Catherine Julien - Reading Inca History (2000) PDF

Inca
r e a d i n g
h i s t o r y
Inca
r e a d i n g
h i s t o r y
catherine julien
u n i ve r s i t y o f i ow a p r e s s i ow a c i t y
University of Iowa Press,
Iowa City 52242
Copyright © 2000 by the
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Printed on acid-free paper
Library of Congress
Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Julien, Catherine J.
Reading Inca history / by Catherine Julien.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 0-87745-725-5 (cloth)
1. Incas—Historiography. 2. Incas—Genealogy.
3. Incas—Kings and rulers. I. Title.
f3429.j85 2000
985⬘.019⬘072—dc21
00-039246
02 03 04 p 5 4 3 2 1
A mi hija Clara, y a su Cuzco
Contents
a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s ix
1 introduction 3
2 c a p a c 23
3 g e n e a l o g y 49
4 l i f e h i s t o r y 91
5 c o m p o s i t i o n 166
6 e m e r g e n c e 233
7 t r a n s f o r m a t i o n 254
8 o r i g i n s 269
9 c o n c l u s i o n s 293
n o t e s 303
b i b l i o g r a p h y 313
i n d e x 325
Acknowledgments
This project has been a long time in coming. It began with my first
exposure to interpretations of the Inca past. Almost the first thing I read was
María Rostworowski’s monograph on Pachacuti, and ever since I have been
looking for different points of view within the dynastic descent group itself.
There never was agreement on “what happened” in the Inca past, not even
among the Incas.
At the time, I was studying anthropology with John Howland Rowe, who
combines history and archaeology in his own work and who could compare
the physical remains of the Inca empire to the representations of it that were
collected from Inca sources in Cuzco and find a resonance between them. At
the same time, Rowe treated the Spanish narratives as problematic, for, of
course, an anthropologist knows that the Spaniards were not in Cuzco doing
ethnography, and what they wrote does not reflect more than a superficial
knowledge of the rules and practices of the people with whom they lived.
Still, the Spanish authors — and the native Andeans who wrote Spanish narra-
tives — captured Inca genres, and these genres reflect the Inca past in some
way. Rowe has written mainly about the Incas, not about how we work or
about the sources through which we study the Incas, even though he has
generated his own source criticism and worked within this personal body of
knowledge. Perhaps he made a mistake in not writing more about the Span-
iards, just as it may be a mistake to attempt a study like this without more
knowledge about how Spanish authors worked. I would argue that the atten-
tion paid to Spanish authors has far outweighed what has been given to Inca
sources and that these sources are deserving of attention. My greatest intellec-
tual debt in this enterprise is to Rowe, although the scholarly efforts of people
like María Rostworowski, Franklin Pease, John Murra, and Tom Zuidema
have clearly stimulated the thinking which underlies the present work.
Some of the material in chapters 5 and 6 was published in an essay on the
Incas, published as Die Inka by C. H. Beck in Munich (1998), and I thank the
publishers for permission to publish in English. I also thank the Humboldt
Foundation for a research fellowship that allowed me to spend two years at the
Seminar für Völkerkunde of the University of Bonn. Near the beginning of my
tenure in Bonn (a stay that lengthened to five years), a group of students, in-
cluding Kristina Angelis, Bärbel Konerman, and Gerlinde Pilgrimm, asked me
questions about the social organization of Cuzco and how to read what had
x | a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s
been written about it. These interests led to a seminar in which the present
work germinated. One of the students, Alexander Voss, was assigned a paper
on Inca genealogy. He avidly traced all the contradictions in the various ac-
counts of Inca genealogy, making me aware, as I never had been before, of
how controversial a subject dynastic descent actually was. During this time I
was the recipient of a voluminous correspondence from John Rowe on a vari-
ety of matters related to the present work. I had more contact with him on
these matters than I had had on my dissertation, despite being an ocean away.
I owe this book to the fertile period I spent in Bonn.
The time I spent abroad was also intellectually stimulating because of the
many encounters I had with colleagues. The list would be long were I to
mention everyone, but I will mention some, including Ute Baumgart, Michael
Tellenbach, Eva König, Antonio Nodal, Wiebke Ahrndt, Martin Volland,
Albert Meyers, Heiko Prümers, Roswith Hartmann, Vera Stähle, Christine
Scholten, and, particularly, Sabine Dedenbach-Sálazar Sáenz, Hanns Prem,
Kristina Angelis, and Kerstin Nowack. Moreover, the Bonn seminar was
graced by the presence of Luis Lumbreras and Marcela Rios for an entire year
while I was there. Rossana Barragán and David Pereira were there for some of
that time. A little-known fact is that I was one of the greatest beneficiaries of
these arrangements. I spent time visiting colleagues who influenced or con-
tributed to this work in one way or another. I especially want to recall Fermín
del Pino, Juan José Villarías, Frank Meddens, Marius Ziolkowski, and Inge
Schjellerup. Spain is a point of reunion for Andeanists who work in archives,
and I was fortunate to cross paths with Jorge Flores, Teodoro Hampe, Manuel
Burga, Tom Abercrombie, Gary Urton, Frank Salomon, Christine Borchart,
David Cook, Susan Ramírez, Chantal Caillavet, and María Susana Cipolletti.
I will not soon forget sitting in the Seville streets, drinking coffee with Gary
Urton, Frank Salomon, and Tom Abercrombie and wondering at the constel-
lation of circumstances that had connected our lives. I also owe a debt to the
Archivo General de Indias in Seville for their gracious reception and meticu-
lous attention to my requests.
While a great deal of the thought that went into the present study was gen-
erated on the other side of the Atlantic, the manuscript itself was written while
I was a member of the Department of History at Western Michigan Univer-
sity. Conversations with students there provided stimulation, too, and I want
to acknowledge Michael Martin for remarking on two particular points in a
graduate seminar in which I presented the information on Inca dates. John
Monaghan, my Mesoamerican colleague here, also read and commented on
the manuscript, helping me formulate points of difference with what has been
a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s | xi
going on in his field. I am also grateful to my department for granting me time

for research and for having so graciously received me into the historians’ guild.
The view from within is different, and occupying this new place is a stimulat-
ing intellectual experience in its own right.
John Rowe read and commented on the present manuscript in nearly final
form, offering comments that have helped me in its revision. He has done a
great deal of work on the very sources I am using and has been particularly
helpful to me in sorting out what sources can be identified in Cobo. I have had
the best kind of criticism from him, and my argument that Cobo may have
gotten his Inca history from Polo has been strengthened by his arguing against
it. The matter is not resolved, nor will it be unless more manuscript sources are
found. With regard to manuscript sources, I was able to check certain passages
in the Betanzos manuscript, thanks to Roland Hamilton. Finally, I want to
thank Susan Niles and Holly Carver. Both have contributed in their own ways
to the creation of this book, the former by making numerous comments that
were extremely useful in revising the manuscript and the latter by nursing the
project and the author through the various stages that have led to this point.
There is magic afoot when such forces come together.
Quito
ECUADOR
Tomebamba
Chachapoyas CUZCO
Cajamarca
Trujillo
PERU
Huánuco Pampa
Ur u
bam
ba
Pachacamac
R.
Ayacucho
CUZCO
Urcos
Andahuaylas BOLIVIA
Hatuncolla Lake Titicaca

N
Arequipa Tiahuanaco
Incallacta
0 100 200 300 400 500
KILOMETERS
Inca
r e a d i n g
h i s t o r y
1 Introduction
The nobles tell very great stories about Inca Yupanqui and Topa Inca, his
son, and Huayna Capac, his grandson, because these were the rulers who
proved themselves to be the most valiant. Those who would read about
their deeds should know that I put less in my account than I knew and that
I did not add anything, because I do not have any other sources for what
I write than what these Indians tell me. And for myself, I believe what they
say and more because of the traces and signs left by these kings and be-
cause of their great power, which is an indication that what I write is noth-
ing compared to what actually happened, the memory of which will en-
dure for as long as there are native Andean people.
Muy grandes cosas quentan los orejones deste Ynga Yupangue e de Topa
Ynga, su hijo, e Guaynacapa, su nieto porque éstos fueron los que se
mostraron más valerosos. Los que fueren leyendo sus acaeçimientos crean
que yo quito antes de lo que supe que no añadir nada, y que, para
afir[marlo por çierto], fuera menester verlo, ques causa que yo no afirme
más de que lo escrivo por relaçión destos yndios; y para mí, creo esto y más
por los rastros y señales que dexaron de sus pisadas estos reyes y por el su
mucho poder, que da muestra de no ser nada esto que yo escrivo para lo
que pasó, la qual memoria durará en el Perú mientras oviere honbres de los
naturales. (Cieza de León [1553], chap. 48; 1986 : 140)
Pedro de Cieza de León wrote in the early 1550s and was one of the
first Spaniards to write about the Inca past in any detail. He was a soldier, but
he took upon himself the task of recording what had gone on before he arrived
in Peru. Most of what he wrote was about fighting among Spanish factions,
but one part of his much longer work was a narrative of the Inca past, begin-
ning with the origins of a group of siblings from a cave at Pacaritambo and ex-
tending to the time of the Spanish arrival in Cuzco, twelve generations later.
The narrative tells the story of the Inca imperial expansion. Structured by
the genealogy of the dynastic line, it is peopled by the Inca rulers and their
4 | i n t r o d u c t i o n
close kin. Cieza says he took all of his material from native sources. Obviously
he translated — with the aid of translators — what he was told by particular
individuals, since the Incas had no form of writing, and other forms of re-
cording were unintelligible to the Spaniards. Cieza names one Inca infor-
mant, Cayo Topa ([1553], chap. 6; 1986 : 38), and he occasionally indicates di-
vergent stories, so he talked to others while he was in the Andes. They could
have been eyewitnesses to some of the events Cieza wrote about, but no one
living could have a memory of the period before the last two, or possibly three,
generations.
Cieza recovered some kind of material from oral historical genres. Like
other Spaniards who wrote narratives structured by the genealogy of the Inca
dynastic descent group, he collected this material from Inca sources. Like
other Spaniards, he assumed that the material reflected a knowledge of the
Inca past. He had firsthand acquaintance with the landscape of the Inca em-
pire and could convince himself of the truth of the story he told. The story
Cieza told explained the rise of Inca power — a power which was then still ob-
vious. Like other Spaniards, Cieza did not refer to his sources except in a gen-
eral way. Because of the filters of language and culture, even if he transcribed
what he was told, the content was irrevocably altered. By making the stories
he was told intelligible to another audience and by writing them down in a
manuscript, both the meanings associated with the original genre or genres
and the context of their transmission were lost.
Something may remain, but whether aspects of the underlying original can
be recovered depends on how Cieza worked. Did he retell what he was told by
informants who were transmitting material from Inca genres, injecting his
own comments or interpretations at its margins? Or did he do “history” as we
do it, taking material from whatever sources he had, reworking and reconcep-
tualizing it to craft a narrative that fulfilled his own canons of historical writ-
ing, including notions of sequence and dynastic succession? To what extent
did he bring the Inca past into line with the canons of universal history, a his-
tory that began with the book of Genesis? He was the first Spaniard to tread
on new literary territory. As far as we know, he was the first to produce what
was a new genre: the Spanish historical narrative of the Inca past.
In the years that followed, other Spaniards and two native Andeans were
to craft some version of the same project. The Jesuit Bernabé Cobo, who
wrote about the Incas in the mid–seventeenth century, said he could still col-
lect the story of the dynastic past from the Incas of Cuzco, though he chose
to work with manuscript sources in the creation of his own text ([1653],
chap. 2; 1892 : 119). Although a memory of the Inca past underlay the move-
i n t r o d u c t i o n | 5
ment of Topa Amaro in the eighteenth century to restore the Inca empire, the
bishop of Cuzco, Manuel Moscoso y Peralta, wrote that local knowledge of
the Inca past was taken largely from what Garcilaso de la Vega had written
about it (Moscoso in Valcárcel 1983 : 276 –277; Brading 1991 : 491). The ge-
nealogical tradition had survived, but it had survived through both visual
representation — a series of portraits of the twelve rulers from Manco Capac
to Huascar — and performance — processions of the same sequence of rulers
(Pease García Yrigoyen 1992 : 321; Fane 1996 : 238–241; Gisbert 1994 : 149–157).
These forms of remembrance were still powerful media for the representation
of Andean autonomy and were recognized as such at the time of the Topa
Amaro revolt in the 1780s (Rowe 1955 : 10, 26 –27; Brading 1991 : 491).
Cieza’s optimism about the durability of local knowledge of the Inca past —
and, specifically, about the story he told of the deeds of the Inca rulers who
expanded the authority of Cuzco across a large Andean territory — seems un-
warranted in the late twentieth century. If the story he recorded drew from lo-
cal knowledge in Cuzco, even if translated in word, format, and purpose, that
knowledge does not appear to have survived among the descendants of the
Incas. The stories that anthropologists have collected in the Cuzco region re-
fer to Inkarrí, a word meaning “Inca rey,” but do not reproduce the content of
the Spanish historical narratives to any meaningful degree (see essays and tran-
scriptions by Arguedas and Roel Pineda, Núñez del Prado, Valencia Espinoza,
Flores Ochoa, and Pease García Yrigoyen in Ossio 1973). At the core of the
Spanish historical narratives is a genealogical sequence, beginning with the
origins of the dynastic line at the time of Manco Capac and his brothers and
sisters — the Ayar siblings — and ending with the death of Huayna Capac, the
eleventh ruler in the line of dynastic descent, when a civil war between his sons,
Atahuallpa and Huascar, the twelfth Inca, began. The genealogical sequence
that structures the Spanish historical narratives is not in evidence in the Inkarrí
accounts.
Cieza and the other Spaniards who wrote about the Incas sometimes re-
ferred to the stories they were repeating as “fables,” even as they narrated
events in the lives of persons they took to have been living human beings.
They were uncertain about the reliability of their material, and understand-
ably so, since they could not have witnessed or had written testimony of
the events they described. When the authors of these accounts referred to
the Chanca attack on Cuzco — when the stones themselves turned into war-
riors — they could understand the battle as a historical event, even if clearly
fabulous elements were part of the story. Just so they understood the assis-
tance of St. James or the Virgin in the defeat of Manco Inca in the siege of
Cuzco when these elements were incorporated into the narratives of events
that were written after the fact. Where the “fabulous” elements remained
fabulous in their narration of stories about the Incas, those that fit within
Spanish canons of acceptable explanation could be believed.
Spaniards or Andean authors like Garcilaso Inca de la Vega who were
educated had classical texts to provide them with models for the Inca empire.
In their minds, the empire, par excellence, was Rome. It was a paradigm by
which they could explain the Incas. The comparison between the Incas and
Rome was evident in the physical remains of roads, bridges, and canals, but
it went further. Inca imperial organization was perceived as “a positive cul-
tural, religious and political force”; it had been a “good thing” (MacCormack
1998 : 8–10). Moreover, an acquaintance with classical texts gave these authors
a touchstone by which they could interpret stories about the Inca past. They
could read classical historians who dealt with fabulous origin stories and leg-
ends alongside accounts of historical events and, like them, recognize that “the
deeds of gods and heroes had been interwoven with those of human beings,
with the more reliable history of recent events” (MacCormack 1998 : 19). The
incorporation of fabulous elements was not an obstacle to accepting the his-
toricity of an account of the past.
A lot has changed. Some modern readers greet the fabulous elements and
the plausibly historical content alike as myth. The denial of the historical
content of works on the Inca past is expressed in two ways. One is the rejec-
tion of the descriptive categories used by Spaniards like Cieza in their nar-
ratives. When the Spaniards use terms like “king” to describe the Inca ruler or
“empire” to describe the Inca project, they are forcing an Andean reality into
alien categories (Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1999:ix–x, 1988 : 13–14; Pease
García Yrigoyen 1995 : 72 –78, 126 –127). The second form of denial asserts that
Spanish authors misunderstood what they heard: the stories they were told by
the Incas of Cuzco had no historical content; rather, they encoded the social
organization of Cuzco or reflected other aspects of local knowledge (Zuidema
1964, 1995; Pease García Yrigoyen 1995 : 71–78; Urton 1990 : 6).
The first form of denial stems from a doubt about the capacity of Spaniards
to interpret a fundamentally foreign world and is exacerbated by the difficul-
ties of translating the meaning of foreign categories into another language. If
we had source materials in the Inca language that revealed the nature of
what the Spaniards termed “empire,” we could partially mitigate this problem
because we would gain an approximate understanding from these sources of
what it was the Spaniards lacked the words to describe. Even if words get in
the way, the Spanish historical narratives offer a perspective on Inca history
that must be considered; the existence of an Inca state cannot be denied, and
the last several rulers were documented both by the narratives and by witnesses
who knew and served them (Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1999 : 22 –36,
65–91, 178–179).
The second form of denial is a more serious challenge to interpreting the
written sources that deal with the Inca past. It denies the existence of an An-
dean “history.” History only arrived in the Andes with the Spaniards. Franklin
Pease has used the shallowness of Spanish interest in the Inca past in the first
years of their presence in the Andes as the core of his argument that the
detailed later accounts of “Inca history” were driven by Spanish historio-
graphical practice, that is, that the Spaniards gave the Incas a past by applying
their own canons of universal history to what were essentially Inca myths
(1995 : 72 –78). Since the Spaniards were in close contact with the Incas from
the beginning, their delay in using Inca sources as the foundation for an ac-
count of the Inca past provokes the conclusion that the histories they later
wrote were their own invention.
The denial of the historical content of Inca sources was first put forward by
Reiner Tom Zuidema in 1964. At that moment, Zuidema was not interested
in explaining how the Spaniards reinterpreted what they heard from Inca
sources. His denial simply cleared the way for the presentation of an alterna-
tive reading of the same texts: Zuidema would read them as myth, and as myth
that encoded social organization or local knowledge (Nowack 1998a:133–143;
Zuidema 1995, 1964; Urton 1990 : 6). The logic underlying this argument is
that, since social organization is assumed to be immutable or nearly so, a tem-
poral sequence that posits the entire evolution of a social order over only
twelve generations must be wrong. If the end product reflects certain durable
patterns of thought or explanation, then the end product cannot be something
that came into existence through a stepwise evolution over a relatively short
span of time. The denial of the historicity of an underlying Inca account is thus
closely linked to the needs of the new interpretation: the Inca rulers did not
succeed each other in real time but represent segments of the descent group
that were always there.
If I may be so bold as to interpret the underlying logic of this argument
again: it is based on a literalist reading of the dynastic “history” and does not
take into account the possibility that the story was a representation of the past
that was created at a specific moment. Even though a mechanism in each gen-
eration was the basis for defining panacas, or segments of the dynastic descent
group, there was no gradual accrual of panacas. Rather, a new order was cre-
ated by reinterpreting past practice according to a new set of rules. Two Span-
ish authors describe the creation of a historical record during the time of
Pachacuti, the ninth Inca (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 9; 1906 : 3–31;
chap. 30; 1906 : 68; Betanzos [1551–1557], chap. 17; 1987 : 85– 86). An account of
the dynastic past crafted then would have explained the particular configura-
tion of Cuzco that that Inca had imposed on the dynastic descent group and
the other inhabitants of the Inca city after the Incas had launched an empire.
Rather than a faithful reflection of the past, it was a story which represented
a new social order in historical terms. The “history” crafted at this time re-
flected the interests of a particular group, but it rewrote material that was
known or believed about the past in line with new explanations of the rise
to power of a segment within the larger group that was identified as Inca.
The new history relied on a knowledge of actual dynastic descent and of the
events associated with each generation of the dynastic descent group, but it in-
corporated a perspective that benefited a group that had emerged as uniquely
powerful.
That the Incas preserved a knowledge of the line of dynastic descent
through a form of genealogy — which is what the Spanish accounts explicitly
tell us — cannot be denied so quickly. Clearly, the Spaniards worked from
within the framework of their own sociology of knowledge. Just as clearly,
whatever form of recorded memory that was found in the Andes answered
different needs and purposes and had evolved in a different way from the his-
torical practice of the sixteenth-century Spaniard. Still, there is a growing body
of archaeological research, particularly on Inca architecture, that is establish-
ing a concordance between material remains and the list of Inca rulers. The
corpus of architecture associated with Pachacuti can now be distinguished on
stylistic grounds from what was built during the rule of Huayna Capac, his
grandson (Protzen 1993 : 257–269; Niles 1993 : 155–163, 1999 : 262 –297). There
are also indications that the Inca ceramic style will reflect the succession of In-
cas associated with the imperial expansion, both in Cuzco and the provinces
(Julien 1993:181–199).
The denial of genealogical practice is very specific to the area of Inca stud-
ies. Mesoamericanists have not denied the historicity of the recorded memo-
ries of their Prehispanic subjects. Some are hard at work studying native lin-
eages and their genealogies. Dates and writing bring the Maya, the Aztecs, and
the Mixtecs into our world. Given that their tools resemble ours, it is perhaps
easier to accept the historical content of their texts. In the case of the Maya, the
written record is associated with monumental sites built long before the arrival
of Europeans. “Long count” dates that used a fixed point of reckoning gave
the Maya past a chronology that lent itself to conceptualization in much the
same way as conventional history (Morley 1983 [first published in 1946]).

Scholars extended this conceptual framework by correlating other sequences
with the European calendar (Caso 1949). As the twentieth century neared its
end, the casting of the Maya past in the same terms as European history was
critically reexamined (Boone and Mignolo 1994; Gillespie 1989). However,
this reexamination occurred only after advances in the interpretation of Maya
writing allowed the texts on stelae — not just the dates — to be read. Stelae
associated with sites like Tikal and Copan tell about the lifetimes of particular
Maya rulers and their families; the burial sites of particular rulers have been
identified (Schele and Miller 1986; Schele and Freidel 1990). That a Maya his-
tory developed for its own reasons has not been denied, perhaps because the
recording process took place long before the arrival of Europeans and not
decades afterward, as in the case of the Spanish historical narratives about the
Inca past.
As will be argued in the conclusions, the Spanish historical narratives in-
corporate sources that reflect an Inca historical consciousness. Whether my ar-
gument is accepted or not, there is another matter that underlies the divergent
interpretations of the Spanish historical narratives by students of the Incas.
They are ultimately a product of different forms of conceptualization, one de-
rived from historiography and the other from a structuralist anthropology. To
place the Incas in an anthropological framework, Zuidema had to describe
their social organization in much the same terms used by anthropologists
when describing small-scale societies elsewhere in the world: the unit of analy-
sis had to be reconceptualized (Nowack 1998a:129–133; Kuper 1988 : 231). The
baggage that came along with this was the notion that such societies were
timeless or changed only at the pace of evolution (Thomas 1989 : 9–17). In
part, this reconceptualization of the Incas brought with it a heightened aware-
ness of difference. We, like the Spaniards, had accorded the Incas the same kind
of historiographical status as the Romans, that is, as a group distant merely in
time but intelligible in terms of cultural behavior. If the Incas were more like
the Gê or the Bororo, then we could apply what anthropologists had learned
about such societies.
That structuralist anthropology did not incorporate a theory of change
or historical process. When a small-scale society becomes an empire, things
change. People reinvent themselves, the social order, and the past. To adjust
the Incas to an anthropological paradigm that does not take a theory of change
into account and that classifies them in the same terms as groups that have sur-
vived a long history of colonial domination is to colonize the Prehispanic past.
On the other hand, the anthropological knowledge that alerts us to the im-
possibility of our facile understanding of the Inca and even the Roman past
does serve to reorient our search for a meaningful Inca history.
Zuidema’s analysis of Inca Cuzco was published in 1964. During the time
between the book’s first appearance and its republication in Spanish in 1995, he
has elaborated aspects of his work and extended the analysis to the Inca calen-
dar and other systematic forms of knowledge. Zuidema constructed a Cuzco
that had that same, timeless existence as other communities studied by an-
thropologists. To this day Zuidema continues to deny the historicity of the
dynastic genealogy (1995 : 35–38). The transformation of Cuzco from a small-
scale society to the largest American empire ever created has not been a topic
in Zuidema’s work.
If the list of Incas does not reflect a temporal sequence, even if structured
only by lifetime and not by chronology, what was it that the Spaniards heard
that led them to construct a historical sequence? An idea was initially formu-
lated in Zuidema’s 1964 work — that the list of eleven or twelve Inca rulers
commonly included in the Spanish historical narratives and usually classified
into two groups labeled Hanan and Hurin should be read as two parallel dy-
nastic lines — was later developed by Pierre Duviols as an alternative reading
of the standard list of Inca rulers. In a sense, this theory reestablished a kind of
historical “truth” (Duviols 1979, 1980). The parallel series of rulers were taken
to be historical personages who governed the two halves of Cuzco in some
sort of sequence. No effort was made to use other aspects of their biographies
in rewriting Inca “history,” so the new reading of the narratives was limited to
denying the truth of the conventional reading. The resulting hypothesis of
dual kingship undergirds the interpretation of the Inca past in a number of
prominent works (Zuidema 1995 : 53–58; Pease García Yrigoyen 1992 : 60 – 61,
69–70; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1999 : 177–181).
The various forms of denial have attacked a straightforward reading of the
Spanish historical narratives. Simple readings of these sources as history are no
longer possible. At the same time, those who have attacked how the narratives
were read have only offered alternative readings. They have not examined in any
more than a cursory way what kind of Inca source material was incorporated
in the narratives themselves. The comparison of texts for literary borrowings
or dependencies on other texts has been attempted, if only rarely (Wedin 1966 :
60 –73; Aranibar Zerpa 1963; Rowe 1985b:207–216; Pärssinen 1992 : 50 –70),
but no attempt has been made to compare the narratives for the purposes of
establishing and identifying underlying Inca source materials. Perhaps such ef-
forts have been inhibited by the idea that a text that has passed through the
double filters of language and culture cannot reflect its underlying source.
Before returning to this problem, I want to note one current that has
developed from Zuidema’s work: an interest in local knowledge. To a de-
gree, this interest has centered on astronomy and mathematics (Urton 1981,
1997), but a related development is ethnographic study of the transmission of
memory in the Andes, a field that has blossomed in recent years (Allen 1988;
Salomon 1997; Rappoport 1990; Harrison 1989; Abercrombie 1998). A denial
of the historicity of the Spanish narratives is not necessarily a denial of Inca
historical consciousness, and some of those who pursue the subject from an
ethnographic base are deeply interested in how memory was recorded over the
longue durée (Urton 1998; Salomon 1997).
A great deal of this interest has settled on the quipo, a series of knotted cords
suspended from a central cord that, through color, technique, or position, can
be “read” for the information it contains. So far, only the encoding of numer-
ical information has yielded itself to meaningful interpretation (Ascher and
Ascher 1981; Pärssinen 1992 : 31–50). Recently, the search has turned to the
capacity of the quipo to encode narrative. Gary Urton has argued that quipo
construction shows a degree of uniformity that belies the often-stated con-
clusion that they were mnemonic devices “read” only by the individuals who
kept them, that is, that the symbolic system had few generally recognizable
features. Rather, Urton notes that the content of quipos that were transcribed
into Spanish administrative records is evidence that Inca quipos could en-
code subject /object /verb constructions (1998 : 410 – 412). Not only were there
grammatical constructions that could record what happened, that is, events,
quipos had the “capacity . . . to denote the temporal relationship between
events, which is the basic requirement for establishing a relative chronology”
(Urton 1998 : 426 – 427).
This line of investigation may yet lead us to revolutionary insight into the
Inca past, and we have great hopes for what was recorded on quipos (MacCor-
mack 1997 : 289–290). However, quipos were not the only format for recording
Inca memory. Both Cieza de León and Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa describe
the composition of Inca narrative, giving a number of specifics about how it
was transmitted and in what form. Cieza compared the recitations about Inca
rulers to cantares, thus equating them to a form of epic poetry that circulated
in print and manuscript in the Spain of his day. He also described what was
recorded about the Inca rulers as romances and villancicos, genres “of legendary
and historical poetic narration in medieval Castile” (Niles 1999 : 7–11, 45–51;
MacCormack 1997 : 286 –287; Cieza de León [1553], chap. 11; 1986 : 27). Cieza,
at least, is clear about the filters of language and culture through which he un-
derstood Inca efforts to preserve a memory of their past. He also refers to the
controlled, edited quality of the transmissions and the conscious forgetting of

individuals whose deeds did not measure up to some standard (MacCormack
1997 : 288–289). When Cieza writes about fundamentally foreign historical
practice, he distances his own practices from it and develops a sharper image
through comparison.
Another medium for recording memory was described by Sarmiento de
Gamboa and Cristóbal de Molina. A series of painted wooden tablets that rep-
resented the lives of the individuals through whom dynastic descent was traced
was kept by the dynasty. Access to it was limited (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572],
chap. 9; 1906 : 31; Molina [1576]; 1989 : 49–50). Oral performance, history, and
visual art at the same time, this form has been impossible to study or suffi-
ciently value in the absence of any physical record (Julien 1999 : 62 – 63, 76 –78).
That the Incas recorded and orally transmitted some kind of memory does
not seem to be in doubt. What is contested is the content of such records. But
how can anything be learned about their content? One point of entry is a
textual analysis of the Inca content of the Spanish historical narratives them-
selves. No one has yet done a textual analysis of these narratives for the pur-
poses of identifying underlying oral sources. Franklin Pease has authored criti-
cal editions of sixteenth-century works, including the complete works of Cieza
(Cieza de León [1550] 1984, [1553] 1986, 1987, 1994), who gave a standard ac-
count of Inca genealogy, and an impressive study of historical writing in the
Andes (Pease García Yrigoyen 1995), but neither he nor other authors have
dealt with the specific nature of the Inca sources that nourished the Spanish
narratives. If there were formally recorded and transmitted memories of the
Inca past, then these narratives may have captured, grosso modo, their structure
and even their content. If the historical narratives written in Spanish draw
from a genre or genres of Inca history, we can develop images of them.
Because we are exploring later texts to retrieve earlier sources, the method
can best be described as a kind of archaeology of the source materials. How
do we excavate a text? One of the methods used to recover the underlying
textual sources of manuscripts is through comparison of two manuscripts de-
pendent on the same source. The same method can be used to uncover depen-
dency on an oral genre. The degree of consistency between some of the ac-
counts is an indication that these narratives incorporate Inca genres, perhaps
in their entirety. For comparative analysis to be profitable, works whose au-
thors used material from the same Inca genres must be compared. Even given
the filters of language and culture through which any Inca genres were put, the
format or structure of a genre and, even, a general approximation of its con-
tents may have been detected.
The idea that some Spanish historical narratives will yield Inca genres when
subjected to comparative analysis may be difficult to accept. They were writ-
ten after — often decades after — control of the Inca empire had been success-
fully usurped by Pizarro and other Spaniards who followed. The Spanish ar-
rival, however, is a false boundary. Inca sovereignty was recognized until 1572.
Initially, the genre or genres performed at public events were performed be-
fore the Spaniards (False Estete 1924; Cieza de León [1553], chap. 11; 1986 : 29).
Those Inca genres that were recorded in some form were not dependent
on performance, however. Even when the performance tradition ended, the
record can have remained. For example, some Inca genres were quipo-based.
A quipo recounting the lords and fortresses conquered by Topa Inca, the tenth
ruler on the dynastic list, was presented by his descendants in 1569 (Rowe
1985b). A quipo that recorded the events of the life of Pachacuti was collected
by a Spanish corregidor in 1559 (see chapter 4).
The survival of recorded memory and the processes involved in transmit-
ting it from one generation to the next is, of course, an essential precondition
to our enterprise. Since we do not know when and under what circumstances
the transmission process stopped, our only means of assessing the survival of
generic material is in the analysis of the Spanish historical narratives them-
selves. The proof, as it were, is in the pudding.
What we can learn about Inca genres is dependent on what was incorpo-
rated in Spanish texts. If there were various Inca genres with historical con-
tent, then authors can have mixed these materials to construct their histories.
Today good historical practice requires the evaluation of the quality of source
material but little respect for its integrity. We do history much the way we
make soup: choosing the best ingredients, chopping them up, and throwing
them all together in one pot. How did sixteenth-century authors work? They
say very little on that score, so we must try to reconstruct their habits. The au-
thors who wrote about the Incas seldom refer to source material. On occa-
sion, they say they relied on a particular source (Cieza de León [1553], chap. 6;
1986:13; Cobo [1653], bk. 12, chap. 2; 1892:116; Cabello Valboa [1586], pt. 3,
chap. 9; 1951 : 260; Acosta [1590], bk. 6, chap. 1; 1940 : 281). We have assumed
that these authors — in the absence of specific information to the contrary —
worked like modern historians. However, even when authors had various texts
at their disposal, they often elected one as their primary source. The integrity
of the source — its authority — was respected.
For example, Cabello Valboa, who set his Inca history against a backdrop
of world history, could have followed modern historical practice, evaluating
source materials on the Incas and then crafting a wholly new work from pieces
of the sources he privileged, stringing them together and reconciling the dif-
ferences between them. However, what Cabello appears to have done was
to choose reliable sources and then follow them. He had a manuscript by Polo
de Ondegardo, whom he credited for his knowledge of native beliefs and
ceremonies. He also had a manuscript by Cristóbal de Molina that dealt with
the “origins of the Incas” ([1586], pt. 3, chap. 9; 1951 : 258–260). By comparing
Cabello’s account of the Inca past with that contained in a manuscript by the
Mercedarian Martín de Morúa, a sharper image of the Molina account can be
obtained. These authors preserved the structure and much of the content of
the underlying text. Cabello can have changed the meaning of what Molina
wrote in subtle ways, but he transmitted much of what Molina wrote without
substantial change.
As we begin the process of identifying Inca genres, then, we also begin to
learn something about how particular authors composed their narratives. One
author, Sarmiento de Gamboa, created a pasticcio of Inca sources, compiling
his text from various Inca genres. Since our argument about Sarmiento is in-
timately tied to comparison with other texts that drew from Inca sources, the
reader is referred to the contents of chapters 3–5 for a full exposition of what
his text contains.
Knowing how an author worked or, at least, having a hypothesis about
what was incorporated in a particular text is an important precondition for
reading that work. The Spanish narratives of the Inca past are complex con-
structions, and those texts that purport to represent Inca history as related by
the Incas especially so. Any kind of recorded memory about the past necessar-
ily encapsulates two time periods: the time of what is remembered, and the
time the memory is recorded. A composition process occurs in the latter pe-
riod. When an Inca genre is incorporated in a Spanish text, a third time period
and another composition process are embedded. For each episode of com-
position we have an author or authors. We have to be aware of the history of
composition and the complex authorship of such works. Change can be intro-
duced in the transmission process, but the major events in the history of these
texts are the composition episodes.
Writing is purposeful activity. The product is never neutral and may con-
tain a wide variety of messages. Sometimes the messages are explicit argu-
ments, the text serving as a vehicle for advocacy. Other times the messages may
simply be tacitly held assumptions or explanations that are noncontroversial to
the intended audience but that receive legitimation by the simple acknowl-
edgment that they can be tacitly held. Because the transmission of the text
reaches other audiences, these messages acquire another status: they are com-
munications across a cultural divide. What we are dealing with is the trans-
mission of “truths” generated from within a foreign sociology of knowledge
that may not have been recognized by the translators. There is, therefore, a lot
to be gained from learning how to read these texts. To the degree that the au-
thors who wrote narratives in Spanish respected the integrity of underlying
Inca source material, they may have transmitted some of the messages con-
veyed in these texts as well. When we read their texts, we have to develop an
ear for embedded messages.
At issue is how we read the Spanish historical narratives. They have been
read for their historical content (Rowe 1946, 1985a, 1985b; Julien 1983, 1985;
Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1953, 1999). They have been appreciated for
what they can tell us about Europeans attempting to describe a fundamentally
foreign world (Pease García Yrigoyen 1995). They have been read as myth en-
coding social organization (Zuidema 1964, 1995). What I propose to do here
is develop an analysis of the sources that drew from Inca genres, identifying
these genres in the process (chapters 3–5), and then read these sources explic-
itly for the themes and messages they contain (chapters 6 – 8).
Because the analysis offered here is dependent on what Spanish authors cap-
tured in their texts, it is the product of a particular historical moment. Two
manuscripts have been published in recent years which greatly extend our abil-
ity to identify Inca genres. One is the complete manuscript of the Inca history
of Juan de Betanzos ([1551–1557] 1987). Until its publication in 1987, only eigh-
teen chapters of a much longer work were known (1880). Betanzos’s manu-
script is the key to understanding a life history genre (see chapter 4), as well as
other aspects of dynastic practice that are intimately bound up with historical
consciousness among the Cuzco Incas. The second source is the reading of a
quipo of the conquests of Topa Inca, the tenth ruler on the dynastic list, con-
tained in a petition put forward by his descendants in 1569. In this case, we
have the direct transcription of a historical record kept by members of the dy-
nastic descent group. That the material from this quipo also found its way into
the historical narratives of Sarmiento, Cabello Valboa, and Morúa was dem-
onstrated by John Rowe, who found this document and created a concordance
between it and these sources (1985b). To be fair to earlier authors, the puzzle
that we attempt to unravel here may not have been possible to take apart until
1987. Given the obvious importance of these new sources, we may entertain
the hope that our analysis of the reliance of Spanish texts on Inca sources can
be extended as more relevant source material is found.
What I am putting on the table is an alternative reading of a selected group
of sources. I find that the Incas possessed a historical consciousness of their
own. It revolved around the origins of the dynastic descent group and a rec-
ognized genealogy of twelve generations. It involved various oral genres, some
of which were supported by physical records.
Others who work with the Incas will notice that a number of controver-
sial issues are dealt with in rather summary fashion here. One issue is the exis-
tence of a god who created not just the Incas but the heavens and the earth
and all its peoples. This issue is discussed summarily in chapter 8. Another is-
sue is the dual kingship hypothesis (Zuidema 1995 : 53–56, 227–234; Duviols
1979, 1980). My interpretation denies dual kingship. The dual kingship hy-
pothesis was originally based on the argument that Polo de Ondegardo col-
lected an account of dynastic succession that was substantially different from
what other Spaniards got; Polo got it right, while all of the others misunder-
stood. However, we do not have what Polo himself wrote; he has been inter-
preted through the use of his work by Joseph de Acosta. Polo testified that the
genealogical account recorded by Sarmiento de Gamboa substantially matched
his own understanding of dynastic succession (Rowe 1993–1994 : 105; Monte-
sinos [1642]; 1882 : 246, 252 –253), so Acosta appears to have got it wrong.
These matters will be dealt with in chapter 3; they are peripheral to the central
purpose of this work, but those interested will find the bare bones of an argu-
ment here and are encouraged to draw their own conclusions.
While debating certain differences of interpretation or use of sources might
be productive, other issues cannot be resolved by arguing the details. The
present work proposes an alternative reading of the Spanish historical narra-
tives. As such, it does not attempt to rebut other approaches. Even when an
underlying understanding of how to read the historical narratives has been
achieved, students of the Incas manage to disagree with each other (Duviols
1997 : 128–129). It makes little sense to argue the details when differences hinge
on totally different modes of reading.
outline
I will begin at the end and end at the beginning. Perhaps it is logical to
ask the question of why the Incas were interested in representing their past
only after we have examined those representations. Since what is problematic
is not just how but whether the past was being represented, the order of ques-
tioning is reversed. What Inca purpose was served by creating and transmit-
ting particular versions of the dynastic past? Since the historical narratives are
all grounded in genealogy, we begin by exploring the calculation of a particu-

