on at someone else’s mistake.
And you get that among a lot of foremen on the craftsmen side:
a sort of smug satisfaction that some other foreman ‘dropped a
clanger’, you see. Now this is not the tendency at the bottom level
to do that. You would rather shield a chap than sort of give it an
airing. But as it moves up, there seems to be more eyes watching on
it, you see, and more people are interested in the mistake.
Crane Driver: In the new mill at present it seems to me as if they have
reached, I wouldn’t say their target, but they have reached what they
can do. It took off with yo slabs on A shift and B came out with yt.
And the next shift came out, C shift it was, y 5 and it went on and on
and on and on, each one. I mean if anyone has a mind to go and look
at the records you will find that it is true. It has crept up shift by
shift, until it has reached a state now where I suppose they say:
‘Well, he’s got two different from me. It doesn’t matter, I couldn’t
do it.’
Electrician: It would just have to be like the long distance runner.
The wind would just have to be right and everything just right, just
to get that little bit, that fraction.
Crane Driver: There comes a happy feeling when A shift has a zoo
2J4
Appendix C
and B shift 199 - ‘Well, he is only one in front, so it doesn’t really
matter.’ It’s reached that.
Electrician: But it has reached a maximum, then the firm start talking
about a bonus for you-which is going to be a pittance over the
maximum amount.
Welder A: I would like to say in comparison you could think of this -
status has been taken away from the roller in the same way as it has
from the first hand smelter. He (the smelter) hasn’t got control of
that furnace now. He knows what the carbon should be, but he
hasn’t got control. He doesn’t say: ‘We tap now-the carbon’s
ready.’ And there are numerous cases happening now where there
aren’t actually losses of full furnaces of special carbon, because they
can turn it down into mild steel. It is not wasted, but there are
numerous times that there is special steel put into that furnace and
special ingredients to bring the carbon up to a certain height. They
reach that and, at the moment of tapping everything isn’t just right -
or they haven’t had word from the office in time -but for all that
the smelter could tap. He’s not allowed to - and they may have lost
several hundred pounds, and all the special ingredients - and it’s
reduced to mild steel. It’s just the same as the roller - he’s had his
status taken away from him - he doesn’t have the same status now
as he had pre-war.
Re.rearch Worker: Well, what we seem to have established pretty well
is that the smelter and the head roller seem to have lost out a bit in
terms of the number of decisions they actually take and the amount
of responsibility that they have. Now another thing that has occurred
to me here: is the chief roller, for example, still an older man, or
might he be a younger man? And the same question might apply
to the smelters as well.
Crane Driver: I don’t know about the smelters, but what has happened
down in the old and new (mills) again - two rollers came up and
they are now on burning.
Welder B: They were two rollers from the old mill moved back.
Re.rearch Worker: They didn’t start rolling at all at the new mill?
Crane Driver: No. They didn’t get that opportunity.
Welder B: No. You see at the new mill, the firm reserve the right to
make the appointments. There is no seniority.
Rexear& Worker: Yes. You think that’s right do you ?
Welder B: No. That’s normal.
Crane Driver: We actually fought against it, but it somehow or other
just petered out, like. And I think it is generally accepted now, I
think even by the two chaps concerned. They felt that they couldn’t
have coped.
255
Appendix C
Electrician: That was the point I wanted to come to, like. The older
rollers, when they do come into the new mill, I don’t say the oldest
of them, but the older of them, probably get a try at the new gear.
But not being sufficiently young in outlook, they operate in a sort
of grudging manner - probably psychological reasons come into it.
But then, at that particular time, you have the manager breathing
down your neck and it doesn’t take much to start an argument.
And the next thing is that the roller packs up. Well they (manage-
ment) are quite happy about that. You see, they haven’t made him
pack up. And you usually find that that happens.
Research Worker: Is this the case here ?
Crane Driver: It’s happened. Now it’s happened on the automatic
shears. They did give two chaps that I know a test on them and,
believe me, they went through hell, like, trying to keep up with the
new ideas, you see. Well, since then, these two have actually reached
the age of retirement. But instead of, in the old mill there was a set
line of seniority, that was altered. And now there is actually young
chaps on these jobs. Probably a seniority line will be established
now with the young chaps at the head. That’s giving the younger