lar status that was transmitted through the dynastic line of descent. Those de-
scended from Manco Capac through the male line were recognized as pos-
sessing a degree of capac status.
This quality was both connected to and responsible for the success of
the dynastic group in extending the authority of the Incas over a large Andean
territory. The recognition that the line possessed this status was coincident
with Inca success; the assertion of capac status, when it came, explained a pres-
ent state of affairs. Just as this mode of explanation waxed with Inca power,
it waned as the dynasty lost control to European invaders. In chapter 2 we
will examine dynastic assertions of capac status through the period of empire.
This period does not end with the miraculous appearance of Pizarro’s expedi-
tion in the Andes. That the Spaniards tapped into the rationale behind this
claim into the decade of the 1570s is probably at least partially a result of their
recognition of Inca sovereignty up until that time. Claims to sovereignty were
supported by genealogical arguments, hence, dynastic memory of the direct
line of descendants from Manco Capac to Huascar was still strong. Calcula-
tions of genealogical distance to the dynastic line were a reason to instill a
knowledge of the history of descent in every Inca generation even after the ar-
gument that the Incas were powerful because they were capac no longer made
any sense.
Just as capac status changed with the trajectory of Inca power, it was inter-
preted differently by different segments of the dynastic descent group in the
same period. Betanzos drew from sources in Capac Ayllo, the descent group
of Topa Inca, tenth in the dynastic genealogy, and his account reflects the bias
of those with carefully husbanded capac status against others who were capac
on their father’s side alone. Because claims to status were contentious and be-
cause the dynastic genealogy could be recast to favor particular groups or in-
dividuals, there was a very good reason for formalizing an account of dynastic
descent. One has to ask, after all, why it was necessary to formalize an account
of only twelve generations. The physical remains of the individuals in the di-
rect line of descent were periodically arranged in public space; any resident of
Cuzco knew who they were and in what order they had lived. As will be seen
over the course of this work, descent was contested ground, and the past could
be rewritten to favor alternative explanations. By creating and retelling an
official version of the dynastic past and by performing it publicly, other claims
could be forestalled. When we examine Spanish historical narratives that drew
from Inca sources (as we do in chapters 3–5), we will be plumbing the texts for
information about an Inca genre that served as a permanent record of the dy-
nastic descent group, as well as about other Inca genres. A painted history was
kept inside a building near Cuzco. This painted history, as long as it remained
in place, was a standard of truth. Whose truth? Whoever put it there.
Since we do not have any direct testimony about the content of this painted
history, our efforts to gain a knowledge of it are concentrated on texts that
reiterate its subject matter: the genealogy of the dynastic descent group. In
chapter 3 we begin the excavation of Spanish historical narratives for their
underlying Inca sources. The knowledge that the Incas were interested in
genealogy is our point of departure, so our first concern is to define an Inca
genealogical genre. The results of that effort have been alluded to above: the
“text” of this genre was a painted history kept privately by the dynastic descent
group. Our method is comparative. First we privilege Spanish historical nar-
ratives that drew from Inca sources. Then we compare the genealogical infor-
mation transmitted in these and other narratives.
Our method is an extractive process. Once the genealogical genre is defined
and recognized, it can be extracted from a text so that other kinds of Inca
sources begin to come into view. The term “genre” has been used loosely
here. For example, the genealogical genre may have been limited to a unique
artistic work: a series of painted wooden tablets. Can a single work be called a
genre? Here we are using the word to distinguish one kind of Inca source from
another, regardless of whether the form was used more than once. If we can
identify a genealogical genre grosso modo, then we know which Spanish histor-
ical narratives drew from it — or a transmission of it — and which did not.
Our course of discovery leads to another Inca genre: the life history (chap-
ter 4). Since we have an idea of what material was transmitted in the gene-
alogical genre, its absence in Betanzos’s narrative indicates that he drew from
another type of source. His account of the Inca past is dominated by the life of
Pachacuti, the ninth ruler of the dynastic list. The structure of the Betanzos
narrative closely parallels the structure of the account of Pachacuti in the his-
torical narrative of Sarmiento. What Betanzos relates is material from the life
history genre. Sarmiento had the life history of Pachacuti and accommodated
it into a larger project that also drew from the genealogical genre. Once we un-
derstand that Sarmiento was compiling material and we know the contribu-
tion of two Inca genres, we can see the outline of others. The problem of com-
pilation is particularly acute in Sarmiento’s account of the life of Topa Inca, the
tenth ruler in the descent list. We have used comparison as a means of extract-
ing an image of the life of Topa Inca that might reflect a life history of this Inca,
but there are other Inca sources clouding the picture.
Dimly reflected in Sarmiento and in other narratives are other genres: sto-
ries that do not appear to be part of the life history or genealogy genres, and
information about military campaigns and ordinances that may have been in-
corporated from quipo sources, bringing to four or five the number of genres
we can identify. The analysis of the genres besides the life history and the ge-
nealogical genre is not attempted, only their identification.
If the compilation of Inca sources obscures the outlines of underlying Inca
genres when our lens focuses on Topa Inca, it has a similar effect on the first
seven Incas of the dynastic list (chapter 5). At this point we will rely on a the-
ory of composition that was introduced in the text of the Spanish historical
narratives. It is that Pachacuti, the ninth Inca, composed the histories of the
first seven rulers. The perspective in the Inca accounts of the earlier history of
the dynasty is situated in the period of expansion under this theory of compo-
sition. We should analyze the material with this theory in mind, if only to find
inconsistencies that would disprove it. Our problem is that, following its logic,
Pachacuti organized the recording of both the life histories and the painted
history. Certainly they were formally separate, but what about content? We
can detect compilation in the compositions of the Spanish narratives, but here
we cannot easily separate the material from the two Inca genres. Sequencing
problems for the period when lifetimes overlapped indicate that both genres
were organized around the lifetime of the individuals who were the subject
matter. If the composition of material about each ruler occurred after death,
then the painted tablets related to the later rulers were also life histories, albeit
set in genealogical order. The circumstances of composition of generic mate-
rial related to the seven earlier Incas were different, and we take them into ac-
count when we try to discern what messages the narratives contain.
The method we use for extracting oral genres is comparison, the same
method used to compare texts for underlying written sources. In fact, we use
it in chapter 5 to compare the narratives of Miguel Cabello Valboa and Martín
de Morúa in order to reconstruct an underlying text, the lost historical narra-
tive written by Cristóbal de Molina. What we find are similarities in structure
and content. In this case, similarities in wording may also be sought, and a
good deal more may be gleaned from these texts about their source than what
is attempted here.
Finally, although our purpose is to recover Inca genres, we are also study-
ing the Spanish historical narratives created in Cuzco during the later sixteenth
and early seventeenth centuries. Those historical narratives constitute a genre
that is not strictly European in either nature or origin. The enterprise of the
Spaniards and the two Andean authors who wrote historical narratives is simi-
lar to our own: they used Inca sources, recasting them in a form intelligible to
Spanish readers and interpreting them according to canons of historical writ-
ing. In the sixteenth century, these canons dictated adherence to a universal,
biblical history. In one famous case — the manuscript prepared by Sarmiento
de Gamboa for the viceroy Francisco de Toledo — an author used Inca sources
to justify a view that the Incas were tyrants who had only recently usurped
authority over the Andean territory. Another author, Betanzos, may have
twisted an Inca account to fit his wife’s genealogical claims. In this case, an
Inca source appears to have been used to suit an Inca, not a Spanish, purpose.
The question of Inca history is more complex than we have heretofore been
willing to imagine. We return to the nature of Inca history in the conclusions.
Our purpose in examining the Spanish historical narratives for their under-
lying Inca sources is so that we can read them. In chapters 6 – 8 we examine
themes and messages in the Spanish historical narratives that drew from Inca
sources in an effort to create a feedback relationship between the source analy-
sis and our reading. We have been reading the narratives all along for infor-
mation about the context of the material that was transmitted. By reading the
narratives for messages and themes, we can learn more about the narratives.
The first reading (chapter 6) is to examine what Sarmiento wrote about the
emergence of the Incas. According to the theory of composition outlined
above, the story of early Cuzco was composed after the Inca expansion had be-
gun. It explained how the Incas of the dynastic descent group had, from the
time of origins, manifested their indomitable nature. In the backdrop of this
story is another history. The chapter examines how the Inca account masks but
does not obliterate a vision of the past in which they were subordinate to other
powers. After the Incas are able to dominate their own political neighbor-
hood, the story shifts to the obstacles to their quest for power on a much larger
stage. These obstacles were identified by titles that incorporate the word capac.
Whether or not these other Andean lords constructed capac status in the way
the Inca dynasty did, the Incas recognized them as claimants to what appears
to have been an exclusive status in their eyes. The expansion may simply be an
effort to unseat these lords. What Sarmiento understood by the term capac
does not appear to be what Betanzos understood, so we are applying Betan-
zos’s understanding to Sarmiento’s text. The voice that explains the Inca ex-
pansion in terms of unseating other lords with claims like the Incas’ may not
be Sarmiento’s.
The next major theme we will explore is the transformation of Cuzco, and
that subject is examined in chapter 7. It is embedded in the life history of
Pachacuti, told by both Betanzos and Sarmiento. Again, Betanzos provides us
with a different reading of the same material and one that goes far beyond
what a Spaniard would find to be significant about the Inca project. Betanzos
describes what is in effect a consecration of the city and its people. Moreover,
the redesign of urban space represents the Inca past. That urban forms were
vehicles for representing the past and not just archaeological remnants of ear-
lier periods is something that was fundamentally foreign to Spaniards. The
transformation of Cuzco was a complete retelling of the past, and the coinci-
dence of the composition of both the genealogical and the life history accounts
of earlier periods with this period of reinvention alerts us to the purpose of the
encoded messages we have already read in chapter 6. A new past was created
to explain the rise to power of the Incas. That rise, however, was a great deal
more than just the conquest of Andean space. The dynastic story explains how
a group of siblings, apparently subject to no greater authority, progressively
achieved dominion over everything around them, moving from one plane to
the next. Some of the story is in Sarmiento, but the story of the revelation of
capac status cannot be understood without Betanzos’s account of the transfor-
mation of Cuzco.
To a certain extent chapter 8 is also about what the Incas are not telling
about their early history. It deals with the origin myth and with inconsisten-
cies in its telling. These inconsistencies are a window into other versions and
other strata of explanation. The Inca accounts of origin are an example of
pasticcio: a work or style produced by borrowing fragments or motifs from
various sources. Two stories are involved: the emergence of the Ayar siblings
at Pacaritambo and the creation of everything by Viracocha at Tiahuanaco.
These stories derive from Andean sources, but just as the Pacaritambo story ap-
pears to have changed with the transformation of Cuzco, the creation story
appears to have been affected by the assault mounted by Christianity on Inca
belief. New systems of explanation evolve from the old, so it is still possible to
excavate older strata. In addition to the narratives, material from the lists of
huacas preserved by Cobo and Albornoz and descriptions of dynastic rituals
from the account of fables and rites by Molina is used to look for the cast of
characters of other stories about origins. What we have done is to apply a the-
ory of change to the diverse sources that refer to the characters described in the
stories of Inca origins. As in chapter 2, we have expanded our frame of refer-
ence to include the period after the Spanish arrival, since change that occurred
after the arrival of Pizarro and his band in Cuzco is critical to our understand-
ing of the sources generated in their wake.
Rather than extracting a model of social organization from these sources
or studying a system of thought, we are attempting to recover Inca knowl-
edge about their past. At the end we return to the subject of Inca history. Since
what we have learned can help to define it, we make that attempt. Compari-
son always brings differences into sharp relief, so we cast our definition against
a general definition of history as a sixteenth-century Spaniard would have
known it. There is change in the way history has been practiced by those who
wrote in European languages, and new standards of truth and explanation
have developed since the time the historical narratives about the Inca past were
composed. It is wise not to forget that standards of truth and explanation are
historically contingent.
a note on ter ms and spelling
In the text which follows terms like “empire” have been used that convey
a meaning specific to English usage and which may not adequately describe
the political configuration that existed in the Andes when Pizarro arrived in
Cuzco in 1533. The term is used here as an approximation and assumes only
that — as in the case of European empires — a larger territory was governed
in some way by a smaller group within it who had extended their authority
by force or threat of force. The name given by the Incas to the whole was
Tahuantinsuyo, so the unit was locally defined and can be expected to have
been conceptualized in a manner specific to particular historical circumstances.
Other terms like “king” have been avoided, even though the Incas and other
Andean groups appear to have had hereditary rulers that Spaniards readily
equated with monarchs. Writing about the Incas in any language other than
the Inca language of the sixteenth century will have these same pitfalls, and
readers must always remember that the underlying meanings are something
that those who work with the Incas are trying to refine and distill from a vari-
ety of sources and by a variety of methods. Local ideas about the nature of
sovereignty may be among the tacitly held assumptions we can read in the
Spanish historical narratives that drew from Inca genres.
Except where noted, all native names have been Hispanicized and spelled
in a consistent manner. There may be issues involved in the spelling of these
names, but those interested in such issues will need to consult the original
texts.
Finally, material inserted in square brackets [], such as dates or other ver-
sions of names, is an identification made by the author based on current in-
formation or expertise.
2 Capac
All versions of the Inca past stress descent through the male line
from an apical pair: Manco Capac and a sister-wife. The Spanish historical
narratives of the Inca past list approximately twelve generations spanning the
time from origins to the Spanish arrival. All the accounts are structured by
genealogy, even when an author attempts to correlate the Andean past with
calendar years or European history. Genealogy was a structuring principle
familiar to Europeans, but was this structure imposed by Spaniards on narra-
tive material that had a very different purpose in its original context, or was
the genealogical structure a feature of the underlying Inca source? Clearly, the
Spaniards and the native Andeans who wrote narrative accounts of the Inca
past had their own purpose in mind when they sat down to write. Just as
clearly, these purposes cannot explain Inca practice. If the Incas kept an ac-
count of dynastic genealogy, what Inca purpose was served?
In this chapter, I will argue that the Incas kept an account of dynastic de-
scent from Manco Capac because it was used as a reference in calculating capac
status, a hereditary status that passed through the male line to each new gen-
eration of Inca brothers and sisters in the dynastic line. The status can only
be imperfectly known, but clearly, both men and women were conduits for it.
Because we have access to information that bears on Inca dynastic practice, it
may seem that it was reckoned only by the group of people descended from
Manco Capac. Certainly, they tried to make exclusive claims to capac status
within the larger group of people who were Inca. At the same time, other non-
Inca groups are identified as capac in the Spanish historical narratives. These
peoples were rivals of special importance to the Incas and will be discussed in
chapter 6.
The reckoning of descent was important in determining who was capac
and to what degree, and this reckoning was embedded in more general prac-
tices related to affiliation. How the Incas determined who was Inca and how
a person was classified within the broader group are at issue, but our approach
will be to examine capac status in light of what we can glean about affiliation
from early written texts, paying attention to particular instances where indi-
24 | c a p a c
viduals asserted claims based on principles of descent or affiliation. The terms

used to classify individuals or members of groups will enter into the analysis,
although our use of them is subordinate to other approaches. Since we do
not have ethnographic access to sixteenth-century practitioners, our expecta-
tion is that we will barely penetrate the conceptual universe in which these in-
dividuals operated. However, our interest is not to examine Inca practice in
light of general models or even to develop a competing model but to trace the
historical trajectory of capac status and understand what we can about how it
was calculated.1
affiliat ion
The Incas of Cuzco — both those who were capac and those who were not,
and including both males and females — were affiliated through the male line.
While the dual nature of gender was fully utilized by the Incas in systems of
symbolic representation, the descendants of Manco Capac, male and female,
still traced their descent through the male line to their forebear and his sister-
wife.2 A woman’s sons and daughters are members of their father’s descent
group. A son is churi to his father. A daughter is huarmi churi (literally, “a fe-
male churi”) or ususi to her father. In contrast, a woman’s children are huahua,
the generic term for offspring used when referring to animal as well as human
offspring (González Holguín [1607]; 1842: fols. 96v–97).
Several terms mark membership in the descent group as well as refer to a
class of relatives. One is huaoque. While it means a man’s brother or cousin, it
also means a member of his descent group of the same age or older. The term
pana was used by a man to refer to his sister, a cousin, or any woman of his
patrilineage (González Holguín [1608]; 1952 : 270). Churi is the name used by
men to refer to all members of their descent group younger in age than them-
selves. It is significant that a man called his daughter huarmi churi, which we
have already noted means “female churi” (González Holguín [1608]; 1952 : 122,
184, 270, 359). She was a member of his descent group.
When the Spaniards arrived in Cuzco, the descent group of Manco Capac
was further subdivided into eleven or twelve groups called panacas, derived
from the word pana. Each one traced descent from one of the generations of
direct descendants of Manco Capac. In the narrative of Sarmiento, the life his-
tory of each ruler is followed by a reference to the name of his panaca and to
its representatives who lived in Cuzco when Sarmiento wrote. The segmen-
tation process which created the panacas is part of the narrative and may be
c a p a c | 25
the most important theme of the genealogical genre. A clear pattern of mar-
riage alliance with non-Inca groups is evident until the generation of Pacha-
cuti, the ninth Inca, as will be discussed in chapters 3 and 6. Pachacuti married
his son Topa Inca to his full sister Mama Ocllo and allowed the pair to succeed
him in his lifetime. From the time of Pachacuti onward, the pair through
whom the succession passed was, ideally, to be a full brother and sister, chil-
dren of the Inca and the Coya. Clearly, the marriage strategies of the dynasty
changed at this time, when the dynastic line also took on the project of impe-
rial expansion.
Before the institution of sister-marriage, Inca women were members of the
same segment of the dynastic descent group as their brothers, but when they
married, a new relationship was created between a woman’s descent group and
her husband’s. The term caca or cacay was used by the men of her descent
group to mark various men who were related to the descent group through
marriage. For example, a man called his father-in-law caca (Pérez Bocanegra
1631 : 611– 613; González Holguín [1607]; 1842: fols. 96v, 99). A man and his
brothers-in-law called each other cacay. The Incas also used the term caca to re-
fer to the mother’s brother, who, in the same way as the husband of a sister,
was not a member of the descent group. For example, the men related to
Anahuarqui, the wife of Pachacuti, were called cacacuzcos in a colonial lawsuit
(see below) (Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1993 : 135). They were related by
marriage to the dynastic line. Because Sarmiento tells us something about the
origins of each of the women who married the head of the dynastic line in
each generation, we can tentatively identify other groups of cacacuzcos.
By defining an apical ancestor, a descent group could mark precisely who
was a member and who was not. There would be no overlap. Clearly, there
were various groups of people who lived in Cuzco who did not trace their de-
scent to Manco Capac, including groups descended from two of his brothers
(Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 11; 1906 : 33–34). While these people
were still Inca, and the tie to the dynastic line may have been conceived of as
genealogical in some sense, their members were not part of the dynastic de-
scent group.
This interpretation of Inca affiliation practice differs from the view offered
by Irene Silverblatt in Moon, Sun, and Witches (1987). Silverblatt does not re-
analyze Inca affiliation practice but, rather, draws from earlier work by Reiner
Tom Zuidema. In a 1967 study, Zuidema analyzed baptismal records from Anta,
a town north of Cuzco, and found that men were often given their father’s sur-
names while women received their mother’s. The records began in the 1570s,
before the 1583 Church Council that decreed this practice as official policy (Lisi
26 | c a p a c
1990 : 133; Lounsbury 1986: 133–134). Zuidema concluded, therefore, that the
practice was autochthonous. Parallel descent is not the only mechanism that
would explain a parallel transmission of names, however. If a patrilineal de-
scent group customarily chose women from another local patrilineage, then
when a woman chose a surname for baptism it might well reflect her patrilin-
eal affiliation. Zuidema’s hypothesis countered earlier assertions that descent
among those identified as Inca was patrilineal (see Webster’s references to ear-
lier literature, 1977 : 29, n. 2). It begged for a fuller inquiry into affiliation prac-
tice in the decades after Pizarro’s arrival in Cuzco, but the matter has not gen-
erated related research on sixteenth-century sources.3
Rather than construct a general model of affiliation practice in the Andes or
even among those identified as Inca, I will limit my inquiry to the transmis-
sion of capac status through the dynastic line. Inca men and women traced
their descent through the male line back to Manco Capac and a sister-wife, the
progenitors of the Inca dynasty and the conduit through which capac status
passed. Where arguments are based on affiliation terms, these should not be
viewed as unproblematic. Rather, they should be taken as tentative statements.
We cannot get broad ethnographic confirmation, so our test is how well the
explanation fits the specific cases we can find. Descent groups, reckoned patri-
lineally, appear to have characterized the larger population identified as Inca,
regardless of any other calculations that may have been made through female
lines. In an Inca creation story set at Tiahuanaco, the ancestors of all Andean
peoples were sent out to the particular points on the landscape at which they
were to emerge (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 1; 1987:11–12; Sarmiento de
Gamboa [1572], chap. 7; 1906 : 26 –28; chap. 11; 1906 : 33). For the Incas, at least,
the world was peopled by a series of descent groups who traced their ties back
to apical ancestors. There were other dynastic lines that the Incas marked with
the term capac (see chapter 6), a tacit recognition by the Incas that the prac-
tice of other Andean groups bore some similarity to their own. How the Incas
classified people is one thing, however. How non-Incas actually determined
affiliation or the transmission of any special status is another.
The source materials we have focus on the Cuzco Incas, so that is a logical
place to begin if we hope to unravel affiliation practice. At issue is how to read
the narratives drawn from dynastic sources. Should they be read for what they
reveal about social organization, or can they be read for what they purport to
tell us about the Prehispanic past? At this moment I am reading them for what
they reveal about capac status and how it developed over time. After introduc-
ing the concept of capac, I will explore specific instances of its transmission.
c a p a c | 27
Since both males and females were conduits for capac status, as will be seen, the
contribution of women is of particular interest and will be considered through
several discrete examples. The story does not end with the arrival of the Span-
iards, and I will also examine the behavior of individuals in concrete situations
in early Spanish Cuzco. Using the explanatory value of an idea as a test of its
validity is an anthropological approach. Trying to recast it in the context of the
changed circumstances in which the Inca elite found themselves following the
Spanish arrival is a historical exercise.
capac
The term capac referred to a class of people and not to a single individual. It
was also used as part of a title that denoted a hereditary ruler. In 1572, when
Sarmiento de Gamboa used the terms “Chimo Capac” or “Colla Capac,” he re-
ferred to the hereditary ruler of Chimor or of the Colla, as if he had said the
“Capac of Chimor” or the “Capac of the Colla.” 4 These terms were supplied
to him by well-born Incas who may have simply equated the practices other
people used to identify a ruling line with their own, explaining foreign prac-
tice through reference to their own. What we can learn, as is most often the
case with Cuzco sources, is about the Incas.
What did the term mean when applied to the Incas themselves? The one
author who explored the usage of this term in detail was Juan de Betanzos,
who devoted a chapter to it in his narrative history ([1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 27;
1987 : 131–132). Betanzos, who can be placed in the Andes as early as 1531
(Calancha 1974 –1981, vol. 1 : 240), soon developed competence in the Inca
language and served in official capacities as an interpreter (Domínguez Faura
1994; Lohmann Villena 1997 : 129; Nowack 1998 : 513). He was married to a
woman who claimed to be a member of Capac Ayllo, the descent group of
Topa Inca, the tenth Inca. His narrative account of Inca history, completed
in 1551, appears to have drawn heavily from a genre of Inca oral tradition, per-
haps a life history of the Inca Pachacuti (see chapter 4). His history is not with-
out detectable deformations, which will be noted below when the subject is
his wife.
What is important here is that Betanzos interrupts his narrative with a
chapter titled “In which is treated how Topa Inca Yupanqui was named Capac,
and more particularly, how he was named Capac and what this name Capac
means” (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 27; 1987 : 131–132). In it he describes
28 | c a p a c
the preparations made for the marriage and coronation of Topa Inca. Betanzos
appears to be assimilating the meaning of the term to the Spanish term “king.”
Later in the same chapter, the subject turns to the child born to Topa Inca
Yupanqui and Mama Ocllo, his sister. When the child was about six months
old he was given a fringe headdress by his grandfather Pachacuti that signified
“king and lord” and was similar to the one Pachacuti wore. The child also re-
ceived the name Huayna Capac. It is at this point that Betanzos launches his
commentary on the term capac.
The term “Inca” properly means king, and this is the name by which all
of the lords [orejones] of Cuzco are called, and each one of them, and to
differentiate the Inca [here: king] or when they speak to him they call him
Çapa Inca which means “only king.” And when they want to confer a
greater status upon him than king they call him capac. Everyone guesses at
what this term means, but what I understand is that it is an expression
that means “very much more than king.” Some who do not understand
the speech, stopping to consider what Huayna Capac means, to summa-
rize their conclusion [about the use of this term] they say it means “rich
young man.” They don’t understand, because, if it were capa without the
final c they are right because capa means rich, [but] capac with the c is an
expression that means very much more than king. And so Yamqui Yupan-
qui named the child Huayna Capac when he placed the royal fringe on
him. And when they want to say emperors or monarchs in our sense of
these terms, they say capacuna. And this is what capac means, according to
what I know of the speech.
Lo que quiere dezir Ynga dice propiamente rrey y ansi llaman a todos los
orejones del Cuzco e a cada uno dellos y para diferençiar dellos al Ynga
llamanle çapa ynga /fol. 65/ o cuando le quiere hablar que dize solo rrey y
cuando le quieren dar mayor ditado que rrey llamanle capac lo que quiere
dezir capac presuma cada uno que quiere ser que lo que yo entiendo dello
es que quier[e] dezir un ditado mucho mas mayor que rrey y algunos que
no entienden el hablar parandose a considerar que quiere decir Guaina
Capac en rresolucion de lo que ansi han pensado dizen que dize mançebo
rrico y no lo entienden porque si dixera capa sin çe postrera tenían rrazon
porque capa dize rrico y capac con ce dize un ditado mucho mas que rrey
e ansi le puso Yamque Yupangue quando ansi le fue dada la borla deste
niño Guaina Capac y quando ellos quieren dezir como nosotros decimos
los emperadores o monarcas dizen ellos capaccuna ansi que esto es lo que
c a p a c | 29
quiere dezir capac segun que yo dello entiendo y de su hablar. (Betanzos

n.d. [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 27, fols. 64v– 65; 1987:132)
Betanzos faced the usual dilemma of those who translate terms loaded with
meaning into another language. The word “Inca” could mean ruler, but a
whole class of people in Cuzco, here called “orejones,” was described by this
term. In Spanish, the term “king” referred to a single individual, so Betanzos
is clearly extending the meaning of a Spanish word to another context.
He calls the class of people who were Inca “orejones.” There are numerous
documentary references to orejones, Spanish for “big ears,” the name given to
wearers of golden ear spools. What members of this group had in common
was an initiation ceremony during which their ears were prepared to receive
ear spools. There were other people who were initiated in the Cuzco region
who were Inca in a broader sense and who wore wool or something else, not
gold, in their ears (Garcilaso [1609], bk. 1, chap. 23; 1990 : 40). They were also
part of the group broadly defined as Inca but may not all have been recognized
by the Spaniards as such and may have been excluded from the designation
orejones. Betanzos appears to use the term “Inca” in a narrower sense to mean
those who wore golden ear spools. He further differentiates among members
of this group, defining two terms that marked status within it. One term
was çapa: Çapa Inca meant “unique Inca” and referred to the person who was
ruler. The other term was capac. Finding no equivalents in the Spanish lexicon
for it, Betanzos twice tried to convey its meaning with the ambiguous state-
ment that it meant “very much more than king” ([1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 27;
1987 : 132). Fortunately, Betanzos provides other information about dynastic
affiliation practice that can be used to contextualize the term capac. It is prob-
ably no coincidence that the question arises when he is discussing the infant
Huayna Capac. Other authors have explained the meaning of this name as
“rich prince.” Betanzos debates their usage precisely in this case.
Before considering why this child was capac, information about the nature
of the dynastic descent group must be taken into account. In the various
Spanish narratives that trace a genealogical sequence from Manco Capac to
Huascar, two different theories of dynastic practice are presented. One is that
each new ruler was the product of a union between a full brother and sister
(cf. Morúa [1590] 1946; Guaman Poma [1615] 1987). The other identifies a
brother-sister marriage in the generation of Manco Capac, then traces a pat-
tern of marriage to women from other, often non-Inca groups before turning
to a pattern of sister-marriage in the generation of Topa Inca, the tenth Inca,
and afterward (cf. Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572] 1906; Cabello Valboa [1586]
30 | c a p a c
1951; Murúa [1611–1615] 1987; Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua [early seven-

teenth century] 1993). Huayna Capac was the first ruler born to the union of
a brother and sister from the preceding dynastic generation. If capac status was
passed down the line of individuals directly descended from Manco Capac,
then this child got a rather strong dose of it.
Here our hypothesis is that a concentration of capac status resulted from
pairing individuals who were closest, in descent terms, to the dynastic line.5 A
full sister fulfilled this requirement better than anyone, but the Inca term pana
extended to half-sisters and to cousins who traced their descent from Manco
Capac, and these women may also have been conduits for capac status, espe-
cially when they were connected to the dynastic line on both their father’s and
mother’s sides. Because only eleven generations were reckoned to have de-
scended from Manco Capac at the time of Huayna Capac’s birth, it was a rela-
tively simple matter to determine the proximity of any individual to the dy-
nastic line. Arguably, many individuals had some degree of capac status.
Some individuals were more capac than others, however. In Betanzos’s nar-
ration of the social and physical reengineering of Cuzco that occurred at the
time the imperial expansion began, he describes how Pachacuti populated the
two precincts of the Inca city, called Hanan and Hurin Cuzco. Pachacuti had
faced the Chanca invasion — the event that preceded Pachacuti’s usurpation of
rule from his father, Viracocha — with three friends, named Apo Mayta, Vica
Quirao, and Quilliscachi Urco Huaranga. Later, Pachacuti rebuilt Cuzco and
resettled its inhabitants in two districts, called Hanan and Hurin Cuzco. His
three friends were resettled in the Hurin Cuzco precinct:
He ordered the plan of the city and painting that he had had made of clay
brought to him; and, having it in front of him, he distributed the already-
finished houses and blocks, made as you have heard, to all of the citizens
and residents of Cuzco, all of whom were lords, descendants of his lineage
and of the other kings who had succeeded before him since the time of
Manco Capac, settling them and ordering them to settle in the following
manner: the three lords, his friends, were to populate the area from the
houses of the Sun downhill toward the confluence of the two rivers —
in that residential space fashioned between the two rivers, and from the
houses of the Sun downhill — and he ordered that the place be called
Hurin Cuzco, which means the lower part of Cuzco; and the very tail end
of this neighborhood he ordered be called pumapchupa, which means “tail
of the puma,” in which place these three lords and those of their lineage
c a p a c | 31
were ordered to settle, from whom and from each of whom the three lin-
eages of Hurin Cuzco descended. These lords were named Vica Quirao,
Apo Mayta, and Quilliscachi Urco Huaranga. From the houses of the Sun
uphill — all the part occupied by the two arroyos up to the hill where the
fortress is now — he distributed lands to the lords who were his closest
relatives and who were descended directly from his lineage, children of the
lords and ladies of his very descent group and lineage, because the three
lords who were settled below the houses of the Sun, as you have already
heard, were the bastard sons of the lords, although they were members of
his lineage, born to women foreign to the Inca nation and of low birth.
The Incas called the children so born guacchaconcha, which means “rela-
tives of poor people of low status,” and such children, although they are
children of the Inca himself, are given this name. Neither the male nor the
female children are taken for or held by the other lords as anything other
than nobles of the common sort.
Mando traer alli la traça de la çiudad e pintura que ansi auia mandado
hazer de barro e tiniendo delante de si dio e rrepartio las casas e solares ya
edificados y hechos como oydo aueis a los señores del Cuzco y a los demas
vezinos e moradores de todos los cuales heran orejones deçindientes de su
linaje e de los demas señores que hasta el auian subçedido desde el prinçi-
pio de Mango Capac poblandolos e mandandolos poblar en esta manera
que los tres señores sus amigos poblasen desde las casas del sol para abaxo
hazia la junta de los dos rrios en aquel espaçio de casas que entre los dos
rrios se hizieron y desde las casas del sol para abaxo al cual sitio mando
que se llamase Hurin Cuzco que dize lo baxo del Cuzco y el rremate pos-
trero de la punta desto mando que se nombrase pumapchupa que dize
cola de leon en el cual sitio poblaron estos tres señores ellos e los de su
linaje de los cuales /fol. 36/ y de cada uno por si comenzaron e diçindieron
los tres linajes de los de Hurin Cuzco los cuales señores se llamaron Vi-
caquirao y el otro Apomayta y el otro Quilis Cache Urco Guaranga e de
las casas del sol para arriba todo lo que tomauan los dos arroyos hasta el
çerro do agora es la fortaleza dio e rrepartio a los señores mas propicos
deudos suyos e deçendientes de su linaje por linea rrecta hijos de señores e
señoras de su mesmo deudo e linaje porque los tres señores de las casas del
sol para abaxo mando poblar segun que ya aueis oido eran hijos bastardos
de señores aunque eran de su linaje los cuales auian auido en mujeres es-
trañas de su naçion e de baxa suerte a los cuales hijos ansi auidos llaman
32 | c a p a c
ellos guacchaconcha que quiere dezir deudos de pobre gente e baxa gene-
raçion y estos tales aunque sean hijos del Ynga son llamados ansi e no son
tenidos ni acatados ninguno destos ansi hombres como mugeres de los
demas señores sino como por vn orejon de los otros comunes. (Betanzos
n.d. [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 16, fols. 35v–36; 1987:77–78)
The status distinctions among those who were Inca required a genealogical
calculation. For the descendants of Manco Capac, it was the bloodline of
the mother, not the father, that would determine a greater or lesser degree of
capac status.6 If before the dynastic line had been reproduced through alliance
with non-Inca women, now it would be reproduced by pairing individuals
from the dynastic descent group itself. However, the same father could pro-
duce “common” or “bastard” Incas as well as “noble” or “legitimate” ones.
Redefining the marriage rules was a form of social engineering. As time
went on, the composition of the Inca elite began to change. In a series of
ordinances attributed to Pachacuti, Betanzos tells us about how status was
marked to reflect it:
He ordered and ruled that those of his lineage, his descendants, being
properly orejones on both the father’s and mother’s side and from the city
itself (he said this because he had given certain of his daughters to lords
and many other daughters of the lords of his lineage, marrying the [pro-
vincial] lords to these daughters to put them in the service and dominion
of Cuzco, and what he ordered did not apply to these), would wear
one or two falcon plumes on their heads as a sign so that they would be
known and held and treated by the people of the land as his descendants,
and if any other person should put on the feather or sign indicating he
was from Cuzco, and of the most principal people, he would die for it.
Hordeno y mando que los de su linaje y deçendientes siendo propiamente

orejones de padre y madre de dentro de la çiudad del Cuzco dijo aquesto
porque habia dado ciertas hijas suyas a caçiques señores y otras muchas
hijas de señores de su linaje y casandolos con ellas por traellos a su serui-
dumbre y dominio del Cuzco y no se entendia con los hijos destas esto
que ansi mandaua y hera que truxesen vnas dos plumas de halcon por
señal en la cabeça para que fuesen conoçidos y tenidos y acatados por
toda la tierra por sus deçendientes y que si otra cualquier persona se la
pu[si]ese la tal pluma o señal en que fuese del Cuzco y de los mas princi-
c a p a c | 33
pales muriesse por ello. (Betanzos n.d. [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 20, fol. 56;
1987 : 110)
Betanzos speaks of another status designator: the wearing of two feathers.

Since golden ear spools marked those who were capac, the two feathers appar-
ently designated those who were residents of Cuzco. Later on (see quote be-
low), he makes it clear that these people were also his descendants through the
conduit of his son and daughter, Topa Inca and Mama Ocllo.
Betanzos alludes to marrying Inca daughters to provincial lords as a means
of subjecting them to Inca authority. Marriage, as will be discussed again in
chapter 7, was an alliance between two social groups, but it was an alliance that
was not symmetrical: the woman’s group was at least symbolically superior.
Betanzos mentions this practice in passing, but there are many references in
the Spanish historical narratives to the marriage of Inca daughters to provin-
cial men. Guaman Poma was the product of one such union (1987 : 819 [833]).
The creation of mixed-blood children was the result of a marriage policy that
symbolized subordination. There is another side to this program of social en-
gineering, however. If receiving an Inca daughter was a sign of subjection to
Inca authority, what of the Inca men who took women, perhaps now only as
secondary wives or concubines, who were not Inca? Betanzos brings up the
problem of the status of those born to these sorts of mixed unions at the point
in his narrative where Topa Inca begins to act on his own after the death of
Pachacuti. Betanzos does not leave the topic there but expands on what had
changed since then.
After the death of his father, Topa Inca ordered that none of the de-
scendants of Inca Yupanqui [Pachacuti], his father, should live outside
the space between the two arroyos of Cuzco; and the descendants of
Inca Yupanqui were called from then on Capac Ayllo Inca Yupanqui
Hahuaynin, which means “lineage of kings, descendants, and grandsons
of Inca Yupanqui.” These [individuals] are more respected and highly
held among the people of Cuzco than any other lineage, and these are the
people who were ordered to wear two feathers on their heads. As time
went on, this generation of orejones multiplied and created certain titles
and honorifics like mayorazgos, and they took diverse family names, mar-
rying themselves to women who were not of their lineage. Seeing this,
those of Inca Yupanqui ordered that those who would mix their blood
with that of outsiders would call themselves by another family name so
34 | c a p a c
that they [those of Inca Yupanqui] could cleanly call themselves Capac
Ayllo and descendants of Inca Yupanqui. When the Spaniards would
come and ask, “What lineage do you belong to?” the problem grew, and
both the real members and the others gave their lineage in the manner
described above.
Y mando Topa Ynga Yupangue despues de la muerte de su padre que

ninguno de los deçindientes de Ynga Yupangue su padre poblase de la
parte afuera de los dos arroyos del Cuzco y a los deçindientes deste Ynga
Yupangue llamaron desde entonces hasta hoy capac aillo ynga yvpangue
haguaynin que dice de linaje de rreyes deçindientes y nietos de ynga
yupangue y estos son los mas sublimados y tenidos en mas entre los del
Cuzco que de otro linaje ninguno y estos son a quien fue mandado traer
las dos plumas en la cabeza y como andando el tiempo fueron multipli-
cando esta generacion de orejones vuo y ay el dia de hoy muchos que
hicieron cabeças y nombradias como mayorazgos y tomaron apellidos di-
versos casandose con mujeres que no heran de su linaje y viendo esto los
de Ynga Yupangue hordenaron que los que ansi mezclasen sangre ajena
que apellidasen nuevo apellido y sobrenombre para que ellos pudiesen lin-
piamente nombrarse capac caillo y deçindientes de ynga yupangue y como
viniesen los españoles todo esto se acresento [o alardeo] que ansi los vnos
como los otros se nombran de aquel linaje en la manera que ya aueis oydo
esto quando los españoles se lo preguntan de que linaje son. (Betanzos
n.d. [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 32, fol. 73v; 1987:150)
Children born to Inca men and non-Inca women were to be distinguished

from those born of unions where both parents were Inca in some sense.7 Since
descent was reckoned patrilineally, the children of an Inca father were theo-
retically members of his panaca. Purity, however, had become important to
“those of Pachacuti,” so names were used to distinguish subgroups within
Capac Ayllo. The view put forth in Betanzos is certainly partisan and reveals a
degree of prejudice by those with the right bloodlines toward others in the
dynastic descent group.
Betanzos’s story embeds a view of affiliation practice within a historical
framework. If we can accept it, then the emphasis on descent through both
male and female lines developed at the same time Cuzco was transformed into
an imperial capital. The same Inca who is credited with reorganizing the cap-
ital was also said to have organized Inca history, formalizing the historical tra-
ditions related to his forebears, painting tablets with depictions of both kings
c a p a c | 35
and queens, and organizing initiation rites to mark the special nature of the de-
scendants of Manco Capac (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 17; 1987 : 85– 86;
Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chaps. 30 –31; 1906 : 68– 69). The historical
genre not only recalled past glory, it located members of the Inca descent
group with relation to one another and to the other residents of Cuzco, privi-
leging those descended from Manco Capac through both father and mother
and defining them as legitimate in comparison with other Incas descended
from Manco Capac only through the paternal line. What we can learn about
the internal divisions of the larger group called Incas from the incorporation
of Inca source materials in Spanish historical narratives is not the topic here; it
will be an important topic in chapters 6 – 8.
At this juncture we must ask, Has Betanzos framed Inca practice within a
larger conceptual framework that is not Inca but Spanish? This question is
technically unanswerable, but the likelihood is great that he did not. Inca prac-
tice after the reorganization of Cuzco privileged marriage between men and
women of the descent group of Manco Capac. Though Spaniards determined
affiliation bilaterally, rulership was a hereditary status that passed through the
male line. The women closely related to the line through which succession
passed typically married into other dynastic lines, despite the inbreeding that
resulted from exchanges between dynasties in later generations. Inca women
made a contribution to each generation of the ruling line. Children born to
other women were Inca but of the “common” sort.
inca women
So far I have asserted — without offering much support for the assertion—
that women also traced their descent through the dynastic line of Manco
Capac. The genealogies of a number of highly born women indicate that such
was the case, and several will be examined here. The woman or women whose
birth qualified them as a possible spouse for the Inca were coya. The term is not
parallel to the Spanish “queen,” because to become a queen one had first either
to inherit rule or to marry a king. Enough examples exist of the use of the term
coya to refer to women who never married a ruler or ruled in their own right,
so that we can conclude that women who were coya acquired the status in an-
other way.
Before turning to specific examples of women who were coya, let us look at
what Betanzos said about the status. Immediately after his description of the
settlement of Cuzco in which he describes the settling of people of mixed an-
36 | c a p a c
cestry in Hurin Cuzco (cited above), he describes the qualities of the person
espoused to the Inca:
The reader should know that the Inca who becomes ruler has a principal
wife, and she must be a sister or a first cousin from his parentage or lin-
eage; and they call this woman piwi huarmi, and by another name, maman
huarmi; and the common people call this woman, as befits the principal
wife of the king, when they enter to greet her pacsa indi usus çapai coya
huaccha coyac, “Moon and daughter of the Sun and unique queen, friend
of the poor.” And this woman had to be directly related to the Inca
through both the mother and the father without any spot or trace of
guaccha concha, which is what you have already heard about; and this
woman was received by the Inca as wife the day he received the fringe
of state and royal insignia. The children of this woman were called piwi
churi, which is the same as if we said “legitimate children.”
Abran de saber que el Ynga que ansi es señor tiene una muger principal y
esta a de ser de su deudo e linaje hermana suya o prima hermana suya a la
cual muger llaman ellos piuiguarmi y por otro nombre mamanguarme y
la gente comun como a tal muger prinçipal del señor llaman quando ansi
la entran a saludar paxxa yndi usus çapaicoya guacchacoyac luna e hija del
sol e sola rreyna amigable a los pobres y esta tal señora auia de ser de padre
e madre derechamente señora e deuda del ynga sin que en ella vuiese rrasa ni
punta de guaccha concha que es lo que ya aueis oydo y esta tal señora 8 rresçibia
el Ynga por muger prinçipal suya el dia que tomaua la borla del estado e
ynsignia rreal e los hijos que ansi tal señora auia se nombrauan piuichuri
que dize como si dixesemos hijos lixitimos. (Betanzos n.d. [1551–1557],
pt. 1, chap. 16, fol. 36; 1987 : 78)
At the end of this passage Betanzos uses “legitimate” in the Spanish sense of
being the legitimate issue of a marriage, since other children of the Inca could
be legitimate in the Inca sense, that is, they were descended from Manco
Capac on both father’s and mother’s sides.
Among the names used to address this woman is the term inti usus, glossed
by Betanzos as “daughter of the Sun.” 9 Here I must put this usage in the
context of Inca affiliation terms. A number of authors refer to the Incas as intip
churi, often translated as “son of the Sun” (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572],
chap. 29; 1906 : 66). Given that churi could also designate younger members of
the same lineage, the term is better glossed as “younger members of the Sun’s
c a p a c | 37
patrilineage” in the same way inti usus, used above by Betanzos, was glossed as
“daughter of the Sun.” It denotes women who are members of a lineage tied
ultimately to a solar supernatural and who trace that relationship through ge-
nealogical descent from Manco Capac and his sister. The title incorporating
this term reflects both the recognition of Inca affiliation with a solar super-
natural and the concern with selecting marriage partners from the dynastic
descent group.
Betanzos does not specifically tie this designation to the Inca expansion, but
I will argue that capac status was something the dynastic descent group could
only claim as a result of their success abroad (see chapter 7). Just as the asser-
tion was a reflection of their success, it became difficult to make when their for-
tunes reversed. The Inca claim to capac status has a historical trajectory, and
that is what we must try to unravel. To do so, let us look at the genealogies
recorded for a number of Inca women. An analysis of how they are constructed
and what they represent reveals the role played by women in the determina-
tion of status. The cases will be taken in chronological order.
Anahuarqui
Anahuarqui was from Choco, a village very near Cuzco in the Huancaro
valley (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 34; 1906 : 72). She was not a de-
scendant of Manco Capac, if we correctly interpret a document from the late
sixteenth century. Claims to land filed in 1589 asserted that the lands had
belonged to Mama Anahuarqui, “coya and legitimate wife, according to their
law, of Inca Yupanqui [Pachacuti].” 10 The claimants, a group of men, iden-
tified themselves as cacacuzcos. Caca is a term that means mother’s brother or
a man’s brothers-in-law, “his wife’s brothers and cousins” (González Holguín
[1607]; 1842: fols. 97–98v), that is, the men of her patrilineage. The men who
claimed to be “grandsons and descendants” of Anahuarqui were, following a
patrilineal theory of descent, not her descendants at all. Under a system of
parallel descent, they could not claim to be her descendants either. Given the
basic intranslatability between Spanish and Inca practice, the best way to read
the claims of the group of men self-identified as “cacacuzcos, residents in the
parish of San Jerónimo . . . grandsons and descendants of Anahuarqui” would
be to understand them to be members of her patrilineage. Cacacuzcos were the
lineages from whom the principal spouses of the Incas came prior to the
change in dynastic practice which prescribed marriage to a principal wife who
was descended on both mother’s and father’s sides from Manco Capac.
Another reason for thinking Anahuarqui was not a member of the dy-
nastic descent group is that she is never mentioned by Betanzos. As noted
38 | c a p a c
above, Betanzos represents the point of view of Capac Ayllo, the descent
group claimed by his wife, Angelina, and which vaunted its own purity. As will
be shown in chapter 5, he drew from a life history of Pachacuti. That he never
names the woman who was, like Pachacuti, a progenitor of Capac Ayllo is
significant.
The birth of Capac Ayllo was the linchpin in the reform of dynastic practice
which accompanied the Inca expansion, the topic of chapter 7. Although we
know very little about panaca formation before this moment, that is, about the
specific parentage of the individuals who were the first generation of a new
panaca, we know something about the first generation of Capac Ayllo. A
petition was presented in 1569 by the “grandsons of Topa Inca Yupanqui.” Be-
cause of the support given by the panaca of Topa Inca to Huascar’s cause,
Atahuallpa’s generals had killed many adult members of the panaca. When the
Spaniards arrived, the lands belonging to Topa Inca’s panaca were easier to
usurp than other, better-defended panaca lands (Rowe 1985b). What is inter-
esting to note about the organization of the panaca indicated in the petition is
that the descent group was formed not just by the descendants of Topa Inca
but by those of his two full brothers as well.11 It has heretofore been argued
that the descendants of a ruler formed his panaca (Rowe 1946 : 202). The in-
clusion of all three sons of Pachacuti and Anahuarqui in Capac Ayllo is a clue
that the generation of children produced by the preceding Inca pair was the ba-
sis of a new panaca, at least from this time forward. The origin of the panaca,
like the origins of the dynastic line itself (see chapter 8), was a set of siblings.
No mention was made of any sisters, because they were not conduits for
panaca affiliation, but Mama Ocllo was their full sister.
What should not be forgotten is that these were the children of Anahuar-
qui, too. Earlier Incas had chosen spouses from other groups in the Cuzco re-
gion, as will be discussed below, so choosing a mother who was Inca, even if
she were not a descendant of Manco Capac, would at least avoid ties to other
groups created by marriage. However, when Pachacuti prescribed marriage
with female descendants of Manco Capac, he conferred a lower status on his
own panaca, when viewed from the perspective of Capac Ayllo. Capac Ayllo
was the descent group of Topa Inca, not Pachacuti. The specific panaca of
Pachacuti was Iñaca Panaca or Hatun Ayllo (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572],
chap. 47; 1906 : 93; chap. 54; 1906 : 102). Although Betanzos specifically gives
the name as Capac Ayllo Inca Yupanqui Hahuaynin, glossing it as “lineage of
kings, descendants, and grandsons of Inca Yupanqui” and clarifying its rela-
tionship to Pachacuti, he uses Capac Ayllo as synonymous with “los de Pacha-
cuti” (Betanzos n.d. [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 32, fol. 73v; 1987:150, cited above).
c a p a c | 39
In a very real sense, those of Capac Ayllo descended directly from Pachacuti
through the conduit of his children, Topa Inca and Mama Ocllo.
Mama Ocllo
Mama Ocllo was a full sister of the three progenitors of Capac Ayllo. She
was perhaps the woman most revered by the Incas. There were shrines in
Cuzco that were related to her, a golden image was made of her which had an
active life after her death, and there was an elaborate funeral ceremony, or
purucaya, held in her honor (Rowe 1979 : 10; Cabello Valboa [1586], pt. 3,
chap. 20; 1951 : 360; pt. 3, chap. 22; 1951 : 174; Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1,
chap. 44; 1987 : 189–190). Her capac status was unproblematic.
Pallacoca and Rahua Ocllo

In the next generation, a problem arose. Because of it, arguments from ge-
nealogy were advanced that illustrate the logic of descent reckoning. The son
of Topa Inca and Mama Ocllo, named Huayna Capac, had numerous children,
but his principal wife bore no sons (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 60;
1906:105–106; Cabello Valboa [1586], pt. 3, chap. 21; 1951:364; pt. 3, chap. 24;
1951 : 394; Murúa [1611–1615], chap. 31; 1987 : 111–112). The question then arose,
Which of the children of other wives had the best genealogical claims to suc-
ceed as Inca? The story is usually told as a political contest between two sons
of Huayna Capac named Atahuallpa and Huascar. There is a genealogical
angle to the story, however. Atahuallpa, according to Betanzos, was the son of
Pallacoca. Her father was Llapcho, a grandson of Pachacuti and a member of
Capac Ayllo. Huascar, on the other hand, was the son of Rahua Ocllo. Her
specific parentage is not given. She was described as being from Hurin Cuzco
and related to many of the lords of that division, although she was “a little bit
related” to Pachacuti. Who her father or mother was is not mentioned (Be-
tanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 46; 1987 : 194; pt. 1, chap. 47; 1987 : 197–198).
Following Betanzos, we would conclude that she was descended from one of
the panacas of Hurin Cuzco, with some tie to the panaca of Pachacuti through
intermarriage. Very probably there were other women in Cuzco who had a ge-
nealogical position equal to or better than Rahua Ocllo’s; Pallacoca, for one.
Angelina Yupanqui
If Betanzos offers insight into the logic of capac status, the story he tells
about the genealogy of his own wife is problematic. However, even if we re-
gard her genealogy as a falsification, it still reveals something about the logic
of descent.
40 | c a p a c
Betanzos was married to Angelina Yupanqui, and his manuscript is, at least
in part, a means of asserting his wife’s claims to direct descent from the line of
Manco Capac. The Betanzos narrative may well have been written as the back-
drop for a story about Angelina’s descent (Nowack 1998b:514). The story be-
gins with the birth of Angelina’s forebear Yamqui Yupanqui, presented in the
text as the eldest son of Pachacuti and one of two sons by the wife he took
when he received the royal fringe, that is, by his principal wife. The second son
was Topa Inca ([1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 20; 1987:99). This story is contradicted
in a document presented in 1569 by the members of Capac Ayllo, document-
ing the status of the descendants of Capac Ayllo (Rowe 1985b : 195–196,
222 –223). Yamqui Yupanqui is not one of the three sons mentioned in the
petition. The same three sons are specifically mentioned as the product of
the union of Pachacuti and Anahuarqui by two authors who drew from Inca
sources (Murúa [1611–1615], bk. 1, chap. 21; 1987 : 80; Sarmiento de Gamboa
[1572], chap. 37; 1906 : 77; chap. 40; 1906 : 83; chap. 42; 1906 : 84; chap. 47;
1906 : 93). In one of these accounts, the three full brothers of Topa Inca are
mentioned, immediately followed by a reference to Yamqui Yupanqui (Murúa
[1611–1615], bk. 1, chap. 21; 1987 : 80); if he had been a full brother, he would
have been included with the others. Betanzos weaves Yamqui Yupanqui and
his descendants seamlessly into his historical narrative, putting him at the very
heart of dynastic affairs. For example, the Betanzos story represents Yamqui
Yupanqui as Pachacuti’s successor, who, recognizing his younger brother’s vir-
tues, passes along the royal fringe and the woman elected to be the principal
wife, abdicating rule himself.12
The casting of Yamqui Yupanqui and his son, also named Yamqui Yupan-
qui, who was Angelina’s father, as major players on the Inca stage is decidedly
a deformation of the genealogy-cum-history of the Incas. However, whether
the story is an utter fabrication or not, the argument itself is structured in a
way that reflects a consciousness of how capac status was transmitted. Angelina
traced her descent through the male line back to Pachacuti and claimed mem-
bership in Capac Ayllo.
Francisca Ynguill
The case of another Inca woman, Francisca Ynguill, illuminates our under-
standing both of Inca practice and of the difficulties of the period after the
death of Huayna Capac, when a civil war broke out between his sons Ata-
huallpa and Huascar. In a lawsuit over the claims of Juan Pizarro’s descendants
in Cuzco, information about the genealogy of Francisca Ynguill, the woman
who bore his children, was presented. A series of Spaniards testified, but it was
c a p a c | 41
a group of Inca witnesses who supplied information about her genealogy.

Some witnesses were better informed than others, but all said she was affiliated
with the panaca of Inca Roca, the sixth Inca of the dynastic series and the first
Inca of Hanan Cuzco.
The first witness was Anton Ruiz Urco Guaranga, an Inca who resided in
the parish of San Jerónimo. No panaca affiliation was supplied for him. The
year was 1572, the year the parish was created. Panacas from both Hanan and
Hurin Cuzco had been settled there, so even his affiliation at the level of suyo
cannot be identified (Julien 1998 : 85– 86). He noted that Francisca Ynguill was
the daughter of Guamanta Issi Capac, who was himself a “son and grandson”
of “Atun Inga Roca Capac” and who had been a “first cousin” of Huayna Ca-
pac (Archivo General de Indias, Patronato 90B, no. 1, ramo 55, fol. 109v). He
was seconded in his testimony by don Garcia Aparamti, identified as a lord
of Hanan Cuzco (Archivo General de Indias, Patronato 90B, no. 1, ramo 55,
fols. 110 –110v). A later witness, don Francisco Guaman Rimache, an Inca who
had been in charge of the people of Larapa, a settlement near San Jerónimo
in the Cuzco Valley that had just been moved to San Jerónimo, also named
Guamanta Yssi Capac as “son and grandson” of “Ynga Roca Ynga,” specifying
that the latter had been a “natural lord” of the land (Archivo General de Indias,
Patronato 90B, no. 1, ramo 55, fol. 110v). This Ynga Roca Ynga is the Inca Roca
who was sixth on the genealogical list that began with Manco Capac. Else-
where, Guaman Rimache identifies himself as the brother of Ynguill (Guillén
Guillén 1994 : 274).
The Spanish relationship terms make no sense. Someone cannot be both
son and grandson of the same person. If the terms are taken as indicative of lin-
eage affiliation, what is being specified at the most general level is that some-
one is a direct descendant of that person and a member of that panaca. Gua-
man Rimache is telling us that Francisca Ynguill is a direct descendant of Inca
Roca, the sixth Inca. If Inca Roca was the great-great-great-grandfather of
Huayna Capac, it would be difficult to describe his descendant Guamanta Yssi
Capac, the father of Ynguill, as the “first cousin” of Huayna Capac. Again,
what is being translated does not fit easily into Spanish. If the Inca term for
brother could extend to mean men of a man’s patrilineage of his generation or
older, then perhaps the Spanish term “primo hermano” was being used to
define a person of the same patrilineage who was not, strictly speaking, a first
cousin.
Anton Ruiz Urco Guaranga also testified that Francisca Ynguill was “very
young” and that she had been kept in seclusion by Manco Inca “because she
was of his descent and lineage, to create in her his caste and children” (Archivo
42 | c a p a c
General de Indias, Patronato 90B, no. 1, ramo 55, fol. 109v). Manco Inca be-
came ruler after Pizarro arrived in Cuzco. He was a young man, and since
accession and marriage were conflated, he would have soon chosen the
person through whom the dynastic succession would pass. Ynguill was too
young to be married, so Manco was waiting for her to mature before taking
her as principal wife. That apparently never happened. Juan Pizarro took her
to wife instead.
The witnesses tell us nothing about who Ynguill’s mother was. We have al-
ready learned that a calculation of the mother’s genealogical nearness to the
line through which Inca rule passed was important. There were daughters of
Huayna Capac in Cuzco that Manco Inca might have married, although per-
haps they, too, were being monopolized by Spaniards. We can also assume that
there were direct descendants of Pachacuti and Topa Inca who survived the
cataclysmic events of the Inca civil war. However, the choice of a young girl
descended on the male side from Inca Roca would suggest that what set her
apart from other possible candidates was the affiliation of her mother. Perhaps
Manco did not suspect that the Spaniards would attack the dynasty by appro-
priating the women through whom capac status passed,13 thus making it much
more difficult to assert respectable genealogical claims. In the post–Inca civil
war, post–Spanish arrival world, where serious losses had already been in-
curred among the very people who embodied a status that may have been an
essential qualification for rulership, finding individuals with these qualities be-
came increasingly difficult.
new rulers, new rules
Not only did it become difficult to reproduce the dynasty following the old
rules, but the Spaniards who arrived in Cuzco came with a new set of rules for
determining affiliation and succession. While they recognized that succession
to Inca rule was inherited through a dynastic line that was traced back to a
particular ancestor, they did not understand or did not honor the contribu-
tion of Inca women to the status that was being inherited. If a man was a di-
rect descendant of the last Inca ruler, then in Spanish eyes he had a legitimate
claim to govern. Marriage to a sister was unthinkable, and marriage to a first
cousin was not permitted without special dispensation. Both the interference
of Pizarro in electing a new Inca and the dilution of capac status would have
caused problems for the dynasty. A large number of people would also have
had a modicum of capac status, but perhaps no one had such a clear concen-
c a p a c | 43
tration of it that they would stand out as an obvious candidate for rule on the
basis of their genealogy. The problem rapidly worsened, given the competition
for power within the dynasty that was unleashed when the Spaniards arrived
in Cuzco.
Pizarro met a young son of Huayna Capac named Manco Inca prior to
his arrival in Cuzco and decided that he would support Manco’s claim to sov-
ereignty. To what extent Pizarro’s sponsorship affected Manco’s success in
asserting his claim is unknown, but, by the criteria we have been exploring,
Manco had a less than ideal pedigree. A son of Huayna Capac, he was Hanan
Cuzco on his father’s side only. His mother was a native of Anta, a place in the
valley just north of the city of Cuzco (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 2, chap. 28;
1987 : 289). The people of Anta were Incas (Guaman Poma [1615]; 1987 : 347),
but they may not have been descendants of Manco Capac.14 Hence, if we
judge Manco Inca by the standards of Capac Ayllo, as we understand them
from Betanzos, Manco’s genealogical claim was even weaker than Huascar’s.
In the years that followed Pizarro’s recognition of Manco, a competing
claim to Inca sovereignty would be asserted by another son of Huayna Capac:
Manco’s half-brother Paullo. Paullo was the son of Añas Colque, a very well
born woman from Huaylas (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 2, chap. 19; 1987 : 260;
Varón Gabai 1997 : 175–177). However well born she might have been in Huay-
las, by the standards of Capac Ayllo her son was a “bastard.” Here we are using
the word “bastard” as the opposite of “legitimate” as this term was used by Be-
tanzos, that is, to refer to people whose fathers descended from Manco Capac
but whose mothers were non-Inca. Guaman Poma, who wrote long after
Paullo’s death, also uses the term “bastard” to describe Paullo, whom he calls
“a bastard son of Huayna Capac” ([1615]; 1987 : 181). Guaman Poma defines
capac apo as “perfect king” and auquicona as “bastards — auquiconas — and they
were called mestizo,” referring specifically to Paullo ([1615]; 1987:117–118; cf.
Garcilaso de la Vega [1609], bk. 1, chap. 26; 1990 : 45). At the time Guaman
Poma wrote, the term mestizo referred to a person of mixed Spanish and In-
dian blood. Guaman Poma used its meaning in Spanish as a reference to per-
sons of mixed blood to refer to Paullo, but this time the mixture was of Inca
and non-Inca lines.
Paullo did not have a claim to rule under Inca rules of succession. He was
no threat to Manco Inca. In fact, in the early years of the Spanish occupation
of Cuzco, Paullo was the steward of Manco Inca and carried out his brother’s
wishes, which may even have included committing murder (Betanzos [1551–
1557], pt. 2, chap. 28; 1987 : 290). Manco sent Paullo with Diego de Almagro on
an expedition in 1535 which reached Chile. Someone who could not assert a
44 | c a p a c
claim to rule would have been a better choice for such an assignment than a
person who had the genealogical qualifications to rule and who might use this
opportunity to raise a claim that would compete with Manco’s.
As we know from history, Manco’s choice was not as safe as he thought.
When Paullo returned to Cuzco at the time of Manco’s revolt, Almagro gave
him the borla — the fringe that was worn by the Inca ruler (Temple 1937a : 219–
226). What had happened? The most logical explanation of this turn of events
is that Paullo had learned that, in Spanish eyes at least, the genealogical con-
tribution of his mother was not a liability. Following the logic of Spanish rules
of succession, he was an acceptable alternative to Manco.
In a recent study by Gonzalo Lamana (1997), a strong case is made that
Paullo was also acceptable to many non-Incas. While the Inca civil war may
have originated at least to some degree in the status differences between
Hanan and Hurin Cuzco, the rise of Paullo was a different sort of contest over
status. We cannot assume that the distinction the Incas made between those
descended from Manco Capac on both sides and those who traced descent
through the patrilineage alone meant anything beyond Cuzco. In fact, the very
high status of Paullo’s mother in Huaylas may have given him a claim to rule
that non-Incas could support. His mixed-blood status may have won him ac-
ceptance by others of mixed Inca blood, and perhaps even of Hurin Cuzco.
Paullo’s acceptance, albeit briefly, as Inca and the support he generated among
non-Incas indicate fissures in Inca claims to legitimacy that could open and
engulf the empire in fratricidal wars.
The contest between Manco and Paullo continued long after their deaths in
the 1540s. Manco died in Vilcabamba, leaving three sons who successively be-
came regent or ruler (Guillén Guillén 1976 –1977 : 49–55). Paullo died in Cuzco
after successfully negotiating a relationship with Francisco Pizarro — despite
his having been allied with Almagro — after Almagro’s death. He died a
wealthy man, with a large encomienda worth what some of the more princi-
pal Spaniards in Cuzco held. His sons by several women were legitimated by
royal decree, and he married the mother of his eldest son, Carlos. Carlos was
well educated. He spoke and wrote Spanish as well as anyone and had also
learned Latin (Temple 1940, 1948b). However, Paullo’s claims to rule were not
recognized by Pizarro and those who governed Peru after Pizarro. Instead,
the Spanish crown recognized the sovereignty of the descendants of Manco.
From the time Manco Inca had retired to Vilcabamba, to the overthrow of
his third son, the Inca Topa Amaro, the Spanish crown negotiated with the
line of Manco, recognizing it to hold a legitimate claim to Inca sovereignty.
Spanish recognition of Inca sovereignty only came to an end when Topa
c a p a c | 45
Amaro was captured and executed in 1572, at the time Viceroy Toledo was in
Cuzco (Guillén Guillén 1976 –1977 : 49–55).
On the eve of Topa Amaro’s capture two incidents occurred which indicate
that ideas about capac status continued to animate claims to Inca sovereignty
up to the bitter end.
Toledo’s Paños
One of these incidents occurred in January 1572, when Viceroy Toledo as-
sembled a group of those descended from Manco Capac to validate a history
and a genealogy of the Inca dynastic lineage. The history, painted on three
large cloths (approximately 3.5 x 3 m square), portrayed the Incas and Coyas
from Manco Capac and his sister to Huascar, who Toledo claimed was the last
legitimate Inca. The genealogy was painted on a single, long cloth (approxi-
mately 5.5 x 1.5 m) and traced the same line from the time of Manco Capac and
his sister to what was then the present (Julien 1999; Montesinos [1642];
1882 : 244 –259; Sánchez Cantón 1956 –1959, vol. 2 : 252).
The point that Huascar was the last legitimate Inca was strongly made to
the people there assembled. Toledo appears to have understood that the Incas
had their own definition of legitimacy. In a letter that accompanied the paños,
he noted that he had proved that the line of legitimate rulers “was finished and
that no descendants remained except those who were descended transversely
or bastards” (Levillier 1924, vol. 4:54 –55). Toledo understood that Manco
Inca’s claim to rule — following an Inca reckoning — was weak. Toledo’s argu-
ment that Huascar was the last legitimate ruler was echoed in the written his-
torical narrative prepared by Sarmiento de Gamboa under the viceroy’s spon-
sorship and sent as a gift to Philip II at the same time as the paños ([1572] 1906).
By declaring Huascar to be the last legitimate Inca, Toledo derailed the claims
of any other son of Huayna Capac. Not only the sons of Manco and Paullo but
the sons of Atahuallpa, who were under the guardianship of the crown at that
time, were denied the possibility of asserting claims to sovereignty.
It is doubtful that the Incas agreed with Toledo that, with the death of
Huascar, the status that flowed through the line of Manco Capac had been
eliminated. What caused a problem at the authentication, however, was the
depiction of the descendants of Paullo in a position superior to that of the de-
scendants of Manco Inca. During the act of authentication, María Cusi Huar-
cay, the full sister and widow of Saire Topa (Villanueva Urteaga 1970), the el-
dest son of Manco Inca, protested the positioning of a daughter of Paullo,
named doña Juana, “above” her own portrait. The paños have not survived, so
we cannot know how the paño depicting Inca genealogy was painted, but
46 | c a p a c
clearly the descendants of Manco understood that they had been subordinated
to people who were not “legitimate” in Inca terms. During the authentication,
María Cusi Huarcay is reported to have said: “And how can it be borne that
the father of don Carlos [Paullo] and he are in a more prominent place, and his
sister, being bastards, than my father [Manco] and I, being legitimate.” Toledo
is said to have responded: “Don’t you see, doña María, that don Carlos and
his father always served the king, and your father and brother have been
tyrants and have remained hidden in the mountains” (Archivo General de In-
dias, Lima 270, fols. 532 –533; Urbano 1997 : 239–241; Temple 1948b : 168–171).
Toledo had conveniently forgotten that the Spanish crown had recognized the
rights of Saire Topa and Cusi Huarcay as Inca sovereigns and had negotiated
with Titu Cusi as sovereign as late as 1565 (Guillén Guillén 1976 –1977). He was
not ignorant of the status differentiation between Manco and Paullo, as indi-
cated by his own statement that only transverse descendants and “bastards” re-
mained. His use of the term “bastards” in the citation above may well refer to
a legitimacy determination that followed Inca rules.
Melchor Carlos Inca

Toledo’s knowledge of what capac status was is also evident in the case of
Melchor Carlos Inca’s baptism. Melchor Carlos was the son of Carlos Inca and
María de Esquivel, a Spanish woman whom Carlos married following the
customary Spanish rules (Temple 1937b : 300; 1948a : 113–114; 1948b : 155–160;
1949–1950a : 632 – 634). According to one source, Toledo was the baptismal
godparent (Baltasar de Ocampo in Maúrtua 1906, vol. 7 : 308–309).
In the months following the baptism, Toledo had Carlos and other Incas ar-
rested and tried for their complicity in the Vilcabamba rebellion (Nowack and
Julien 1999). The suit has not survived, but the notary who prepared the
documentation later testified that Carlos, his brother Felipe Saire Topa, and
others had been charged by Gabriel Loarte, the criminal prosecutor, with
acknowledging Melchor Carlos to be capac: “and furthermore, the said don
Carlos and the said don Felipe and others had sworn a son that had been born
to him as capac, which means king” [y ansimismo el dicho don Carlos y el
dicho don Filipe y otros a vn hijo que le nasçio al dicho don Carlos le avian
jurado por capac que quiere dezir rrey] (Archivo General de Indias, Lima 29,
no. 6, fols. 70v–71).15 This situation is nothing short of astonishing. The child,
of course, was a mestizo in the Spanish sense. He was the son of Carlos Inca and
a Spanish woman. Following the criteria of Capac Ayllo, this child could not
have been capac: he had a non-Inca mother. Carlos could only have called his
son capac under the logic of a Spanish rule of succession.
c a p a c | 47
The strategies of Paullo and his sons are revealing. For Paullo, the old rules
seem to have been a motivating factor in his behavior. Whether or not Paullo
was part of an aggrieved class of mixed-blood Incas, his own behavior dem-
onstrates that he tried to reconcentrate capac status in his descendants. On his
way to Chile with Almagro, Paullo married a woman of excellent Inca pedi-
gree from the Copacabana sanctuary. She may have been descended from Vira-
cocha Inca, the eighth Inca in the line of Manco Capac (Ramos Gavilán [1621],
bk. 1, chap. 12; 1988 : 85; chap. 31; 1988 : 85). Apparently this woman bore him
no children. The woman who bore Carlos and Felipe, two sons who were con-
sidered the issue of his principal wife, was Catalina Tocto Ussica, who de-
scended from Inca Roca, the sixth Inca, whose panaca was affiliated with Hanan
Cuzco (Temple 1948b : 135–141; Varón Gabai 1997 : 175–177; Nowack and Julien
1999). Under the old rules, the children of this marriage would have had a bet-
ter claim to rule than their father. On the other hand, Carlos’s choice of spouse
indicates a very different mentality. Carlos had found a place within the enco-
mendero society of Spanish Cuzco, of which he was an established member.
When he and other Incas recognized his son Melchor Carlos as capac at his bap-
tism, they were constructing an argument based on Spanish, not Inca, rules.
It was certainly the wrong moment for any kind of assertion of sover-
eignty. Toledo was to generate various texts denying sovereignty to the Incas.
In the ceremony authenticating the paños, he would serve official notice to
the dynasty that the last legitimate Inca — Huascar — had died at the hands of
Atahuallpa just as the Spaniards had arrived in the Andes (Montesinos [1642]
1882; Julien 1999). The suit against Carlos and other Cuzco Incas was con-
ducted concurrently with the Vilcabamba campaign. At the same time Topa
Amaro was captured, Carlos and the others awaited sentencing. It was too late
to argue claims to sovereignty — by any rule whatsoever.
inca histor y
Following the historical trajectory of capac status through the period of

Toledo’s challenge to Inca sovereignty is an essential step in arguing for the ex-
istence of Inca history. The need to calculate one’s nearness to the dynastic line
is a sufficient reason for keeping a record of dynastic descent. What is more,
the determination of who was capac did not end when Spaniards suddenly ap-
peared in Cuzco. There was good and sufficient reason for the continuation of
Inca practice during the time Inca sovereignty was recognized by the Spanish
crown.
48 | c a p a c
The devaluation of capac status occurred only after Toledo asserted that the
Incas were not natural lords. Betanzos wrote well within the period when
capac status was recognized by the Spanish crown and from the perspective of
Capac Ayllo. Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa wrote at the very end of that period
([1572] 1906). His historical narrative bolstered Viceroy Toledo’s argument
that the last legitimate Inca was Huascar. It was constructed from Inca sources
and authenticated by members of the panacas. Rather than an argument about
capac status, which Sarmiento appears not to have understood, his central ar-
gument was that the Incas were tyrants and had annexed the Andean territory
only recently, by force. They were not natural lords. It is the account of Be-
tanzos, not Sarmiento, which allows us to penetrate the logic of capac status.
Even though Inca sovereignty had been dealt a serious blow, affiliation by
panaca was recognized and continued long after Toledo (Julien 1998b). New
ideas about succession had also been learned, well before Toledo’s arrival in the
Andes, by those who could not make a claim under the old rules. Since the
Spanish rule recognized descent in the male line (but only direct descent from
the last recognized ruler and not the accretion of a particular status through in-
heritance), only those who traced descent to Huayna Capac could put forward
claims that stood a chance of being recognized. Under an Inca rule, there may
have been descendants of Pachacuti or Topa Inca — and especially Topa Inca
or his brothers — who had more capac status than Manco Inca. Even at this
very early moment, being a son of the former ruler — a Spanish prerequisite
for kingship — can have outweighed Inca preferences. Manco Inca was, at
least to some degree, chosen by Pizarro.
We now have a historical trajectory for the recognition of capac status, even
if we do not really have any deep understanding of what it meant to be capac.
We have also identified reasons for Inca interest in the preservation of a stan-
dard genealogy of the generations through which this status passed: genealog-
ical knowledge buttressed claims made by individuals to authority in Cuzco
and, while it lasted, over an Andean empire. Genealogy is a form of history. By
its nature it incorporates a chronological sequence, whether or not a correla-
tion is made to any kind of time scale. Spaniards like Betanzos, Sarmiento, and
others may have captured an Inca genre that recorded a dynastic genealogy.
3 Genealogy
Of the written sources that deal in some way with the Inca past,
those that seem most like history are the accounts structured around the ge-
nealogy of the descent group of Manco Capac and his sister-wife, the apical
pair through whom capac status passed. Genealogy, by its very nature, incor-
porates a historical sequence. The Spaniards learned about Manco Capac, the
Chancas, the pururaucas, and, even, the war between Huascar and Atahuallpa
from the Incas of Cuzco. When they wrote a “history” of the Incas that began
only twelve generations before, what they wrote was antithetical to a Christian
belief that all mankind had its origins in Adam and Eve. There was no Euro-
pean model for what they wrote; rather, some Inca source underlies the genre
of historical narrative that developed in Cuzco.
In this and the following two chapters, we will be examining the historical
narratives for information about Inca sources. A recent effort was initiated by
Gary Urton to try to work on this problem by studying quipos (1998). It may
be possible to learn the symbolic system encoded in these knotted devices and
approach the question of historical knowledge with this tool. However, our
inquiry is more broadly focused. For example, a formal account of dynastic
genealogy was kept, but it does not appear to have relied to any great degree
on quipo recording. Songs with historical content may have been transmitted
without any kind of recording device. Moreover, our concern is with content,
not with the means of transmission. The general premise is that the content of
Inca source materials and, perhaps, discrete genres can be distinguished, grosso
modo, in the texts that drew from them: in the same way that a Cabello Valboa
could draw material from a text like Molina, an author could incorporate ma-
terial from Inca sources into a narrative account of the Inca past.
We have begun this enterprise by launching an argument that dynastic prac-
tice relied on a knowledge of genealogy. Genealogy is the structuring device of
all the historical narratives written in Spanish. Our initial hypothesis, then, is
that the Incas had a formal mechanism for transmitting knowledge of dynas-
tic descent. Groups who trace descent from a particular ancestor — or, in this
case, generation — may articulate an ideology of descent. Was the Inca account
50 | g e n e a l o g y
a straightforward genealogy, or was it more? Did it articulate an ideology of

descent? Our approach to these questions is to excavate the Spanish historical
narratives for their Inca content. By comparing the narratives themselves, the
structure of underlying Inca genres may become visible. We will also read what
some Spanish authors said about recording and transmitting material on the
Inca past, but what they said will be tested against what we can learn about
Inca sources from the narratives.
A fundamental step in this process is the selection of sources; narratives that
were explicitly drawn from Inca sources will be preferred. Authors who knew
something about Inca genres may have had direct access to bearers of material
that had origins in these sources. Authors who knew the Inca language are also
important; even when they translate material into Spanish, they have a better
grasp of the concepts they are translating. We have already encountered Juan
de Betanzos: he will be one of our principal sources for information on Inca
genres. When he tried to explain the misunderstandings of other authors, as
he did when he explained what capac status was, he helped us to resituate our
own perspective so that it is closer to the point of view of the Inca sources.
The idea that some source materials are better than others is an old one. Al-
most everyone who has worked with the historical narratives on the Inca past
exhibits a preference for some texts while tacitly or explicitly rejecting others.
Some authors have classified sources in such a way as to make their biases ex-
plicit. For example, Philip Ainsworth Means (1928) assessed authors on the ba-
sis of where their sympathies appeared to lie: authors close to Viceroy Toledo,
who was hostile to the Incas, were regarded as less reliable than other authors
who extolled the accomplishments of the Incas or were otherwise sympathetic
to their descendants. Others who have classified the authors who wrote nar-
ratives on the Incas have ordered them chronologically or grouped them by
the social role of the principal author (Porras Barrenechea 1986; Pease García
Yrigoyen 1995). Such treatments provide a useful historical context for the ac-
tivities of the Spanish and indigenous authors who wrote about the Inca past.
For our purposes, what makes a source valuable is the degree to which it
drew from underlying Inca genres, regardless of the messages the author tried
to embed in the text. Since the transmission of Inca genres may have come to
an end at a particular time, nearness in time to the transmission of Inca generic
material — even if the material had evolved in some way after the Spaniards ar-
rived — is also a factor. Some authors borrowed wholesale from earlier source
materials and so may transmit material whose structure and content reflect the
underlying Inca genre. These accounts are more valuable for our purposes
g e n e a l o g y | 51
than early sources that are primarily based on eyewitness material. Such nar-
ratives contain valuable material about the past, but they do not tell us much
about Inca genres.
We will take at face value the statements of Spanish authors that they drew
their material from Inca informants in Cuzco. Their narratives offer us a start-
ing point. Our project is to try to recover Inca genres in whatever form they
were used as sources for Spanish historical narratives. After selecting narratives
that drew their material from Inca sources, the second fundamental step is to
compare them. The order and kind of events chosen for inclusion are what will
be compared. Even if an account of the past is reinterpreted through a new cul-
tural filter, we may be able to recover the underlying event structure of an Inca
source and detect themes or messages. Although we would like to know about
how the material was transmitted or performed, the texts we are analyzing are
not good sources of information about those practices. The performance that
resulted in the inclusion of Inca source material in a Spanish historical narra-
tive would have occurred in a radically different context from the venues in
which the same material was performed for an Inca audience. What we can
hope to recover is some information about the content of recorded genres.
Most of the genealogical accounts we will examine were collected between
the late 1540s and the 1570s. In all cases, time had passed since the Spanish ar-
rival. The first decades after the Spanish arrival were a time of intense cultural
confrontation. Even before Pizarro and his band arrived in Cuzco, the Incas
were engaged in a conflict that appears to have affected what members of the
dynastic descent group told Spaniards about their past. However, because of
the nature of genres (they embed a format or features that limit or define them),
they will evolve within these parameters, or they are no longer Inca genres. We
have to be aware of several sources of instability: although the processes of
transmission established before the Spaniards arrived can have continued, we
do not necessarily expect that the Spaniards tapped into these lines of trans-
mission. The Spaniards may have simply written down what particular infor-
mants remembered of the genres, particularly after any formal transmission
processes came to an end. Authors who had some access to Inca genres, that is,
to material that had been organized in a particular format and was transmitted
orally, with or without the aid of recording devices, may have introduced their
own interpretations or read new values and meanings into an old story but
would still preserve the structure of the underlying genre and, possibly, some
of its themes and messages. These conjectures serve only as reminders of what
processes can have affected the material that was used in the construction of
Spanish narratives. However, the only way to learn about them is through the
narratives themselves, so we return to our point of departure.
First we will select the authors who structured their accounts using dynas-
tic genealogy, then we will examine the genealogical information they contain.
Many accounts also include information about the Inca panacas. We know
something about a painted history from descriptions of it and from a series of
painted cloths made in emulation of it as an accompaniment to the historical
narrative of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa. Since the painted history included,
at the very least, the Incas and Coyas through whom succession passed, it may
be the underlying source of genealogical material for the Spanish historical
narratives. Our purpose, then, is to examine what the narratives might have to
tell us about this Inca genre.
Two authors specify length of rule in years and try to correlate the rule of
each Inca with their own calendar years. Their efforts will be discussed in a
section at the end of chapter 5. In most of the accounts, the passage of time
is marked by events in the lifetime of a particular ruler. In all cases, dates or
allusions to the passage of time measured in years are subordinate to the ge-
nealogical sequence. Genealogy, not chronology, is what gives the historical
narratives their temporal order.
spanish histor ical n ar rat ives
An interest in using Inca source materials or using them as the backbone of

a narrative in Spanish began to develop only after the Spaniards had been in
the Andean region for almost two decades. The awareness of a distinct histor-
ical tradition dawned slowly, hindered by its very different nature and by the
language barrier. Many of the Spaniards who came with Pizarro acquired fa-
cility in the Inca language as time went by. Their understanding of the lan-
guage increased their ability to tap Inca genres that extended backward in
time beyond the reach of their own memories or, even, the memories of the el-
dest Incas then alive. Juan de Betanzos and Cristóbal de Molina, the parish
priest who was the chief agent of evangelization of the native inhabitants of
Spanish Cuzco from 1556 on, spoke the Inca language as well as understood it
(Pease García Yrigoyen 1995 : 27–28, 36; Porras Barrenechea 1986 : 349; Julien
1998b:85). Once Spaniards began to collect information from Inca sources,
they developed a new style of historical narrative that was structured by the dy-
nastic account of descent. An Inca genre, extending backward to the time of
origins, twelve generations prior to Pizarro’s arrival, quickly became the device
that provided a structure for historical narratives written in Spanish.
The first historical narrative about the Incas to utilize a genealogical format
was authored by Cieza de León. Cieza spent the years from 1541 to 1550 travel-
ing in the Andes. He traveled first in northern South America but clearly spent
time in Peru during the time Governor Pedro de La Gasca campaigned against
Gonzalo Pizarro and reorganized Spanish administration (1547–1550). The
first part of Cieza’s Crónica del Perú, published in Seville in 1553, was based on
his travels. The second part, written before Cieza’s death in 1554 but not pub-
lished until 1873, was a narrative of Inca history. Cieza’s project also included a
“chronicle” of the wars between Spaniards prior to La Gasca’s campaign, later
published as parts 3 and 4 of his Crónica del Perú (Pease García Yrigoyen
1995 : 191–226).
What is of interest to us here is Cieza’s account of the Inca past ([1553] 1986).
He begins with a discussion of the great variety of “fables” the peoples of
the Andes tell about their past. He quickly turns to the subject of human ori-
gins, telling a story about a Creator deity called Ticci Viracocha. Then he tells
the story of Inca origins from a cave at Pacaritambo, near Cuzco. The story
of the Incas continues through the line of descent of Manco Capac and ends
after the death of the eleventh ruler, Huayna Capac, in the middle of the civil
war between Huayna Capac’s sons Huascar and Atahuallpa. There are chap-
ters about how the Incas organized their empire that may be descriptive di-
gressions, but the underlying structure of his account is provided by geneal-
ogy. The genealogy includes the names of each Inca ruler and his principal
spouse, or Coya.
Cieza had traveled widely in the Andes and had questioned people in Cuzco
and the provinces about the Incas. However, he specifically notes in his his-
torical narrative that he took his information from “Cayo Topa and other In-
cas.” He described Cayo Topa as “the one living male descendant of Huayna
Capac in Cuzco in 1550” (Cieza de León [1553], chap. 6; 1986 : 13).1 Cieza’s nar-
rative contains more information about Viracocha Inca, the eighth Inca, than
other accounts do, so he may have had access to sources with particular infor-
mation about this Inca.
We have already met Juan de Betanzos in chapter 2. Betanzos came to the
Andes before Cieza but wrote during the 1550s. The most complete manu-
script of his work on the Incas appears to have been written between 1551
and 1557. In it he does not identify his specific sources. He was married to Cusi
Rimay Ocllo, known then as doña Angelina Yupanqui (Pease García Yrigoyen
1995 : 228). She belonged to the panaca called Capac Ayllo (see chapter 2). Be-
tanzos’s account, then, may well reflect the point of view of a particular group
within the larger dynastic descent group. What is interesting is that, although
Betanzos mentions the names of the Incas from the time of Manco Inca to the
death of Huayna Capac, after the generation of the second Inca (Sinchi Roca)
he neglects to mention the name of the woman through whom succession
passed and her origins, an essential part of the genealogical format, as will be
seen below. Betanzos apparently did not incorporate what we will argue is an
Inca genealogical genre in his text. Instead, he used another kind of Inca
source, the life history (see chapter 4).
Neither Cieza’s nor Betanzos’s manuscripts circulated widely, despite awak-
ening interest in the subject of Inca history in the following decades. Cieza’s
manuscript on Inca history was requisitioned by the Council of the Indies, and
he never got it back. It was used extensively in the later historical narrative of
Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas and was consulted by Garcilaso de la Vega
in Spain. The only author to cite Betanzos was Gregorio García, who wrote
more than half a century afterward (Pease García Yrigoyen 1995 : 314).
Spaniards continued to mine Inca source material in the following decades.
One of the most important individuals to write about the Incas was Polo de
Ondegardo. He was a royal administrator, or corregidor, in Cuzco from 1559 to
1560. In 1559 he was given the task of collecting information about the Incas
by the viceroy Marqués de Cañete and the archbishop Jerónimo de Loaysa.
Several manuscripts authored by Polo have survived, but none of these is an
Inca history. The two most important manuscripts we have are not historical
accounts but opinions ( pareceres) written as counsel to the viceroys of Peru in
two distinct periods. Polo was a jurist. The opinions he authored, though ex-
pressed in a Spanish that makes their precise interpretation difficult, open a
door into the mind of someone who knew a great deal about the Incas and, es-
pecially, about aspects of Inca administration in the provinces (Pease García
Yrigoyen 1995 : 34, 40; Porras Barrenechea 1986 : 335–343).
What Polo wrote about the Inca past has survived only through its inter-
pretation by two later authors. One is Joseph de Acosta. Acosta appears to
have had several Polo manuscripts, among them a manuscript on marriage and
other “rites and ceremonies” that Polo sent to Archbishop Loaysa ([1590],
bk. 5, chap. 4; 1940 : 221; bk. 5, chap. 23; 1940 : 256; bk. 6, chap. 18; 1940 : 304),
a manuscript Polo wrote on the Bolivian frontier in 1574 at the time of the
Chiriguaná war ([1590], bk. 7, chap. 27; 1940 : 372), another that contained
material about dynastic descent ([1590], bk. 6, chaps. 19–23; 1940:304 –311),
and, possibly, a report about the removal of the remains of Inca rulers from
panaca control in Cuzco ([1590], bk. 5, chap. 6; 1940 : 226 –227). What Polo
wrote about the Inca past has survived only in Acosta’s paraphrasing of Polo
in his Historia natural y moral de las Indias (1590), in which he specifically states
that he follows Polo “in the things of Peru” ([1590], bk. 6, chap. 1; 1940 : 281),
and in the Confesionario, a work prepared by Acosta using material from Polo
(1585). In both, a list of Inca rulers, sorted by their affiliation with the Hanan /
Hurin Cuzco division, is included (Acosta [1590], bk. 6, chaps. 20 –23; 1940 :
306 –311; Polo de Ondegardo 1585 : 8).
What Acosta paraphrased in that work has given rise to a new hypothesis
about how to read the list of Inca rulers. First, Reiner Tom Zuidema (1964,
1995) made an argument that all of the panacas were contemporary, that they
were not the product of successive generations, but, rather, Acosta’s repre-
sentation reflected separate dynastic lines in Hanan and Hurin Cuzco. Pierre
Duviols (1979) embraced the hypothesis, basing his argument on Acosta’s
transmission of Polo. Acosta can be read in this manner, but Polo himself,
when called upon to authenticate a manuscript that was structured around
the genealogy of twelve consecutive Inca rulers, clearly stated that that version
accorded with what he knew (Rowe 1993–1994 : 105; Montesinos [1642]; 1882 :
246, 252 –253).
There is another writer who had access to a Polo manuscript that may have
followed a genealogical format similar to that found in other Spanish histori-
cal narratives. Bernabé Cobo, a Jesuit who worked largely from manuscript
materials in the seventeenth century, included an Inca history in a much longer
work entitled Historia del nuevo mundo (1653). Cobo said he had a copy of
the manuscript Polo sent to Archbishop Loaysa in 1559. In his eleventh book,
in a chapter which immediately precedes his Inca history, Cobo discusses
the principal sources for his books 12 to 14, his books on the Incas. Polo is the
first manuscript source he mentions, and clearly he privileges Polo above the
others. Polo had called an assembly of the oldest individuals he could find,
including the most important Incas as well as those versed in Inca religion
and quipocamayos, the “historians of the Incas.” According to Cobo, Polo’s wit-
nesses had access to quipos and paintings for some of the material they were
questioned about ([1653], bk. 12, chap. 2; 1892 : 116 –117). Cobo structures his
account with the same genealogical format used by other authors; the story
begins with Inca origins and covers the period spanned by the lifetimes of
Manco Capac to Huayna Capac, the “last Inca king” ([1653], bk. 12, chaps.
3–17; 1892 : 121–191). If Cobo drew his Inca history from Polo, and there is a
fair chance that he did, it had the same genealogical format common to other
Spanish accounts.2
A decade after Polo collected his information on the Incas, Viceroy Fran-
cisco de Toledo organized another collecting effort. Toledo himself conducted
a series of interviews during the initial stages of an administrative survey,
or visita. Toledo left Lima in 1571 for Cuzco. On the way, in various places on
the road to Cuzco, he assembled groups of individuals and asked them specific
questions about the Incas. Then, in Cuzco and Yucay, between March and
September of the same year, he assembled additional groups and asked simi-
lar questions as well as new ones about burial practices and sacred objects
(huacas) and other customs. Later, in January and February 1572, he developed
a special questionnaire to be administered to groups of non-Incas about who
had resided in the Valley of Cuzco and who had been there when, according
to Inca accounts of their past, the Incas had first arrived in the valley (Levillier
1940, vol. 2: 15–193).
At the same time, Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, a cosmographer who
had been commissioned to write a geographical description of the Andean re-
gion ([1572]; 1906 : xxxiii, 9–10), collected information from Inca sources to be
used in a historical narrative that was titled part 2 of a Historica indica (1572).3
Sarmiento spoke — with the aid of translators — to representatives from dif-
ferent Cuzco groups, presumably the panacas, and wrote a series of memoriales
that served as the basis for his manuscript ([1572], chap. 9; 1906 : 31–32). Part
of this project involved painting a narrative of the dynastic past to the time
of Huascar, composed of words and pictures, and painted on three cloths
called paños. A fourth cloth depicted the genealogy of the Inca line to the pres-
ent, that is, to 1572, and included women as well as men (Julien 1999 : 62 – 63,
76 –78).
Toledo’s interviews were forwarded to the Council of the Indies. Sar-
miento’s manuscript, bound in green leather and lined with red silk, was hand-
carried back to Spain from Cuzco soon after its composition in 1572 and de-
livered to the king by a personal envoy of the viceroy (Montesinos [1642];
1882 : 257–259; Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572]; 1906 : xxxix; Levillier 1924, vol. 4 :
54 –55). The four paños were delivered with it. The book and the painted cloths
were a gift from Toledo to Philip II of Spain.
Although both were a gift to the king, they were also part of a means of au-
thenticating a version of the Inca past told by the Incas themselves. To au-
thenticate the paños, Toledo assembled a group of people descended from each
of the panacas on 14 January 1572. What was depicted on them was specifically
described as having been “written and painted on these four cloths, made to
be sent to the king, of the descent and origin of the Incas and how they tyran-
nically subjected all of the natives of these kingdoms” (Montesinos [1642];

1882 : 246). The cloths were painted by Indian painters.4 Before an assembly in
which all of the panacas were represented, all of what was written and painted
on these cloths was read and described, “both the busts [bultos, alternatively,
full-length figures] of the Incas and the medallions of their wives and descent
groups [ayllos]” and, in the borders, that which had happened in the time of
each one. On the first cloth was the myth of Inca emergence from Tambotoco
and stories about the creations of Viracocha, the supernatural Creator. What
was written bore the rubric of Alvaro Ruíz de Navamuel, principal notary of
the Toledo government, “except that which is declared or explained about the
history and the wind roses to indicate the sites of the towns,” which were the
work of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, who did not read or explain them, since
“the Indians do not understand it.” The entire graphic display was “read” to
those assembled in their language, and the group confirmed what was painted
in every detail (Montesinos [1642]; 1882 : 249–251; Sarmiento de Gamboa
[1572]; 1906 : xxxviii–xl, 130 –134; Iwasaki Cauti 1986:72 –73). A month later,
on 19 February 1572, a similar procedure was carried out with a different as-
semblage of panaca members, this time asked to authenticate Sarmiento’s
book ([1572]; 1906 : 131–132). The purpose of this elaborate performance was
to secure Inca authentication of a text. Much had been written about the Inca
past, but Toledo was the first to attempt to get members of the dynastic de-
scent group, en masse, to approve what was written (Julien 1999 : 85).
The relationship between Sarmiento’s book and the paños has not been
sufficiently appreciated by modern scholars. Toledo obtained panaca approval
of Sarmiento’s narrative by presenting it first in a format that had been in use
during the lifetimes of those called upon to authenticate it: an Inca painted
genre. Cristóbal de Molina described it:
They [the Incas] kept in a house of the Sun called Poquen Cancha, which
is near Cuzco, the life of each one of the Incas and the lands he con-
quered, painted in their figures on some tablets and [also] what their ori-
gins were. And among these paintings was a painting of the following
fable.
Y tenían en una casa de el Sol llamada Poquen Cancha, que es junto al