ones that much time, so that they can adjust themselves to it. But
the older ones just couldn’t keep up with them.
Research Worker: It was too fast for them?
Crane Driver: It was too fast, yes.
Research Worker: What about when the oxygen lances were introduced
into the smelting shop. Now this must have posed a number of
problems to the actual . . . Well, I suppose you would know about
that (Welder A) because you were on the welding side?
Welder A: There’s no pre-training.
Research Worker.- There’s no pre-training at all?
Welder A: Trial by error.
Research Worker: As far as the smelters are concerned this is ?
Welder A: Yes.
Research Worker: What did the senior smelters think about this. Were
they reluctant to receive these oxygen lances ?
Welder A: They were very reluctant to try anything that’s new.
Actually, put yourself in their place. You are asked to operate them
and you don’t actually know what’s happening. And you are in the
dark, and you are pressing buttons and one thing and another, and
you don’t know . . .
Electrician: And at the back of your mind you don’t want to make a
mistake, if you can help it. And it makes you very wary you see.
You hold the can if anything should go wrong. You’ve made the
mistake. But you couldn’t say: ‘Well, I haven’t been trained on it.’
256
Appendix C
Research Worker: So it was actually the first hands who were respon-
sible for this ?
Welder B: There is always the point as well that introducing new
methods of speeding up production and getting more tonnage out
is inclined to bring down the wage.
Electrician: All this is in the back of your mind while you are being . . .
Welder B: I think that the majority of good trade unionists are inclined
to hang back a little bit, you know, always have a little bit at the
back of the boot.
Re+rearch Worker: But with smelters, they would be on the smelters’
scale. So if more tonnage came out this would cause no trouble?
Electrician: But at the back of their minds they are thinking . . .
Welder A: How long does this go on? You see, if they found they
were getting 25 thousand tons out instead of the previous 16
thousand tons, well, the manager, or someone like, will not allow
that. This has happened before, when an old mill closed down and a
new one opened . . . The Company officials weren’t happy with the
amount of tonnage bonus. You see, we reached a stage where we
received a k2 a week bonus, as against the previous I r/- or 17/-.
So they said: ‘We (management) cannot have this.’ So they brought
all the unions in and we had a revision of bonus and they brought
us back down to 21/- with a maximum of 25 I-, which hung around
25/- for a long, long time, until, eventually, it went up to some-
where in the region of 3 2/- to 3 3 I-.
Research Worker: This was a local agreement was it?
Welder A: Yes. You get this type of thing reoccurring though, when
they are introducing anything as far as boosting production. This
is always at the back of the mind of the operator. ‘How much am
I going to lose?’ at the outset.
El’ectrician: And it’s not wrong to think that way as far as he is
concerned.
Wel’der A: Maybe not. But getting back to the point we were dis-
cussing about the training, they definitely haven’t had half an hour’s
training . . .
Welder B: Would this not be a question - whether it is possible to
train anybody in a thing like that? I mean, it was purely experi-
mental.
Welder A: Well, they have been used in other firms. We weren’t the
first.
Research Worker: I am interested to find out what role the senior men
and people like the head roller and the first hand smelter actually
play in the branch. Do they play an important role in the branch?
If you have meetings, for instance, what sort of role do these blokes
2j7
Appendix C
play? I mean, as likely as not, they would not be actually holding
a union position, but because they are very experienced and because
they are senior men, does this give them any edge in the argument ?
Crane Driver: It has done, Graham, it has in the past. I’ve noticed the
top roller who used to be down there was Brown and he was
secretary of that particular union branch. But in the course of events
he has just dropped out and now you find, at least I have found,
that they don’t bother going to meetings at all. We used to look up
to them and I think that the secretary or the chairman was always
the roller or somebody pretty well up towards that. But not so now.
They don’t seem to bother.
El’ectrician: Yes. Here is where status comes in again. A change has
definitely taken place.
Crane Driver: I don’t think they are really interested now. I think one
time they did look along the lines and say: ‘Yes, I am the roller.
I am the secretary too.’ By being the roIIer his name was on the
sheet. You automatically said: ‘He’s the roller. He is the man.’ But
they had more responsibility towards the men than they have now.
Electrician: Well, it’s gone. It’s gone by the way.
APPENDIX D
The Shop Steward’s Role
A Commenton the North East of EngZad