Cuzco, la vida de cada uno de los yngas y de las tierras que conquistó, pin-
tado por sus figuras en unas tablas y qué origen tuvieron y entre las dichas
pintures tenían asimismo pintada la fábula siguiente. ([1576]; 1989 : 49–50)
Molina then relates an Inca creation myth. Regardless of the style of represen-
tation used, Toledo adapted a format familiar to the Incas. The paños repro-
duced the subject matter of the tablets: the lives of the Incas, their conquests,
and the Inca origin myth.
Not surprisingly, Sarmiento also describes a pictorial version of Inca his-
tory painted on wooden tablets. At the very beginning of his narrative of Inca
history, he states that Pachacuti, the ninth ruler, gathered people who were
knowledgeable about it and had what was most noteworthy painted on a se-
ries of large wooden tablets. These tablets were kept in a room of one of the
houses of the Sun, perhaps the same Poquen Cancha named by Molina. Par-
ticular individuals were charged with preserving a knowledge of what was
represented on them and declaring it when permission was granted by the
Inca ruler (Sarmiento [1572], chap. 9; 1906 : 31). The panels served as an offi-
cial dynastic account of their past, and that may be why Toledo chose to emu-
late them.
Sarmiento does not say he saw these tablets. Neither does Polo de Onde-
gardo, who was present when the paños were authenticated and who may have
actually seen the wooden tablets in Cuzco in the late 1540s. However, even the
memory of wooden tablets that depicted Inca history would have been
sufficient as inspiration for a later series. Because of this effort to create an Inca
version of their own past (and one that was in some way equivalent to a
painted historical genre), Sarmiento’s narrative may be a source of informa-
tion about it.
Following closely on Toledo’s effort, the bishop of Cuzco, Sebastián de Lar-
taún, requisitioned a narrative on the Inca past from Cristóbal de Molina,
priest of the hospital parish (Nuestra Señora de los Remedios) in the city of
Cuzco. According to Cobo, Molina also assembled informants who had been
alive during the rule of Huayna Capac. The result, again according to Cobo,
was substantially the same as Polo’s and Sarmiento’s accounts. Cobo notes
that Molina also included a lengthy description of the “rites and fables of the
gentile period” ([1653], bk. 12, chap. 2; 1892:118–119). Molina’s historical nar-
rative has not been located, but an account of the “rites and fables” of the In-
cas is known, probably excerpted from the longer account described by Cobo
([1576] 1989).5
Long ago Francisco de Loayza noted that the account of Cabello Valboa
was based on a lost historical narrative authored by Molina (1943 : xv). Cabello
stated that he followed Molina ([1586], pt. 3, chap. 9; 1951:259–260). John
Rowe has also noted correspondences between Cabello Valboa and one of
the Morúa manuscripts ([1611–1616], bk. 1; 1987) and suggested that the simi-
larities are due to borrowing from the lost historical narrative of Molina
(1985b:194, 200 –201).
There may be yet another missing manuscript that drew on Cuzco sources
in the same period. In a letter to the king dated 14 March 1575, the provincial
of the Mercedarian order wrote that a friar of his order had written on the ori-
gins of the Incas (Morúa [1605]; 1946 : 34, n.). That friar may or may not have
been Martín de Morúa. Very little is known about the whereabouts of Morúa
at any given moment, but he served as parish priest in several parishes in Cuzco
and may have held the post of arcediano in the cathedral chapter. He devotes
an entire chapter to Cuzco, recording all of the prelates who had served as
bishop, and another to the history of the Mercedarian order in the viceroyalty
of Peru, without making a single personal reference. He may have been in
Cuzco in the 1570s: when he tells about the arrival of Topa Amaro to Cuzco in
1572, he describes Toledo watching the procession from the window of Diego
de Silva’s house as if he, Morúa, had been there. He wrote at least two different
manuscripts; both incorporate materials from other texts.6 Because of struc-
tural resemblances to the account of Cabello Valboa (see table 4.3 and chapter
5) as well as closely similar wordings, one of Morúa’s manuscripts appears to
have drawn its Inca history from the lost account of Cristóbal de Molina (see
Murúa [1611–1616] 1987).
There are clear similarities between one of Morúa’s texts ([1605] 1946)
and portions of the illustrated narrative prepared by Felipe Guaman Poma de
Ayala ([1615] 1987). Guaman Poma was actively working on his narrative in the
same period as Morúa, and the two of them knew each other (Pease García
Yrigoyen 1995: 264, 293). As will be seen below, when genealogical informa-
tion contained in the various historical narratives is compared, Morúa and
Guaman Poma are markedly discrepant from the other narratives in the infor-
mation they give about particular generations in the Inca dynastic line but
similar to each other at precisely these points. Only Guaman Poma and Morúa
create separate chapters for the Coyas. The material Guaman Poma includes
about the Coyas is unique and often fantastic. In these chapters Morúa does
not follow Guaman Poma; rather, he substitutes material drawn from Mexi-
can sources (Rowe 1987). Neither author appears to have reproduced Inca
genres to any degree, although a memory of the painted tradition may have
inspired their work.
Other authors have been included in the comparison of genealogical in-
formation that follows, but the sources of their information are not readily
identified. In some cases — for example, Bartolomé de las Casas and Pedro
Gutiérrez de Santa Clara — the author never visited the Andes and probably
took his information from a text (Pease García Yrigoyen 1995 : 19–20, 31, 55, 71,
82). Some of Las Casas’s sources can be identified, but not the source of his
Inca history.7 Jerónimo Román y Zamora is doubly removed from the subject;
he never visited the Andes, and he apparently took his information on the
Incas from Las Casas (Pease García Yrigoyen 1995 : 36, 333, 382). Two authors
are native Andeans, although neither is Inca. Guaman Poma de Ayala, through
his constant representation of himself in a tunic like the one his father wore,
indicated an identification with Yarobamba, a region in the Huánuco area
of the northern highlands ([1615]; 1987 : 5– 6, 366[368]–367[369]). Pachacuti
Yamqui Salcamaygua was from Canchis, a province near Cuzco in the area east
of modern Urcos ([early seventeenth century]; 1993: fol. 1, p. 183). Garcilaso
de la Vega was Inca on his mother’s side. Born after the Spanish arrival, he left
Peru for Spain at age twenty and did not write about the Inca past until he was
an old man (Porras Barrenechea 1986 : 391–394). These circumstances alone do
not disqualify what he wrote, but he is far removed from the kind of Inca
source material Spaniards drew on decades before in Cuzco, and he must be
read with care.
One text, known alternatively as the Discurso or the Relación de los quipoca-
mayos, contains a genealogical account that may or may not have been col-
lected in 1542. The document itself was written in the early seventeenth cen-
tury, between 1602 and 1608, to support claims then being made by Melchor
Carlos Inca, the grandson of Paullo Inca (see chapter 2), in the Spanish court.
However, the seventeenth-century author refers to an inquiry made in 1542 by
Governor Vaca de Castro in consultation with Inca quipocamayos and conveys
the impression that he is taking information from it (Pease García Yrigoyen
1995 : 23, 28). Whether the information was supplied from memory or copied
from a text is not at all clear. Like other seventeenth-century texts that relied
on memory, it is wrong in matters of fact that can be confirmed by earlier
documents. For example, it provides the wrong date for the death of Paullo
Inca! By including this document in our comparison, we may learn something
about the nature of the sources used by its author.
Our interest here is with unraveling an underlying Inca genealogical genre.
Problematic sources like the Discurso and Las Casas may still contribute to
what we can learn about it or about versions of it that were transmitted dur-
ing the first decades of Spanish Cuzco. As will be evident from the compari-
son of the accounts we have selected, similarities in the type of information
chosen for inclusion as well as in the information itself seem to reflect the com-
monly held canons of a genre.8 One type of information that was consistently
chosen was the identification — for each generation — of both the male and fe-
male through whom succession passed. Many accounts also give the name of
the panaca associated with each generation, sometimes in a separate list. Given
that some narratives provide little more than a list of the Incas and Coyas
through whom the succession passed and the panaca information (Las Casas,
Gutiérrez, Fernández, the Discurso), it may be that an underlying Inca genre
included both classes of information.
dyn ast ic genealogy
First let us look at the genealogical information in the historical narratives

with links to Inca sources. For each generation, the information from each
source has been selected and edited in tabular form (tables 3.1–3.13). The
spellings of names have been preserved exactly as found in the published
texts, though some of the texts have obviously been modified by particular
transcription rules. The divergent spellings are distracting, but similarities be-
tween the names provide clues to relationships between texts. Since the divi-
sion of names into particular words was arbitrary in the Spanish manuscripts
of the sixteenth to seventeenth centuries, the names of individuals have been
divided into discrete segments to facilitate comparison. The accounts chosen
have been ordered according to the time of their composition (see dates in the
key to table 3.1).
With some exceptions, each story begins with an account of the emergence
of the Ayar brothers and sisters from the cave of Pacaritambo. In two instances
(Pachacuti and Garcilaso), the story of origins is told, and eight siblings are
mentioned, but the names of only two sisters are given. Usually, however, the
names of four brothers and four sisters are provided. There are differences in
the order of the names and in their spellings: no two lists are identical.
Nonetheless, some of the lists are quite similar to others.
Two of the earliest authors list six names and not seven. Cieza de León and
Las Casas give the names of only three brothers and three sisters. Although
Cieza’s manuscript was in Spain at the time Las Casas wrote, there are enough
differences in the information they gave about Manco Capac’s descent group
to establish that their genealogies were independent of each other. The other
account that lists six Ayar siblings was by Román y Zamora, who followed Las
Casas. Cobo’s list is somewhat aberrant, as he mentions both Manco Capac
and Ayar Manco, skipping Ayar Auca. The differences in the number of Inca
siblings given are important; there may have been more than one version of
Inca origins (see chapter 8).
table 3.1. The Ayar siblings
Key to Sources
cl Pedro de Cieza de León [1553]; 1986
b Juan de Betanzos [1551–57], pt. 1; 1987
cs Bartolomé de las Casas [1562 – 64]; 1967
fz Diego Fernández [1571], bk. 3; 1963, vol. 165
s Pedro Sarmiento Gamboa [1572]; 1906
rz Jerónimo Román y Zamora [1575]; 1897
gz Pedro Gutiérrez de Santa Clara [after 1575]; 1963, vol. 166
cv Miguel Cabello Valboa [1586]; 1951, pt. 3
p Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua
[early seventeenth century]; 1993
d Discurso [1602 – 8]; 1920
m1 Martín de Morúa [1605], bk. 1; 1946
gp Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala [1615]; 1987
m2 Martín de Murúa [1611–16], bk. 1; 1987
co Bernabé Cobo [1653], bk. 12; 1892
g Garcilaso de la Vega [1609]; 1990
Source Ayar Brothers Ayar Sisters

cl Ayar Ocho Mamaco [Mama Ocllo or Mama Guaco?]
Ayar Hache Arauca Mama Cona
Ayar Mango Mama Ragua
b Ayar Cache Mama Guaco
Ayar Oche Cura
Ayar Auca Ragua Ocllo
Ayar Mango Mama Ocllo
cs Ayar Udio Mama Ragua
Ayar Ancha Mama Cora
fz Mango Capa Inga Mama Guaco
s Mango Capac Mama Ocllo
Ayar Auca Mama Guaco
Ayar Cache Mama Ipacura [or Mama Cura]
Ayar Ucho Mama Raua
rz Ayar Udio Ma[ma] Ragua
Ayar Ancia Mama Cora
cv Mango Capac Mama Guaco
Ayar Cache Mama Cora
Ayar Auca Mama Ocllo
Ayar Uchi Mama Ragua
gz Mango Inga Zapalla Mama Ocllo

Source Ayar Brothers Ayar Sisters
p [Progenitors: Apo Tambo and Pacha Mama Achi]

Manco Capac Inca 4 sisters, only two names given are:
Ayar Cachi Ypa Mama Uaco
Ayar Uchu Mama Ocllo
Ayar Aoca
d Mango Capac Mama Vaco
m1 Guana Cauri Tupa Vaco
Cuzco Guanca Mama Coia
Mango Capac Curi Ocllo
Supa Ayar Cacse Ipa Baco
gp Uana Cauri Ynga Tupa Uuaco
Cuzco Uanca Ynga Mama Cora
Mango Capac Ynga Curi Ocllo
Tupa Ayar Cachi Ynga Ypa Uaco
m2 Manco Capac Mama Huaco
Ayar Cache Mama Cora
Ayar Auca Mama Ocllo
Ayar Huchu Mama Tabua
co Manco Capac Mama Huaco
Ayar Cuche Mama Ocllo
Ayar Uche Mama Ragua
Ayar Manco Mama Cura
g Manco Capac Mama Ocllo Huaco
Ayar Cachi
Ayar Uchu
Ayar Sauca
Sources: cl: chap. 6, pp. 13–14; b: chap. 3, p. 17; cs: bk. 3, chap. 250, p. 573; s: chap. 11, p. 33; fz, chap. 5,
p. 80; rz: chap. 11, p. 8; gz: chap. 49, p. 209; cv: chap. 9, p. 161; p: 193–197; d: 12; m1: chap. 2, p. 50; gp: 84;
m2: chap. 2, p. 49; co: chap. 3, p. 62; g: bk. 1, chap. 19, p. 34, chap. 21, p. 38.
Another feature of the Cieza and Las Casas lists is the use of the name Ayar
Manco instead of Manco Capac to refer to one of the brothers in the origin
story. Betanzos, also an early writer, joins them. After the story of origins, in
all three accounts this person is called Manco Capac, the name that all of the
other authors consistently use.
There are interesting aberrations in the accounts of later authors. For ex-
ample, Pachacuti is the only author who names the parents of the Ayar sib-
lings: Apo Tambo and Pacha Mama Achi. For all of the other authors, the
apical ancestors of the dynastic descent group are a sibling pair from among
the set of Ayar siblings. Both Guaman Poma and Morúa give similar aberrant
versions. Here, the later Morúa manuscript (m2) (Murúa [1611–1615] 1987)
provides names similar to those found in other accounts of the Pacaritambo

story. His earlier manuscript (m1) (Morúa [1605] 1946) gives virtually the
same names as those given by Guaman Poma.
Not all of the authors include the story about the Ayar siblings. It is absent
from Fernández, Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, and the Discurso. Gutiérrez de
Santa Clara borrowed from Fernández, but there are differences in their ac-
counts of the Inca past that suggest the possibility that Gutiérrez had other
sources at his disposal. Fernández says nothing at all about the origins of the
first Inca pair. Gutiérrez locates the events associated with the Inca progeni-
tors in the Lake Titicaca basin. The Discurso tells the “shining mantle” story, in
which Manco Capac puts on a shirt with shining spangles and fools the local
people in Pacaritambo into believing his claims to be “son of the Sun.” This
story is told in several late-sixteenth-century accounts and gives reason to
doubt that the Discurso was pristinely transmitted from an account taken from
quipocamayos in the time of Vaca de Castro.9
All of the accounts name Manco Capac as the male progenitor of the Inca
dynastic descent group (see table 3.2). The accounts nearly always agree on
the name of the male member of the dynastic pair, disagreeing more often
on the name of the woman through whom succession passed. There is notable
disagreement about who Manco Capac’s spouse was: either Mama Ocllo or
Mama Huaco, and in the case of Garcilaso, Mama Ocllo Huaco was named.
Mama Ocllo was named most frequently. Morúa (m1a) and Cabello Valboa
name Mama Huaco; Morúa contains several retellings of the genealogical ac-
count, but one (m1a) regularly parallels the information contained in Cabello
Valboa and, therefore, in the underlying account of Molina as well. Fernández
and Cobo also name Mama Huaco. Cobo appears to list four brothers and
four sisters, but he really only lists the names of three brothers; he gives both
Manco Capac and Ayar Manco. Cieza does not give a name for the female
progenitor of the dynastic line.
The information we have is sufficient to indicate that there were two com-
peting stories about who was the female progenitor of the dynastic descent
group. Morúa (m1b and m2a) noted that there was a competing version. The
question will be taken up in chapter 8.
There are very interesting differences in what was recorded for the second
generation (table 3.3). If we look first for agreement, we find the story that
Sinchi Roca and a woman named Mama Coca, daughter of a lord named Sutic
Guaman of the town of Saño in the Cuzco Valley, is told by Sarmiento and by
both Cabello Valboa and Morúa (m2a), indicating that the Molina account
named her as well. Betanzos provides the same information but does not sup-
table 3.2. First pair
Source First Pair
cl Manco Capac and a sister have 3 sons and 1 daughter. One son is Cinche Roca Ynga,
and the daughter is Achi Ocllo.
b Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo have Sinche Roca.
cs Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo have Sinchi Roca.
fz Mango Capa Inga and Mama Guaco have Siche Roca Inga.
s Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo have Cinchi Roca; Chima Panaca Ayllo.
rz Ayar Manco and Mama Ocllo have Cinchi Roca.
gz Mango Inga Zapalla and Mama Ocllo, daughter of an important lord, have Sinchi
Roca Inga.
cv Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo have Cinchi Ruca.
p Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo have Çinchi Ruca; Chima Panaca Ayllo.
d Mango Capac and Mama Vaco have Chinche Roca and Topa Auca Ylli; Chima Panaca.
m1 a) Mango Capac and Mama Baco have Sinchiroca, Chimpo, and Pachacuti (bastard).
b) Manco Capac and Mama Vaco [or Mama Ocllo] have Cinchi Roca, Chimbo, and
Pachacuti (bastard).
gp a) Mango Capac Inga fathers Cinche Roca Ynga, Ynca Yupanqui, Pachacuti Ynga, and
Chinbo Urma.
b) Mama Uaco is mother of Mango Capac Ynga (unknown father); they have Sinchi
Roca, Ynga Yupangui, Pachakuti, and Chimbo Urma.
m2 a) Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo (others say Mama Huaco) have Cinchi Roca.
b) Mama Huaco and Manco Capac have Sinchi Roca and Chimpo Coya.
co Manco Capac and Mama Huaco have Sinchi Roca; Chima Panaca.
g Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo Huaco have Sinchi Roca.
Sources: cl: chap. 8, p. 22; b: chap. 5, p. 21; cs: bk. 3, chap. 250, pp. 574 –575; fz, chap. 5, p. 80; s: chap. 12,
p. 35; rz: chap. 11, p. 10; gz: chap. 49, p. 209; cv: chap. 9, p. 261; p: 197, 199; d: p. 12; m1: chap. 3, p. 53,
chap. 16, p. 81; gp: p. 87, 121; m2: chap. 2, p. 49, chap. 4, p. 59; co: chap. 4, p. 128; g: bk. 1, chap. 25, p. 43.
ply the name of the lord of Saño (cf. m1a). Cobo gives the same account, ex-
cept that he gives the woman’s name as Mama Chura. His account is not the
same as that of Fernández this time, although Fernández names the woman as
Mama Cura, a name only slightly different from what Cobo gives. Coca and
Cura (and even Coya, given by Gutiérrez) could be divergent transcriptions of
the same name. Fernández and Gutiérrez give an odd spelling of the name
Lloque Yupanqui, the son born to the second pair. Fernández gives “Llocuco,”
and Gutiérrez follows him. Las Casas has “Lluchi” Yupanqui. Cieza tells a dif-
ferent story from all the others. Sinchi Roca marries a sister, but then the lord
of Saño begged him to take a daughter for his son, which he did (see third pair,
table 3.4). Morúa (m2b, m2c, m1b) and Guaman Poma (GPa and GPb) give sim-
ilar but odd versions. They name Chimbo Coya or Chimbo Urma Coya. For
Morúa (m1b), she is sister to Sinchi Roca. That the Incas marry their sisters is
the story consistently told in Guaman Poma and one Morúa account (m1b).
table 3.3. Second pair
Source Second Pair
cl Sinche Roca Ynga and sister have Quelloque Yupangue [elsewhere Lloque Yupangue].
A lord from Çaño begged Sinchi Roca to take his daughter for his son, which
he did.
b Sinche Roca and Mama Coca of Zaño have Lloque Yupanque.
cs Cinchi Roca and Mama Coca, daughter of a lord from half a league from Cuzco, have
Lluchi Yupangi.
fz Sinche Roca Inga and Mama Cura have Cuxi Guanan Chiri and Llocuco Pangue Inga.
s Sinchi Roca and Mama Coca, daughter of Sutic Guaman of Saño, have Lloqui
Yupanqui; Raura Panaca Ayllo.
rz Cinchi Roca and Mama Coca, daughter of a lord from near Cuzco, have Lluchi
Impangi.
gz Sinchi Roca and Mama Coya have Llocuco Yupangue Inga and Cuxi Guanan Chiri.
cv Cinchi Ruca and Mama Coca, only daughter of Suti Guaman, lord of Saño, have
Mango Sapaca and Lluqui Yupangui.
p Sinchi Roca fathers Ynga Lluqui Yupangui.
d Chinche Roca and Mama Coca have Lloque Yupanqui Inga and Mango Capac;
Raorao Panaca.
m1 a) Sinchi Roca and Mama Coca, the daughter of “su tía Huamán” [sic: Sutic Huaman]
of Saño, have Mango Sapaca.
b) Sinchi Roca and Chimpo Coya, his sister, have Lloque Yupangui, among others.
c) Sinchi Roca and Chimpo Coya, his sister, have Lloque Yupanqui and Cusi Huanan
Chiri, among others.
gp a) Cinchi Roca Inga and Chinbo Urma Coya have Mama Cora Ocllo Coya and Lloqui
Yupanqui Ynga, Uari Tito Ynga, Topa Amaro Ynga.
b) Cinche Roca and Chinbo Urma Coya have Lloqui Yupanqui Ynga, Mama Cora
Ocllo, Capac Uari Titu Ynga, and Topa Amaro Ynga.
m2 a) Cinchi Roca and Mama Coca of Sano have Lloqui Yupangui; Raura Panaca Ayllo.
b) Sinchi Roca and Chimbo Ollo (daughter of Mama Vaco) have Cuxi Guanan Chiri,
Lloque Yupangui Inga, and Mama Cura.
co Cinchi Roca and Mama Chura, daughter of Sutic Guaman of Sañoc, have Lloque
Yupanqui; Raurahua Panaca.
g Sinchi Roca and Mama Ocllo or Mama Cora (sister) have Lloque Yupanqui.
Sources: cl: chap. 31, p. 95; b: chap. 5, p. 21; cs: bk. 3, chap. 250, p. 575; fz: chap. 5, p. 80; s: chap. 15, p. 43;
rz: chap. 11, pp. 10 –11; gz: chap. 49, pp. 209–210; cv: chap. 10, p. 268, chap. 11, p. 280; p: 204; d: p. 13; m1:
chap. 4, p. 54, chap. 17, pp. 83– 84; gp: 89, 123; m2: chap. 3, pp. 54 –55, chap. 4, p. 59, chap. 6, p. 60; co:
chap. 4, p. 129, chap. 5, p. 133; g: bk. 1, chap. 16, p. 76.
In the case of the third pair (table 3.4), the accounts of Sarmiento and
Cabello Valboa/Morúa (m1a) are again similar. Lloque Yupangui and Mama
Caua, daughter of the lord of Oma, produce Mayta Capac. This time they are
joined by Cobo. Las Casas tells the same story but calls her Mama Cahua Pata.
He is echoed by Román y Zamora, who followed him in just about every-
thing, and also by Gutiérrez. In this generation, Gutiérrez names the female
table 3.4. Third pair
Source Third Pair
cl Lloque Yupangue and woman from Çaño have Mayta Capa.

b Lloque Yupangue fathers Capac Yupangui.
cs Lluchi Yupangi and Mama Cagua Pata, daughter of the lord of Oma, have Indi Maitha
Capac.
fz Llocuco Pangue Inga and Mama Ana Uarque have Maita Capa Inga.
s Lloqui Yupangui and Mama Caua of Oma have Mayta Capac; Avayni Panaca Ayllo.
rz Lluchi Impangui and Mama Cagua Pata, daughter of a lord from 3 leagues [15 km]
away from Cuzco, have Indi Maytha Capac.
gz Llocuco Yupangue and Mama Cagua Pata have Indi Mayta Capac Inga.
cv Lluqui Yupangui and Mama Caua, daughter of the lord of Oma, have Mayta Capac.
p Ynga Lluque Yupangui and Mama Tancarry Yachi Chimpo Urma Cuca, daughter of
the lord of Tancar, have Mayta Capac.
d Lluque Yupangue Inga and Mama Caba have Mayta Capac Inga, Apo Conde Mayta,
and Apo Taca; Ayllo Chiguayuin.
m1 a) Lloqui Yupangui and Mama Caua of Oma have Mayta Capac; Avayni Panaca Ayllo.
b) Lloque Yupangui and Mama Cura [or Anac Varqui] (his first cousin) have Mayta
Capac and Chimbo Orma Coya [or Mama Yacche].
gp a) Lloqui Yupanqui Ynga and Mama Cora Ocllo Coya have Ynga Cuci Uanan Chiri,
Mayta Capac Ynga, Chinbo Urma Mama Yachi Coya, Curi Auqui Ynga, Runto
Auqui Ynga, Cuci Chinbo Coya.
b) Lloque Yupanqui and Mama Cora Ocllo Coya have Mayta Capac Ynga, Cusi
Chinbo, Mama Yachi Urma, and others.
m2 a) Lloque Yupanqui and Mama Cura (his sister), also known as Ana Chuarque, have
Maita Capac and maybe others.
b) Lloque Yupangui and Mama Cura (his first cousin), also known as Ana Chuarque,
have Maita Capac, their only child.
co Lloque Yupanqui and Mama Cachua of Oma have Mayta Capac; Ahucani Ayllu.
g Lloque Yupanqui and Mama Cahua have Maita Capac.
Sources: cl: chap. 32, pp. 97–98; b: chap. 5, pp. 21–22; cs: bk. 3, chap. 250, p. 575; fz: chap. 5, p. 80; s:
chap. 16, p. 45; rz: chap. 11, p. 11; gz: chap. 49, p. 210; cv: chap. 12, p. 283; p: 205; d: p. 13; m1: chap. 5, p. 57,
chap. 18, pp. 85– 86; gp: 97, 125; m2: chap. 7, p. 60, chap. 8, p. 62; co: chap. 6, p. 137; g: bk. 2, chap. 20, p. 82.
member of the Inca pair as Mama Cahua Pata. He may be following Las Casas
or Las Casas’s source, since both name Indi Maita Capac as the scion of this
pair. Fernández gives a wildly divergent name for the female member: Mama
Ana Uarque. Morúa (m2a, m2b, m1b) and Guaman Poma (gpa and gpb) name
Mama Cura as the spouse. Where any information is given about her origins,
she is said to be a close female relative, either a sister or a first cousin (m2a,
m2b). The author Pachacuti names Mama Tancarry Yachi Chimpo Urma Cuca,
the daughter of the lord of Tancar, as the female member of the Inca pair.
There is a place known as Tancar in the Urubamba Valley. Pachacuti supplies a
very similar name for this woman, without giving her origins, in the fourth
generation. Perhaps he had difficulty in coming up with a name for the third
woman. From this point until the tenth generation, Betanzos gives no infor-
mation about the female member of the dynastic pair.
Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa/Morúa (m1a) tell a very similar story about
the fourth pair (table 3.5). Maita Capac and Mama Tacucaray of Tacucaray have
Capac Yupanqui. Morúa here follows Sarmiento exactly; the names of the
sons born to this pair are the same and are listed in the same order as given by
Sarmiento. The author Pachacuti appears to give the same information, in-
cluding the names of two sons that match two on the lists of Sarmiento and
Morúa (m1a), but he calls the woman Mama Tancaray Yacchi, repeating the
name he gave for the woman of the third pair. Cobo appears to follow a simi-
lar version and provides the additional information that the woman is the
daughter of a Collaguas lord. Cieza gives an account of the female member of
the Inca pair and her origins that is very like the story given by Las Casas about
the woman of the third generation. Perhaps by inserting a sister in the second
generation and moving the daughter of the lord of Saño to the third, he had
displaced the woman of the third pair to the fourth. Other authors cannot be
reconciled. The Las Casas story is odd. He names Mama Diancha of Saño as
the female member of the fourth Inca pair. Betanzos switches Maita Capac and
Capac Yupanqui in his ordering of the genealogy. Guaman Poma and several
of the Morúa versions again diverge from the other accounts but are similar to
each other.
Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa again tell a similar story about the fifth pair:
Capac Yupanqui and Curi Hilpay bear Inca Roca Inca (table 3.6). Sarmiento
says the woman is either the daughter of an Ayarmaca lord, a woman from
Cuzco, or both. Cabello Valboa says she is from Cuzco. This time, Morúa does
not give a parallel account in any part of his texts. Cobo names Curi Hilpay as
the female member, calling her “Cori Ilpay Cahua.” Pachacuti tells the same
story and provides a similar name. Cieza does not name her. The Discurso calls
her Chuqui Hilpay. Las Casas calls her Inti Chiquia; however, he agrees with
Sarmiento that she is the daughter of the lord of Ayarmaca. Gutiérrez may fol-
low him. Fernández calls her Mama Cagua. Mama Cagua is also the name
given by Morúa (m2b) as an alternate for Chimpu Ocllo and as part of the
name Chimpu Ocllo Mama Caua by Guaman Poma. Everywhere those two
authors give Chimpo Ocllo or a name composed of the parts Chimpo, Ocllo,
Mama, or Cahua.
The story told by Sarmiento and Cabello about the sixth pair is similar: Inca
Roca Inca and Mama Micay, daughter of the lord of Guayllacan, bear Yahuar
Huaca (table 3.7). Sarmiento names the place as Pataguayllacan, while Cabello
table 3.5. Fourth pair
Source Fourth Pair
cl Mayta Capac, who had no sisters, and Mama Cagua Pata, daughter of the lord of Oma,
have Capa Yupangue.
b Capac Yupangue fathers Mayta Capac.
cs Indi Maitha Capac and Mama Diancha of Sañe have Capac Yupangi.
fz Maita Capa Inga and Mama Yacchi have Capac Yupangue Inca and others.
s Mayta Capac and Mama Tacucaray of Tacucaray have Capac Yupangui and four others:
Tarco Guaman, Apo Conde Mayta, Queco Avcaylli, and Roca Yupangi; Usca
Mayta Panaca Ayllo.
rz Indi Maytha Capac and Mama Chiancha, daughter of the lord of Sañe, a league from
Cuzco, have Capac Yupangi.
gz Yndi Mayta Capac Inga and Mama Chianta have Capac Yupangue Inga.
cv Mayta Capac and Mama Coca Taucaraz of Taucaraz have Capa Yupangui and Tarco
Guaman.
p Mayta Capac and Mama Tancaray Yacchi have Capac Yupangui, Apo Tarco Guaman,
Inti Conti Mayta, and Orco Guaranga; Usca Mayta Ayllo and Hauayñin Ayllo.
d Mayta Capac and Mama Taocaray have Capac Yupangui Inga and Apo Tarco Guaman;
Ayllo Usca Maita.
m1 a) Maita Capac and Chimpo Urma (first cousin) have eight sons and three daughters,
including Capac Yupanqui (the eldest), Faico Huamán, and Chimpo Ocllo
(a daughter).
b) Maita Capac and Chimpu Urma (first cousin) have many children, among them
Capac Yupanqui and Cimpo Ocllo.
gp a) Mayta Capac and Chimbo Urma Mama Yachi have Chinbo Ucllo Mama Caua,
Apo Maytac Ynga, Uilcac Ynga, Uiza Topa Ynga, Capac Yupanqui Ynga, and
Curi Ucllo.
b) Mayta Capac Ynga and Chinbo Mama Yachi Urma Coya have Chimbo Ocllo Mama
Caua, Cuci Chinbo Mama Micay, Capac Yupanqui Ynga, Apo Maytac Ynga, and
Bilcac Ynga.
m2 a) Mayta Capac and Mama Tacucaray of Tacucaray have Capac Yupangui, Tarco
Guaman, Apo Conde Mayta, Queco Aucaylli, and Roca Yupangui.
b) Mayta Capac and Chimpu Urma (sister) have Capac Yupangui and Chimpo Ocllo.
co Mayta Capac and Mama Tancaray Yacchi, daughter of Collaguas lord, have Capac
Yupanqui and Tarco Huaman; Usca Mayta Ayllo.
g Maita Capac and Mama Cuca (sister) have Capac Yupanqui.
Sources: cl: chap. 33, pp. 100 –101; b: chap. 5, p. 22; cs: bk. 3, chap. 250, p. 575; fz: chap. 5, p. 80; s: chap. 17,
p. 47; rz: chap. 11, p. 11; gz: chap. 49, p. 210; cv: chap. 12, p. 286; p: 209; d: p. 13; m1: chap. 6, p. 60,
chap. 19, pp. 87– 89; gp: 99, 127; m2: chap. 9, p. 64, chap. 10, p. 66; co: chap. 7, p. 140; g: bk. 3, chap. 9,
p. 111.
uses Nicaz for the woman’s name, although this difference may have resulted
from a copying error. Cobo tells the same story but says that the woman her-
self is lord of Guayllacan. Others who use some form of Nicay or Micay as the
woman’s name are Cieza, Las Casas, Fernández, Román y Zamora, Gutiérrez,
the author Pachacuti, the Discurso, Guaman Poma (gpa), Morúa (m1b), and
table 3.6. Fifth pair
Source Fifth Pair
cl Capac Yupangue and the Coya have Ynga Roque Ynga.

b Mayta Capac fathers Ynga Roca Ynga.
cs Capac Yupangi and Indi Chigia, daughter of the lord of Ayarmacha, have Inga Roca
Inga.
fz Capac Yupangue Inga and Mama Cagua have Inga Roca Inga and others.
s Capac Yupangui and Curi Hilpay, daughter of an Ayarmaca lord from Cuzco, or both,
have Inga Roca Inga; five other children, born to other women; Apo Mayta Panaca
Ayllo.
rz Capac Yupangi and Indi Chigia, daugher of the lord of Yarmacha, have Inga Roca
Inga.
gz Capac Yupangue Inga and Mama Yndi Chiquia have Inga Roca Inga.
cv Capac Yupangui and Curi Illpay of Cuzco have Ynga Ruca Ynga and Apoc Mayta.
p Capac Yupangui and Mama Cori Illpay Cahua have Ynga Ruca.
d Capac Yupangui and Mama Chuqui Yllpay have Inga Roca, Apo Calla Humpiri, Apo
Saca Inga, and Chima Chabin; Ayllo Apo Maita.
m1 a) Capac Yupangui was killed by a sister who took Inga Roca, a “serrano” [sobrino?] of
Maita Capac, for her husband.
gp a) Capac Yupanqui Ynga marries Chinbo Ucllo Mama Caua; he later marries Cuci
Chinbo Mama Micay Coya Curi Ocllo; he fathers Auqui Topa Ynga, Ynga
Yupanqui, Cuci Chinbo Mama Micay Coya, Ynga Roca, Ynti Auqui Ynga, Capac
Yupanqui, and Ynga Yllapa.
b) Capac Yupanque and Chinbo Mama Caua had a child, and she ate it; Capac
Yupanqui marries younger sister Cuci Chinbo Mama Micay (see 6th pair).
b) Capac Yupangui and Chimpu Ollo [or Mama Caua] have Cusi Chimpu.
m2 a) Capac Yupanqui and Chimpo Ocllo (sister) have Inga Roca, Apo Naita, and Cusi
Chimpo (a daughter). He was killed by his sister, Cusi Chimpo.
b) Capac Yupanqui and Chimpu Ocllo (or Mama Cahua) have Cusi Chimpu.
co Capac Yupanqui and Cori Ilpay Cahua have Inca Roca Inca and Apo Mayta; Apu
Mayta Ayllo.
g Capac Yupanqui and Coya Maca Curi Ilpay (sister) have Inca Roca.
Sources: cl: chap. 34, p. 104; b: chap. 5, p. 22; cs: bk. 3, chap. 250, p. 575; fz: chap. 5, p. 80; s: chap. 18, p. 48;
rz: chap. 11, p. 12; gz: chap. 49, p. 210; cv: chap. 13, p. 289; p: 211; d: pp. 13–14; m1: chap. 7, p. 63, chap. 20,
pp. 90 –91; gp: 101, 129; m2: chap. 11, p. 67, chap. 12, pp. 67– 68; co: chap. 8, pp. 143–144; g: bk. 3, chap. 19,
p. 129.
Garcilaso. Only Las Casas and Román y Zamora (who had Las Casas) echo
Sarmiento, Cabello, and Cobo about her origins in Guayllacan. Guaman
Poma and Morúa usually call her Cusi Chimbo or combine the name with
Mama Micay. Morúa also gives “Cusi Quicgsu” (m1a).
Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa both give Mama Chiquia (or Chicya),
daughter of Tocay Capac, who was the lord of Ayarmaca, as the woman of the
seventh pair (table 3.8). Similar stories are told by Cieza, Las Casas, and
Román y Zamora. Cobo calls her Mama Choque Chiclla Yupay and does not
table 3.7. Sixth pair
Source Sixth Pair
cl Ynga Roca and Nicay Coca, his sister, had Ynga Yupangue but no daughters.
b Ynga Roca fathers Yaguar Guaca Ynga Yupangue.
cs Inga Roca Inga and Mama Micay, daughter of the lord of Guallaca[n], have Yaguar
Guacac Inga.
fz Inga Ruca Inga and Mama Micay have Yaguar Guac[a] Inga Yupangue, Apo Maita,
and Vilca Quiri.
s Inga Roca Inga and Mama Micay of Pataguayllacan, daughter of Soma Inca, have Tito
Cusi Gualpa [Yaguar Guaca] and four others, including Vica Quirao Inga; Vica
Quira[o] Panaca Ayllo.
rz Inga Roca Inga and Mama Micay, daughter of the lord of Guayllaca[n], have Yaguar
Guacaci Inga Yupangi.
gz Inga Roca Inga and Mama Micay have [Ya]guar Guac[ac] Inga Yupangui, Appo
Mayta, and Vilca Quiri.
cv Ynga Ruca Ynga and Mama Nicaz, daughter of the lord of Guayllacan, have Yaguar
Guaca and Veca Quiroa; Veca Queroa [Ayllo].
p Ynga Ruca and Mama Micay Chimpo have Yabar Uacac Ynga Yupangui.
d Inga Roca and Mama Micay have Yavar Uacac Inga (earlier Maita Yupangue), Mayta
Capac Inga, Yuman Tarsi, Vica Quirao Inga, and Cuzco Urco Guaranga; Ayllo
Vica Quirao.
m1 a) Inga Roca and Cusi Quicgsu have Yaguar Guacac Inga.
b) Inga Roca and Cusi Chimpo [or Mama Macai] have Yaguar Guacar, Apo Maita,
Vilcaquiri, and daughter Ipa Guaco [or Mama Chiqui].
gp a) Inga Roca and Cici Chinbo Mama Micay Coya have Yauar Uacac Ynga, Ypa Uaco
Mama Machi, Apo Camac Ynga.
b) Ynga Roca and Cuci Chinbo Mama Micay Coya have Ypa Uaco Mama Machi
Coya, Yauar Uacac Ynga, Apo Camac Ynga, Maytac Ynga.
m2 a) Ynga Roca and Cusi Chimpo have Yahuar Huacac, Paucar Hinga, Huamantassi
Inga, Vica Quirao Inga, Cacachicha Vica Quizao, Apo Maita, and Ypa Huaco
(daughter), also known as Mama Chiqui.
b) Ynga Roca and Coya Cusi Chimpo [or Mama Micay] have Yahuar Huacac and
others, as well as daughter Ypa Huaco, who was also known as Mama Chiquia.
co Inca Roca and Mama Michay [or Micay], who is cacica of Guayllacan, have Yahuar
Huacac, Vica Quirao, and Apo Mayta; Vica Quirao Ayllo.
g Inca Roca and Mama Micay have Yahuar Huacac; in a later chapter (20, p. 163),
brother Apo Maita is mentioned.
Sources: cl: chap. 35, pp. 105–107; b: chap. 5, p. 22; cs: bk. 3, chap. 250, p. 575; fz: chap. 5, p. 80; s: chap. 19,
pp. 49–50; rz: chap. 11, p. 12; gz: chap. 49, p. 210; cv: chap. 13, pp. 293–294; p: 214; d: p. 14; m1: chap. 8,
p. 65, chap. 21, pp. 92 –93; gp: 103, 131; m2: chap. 13, p. 69, chap. 14, p. 70; co: chap. 9, pp. 145–146; g: bk. 4,
chap. 28, p. 161.
table 3.8. Seventh pair
Source Seventh Pair
cl Ynga Yupangue and Mama Chiquia of Ayarmaca had no children. Elsewhere he notes
that Viracocha is a nephew of this Inca (chap. 38).
b Yaguar Guaca fathers Viracocha Ynga.
cs Yaguar Guacac Inga and Mama Chiguia, daughter of lord of Ayarmacha, have
Viracocha Inga.
fz Yaguar Guac[a] Inga Yupangue and Mama Chiquia have Viracocha Inga, Apo Cama,
Apu Maroti, Inga Maita, Paguac Guallica Maica, and Chima Chauic.
s Yaguar Guaca and Mama Chicya, daughter of Tocay Capac, have three sons: Paucar
Ayllo, Pahuac Gualpa Mayta, and Viracocha; Aucaylli Panaca.
rz Yaguar Guacaci Inga Yupangi and Mama Chiguia, daughter of the lord of Ayarmacha,
have Viracocha Inga.
gz Yaguar Guac[a] Ynga and Mama Chiguia have Viracocha Inca (and six others).
cv Yaguar Guaca and Mama Chiquia, daughter of the lord of Ayarcama [Ayarmaca], have
Viracocha Inga.
p Yabar Uacac Ynga Yupangui and Mama Chuqui Chicya Illpay, from Ayarmaca, great-
granddaughter of Tocay Capac, have Uiracochampa Incan Yupangui.
d Yavar Uacac Inga and Mama Chicquia have Viracocha Inga, Paucar Yalli, Pauac Vallpa
Mayta, Marca Yuto, Topa Ynga Paucar, and Inga Roca; Ayllo Aucayllo Panaca.
m1 a) Yaguar Guacac and Cuche Impuino had no children.
b) Yaguar Vacac and Ipa Vaco [or Mama Chiquia] have Mama Yunto Cayan.
gp a) Yauar Uacac Ynga and Ypa Uaco Mama Machi Coya have Ynga Maytac, Mama
Yunto Cayan Coya, Ynga Urcon Ranga, Uira Cocha Ynga.
b) Yauar Uacac Ynga and Ypa Huaco Mama Machi Coya had Mama Yunto Cayan
Coya, Uiracocha Ynga, Apo Maytac Ynga, and Bilcac Ynga.
m2 a) Yahuar Guacac and Ypa Guaco Coya [or Mama Chiquia] have Viracocha Ynga and
Mama Yunto Coya.
b) Yahuar Huacac and Coya Hipa [or Mama Chiquia] have Mama Yunto Coya.
co Yaguar Huacac Inca Yupanqui and Mama Choque Chiclla Yupay have Viracocha;
Aucayllo Panaca.
g Yahuar Huacac and Coya Mama Chicya have two sons: an unnamed son who has been
officially forgotten and Viracocha.
Sources: cl: chap. 35, p. 107; b: chap. 5, p. 22; cs: bk. 3, chap. 250, p. 575; fz: chap. 5, p. 81; s: chap. 23, p. 54,
chap. 24, p. 55; rz: chap. 11, p. 12; gz: chap. 19, p. 210; cv: chap. 13, p. 295; p: 216; d: p. 14; m1: chap. 9, p. 67,
chap. 22, pp. 94 –96; gp: 105, 132; m2: chap. 15, p. 71, chap. 16, p. 72; co: chap. 10, pp. 148, 151; g: bk. 4,
chap. 21, p. 163, bk. 5, chap. 20, p. 200.
note her origins. The author Pachacuti notes exactly the same name but sup-
plies her origin; again, she is Ayarmaca. Those who give some version of the
name Chiquia are Fernández, Gutiérrez, and Garcilaso. Guaman Poma and
Morúa name Ipa Huaco or some version of it most frequently (m2a, m2b, gpa,
gpb); Morúa names Mama Chiqua as an alternate three times (m2a, m2b, and
m1b). He also provides a wildly variant name: Cuche Impuino (m1a).
The story told by Sarmiento, Cabello Valboa, the author Pachacuti, and Las
Casas is that Viracocha and Mama Ronto Caya of Anta produce the next gen-
eration (table 3.9). Cabello gets the place-name wrong, but it is identifiable as
Anta. Cobo provides essentially the same information but calls her “Mama
Roncay,” perhaps a composition from the two names. The most common
spelling of her name is with an r, but a number of authors give the first part of
her name as “Yunto,” including Fernández, Gutiérrez, Morúa (m2a, m2b,
m1a), and Guaman Poma (gpa, gpb).
Whenever the woman of the ninth pair is named, she is called Mama Ana
Huarque or some variant of that name (table 3.10). Sarmiento says that she
was from Choco, but later on in his account, he says she was Pachacuti’s sister.
Las Casas, Cabello Valboa, and Cobo say merely that she is from Choco. Given
that so much information is provided about this Inca and that he was said to
have organized the preservation of information about the past, it is odd that
Cieza, Betanzos, the author Pachacuti, and Morúa (m1a) do not name her. The
versions of Guaman Poma and Morúa that usually vary from other accounts
this time concur with the name Anahuarqui.
There is even more uniformity in the naming of Mama Ocllo as the sister-
wife of Topa Inca in the tenth generation (table 3.11). Some authors do not say
she is a sister, but no one suggests she has origins outside of Cuzco. At this
point, Garcilaso introduces an extra Inca pair named Inca Yupanqui and Coya
Chimpu Ocllo. When other authors name the progenitors of the eleventh gen-
eration, Garcilaso gives the names of Topa Inca and Mama Ocllo. He is off by
a generation after that.
For the eleventh pair, divergent accounts again appear (table 3.12). Sar-
miento and Cabello Valboa again parallel each other: Huayna Capac and Cusi
Rimay Coya have no sons. Sarmiento does not say she is a sister, but he gives
no outside origins for her. Others who mention Cusi Rimay are the author
Pachacuti, Morúa (m2a), and Cobo. For both the author Pachacuti and Cobo,
Huayna Capac and Cusi Rimay father a son: Ninan Coyoche. The other au-
thor to mention the parentage of Ninan Coyoche is Sarmiento, who says he is
a son of Rahua Ocllo. Pillco Huaco was named as the principal wife of Huayna
Capac by Fernández and Gutiérrez, who says she is the daughter of a lord of
Urcos. Both note that she had no children.
Most authors note that Huascar was the son of Rahua Ocllo, including
Betanzos, Fernández, Sarmiento, and Cabello Valboa. Accounts of who she
was diverge wildly. Betanzos said she was from Hurin Cuzco and a distant
relative of Pachacuti. For Cabello Valboa, the Discurso, and Morúa (m2a), she
table 3.9. Eighth pair
Source Eighth Pair
cl Viracocha Inga marries Rondo Caya, a principal lady. Presumably, Inca Urcon and
Ynga Yupangue are her sons.
b Viracocha fathers Inga Urco and Ynga Yupangue (seven in all).
cs Viracocha Inga and Mama Runto Caya, daughter of the lord of Antha of the Valley of
Jachijaguana, have Pachacuti Inga Yupangi.
fz Viracocha Inga and Mama Yunto Cayan have Pachacoti Inga, Inga Urcon Inga, Inga
Maita, Cuna Yurachali Curopangue, and Capac Yupangue.
s Viracocha and Mama Rondo Caya of Anta have four sons: Inga Roca Inga, Topa
Yupangui, Inga Yupangui, and Capac Yupangui. With Curi Chulpa, an Ayavila of
the Cuzco Valley, he had two sons: Inga Urcon and Inga Çocço; Çocço Panaca
Ayllo.
rz Viracocha Inga and Miama Runto Caya, daughter of the lord of Ancha in the Valley of
Xachixaguana, have Pachacuti Capac Inga Yupangi.
gz Viracocha Inga and Mama Yunto Cayan have Inga Urcon, four others, and Pachacote
Capac Inga Yupangue (the youngest).
cv Viracocha Inga and Mama Rundu Caya of Canto [Anta] have Ynga Yupangui.
Viracocha fathers Inga Urco and Topa Guara Chiri (mother not named).
p Uiracochampa Yncan Yupangui and Mama Rontocay of Anta have Ynca Yupangui
(later Pachacuti Ynga Yupangui).
d Viracocha Inga and Mama Rondo Cayan have Inga Yupangue, Inga Urcun, and Inga
Maita; Ayllo Sucsu Panaca.
m1 a) Viracocha and Mama Yunto Cuyan had Pachacuti Inga [or Ynga Yupangui], Urcon
Inga, Inga Mayta, Cuna Yura Chali Coropangui, and Capac Yupangui.
b) No account.
gp a) Uira Cocha Ynga and Mama Yunto Cayan Coya have Pachacuti Ynga Yupanqui,
Mama Ana Uarque Coya, Urcon Ynga, Apo Maytac Ynga, Bilcac Ynga.
b) Uira Cocha Ynga and Mama Yunto Cayan Coya had Ynga Yupanqui, Urcon Ynga,
Apo Maytac Ynga, Bilcac Guaman Ynga, Mama Ana Uarque Coya, Curi Urma,
Quispi Quipi, and Cuci Ynquillay.
m2 a) Viracocha Ynga and Mama Yunto Coya had five children, including Pachacuti Ynga
Yupangui [or Ynga Yupanqui], Urcu Ynga, Ynga Mayta, Coropanqui, and Capac
Yupanki; or he was not married, and after his death a brother named Ynga
Yupanqui took his place.
b) Viracocha Ynga and Mama Yunto Coya had sons and Mama Anahuarque Coya
(daughter).
co Viracocha and Mama Roncay, daughter of the lord of Anta, have Pachacuti Inca
Yupanqui, Inca Roca, Topa Yupanqui, and Capac Yupanqui; Socsoc Panaca.
g Viracocha and Coya Mama Runto (sister) have Titu Manco Capac [later Pachacutec];
later (bk. 6, chap. 10, p. 233), a brother, Capac Yupanqui, is mentioned.
Sources: cl: chap. 38, p. 113, chap. 43, p. 128; b: chap. 6, pp. 25–26; cs: bk. 3, chap. 250, p. 575; fz: chap. 5,
p. 81; s: chap. 24, pp. 56 –57; rz: chap. 11, pp. 12 –13; gz: chap. 49, pp. 210 –211; cv: chap. 14, pp. 297–298; p:
216, 218, 221; d: p. 19; m1: chap. 10, p. 68, chap. 33, p. 96; gp: 107, 135; m2: chap. 17, p. 72, chap. 18, p. 73; co:
chap. 11, pp. 153–155, chap. 12, p. 156; g: bk. 5, chap. 28, p. 213.
table 3.10. Ninth pair
Source Ninth Pair
cl Ynga Urcon’s sister and wife, who had had no children by him, marries Ynga Yupangui
when the latter becomes ruler. Ynga Yupangui and this sister presumably have
Topa Inga.
b Pachacuti fathers Yamque Yupangue and Topa Ynga Yupangue; Capac Yupangue born
to another wife.
cs Pachacuti Inga Yupangi and Mama Hana Guarqui, daughter of the lord of Chuco,
have Apo Yanqui Yupangui, Tillca Yupanqui, Amaro Topa Inga, and Topa Inga
Yupangui; Capac Ayllo.
fz Pachacoti Inga and Mama Ana Barque have Topa Inga Yupangue, Amaro Topa Inga,
Capac Guairi, Sinche Roca Inga, and Guaillipa Tupa.
s Pachacuti and Mama Aña Guarqui, from Choco or Pachacuti’s sister, had four sons:
Amaro Topa and Topa Inga Yupangui are named; Hatun Ayllo [also Inaca Panaca
Ayllo].
rz Pachacuti Capac Inga Yupangi and Mama Hana Guarqui, daughter of the lord of
Chuco, have Topa Inga.
gz Pachacoti Capac Inga Yupangue and Mama Ana Guarque Micay have five sons: Topa
Inga Yupangue, Amaro Topa, Capac Guayiri, Sinchi Roca, and Guallipa.
cv Ynga Yupangui and Mama Anahuarqui of Choco have Topa Ynga Yupangui. Later,
Amaro Topa Ynga is described as a brother of Topa Ynga.
p Pachacuti Ynga Yupangui fathers Amaro Ttopa Ynga and Ttopa Ynga Yupangui;
Capac Ayllos.
d Inga Yupangue (or Pachacuti Inga) and Mama Aana Barque have Topa Inga
Yupangue, Topa Yupangue, and Amaro Topa Inca; Ayllo Innaca Panaca.
m1 a) Pachacuti dies in Quito; son Tupa Inga Yupangui succeeds him.
b) Inga Yupangui and Mama Anahuarqui [or Ipa Vaco] have Mama Ollo Coya.
gp a) Pachacuti Ynga Yupanqui and Mama Ana Uarque have Mama Ocllo, Topa Ynga
Yupanqui, Cuci Uanan Chire Ynga, Mango Ynga, Topa Amaro Ynga, Maytac
Ynga.
b) Pachacuti and Mama Ana Uarque Coya have Ynca Maytac, Topa Ynga Yupanque,
Tupa Amaro Ynga, Mama Ocllo Coya, Ynga Urcon, Apo Camasca Ynga.
m2 a) Ynga Yupanqui [or Pachakuti Ynga] and Mama Anahuarqui [or Hipa Huaco] have
Tupa Inga Yupangui, Amaro Tupa Ynga, Tupa Yupanqui, and Mama Ocllo.
b) Ynga Yupanqui and Coya Mama Anahuarqui [or Hipa Huaco] have sons and
daughter Mama Ocllo.
co Pachacutic Inca Yupanqui and Mama Anahuarqui of Choco have Tupa Inga Yupanqui,
Amaro Tupa Inca, and Tupa Inca; Yñaca panaca.
g Pachacutec and Coya Anahuarqui (sister) have Inca Yupanqui.
Sources: cl: chap. 46, p. 135; b: chap. 20, p. 99; cs: bk. 3, chap. 250, p. 575, chap. 259, p. 613; fz: chap. 5, p. 81;
s: chap. 34, p. 72, chap. 47, pp. 93–94; rz: chap. 11, p. 20; gz: chap. 49, pp. 211–212; cv: chap. 15, p. 303,
chap. 18, p. 334; p: 223–224, 228, 230; d: p. 20; m1: chap. 11, pp. 71–72, chap. 24, pp. 97–98; gp: 109, 137; m2:
chap. 21, p. 80, chap. 22, pp. 84 – 85, chap. 23, p. 86; co: chap. 12, p. 156, chap. 14, p. 167; g: bk. 6, chap. 34,
pp. 273–274.
table 3.11. Tenth pair
Source Tenth Pair
cl Topa Ynga and Mama Ocllo, sister, have Guayna Capac.