B. C. ROBERTS, in his well-known study, Trade Union Govern-
ment and Administration, has written :
On the efficiency and judgment of the stewards depends to a great
extent the general temper of industrial relations and the smooth
functioning of factory procedure for the ventilation of grievances
and the settlement of disputes.
Few people, I imagine, would wish to question this assessment,
and, perhaps because of this, when industrial relations ‘problems’
arise, it is commonly the shop steward who serves as scapegoat.
Consider some of the oft-repeated charges : he ignores procedures,
breaks agreements, makes exorbitant wage demands, usurps the
authority of the foreman, encourages unofficial strikes, combines
unconstitutionally with other shop stewards, obstructs manage-
ment and inhibits technical change. But is it all really as simple
as this? I should like, in this short article, to touch on some of
the issues involved here. Unless otherwise stated, I shall be draw-
ing on some industrial relations research undertaken in the North
East of England, in which I participated. This included interviews
and discussions with shop stewards and management mainly in
the Iron and Steel, Engineering and Shipbuilding industries.
The basic trouble with the allegations made against shop
stewards is that they beg too many questions and rarely do justice
to the complexity of the subject. The field of industrial relations
is characterised by what academic writers tend to call ‘antagon-
istic co-operation’ -a phrase which implies that identity of
1 This Appendix is reprinted from voice of NO&J Ed Indcrstr- (September,
1966) where it appeared under the title, ‘The Vital Role of the North East
Shop Steward’.
Appendix D
interests on some things and conflicts of interest on others
necessarily co-exist between management and labour. The
strategic long term concerns of the players on the industrial
relations stage are no doubt to identify and sustain the areas of
common agreement and to regulate the areas of disagreement.
Traditionally Joint Consultation has symbolised the attempt to
do the first and collective bargaining the attempt to do the
second. But it is because there are genuine conflicts of interest
(which no amount of exhortation from the Government or any-
one else can remove) that it has been properly said: ‘The study
of industrial relations as a day to day problem is an examination
of the tactics used by both sides to improve their situation.’
(Ross Stagner.) Such tactics may or may not be at the expense
of the other side.
Certainly the shop steward, to be successful, must be a master
tactician. This does not always imply militancy. Thus one A.E.U.
steward commented: ‘In the early days, when I used to be a bit
hot-headed, I used to stamp and rave about the place. But over
the years you get more diplomatic and get to know the people
you are dealing with.’ It does not imply either that every
grievance that a worker may raise is automatically taken through
procedure. The steward (and this was noted in all the firms
visited) typically sifts the grievances brought to him. Another
A.E.U. steward commented on this graphically:
Nine out of ten grievances aren’t as good as a man thinks and you’ll
maybe talk him out of it. If you listen to them you’ve got no idea
what some of the fellows come with. Some fellows are fantastic.
One man a fortnight ago was two thou’ down on a cut, so it was
scrapped. He wanted me to go round and argue that it wasn’t his
fault. It was the drawing or the machine or anything. I checked it,
found that everything was O.K. and refused to go.
By sifting grievances, stewards find themselves acting as Per-

sonnel Managers or Supervisors, but to describe it as usurping
authority is surely very misleading.
In all the firms visited, there was agreement between manage-
ment and shop stewards about the desirability of settling differ-
ences domestically. Both sides felt that things tended to get too
‘legalistic’ and to get lost in procedure once they went outside
the plant. The role of the union district official is accordingly
260
Appendix D
minimised at plant level. He is ‘on call’ but both sides prefer not
to call him. Thus an N.U.G.M.W. steward commented:
The official will come down to the works any time if there is a
problem that can’t be resolved. A week yesterday he came down and
informed the crane men and slingers of a new agreement reached
with management on wages. This was the first time since 1947 that
a local official has been called in and I feel that this is a pretty good
record. The shop stewards try to avoid bringing in the local officials
as far as possible. In this particular case we felt that in some respects
we had failed but at least we did get an offer from the firm which we
had of course rejected in this case.
The tendency of district officials only to visit firms when there

was trouble did not mean that their contact with shop stewards
was necessarily limited. The major unions arrange to see their
stewards on a quarterly or monthly basis to discuss rates and
working conditions in an industry or trade for a particular district
and stewards themselves usually expressed satisfaction with the
way they could get into contact easily with district officials. And
this meant that stewards were able to combine a detailed know-
ledge of their own plant with a wider knowledge of district trends
and issues. Further co-ordination amongst stewards of different
unions, both within and between plants, was in evidence in the
Shipbuilding and Engineering industries through the existence
of C.S.E.U. meetings for stewards at plant or yard and district
levels. These, of course, are a legitimate part of the industrial
relations scene and they do seem to be quite well developed in
the North East.
The common desire to settle matters domestically is testimony
to the reality of workplace bargaining. Firms are not always
organised to cope with this reality and this sometimes makes it
difficult to observe the niceties of procedural agreements. In the
Steel industry, for example, workers’ representatives noted that,
within a firm, negotiating procedure had become too formalised
and centralised. It was argued, for example, that the departmental
manager cannot make an effective decision: ‘He has no real
power. Plans are made at meetings and he is regulated by these.’
There was strong feeling that ‘the system makes a monkey out of
people. You don’t like over-stepping people but some lower
down either won’t or can’t take responsibility.’ A departmental
261
Appendix D
manager himself commented : ‘The system is suspect and time-
wasting. I would like more responsibility. The men themselves
are confused by the present system. They open a discussion by
saying, “We know you can’t settle this by yourself but constitu-
tional procedure demands that we see you”.’
The formalisation of negotiating procedures in a plant pre-
sumably in the interests of efficiency and wage control, may have
unexpected consequences. It may lead to unwanted formality on
the union side. A R.I.S.A.K.T.A. Works Representative noted:
‘There is an old practice in Steel of ringing up or just walking in.
Here they are trying to make us follow written procedure. I said:
“I’ll play it your way. You write to us as well.” When they
wanted to change to 21 shifts they just rang us up and asked for
a decision. I said: “You must wait until I’ve seen my member-
ship”.’ Again it may give to the stewards the impression that
they are being given the ‘run round’. Procrastination may be an
uncomfortable way for management of buying time. It can
certainly lead to unconstitutional action of one sort or another.
And ironically enough, a matter which has been unsettled for
months, for reasons unknown, is settled as soon as a stoppage
takes place. These may relate to money matters, but quite often
relate to working conditions - for example the lack of adequate
ventilation or heating in the workplace. Dr. Garfield Clack, who
has studied small strikes - ‘downers’ as they are sometimes called
-in the Engineering industry, has suggested that they are
sufficiently widespread and frequent to represent a way of life and
that they are ‘as much a lubricant as an abrasive in the operation
of shop floor relations’. Sometimes, a short stoppage (which
rarely reaches, or perhaps qualifies for the Ministry of Labour’s
statistics) is not a result of long delays over the settlement of
issues, but over a matter of principle, when the issue itself is
perishable - where for example the violation of a manning agree-
ment, or alleged victimisation by management is in question,
The position of the shop steward in relation to the short
stoppage is by no means clear cut. On issues of principle he, as
the elected leader of the men, might well encourage a stoppage.
Sometimes, he is sympathetic, if not the instigator of the men’s
actions. An A.E.U. steward in a shipyard commented on one
incident when ‘the men were worked up emotionally and they
walked out. I advised the men that they were not being consti-
262
Appendix D
tutional but my heart was definitely with them.’ At other times
he is opposed to their action. A Boilermakers’ steward reflected:
‘You don’t call the strike. I talked to a mass meeting about
changing pay day from Tuesday to Saturday. I said we must stand
by the agreement, etc. I spoke for about half an hour and thought
I’d done a real good job. But after a hot head got up and called
for a strike, up went the hands.’ But in any case, it is usually the
steward who has to clarify the issues involved in order to discuss
them with management. And it is he who often acts as the
agent of social control, persuading the men not to leave the yard
or plant or getting them to start work again on the assurance
that management have agreed to negotiate the matter immediately.
It is in the workplace that many of the substantive rules of
industrial relations are formulated, challenged and modified, and
rights are established, only to be redrawn at some later date.
A great deal of emphasis recently has been placed on the im-
portance of managerial initiative in the development of soundly
based industrial relations policies. It is clear that such initiative
can only be exercised by coming to terms with the reality of the
shop steward’s power. This is not simply the external power of
the full employment economy, but internal power based on the
fact that he represents the interests of particular work groups -
their standards of fairness and justice, beliefs about methods of
work, earnings levels and so on. His influence as ‘gatekeeper’ to
the work groups, who are the de facto source of his authority,
is a crucial element in developing a constructive approach to
necessary technical and organisational changes. To engage in
active consultation will certainly bring out conflicts of interest
(which if not openly encountered in this way, might prove to be
more damaging for both sides subsequently) but it is also likely
to minimise needless points of friction. In this respect, one
suspects that the North East, in common with all other regions
in the country, still has a long way to go.
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268
Index of Names
Adams, R., 139 Dawtry, W. F., 247