b Topa Ynga and Mama Ocllo, younger sister, have Guayna Capac.
cs Topa Inga and Mama Ocllo, full sister, have Pidi Topa Yupangui Guaina Topa Inga
and Guaina Capac.
fz Topa Inga Yupangue and Mama Ocllo have Guaina Capa Inga, Auci Topa Inga, and
Auqui Toma.
s Topa Inga Yupangui and Mama Ocllo, sister, have Tito Cusi Gualpa (or Guayna
Capac) and Auqui Topa Inga; Capac Ayllo.
rz Topa Inga is succeeded by Guayna Capac.
gz Topa Inga Yupangue and Mama Ocllo have Guayna Cappa, Topa Inga, Anci Topa
Inga, and Anqui Topa.
cv Topa Ynga Yupangui and Mama Ocllo, first cousin, have Guayna Capac. Later, Mama
Cusi Rimay and Mama Ragua Ocllo are described as sisters of Guayna Capac.
p Ttopa Ynga Yupangui and Coya Mama Ana Guarque have Guayna Capac Ynga.
d Topa Inga Yupangue and Mama Ocllo (sister; he was the first to marry his sister), have
Inti Cusi Vallpa (later Guaina Capac Inga) and Auqui Topa Inga; Capac Ayllo.
m1 a) Tupa Inga Yupangui and Mama Ocllo have Guana Capac.
b) No account.
gp a) Topa Ynga Yupanqui and Mama Ocllo have Apo Camac Ynga, Ynga Urcon, Auqui
Topa Ynga, Uiza Topa Ynga, Amaro Ynga, Otorongo Achachi Ynga, Tupa
Guallpa, Mama Uaco, Cuci Chinbo, Ana Uarque, Raua Ocllo, Guayna Capac, and
Juana Curi Ocllo.
b) Topa Ynga Yupanqui and Mama Ocllo Coya have Uiza Topa Ynga, Topa Ynga
Yupanqui, Raua Ocllo, Curi Ocllo, Ana Uarque, Amaro Ynga, Otorongo Achachi
Ynga, Tunpa Guallpa, Guallpa Ynga, and Guayna Capac Ynga.
m2 a) Tupa Ynga Yupanqui marries Mama Ocllo.
b) Tupa Ynga Yupanqui and Mama Ocllo [or Tocta Cuca] have Huayna Capac, Ausi
Topa, Yauqui Toma [Cusi Topa and Auqui Toma, see p. 112 for Auqui Toma], and
daughter Rahua Ocllo [or Pilli Coaco Coya].
co Tupa Inca and Mama Ocllo, full sister, have Guayna Capac and Coya Cusi Rimay;
Capac Ayllo.
g Inca Yupanqui and Coya Chimpu Ocllo (sister) have Tupac Inca Yupanqui.
Sources: cl: chap. 56, p. 160, chap. 57, p. 164; b: chap. 26, pp. 27–29; cs: bk. 3, chap. 261, p. 622; fz: chap. 5,
pp. 81– 82; s: chap. 56, p. 103, chap. 57, p. 103; rz: chap. 11, p. 20; gz: chap. L, p. 215; cv: chap. 16, p. 320,
chap. 21, p. 364; p: 230; d: p. 21; m1: chap. 24, p. 87, chap. 27, pp. 100 –101; gp: pp. 111, 139; m2: chap. 12,
p. 74, chap. 25, p. 99; co: chap. 14, pp. 167–168; g: bk. 7, chap. 26, p. 323.
was a sister. For Morúa (m2b, m1a) and Guaman Poma (gpa, gpb), she was
Huayna Capac’s principal wife. For the author Pachacuti she had a son, Topa
Cusi Huallpa (later Huascar), before Huayna Capac took his principal wife.
Only Cieza names someone else as the mother of Huascar (Chimbo Ocllo).
The mother of Atahuallpa also generated some controversy. For Cieza, she
is either Tuta Palla, a Quilaco woman from the Quito area, or a woman from
table 3.12. Eleventh pair
Source Eleventh Pair
cl Guayna Capac and Chimbo Ocllo had Huascar; Atahualipa is son of either Tuta Palla
of Quilaco or a woman of Hurin Cuzco.
b Huayna Capac and Palla Coca, second cousin and great-granddaughter of Pachacuti
through the male line, have Atahualpa; he has Huascar with Ragua Ocllo, a woman
of Hurin Cuzco and a distant relative of Pachacuti; Ragua Ocllo also has daughter
Chuqui Huipa.
cs Guayna Capac fathered two sons, Guascar and Atapalipa.
fz Guayna Capa Inga and Coya Pilico Vaco have no sons; with Raua Ocllo he has
Guascar; with Mama Runto Coya he has Mango Inga Yupangue; list of sixteen
more (no mothers named).
s Guayna Capac and Cusi Rimay Coya have no children; with Aragua Ocllo he has Topa
Cusi Gualpa [Guascar] and Tito Atauchi; Ninan Cuyoche and Atagualpa are
bastards, the latter born to Tocto Coca, cousin, of the lineage of Pachacuti;
Tumibamba Ayllo.
rz Guayna Capac is succeeded by Guascar and Atapalipa.
gz Guayna Capa Inga and Mama Coya Pilico Vaco, daughter of the lord of Urcos, have
no children; he has Guascr Inga, Mango Inga Zapalla, Paulo Inga, Guanca Auqui,
Titio Antaychi, and Ingil Topa with other women; sons born in Quito include
Atahualpa, born to the daughter of an important lord there.
cv Guayna Capac and sister Mama Cusi Rimay had no sons; Guayna Capac married sister
Mama Ragua Ocllo and had Topa Cusi Gualpa [Guascar]. Later, Mama Chuqui
Uzpai is said to be his full sister.
p Guayna Capac and his sister Mama Cuçi Rimay have Ninan Cuyochi; Guayna Capac
and Raua Ocllo had Inti Topa Cussi Guallpa before his marriage; Guayna Capac
and Tocto Ocllo Coca have Ttopa Ataguallpa.
d Guaina Capac Inga and Coaia Rava Ocllo (sister) have Topa Cusi Vallpa (or Guascar
Inga); mentions Atao Vallpa but does not give mother’s name (p. 22).
m1 a) Guaina Capac and Raua Allo have Tito Cussi Gualpa [or Guascar Inga]; Atagualipa
is the son of a woman from Chincha.
b) No account.
gp a) Guayna Capac Ynga and Raua Ocllo Coya have Uascar Ynga; illegitimate ones are
Atagualpa Ynga, Mango Ynga, Ninan Cuyochi, Yllescas Ynga, Paullo Topa, Titu
Atauchi, Uari Tito, Ynquil Topa, Uanca Auqui, Quizo Yupanqui.
b) Guayna Capac and Raua Ocllo Coya had Tupa Cusi Gualpa Uascar Ynga, Chuqui
Llanto, Atagualpa Ynga, Mango Ynga, Yllescas Inga, Ynga Paullo Topa, and
others.
m2 a) Huayna Capac marries Mama Cusi Rimay (full sister), then Rahua Ocllo [or Pilco
Huaco] (also a sister), and they have Tupa Cusi Hualpa [of Huascar Ynga].
b) Huayna Capac and Coya Rahua Ocllo have Huascar Ynga and Mama Huarcay [also
Chuqui Llanto or Chuqui Huipa].
co Huayna Capac and Mama Cusi Rimay have Ninan Cuyuchi; he has Huascar [or Tupa
(continued on page 78)

table 3.12 (continued)
Source Eleventh Pair
Cusi Gualpa] with Rahua Ocllo; Antau Hualpa [elsewhere Atau Hualpa] with
Tocto Ocllo.
g Tupac Inca Yupanqui and Mama Ocllo (sister) have Huaina Capac; other sons are
Auqui Amaru Tupac Inca, Quehuar Tupac, Huallpa Tupac Inca Yupanqui
(Garcilaso’s maternal grandfather); Titu Inca Rimachi and Auqui Maita.
Sources: cl: chap. 62, p. 181, chap. 63, p. 184; b: chap. 46, pp. 193–194; cs: chap. 261, p. 623; fz: chap. 5,
p. 82; s: chap. 60, pp. 105–106, chap. 63, p. 112, chap. 65, p. 120; rz: chap. 11, p. 20; gz: chap. 50, p. 215;
cv: chap. 21, p. 364, chap. 25, p. 399; p: 243, 246 –247; m1: chap. 29, p. 107, chap. 31, pp. 111–112, d: p. 23;
m1: chap. 8, p. 76, chap. 26, p. 99; gp: 114, 141; m2: chap. 38, p. 137; co: chap. 17, pp. 189–190, chap. 18,
p. 190; g: bk. 8, chap. 7, pp. 341–342, chap. 8, p. 345.
Hurin Cuzco. For Betanzos, she is Palla Coca, Huayna Capac’s second cousin
and great-granddaughter of Pachacuti through the male line.
When the divergent stories about Huascar’s and Atahuallpa’s mothers are
considered in light of the logic of capac status developed in chapter 2, the
divergence in the accounts can be interpreted. Betanzos, when he said that
Rahua Ocllo was from Hurin Cuzco and only a distant relative of Pachacuti,
presents her as a relatively low status woman. Cieza is presenting Atahuallpa’s
mother in the worst possible light when he says that she was from Quito or
from Hurin Cuzco. Because of the fratricidal civil war between these two
brothers, and because we understand the importance of the lineage of the
woman in each Inca generation, we can see here how discrepancies in infor-
mation on the parentage of this woman indicate a particular bias.
The genealogical account effectively ends with Huayna Capac for Cieza,
Las Casas, Román y Zamora, and Gutiérrez (table 3.13). The others merely tell
us who Huascar’s principal wife was. She may have produced sons, but if so,
they were killed by Atahuallpa’s generals, and no one provides names for them.
Almost all authors name Huascar’s principal wife as Chuqui Huipa, although
Guaman Poma (gpa, gpb) and Morúa (m1a, m1b) name Chuqui Llanto. Cobo
calls this woman Choque Yupa. Several authors say she is a sister. Fernández,
Morúa (m1a, m1b), and Garcilaso say the pair had a daughter, Cusi Huarcay.
Garcilaso adds a generation between the ninth and tenth pairs; all the other au-
thors name the same list of Incas in the same order, except for Betanzos, who
reverses Mayta Capac and Capac Yupanqui (fourth and fifth rulers). Since de-
scent was determined through the male line, the consistency reflects a general
consensus on the sequence. Disagreement is found in the identification of the
female member of the dynastic pair, providing us with a means of identifying
relationships between accounts.
table 3.13. Twelfth pair
Source Twelfth Pair
b Guascar marries Chuqui Huipa, his sister; Atagualpa receives Cusi Rimay Ocllo,
daughter of Yamque Yupangue, as piviguarmi.
fz Guascar and Mama Varcay have Coya Cuxi Varcay.
s Tito Cusi Gualpa Indi Illapa [Guascar] and Chucuy Huypa have no male descendants;
Guascar Ayllo.
cv Topa Cusi Guallpa [Guascar] marries Mama Chuqui Uzpai.
p Inti Cuçi Uallpa Guascar Ynga and Coya Mama Chuqui Huypa Chuquipay have one
or two sons.
d Topa Cusi Vallpa (or Guascar Inga) and Chuqui Huipa Coia (or Coca) (sister) have
two children who were killed in front of his eyes and their mother right after them;
some say Cusi Varcay was a daughter, but she was a daughter of Manco Inca.
m1 a) Guascar Ynga and Chuqui Llauto [or Mama Varita Cayo] have daughter Cussi
Varcay Coya.
b) Guascar and Chuqui Llauto [or Mama Guarqui] have Cusi Varcay Coya.
gp a) Topa Cuci Gualpa [or Guascar Ynga] marries Chuqui Llanto Coya.
b) Guascar Ynga marries Chuqui Llanto Coya.
m2 Huascar marries Chuqui Huipa.
co Huascar marries Coya Choque Yupa.
g Huaina Capac and Pillcu Huaco (sister) have no children; with Raua Ocllo (also
sister) he has Inti Cusi Huallpa (or Huascar); with Mama Runto (first cousin) he
has Manco Inca; Huascar has daughter Cusi Huarque.
Sources: b: chap. 47, pp. 197–198, chap. 48, p. 199; fz: chap. 5, p. 82; s: chap. 68, p. 125; cv: chap. 25, p. 399;
p: 254, 266; d: p. 23; m1: chap. 14, p. 78, chap. 27, pp. 100 –101; gp: 116, 143; m2: chap. 43, p. 152; co:
chap. 19, p. 202; g: bk. 8, chap. 8, pp. 344 –345, bk. 9, chap. 37, p. 432.
One general observation that results from our comparison is that Cabello
Valboa and Sarmiento are in general agreement about the genealogy of the dy-
nastic descent group. The lost historical narrative of Molina would have been
similar to Sarmiento in its genealogical content. Cobo, on the other hand, dif-
fers from Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa in a number of specific details. An un-
derlying Polo account would have included the same list of Incas but would
have differed from Sarmiento in the names given for some of the women in the
dynastic line.
Since it is the identification of the woman in each generation which is a
source of difference between accounts, let us look again at the accounts with
this in mind. To simplify comparison, table 3.14 has been compiled from the
materials of the various parts of tables 3.1–3.13. When authors use what appear
to be variants of the same name, the variants are noted. In some cases, where
a name has an additional part but the part itself may be the equivalent of one
of the names listed, I have set it apart. I have also listed names separately that
may simply be mistranscriptions. For example, in the case of the eighth pair,
table 3.14. Female member of the Inca pair named in short accounts
Generation Woman Named

1 Mama Ocllo Mama Huaco
Las Casas Fernández
Gutiérrez Discurso
Cobo
2 Mama Coca Mama Cura/Chura
Las Casas Fernández
Discurso Gutierrez
Cobo
3 Mama Cagua Pata Cachua/Caua Anahuarqui
Las Casas Discurso Fernández
Gutiérrez Cobo
4 Mama Chianta/Dianta Taocaray Yacchi
Gutiérrez Cobo
5 Indi Chigia Chuqui/Cori Ilpay Cagua
Gutiérrez Cobo
6 Mama Micay
Las Casas
Gutiérrez
Fernández
Discurso
Cobo
Cobo’s use of Roncay may reflect a transcription error rather than the use of a
different name for this woman. The names Chuqui and Cori Ilpay may also re-
fer to the same person. Chuqui is Aymara for “gold”; Cori is the Inca word for
the same metal.
Sometimes the accounts reflect general agreement on who the woman of
the dynastic pair was (the sixth, seventh, possibly eighth and ninth, and tenth
pairs) (table 3.14). The differences are evident primarily in the early genera-
tions (first, second, third, fourth, and fifth pairs). Where there are differences,
Cobo and the Discurso generally reflect one choice of names while Las Casas
and Gutiérrez reflect another. Fernández does not follow either consistently.
This general statement holds, except for the second and eighth pairs. Here,
Cura may have been a mistranscription of Cuca, but both Cora and Coca are
good names for Inca women, so they have been listed separately in the table.
Gutiérrez supplies Mama Coya, further confusing the analysis. In the case of
the eighth pair, Cobo is the odd one, and Las Casas and the Discurso use dif-
Generation Woman Named

7 Mama Chiguia
Las Casas
Fernández
Gutiérrez
Discurso
Cobo
8 Runto Caya Yunto Caya Roncay
Las Casas Fernández Cobo
Discurso Gutiérrez
9 Anahuarqui Anahuarqui Micay
Las Casas Gutiérrez
Fernández
Discurso
Cobo
10 Mama Ocllo
Las Casas
Fernández
Gutiérrez
Discurso
Cobo
11 Pillco Huaco Cusi Rimay
Gutiérrez Cobo
Fernández
12 Mama Huarcay Chuqui Huypa
Fernández Discurso
Cobo
ferent spellings. Errors in transcription or understanding may account for dif-

ferent spellings of what, essentially, was the same name.
What the results of this comparison suggest is that Cobo and the Discurso
relied on the same source to structure their narratives, while Las Casas and
Gutiérrez relied on another. Cobo may have taken the genealogical structure
of his account from a text by Polo de Ondegardo. The Discurso probably relied
on a source with the same underlying genealogical structure. Polo collected his
information from Inca sources in Cuzco. The Discurso makes the same claim
about the origins of the material it contains. On the other hand, neither Las
Casas nor Gutiérrez was ever in Peru. Their accounts may have drawn from a
manuscript source that was available to them in Spain, one that was structured
differently from the source used by Cobo and the Discurso.
When we take Spanish historical narratives that include a great deal more
material than genealogy into account, other differences appear. For example,
it is hard to reconcile Cieza de León with either of the two genealogical struc-
tures. Sarmiento, the author Pachacuti, Morúa (m2), and Cabello Valboa (who
used Molina’s lost historical narrative) reflect the same genealogical structure
as Cobo and the Discurso. Guaman Poma and Morúa (m1) reflect a variant ge-
nealogical structure, one that cannot be tied to the first decades of the Spanish
presence in Cuzco. This latter point is important. The genealogical accounts
that underlie Cobo and the Discurso, on the one hand, and Las Casas and
Gutiérrez, on the other, can be linked to the period before 1560, when it is
much more likely that people who had a firsthand acquaintance with Inca
genres could transmit a version of them. What is most important, a version of
dynastic genealogy similar to what was recorded in Cobo and the Discurso
was collected from Inca sources in Cuzco during a period of at least several
decades.
pan aca lists
Nine authors incorporate the names of panacas, or descent group segments.

Since we have already established a pattern of relationships among sources
structured by genealogy, we might expect to find that these sources show the
same pattern of relationships in their presentation of information about the
panacas. They do. Because of this linkage, we can infer that these accounts rely
on a source that incorporated this information.
As might be expected, Cobo and the Discurso are similar in their presenta-
tion of information about the panacas and quite different from Las Casas and
Gutiérrez. First of all, Las Casas and Gutiérrez list the panacas, inserting the
list into the narrative when the subject is Pachacuti and organizing the panacas
according to their affiliation with either Hanan or Hurin Cuzco.10 In the case
of Cobo and the Discurso, the information about the panacas is distributed
throughout the historical narrative, each panaca linked with the name of the
Inca associated with it. There are other differences in the panaca lists, however,
which do not have to do with how they are integrated into the narrative. These
differences may be important to what we can learn about an underlying Inca
source, so we will examine the panaca information included in each account,
beginning with Cobo and the Discurso. In the tables which follow, variations
in the spelling of names have been preserved.
Both Cobo and the Discurso associate panaca names with the name of an
Inca (tables 3.15, 3.16). Since the information was presented in genealogical
order, we can derive an order for a list of panacas. Cobo also assigns panacas
table 3.15. Panacas from Cobo
Not included in Hanan/Hurin
Manco Capac Chima Panaca Ayllo

Hurin Cuzco
Cinchi Roca Raurahua Panaca
Lluqui Yupangui Ahucani Ayllu
Mayta Capac Usca Mayta
Capac Yupanqui Apu Mayta
Hanan Cuzco
Inca Roca Vica Quirao
Yahuar Huacac Aucayllo Panaca
Viracocha Inca Socsoc Panaca
Pachacútic Yñaca Panaca
Tupa Inca Capac Ayllo
Guayna Capac Tumibamba
Sources: [1653]; bk. 12, chap. 4; 1892:132; bk. 12, chap. 5; 1892:135; bk. 12, chap. 6; 1892:138; bk. 12, chap. 8;
1892:144; bk. 12, chap. 9; 1892:147; bk. 12, chap. 10; 1892:55; bk. 12, chap. 12; 1892:156; bk. 12, chap. 14;
1892:168; bk. 12, chap. 17; 1892:189–190.
table 3.16. Panacas from the Discurso
Mango Capac Chima Panaca

Chinche Roca Raorao Panaca
Lluque Yupanqui Ayllo Guguayuin
Mayta Capac Ayllo Usca Mayta
Capac Yupangui Ayllo Apo Maita
Inga Roca Ayllo Vica Quirao
Yavar Yuacac Aucayllo Panaca
Viracocha Inca Ayllo Sucsu Panaca
Inga Yupangue Ayllo Innaca Panaca
Topa Inga Yupangue Capac Ayllo
Inti Cusi Vallpa no mention of descent group
(Guayna Capac Inga)
Source: [1602 –1608]; 1920:12 –23.
to the Hanan /Hurin Cuzco division. He interrupts his narrative after his
treatment of Capac Yupanqui, the fifth Inca, to describe the division of Cuzco
into Hanan or Hurin and to affiliate particular Incas with each division. This
point is appropriate because he associates the first four generations descended
from Manco Capac with Hurin Cuzco and those following with Hanan
Cuzco. He also notes that Manco Capac “as head and trunk of both divi-
sions” was neither. Elsewhere in his manuscript, where he describes the shrines
tended by the panacas, he associates the panaca of Manco Capac with a ceque in
table 3.17. Panacas from Fernández
Mango Capa Inga Chima Panaca Aillo

Siche Roca Inga Piauragua Aillo
Llocuco Pangua Inga Uzca Mayta Aillo
Mayta Capa Inga Apo Mayta Aillo
Capac Yupangue Inga Aguanin Aillo
Inga Rupa Inga Vica Cupa Aillo
Yaguar Guac[ac] Inga Aoca Aillo
Viracocha Inga Cococ Panaca Aillo
Pachacoti Inga Yupangue Hatren Aillo
Topa Inga Yupangue Capac Aillo
Guaina Capa Inga Tome Bamba Ayllo
Source:[1571], bk. 3, chap. 7; 1963, vol. 165:84
Condesuyo, part of Hurin Cuzco (Cobo [1653], bk. 13, chaps. 12 –16; 1893 :
5– 47). Some of the buildings where Manco Capac and his sisters lived when
they came to Cuzco were also shrines in Condesuyo. Whether or not the
panaca was assigned to care for these shrines or localized in Condesuyo, Cobo
and others note the special status of this panaca (Sarmiento [1572], chap. 14;
1906 : 42). Perhaps Cobo is telling us something important about the divi-
sion between Hanan and Hurin Cuzco: what united them was descent from
Manco Capac and little else. The Discurso, on the other hand, does not men-
tion the Hanan / Hurin Cuzco division, let alone associate panacas with it. It
also indicates the names of a younger brother or brothers of each ruler who
would form that ruler’s panaca. Cobo names an eleventh panaca, but the
Discurso does not.
Before examining Las Casas and Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, we will look at
how the same information is presented in the accounts of Diego Fernández
(table 3.17), Sarmiento de Gamboa (table 3.18), and Morúa (m1) (table 3.19).
Remember that Fernández sometimes follows the Las Casas/Gutiérrez version
and sometimes the Cobo/Discurso one in his genealogical account. In the case
of panaca information, Fernández, like Cobo and the Discurso, follows a ge-
nealogical order in listing the panacas, but he does not distribute the panacas
to the point in his narrative when he talks about a particular ruler. Instead he
inserts a chapter on the panacas after finishing his narrative of the Inca past
(Fernández [1571], pt. 2, bk. 3, chap. 7; 1963, vol. 165 :84).
What is also noteworthy in Fernández is that, as in the Discurso, there is no
attempt to affiliate the panacas with either Hanan or Hurin Cuzco. Moreover,
like Cobo, Fernández includes the panaca of Huayna Capac. Unlike anyone
table 3.18. Panacas from Sarmiento
Hurin Cuzco
Mango Capac Chima Panaca Ayllo
Cinchi Roca Raura Panaca
Lloqui Yupangui Avayni Panaca Ayllo
Mayta Capac Usca Mayta Panaca Ayllo
Capac Yupangui Apo Mayta Panaca Ayllo
Hanan Cuzco
Inga Roca Vicaquira Panaca Ayllo
Tito Cusi Gualpa or
Yaguar Guaca Aucaylli Panaca
Viracocha Çocço Panaca Ayllo
Inga Yupangui or
Pachacuti Inga Yupangui Inaca Panaca Ayllo
Topa Inga Yupangui Capac Ayllo
Guayna Capac Tumibamba Ayllo
Sources: [1572], chap. 14; 1906:42 – 43; chap. 15; 1906:44; chap. 16; 1906:45; chap. 17; 1906:47– 48; chap. 18;
1906:48– 49; chap. 19; 1906:50; chap. 23; 1906:55; chap. 25; 1906:59; chap. 47; 1906:93; chap. 54; 1906:02;
chap. 62; 1906:111–112.
table 3.19. Panacas from Morúa (m1)
Urin Cuzco
Mango Capac Inga Chima Panaca Ayllo
Sinchi Roca Inga Piauragua Ayllo
Lloque Yupangui Inga Esca Mayta Ayllo
Maita Capac Inga Apo Maita Ayllo
Capac Yupangui Inga Aguami Ayllo
Anan Cuzco
Inga Roca Inga Vaca Capac Ayllo
Yavar Vacac Inga Yupangui Aoca Ayllo
Viracocha Inga Cococ Pacana Ayllo
Inga Yupangui [or Pachacuti] Hatren Ayllo
Topa Ynga Yupangui Capac Ayllo
Guanacac Inga Tomebamba
Source: [1605], bk. 1, chap. 15; 1946:79– 80.
else, Fernández lists three “lineages”after the lineage of Huayna Capac (those
of Huascar, Manco Inca, and Saire Topa) but does not provide panaca names
for them. He also lists Ahuayni Ayllo (the third panaca on the Cobo and Dis-
curso lists) in fifth place, changing the association of Inca to panaca in the case
of three Incas: Lloque Yupanqui, Mayta Capac, and Capac Yupanqui.
Sarmiento presents essentially the same list as Cobo, except that the Hanan /
Hurin Cuzco affiliation of each panaca is clear because he notes in each case
whether they are “Hanancuzcos” or “Hurincuzcos.” Unlike Cobo, he does not
set Manco Capac’s panaca outside the Hanan /Hurin Cuzco division; its mem-
bers are “Hurincuzcos” (Sarmiento [1572], chap. 14; 1906 : 43).
Morúa’s list is like Fernández’s, except that he sorts the list into Hanan and
Hurin Cuzco categories. Like Fernández, he presents a list rather than distrib-
uting the information to the appropriate points in his narrative. Like Fernán-
dez, he lists Ahuayni Ayllo as the panaca of the fifth Inca rather than the third,
changing the association between panaca and Inca for the third, fourth, and
fifth Incas. Morúa may have been following Fernández; there are other indi-
cations of dependency between the two manuscripts.11 He includes this list in
his later manuscript (m2), the one which reflects a dependency on the lost his-
torical narrative of Cristóbal de Molina. Neither the earlier Morúa (m1) nor
Cabello Valboa includes panaca information, except in one instance where Ca-
bello Valboa mentions Vica Quirao Panaca as the descent group of Inca Roca
([1586], pt. 3, chap. 13; 1951:294).
Las Casas and Gutiérrez provided information about the panacas in a sepa-
rate list (tables 3.20, 3.21). Although they assign panacas to Hanan and Hurin
Cuzco like other authors, they change the ordering of both the Hanan /Hurin
division and the panacas: they list Hanan Cuzco first, then Hurin Cuzco; then
they list the panacas of Hanan Cuzco in the reverse of genealogical order, giv-
ing Capac Ayllo, the panaca of Topa Inca, first and Vica Quirao Panaca, the
panaca of Inca Roca, last. Gutiérrez may have copied Las Casas, but “Cuma
panaca” appears instead of Vica Quirao Panaca in the same slot in Gutiérrez’s
list. What is most unusual about the order of their lists is that they reverse the
association between Inca and panaca in Hurin Cuzco; that is, Chima Panaca is
the panaca of the fifth Inca, not the first one (compare with Sarmiento, table
3.18). Las Casas and Gutiérrez appear to have used a common source. That
source included a genealogical account of the Inca dynasty and a panaca list. It
was different from the source that underlies Cobo and the Discurso. If it was
a written source, it was probably formatted as a list, as in Las Casas and Gu-
tiérrez. Another possibility is a graphic representation, using symbols for the
panacas. Such a representation could be “read” as a list. Either way, Hanan
Cuzco occupied a superior position. The ordering of the panacas in either case
was not strictly genealogical.12
There is another case that should be considered here because of its impor-
tance to arguments about dynastic succession. Joseph de Acosta cited material
table 3.20. Panacas from Las Casas
Hanan Cuzco
Capac Aillo, Pachacuti’s eldest son who had been chosen to succeed him
Iñaca Panaca and Zuczo Panaca, his father’s and [his own] descendants in the transverse line
Aycailli Panaca, his grandfather’s descendants in the transverse line
Vicaquirau Panaca, his great-grandfather’s descendants in the transverse line
Rurincuzco
Uzcamaita, second son of the first Inca
Apomaitha, second son of the second Inca
Haguaini, second son of the third Inca
Raurau Panaca, second son of the fourth Inca
Chima Panaca, second son of the fifth Inca
Source: [1562 – 64], bk. 3, chap. 251; 1967:581.
table 3.21. Panacas from Gutiérrez de Santa Clara
Annan Cuzco
Ayllo Cappa, Pachacuti’s eldest son who had been chosen to succeed him
Yñaca Panaca and Cucco Panaca, his descendants in the transverse line
Ylli Panaca, his grandfather’s descendants in the transverse line
Cuma Panaca, his great-grandfather’s [descendants in the transverse line]
Hurin Cuzco
Uzca Mayta, second son of the first Inca
Appo Mayta, second son of the second Inca
[second sons of the third, fourth, and fifth Incas]
Source: [after 1575], chap. 49; 1963:214.
from a text written by Polo de Ondegardo. As noted above, he used material

from Polo in the Confesionario, a document prepared for the Third Church
Council in Lima (Polo de Ondegardo 1585) and again in his own historical nar-
rative (1590) (tables 3.22, 3.23). Acosta’s list of rulers is similar and yet funda-
mentally different from the lists found in other Spanish narratives. He adds
not one but two later rulers to the Hanan Cuzco list: Huayna Capac and
Huascar. When he removes Manco Capac from the Hanan /Hurin division
and lists Sinchi Roca as the first ruler in Hurin Cuzco, he parallels Cobo. How-
ever, when he lists Tarco Huaman as the ruler who follows Mayta Capac in the
Confesionario (Polo de Ondegardo 1585 : 8), he departs radically from Cobo. In
his own historical narrative, he further extends the list to include an unnamed
son of Tarco Huaman and don Juan Tambo Maytapanaca, who was alive in
Polo’s day.13 Could Acosta have used a panaca list for his genealogy, editing
table 3.22. Inca rulers from the Confesionario
Hanan Cuzco
Ynga Roca
Yahuarhuaqui
Viracocha Ynca
Pachaccuti Ynca
Topa Ynca Yupanqui
Huayna Capac
Huascar Ynca
Vrin Cuzco
Cinchiroca
Capac Yupanqui
Lluqui Yupanqui
Mayto Capac
Tarco Huaman
Source: Polo de Ondegardo 1585:8.
table 3.23. Inca rulers from Acosta
Ingaroca
Yaguarguaque
Viracocha Inga
Pachacuti Inga Yupangui
Topa Inga Yupangui
Guaynacapa
Tito Cussi Gualpa [Guascar Inga]
Urincuzco
Cinchiroca
Capac Yupangui
Lluqui Yupangui
Maytacapa
Tarco Guaman
un hijo suyo
D. Juan Tambo Maytapanaca
Source: [1590], bk. 6, chaps. 20 –23; 1940:306 –311.
the names of the panacas to produce a list of rulers? For one thing, Acosta puts
the panacas of Hanan Cuzco first, like the Las Casas/Gutiérrez source. In his
account of Hanan Cuzco he appears to distribute the panaca information
throughout a historical narrative, although the narrative is exceedingly thin on
material. His Hurin Cuzco account is no more than a listing of panaca infor-
mation, with genealogical links. In later chapters, when we look at sources that
appear to have had access to a genealogical genre (Cobo among them), the
paucity of material in Acosta, especially for Hurin Cuzco, will become clear.
Acosta may have based his historical account on a source that was little more
than a panaca list.
a genealogical genre
From the outset we have been asking if the Incas preserved a formal rec-
ord of dynastic genealogy. There need have been no formal means of pre-
serving or transmitting genealogical information. The number of generations
since the time of origins was only twelve. The remains of Inca rulers or images
that substituted for them were assembled periodically in Cuzco. The public
appearance of these cult objects and their placement in a genealogical sequence
several times a year would have been sufficient to preserve a memory of the
dynastic line. The genealogy of the line of Manco Capac and his sister could
have been represented through processions or other public performance long
into the colonial period. A purpose was served, however, by keeping an offi-
cial record. It was possible to lie with genealogy. Angelina Yupanqui’s efforts
to rewrite the dynastic past to highlight her own forebears is an example of
how claims to status — even untruthful ones — were argued from genealogy
(see chapter 2).
We know that a record of the Inca past was privately kept. Painted on
wooden tablets were the lives of the Incas and the lands they conquered, as
well as the origin myth. If the paños sent to Spain by Viceroy Toledo with
Sarmiento’s manuscript are a further indication of their subject matter, the
tablets also included images of the Coyas and information about the panacas.
Having a private record served to protect the dynastic line against a manipu-
lation of the dynastic past. It is not possible to conclusively link the genre
we have reconstructed from the historical narratives with a physical record
or, specifically, with the painted tablets, but the possibility that the wooden
tablets were the medium for preserving the genealogical genre is a strong one.
Molina, cited above, noted that what was painted on the tablets included “the
life of each one of the Incas and the lands he conquered.” If we can link the
genre reflected in the historical narratives to the painted tablets, it may also
have included a graphic representation of the panacas. The genealogical genre
was about dynastic origins, but it was also about how each Inca generation
gave rise to a panaca. An account like the Discurso provides all of the essential
information — genealogy, the names of the panacas, and a brief mention of the
deeds of particular Incas — in a narrative format that is little more than a list.
The genealogical genre may have been no more than that.
Some accounts are brief, but others include considerable narrative material
about the lifetimes of particular Incas. They drew from other Inca genres.
Now that we have identified one genre, we can begin to distinguish others that
were incorporated in the Spanish historical narratives.
4 Life History
Although the genealogical genre may have included information

about the conquests of particular rulers, some of the longer narratives (for ex-
ample, Betanzos, Sarmiento, Morúa [m2], Cabello Valboa) incorporate volu-
minous accounts of particular lifetimes, especially in the case of later rulers.
Are there other Inca genres underlying these “long accounts”? In this chapter
we will explore what these might be. A life history genre can be defined with
a fair degree of certainty, and others can be identified. Some of the argument
for these other genres is advanced in chapter 5, so the focus here will be on the
life history.
In the preceding section, a painted genre was described that was a medium
for representing the genealogy of the dynastic descent group. The authors who
were selected for comparison all reproduced what appears to have been the es-
sential feature of a genealogical account: the names of the pair through whom
the dynastic succession passed in each of eleven generations. One — the narra-
tive of Juan de Betanzos — did not reproduce this genre. After a story about
Inca origins, told in four chapters, Betanzos summarizes in a single chapter
the names of the rulers prior to the time of the Chanca invasion, which oc-
curred — according to Betanzos — in the time of Viracocha Inca. In this brief
treatment, Betanzos entirely omits the names of the women through whom
succession passed. He also reverses two rulers in his sequence of Inca rulers,
the sort of error no one else makes. When the subject becomes Pachacuti,
Betanzos’s narrative fills twenty-seven chapters. The events of the two subse-
quent rulers were presented in some detail but occupy only fifteen chapters.
What Betanzos appears to have used as the cornerstone of his work was a life
history of Pachacuti.
Pachacuti’s life, as represented by Betanzos, might have been composed by
Betanzos himself, but it is more likely that he took the structure of his narrative
from an oral genre (Hamilton in Betanzos [1551–1557]; 1996 : xi; Niles 1999 :
10 –11). Support for this possibility can be found through a careful comparison
between the structure of Betanzos’s narrative and that of the other “long ac-
counts.” All of the accounts are structured by a sequence of events. When the
92 | l i f e h i s t o r y
narratives are compared, similarities between the event structures of certain

narratives are manifest. Of course, an author could borrow the structure of
events from another text, and in the case of Cabello Valboa and Morúa (m2),
we know that one of the authors based his text on the lost historical narrative
of Cristóbal de Molina and can hypothesize that both were based on it. More
to the point, however, accounts that do not appear to have a common textual
source exhibit similarities in the nature and sequencing of events.
In the discussion that follows, a group of “long accounts” will be compared
for the information they contain about events in the life of Pachacuti. Two au-
thors — Betanzos and Sarmiento — are crucial to the argument for a life his-
tory genre. Cobo has been included so that the event-structure of his text can
be compared with that of other accounts; whether his text follows theirs or not
is important to the question of whether he based his account on a historical
narrative written by Polo de Ondegardo (see chapter 3, p. xx; note 3 to chap-
ter 3; and table 4.3). No conclusions can be reached, but the question will be
explored here.
In the process of teasing out a life history genre, we will also begin to ex-
plore what else the authors of the Spanish historical narratives chose to incor-
porate in their histories. Sarmiento incorporates a story about an incident in
the life of Pachacuti that is repeated by other authors but not by Betanzos. The
Ulti story may represent another Inca genre — a story about a discrete inci-
dent in the Inca past. The story is about an attempt on the life of Pachacuti. A
potter, urged by someone else who wanted to kill the young Inca, threw a lime
container at Pachacuti’s head, cracking his skull. Various authors describe this
incident, though who was involved changes, and the story may be sequenced
differently in their accounts. That the story was sequenced differently by dif-
ferent authors is an indication that authors were compiling material from
different Inca sources.
Compiling material from different Inca sources is characteristic of Sar-
miento, and he appears to have incorporated material from a quipo that re-
corded the conquests of Topa Inca. Some of these conquests occurred during
the lifetime of Pachacuti, so this material overlaps with Pachacuti’s life history.
In this chapter we will also begin to excavate a life history of Topa Inca. Once
we widen our analytical frame to include the life of Topa Inca, we can begin to
ask not just what the structure of the life history genre was but how it was kept
and, even, how it was performed. Our focus is on the content of genres, so our
discussion of these aspects of transmission is limited to a brief mention at the
end of this chapter (but see Niles 1999 : 28– 44).
l i f e h i s t o r y | 93
A comparison of event structures is an important tool for uncovering un-

derlying oral sources. Even when an author deliberately writes a work of fic-
tion, as in the case of the historical novel, the background is usually composed
of historical events that are familiar to the reader and give the story a recog-
nizable structure. In the case of narratives written by Spaniards, the problem
of translation from a foreign language and into a story that reads more like
European history may result in radically different interpretations of the un-
derlying story line. If military events are the stuff of European political his-
tory, then the recorder may choose to privilege these events, suppressing other
information that seems irrelevant. The process of selection is based on an un-
derstanding of what a historical narrative should be. Still, to represent the past
some kind of structure is needed. We have seen that genealogy can provide
an overarching sequence. Events are another means of introducing sequence.
Lifetime events like marriage, the production of children, the arrival of those
children at maturity — all of these events and the arrangement of other events
in a particular order around such markers — introduce a sense of historical
process into a narrative. It is possible that Spanish authors may have devel-
oped a sense of historical process to a greater degree in their narratives than
that found in underlying Inca genres. However, these authors selected from
Inca sources; they found the events, the individuals, the places, and even the
relative sequence there. Whether there was a sense of process in Inca source
material is an open question, and one we will return to in chapter 6 and in the
conclusions.
The similarities and the differences between the narratives of Sarmiento
and Betanzos suggest that each author drew from the same underlying source
on the life of Pachacuti. Their accounts exhibit a fundamentally similar event
structure, though the two accounts have very different emphases. Our interest
is first in how they are similar.
t he life of pach acut i
To compare accounts, a list of events, organized by categories, has been pre-

pared from close readings of Betanzos and Sarmiento (table 4.1). Each event
has been given a number that indicates both a general subject matter and a
specific event. The tables that follow are coded so that they can be read for the
representation of events from a particular category as well as for the inclusion
of specific events. Two additional tables compare the narratives according to
table 4.1. Events in the life history of Pachacuti
Event Related Detail

i. Chanca invasion ia. Vision
ib. First attack
ic. Dealings with Viracocha Inca
id. Second attack
ie. Dealings with Viracocha Inca
ii. Pachakuti’s accession iia. Definitive accession
iib. Marriage
iii. Reorganization of Cuzco iiia. Land distribution /regional projects
iiib. Pacaritambo
iiic. Historical tradition
iiid. Coricancha
iiie. Inca forebears
iiif. Cult objects
iiig. Endowment of huacas
iiih. Moroy Urco
iiii. Dedication of Coricancha
iiij. Initiation
iiik. Builds palaces
iiil. Initiates fortress construction
iiim. Calendar
iiin. Rebuilds and repopulates Cuzco
iv. Death of Inca Urcon
v. Death of Viracocha
vi. Military campaigns via. Ayarmacas
vib. Cuyos and/or Vitcos and
Vilcabamba
vic. Ollantaytambo
different criteria. One (table 4.2) lists the events in the order of table 4.1, mak-
ing possible a quick comparison of whether or not an event is represented in a
particular account. The second (table 4.3) includes the same events but se-
quences them following the order in which they are presented in the narrative.
In cases where the same event or action is repeated, the code for that event ap-
pears more than once. The Ulti story and others are listed by name.
From an examination of the tables, it is evident that the accounts most sim-
ilar in structure are the narratives of Cabello Valboa and Morúa (m2). The sim-
ilarity can be explained by textual borrowing from the lost historical narrative
of Cristóbal de Molina. What is evident from a comparison of the event struc-
tures of these two narratives is that each author virtually duplicates the events
covered by the other. Although both authors added (or deleted) a small
amount of material, they relied very heavily on the same source for their Inca
history. At the same time, a number of differences in sequence are apparent. If
Event Related Detail
vid. Cugma and Guata
vie. Guancara
vif. Toguaro
vig. Chancas and/or Soras and Lucanas
vih. Acos
vii. First Condesuyo
vij. First Collasuyo
vik. First Chinchasuyo
vil. Second Collasuyo
vim. Second Chinchasuyo
vin. Third Chinchasuyo
vio. Third Collasuyo
vip. First Andesuyo
viq. Second Condesuyo
vir. Second Andesuyo
vii. First Colla revolt
viii. Territorial organization viiia. Administrators
viiib. Huaca cults
viiic. Resettlement
viiid. Ordinances
ix. Descent group ixa. Legitimate sons produced
ixb. Successor named
x. Thupa Inca xa. Coronation
xb. Marriage
xi. Topa Inca’s descent group xia. Legitimate sons produced
xib. Successor named
xii. Pachacuti’s death
xiii. Andes revolt
xiv. Second Colla revolt
table 4.2. Events in numerical order
Sarmiento Betanzos Cabello Valboa Morúa (m2) Cobo

ia ia ia
ib ib ib ib
ic ic id id
id
ie
iia iia iia iia iia
iib iib iib iib iib
iiia iiia
iiib
iiic iiic
iiid iiid iiid iiid
iiie iiie
iiif iiif iiif iiif
(continued on page 96)
table 4.2 (continued)

iiig iiig iiig iiig
iiih
iiii
iiij
iiil [iiil]
iv iv iv iv
v v v v
via via via
vib vib vib vib
vic vic
vid
vie
vif
vig vig vig vig vig
vih
vii vii
vij vij vij vij vij
vik vik vik vik vik
vil vil
vim vim vim vim
vin vin
vio vio
vip vip vip vip vip
vii vii
viiia viiia viiia
viiib viiib
viiic viiic viiic
viiid viiid viiid
ixa ixa
ixb ixb ixb
xa xa xa xa [xa]
xb xb xb xb [xb]
xia xia xia
xib
xii xii xii xii [xii]
xiii xiii
xiv xiv xiv xiv
Ulti Ulti Ulti
Visita Amaybamba
table 4.3. Events sequenced as in accounts

ia ia via via iia–b
ib ib vib vib ia
ic ic ib iia-1 vib
id iiid id iib iv
ie iiig Ulti Ulti vig, k
iia iiii iia vic vii
iiia-1 iiif iv ib vij
iiib iiia v id [xii]
iiic iiij iib iia-2 xa–b
iiid iia vig iv vip
iiie iib iiid-1 v vii
iiif v vij vig-1
iiig iiie iiid-2 viiia
iiih iiig iiig vig-2
iiia-2 iiic viiid iiid-1
iv vig vik vij
v vij-1 vim iiid-2
via ixa-1 xia iiig
iib vij-2 iiif viiid
Ulti viiid iiid viiib
vib ixa-2 xa vik
vic vio vip [ixb]
vid vik xiv vim–n-1
vie viiic xii Amaybamba
vif vil iiil vim–n-2
vig ixb-1 xb iiif
vih vim viiic iiid
viiia xb viiia xa
iiid ixb-2 xii
vii xia [iiil]
vij x xb
viiib xa–b vip
vik xib-2 xiv
viiic vip
vii-1 xii
ixa xiv
vii-2 xiii
vil
ixb
xa
xb
vim
Visita
vin-1
xia
vin-2
xii
xiii
xiv
Molina was indeed the common source of these accounts, then one author
may have been more faithful to the original order than the other.
The similarities between the Sarmiento and Betanzos accounts are not as
immediately apparent, but they are there. Sarmiento includes more material
than Betanzos, but frequently, and especially when events other than military
campaigns are described, Sarmiento includes what is found in Betanzos but
missing in the other accounts. The similarities in the sequencing of events are
also striking. Of course, our list was based on these two accounts, so the order
of the categories better reflects their structures than the structures of the other
narratives. However, this observation itself supports a conclusion that Betan-
zos and Sarmiento are more similar to each other and less similar to Cabello
Valboa and Morúa (m2).
Perhaps the most striking difference between the two accounts is that Sar-
miento splits the accession to power and marriage of Pachacuti, putting a long
list of military campaigns in between, while Betanzos links the two and locates
them on the eve of the death of Pachacuti’s father. Sarmiento may have been
trying to bolster the claim Viceroy Toledo was trying to make that Pachacuti
tyrannically took power instead of following customary practice, which linked
marriage and accession. Betanzos’s account may reflect the Inca ideal of the
joint accession of a brother-sister pair.
Finally, Cobo’s history is a much more parsimonious account of the life of
Pachacuti and one substantially different in structure from either Betanzos or
Sarmiento, on the one hand, and Morúa (m2) or Cabello Valboa, on the other.
If Cobo took his Inca history from Polo de Ondegardo (a question only), then
what Polo wrote was not the basis for either Sarmiento’s or Molina’s later
works.
Sarmiento and Betanzos