Allen, V. L., 2, 77 Denham, W. G., 238
Aron, R., 2 Devlin, Lord Justice, 24
Ashton, T. S., 161 Dickson, W. J.. 93, 187
Dobinson, T. R., 238
Donovan, Lord Justice, I
Baldamus, W., 7, 133
Douglas, H., 77
Bendix, R., 72
Dubin, R., 31, 155
Berridge, C., 88
Dunlop, J., 19. 20, 21, 2% 30, 31, 39
Bescoby, J., 43. 99
Blakenham, Lord, 71, 81 53, 135
Dunn, P., 88
Blauner, R., II, 233
Durkheim, E., y, IO, 116, 229, 230
Bottomore, T. B., 229
Bowmaker, T., 247
Bowman, J., 238 Engels, F., IO, zzy, 230
Browne, B., 157
Brown, Phelps, 34, 78, 79, 91, 757
Fisher, L. M., 72
Brown, W., 4>, 46
Flanders, A., I, 178
Burns, T., II, 183
Fleming, W., 75
Burt, T., 157
French, J. R. P., 72
Friedmann, G., II, 47. 233
Cameron, G. C., 2, 68, 100, 102 Form, W., 126
Cameron, H. R., 248 Fox, A., 97
Cameron, J., 239, 248
Carron, W. 74
Cicourel, A. V., 18 Gallacher, W., 70
Clack, G., 262 Gardner, T., 238
Geddes, P., IOI, 105, 116, 117, 123
Clegg, H. A., 70, 97, 127, 128, 139
Coch, L., 72 Gerth, H. H., 231
Cockburn, A., 2 Goffman, E., 115
Cole, G. D. H., 34 Goldthorpe, J., 50, 51
Gouldner, A. W., II, 12, 16, 62, 63
Cooper, J., 71
Coser, L., 97, 98, 104, “9, 120, 125, 64>61, 66, 78, 254
151,153>222
Cox,J. 162 Halevy, E., 161
Crozier, M., II, 235 Hartman, P. T., 12, 14, 23, 24, 23
28, 30, 32, 34, 35, 39> 4% 73
Dahrendorf, R., 9. 32, 33, 73 Hill, E., 69
Dale, D., 157, 158, 161, 163 Hobsbawm, E. J., 162
Dalton, A., I I, 17, 234 Homans, G., 176
269
IIzdex of Names
Jenkins, W., 212 Parsons, T., y, 66
Paterson, T. T., 78, 84. 85. 126
Pope, L., 5~~63
Kahn, H. R., 207, zoy, 210 Price, J., 97
Kane, J., 157, 158, 159, 160, 162 Pugh, A., 159, 161, 162,164
Kaplan, A., 6
Kerr,C., 2,~. IT, 36,37,38,39,40,
42. 44, 4.5, 51, 141, 155 Ratcliffe, J., 247
Knight, R., 157
Rex, J., 72, 73
Knowles, K., 15, 41, 42, 68, 71, 80, Richardson, J. W., 95
84,156, '~37 Richardson, K., 124
Kornhauser, A., 15 5 Roberts, B. C., I, 73, 79, 86, 259
Kugelburg, B., 75 Roberts, G., 4, 7, 91, 126, 211
Kuhn, J. W., 7.3, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, Robinson, T. R., 247
48 Roethlisberger, F. J., 93, 187
Ross, A. M., 12, 14, 23, 24, 25, 26
Lahne, H. J., 134 28, 30, 32. 34, 3.5. 39,4o, 73, 135
Landsberger, H. A., 72 Rubel, M., 229
Lenski, G., y
Lerner, S. W., 76
Liepmann, K., IOO Sayles, L., 46, 48, 50, 93, 231, 232
Little, J. C., 238 Schelling, T. C., 189
Livernash, R., 31 Scorer, R., 248
Lling, K. A., 171 Seear, N., 86, 87
Lockwood, D., 4. 143, 144, 145 Shanks, M., 79
Low,J. O., 58, sy,61, 63, 232 Sharp, I. G., 158, 177
Siegel, A., 14, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40
42,449 41, ‘55. 2='J
MacDonald, D. R., 238, 248 Sigsworth, S., 248
Macdonald, L., 248
Simmel, G., 94, 97, 132
Mannheim, K., 77 Simpson, W., 238, 248
Marshall, T. H., 134 Smelser, N., 3 7, 3 8
Marx,K., y, IO, 229, 230, 235 Stalker, G., II, 183
Mayo, E., 72 Stein, A., 62
McBride, T. B., 238 Stephenson, J. W., 238
McCarthy, W. E. J., 118
McCormick, B. J., I I 5
Merton, R. K., 93, 94, 91, 96, 152
Miller, D., 126 Tawney, R. H., 161
Thompson, A. F., 97
Mills, W., y, 231, 233, 234, 235
Thompson, E. P., 162
Mundella, A. J., 158, 159
Tocher, V. W., 239
Myrdal, G., 6, I 5 7. I I 8
Trow, E., 159
Turner, H. A., 32, 34, 43, 49, 94
Noble, A., 157 126,x38,147
Odber, A. J., y, 138, 161, 163, 176,