Polo’s manuscript might have been available to Sarmiento. A more impor-
tant question, however, is whether Sarmiento consulted Betanzos’s manu-
script, utilizing it for material on the life of Pachacuti. Sarmiento specifically
said he relied on memoriales he collected from dynastic sources, however. In
the case of Betanzos, we can hypothesize that Betanzos drew from an oral
genre preserved by Pachacuti’s panaca because of the overwhelming amount of
information about this ruler in his narrative. If both authors collected material
from Inca sources, then the similarities are not because of textual borrowing
at all; they derive from borrowing from a similar oral source. Beyond the pres-
ence or absence of a particular event, other features of their texts may tell us
about an underlying oral source and their different interpretation of it. A com-
parison of their texts follows in which their accounts have been paraphrased.
Both stories begin with a vision — or a dream — that Pachacuti had on the
eve of the Chanca invasion. Somewhere near Cuzco (Sarmiento identifies the
place as Susurpuquio), Pachacuti encounters a supernatural being. Betanzos
identifies him as Virachocha Pacha Yachachic, a Creator. Sarmiento is unclear
about the identity of this being: he is “like the Sun.” Later in the same segment
of the story he mentions Ticci Viracocha Pachayachi as a Creator and as the be-
ing to whom Cuzco was dedicated. The Sarmiento story has more detail on
the Chanca battle than the Betanzos one does.
Sarmiento Betanzos
ia. The story begins on the eve of the in- ia. Before Uscovilca’s attack on Cuzco,
vasion of Cuzco by the Chancas, a local Pachacuti sought solitude just outside
power whose seat was west of Cuzco. the city and entreated his father, Vira-
Two Inca captains who did not like the cocha Pacha Yachachic, for help. Pacha-
successor chosen by Viracocha, the cuti had been left in Cuzco by his father
eighth ruler, determined to have another and brother, whom he had entreated for
son, Cusi Inca Yupanqui, succeed. The help with no success. Pachacuti delivered
captains enticed Viracocha to go to his his oration and fell asleep. In a dream,
estate at Caquia Xaquixaguana and deal Viracocha, the Creator, appeared to him
with the Chancas from there. By leaving, in the shape of a man. Viracocha prom-
Viracocha would appear to have aban- ised to send him help and to give him
doned Cuzco. If, on the other hand, victory. Pachacuti returned each night
their candidate for the succession were and delivered the same oration, and on
able to defend Cuzco from a Chanca at- the night before the Chanca attack, while
tack, the ground would be laid for his Pachacuti was delivering his oration,
accession (chap. 26, pp. 60 – 61). Before Viracocha appeared before him and
the attack, Cusi Inca Yupanqui, later made the same promise (chap. 8, p. 32).
known as Pachacuti, fasted and prayed to
Viracocha, the Creator, and the Sun to
protect Cuzco. He was at Susurpuquio
when a supernatural being, “like the
Sun,” appeared before him and showed
him a mirror that revealed the provinces
he was to conquer. Pachacuti kept the
mirror with him always (chap. 27, p. 62).
His victories were credited to help from
the Sun (chap. 27, p. 64), although
Sarmiento quotes an oration of Pacha-
cuti in which he refers to himself as son

of the Sun and to Cuzco as dedicated to
the Creator, here called Ticci Viracocha
Pachayachi. The identity of the being
who appeared to Pachacuti is unclear.
ib. Pachacuti was directly informed of ib. The Incas won the first encounter.
the Chanca attack and immediately de-
parted to do battle. He was successful
and the next day defeated Uscovilca. Us-
covilca had been an important Chanca
captain and had created a division of the
Chancas called Hananchanca. A man
named Ancovilca created Hurinchanca.
Both had long since died but still led
their divisions to war. The Incas won the
first encounter. What Pachacuti got was
a statue (chap. 26, p. 60, and chap. 27,
p. 63).
The story then turns to the relationship between Pachacuti and his father,
Viracocha. In the Sarmiento narrative, a captain is sent. In Betanzos, Pacha-
cuti goes himself, accompanied by three captains.
Sarmiento Betanzos
ic. Pachacuti sent one of his captains, ic. Pachacuti, in the company of his three
Quilliscachi Urco Guaranga, with the captains, Vicaquirao, Apoymayta, and
things that had been captured from the Quilescache Urco Guaranga, departed to
Chancas during battle to his father, who take the defeated Uscovilca’s insignia,
was in Chita, a plain near Cuzco. The weapons, and clothing to Viracocha. The
captain entreated Viracocha to step on spoils also included several of Uscovilca’s
the spoils of battle, thus claiming the vic- captains. Viracocha, when asked to claim
tory. Viracocha wanted his other son, the victory by stepping on the spoils, de-
Inca Urcon, to perform this act. The cap- ferred to his son, Inca Urcon. Pachacuti
tain would not allow it, saying that it refused. Viracocha resorted to treachery,
was not right for cowards to triumph maintaining amiable relations with
from the deeds of Pachacuti. He took the Pachacuti but plotting all the while to
spoils and returned to Cuzco (chap. 27, capture and kill him. Pachacuti’s captains
pp. 63– 64). detected the plot, and Pachacuti, after
defeating a quantity of his father’s troops

who were waiting in ambush, returned
to Cuzco with the captives and other
prizes to claim the victory himself.
Meanwhile, Viracocha decided to remain
in his estate at Caquia Xaquixaguana for
the rest of his days. Pachacuti took many
of the people who were in his father’s
company back to Cuzco, where they re-
turned to their homes, which had not
been touched in their absence (chap. 9,
pp. 35– 41). Pachacuti sacrificed the best
of the spoils and gave the rest away to
the people who had served him.
The next topic is a second Chanca attack. The Incas are victorious. In the
Betanzos account, what happens after the battle is more important than the
battle itself. Again, as soon as the battle is over, the story turns to Pachacuti’s
relation with his father. This time there is a different outcome. In the Sar-
miento story Viracocha did what Pachacuti asked but secretly favored his other
son. In the Betanzos version there is no hint of any hesitance on Viracocha’s
part to recognize Pachacuti as his successor. In both stories, when the spoils of
the battle are offered to Viracocha, he refuses to step on them and names a son,
Inca Urcon, to perform this act. Pachacuti (Betanzos) or the captain sent by
Pachacuti (Sarmiento) refuses this substitution.
Sarmiento Betanzos
id. Then a second Chanca attack oc- id. Meanwhile, four other Chanca cap-
curred. Pachacuti captured two Chanca tains had reformed an army with people
captains in battle, cut off their heads, and from the Caquia Xaquixaguana area.
put the heads at the tips of lances. At the Pachacuti and his three captains formed
sight, the Chanca troops fled. The Incas squadrons. As he went into battle, he
followed and killed a great number of turned and saw that a great number of
them. The spoils from this battle were people had taken up arms and joined his
even greater than the spoils from the troops. The battle took place, and Pacha-
first. cuti’s troops were victorious. The people
from Caquia Xaquixaguana who had
fought the Incas were forgiven. Their
hair, braided for battle, was cut short,
Inca style, and all returned to their
homes without penalty. Pachacuti was

merciless with the Chanca captives, say-
ing that since their captain, Uscovilca,
had been captured, they should have
seen that the war was over. He hung
them from stakes, cut off their heads and
put those on stakes, and burned the re-
maining bodies. The bones were left as
testimony. He was generous in reward-
ing the people who had spontaneously
joined his ranks, and their captains of-
fered to serve him and pleaded with him
to wear the fringe which signified king-
ship. Pachacuti politely declined, saying
that his father was still alive, but asked
them to go to his father and do whatever
Viracocha commanded. The captains
went to Viracocha.
ie. Pachacuti decided to seek his father in ie. After drinking and sharing coca to-
person. Viracocha again wanted Inca Ur- gether, Viracocha delivered an oration in
con to claim the victory but decided not which he recognized Pachacuti as his
to anger Pachacuti and did as he asked successor and offered to place the fringe
(chap. 28, pp. 65– 66). on his head. In return, he asked them for
help to build his palaces in Caquia
Xaquixaguana (chap. 20, pp. 43– 47).
Only Sarmiento places Pachacuti’s accession immediately after the Chanca

war. He does not link accession with marriage; that occurs later. Betanzos
locates Pachacuti’s accession and marriage after the death of Viracocha (see
below).
Sarmiento Betanzos
iia. The scene then returns to Cuzco.
To celebrate Pachacuti’s victory, a large
sacrifice was made in Inticancha, the
“House of the Sun.” The victorious cap-
tains went to the statue of the Sun, made
of gold and about the size of a man, to
ask who should be Inca. The oracle, pos-
sibly the statue itself, named Pachacuti.
All assembled called him “capa Inca intip
churin,” glossed in the text as “only lord,

son of the Sun” (chap. 29, p. 66). On an-
other day, Pachacuti returned to Intican-
cha, where the statue held out the fringe
which the Inca ruler wore at the center
of the forehead. After sacrifices, the
priest of the Sun, called “intip apu,” took
the fringe and placed it on Pachacuti’s
head, and all named him “intip churin
Inca Pachacuti,” glossed in the text as
“son of the Sun, lord, cataclysm”
(chap. 29, p. 66).
The story of the organization of Cuzco is interrupted at this point by Be-

tanzos, who inserts the accession of Pachacuti and the death of Viracocha into
the story. For Sarmiento, these events are followed by military campaigns out-
side of the Cuzco Valley. Betanzos returns to the story of the organization of
Cuzco.
Sarmiento Betanzos
iiia. Then Pachacuti began the reor- iiid. Pachacuti began to refashion Cuzco
ganization of Cuzco by retracing its plan and the area around it long before he
and by constructing agricultural terraces was legitimized. He began by building a
near it. temple and dedicating it to the Creator,
Viracocha Pacha Yachachic. This Vira-
cocha created the Sun and everything in
the sky and on the earth. Betanzos notes
that this attribution was not constant,
that sometimes Viracocha was held to be
the Creator and at other times the Sun.
Elsewhere, other deities had this prop-
erty. Pachacuti wanted to commemorate
the figure who had appeared to him be-
fore the battle with Uscovilca. The figure
had shone, and so perhaps it had been
the Sun. Further, it had told him that he
would go down in history as a son of the
Sun. For these reasons, Pachacuti built a
house of the Sun. When it was built, he
staffed it with 500 young women who
were to serve the Sun. Yanaconas, who
were young married men, were assigned

to serve the temple as well.
iiib. Then, he visited Pacaritambo, the
site of the Inca origin myth. There, he
adorned Capac Toco, the central window
of three windows that were held to be
mythical origin places by three Cuzco
groups, and the one the Incas claimed as
their own. He then organized a cult at
the site, and from that time onward,
people consulted an oracle and made
sacrifices there (chap. 30, p. 68).
iiic. His next step was to inquire into iiii. Large sacrifices were made, includ-
the history of the Cuzco area by inviting ing the sacrifice of young boys and girls
the oldest and wisest people, principally called capac ucha. They were buried
those who knew about the earliest Incas, alive in the temple. With the blood of
his antecedents. A painted record was sacrificed animals, he and his three cap-
made (chap. 30, p. 69). tains, all barefoot, anointed the walls
of the temple. They also anointed the
young women. Then they ordered all of
the people of the city, men and women,
to come to the temple to make sacrifices.
For the common people, the sacrifice
consisted of maize and coca. They came
and burned their offerings in a fire, all
barefoot and looking downward. As they
left, they were also anointed with the
blood of sacrificed animals. All were
enjoined to fast from that day until the
time the image of the Sun, to be fash-
ioned of gold, was finished. Anyone
who broke the fast would be sacrificed
and burned in the same fire. The fire
was kept burning day and night.
iiid. Then he turned to rebuilding iiif. A small child was fashioned to re-
Coricancha, the house of the Sun. It was semble the figure that had come to
still a rustic structure, and no one had Pachacuti. After a month, when it was
made any significant additions to it since finished, it was dressed in a fine shirt
the time of Manco Capac. Sarmiento decorated with gold, a headdress like the
notes here that the embellishment was fringe the Inca king wore, and given a
intended to awe and terrify ignorant scepter and golden sandals. Pachacuti
people who would, so entranced, follow came to visit the statue, barefoot. He
him off to the conquests he was already paid it the proper respect and then took
planning. Again, the program involved it by hand to the place in the temple
more than remodeling. where it was to be. He put a golden bra-
zier in front of it and began the ritual
feeding of the Sun that would be done
by the steward of the Sun thencefor-
ward. Only the most principal people
were allowed to see this statue. They had
to approach barefoot and with lowered
heads. During the feeding, no one was
to enter. A stone was erected in the main
square of Cuzco for the common people
to worship. Pachacuti announced that
the stone was to be erected on the same
day that he ordered the golden image to
be made, and the stone was placed in the
plaza on the same day the image was
placed in the temple. A golden litter had
been made. The image was to be paraded
through Cuzco on the litter, announcing
that the Sun blessed Cuzco and his chil-
dren and that everywhere they went they
were to be adored as sons of the Sun.
They made a sacrifice to him known as
arpa. Then, before the stone was erected,
they dug a large hole, and the people
placed offerings of gold in it. The hole
was closed, and a trough was placed over
it. Then, in the earth inside the trough
and near its walls, they buried little
golden figures representing all of the lin-
eages of Cuzco and the most principal
person in each lineage. These figures
were an offering to the Sun from the lin-
eages of Cuzco since the time of Manco
Capac. Then the stone that symbolized
the Sun was erected on top. Many
sacrifices of animals were made to this
stone, never less than 500 (chap. 11,
pp. 49–53).
iiie. Pachacuti had the bodies of his iiia. Then Pachacuti undertook the reor-
seven forebears disinterred. They were ganization of the lands around Cuzco,
dressed and adorned appropriately. Then including the lands belonging to the
a celebration, called purucaya, was held, neighboring lords who had offered to
during which the life of each Inca was serve him. It was necessary to rationalize
represented. Sacrifices were made to each the provisioning of Cuzco because, when
mummy, and so they were transformed they were at war, it would be impossible
into gods for those who were not from to take care of their lands the way they
Cuzco to worship (chap. 31, p. 68). had. A census was carried out, lands
were assigned on a permanent basis, and
boundary markers were erected. Storage
facilities were constructed. The lords
from neighboring areas who had volun-
tarily assented to serve Cuzco went
back home in the company of Inca no-
bles to tell their subjects what was to be
provided to Cuzco and where storage
houses were to be built. The neighbor-
ing lords were given many gifts, includ-
ing wives from Pachacuti’s lineage whose
children were to become the lords’ heirs
(chap. 12, pp. 55–58). After a year, the
lords returned. They greeted Pachacuti
with an oration that identified him as a
son of the Sun and then gave him all the
produce that they had brought to be put
into the storage houses. A celebration
followed. These same lords were then
enjoined to help Pachacuti channel the
water that flowed through the Cuzco
Valley. The lords divided up the work,
and each carried out the part that fell to
him. At this time, Pachacuti also told
them that he wanted to create stores of
clothing, and that to effect this plan, a
large celebration was to take place. They
met in the main plaza of Cuzco, the Inca
with his women and the lords with
theirs. A large banquet was held, and af-
terward a great quantity of beer was
drunk. Then Pachacuti had four golden
drums brought out, and the singing be-
gan. The women, who were seated be-
hind the men, began the singing. The

song related the defeat of Uscovilca.
More beer was drunk during the festivi-
ties, which lasted six days, and toward
the end Pachacuti told them there would
be storage houses in Cuzco for both
cotton and woollen clothing. Mantles
would be made with cords in the corner
for tying. Those who had worked on the
canal project would make them. The
mantles would be used for carrying earth
and stone for this type of project, and
no one would have to use their own.
He also ordered that, back in their own
lands, women were to be assembled and
given fine wool in many colors in order
to make, along with the men, clothing to
his measurements. The clothes were to
be brought to Cuzco. These projects
took four years, and afterward a celebra-
tion of thirty days took place. He also
inquired into the number of young un-
married men and women in their lands.
With this knowledge, his three friends
went to visit them and married the
young women of one province to the
young men of another. His purpose was
to encourage them to multiply and create
perpetual friendship and kin ties among
them. The lords, still at the celebration,
were given many gifts and then went
home to carry out Pachacuti’s instruc-
tions. Remaining in Cuzco, Pachacuti
himself married the young unmarried
men and women of Cuzco and a few
small nearby villages, giving to each man
and woman two costumes and a mantle
to use at work and in construction proj-
ects. He gave them food and dishes and
everything they needed for a household.
From this time on, every four months
the people of Cuzco received what they

needed from the storehouses (chap. 13,
pp. 59– 63).
iiif. He made two golden statues at that iiij. Pachacuti’s next concern was the or-
time, one called Viracocha Pacha Yachi, ganization of the initiation ceremony
who represented the Creator, and the whereby the young men of Cuzco be-
other called Chuqui Ylla, who repre- came nobles. He consulted his three
sented the Thunder. The first was placed friends, and among them the rite was de-
at the right hand of the Sun image and signed. The young men had to have a
the second at the left hand. The image of noble father. If his father was not living,
the Sun was held by Pachacuti to be his the relatives of his father had to make a
huaoque, a word that meant brother or special request that the young man be
lineage member older than oneself. It initiated. There follows a long descrip-
was more sacred than the other two tion of the rite (chap. 14, pp. 65–70). He
images. also organized the remainder of the rit-
ual calendar (chap. 15, pp. 71–74) and re-
built Cuzco and resettled the lineages so
that the descendants of his three friends
lived in Hurincuzco, the neighborhood
below the house of the Sun, and his de-
scendants lived in Hanancuzco, the up-
per neighborhood (chap. 16, pp. 75–79).
Pachacuti gave it the name “body of the
feline,” because the residents of Cuzco
were to be its body while he was to be its
head (chap. 17, p. 81).
iiig. Pachacuti then endowed each of
these supernatural beings with land, live-
stock, and people to serve them, espe-
cially the women who lived in the house
of the Sun. Sarmiento notes that Pacha-
cuti had access to these women, and they
bore many of his children. These activi-
ties were accompanied by a round of
sacrifices, including the sacrifice of chil-
dren, or capac ucha, at other sacred places
near Cuzco (chap. 31, p. 69).
iiih. He also had the Moroy Urco made.
This was a cord, some 150 brazas long,
made of many colors of wool and deco-
rated with golden sequins and two tas-
sels at the end. It was used in the four

principal celebrations held in Cuzco, and
he names three of them: raymi or capac
raymi, situa, and inti raymi or aymoray.
The Moroy Urco would be taken out
of Coricancha by the most important
people, all beautifully dressed and in a
particular order, and carried to the prin-
cipal plaza of Cuzco, where the cord
reached all the way around it.
iiia cont. Following Pachacuti’s succes-
sion and the reorganization of Cuzco
itself, he returns briefly to the task of
reorganizing the agricultural land near
Cuzco. He resettled all of the people
living nearby so that the land around
Cuzco could be devoted to the support
of the people living there.
Betanzos makes clear the reasons why the accession story is so late: Pacha-
cuti does not want to replace his father until after his father’s death. He does
accede before Viracocha’s death, but only because Viracocha comes out of re-
tirement and personally places the fringe on Pachacuti’s head. Viracocha still
has to atone for some act, whether for the abandonment of Cuzco or treach-
ery toward Pachacuti, and Pachacuti makes him drink from a dirty vessel. The
story of the relation between father and son, in this detail as well as others, is
more prominent in Betanzos than in Sarmiento.
Sarmiento Betanzos
iia. At this point, the question of Pacha-
cuti’s legitimacy arises among the lords
of Cuzco. They are determined to give
him the fringe of rulership. Of course,
Pachacuti laughed and said they had got-
ten ahead of themselves. His father was
still alive, and besides that, the fringe was
to be given to his brother, Inca Urcon.
When his brother wore the fringe, he
would personally take the fringe off of
his brother’s head, and his brother’s head
off as well. He promised them he would

not wear the fringe during his father’s
lifetime unless his father came to Cuzco
and put it on his head.
So the lords went to Viracocha and en-
treated him to give the fringe to Pacha-
cuti as well as to visit the new Cuzco.
Viracocha came and was impressed.
When he met his son, he declared him to
be truly a son of the Sun and took the
fringe and put it on his head. Viracocha
gave him his new name: Pachacuti Inca
Yupanqui, king and son of the Sun.
Pachacuti then brought out a dirty pot
and, without washing it, made his father
drink beer from it. Then Viracocha
begged his pardon. After this insult,
Viracocha was taken to his sumptuous
new palaces where he and Pachacuti had
a meal. Then the rites which conferred
the succession began.
iib. The ceremony involved Pachacuti’s
marriage, but Betanzos does not provide
the name of the woman or any detail
about her place of origin or family.
iv. At this time, he went to meet his iv. Betanzos does not mention the fate
older brother, Inca Urcon, who was of Inca Urcon.
waiting to do battle with him. Urcon
was the brother favored by Viracocha,
who was still supporting his choice. Inca
Urcon was killed, and Pachacuti went to
visit his father, who did not want to
speak with him. Pachacuti returned to
Cuzco to celebrate the victory over his
brother in the same manner as other vic-
tories came to be celebrated: there were
songs and dances, the battles were re-
enacted, and the captives were placed
on the ground and, in a symbol of their
submission, were stepped upon by the
victors.
v. Soon after, Viracocha died v. Viracocha returned to his palaces in

(chap. 32, p. 71). Caquia Xaquixaguana, where ten years
later he died. After his death, Pachacuti
brought his body, well adorned and rid-
ing on a litter, back to Cuzco, where
great sacrifices were made to him as a
“son of the Sun.”
In Betanzos, Pachacuti continues to be occupied with the reorganization

of Cuzco after the death of Viracocha. The subject then turns to military
campaigns.
Sarmiento Betanzos
iiie. Then Pachacuti made up bundles to
represent all of the Incas from Manco
Capac to his father and organized a cult
to them. At the temple, visitors first hon-
ored the Sun, then the bundles, and
finally were allowed into the presence
of the Inca.
iiig. Each of the bundles was given lands
and livestock and servants. Each had a
steward, and great care was taken to see
that they were continuously fed.
iiic. Songs about each were composed,
and the servants performed them in
order during celebrations (chap. 17,
pp. 81– 86).
Betanzos does not even mention local campaigns. For him, Pachacuti effec-
tively begins with the campaign against the Soras (see below). Sarmiento re-
lates the organization of Cuzco into two sayas (Hanan Cuzco and Hurin
Cuzco) to the beginning of military campaigning. Betanzos places the saya di-
vision in the context of the reorganization of Cuzco (see Betanzos iiij, above).
This is the last topic he discusses in that context, and since he does not even
mention local campaigns, the difference may be owed to a difference in con-
text, rather than a structural difference.
Sarmiento Betanzos
via. The first military foray was really
the campaign against Inca Urcon. After-
ward Pachacuti campaigned successfully
against a number of local powers both
east of Cuzco, in the Urubamba Valley,
and in the west in tandem with his older
brother, Inca Roca. To launch these
campaigns, he organized the people of
Cuzco into two groups, later known as
Hanan Cuzco and Hurin Cuzco, to
create a whole that no one could de-
feat. Pachacuti consulted them, and all
agreed that their neighbors should be
conquered. The first campaign against a
non-Inca enemy was against the heredi-
tary ruler of the Ayarmacas, whose title
was Tocay Capac.
iib. Then Pachacuti married Mama
Anahuarqui, a woman from Choco, near
Cuzco.
Sarmiento tells about a sequence of campaigns, naming the Soras campaign

among the others. For Betanzos, the Soras campaign was the main event, and
the story about it included a great deal of detail about what happened after the
Incas won. At this point Sarmiento digresses to tell the Ulti story. Several
other authors (Cabello Valboa, Morúa [m2], and the author Pachacuti) tell a
version of this story. It is absolutely missing in Betanzos, an indication that it
was material from another genre that Sarmiento compiled in his narrative. We
will return to it below.
Sarmiento Betanzos
The Ulti story.
vib –f. Local campaigns. The later ones,
undertaken with his brother Inca Roca,
gained control of a section of the
Urubamba Valley, northeast of Cuzco, as
well as the area just west of Cuzco.
vig. One of the campaigns undertaken vig. Pachacuti makes preparations to go
with Inca Roca was waged against the to war. He heads first to the Apurimac
Soras. Valley, where he must build a bridge to
cross the river. Once across, he went to

Curahuasi, where a number of local pow-
ers submitted to him peacefully. He met
armed resistance in Soras and Lucanas.
He then divided his army in three parts
under the command of Cuzco nobles
and sent some to the conquest of what
is now known as Condesuyo. Another
group was sent to Andesuyo. Pachacuti
would return with the third group to
Cuzco (chap. 18, pp. 87–91). But first, he
had some long red shirts made for the
captives to wear. Their hair was bathed
in chicha and coated with maize flour.
The people of Cuzco that were with him
dressed in their battle clothes and, with
the prisoners among them, began to
celebrate. This initial victory celebration,
held in Soras, lasted a month. The three
armies were to arrive in Cuzco at the
same time and met at Xaquixaguana
some distance from the town. While
there, the Condesuyo army, which had
arrived first, made a fire in front of
Pachacuti and sacrificed animals, fine
clothing, and other things captured in
their campaign. Then Pachacuti was
asked to step on the arms and other in-
signias they had captured, which he did.
Their captives were then dressed in the
same type of garb as the Soras captives.
The round of activities was repeated by
the Andesuyo army, who had brought
him a number of wild animals and some
very large snakes, called amaru. Then,
with the captives in front of his litter,
Pachacuti arrived in Cuzco, where the
spoils were distributed. First he took
what he wanted, then his captains were
given their share, and then the common
soldiers were given the remainder.
Pachacuti then turned to matters of
administering the newly won territories.

Inca nobles were sent to reside in the
provinces who were to act on his behalf.
Their duties were to organize the use of
agricultural lands, to marry the young
men and women each year, to send the
tribute for the provisioning of Cuzco
every four months, and to have another
class of tribute sent each year (chap. 19,
pp. 93–97).
vih–i. A campaign was undertaken at
Acos; at this time, some of the peoples of
Condesuyo submitted out of fear that
the Incas would destroy them (chaps.
34 –35, pp. 71–74).
Sarmiento begins his story about how Pachacuti organized the territory he
conquered. He also continues the story of how Pachacuti reorganized Cuzco.
In Betanzos, a long lapse occurs. Betanzos quantifies the amount of time that
passes. Sarmiento does not indicate a break, but both authors can be corre-
lated by their mention of a campaign in the Lake Titicaca region that followed.
Betanzos inserts information about the succession at the point where he men-
tions this campaign.
Sarmiento Betanzos
viiia. Pachacuti installed his own author-
ities, removing control from those he
had defeated (chaps. 34 –35, pp. 71–74).
iiid. On his return to Cuzco, he ob-
served the ceremony that the women of
Coricancha observed in making offerings
to the Sun. They used vessels made of
ceramic. Pachacuti thought that these
vessels were too poor for this purpose
and substituted vessels of silver and gold.
He also installed other ornaments of
gold in the temple (chap. 36, pp. 74 –75).
vij. Pachacuti’s next military foray was vij. Pachacuti’s next campaign was in
against Chuchi or Colla Capac, the title Collasuyo twenty years later.
of a hereditary who lived in the northern
Lake Titicaca basin. He captured this

king in battle and returned with him to
Cuzco, where the victory ritual was per-
formed. He brought many things back
from this campaign which thenceforward
were used in the service of the house of
the Sun.
ixa. Two legitimate sons, Yamque Yu-
panque and Topa Inca Yupanque, and
another son, Capac Yupanqui, born to
another of his women, were old enough
to participate. In an aside, Betanzos
notes that, at the birth of each of these
sons, great celebrations and sacrifices
were made. At about the same time,
Pachacuti took twenty wives from
Hanansaya and twenty from Hurinsaya,
all daughters of important lords
(chap. 20, pp. 99–102).
vij cont. The campaign in Collasuyo was
specifically directed at Ruqui Capana,
the lord of Hatuncolla, who had declared
himself to be “capac çapa apo inti churi,”
which means “only king, son of the
Sun.” One hundred thousand men died
in the battle to take this king. A large
quantity of loot was taken. Pachacuti
returned to Cuzco and staged a victory
celebration and distribution of the spoils
similar to what was done after the con-
quest of Soras.
Betanzos adds another time lapse. Although Sarmiento and Betanzos each
mention Amaro Topa and Yamqui Yupanqui as adults, the context of each ref-
erence is different. Betanzos puts a second Collasuyo campaign here. In
Sarmiento, this campaign may be the one that follows the Colla revolt (vii).
Sarmiento Betanzos
viiib. Pachacuti also sent his eldest le- viiid. Then Pachacuti remained in
gitimate son, Amaro Topa Inca, to visit Cuzco for another twenty years
the territories he had conquered. He was (chap. 20, pp. 99–102), devoting himself
charged with deposing the provincial to organizational matters, particularly to
huacas that the Incas held for false and a series of ordinances (chaps. 21–22,
installing a cult to the Cuzco huacas. The pp. 103–117).
people were also to be taught to perform
the sacrifices that he ordered. Another
son, Huayna Yamqui Yupanqui, went
along with Amaro Topa (chap. 37,
pp. 75–77).
ixa cont. Pachacuti was seventy by now.
His innumerable women had borne him
300 children, 200 boys and 100 girls.
Three were adults, Yamqui Yupanqui,
Amaro Topa, and Paucar Usno.
vil. He sent the latter two on a campaign
to Collasuyo with six other captains and
an army composed of 50,000 troops
from Collasuyo and 50,000 troops from
elsewhere. Paucar Usno died in a fire in
Chichas province. Amaro Topa brought
his body back as well as the usual cap-
tives dressed in red. Pachacuti sent the
body back to Chichas with some Inca
nobles and women, where it was vener-
ated and treated as if it were alive.
Another campaign was launched in the north. Both Betanzos and Sar-
miento are in agreement that a son, Yamqui Yupanqui, went. Betanzos says the
son Pachacuti had chosen to succeed him also went, accompanied by a brother
whose name appears to be Capac Yupanqui. In the Sarmiento story, Capac
Yupanqui is a brother of Pachacuti, who, with a Chanca ally, conquered north-
ward of the limits Pachacuti had set for the campaign. Both Betanzos and
Sarmiento mention mitimas at this point.
Sarmiento Betanzos
vik. Another round of conquests was VIk. Pachacuti then sent Yamqui Yupan-
planned, this time north of Cuzco, but qui, his eldest son and the son he wanted
Pachacuti delegated his command to two to be his successor, on a campaign to
of his brothers, one named Capac Yu- Chinchasuyo. This son chose one of his
panqui, and a son, named Apo Yamqui brothers, Capa[c] Yupanqui, to accom-
Yupanqui. The campaign was under- pany him. After this campaign, Yamqui
taken with the Chancas, who were under Yupanqui returned to Cuzco and cele-
the command of a Chanca captain, Anco brated with his father for three years.
Ayllo, who had developed a relationship
of trust in Cuzco. The campaign won a
considerable territory but was a disaster
from another perspective: one of his
brothers went beyond the limits Pacha-
cuti had set for this campaign as well as
provoked the enmity of the kingdom of
Chimor, probably the most important
political entity in the Central Andes at
the time. Pachacuti had both of his
brothers put to death as they returned
to Cuzco from the north (chap. 38,
pp. 77– 80).
viiic. Given more territory to adminis- viiic. The resettlement of people, known
ter, Pachacuti began to develop appro- as mitimas, began at this time (chap. 24,
priate means. He began the resettlement p. 123).
of people from one area to another, re-
moving the local people from defensible
places and introducing settlers from the
Cuzco region as a security measure
(chap. 39, pp. 80 – 81).
Then the story of the first Colla revolt is told. Pachacuti himself goes to put
it down. He returns home and finds that Anahuarqui has borne him a son,
whom he names Topa Inca. Betanzos says nothing about the Colla revolt and,
in what may be the strangest omission in his account, never mentions Ana
Huarque or the circumstances of the birth of Topa Inca.
Sarmiento Betanzos
vii. At about this time, the sons of the
Colla Capac that Pachacuti had executed
in Cuzco organized a revolt against Inca
rule. Pachacuti himself, with two of his
sons, Topa Ayar Manco and Apo Paucar
Usno, headed south and extinguished
the revolt. More loot was taken, and
Pachacuti returned to Cuzco to celebrate
the triumph. His two sons continued

campaigning farther south (chap. 40,
pp. 81– 82).
ixa. On his return to Cuzco, Pachacuti
found that Anahuarqui had given birth
to a son, whom he named Topa Inca Yu-
panqui. He made elaborate gifts of gold
and silver to the Sun and other oracles
and huacas well as capac ucha sacrifices.
He determined that this son would suc-
ceed him, although he had several older,
legitimate sons born to him and to
Anahuarqui, here described as his sister
(chap. 40, pp. 82 – 83).
vii cont. Meanwhile, his sons Amaro
Topa Inca and Apo Paucar Usno contin-
ued the campaign against the Collas in
the south. This campaign is clearly a con-
tinuation of the reconquest mentioned
above, so Sarmiento may have erred in
the names he gives for the sons who
served as captains in this campaign. The
captains campaigned far to the south of
the Lake Titicaca region, during which
time Pachacuti devoted himself to build-
ing quite a number of palaces for him-
self. His sons returned from their cam-
paign in triumph, great celebrations
were held, and Pachacuti gave them
many gifts (chap. 41, pp. 83– 84).
Meanwhile, in Betanzos, Yamqui Yupanqui is sent on a second campaign to

Chinchasuyo with his brother Topa Inca.
Sarmiento Betanzos
vim. Then Yamqui Yupanqui went on a
second campaign to Chinchasuyo, this
time with his brother Topa Inca Yupan-
qui. After campaigning all the way to
Cañar territory, the brothers returned to
Cuzco to celebrate their victories.
Sarmiento and Betanzos tell completely different stories about Topa Inca
from beginning to end. When the story turned, as it inevitably would, to the
question of Pachacuti’s successor, Betanzos casts Yamqui Yupanqui as Pacha-
cuti’s first choice. Sarmiento identifies another son, Amaro Topa, as first choice.
The story of how a second choice was made is perhaps the point where the two
stories are most divergent. Sarmiento narrates the steps that Pachacuti took to
get Amaro Topa to peacefully acquiesce to the naming of his younger brother
as the next Inca. Betanzos casts Yamqui Yupanqui in the decisive role. Yamqui
had been named as the successor but was too old. Yamqui advises Pachacuti
that his own son, also named Yamqui, is too young. At this point, Pachacuti
meets another grandson, Huayna Capac, and fixes the succession so that this
child will eventually inherit. The outcome is the same as in Sarmiento, that is,
the succession passes from Pachacuti to Topa Inca to Huayna Capac, but the
Betanzos story is slanted to show Betanzos’s wife’s forebear as having been the
son chosen by Pachacuti to succeed.
Sarmiento Betanzos
ixb. Pachacuti, recognizing his age, then ixb. Pachacuti gave Yamqui Yupanqui a
showed his concern about the succes- warm welcome when he returned and
sion. Sarmiento cites an oration, ad- placed the Inca fringe on his son’s head.
dressed to Hanan and Hurin Cuzco, in Three years went by (chap. 25,
which Pachacuti counters their expecta- pp. 125–126).
tions that his eldest son, Amaro Topa,
would be chosen to succeed him and of-
fers them instead Topa Inca Yupanqui,
now about fifteen years old. The boy,
kept virtually hidden until then, ap-
peared. The older and most important
nobles took him to the place where the
image of the Sun was and took the fringe
which had been placed on the image’s
arm and placed it on Topa Inca’s head in
the position which indicated that he was
king. He was seated on a golden stool
and given the other insignia of rulership.
Then he remained in the temple, prepar-
ing for his initiation ceremony (chap. 42,
pp. 84 – 85, chap. 43, p. 85). Pachacuti or-
dered that no one visit Topa Inca with-
out bearing a gift to offer him and that
his descendants should be treated like-

wise. In anticipation of the initiation
ceremony, called huarachico, Pachacuti
had four temples built that were to be
dedicated to the Sun (chap. 43, p. 85).
Amaro Topa’s reaction to this turn of
events is also considered. Instead of play-
ing foul, he requests to see his brother,
and when taken into the house of the
Sun where his brother was fasting in
preparation for the initiation ceremony,
he was so impressed with the majesty of
his wealth and service that he fell down
on his face in worship. Topa Inca, know-
ing that this was his brother, helped him
rise and greeted him in peace (chap. 43,
pp. 85– 86).
vin. Yamqui Yupanqui leaves on a third
campaign to Chinchasuyo with his
brother Topa Inca Yupanqui.
xb. As they left Cuzco, Yamqui gave
Topa Inca a wife, one of their sisters
named Mama Ocllo. Pachacuti had
given Mama Ocllo to him as a wife at
the time he received the fringe. The cam-
paign reached as far north as Quito be-
fore Yamqui Yupanqui headed back to
Cuzco.
ixb cont. Pachacuti suggested to Yamqui
Yupanqui, who was also growing old,
that his son, also named Yamqui Yupan-
qui, be chosen to succeed. Yamqui, the
father, thought his son was too young
and named his brother Topa Inca Yupan-
qui instead.
xia. Topa Inca was still in Tumebamba,
where Mama Ocllo had borne him a son
(chap. 26, pp. 127–129). When they re-
turned to Cuzco, Mama Ocllo went back
to live with her sisters, where she had
lived before.
xib. Pachacuti saw the child, named

Huayna Capac, and determined that this
grandchild would succeed Topa Inca. At
this point Topa Inca and his sister Mama
Ocllo are prepared for the succession
ceremonies.
Sarmiento may or may not separate the succession from the marriage cere-
mony. They are more clearly one and the same in Betanzos. The succession of
Huayna Capac preoccupies Pachacuti until the time of his death. Little is said
about Topa Inca.
Sarmiento Betanzos
xa. For his initiation, Topa Inca was Xa and Xb cont. Then the succession cer-
brought from the temple of the Sun with emony was held, and Mama Ocllo was
the images of the Sun, Viracocha, the presented to Topa Inca Yupanqui as if
other huacas, the bodies of the Incas and she had not been married before.
the moroy urco, all placed in order and
taken to the main plaza with never-
before-seen pomp. Many animals were
sacrificed, and all assembled offered Topa
Inca, the new Inca, lavish gifts, following
the example set by his father. His ears
were pierced to wear the ear spools de-
noting noble rank, and he was then taken
to the four new temples and given the
weapons and other insignias of warfare.
xb. At this time, he was given his sister,
Mama Ocllo, in marriage (chap. 43,
p. 86).
Betanzos says nothing about northern campaigns, but Sarmiento describes

two campaigns by Topa Inca in the north before the death of Pachacuti. On
the second one, Huayna Capac is born. Both Sarmiento and Betanzos end the
life of Pachacuti with a song. The versions are similar. While Betanzos men-
tions that Topa Inca went campaigning in Andesuyo just prior to Pachacuti’s
death, Sarmiento tells the story of an Andesuyo rebellion just afterward. He
refers to the conquest of that region (vip) in the time of Pachacuti (table 4.1),
although he had made no prior reference to it.
Sarmiento Betanzos
vim. Because as successor and now as a xib cont. Pachacuti also wanted to name
warrior, Topa Inca should make a name Topa Inca’s successor. He had the child
for himself, he was sent on a campaign brought to him, and he placed a minia-
to the north. As he traveled, he was ture of the Inca fringe on the baby’s
treated as a divinity. No one looked at head. Yamqui Yupanqui gave him the
his face, and the people viewed his pas- name Huayna Capac. Then Pachacuti re-
sage from the hills above. They pulled tired and spent the rest of his days caring
out their lashes and eyebrows and blew for his grandson (chap. 27, pp. 131–132).
them in his direction as a sign of offer-
ing. They also offered fistfuls of coca to
him. When he arrived in a town, he
would wear their clothing. The people
would put a brazier in front of him
where he sat and would sacrifice animals
and birds there in the same way that of-
ferings were given to the Sun. Topa Inca
traveled among people who had been de-
feated but who were armed and ready to
rebel. His person gave such an impres-
sion of power and pomp that not only
did these dreams fade, but he usurped
the veneration they gave to their own
gods (chap. 44, pp. 86 – 87).
vin. Topa Inca campaigns again in Chin-
chasuyo, this time reaching as far north
as Quito (chap. 44, pp. 86 – 88).
xia. During this campaign a son was
born to Topa Inca’s wife and sister. He
was named Tito Cusi Yupanqui and later
renamed Huayna Capac.
vin cont. Topa Inca returned in the com- vip. Topa Inca went on a campaign to
pany of two of his brothers, Tilca Yupan- Andesuyo, and his brother Yamqui Yu-
qui and Auqui Yupanqui. Pachacuti had panqui remained in Cuzco to govern in
one or both of the brothers killed, blam- his place, making sure that no one tried
ing them for taking longer to conduct to usurp Topa Inca’s rule while he was
the campaign than the time allotted for it gone from Cuzco. When Topa Inca re-
(chap. 46, pp. 89–92). turned, he brought more felines and
snakes with him. From the gold he
brought with him, a band of gold two
and a half palms wide was fashioned. It
was placed around the exterior of the
temple, above the stonework and below

the roofline.
xii. Pachacuti was happy to see his xii. Pachacuti then assembled the lords
grandson and kept the child with him at of Cuzco and all his children to inform
his residence. Happier than he had ever them of some plans he had made and to
been in his life, he took gravely ill. Before enjoin them to look after Topa Inca Yu-
he died, he counseled Topa Inca and panqui and Huayna Capac, who was in
other Inca nobles to take care of what the care of Yamque Yupanqui. He antici-
had been his life’s work. No one was to pated rebellions following his death, and
“raise his two eyes against you” and live, he knew that Topa Inca would be in-
even if it was a brother. He left instruc- volved in military campaigns. He also
tions about the ceremony that was to foresaw the arrival of tall, white, bearded
take place after his death. He then sang men (chap. 29, pp. 137–139). Then he
a song in low and sad tones that stated described the rites that were to be per-
simply that he had been born like a lily formed after his death (chaps. 30 –31,
in a garden, he had been raised, and pp. 141–148). Then he died. After he
when age came, he grew old, dried up, died, a song was sung through the
and died. Then he expired (chap. 47, town: I flowered like a flower in the
pp. 92 –93). garden, I gave order and reason to the
best of my ability, and now I am dust
(chap. 32, p. 149).
xiii. After Pachacuti’s death, Andesuyo,
which had been conquered by Pachacuti,
rebelled.
One of the most notable differences between the two accounts of Pacha-
cuti’s life has to do with military campaigns. Sarmiento records many more
campaigns than Betanzos, and what was written about those they each record
is quite different. For example, although both authors mention the Soras cam-
paign (vig), Sarmiento describes the campaign in a straightforward military
manner, while Betanzos hardly mentions the campaign at all and is preoccu-
pied instead with ritual activities afterward, for example, with the preparation
of captives for the victory march into Cuzco.
A special circumstance allows us to understand where some of the material
Sarmiento included about campaigns was obtained. In 1569, the “grandsons”
(nietos) of Topa Inca presented a memorial in Cuzco in which they provided a
list of their forebear’s conquests. The list names provinces, fortresses, and
rulers conquered by Topa Inca. John Rowe (1985b) located this important doc-
ument and systematically compared it with the accounts of Sarmiento, Cabello
Valboa, and Morúa (m2). Rowe argued that the pattern of borrowing evidenced
by Cabello Valboa and Morúa (m2) was due to the use of a common source,
probably Molina. He also suggested that the original information had been
stored on a quipo. Sarmiento and Molina both wrote in Cuzco in the early
1570s, and both appear to have made use of this quipo (or of those who kept it).
Some of the conquests of Topa Inca occurred during the lifetime of Pachacuti,
so this information was incorporated by Sarmiento into his account of Pacha-
cuti. Because the events are also important when we consider what a life his-
tory of Topa Inca included, we will return to this quipo below.
What else did Sarmiento add? From Sarmiento’s perspective, adding addi-
tional material made his history more complete. However, he was creating a
text that would be submitted to members of the Inca dynastic descent group
for their verification. It had to be recognizable to them as their past. Perhaps he
could add materials from different Inca sources, and this compilation would
still be recognizable to them as a representation of their own past, even if dif-
ferent in format and presentation.
One addition to the Sarmiento text is material from Polo de Ondegardo
about the location of Inca mummies. This material is uniformly included at
the end of each lifetime in the Sarmiento account. Polo arrived in Cuzco from
Charcas at some point between June and August 1571. Sarmiento could have
gotten the information from Polo himself or from a written report. Alterna-
tively, he could have been told by his Inca informants about where the mum-
mies had been found. At the end of each lifetime Sarmiento also mentions the
panaca of the Inca in question; some of the living members of each panaca; and
his huaoque, a sacred object associated with each ruler. In our discussion of the
painted genre, we noted that some of the short accounts present the informa-
tion about the panacas as a unit, while others note each panaca name in their
accounts of a particular Inca, usually together with information about the
Coya and heirs. Sarmiento puts the information about the Coya and heirs at
an appropriate point in the narrative, naming the panaca at the end. Thus, he
appears to be both adding to and rearranging the genealogical account.
A second addition is the Ulti story, about an attempt made on Pachacuti’s
life by the servant of a local lord. The other authors who repeat this incident
are Cabello Valboa, Morúa (m2), and the author Pachacuti. Sarmiento places
it after the marriage of Pachacuti, after both the Chanca invasion and Pacha-
cuti’s accession to rulership ([1572], chap. 34; 1906 : 72). It occurs in the Cuyos
province during a continuation of the celebration of Pachacuti’s marriage. The
lord of Cuyos and two other lords were behind the plot. Because of this treach-
ery, Pachacuti exterminates the people of Cuyos and annexes a great deal of
territory on a subsequent rampage down the Urubamba Valley. In the other
accounts, the story is similar, although the culprit behind the attempt may be
different, and the story can be placed elsewhere in the narrative. For example,
Cabello Valboa places the incident after the Chanca invasion but before Pacha-
cuti becomes Inca ([1586], pt. 3, chap. 14; 1951 : 300). In Morúa (m2) it occurs
before the Chanca invasion but after Pachacuti’s marriage (Murúa [1611–1616],
bk. 1, chap. 19; 1987 : 74 –75). In the author Pachacuti, the incident occurs much
later in the lifetime of Pachacuti ([early seventeenth century]; 1993 : 226 –227).
The story is completely absent from Betanzos. Its absence is an indication to
us that it was not part of a life history genre but, rather, was a story about an
event that occurred while Pachacuti was young that was incorporated by au-
thors who were compiling material from more than one Inca source.
By the same token, what did Betanzos add? Some of what Betanzos in-
cluded seems like an interruption in his historical narrative. For example, two
chapters in Betanzos are devoted to a series of ordinances (1551–1557], pt. 1,
chaps. 21–22; 1987 : 103–117), a substantial interruption of his story line. He
also includes a great deal of information about the reorganization of Cuzco
which has a narrative line that is completely missing from Sarmiento (see chap-
ter 7). Were these topics part of an Inca genre about the life of Pachacuti, or
were they additions to it?
If the difference between Sarmiento’s and Betanzos’s life history was simply
a matter of stripping away what each author added, then we would expect to
find an underlying story common to both accounts. That simply is not the case.
What remains differs in subtle yet important ways. The story told by Betanzos
reflects a process of deformation that can be attributed to the pretensions of
Betanzos’s wife (Niles 1999 : 19). What parts of the life history are affected by
this process of deformation? One clear result is the total subordination of Topa
Inca to an older brother who, coincidentally, is the forebear of Betanzos’s wife,
Angelina. Topa Inca’s role in the dynastic past can be subordinated — although
his role in dynastic succession is included in its essentials — to a person whose
importance serves the interests of the author.
The Sarmiento and Betanzos accounts are also different in style and em-
phasis. Even where they describe the same event, their treatment is entirely dif-
ferent. What they have in common is that they cover many of the same events
in a somewhat similar order. Some of the differences may be due to the way
each worked. Betanzos, who was translating, may have stayed closer to the
story he was told. Sarmiento collected material via a translator and may have
suppressed what seemed less like history to him, giving prominence to aspects
of the story that came closer to the historical canons he knew.
Betanzos appears to have collected his Inca history in 1551. Sarmiento
worked in 1571 but could still find a version of it. He explicitly states that he col-
lected material from different “lineages,” presumably the panacas:
And so, examining the most prudent and aged people from every condi-
tion and estate, those whose stories are most highly regarded, I gathered
and recorded the present history, referring the declarations and statements
of some to their enemies, because they are organized in factions, and ask-
ing for an account from each lineage of its own history and the history of
their opponents. And from these accounts, which are all in my possession,
reading them and correcting them with their opponents and, finally, rati-
fying them in the public presence of all the ayllos and factions, following
the administration of an oath by a judge, and with expert general inter-
preters, and very inquisitive and good ones, also sworn, what has been
written here was refined.
Y así examinando de toda condición de estados de las más prudentes y an-

cianos, de quien se tiene más credito saqué y recopilé la presente historia,
refiriendo las declaraciones y dichos de unos á sus enemigos, digo del
bando contrario, porque se acaudillan por bandos, y pidiendo á cada uno
memorial por sí de su linaje y dél de su contrario. Y estos memoriales que
todos están en mi poder, refiriéndolos y corrigiéndolos con sus contrarios,
y ultimamente ratificándolos en presencia de todos los bandos y ayllos en
público, con juramento por autoridad de juez, y con lenguas expertas ge-
nerales, y muy curiosos y fieles intérpretes, también juramentados, se ha
afinado lo que aquí va escripto. (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 9;
1906 : 31–32)
The “ayllos and factions” who publicly ratified Sarmiento’s Inca history were
the panacas ([1572]; 1906:130 –134).
That the panacas still kept life history material at the time Sarmiento wrote
was mentioned by others. In 1572, after Sarmiento had finished, the cabildo of
Cuzco wrote to the Spanish crown about Toledo’s collection efforts. Polo de
Ondegardo, who had just finished a term of office as corregidor of Cuzco, is one
of the signatories. The letter begins with a preface on how the Incas kept a for-
mal memory of the past, mentioning the use of quipos as a recording device:
Dear Sir. If the care and diligence of placing the origin and foundations,
events and deeds of those who founded or won them in all republics is
praised by all the Greek and Latin historians and commonly admitted in
all nations of the world, both in order to conserve the memory of men
and to animate their descendants and successors to do heroic and exem-
plary works and deeds as their forebears did — which has been used not
only by people of Christian doctrine and order in their political life, and
letters and other means of easily conserving it, but also by barbarians,
who, lacking both, through a natural instinct have looked for the means
of doing so, some with pictures and signs, and all over this kingdom with
strings and knots and registers, having particular individuals who were
not employed in anything else, the fathers teaching the sons their mean-
ing with such care that from three hundred years ago to the present, or
perhaps a little less, we find a general conformity in their memories, both
of the succession of persons and in their deeds, works, buildings, wars,
and events that occurred in this time — something certainly admirable
and difficult to believe for those who have not seen or examined their
methods.
Exçelentisimo señor. Si el cuidado y diligençia de poner en las rrepublicas

el origen y fundamento dellos, hechos y haçañas de los que las fundaron y
ganaron, está tan aprouado por todos los ystoriadores griegos y latinos, y
admitido comunmente en todas las naçiones del mundo, ansi para conser-
var la memoria de los honbres como para animar a los deçendientes y sub-
çesores para hazer obras y hechos eroycos señalados como lo hizieron sus
antepassados — lo qual no solamente a vsado la gente que a tenido dotrina
y poliçia vmana, letras y medios faciles para ello, pero todos los barbaros a
quien les faltó lo vno y lo otro por ynstinto natural los an buscado, vnos
con pinturas y señales, y todo este rreino con hilos y nudos y rregistros,
tiniendo señaladas personas que no entendian en otra cossa, enseñando
los padres a los hijos la significaçion dello con tanto cuidado que de tre-
çientos años a esta parte o poco menos hallamos conformidad en las
memorias, ansi de la subçesion de las personas como de los hechos obras y
edefiçios y guerras y subçesos que tuvieron en este tienpo, cossa çierto de
admiraçion y dificultossa de creer para quien no lo a uisto ni exsaminado.
(Archivo General de Indias, Lima 110, fol. 1)
Later in the same letter, reference is made to the collection of information

from quipo sources by the Toledo project:
By the confession of the elders and by the succession of those who were
rulers, and by the life that each one lived from Viracocha Inca to Huascar,
it is evident that little more than eighty years had gone by since the Incas
possessed no more than the Cuzco Valley, as small a territory as all of the
other little groups and valleys who had no natural lords, each one in their
own land. And the Incas became rulers through force of arms, and they
never had the territory completely pacified. In the inquiry about this, in
addition to the notable service that the King has received from discover-
ing the truth from its very origins, all of this land and its inhabitants re-
main particularly obligated to serve Your Excellency [Viceroy Toledo] all
of our lives, because, with only the motive of learning the truth and with-
out any supplication or request from us, you undertook a great deal of
work, which we saw and understood, inquiring about it from the same
quipos — knots and registers — with which they had conserved the mem-
ory of their deeds and genealogies, and with the same mummified re-
mains of those who had carried out that conquest with the cruelties and
notable and terrifying punishments that they carried out in order to put
the people under their dominion and lordship.
Por la misma confision de los viejos y por las subçesiones de los que se
hizieron señores, y por la uida que cada vno biuio dende Viracocha Ynga
hasta Guascar, consta poco mas de ochenta años que los ingas no poseian
mas deste valle del Cuzco, tan poco como las demas behetrias y valles
cada vna su tierra; y ellos los señorearon por fuerça de armas y nunca lo
tuuieron del todo paçifico; en cuya averiguaçion, allende del notable
seruiçio que su magestad a rreçiuido en sacar de Raiz el hecho uerdadero,
toda esta tierra y los moradores della quedamos en particular obligaçion
de seruir toda nuestra uida a vuestra excelencia, porque, con solo zelo de
sauer la uerdad sin suplicaçion ni pedimiento de nuestra parte tomo tanto
trauajo, qual todos vimos y entendimos, aberiguandola por sus mismos
quipos nudos y rregistros con que tenian conseruada la memoria de sus
hechos y genelogias, y con los mismos cuerpos enbalsamados de los que
auian hecho la dicha conquista con las crueldades y castigos notables y
espantosos que hizieron para meter la gente debaxo de su dominio y
señorio. (Archivo General de Indias, Lima 110, fol. 3v)
Nowhere in Sarmiento or other Toledo documentation does a similar ref-

erence to the mummified remains of the Inca rulers appear. The connection
between the remains of the Inca rulers and an Inca historical genre is not acci-
dental. Polo de Ondegardo, when he went out to collect the mummified re-
mains of the Inca rulers in 1559, found quipos with the body of Pachacuti: “And
I found the mummified body of the Inca Pachacuti, held in grand veneration,
and the strings and account of his deeds, and celebrations and idolatries” [Y yo
hallé el cuerpo del inga Yupangui enbalsamado, en gran veneraçión, y los hilos
y quenta de sus hazañas, e fiestas e ydolatrías que estatuyó] ([1561]; 1940 : 154).
However, both the quipos and mummies had been kept by the panacas. Fol-
lowing the initial creation and editing of a life history around the time of a
ruler’s death, a version of this genre became the responsibility of the panaca.1
That a life history was a separate genre and not just part of the genealogical
genre is evident not only by these references to its keeping and transmission
but also from certain artistic devices manifested in the Betanzos and Sarmiento
versions of it. The story has a definite beginning and end. It begins with a
vision. On the eve of the Chanca invasion a being appears to Pachacuti and
presages the victory of the young man over the Chancas, who are about to
attack the city. His father is awaiting the attack elsewhere, but the Chancas at-
tack the city, and Pachacuti bravely defends it with the help of some of the lo-
cal lords and many of the stones on the landscape that turn into warriors to
defend Cuzco. Both Sarmiento and Betanzos chronicle the efforts the young
Pachacuti made to reconcile with his father in more detail than elsewhere.
Although the battle is a prominent event and marks not just the survival of
Cuzco but the birth of a warrior society, the focus of the Inca story is on the
rupture between father and son, and the vision is the dramatic device which
explains and justifies what follows.
Although the story begins not with Pachacuti’s birth but with his dramatic
role in the defense of Cuzco and his subsequent rise to power, the story ends
with his death. Another artistic device is used to close the narrative: a song
Pachacuti sang just before he died. What Sarmiento tells about this moment is
the following:
And this [instructing Topa Inca] done, they say he began to sing in a low
and sad tone in the words of his language, which in Spanish are
I was born like a lily in the garden, and thus it was raised;
and when age came, I became old;
and since I had to die, I dried up and died.
These words spoken, he reclined his head on a pillow and expired, releas-
ing his soul to the devil.
Y esto acabado dizen que començo a cantar en vn baxo y triste tono en

palabras de su lengua, que en castellano suenan naçi como un lirio en el
jardin y ansi fue criado y como vino mi edad evejeçi y como avia de morir
asi me seque y morí y acabadas estas palabres recosto la cabeça sobre vna
almohada y espiro dando el animo al diablo (Sarmiento de Gamboa n.d.
[1572], chap. 47, fol. 91; 1906:93)
Betanzos reproduces a somewhat different version of the same song, which he

noted that members of Pachacuti’s lineage still sang:
And speaking and giving orders about what was to happen after his death,
he began to sing a song in high voice that those of his panaca still sing to-
day in his memory, which goes like this:
From the time I flourished like a garden flower until now
I have ordered things in this life and world as far as my strength
allowed
and now I am turned to earth.
And saying these words in his song Inca Yupanqui Pachacuti expired,
leaving the land ordered in the way already mentioned.
Y estando ansi hablando y mandando Ynga Yupangue lo que se auia de

hazer despues que falleciese alço en alta voz vn cantar el cual cantar el dia
de oy cantan los de su generaçion en su memoria el cual cantar deçia en
esta manera desde que floreçia como la flor del guerto hasta aqui he dado
horden y razon en esta vida y mundo hasta que mis fuerças bastaron y
ya soy tornado tierra y diziendo estas palabras en su cantar espiro Ynga
Yupangue Pachacuti dejando toda la tierra y razon y en la horden y razon
ya dicha. (Betanzos n.d. [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 32; 1987:149)
Certainly there are notable differences between the two versions of Pachacuti’s
song, but they are the same song. The incorporation of a song at this point in
the narrative marks a dramatic closure. Neither Sarmiento nor Betanzos ends
his historical narrative at this point, but they both may have preserved for us
the ending of a life history drawn from an Inca genre.
t he life of topa inca
What Sarmiento and Betanzos transmitted was not a pristine version of

an earlier historical genre. To illustrate this point and to put some of the
more outstanding differences between the Sarmiento and Betanzos accounts
of Pachacuti’s life into perspective, let us examine what was written about
Topa Inca.
There should have been a formally composed account of the life of Topa
Inca. As mentioned in the preceding chapter, a collection of quipos was recov-
ered by Polo with the mummy of Pachacuti. Cobo mentions quipos associated
with Topa Inca, as well as people who recited an oral account drawn from
them: “And, as it appeared from the quipos and registers of the time of this Inca
and by the speech of the old men in whose power they were, he [Topa Inca]
made a law that only the kings could marry their full sisters” [Y según pareció
por los quipos y registros del tiempo deste Inca y por el dicho de los viejos
en cuyo poder estaban, hizo ley que solos los reyes se pudiesen casar con sus
hermanas de padre y madre] ([1653], bk. 12, chap. 14; 1892 : 167). When Cobo
mentions quipos and the old men who kept them, he may be citing Polo de
Ondegardo, since these quipos were still in panaca hands in Polo’s time.
Even if an account of the life of Topa Inca survived into the period when
the Spaniards began to use material from Inca genres, it will still be more
difficult to tease a life history out of the existing source materials than the life
of Pachacuti. Special circumstances allowed us to identify a version of Pacha-
cuti’s life that was arguably the truest transmission of an Inca life history that
we have. Betanzos could translate an oral version directly. Only when his ac-
count is compared with Sarmiento’s is it possible to detect features of a life his-
tory genre in Sarmiento. When the subject is Topa Inca, we cannot be so cer-
tain of the material in Betanzos. His alteration of the story line to foreground
the pretensions of his wife may have affected the account of Topa Inca in other
ways that are not so obvious.
An account of Topa Inca may have been deformed for other reasons. For
example, even though we can assume that a life history was formally composed
and preserved for transmission, the nearness in time of the life of Topa Inca
makes the use of material drawn from memory rather than from a generic
source more likely than would be the case for earlier rulers. Another, more de-
structive force is the attempt to exterminate the panaca of Topa Inca that was
carried out by Atahuallpa’s generals on the eve of the Spanish arrival. If the
panaca was the guardian of the life history, then these events may have affected
what was preserved about this Inca. Topa Inca’s mummy was burned; quipos
kept by the panaca may not have survived (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572],
chap. 66; 1906 : 23; Niles 1999 : 19).
There are other problems. If, as may well be the case, the “long accounts”
incorporate material from the life history genre as well as the genealogical one,
integrating the two genres to produce a continuous historical narrative re-

quires a complex manipulation of the subject matter of both. Events which oc-
curred during the overlap between lifetimes would be particularly subject to
manipulation. By all accounts, Topa Inca did a great deal of campaigning dur-
ing the lifetime of Pachacuti and may have succeeded his father well before
Pachacuti’s death. If what was wanted was a seamless narrative, then Spanish
authors might have obscured clues that would help us identify material from
different genres. Those who wrote in the decades following the Spanish arrival
in Cuzco were not interested in transmitting Inca genres but in composing
their own “histories” following very different canons. Compilation from dif-
ferent source materials was not shunned; indeed, it appears to have been a
common practice.
Still, we can try to use our extractive process on the account of Topa Inca.
We have already noted that Sarmiento includes a great deal of information on
military campaigns toward the end of Pachacuti’s life and identified the prob-
able source for it. That source may have been a list of the provinces conquered
by Topa Inca recorded on a quipo, as mentioned above (Rowe 1985b). Like the
complete Betanzos manuscript published in 1987, it is one of the new sources
which allow us to penetrate the complex relationship between the Spanish his-
torical narratives and their underlying sources. A first step in trying to identify
material from a life history of Topa Inca is to extract material from the quipo
source on Topa Inca’s campaigns.
Campaigns
The quipo source, which we will refer to as the Memorial, is organized by the
four suyos: Chinchasuyo, Andesuyo, Collasuyo, and Condesuyo (table 4.4).
The names of the suyos appear in this, their canonical order, at the beginning
of the document, though Rowe has supplied the names of the suyos in brackets
in the text at the appropriate places. As Rowe has observed, the verbs used in
the document establish a narrative of the conquests that occurred in each
suyo; for example, the first campaign listed in Chinchasuyo is temporally prior
to the second, and so on. The conquests also appear to follow a geographical
order, as if all of the conquests in a particular suyo were undertaken during a
single expedition.
Rowe also provides a correspondence between the new source and the nar-
ratives of Sarmiento, Cabello Valboa, and Morúa (m2), following the order of
the Memorial. In table 4.4, the names of provinces, fortresses, and captains
have been excerpted, preserving the names as established by Rowe. The en-
tries occur in the same order as in the Memorial. The suyo names are those
table 4.4. The campaigns of Topa Inca from the Memorial
[Chinchasuyo]
1 province of Quichuas, fortress of [Ca]yara [and] Tuara Mar[ca], fortress of
Curamba
2 province of Angaraes, which is in Guamanga, Vrcolla, and Guailla Pucara,
king Chuquis Guaman
3 province of Xauxa, Taya, and Siquilla Pucara
4 Tarma and Atavillos
5 province of Guaillas Guanuco, Chunco, and Pillau
6 province of Caxamarca, Guamachuco, Chachapoyas, and Guayacondos
7 province of Pal[tas], Pa[casmayo], and Chimo
8 province of the Cañars and Quito, captured Piçar Capac, Cañar Capac, and
Chica Capac and other kings
9 Puerto Viejo and Guancavilca, Guayaquil and Manta, and Vapo and Guamo
Curba Turuca Quisin and Aba Chumbi Nina Chumbi; provinces toward
the sea
10 set the frontier in Quinchicaxa, put mitimas, and returned to this city
[Andesuyo]
11 province of the Andes, province of Paucarmayo, as far as Iscayssingas
12 province of Opatari and Manari
13 province of [Ca]yanpussi, province of Paucarguambo, Aulapi, Manupampa,
Chicoria, where they captured the kings called Santa Guancuiro
Vinchincayna [Nutan]uari
[Collasuyo]
14 province of Collao, from the markers of Uilcanota, [provinces] of Capahanco
and Pocopoco, fortress of Lallagua Arapa Pucara, where the whole
province had defended itself; he went in person and captured the kings
called Coaquiri Pachacuti, Carapuri, and Chucachuca before passing
onward
15 Asillo and Asangaro to the province of Carabaya before returning to Pucara
16 province of Lupaca Pacaxa and Pucarani and the Poxa Carangas to Paria
17 province of Charcas, both Uila Charca and Hanco Charca
18 province of Chichas and Moyomoyos and Amparais and Aquitas Copayapo,
Churomatas, and Caracos; up to the Chiriguanas, up to Tucuman, and
there he made a fortress and put many mitimas
19 province of Chile, toward the sea, then through Tarapaca, where they did not
campaign
20 province of Chiriguanas, coming out at Pocona; they made many fortresses in
Pocona and Sabaypata, which is in the Chiriguanas and in Cuzcotuiro,
putting Indians from all over to guard the said fortress and frontier
21 they found a fortress in the province of Chuis and Chichas called Huruncuta;
after taking it, they settled it with Incas
[Condesuyo]
22 province of Condesuyo, some fortified themselves in the fortress of
Omaguasgua
23 they went on to Camana and Camanchaca and Chilpaca and Pomatambos and
then returned to Cuzco
Source: Rowe 1985b: 224 – 226.

attributed by Rowe. The entries have been numbered consecutively for use in
the comparison of written narratives that follows.
Here, our question is whether or not information from a source like the
Memorial was used by Sarmiento or other authors in their narratives. If, as
seems likely, Cabello Valboa and Morúa drew from the lost historical narrative
of Cristóbal de Molina, then Molina may have had access to the same class
of material. He composed his historical narrative in Cuzco the year after
Sarmiento composed his. It may be no coincidence that detailed information
about military campaigns is incorporated into historical narratives after the
Memorial was brought to the attention of Spanish authorities in Cuzco.
In the following comparison of Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa, informa-
tion about military campaigns has been foregrounded. Where the subject mat-
ter is related to the list of campaigns in the Memorial, the enumeration from
table 4.4 has been added in the left margin, and the text has been italicized.
Other events are summarized only to contextualize the campaigns. Given the
possibility that Sarmiento had access to a life history of Topa Inca, the first ap-
pearance of Topa Inca in his account has been chosen as a starting point.
Again, the material has been paraphrased.
Sarmiento is the only author to say anything about the sequestration of
Topa Inca in the house of the Sun and the reception of the news by his older
brother, Amaro Topa, that Pachacuti had designated Topa Inca as successor in-
stead of himself. Like the negotiations between Pachacuti and Viracocha over
the defense of Cuzco against the Chancas, this story also has a familial orien-
tation. It may have opened an Inca narrative on the life of Topa Inca.
Sarmiento Cabello Valboa

Chap. 43. Pachacuti had raised his son
Topa Inca in the house of the Sun, hid-
den from view. It was time for his initia-
tion. For it, Pachacuti invented new rites
and built four additional houses of the
Sun to be used in his son’s initiation
rites.
Years before, Pachacuti had named
Amaro Topa as his successor. Pachacuti
had to get him to accept the change. One
means of convincing him was to take
him to where his brother was fasting and
preparing. Amaro Topa saw the great
treasure and the lords surrounding him.

He was impressed and fell on his face in
worship.
The initiation was carried out, with the
moroy urco and huacas in attendance, in
never-before-seen pomp.
Pachacuti himself offered him a gift and
everyone followed suit.
Chap. 44. Pachacuti sent his son to Chap. 16. Pachacuti decided to return to
campaign in Chinchasuyo at the head Cajamarca. At this time his son and heir,
of the army. The particular object was Topa Inca, had reached the age to go
Chuqui Sota, a lord in Chachapoyas. to war.
Pachacuti named Auqui Yupanqui and Pachacuti named Topa Capac, Auqui Yu-
Tilca Yupanqui to go with him. panqui, and Tillca Yupanqui to go
with him.
At the same time, Apoc Auqui was sent
out on campaign, under commission
from Topa Inca, as far as Amaybamba.
He campaigned successfully as far as Pil-
lasuni (Don Juan Yupanqui, a descen-
dant who is alive “today,” is mentioned).
Topa Inca was worshiped as if he were a
huaca.
In the next segment of the Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa stories, the sub-
ject is military campaigning. Both authors have access to information about
Chinchasuyo campaigns that is closely similar to the list in the Memorial. There
are several reasons to think that they had another common source, and not the
Memorial. For one thing, when an item from the list in the Memorial is miss-
ing in one (for example, the fourth entry on the list, concerning Tarma and
Atavillos), it is missing in the other. For another, the two accounts preserve
the same order of campaigns, an order different from the order in the Memor-
ial. Finally, both accounts — but especially Cabello Valboa’s — preserve addi-
tional detail about campaigns listed in the Memorial or similarly detailed in-
formation about campaigns entirely absent from the Memorial. For example,
when the subject is Chile (in a segment cited below), both Sarmiento and Ca-
bello Valboa list the names of the captains who were defeated. This informa-
tion is missing from the Memorial. Cabello Valboa also describes a campaign
in the area south of Pachacamac in some detail (also cited in a segment below).
The Memorial does not mention a campaign in that region.
The two accounts are very similar, but there is one notable difference: Sar-
miento describes two campaigns to Chinchasuyo in which Topa Inca par-
ticipated; Cabello Valboa mentions only one. Sarmiento’s first campaign in-
cludes all of the items on the list except the conquest of the area of Puerto
Viejo, which both he and Cabello Valboa describe as taking place after the
farthest boundary marker was set in Quinchicaxa (see next section). Betanzos
describes three campaigns to Chinchasuyo which extended at least as far as
Cajamarca during the lifetime of Pachacuti, so multiplication of campaigns
may be a narrative device. What is interesting to note is that the sense conveyed
by the Memorial that all of the places conquered in Chinchasuyo were con-
quered during a single expedition has been preserved in Cabello Valboa and
Sarmiento.

[1] In the province of Quichuas he con- [1] In the province of Quichuas he took the
quered the fortress of Tohara and Cayara fortresses of Toara and Cayara and then the
and the fortress of Curamba. fortress of Curamba.
[2] In the Angaraes he took the fortress of [2] In the province of Angaraes he took the
Urcocolla and Guayllapucara and captured fortresses of Orcolla and Guaila Tucara,
their captain named Chuquis Guaman. capturing their captain Chuquis Guaman.
[3] In the province of Jauja he took [3] From there he went to Jauja, where they
Siciquilla Pucara. took Siquilla Pucara.
[5] In the province of Guayllas he took [5] Then they arrived at the valley of Huay-
Chungomarca and Pillaguamarca. las, where they took the fortress and land of
Chuncomarca and Pillaguamarca.
[6?] In Chachapoyas he took the fortress of [6?] Then they went on to Caxamarca,
Piajajalca and captured their rich captain from which Topa Inca sent a large part of
named Chuqui Sota. his army on to Chimo. This army went
down through Huamachucos.
[7] And the province of Palta and the valleys [7] Arriving on the coast, the army fought
of Pacasmayo and Chimo, which he de- many times with those of Chimo and were
stroyed, Chimo Capac being his object. successful. Then they went on to the Pacas-
mayo River, upsetting those valleys. They re-
turned to Cajamarca via Nepos.
[8] And the Cañar province, where he took
their captains named Pisar Capac and
Cañar Capac and Chica Capac.
[10] And built an impenetrable fortress in
Quinchicaxa.
[6?] Then they went to Chachapoyas, walk-
ing to Raymibamba. And they passed Chaz-
mal, Jalca, Apia, and Javanto before re-

turning to Cajamarca with many stories
and prisoners for Topa Inca.
Then he returned to Cuzco, where he
was well received by his father.
Chap. 45. Pachacuti orders a visita to be
carried out by sixteen visitadores. They
return to Cuzco with painted mantles
showing the provinces they visited. Then
Pachacuti sends Inca nobles out to make
roads and road stations.
Chap. 46. Topa Inca is sent off to Chin-
chasuyo again. He is again accompanied
by Tilca Yupanqui and Anqui Yupanqui.
The whole army went to Guambos and
conquered Llaucanes, Chotas, Cutervos,
and Guambos; from there they went to
Guancabamba and fought a little; then
they went to Cusibamba and defeated
the Paltas, who had fortified themselves
in Zaraguro. At that place the Cañars
came to swear obedience.
When they arrived at Tomebamba, they [8] Without fighting they arrived in
found that the captain, Pisar Capac, had Cañaribamba and Tumibamba, where
confederated with Pillaguaso of Quito. there was trouble with the Cañars, whom
They (Cañars and Quitos) refused to ne- Topa Inca punished, capturing Pisar Capac,
gotiate, and a battle was fought in which Cañar Capac, and Chica Capac, the lords
the outcome was very uncertain for a of that nation.
time. The Incas won, and Pillaguaso The rebels were required to build him a
was captured. fortress in Quichicaxa, where Topa Inca left
a great number of people.
Another fortress was built in Azuay,
palaces in Tiocaxas to serve as the fron-
tier with Puruaes and Chimbos. Another
fortress was built in Pomallacta, whose
captains were Apoc Chauan Callo and
Apocanto.
They camped at what is now Quito. At Tumibamba Mama Ocllo bore him a
From there they went to Tumibamba, son named Huayna Capac.
where Mama Ocllo bore him a son called
Tito Cusi Hualpa and, later, Huayna
Capac.
After this, Topa Inca decided to enter

Quito — for the first time.
Chap. 17. At this point there is a battle in
which the Incas win. The captain of the
province of Quilacos, called Pillaguaso,
was captured, and the province was
organized.
Both Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa include similar details about cam-
paigning on the coast in the region of Puerto Viejo. Sarmiento provides addi-
tional material about Topa Inca’s voyage to the islands of Hauachumbi and Ni-
nachumbi that may come from another source, perhaps a story. Cabello
Valboa adds material about the Inca looting of Chimor. In the next section
he incorporates a digression about the earlier history of the same region; he
clearly had a separate source for this material which may have provided him
with other details about Inca activities in the north.

[9] Afterward he decided to conquer the im- [9] Once the important area of Quito was
portant province of Guancavilicas. Above organized Topa Inca decided to explore the
them, he built the fortress of Guachalla, then region from Quito to the coast. First he
he went down to Guancavilicas. Dividing entered the province of Chimbos, then the
his army in three groups, he conquered them province of Guancavillcas, then the valley of
even though they fought on land and at Xipixapa, then Apelope. He set up camps in
sea in balsas from Tumbez to Guañape, Manta, Charapoto, and Piquaza because he
Guamo, Manta, Turuca, and Quisin. had a great number of people with him.
Topa Inca entered the ocean and visited the Topa Inca set off on a balsa to explore the
islands of Puna and Tumbez, where he sea, discovering the islands of Hagua
learned about the islands Ava Chumbi and Chumbi and Nina Chumbi.
Niña Chumbi from some merchants. He
did not believe them, but he had a sor-
cerer with him named Antarqui who was
capable of flying through the air. Antar-
qui used his talents to go to these islands
and reported back to Topa Inca that they
did indeed exist. So Topa Inca built a
great number of balsas and took some
20,000 men with him. He took as cap-
tains Guaman Achachi, Conde Yupan-
qui, Quigual Topa (all Hanan Cuzco),
Yancan Mayta, Quiço Mayta, Cachima-

paca Macus Yupanqui, Llimpita Usca
Mayta (all Hurin Cuzco). For general he
took Tilca Yupanqui, leaving the rest
with Apo Yupanqui.
After the voyage, which took nine Afterward they subjected the Guanca-
months, he returned to Tumebamba. On villcas and Chonos and then went on
the way he sent people down the coast to to Tumbez, where they built a fortress.
Chimo. They recovered a great deal of Then they went to Pohechos, where they
treasure and brought it up to Cajamarca. rested. Topa Inca went back to the high-
lands, sending two uncles to explore the
coast.
Then Cabello begins a digression on the
earlier history of the Peruvian coast.
Chap. 18. While Tilca Yupanqui and
Auqui Yupanqui, his uncles, went south,
Topa Inca and his bastard brother Topa
Capac returned with the other half of the
army via the province of Guayacundos,
arriving at the high cordillera in the area
of Guancabamba. There they could see
the land of the Pacamoros. Thinking
they would take it the next year, they
built a fortress. Then they went to Caja-
marca to encounter the captains who
had been sent down the coast. They had
had some problems with the cacique of
Jayanca. They had also looted Chimo,
after which they took the loot up to
Cajamarca.
Topa Inca entered Cuzco with all the Topa Inca entered Cuzco with all the
treasure. Pachacuti was jealous, and be- treasure. Pachacuti had Tillca Yupanqui
cause of this, he ordered the deaths of and Auqui Yupanqui killed for having
Tilca Yupanqui and Anqui Yupanqui. taken Topa Inca to such remote parts.
He also had his bastard son Topa Capac
killed.
From all of the loot, Pachacuti had a
number of important statues fashioned.
At the end of the last segment Pachacuti was still alive. In the Sarmiento
story he dies at this point. Sarmiento then devotes two chapters to Pachacuti.
In the Cabello Valboa version Topa Inca succeeds during the lifetime of his
father.
The next campaign is a major expedition into the lowlands of Andesuyo. In
the Sarmiento version, reference is made to an earlier campaign in the same re-
gion by Pachacuti, although the account of Pachacuti made no mention of it.
The expedition was undertaken to punish people who had been requested to
bring lance shafts from their territory to Cuzco but who refused to do so. In
the Cabello Valboa version the expedition appears to be a new conquest. Sar-
miento provides some additional detail, but both authors supply the infor-
mation contained in the Memorial about the provinces conquered and cap-
tains defeated in Andesuyo. Both Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa include detail
about the Inca captains chosen to participate in the Andesuyo campaigns that
is simply not a topic in the Memorial. Whereas, in the coverage given by
Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa of the Chinchasuyo campaign, the items of the
list in the Memorial could be clearly distinguished, it is impossible to segregate
the items listed in the Memorial in their Andesuyo coverage.

Chap. 47. Pachacuti gives orders for
what is to happen after his death, sings
his song, and dies.
Chap. 48. After Pachacuti’s death Topa Pachacuti renounced rule in favor of
Inca is crowned again. Then he carries Topa Inca, who receives all the royal
out all of what his father had asked him insignia.
to do on his deathbed.
Chap. 49. Topa Inca ordered all the con- Groups of people from the newly an-
quered people to come to Cuzco to nexed regions of the coast arrive, and
show their obedience to the new ruler. Topa Inca requires them to send a cer-
He requested the people of Andesuyo to tain number of soldiers to him for his
bring him some lance shafts made of Andesuyo campaign.
palmwood for the house of the Sun. He leaves his brother Amaro Topa as
To them this was a sign of their sub- governor, because he wants his brother
ordination to him. They had been con- Topa Yupanqui and Atorongo Achachi
quered in the time of Pachacuti but had and Apoc Chalco Yupanqui, his cousins,
never served freely. They fled Cuzco and to accompany him.
asserted their independence.
Topa Inca was greatly offended and
raised a large army. He divided it into
three parts. He would lead one and enter
the Andes through Aguatona; another
was given to Otorongo Achachi, who

would enter through a town or valley
called Amaro; the third he gave to
Chalco Yupanqui, who was to enter
through a town called Pilcopata. These
entries were near each other.
After entering, they joined up at
Opatari, where the settlement of the
Andes begins. Chalco Yupanqui had the
image of the Sun with him.
They had a very difficult time traveling.
The lord of a great part of this region
was Condin Xabana, who they believed
could take various forms.
Many of the soldiers got sick and died.
Even Topa Inca was lost a good part of
the time until he encountered Otorongo
Achachi.
[12 –13] He conquered four great nations: [12 –13] During the campaign he annexed
Opataries, Manosuyo, and Manaries or four provinces: Opatarisuyo, Mamansuyo,
Yanaximes, which means “black mouths,” Chunchos, and Chipomaguas. They arrived
and the province of the Chunchos. Taking where the Manobambas lived, where they
the river below Tono, they traveled a great chew something that makes their teeth black.
distance until arriving at Chiponauas. And He took their caciques captive, including
on the road, which is now called the Camata Vinchi Cayna and Santa Guanmiro. Topa
road, he sent another great captain called Yupanqui, his brother, personally captured a
Apo Curimache, who went all the way to the cacique named Nutanguari who was very
river, which we have just had news about, famous.
called Paytiti, where Topa Inca had markers
put. And in these conquests Topa Inca and
his captains captured the following lords:
Vincin Cayna, Canta Guancuru, and
Nutanguari.
While Topa Inca campaigned in person in the lowlands, a revolt broke out
in the Lake Titicaca region. Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa tell the same story,
incorporating information about fortresses and captains that parallels what
was included in the Memorial. They give the names of the captains chosen by
Topa Inca to remain in Andesuyo and those who were to accompany him in
the reconquest of the Collao. The Colla revolt is the first item on the list of
conquests in Collasuyo in the Memorial. The fortresses listed are described as
“where the whole province had defended itself,” thus conveying the same sense
of an extended siege as in the Cabello Valboa and Sarmiento accounts, al-
though nowhere is the event identified as a revolt rather than a new conquest.

During this campaign, an Indian from During this campaign, a Colla who had
the Lake Titicaca region named Coaquiri gone with them returns to the Lake Titi-
fled the army and returned home, caca area and spreads the word that Topa
spreading the news that Topa Inca was Inca had been killed by the eastern low-
dead and telling them to rise up, that landers, who had also defeated and cap-
there was no more Inca, and that he tured most of his army.
would lead them. He called himself With this news, the Collas took up arms
Pachacuti Inca. The Collas rebelled and to assert their independence. Amaro
took him for their captain. Topa Inca Topa heard about this and got word to
heard this news while he was in the An- Topa Inca about it, begging him to
des. He went to reconquer and punish punish this daring rebellion.
the Collas himself, leaving Otorongo Topa Inca left Otorongo Achache in
Achachi to continue the Andes charge and took a direct route to the
campaign. Lake Titicaca area. He left half the army
with his brother and told him to keep
conquering and that, when he was done,
he should come out of the lowlands near
Pilco and wait for him at Paucartambo.
He was not to return to Cuzco without
Topa Inca.
Chap. 50. Topa Inca named as captains Topa Inca took as captains Gualpac and a
Larico, son of Capac Yupanqui, his son of Capac Yupanqui named Alarico.
cousin, and Achache, his brother, and He also took Cuyuchi and Achachi, the
Conde Yupanqui and Quigual Topa. brother of his father.
With this army he marched to the Lake
Titicaca area.
[14] The Collas had fortified themselves in [14] It took him some time, but he reached
Llallaua, Asilli, Arapa, and Pucara. He the Lake Titicaca area and found the Collas
captured their captains, Chucachuca and fortified in Pucara, Asillo, Arapa, and
Pachacuti Coaquiri. The war took years, but Lana. Although it cost him some of his
the Incas were successful. people, he took them and captured their
lords, Chuca Chuca and Chasuti Coaquiri,
whom he later had made into drums.
Unlike the coverage for Chinchasuyo, the narrative of the Collasuyo cam-
paign in both Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa omits the detail from the list in
the Memorial except for the campaign in the far south. Both authors are con-
cerned with describing the placement of the marker at the farthest southern
boundary of the territory ruled by the Incas. This information is not in the
Memorial, although setting the farthest boundary marker was a topic in its
Chinchasuyo coverage. The sequencing was a bit different. The Memorial puts
the setting of the northern boundary at the very end of the Chinchasuyo cam-
paign, while both Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa locate it before the Inca ex-
pedition to the Puerto Viejo region. When the subject is Collasuyo, the cam-
paign in Chile is not the last campaign listed in the Memorial: afterward, and
presumably on his return from Chile, Topa Inca built fortresses on the frontier
with the Chiriguanaes and then campaigned against the fortress of Oroncota.
Neither Sarmiento nor Cabello Valboa describe these activities, although
Cobo and Betanzos describe the taking of Oroncota (see below). What is im-
portant to note is that both these activities could be accomplished on Topa
Inca’s return from Chile; that is, the Memorial appears to reproduce the events,
in sequence, of a single major expedition to Collasuyo.

[19?] And since he has followed his enemy all [19?] Topa Inca decided to go on ahead and
the way to Charcas, he decided to continue conquer new lands. He arrived at Coquinbo
onward, conquering everything in his path. and built a fortress and left a garrison.
And so he went all the way to Chile, where Then he went on to Chile, where he put a
he defeated the great captain Michimalongo marker to mark the farthest southern
and Tangalongo, captain of the Chileños, boundary of his empire.
from this side of the Maule River to the
north. And he reached Coquimbo and the
Maule River, where he put his columns or,
as others say, a wall as the limit and marker
of his conquest.
He brought back gold from Chile, and On this trip he found very rich mines,
having discovered gold and silver mines like those at Porco, Tarapaca, Chu-
in many parts, he returned to Cuzco. quiabo, Carabaya, and others. With a
He united his spoils with those of Oto- great deal of treasure he returned to
rongo Achachi, who was waiting for his Cuzco after first meeting up with
brother in Paucartambo, and returned Otorongo in Paucartambo.
together to Cuzco.
At this time, the Chumbivilcas decided
to submit to the Incas. After this he went
to the Chachapoyas and took care of
problems.
While he was gone, Pachacuti died.
Sarmiento turns his attention entirely away from military campaigns at this
point and describes the innovations introduced by Topa Inca, including the
initiation of construction at the fortress above Cuzco. Cabello Valboa men-
tions the visita, the building of the fortress, and “other worthy things” Topa
Inca did in Cuzco before launching into a description of a campaign on the
coast south of Pachacamac that is entirely absent from Sarmiento and from the
Memorial. Cabello has more to say about Topa Inca the organizer following
his description of this final campaign, but first he describes the fortification of
the people of Lunahuaná at Huarco. Above, it is listed as a separate episode.
The entire coastal campaign may have been part of this episode.