211 Ulff, T., 83
270
Itzdex of Names
Wallis, R., 248 Willett, F. J., 126
Warner, W. L., j8, 59. 61, 63, 232 Wilson, H., 22, 32, 33, 80
Wearmouth, R. F., 161 Wilson, J., 161
Weber, M., 6, 8, IO, 225, 229, 231 Wiper, J., 238
Webb, B. & S. 74, gz, 95, 97, 98, Woodcock, G., 8g
IOO, Ijg,160
Wedderburn, D., 207
Wigham, G., I Zweig, F., g2
271
Subject Index
Alienation, II, 40, 230, 231, 232, Case study

233. 234, 233 as form of social explanation, 3, 6,
Anomie, 35 7. 23
Arbitration, 4, 5, z&62,73, 103, 127, examples of, 51-61, 107, 117,
‘38, 139. 141, 142, 143, 144, 178-91
145, 146, 159, 160, 161, 166, problems of, 16, 17
168, ISJ, 192, 198, 217, 218, Civil Service, 209
219, 220, 222, 226 Cohesion
Board of Arbitration & Concilia- group, 37, 38, 44, 47. 123
tion for the Manufactured social, 94, 95, 96
Iron Trade of the North of Commission, 27, 33, 56, 57, 62
England, 118, 119, 163 Conciliation, 4, 73, 79, 139-40, 1~8,
Industrial Court, 191, 192 159,161,162,163
Industrial Disputes Tribunal, I 27, Contlict, 5, 6, 16, 17, 19, 26, 32, 40,
136, ‘37, ‘39. 141, I42 44, 47, 48, 50, 11, 15, 65, 120,
Automation, 23 3 182,192
& effort bargain, 7, 66, 133
& sociological theory, 8, IO, 72,90
Bargaining, 6, 13, 47, 61, 110, 124,
& technology, 8
13% 205, 232, 234 institutional, 144, 145
plant, 2,4, 7. 87. 1~3, 169-91 latent, 191
collective, 28, 29, 31, 42, 49, 57,
levels of, 186-9
66, 74, 76, 127 non-violent, 145
‘effort’, 7, 66, 13 3
of interest, 4. 8, 9, 10, 75. 93, 144,
fractional, 42, 43, 44, 41 145, 182, 189-91. 225, 226,
multi-employer, 27, 3 I
260, 263
structure, 27, 29, 31
of right, 4, 5. 144. 147. 187
tactics, 42, 43, 137-42 overt, 104, Iys-203, 216
units, 128, 164, 169
realistic, 97, 98, 104, 124, 125
Belief system, 6, 206-11, 219, 225
regulation, 9, IO, 22, 66, 73, 98,
British Iron & Steel Federation, 165
Bureaucracy, 234, 23 3 resolution, 4. 7. 104, 127, 134,
bureaucratic conservatism, 77
143, 182, 188
bureaucratic organisation, IO, 76,
sources of, 208-1 I
231, 234 status, 134
bureaucratisation, 13, 54, 59, 231
tendency statements about, 27, 28
counter-bureaucracy, 6.2, 67
theorists, 9
Countries
Australia, 24, 2~, 26, 28, 34
Britain, I, 13, 24, 25, 26, 32, 33,
Countries-continued Tyne Shipbuilders, 248
Tyne Engineers, 248
34,40.42,43.47,84, 86, 119, Employment, 41199,123, 133
140. 141, 144, 145, 181, 203, data, 14
full, 204
205, 207
Canada, 14, 24, PJ, 26 opportunities, 31, 92, 96, 98
Denmark, 14, 24, 25, 26 policies, 28
Finland, 14, 24, 25, 26, 28 ranking, 35, 36
France, 14, 24, 25, 26 rising, 43
Germany, 24, 25, 26 situation, 7, 8, 102, 103, 112
India, 24, 25, 26 terms of, 28, zg, 162, 194
Italy, 26
Japan, 24, 26 Firms,
Netherlands, 24, 25, 26 Albert Hill, 163
Norway, 24, 25, 26 Barclay Curie, 124
South Africa, 14, 24, 25, 26, 28 B.M.C., 49. 50
Sweden, 24, 25, 26, 75. 83, 145. Mw, 49
'75 Canadian Pacific, 82
U.S.A., 13, 24, 26, 31, 32, 38, 39, Connell, I 24
42, 43, 44, 47, 52, 62, 126, Consett Iron, I 3 8, 206-28
I44,'45.155.~57,205 Domnarfvet, 175
U.S.S.R., 57 Dorman Long, 217
Fairfield, I 24
Disputes, 23 Ford, 49, 50, 88
Civil Air Transport, 74 ‘General Gypsum’, 62-7
classification, 3 Greenock Dockyard, I 20
demarcation, 1, 7, 9, 91-125, Lamont, x 24
183-s 193, ‘96,198, ‘99 Lithgow, I 24
Industrial Disputes Order, 142 Lorav Mill, 52-8, 62, 66
jurisdictional, 76, 106 Scot; 124
perishable, 70, 79, 202 South Durham, 203, 217
settlement, 4, 20, 28, 104-17, Stephen, I 24
I~I-4, 136, 118, 159, 165-6, Steel Company of Wales, 69
'9'~5,259 Thompson, J. L., 83
wages, 7.42, I95 Vauxhall, 49, 30
Division of labour, IO, I I, 45,46,47, Western Electric, 23 I
96, 116, 132, 229, 230, 233, 234
Efficiency, 21, 51, 53. 64, 74. 75,98, Go-slow, yo, 148, 149, 150, 152
117,120,122,187,208
Employers’ Associations 1, 76 Human Relations School, 57
B.E.C., 146
Engineering, I 26-54
Iron & Steel Trades, 164,167, 168, Ideology, 19. 20, 22, 52, ~4, 57, 62
184,218 63:.77
North East Coast Ship Repairers Industrial discipline, 22, gg, 106, 170
Shipbuilding, 83, 105, 106, 107, 172, '73,'74,178-81,192, '93

110,rxg 195,197,198~199,2OL 204
Subject Index
Industrial Relations, 3, 6, 7, II, 48, 211, 236-48, 254, 261, 262
49, 72, 74. 117, 121, 128, 145, shipping, 82
205,232,2~9,260,261,263 shoe, 38-62, 232
& liberal pluralism, 2 steel, 3. 4, 7, 8, 31, 32, 3% 69, 83,
& the Government, I, 19, 28, 29, 84, 88, 155-228, 249-58, 2.59,
39 261
in Britain, I, 22, 140, 146 textile, 36, 39, 32-56
in North East steel industry, I 5 >- transport, 41, 74
205 water, 36
systems, 19-35. 39, 52. .53,14, 55, International Labour Office, 14
16, 63. 86, 98, 115, 127, 135,
155, 156, 163, 173, 196, 203 Lock-out, 147, 168
Industries,
agriculture, 36 Management, 44, 59.64.67
car, 21, 32, 43, 49, 10, 82, 88, 207, & labour, 7, 16, 34, 51, 72, 127
211,232 & supervision, I 94-5
chemical, 36, 39, 233 authority, 33. 39. 60, 65
civil engineering, 129, 131, 136, beliefs, 46, 180-1
‘37 initiative, 263
clothing, 36, 41 management-worker relations, I,
coal, 35, 36, 37,38, 39,41,84, 153, 26, >8,61,62, 63, 66

160,161,162,213 organisation, 1y
construction, 36,41, IIT, 129, 131, policies, 49
132, 133, ‘34, ‘31, 136, 137, prerogatives, 40, 3 5, I 76
140 skills, 226
constructional engineering, 4, 7, union contract, 42
126-54 union relations, 27, 29, 30, 48, 5 I,
dock 35. 36, 37. 38, 39. 77. 124, 57, 88, PO, 192
157 values, 35
electrical equipment, 44, 207, 23 3 Market, 66, 119, 160
electricity, 36 competition, 64, 178, 233
electricity supply, 83 consumer, 3p
engineering, 41, 82, 88, 127, 128, context, 20, 21, 30
129,139,168,2~9,261,262 decline, 33
food, 36, 39 factors, 20
gas, 36 impact of, 46
gypsum, 16, 62-67 labour, 21, 27, 30, 48, 87
hosiery, I >8 loss of, 31
leather, 36 product, 2I
lumber, 36 sellers’, I 76
oil, 178 stability, I83
quarrying, 41 Mediation, 4, 73, 145
rail, 36, 83, 168, 207 Methodism, 161, 162
retail, 36 Ministry of Labour, 3, 34,4o, 42, 71
rubber tyre, 44 79, p1,100,101,102,127,128
services, 36 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142
shipbuilding, 4, 8, y, 41, 81, 83, 143, 146, 153, 171, 196, 209
84, 91-125, 134, 168, 176, 218,262
274
Subject Index
North East of England, 3, 7, 8, gr, causes of, x, 15, 19, 40
100-17,1~~-20~,2~g-6j definition of, 65
Norms, ~2, s>, 36, 66, 67, 93, 95, ‘downers’, 262
107, ZII,ZZJ, 226 explanation of, 12-67, 5 7-5 8
normative consensus, 5 guerilla, 146
normative order, 54, 56 meaning of, 30, 3 3, 3 I
normative pre-requisites, 73 operative variable, 78
normative standards, I 16 patterns, 7, 12, 13, 26, 28, 29, 34
normative system, g, g8 45, ‘95-203
problems of classification of, 3, I 3
Overtime ban, 147, 148, 150
proneness, 3 T-45
Power, 56, 72, 91, 204, 234 recording of, I 3, 14, I 7
alien, 39 ‘rolling’, 138, 147
as scarce resource, 8 seamen’s, 22, 32, 34, 86
balance of, g, IO, 54, 98, 104, 203 Shipbuilding & Engineering, I 917
countervailing, 2, 163 ‘39
context, 19, 20, 3.5, 39, 14 ‘snowball’, I 3 8, I 5 z
distribution of, 19, 20 sympathy, 148, 149, 196, 199
employer, I I8 tally clerks’, 86
latent, 120, 189 token, 141
managerial, 53, 56, yg, 60, 65 unofficial, I, 3, 68-90, 202, 219
shop stewards, 263 U.S.A. Steel Igj7, 31
social, I 52 wildcat, 43, 48, 62-7, 71, 78-g,
structure, 28 84. 232
union,66, 86, I@,, 163 ‘withering away’ thesis, 3~-, 39-41
workshop, 43 Swedish Employers’ Confederation,
Professions, 23 3 75
Rationality, 5, 61, 98, 225 Technical change, IO, 64, 78,

I, 96,
Redundancy, I, G, 32, 87, 122, 170, 116, 121, 175,
176, 180, 182,
‘72, ‘73>174,176> ‘90% ‘93>197, 183>Is)~>2~9> 263
198, Igg, 206-28 Technology, 8, 10, 30.44.41~47~48,
Restrictive practices, I, gz, 124 5% 51, 66, 135. 155. 156, 180,
Royal Commission on Trade Unions 185, 23% 231, 232, 235
& Employers’ Associations, I, Trade Unions, I, 27, 28, 29, 30, 39,
33, I27 41, 42, 50. 51. 68, 76, 738, 161,
16>,203,233,2>7-8
Scientific Management, 47, 232 A.E.U.,74, 88, IOI, 1oy,107-10,
Social control, 53, 63, 151, 152, 113, 121, 128, 167, 170, 184-g,
221,263 zo1,2~g,262
Society of Friends, 161 Amalgamated Malleable Iron-
Status system, 40 workers, I 18
Strikes, 4. I, 9, 10, 73, 123, 121, 137, A.U.F.W., 167, 201
160,168 Breakaway, 76
Allied Crafts Steel, zoo in Labour party, 32, 33
& documentary material, I 7-1 g Amalgamated Society of Painters
& legislation, 89 & Decorators, IOI
27f
Subject Index
Trade Unions-continued N.U.G.M.W., 33,34,70,102,1zg’

168,201, 202,219,261
A.S.E., 94, 247 N.U.M., 69

Amalgamated Society of Metal Northumberland Miners’ Associa-
Planers, Shapers & Slotters, tion, 94
94 officials of, 32, 34, 77, 78, 79, 107,
Associated Blacksmiths Forge & 110, 168, 169, 173, 174, 184,
SmithyWorkers’ Society, 167, 198, 199, 204, 126, 218, 260
201 P.T.U., IOI, 107-10, 167,201
A.S.S.E.T., 194 recognition, 7, 33, 34, ss, 17,62
A.S.W., IOI, IIO, IIZ, 167, ZOI Shipwrights, IOI, 102, 104, 106,
A.U.B.T.W., 69, 168, 169, 170, IIO-14,121, 123
171, 201 shop stewards, 70, 86, 87, 88, 107,
B.I.S.A.K.T.A., 69, 77, 164, 166, IIO, 112, 121, 122, 125, 168,
167, 169, 17% 171, x83-94, 182, 204, 239-63
zoo, 201, 202, 203, 211, 216, Steam Engine Makers’ Society,
219, 220, 221, 222, 227, 262 94, 247
British R.U. Turners’ Trade T.U.C., 70, 76, 77, 89, 106, 127,
Society, 168, 201 143
Boilermakers’ Society, 69,94, 101, T.G.W.U.,33.102, 128, 129, 168,
102, 105, 106, 112-14, 123, 201,219
167,1gg,200,201,202,262 United Machine Workers’ Associa-
Clerical, 7 tion, 94
C.S.E.U., 101,128,140, 141, 153, United Operative Plumbers’ As-
153, 154. 261 sociation, 248
C.A.W.A., 194 United Patternmakers’ Associa-
Closed shop, 70, 118, II)I tion, 91, 128, 167, 201, 202
Durham Miners’ Federation, 162 United Textile Workers, 5 2, ~1, ~6
E.T.U.,69, IOI, 167,170,201,215,
216, 227 Value(s), 40, 61, 93, 98, 160, 225
Federation of Shipbuilding & community, ~2, 17, 59, 63, 64, 66,
Engineering Trades, 104 67,739 214
Heating & Domestic Engineers, company, ss
167 instrumental, 62
Industrial, 61, 62 management, J1
Ironworkers, 139, 163 system, g
London Society of Compositors, 94
National Amalgamated Associa-
tion of Ironworkers, I 58 Wages, 40, 104, 124, 127, 128, 133
N.U.B., 166, 169, 216, 217, 218, 134, 135, 140, 141, 113, 160
219, 222, 223, 226, 227, 228 '71, 172, 173, 174. 182, '93
National Trade Society of Engine- 194, 197, 198, 200, 251-2, 257
ers, 94 259,261,262
National Society of Painters, 167 cuts, 54, 56260
N.U.R., 80 differentials, 40, 130, I 31, 134
National Union of Seamen, 82 153,177,196
National Union of Textile Work- disputes, 7, 42, 69, 100, 122, 13 5
ers, 14, fs 196
Stibject Index
Wages-continued Workers’ Educational Association,
249
earnings, I 3 6, I 37 Working conditions, 57, 104, 135,
grievances, 62 161, 164, 181-3, 194, 196, 262
incentives, 135, 136, 137, 177, 202 Work-to-rule, 148, 149, 150, 152
rates, 21, 97, 129, 130, 131, 164,
11% 177 Yankee City, ~8-62, 66
York Memorandum, 88

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The International Library of Sociology

Founded by KARL MANNHEIM

Essays in the Sociology of Industrial Relations

Printed and bound in Great Britain

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced

The publishers have made every effort to contact authors/copyright holders

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

LIST OF TABLES page vI

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED IN TEXT ix

I EXPLANATIONS OF STRIKES: A CRITICAL REVIEW 12

2 UNOFFICIAL STRIKES: SOME OBJECTIONS

6 REDUNDANCY CONFLICT IN AN ISOLATED STEEL

I Membership involvement in Strike Activity Page 24

X Length of Stoppage of Demarcation Strikes compared

XIII Proportion of Wage Earners paid under systems of

A.E.U. Amalgamated Engineering Union

Ihe impetus to write this book came initially from involvement in an

ND UST R I AL relations in Britain since the Second World

I War, and more particularly in the 196os, have come to be

Whether trade union structure is under debate, or the organisation

The Labour Government has in essence endorsed this view-

4. It may sometimes be possible to indicate the kind of condi-

N this chapter we will look at some of the ways in which

I strikes and strike patterns have been explained. Given the

1 Arthur M. Ross and Paul T. Hartman, Changing Pafterns of Industrial

1 Alvin W. Gouldner, Patterns of Industrial Bureawracy (Routledge and

1 Aaron V. Cicourel, Method and Meawrement in Sociology (Glencoe Free

B. A Note on the Concept of an Industrial Relations System

I should like to suggest that the notion of an industrial relations

Locus and Distribution of Power in

management and workers to be involved in strikes and lock-outs

1 Dunlop, op. cit., p. 86.

C. Strikes and National Industrial Relations Sy&ems

and within a country over a period of time were utilised. Two of

(b) The strike duration ratio. At a national level this ratio is

period studied, in most of the countries, and a decline in the

A Nominal Low-Moderate Denmark

B Nominal Long Norway

C High Low France

D Inter/High Long U.S.A.

characteristic configurations of labour-management relations,

In the light of these tendency statements, the significance of

national crisis character of strikes in steel may well increase the

D. Inter-indtlsty Comparisons of Strike-proneness

Propensity to Strike Industry

But how are these differences explained? The major considera-

LOCATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS AFFECTING STRIKEPRONENESS

Worker’s I. Single industry community I. Multi-industry community

3. Geographical or social iso- 3. Integrated into wider

4. Group cohesion or 4. Individual isolated from

I have summarised the polar positions making for high strike

l Knowles, op. cit., p. 309-10.

Ratios ihrtrating relative propem&

Mining and Quarrying 0.73 1’24 4.68

The realities of life do not always allow you to settle grievances

* Kuhn, op. cit., pp. 78-9.

l Kuhn, op. cit., p. 148.

E. Intra-industy Comparisons of Strike Activit_y

l Sayles, op. cit., p. I I 3,