Back in Cuzco he made laws, added to Topa Inca stayed in Cuzco to take care of
the mitimas his father had created, or- the mourning rituals.
dered a visita of the land from Quito to He was able to rest and spend his time
Chile, and set tribute. making laws, conduct a visita, and other
worthy things.
In this period he also built the fortress of
that city.
Then Topa Inca decided to go to the
coast. And so he went to Huamanga,
and he had the very difficult Parcos road
built. Then he went to Jauja, where he
examined some very old buildings that
the natives told him had been built by
some valiant foreigners.
From here he wanted to go to the coast
to see a famous temple that had been
built near the valley of Lima. He took
the Huarochiri road, and, arriving at
some dry dunes, he was very pleased
with the service at that temple, although
it was not administered according to the
rules given by his father. He decided to
build a new one, and the natives agreed,
provided he did not destroy the old one.
He built a very large temple to honor
Pachacamac, and so the valley took its
name.
From there he decided to go to some
nearby valleys which had refused to serve
the Incas. These were Mara, Runaguana,

and Chincha. To conquer these people
with order and dispatch, he sent for an
army to come to the coast via the valley
of Ocoña. This army passed quietly
through Acarí, Nasca, and Ica to Chin-
cha, where the people had organized a
defense. So had the Runaguanaes and
Maras. The events that took place would
require an entire book. What happened
was that, at a famous fortress built by
Topa Inca, many people were hung from
the walls. The fortress got the name
Guarco, meaning “hanging place.”
When done, he decided to travel. Arriv-
ing in Cajamarca, he took a turn down
to Chachapoyas to newly require them
to preserve the peace.
He then returned to Cuzco, where he
issued more laws and ordinances. He
also celebrated marriage to a sister called
Mama Ocllo with whom, as we said, he
had a son, Huayna Capac, born in
Tumibamba.
In addition to the tucuricos, he put michos Here Cabello explains that they also give
in the provinces who would oversee the him the name Pachacuti because of his
collection of tribute. He also introduced ability to organize.
the decimal form of administration and He describes mitimas, tucuricos, and
the curacas. michoc.
Chap. 51. The Yanayaco story. Chap. 19. The Yanayaco story.
Chap. 52. Then he orders a second visita. Then Cabello describes resettlement,
The one carried out by Topa Capac did then how local officials were chosen,
not please him, so he sent his brother then the acllas (naming three classes:
Apo Achachi. He told this brother not to Mama Aclla, Guayor Aclla, and Saya-
include the yanayacos. This visita involved payas), then the order that merchants
resettlement. were to report on where precious items
He changed the practice of naming came from. He also organized the cal-
curacas. Sons did not automatically in- endar, naming the months (Cabello
herit; the Inca had to approve. If some- lists them).
thing displeased the Inca, he would re- Chap. 20. Cabello continues his descrip-
move the curaca. The Inca personally tion of the innovations of Topa Inca, in-
gave the curacas servants, women, and cluding the building of prisons.
fields, and this was the only means of

access to them. In every province the
people made one large field to raise food
to be paid as tribute to the Inca. Over
all was a tucorico apo, the lieutenant of
the Inca there. The first Inca to exact
tribute was Pachacuti, but Topa Inca im-
posed the assignment of what was to be
paid. Topa Inca also distributed lands
throughout the empire, measured in
topo. He also scheduled the labor that
was owed. The people only got three
months to plant their own fields. The
rest had to be spent in service to the Sun,
the Incas, and the huacas.
He also organized the merchants. Any
time some precious item would turn up,
he would find out where it came from,
thus discovering many rich mines.
He had two governors called suyoyoc apo,
one in Jauja and one in Tiahuanaco.
He also ordered the enclosure of certain
women, maidens of age twelve and up,
called aclla. The tucorico apo could give
them in marriage. He would give them
to captains and soldiers and other ser-
vants as a reward. As some left, others
were added. Any man who took one for
himself or was found inside the enclo-
sure was punished with death.
Chap. 53. Topa Inca knew about his fa-
ther’s planning of Cuzco in the shape of
a puma. It still lacked the head, so Topa
Inca decided to build the fortress. He or-
dered the provinces to send a great num-
ber of people. He assigned labor gangs.
Some quarried stone, others worked it,
others carried it, and others set it in
place. In relatively few years, the large,
sumptuous, and very strong fortress was
done. The fortress was of rough stone,
but the interior buildings were of very
fine stone. When he was done, Topa Inca

ordered the construction of many store-
houses for the things needed in times of
necessity and war.
Chap. 54. At Chinchero, where he had Topa Inca dies in Cuzco.
fine palaces, he became ill and died. He
named Tito Cusi Gualpa (Huayna
Capac) as his successor.
Clearly there are similarities between Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa that
derive from having a source like the Memorial. What is important to note is
that the material taken from it carries the narrative except for brief excursions
into family matters or organizational activities. Topa Inca’s military cam-
paigns, the names of the captains who participated, the lords who were de-
feated, and the fortresses that were taken figure prominently in his “history.”
If Sarmiento wove material from this type of Inca source — a quipo account
of the campaigns of a particular ruler — into his history, perhaps we should
reflect once more on his account of Pachacuti. What differentiates Sarmiento’s
account of Pachacuti from Betanzos’s is the amount of information Sarmiento
includes on campaigns (table 4.2). In some cases, Sarmiento names the cap-
tains who were sent, specific fortresses or towns taken, and the lords who were
defeated ([1572], chap. 35; 1906 : 72 –73). When the subject is Viracocha, Sar-
miento has some information of this type ([1572], chap. 26; 1906 : 57–58). That
such information may have drawn not from the life history genre but from an-
other kind of source is a matter that only arises because of the relationship be-
tween Sarmiento’s text and the Memorial.
Given that we can document a probable source for this type of information,
once we extract it from the account of Topa Inca we can see that little is left.
The availability of sources on military campaigns was obviously a great temp-
tation to Spanish authors for whom narratives of military events were the stuff
of history. As we have seen in our comparison of the life histories of Pachacuti
recorded by Sarmiento and Betanzos, the accounts differ not only in how
much was written about military campaigns but also in what was chosen for
emphasis. Sarmiento included a great deal of detail on campaigns that is en-
tirely absent from Betanzos; he focuses on conquest, while Betanzos focuses
on ritual. However, their accounts follow a similar event structure and are
opened and closed by similar narrative devices. We have some clues about their
common source.
But how to get at a life history of Topa Inca? Not just Sarmiento but Morúa
(m2) and Cabello Valboa reproduce material about Inca campaigns in their
narratives. Since these accounts are late, one approach might be to compare
early accounts. These accounts do not include the kind of detail on campaigns
that would suggest reliance on sources like the Memorial. Perhaps by compar-
ing Betanzos with long accounts that do not rely on such sources we might
learn something about a life history of Topa Inca.
Cieza de León, Betanzos, and Cobo

The two earliest “long accounts” we have are Betanzos and Cieza de León.
Cieza attributed parts of his work to particular Inca informants, both in Cuzco
and the provinces. His account may draw less from Inca genres than other au-
thors/compilers who narrowed their collecting efforts to panaca members.
Cieza is also problematic because we could not reconcile his account with the
two versions of dynastic descent (Cobo/Discurso and Las Casas/Gutiérrez) that
we have identified (chapter 3). Cieza may have drawn from informants who
were very knowledgeable about the Inca past but who were not transmitting
generic material. Cieza, working with the memory of particular individuals,
may have constructed a narrative of his own to a much greater degree than
those who worked with Inca genres or with underlying texts. Cobo’s account
has also been included in the analysis (see tables 4.1– 4.3). If Cobo used a man-
uscript by Polo de Ondegardo, then his material is from the late 1550s, more
than a decade before Sarmiento wrote. We will include Cobo, caveat lector.
In all three sources, military campaigns are treated in far less detail than in
Sarmiento or Cabello Valboa/Morúa (m2). However, we must ask, Do the ac-
counts incorporate some of the same campaigns, and if they do, how does their
presentation differ from what we have identified as material from a separate,
quipo source? Since what was remembered about these campaigns could have
been totally transformed at any point after first composition, we will cite any
references to Inca activity in the areas where Topa Inca led campaigns or sent
captains under his authority, beginning in the time of his father’s rule, since
there would have been considerable overlap between the two lives. An aware-
ness of how each author presented campaigning activity is required, so each
will be discussed before any comparison is attempted.
In the case of the Betanzos account we already know that Yamqui Yupan-
qui overshadows his brother Topa Inca. Both Sarmiento and Morúa represent
three Collasuyo campaigns during the lifetime of Pachacuti (table 4.1), the first
headed by Capac Yupanqui (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 38; 1906 : 77;
Murúa [1611–1616], bk. 1, chap. 20; 1987 : 77–78) and the other two by Topa
Inca (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 44; 1906 : 86; chap. 46; 1906 : 89;
Murúa [1611–1616], bk. 1, chaps. 21–22; 1987 : 80 – 82; chap. 25; 1987 : 93–94).
Betanzos also records three campaigns, but all are headed by Yamqui Yupan-
qui; Topa Inca participates only in the last one. There is no specific infor-
mation about provinces or fortresses conquered; in each case, the only place
mentioned is the farthest point from Cuzco reached during the campaign. It
should be remembered that Betanzos said almost nothing about the cam-
paigns of Pachacuti. He described only the campaign against the Soras before
turning to the victory march back to Cuzco. If Betanzos is our guide to the life
history genre, there was no inclusive treatment of the military campaigns of a
particular Inca in the life history genre.
Cieza and Cobo incorporate substantially more information about cam-
paigning into their narratives than does Betanzos. Both also feature Pachacuti,
or Inca Yupanqui, as Cieza calls him. The Chinchasuyo campaign is problem-
atic. In Cieza’s narrative, the conquest of Chinchasuyo is distributed between
Pachacuti and Topa Inca. Pachacuti or his captains conquer as far as Tarma.
Topa Inca, after his father’s death, extends the empire to the Quito region.
Cobo, on the other hand, appears to put all of the action in the region between
Cuzco and Quito in the reign of Pachacuti, without mentioning participation
by Topa Inca in any campaigns undertaken during his father’s lifetime. There
is only scant mention of a campaign in Chinchasuyo in which there is fighting
in Quito as well as in Cañar and Chachapoyas territory. Most of the action car-
ried out in Topa Inca’s name is in Andesuyo and Collasuyo.
Betanzos Cieza Cobo

Chap. 24. Pachacuti sent Chap. 49. Inca Yupanqui Chap. 13. Pachacuti con-
Yamqui Yupanqui with raised another army to quered the provinces of
his brother Capa Yupan- go against the Huancas Vilcas and Soras and
qui on a campaign and Yauyos. His brother Lucanas with very little
[6?] to Chinchasuyo. He Lloque Yupanqui went as trouble. In Huamanga he
conquered as far as Caja- general. Copa Yupanqui met with more resistance.
marca. They returned to also went. So did Anco There he took a well-
Cuzco via the yungas. Allo, a Chanca captain. defended fortress.
They were well received in He did not meet resis-
Huamanga, Azangaro, tance in Chocorbos, An-
Parcos, Picoy, Acos, and garaes, or Parinacochas.
others. The Huancas of the Jauja
[3] The people of Jauja were Valley, on the other hand,
afraid and made great fought valiantly.
sacrifices in their temple at
Guarabilca. There was a
great battle, but the Huan- Pachacuti did not put

cas were treated gently af- down his arms until he
terward. The lands were reached Tumebamba, in-
not reorganized until the corporating Guarocheri,
time of Huayna Capac. Canta, Tarama, Chincha-
Chap. 50. Those of Bom- cocha, Cajatambo, Bom-
bon fortified themselves bon, Conchucos, and
on an island. The Incas Caxamarca as he went.
went on and met the On a second expedition
people of [4] Tarama in he went as far as the up-
battle. per limits of the coast and
At this point there was a sent a brother with an
problem with the Chanca army to annex the coast
captain. He broke with itself. On this campaign
the Incas and marched all of Arequipa from Tara-
off to Chachapoyas and paca to Hacari was an-
Huánuco into the low- nexed. Nasca, Ica, and
lands, where the descen- Pisco submitted without a
dants of his army remain. fight, but Chincha,
Since there was a Chanca Huarco, and Lunaguana
captain with the army in resisted for considerable
the Collao, Inca Yupan- time. Once they were de-
qui tried to keep news feated, Mala, Chilca,
about the Chanca defec- Pachacama, Lima, Chan-
tion in the north from cay, Guaura, La Barranca,
him. When the Chancas and other areas on the
got back to Cuzco they coast below Chimo sub-
learned what had hap- mitted peacefully.
pened but were unable to
do anything about it, so
they asked leave to return
to their province.
Chap. 51. Inca Yupan-
qui builds the house of
the Sun and begins the
fortress.
Chap. 52. Inca Yupanqui
decides to campaign in
person in the Collao.
Leaving a governor in
Cuzco, he got as far as
Ayavire, where he found
resistance. He killed all of

them and those of Copa-
copa as well. Since he had
already invented mitimas,
he repopulated the area
with them and built
buildings.
Some of his captains had
gone to Andesuyo.
Inca Yupanqui continued
on to Omasuyo. He
passed through the towns
of Horuro, Asillo, and
Asángaro, where there
was some resistance. In
the main, however, he
attracted them through
gifts and negotiation. He
attracted many other
peoples in the Lake
Titicaca region to Inca
sovereignty at this time.
He also paid a visit to the
temple of the Sun on the
island of Titicaca, order-
ing palaces built. Then he
returned to Cuzco.
Chap. 25. Pachacuti sent
Yamqui Yupanqui out
again with Capa Yupan-
qui, this time as far as
Cañaripampa. After this
campaign, Pachacuti put
the borla on Yamqui’s
head.
Chap. 26. Yamqui went
out again, this time with
his brother Topa Inca.
They went to Tume-
bamba. Yamqui gives him
Mama Ocllo as a bride.
[In chap. 27 mention is
made of the birth of

Huayna Capac during this
campaign.] They contin-
ued their conquest as far
as Yaguarcocha, beyond
Quito. Yamqui founded a
city there, sending a large
number of people from
there and from Cañar ter-
ritory to Cuzco as
mitimas. Chap. 53. Inca Yupanqui Chap. 14. Pachacuti re-
Chap. 28. Topa Inca left wanted to go in person nounced rule in favor of
[11–13] for the Andes. He [11–13] to campaign in the Topa Inca. Then Cobo
arrived in Caxaroma, Andes. He took a large tells about Topa Inca’s
200 km from Cuzco, a army. Many came to him marriage to his full sister,
place his father had con- and accepted Inca rule; Mama Ocllo.
quered. Betanzos de- others simply fled farther [11–13] Topa Inca decided to
scribes the area. When he into the interior. Pacha- campaign in Andesuyo. He
returned to Cuzco he cuti, in Marcapata, heard went in person, taking a
brought treasure and low- that there was some kind large army. He fought with
land animals. The gold of problem in Cuzco, so the Chunchos and Mojos.
was used to adorn Cuzco. he returned.
Chaps. 29–32. Pachacuti
prepares for his death,
knowing that Collasuyo
and Andesuyo will rebel
after he dies. Because Inca Yupanqui During this campaign, a
Chap. 33. After Pachacuti had gone to the Andes, captain from the Collao
died, one of the Incas the people of the Collao, returned to his homeland,
who had been left in the thinking he would be spreading word that the
Andes returned to Cuzco killed or defeated, re- Inca was dead. Two Inca
to tell Topa Inca that the belled. They gathered governors were killed.
Andes had rebelled. Topa in Hatuncolla and Chu- The governor who had re-
Inca sent Ynga Achache cuito under the captains mained in Cuzco got
and Gualpa Rimache to Cari, Çapana [Zapana], word to Topa Inca.
reconquer them. Topa Umalla, the lord of Açan-
Inca went in person. Be- garo [Azángaro], and oth-
tanzos describes the ac- ers. They killed the Inca
tions of Ynga Achache in governors and other Incas
some detail. After Topa that were settled there.
Inca returned to Cuzco he
received word that Colla-
suyo had rebelled.
What anchors all three narratives is the Colla revolt. Even Betanzos, who
has the lightest treatment of Inca campaign activity, locates a reconquest of the
Colla region at about the time of Pachacuti’s death or renunciation, the same
temporal placement as in Cieza, Cobo, and other accounts. The presentation
of the circumstances surrounding the event is different in each case, however.
For Cobo, Topa Inca is in full command. While he is campaigning in An-
desuyo, a Colla returns to his homeland and declares that the Inca is dead, ger-
minating a revolt in the northern Lake Titicaca basin. Topa Inca leaves part of
the army in Andesuyo and takes the rest with him to put down the rebellion.
He does not return to Cuzco but takes a route that appears to gain him both
time and the element of surprise. The Collas are fortified in the area of Pucara,
Arapa, and/or Asillo. The same scenario is repeated by other authors, includ-
ing Sarmiento. For Betanzos, Pachacuti is expecting both Andesuyo and Col-
lasuyo to rebel at the time of his death. He is right, and Topa Inca has to put
down both rebellions. Cieza is more complex. The story line of an Andes
campaign at approximately the same time as a military campaign in the Asillo
area is there, but it is present in the reigns of both Pachacuti and Topa Inca.
The distribution of the Chinchasuyo campaign between the two rulers and the
echo of events may reflect an effort to compose a single historical narrative
from material which focused on more than one lifetime. There are problems
precisely in areas of overlap.
All three authors describe Topa Inca’s reconquest of the Collas and further
campaigns “as far as the Maule River” in Chile, but Cieza and Cobo locate
them after a return to Cuzco (see the next segment of the comparison). What
is interesting to note is that the farthest point reached in the south is not men-
tioned in the Memorial, while the setting of a marker at the farthest point
north is noted. Given the emphasis in Betanzos on describing campaigns in
terms of the farthest point reached, this may have been a succinct way of
presenting a campaign in the life history genre about which a great deal of ad-
ditional detail was on record in another format. Only really major military
events — the Chanca invasion, the conquest of Soras by Pachacuti, the recon-
quest of the northern Lake Titicaca region by Topa Inca, and so on — were
elaborated to any extent in the life history genre.
Betanzos Cieza Cobo

Chap. 34. Topa Inca dis- Chap. 54. Pachacuti was [14] Topa Inca went in per-
patched various captains very old, so he persuaded son to reconquer the Collas.
to different suyos: Ynga Cuzco to give Topa Inca Topa Inca left the Andes via
Achache, now called Utu- the borla. Topa Inca had Paucartambo without re-
rungo Achache, was sent already proved himself turning to Cuzco. He ar-
to Andesuyo; Topa Inca in war. rived in Chungara and took
went in person to Colla- Chap. 55. The Canas the Colla army from the
suyo; Sopono Yupanqui, greeted Topa Inca and his rear. Many battles were
a brother, was named army with gifts. Mean- fought. He was victorious
governor of Chinchasuyo while, the Collas tried to and destroyed the towns
after Yamqui Yupanqui get their neighbors to join that had rebelled. He had
died, and three captains — their cause. Topa Inca drums made out of two
Tambo Topa, Gualpache, sent messengers to the important caciques, and
and Guaina Yupanqui — Collas to tell them that he with them, and with the
were sent to campaign did not want to be their heads of others and many
there; two other brothers enemy and would not captives, he returned to
were sent to govern punish them for the Cuzco.
Condesuyo. killing of the governors if
[14] Topa Inca went with they would come and
100,000 soldiers from Chin- swear obedience.
chasuyo. They fought at [14] The Collas were not in-
Asillo and then chased the terested and advanced to-
Collas to Pucarane, then ward the Inca army. They
Arapa. met in the pueblo of Pucara
Then they went on to the in a fortress they made
province of Chuquiyapo, there.
to the town of Surucoto, Cari was taken captive
where they fought again. and sent to Cuzco.
Chap. 56. The Collas, who
were now beyond the
Desaguadero, sued for
peace. They came to an
agreement in Chucuito.
Topa Inca reorganized the
area, removing many miti-
mas and settling mitimas
from other areas there.
Chap. 35. Topa Inca fol-
lowed his enemies to
[18] the province of Mayos-
mayos, where they were
fortified at Tongoche.
Topa Inca captured them
and killed them all.
He decided to undertake a
campaign against the
[20] Chiriguanaes, which

Betanzos describes as a
“province,” and the province
of Zuries.
From there they went on
to the province of Chile.
They explored as far as
the Maule River before re-
turning to the pueblo of
Chile.
Chap. 36. After organiz-
ing Chile and Copayapo,
Topa Inca returned to
Cuzco via Atacama. He
divided the army: one
part returned to Cuzco
via the coast of Arequipa;
another, via Carangas and
Aullagas; the third, on
the right hand, left via
Casavindo and through
Chichas; one part went
with him. They would re-
unite in the Collao. He
arrived in the province of
Llipi, then Chuquisaca,
then he visited the mines
of Porco (province of
Charcas), then to Paria,
where he built a tambo,
then Chuquiabo, where
he heard about gold
mines. Then he went to
Chucuito, then Hatun-
colla, where he reunited
with the captains who
had taken the coastal
route and those who had
come via Carangas. They
had to wait for the cap-
tains who had been sent
via Chichas.
For both Cobo and Cieza, Topa Inca undertook a campaign in Chincha-
suyo before completing the activities Betanzos records in the south. This cam-
paign may be equated with the third campaign of Yamqui Yupanqui, as re-
ported by Betanzos, before the Colla revolt. In the Betanzos account, it was on
this campaign that Yamqui gives Mama Ocllo to brother Topa Inca as sister-
wife ([1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 26; 1987 : 127). In the same chapter he notes that
Mama Ocllo bore Topa Inca a son in Tomebamba (1987 : 129), in Cañar terri-
tory. Cobo does not provide information about the birth of Huayna Capac,
but the campaign immediately following his account of the Colla revolt takes
Topa Inca to Cañar territory where there is military activity.
Betanzos Cieza Cobo

Chap. 37. Topa Inca built Topa Inca returned to
the fortress of Cuzco. Cuzco and continued
building the fortress be-
gun by his father.
Chap. 57. Topa Inca left Soon after, Topa Inca
for Chinchasuyo with a went on campaign to
big army and with his Chinchasuyo. He took a
uncle Capa Yupanqui as large army and went all
general. the way to Quito.
[3– 6] They went through
Vilcas and Jauja and were
well received. In Bonbon
and Tarama the reception
was the same. There was
fighting in some spots be-
tween Jauja and Caja-
marca.
The Incas were successful in
these battles and in Caja-
marca. Then Topa Inca
went to Huánuco and built
palaces. Then he went to
Chachapoyas, where he met
with resistance.
Afterward he went to
Bracamoros but retreated
rapidly because it was
very bad montaña.
[7] In the Paltas and in

Guancavanbo, Caxas, Aya-
vaca, and surrounding re-
gions he had a great deal of
work to subdue the local
people. He was finally able
to annex them.
[8] Then he went on to
Cañar territory. There was
more fighting, but he won.
In Tumebamba he built
large buildings.
Then Topa Inca went
on to Tiçicanbe and
Cayanbe, the Puraures
[Puruaes], and other
places. In Latacunga he
had a pitched battle with
the locals but was able to
come to terms with them.
He built a number of
buildings there.
[8] From there he went to [8] The king of Quito con-
Quito, where he built a sulted an oracle that told
town, settled numerous him he would be success-
mitimas, and built a num- ful in battle. He fought,
ber of buildings. Quito but the Incas won. Topa
was to be the second city Inca decided to return to
after Cuzco. Cuzco via the sierra, be-
He established a garrison cause he had gone north
in Carangui. via the coast. When he
Huayna Capac was born got to Cañar territory,
in the Cañar province. some submitted peace-
fully, while others re-
sisted. When he defeated
the rebellious ones, many
were sent to Cuzco as
mitimas. At this time, he
headed east to Chacha-
poyas, where he fought a
number of battles. He was
successful and took many

prisoners back to Cuzco.
Chap. 58. He sent some
Incas to the provinces we
[9] call Puerto Viejo, where
the people agreed to be ruled
by Cuzco. He also sent
Incas to other parts of the
coast with gifts for the
chief lords asking to be
treated as their equal
when he would travel
through their territory.
The response was good,
so Topa Inca headed to-
ward the coast.
Chap. 59. He arrived
[9] first at Tumbez, where
he was well received. He did
battle in Chimo. Then he
went on to Paramonguilla,
where he built a fortress still
standing in Cieza’s time.
Then he went to Pachaca-
mac, where there was an
important yunga shrine.
He wanted to replace it with
a temple of the Sun, but he
did not dare, so he built a
house of the Sun near it.
Many Indians say he spoke
with Pachacamac. Then he
returned to Cuzco via
Jauja.
Chap. 60. The province
of Chincha had been im-
portant in earlier times.
Pachacuti had wanted to
send a captain to Chincha
to negotiate its annexa-
tion, but Chincha was not
annexed until the time of
Topa Inca. He left Cuzco

via Huaytara. The people
of Nazca were assembled
to do battle with him, but
peace was negotiated. The
same happened in Ica.
The same happened in
Chincha, according to the
Incas and the people of
Chincha, but others say
there were great battles.
The Guarco story.
Chap. 61. Topa Inca [14 –16?] After a number of
[14 –16?] decided to cam- years he decided to cam-
paign in Collasuyo, leaving paign in Collasuyo. With a
Huayna Capac as gover- large army he entered the
nor of Cuzco. He arrived province of Chucuito,
in Chucuito, where the where they received him
locals greated him with solemnly. He thanked
fiestas and offered to go them for their good will.
with him. At this time, he Then he prepared to
visited Titicaca. make the trip to the
temple of Titicaca. There,
he erected a palace and
other buildings.
[17–18] Afterward he sent [17–18] Then he went on to
messengers to Charcas, Tiahuanaco, from which he
Carangues, and others. launched a military cam-
Some of them submitted paign against the Caran-
peacefully, and others re- gas, Paria, Cochabamba,
sisted. In Paria and else- and Amparaes.
where he built buildings. [21] Many fled and fortified
themselves at Oroncota.
Topa Inca conquered this
fortress.
[19] From Charcas he trav- [19] Then he went south,
eled onward to Chile, where opening roads through
he conquered those lands. Lipes. He defeated those
He went as far as the Maule of Guasco and Coquimbo
River. Then he returned to and other coastal valleys to
Cuzco. the Mapocho, where many
Chilenos and some Arau-
canos had gathered. There

was a bloody battle, but the
Inca was victorious. The
Araucanos fled. There was a
pitched battle at an angos-
tura that the Incas won.
The Incas wanted to con-
quer on the other side of the
Maule River, but they were
unable to. The Araucanos
were allied with their neigh-
bors from Tucapel and
Puren.
[11?] To find out about the
east, he sent out people
disguised as merchants.
He then campaigned
there, conquering some
peoples and ordering the
planting of coca fields.
Upon returning to
Cuzco, he died.
Chap. 38. Topa Inca built The Guayro story.
Chinchero.
Chap. 39. Topa Inca The Yanayaco story.
named Huayna Capac to
succeed him and died.
Cieza clearly includes more detail about military campaigns than either
Cobo or Betanzos. Betanzos includes less, and if Betanzos mentions a cam-
paign, the others do, too. What is particularly noteworthy about Betanzos,
and what does not show up in the paraphrasing of accounts, are details that
would seem to express an Inca interest in ritual rather than in military en-
gagement itself. For example, Betanzos pays particular attention to the march-
ing formation of Inca armies, describing their marches in terms that refer to a
very different system of orientation.
In his account of Topa Inca, this interest is manifest in Betanzos’s descrip-
tion of troop formation on Topa Inca’s march from Collasuyo back to Cuzco,
but to analyze it we need to look first at other material in his narrative. At one
point in Betanzos’s narrative of the life of Pachacuti he notes the division of
Inca armies. After the defeat of Soras, while Pachacuti is still there, he sends an
army to campaign in Andesuyo and another to campaign in Condesuyo (Be-
tanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 18; 1987:90 –91). He will return to Cuzco with
the Soras captives, elaborately dressed and ornamented. The captains rejoin
Pachacuti before he arrives in Cuzco, and the armies return together. From
what we know of the boundaries of the suyos, if Pachacuti sent captains out
from Soras, they would have to travel some distance before they entered either
territory (Julien 1991: map 1; Pärssinen 1992: map 15, p. 242). However, Be-
tanzos refers to Condesuyo and Andesuyo elsewhere in his narrative in a way
that suggests that they could be defined with reference to another center be-
sides Cuzco.
At the beginning of Betanzos’s narrative, he describes the course traced by
Contiti Viracocha and his assistants through the Andes. From Tiahuanaco,
and with their backs toward the place where the sun rose, one assistant trav-
eled to Condesuyo, “on the left hand” of Contiti Viracocha; the other traveled
to Andesuyo “on the right hand.” Contiti Viracocha followed a middle course
(Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 2; 1987:13). Unless Tiahuanaco is taken as
the reference point in this system of orientation, what Betanzos describes
makes no sense.
Another system of orientation that makes reference both to the human
body and to the suyo division is found in Guaman Poma. Where he draws his
map of the world, he describes the suyos in these terms:
You should know that the whole kingdom had four kings, four parts:
Chinchasuyo, on the right hand [when facing] the sunset; above to the
mountains toward the North Sea, Andesuyo; [with one’s back to] the sun-
rise, on the left hand toward Chile, Collasuyo; toward the South Sea,
Condesuyo. These four parts were divided again in two: Incas of Hanan
Cuzco [when facing] west, Chinchasuyo [on the right hand]; Lurin
Cuzco [with one’s back to the] east, Collasuyo, on the left hand. And so
the head and court of the kingdom, the great city of Cuzco, falls in the
middle.
As de sauer que todo el rreyno tenía quatro rreys, quatro partes: Chinchay
Suyo a la mano derecha al poniente del sol; arriua a la montaña hacia la
mar del Norte Ande Suyo; da donde naze el sol a la mano esquierda hacia
Chile Colla Suyo; hacia la mar de Sur Conde Suyo. Estos dichos quatro
partes tornó a partir a dos partes: Yngas Hanan Cuzco al poniente Chin-
chay Suyo [a la mano derecha], Lurin Cuzco al saliente del sol, Collasuyo
a la mano esquierda. Y ací cae en medio la cauesa y corte del rreyno, la
gran ciudad del Cuzco. (Guaman Poma 1987 [1615]: 982 [1000])
Although Guaman Poma’s description is not without certain ambiguities, it

can be interpreted. The axis of the system is the path of the sun. Guaman Poma
refers to the sunrise and sunset, which he can translate easily into east and west.
From this axis and with one’s back to the sunrise, the suyos and the Hanan /
Hurin division can be defined as “on the right hand” or “on the left hand.” 2
When Betanzos describes Contiti Viracocha’s march, he uses Condesuyo
and Andesuyo as directional references. They are “on the left hand” and “on
the right hand” with reference to a center: either Tiahuanaco or Contiti Vira-
cocha. When Pachacuti sends captains to Condesuyo and Andesuyo, they are
again directional references, and again the center is where Pachacuti is. Similar
terms are used to describe Topa Inca’s armies on their march from Collasuyo
back to Cuzco. The army was divided into four parts. One returned to Cuzco
by way of the coast of Arequipa; another went via Carangas and Aullagas; a
third followed the “right hand” and traced a course through Casavindo and
Chichas. Directional references to Condesuyo and Andesuyo are not given,
but the bodily notation just mentioned indicates that one of the armies was
on Topa Inca’s “right hand” and the others on his left. All of the parts met in
Hatuncolla for the return to Cuzco (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 36;
1987 : 164 –165).
Our argument that Betanzos includes some material from a life history of
Topa Inca is not a strong one. There are no obvious motifs to mark the begin-
ning and end of an account of Topa Inca. Still, similarities in what Betanzos
tells about Pachacuti and what he tells about Topa Inca indicate that life his-
tory material for Topa Inca may have survived. A study of the accounts of the
lives of Pachacuti and Topa Inca can only start us on the path of unraveling the
contents of an Inca life history genre.
t he context of life histor y
Whereas the painted history appears to have been a unique record, kept at
a single location, the life history materials were not kept in a single place, nor
can we assume they were unique. The association between the remains of the
rulers and the “strings and accounts of their deeds” was noted above; at least
one version was held by the ruler’s panaca. Betanzos drew from the life history
genre because he was close to panaca sources. When the remains of Inca rulers
were collected in 1559, at least some of the materials — for example, the quipos
related to Pachacuti — were taken by the Spaniards. These materials had been
kept by individuals trained to read them, and this training was said to have
been handed down from father to son. Just how this was done is still far from
clear, but what concerns us here is the context of this genre. What purpose did
it serve?
In this case we have some information about a performance tradition. The
first Spaniards to arrive in Cuzco were witness to events during which songs
with historical content were sung about the deeds of earlier Inca rulers. A nar-
rative written by one of the Spaniards who arrived with Pizarro describes the
victory celebration held after the defeat of the remains of Atahuallpa’s armies
near Cuzco. The deceased Incas, accompanied by retainers, were carried into
the square in a procession. A victory song was sung in accompaniment. Once
in the plaza an extended drinking bout began which lasted over a month. Part
of this celebration involved songs that extolled the deeds of each Inca:
The songs dealt with the conquests of each of those lords and of his good
qualities and bravery, thanking the Sun, who had allowed them to see this
day. And a priest rose up, admonishing the Inca on the part of the Sun
that he look to what his forebears had done, and that he would do the
same himself.
En los cantares trataban de lo que cada uno de aquellos señores había con-
quistado y de las gracias y valor de su persona, dando gracias al Sol que les
había dejado ver aquel día, y levantándose un sacerdote amonestaba de
parte del Sol a Inga, como a su hijo, que mirase lo que sus pasados habían
hecho y que así lo hiciese él.3
There were other occasions to perform songs that extolled the deeds of the
Incas. Cieza de León noted that songs, or cantares, were performed at their
principal celebrations, when their taquis, or drinking bouts, were held. Cieza
is clearly describing a formally transmitted genre that was kept by the panaca.
At the end of his description, he mentions that the Spaniards witnessed such
an event when Manco Inca took the borla, or royal fringe ([1553], chap. 11;
1986 : 28–29). Accession was one time when the life history may have been
performed. It was closely tied to male initiation, an event that occurred an-
nually during Capac Raymi. The life history may have been associated with
Capac Raymi itself. Toward the end of the succession of events that were part
of initiation, the dead rulers were brought to the main plaza of Cuzco, and
again a drinking bout was held. The young men were to ask the former rulers
to make them as fortunate and valiant as the rulers had been (Molina [1576];
1989 : 107–108). Another time when the performance of this historical genre
may have occurred was following the death of a ruler. Cieza himself was pres-
ent in Cuzco for the funeral, or purucaya, rite of Paullo Inca in 1550, although
he does not mention the performance of cantares at this rite ([1553], chap. 32;
1986 : 98–99).4
Betanzos describes the performance of what may be the life history genre
following the death of Pachacuti. The events associated with his life were re-
lated in public more than once. First, in the days immediately following his
death, after the ritual cleansing of members of his lineage in a particular spring
and the sacrifice of a number of his wives and servants, all of the nobles of
Cuzco were to gather for public mourning during which would be recited
“with voices raised, his famous exploits, both in remaking the city and in
conquering and acquiring lands and provinces, as well as in governing and or-
ganizing the city and the rest of the territory” (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1,
chap. 30; 1987 : 142). Then, a year later, another public performance relating
the events of his life was to be held in a month-long event in celebration and
mourning of his death known as purucaya. Amidst an elaborate round of
ceremonies and a reenactment of the wars that had taken place under his
command, the nobles of Cuzco would again tell about the Inca’s victories
and grand deeds “with voices raised” (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 31;
1987 : 145). In the years after, when mummified remains of a ruler were taken
out during public celebrations, songs were to be sung about “the things he did
during his lifetime, both at war and in his city” (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1,
chap. 32; 1987 : 150).
Betanzos may have drawn from a life history account that was still in panaca
hands, so we should give particular attention to what he said about the genre.
Betanzos describes Pachacuti’s composition of the accounts of earlier rulers in
the period right after the death of his father, Viracocha. Betanzos clearly de-
scribes the composition of songs about individual Incas. First, Pachacuti or-
ganized a cult of sacrifice around each former ruler, endowing his bulto — ei-
ther a representation of each ruler or his actual physical remains — with lands,
animals, retainers, and women and naming a majordomo to take charge of
these resources. Then he ordered the majordomos to compose cantares:
And so he ordered that these majordomos — and each one individually —

should compose songs which the women and retainers of each Inca would
sing, with the praise of the deeds of each one of these lords in their days;
and so it was done, and ordinarily, every time there were fiestas, the ser-
vants [of the rulers] would sing them in order, those of Manco Capac
beginning first with his cantar and praise; and so the women and servants
would tell how the rulers had succeeded up to that time; and that would
be the order they would follow from that time on so that they would
preserve some memory of [the Inca rulers] and their past.
E ansimismo mando a estos mayordomos e a cada vno por si que luego

hiziesen cantares los cuales cantasen estas mamaconas y yanaconas en los
lores de [sic: en loor de] los hechos de cada vno destos señores en sus dias
ansi hizo los quales cantares hordinariamente todo tiempo que fiestas
vuiese cantasen cada seruiçio de aquellos por su horden y conçierto
començando primero el tal cantar e ystoria e loa los de Mango Capac e
que ansi fuesen deçindiendo los tales mamaconas e seruiçio como los
señores auian suçedido hasta alli y que aquella fuese la horden que se
tuuiesse desde alli adelante para que de aquella manera vuiesse memoria
dellos y sus antiguedades. (Betanzos n.d. [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 17 f. 41;
1987 : 86)
Sarmiento tells a similar story, though he does not give specific details about
who composed or performed the cantares ([1572], chap. 31; 1906 : 68– 69).
We might test the written narratives that have survived to see if we can de-
tect that such a composition occurred following the end of Huayna Capac’s
life, though that task would be a very complex undertaking. What is perhaps
a more productive enterprise in this initial stage of exploration is to examine
the accounts of the early Incas. Do the accounts themselves reflect a composi-
tion process like the one Betanzos relates?
5 Composition
Our ability to see a life history in Betanzos’s narrative on Pachacuti

is supported by the structural similarities between his account and Sarmiento’s.
Like Betanzos, Sarmiento goes into particular detail about the life of Pacha-
cuti. A comparison of the two texts yields a rough image of the underlying
source. The similarities between these two texts and the contrast between
them and the other accounts that drew from Inca genres (tables 4.2 – 4.3) add
further support to the hypothesis that their narratives incorporate this Inca
source. Drawing out a life history of Topa Inca is a more difficult prospect, but
it can and should be attempted. The length of Sarmiento’s treatment of this
Inca, even after the information about his conquests from the quipo source is
removed, and the similarities between the motifs used by Betanzos to describe
the campaigns of both Pachacuti and Topa Inca provoke a conclusion that
there is life history material in both Spanish narratives. Now we turn to an ex-
amination of the narrative treatment of rulers before Pachacuti, a task that pre-
sents new obstacles to the identification of life history material.
So far we have made a distinction between Spanish historical narratives that
were little more than genealogies and others that incorporated substantially
more material: the “long accounts.” We have hypothesized that the genealog-
ical genre was what was painted on tablets kept privately by the dynastic line
and that it included at least a genealogy of the direct descendants of Manco Ca-
pac and a mention of the panacas associated with each generation, possibly
classified into Hanan and Hurin. Molina noted that the painted history also
incorporated material on dynastic origins, on the life of each ruler, and on the
lands he conquered. Since that is what the life history was also about to some
extent, significant potential for overlap between the genealogical genre and
the life history exists. The difference between the accounts of Pachacuti in
Sarmiento/Betanzos and what we find in Cabello Valboa/Morúa (m2) may be
a reflection of a reliance on the genealogical genre in the latter case and on the
life history in the former. If, as Betanzos and Sarmiento both state, the ac-
counts of the earlier Incas were composed during the time of Pachacuti, the
potential for overlap is even greater. There may have been no really notable
c o m p o s i t i o n | 167
difference in subject matter between the two genres. What if the major differ-
ence was that one was kept on quipos by the panaca and the other was painted
on tablets and kept by the ruler?
Moreover, there is no reason to assume that the genealogical genre was a
single narrative, temporally ordered. What if it was no more than a series of
lifetimes, presented sequentially? Life history materials would have presented
some obstacles to the construction of a seamless narrative of the Inca past, par-
ticularly when the lives of rulers overlapped. If both the painted history and
life history were structured around lifetimes, then there had been no seam-
less narrative of the Inca past until Spanish historical practice produced one.
What may have characterized the painted history was the sequencing of life
histories in a genealogical order, not the synchronization of events into a single
narrative.
Let us examine these questions with the circumstances surrounding the
composition of the accounts of the early rulers in mind. The life histories were
said to have been composed after the death of a ruler, except in the case of the
accounts of the rulers from Manco Capac to Yahuar Huacac. Both Betanzos
and Sarmiento tell us that Pachacuti organized a cult to the memory of the
earlier Incas. Betanzos locates this incident after the death of Viracocha Inca,
Pachacuti’s father, while Sarmiento locates it before Viracocha’s death. Sar-
miento specifically notes that Pachacuti had the bodies of the first seven Incas,
from Manco Capac to Yahuar Huacac, “disinterred” and brought to Corican-
cha. They were adorned and placed on a bench, then a purucaya ceremony was
held for each one, and stories were composed about their lives. Pachacuti cre-
ated a public cult to his forebears (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 30;
1906 : 68– 69).
The invention of a cult to the Inca forebears is situated within the historical
narrative. Sarmiento’s description of the painted history, however, was incor-
porated into his narrative in the chapter before he narrates Inca origins, that is,
as something set apart from the historical narrative itself ([1572], chap. 9;
1906 : 31). Here he specifically notes the hand of Pachacuti in the painting of
tablets that were kept in a large room in the “houses of the Sun.”
Because Betanzos and Sarmiento tell us about Pachacuti’s involvement in
the composition of material about earlier Incas, we can orient our analysis
with this knowledge in mind. In the historical narratives we examine, then,
there are at least two composition events involved. The most recent is the com-
position of a Spanish narrative from sources—oral and/or written—with ma-
terial on the Inca past. If a written source underlies the text (as we have argued
in the case of Cabello Valboa and Morúa) then the composition process is
168 | c o m p o s i t i o n
more complex. Each composition process should reflect a perspective on the

past situated in that moment. Before we begin to read the historical narratives
based on Inca sources (as we do in the next three chapters), we need to know
something about the nature of the underlying sources they drew from and the
history of composition of these sources. In this chapter our interest is in the
account or accounts of the early Incas. Can we determine from their content
that they were composed at a specific point in time and for specific dynastic
purposes?
There are several other tasks related to this endeavor. The problem of se-
quencing and overlap between the narratives is something we can discuss more
fully after examining the accounts of the early Inca rulers. One important con-
cern is with the story of Inca origins. Can we detect where it ends and where
the lifetime of Manco Capac begins? What if more than one story of origins is
told? What story began the Inca genealogical genre? Another question, best
addressed here, is whether the dates given by two of the narratives—Sarmiento
and Cabello Valboa—for the lifespans of particular Incas are their own inven-
tion or have some basis in local knowledge. Also, Betanzos and Sarmiento tell
us that Pachacuti composed the life histories of earlier rulers, but Betanzos
places this event after the death of Viracocha Inca, while Sarmiento puts it be-
fore. Was there a history of Viracocha Inca that was composed as a separate
event from the composition event that produced the accounts of the first seven
rulers?
To answer some of these questions it is important to know something
about the lost historical narrative of Cristóbal de Molina. Although we appear
to digress at this point to compare the accounts of Miguel Cabello Valboa and
Martín de Morúa, we need to know about Molina’s account, particularly if, as
we suspect, it may have drawn largely from a genealogical genre.
cabello valboa and morúa
Molina’s text is important to us. He collected his material in Cuzco at ap-

proximately the same time as Sarmiento. Cabello Valboa said he took his ma-
terial from Molina, and we have already seen that, in the event structure of the
life of Pachacuti, there are structural similarities between Cabello Valboa’s nar-
rative and one of the Morúa accounts (m2) (tables 4.1– 4.3). But how similar
are they?
The stories Cabello Valboa and Morúa tell about Inca origins are very sim-
ilar. One notable difference is that Morúa introduces a chapter heading where
the story appears to shift from origins to the life of Manco Capac, although he
does not give it a number. The lack of coincidence between chapter headings
supplied by the two authors indicates that chapter structure was not borrowed
from an underlying text. Molina, then, appears not to have used one. In the
following comparison, the texts are paraphrased. Spellings have been His-
panicized, but different renderings of what may be the same place-name have
been preserved.
Other differences are relatively minor: Morúa tells us that Ayar Auca was
sent back to Pacaritambo from a place called Chasquito and calls the cups
he was sent to fetch topacusi; both authors give wildly divergent spellings of
Tamboquiro; Cabello Valboa names the rite in which the Incas received ear
spools (tocochicui); and Morúa puts an additional entry on his list of rites
(raimis). Perhaps the most striking difference is that Morúa incorporates direct
speech into his text (Niles 1999 : 32 –37). Direct speech is sometimes incorpo-
rated in other accounts, and Titu Cusi makes it a functional part of his narra-
tive (1988), so it is not beyond possibility that direct speech was used in the
Molina text.
The event which signals the beginning of Manco Capac’s story in Morúa—
marked by the insertion of an unnumbered chapter heading—is the founding
of Cuzco. Immediately after that heading, the narrative backtracks to Matagua
to tell about Mama Huaco and the golden rods and about the initiation of
Sinchi Roca (see below). This sequencing parallels what is found in Cobo.
Cobo begins his story of Manco Capac with the founding of Cuzco but then
returns to Matagua to talk about the initiation of Sinchi Roca (see the com-
parison of Cobo and Cabello Valboa later in this chapter). If we can mark the
point where the origin story ends and the account of Manco Capac proper be-
gins, it is here.
Cabello Valboa Morúa

Chap. 9. The Ayar siblings leave Pacari- Chap. 2. The Ayar siblings leave Pacari-
tambo or Tambotoco. tambo at night.
They arrive at Pachete but don’t like it. They arrive at Pachete but don’t like it.
They go on to Huaman Cancha, where They go on to Huayna Cancha, where
Mama Ocllo gets pregnant. Mama Ocllo gets pregnant. Some say it
was Mama Huaco.
Then they go to Tambo Oir [Tambo- Then they go to Tambuqui [Tambo-
quiro], where Sinchi Roca is born. quiro], where Sinchi Roca is born.
Ayar Auca was disgusted and could not Then they went on to Chasquito. From
disguise his hatred. He was sent back to there, Ayar Auca was sent back to Pacari-
Tambotoco for some golden cups and tambo to get some golden cups, called
some seed with a servant named Tambo topacusi. He did not want to go, but
Chacay. The latter walled him up inside Mama Huaco talked him into it. A ser-
the cave. vant, Tambo Chacai, went with him and
Ayar Auca was troublesome because he sealed him into the cave with a large
was able to create landslides by throwing boulder. [Direct speech incorporated in
rocks. the story.] Tambo Chacay remained out-
side the cave, turned to stone.
Ayar Auca was troublesome because he
would throw stones and bring down
mountains.
They get to Huanacauri and see a rain- They get to Huanacauri and see a rain-
bow, which they interpret as a sign that bow, which they interpret as a sign that
the world would not be destroyed by the world would not be destroyed by
flood. flood.
Near the top they see a certain wizard From a distance they see a huaca in the
from Saño making sacrifices to a huaca shape of a seated person at which the
called [Chimboycagua]. They send Ayar rainbow ended. This was the huaca of
Cache to capture him. He turns Ayar Saño, about 5 km from there, called
Cache to stone. Ayar Cache tells them to Chimpo y Cahua. They decided to take
sacrifice to him when they perform it. Ayar Cachi addresses it and climbs on
huarachico. it. He turns to stone. He tells them to
sacrifice to them when they perform
huarachico. [Direct speech incorporated.]
They go to the foot of the hill to a place They go to the foot of the hill to a place
called Matagua. Here is where Sinchi called Matagua. Here is where Sinchi
Roca is initiated and given ear spools. Roca is initiated and given ear spools.
He was the first to be initiated in the cer-
emony of tocochicui. The name of Ayar
Cache was invoked many times. A refer-
ence to “father Sun.”
This is also the origin of Inca mourning This is also the origin of Inca mourn-
and other rites (quicochico, guarachico, ru- ing and other rites (raimis, quicochico,
tuchico, and auyscay, which is to celebrate huarachico, rutuchico, and ayuscai).
a birth with drinking and dancing for
four days).
Chapter heading, no chapter number.
Manco Capac history begins.
Manco Capac creates Cuzco in what had
been open fields before. He divides it
into two districts, making Sinchi Roca
head of one of them. He distributed the

rest among his descendants and gave out
many orders.
[Here follow two plates showing Manco
Capac and Sinchi Roca.]
The event structure in Cabello Valboa and Morúa through the life of Manco
Capac is virtually the same, with the exception of material that Cabello Valboa
repeats and the founding of Cuzco. Cabello Valboa describes the organization
of Cuzco just after the settlement of the remaining Ayar siblings at Corican-
cha. He incorporates exactly the same information about the four neighbor-
hoods of Cuzco as Sarmiento, though this material is missing from Morúa.
Again, Morúa incorporates direct speech at one point in the text.
A major difference between Morúa and Cabello Valboa is Morúa’s devel-
opment of separate chapters for the Coyas and the provision of two different
names for each one, one of which is the name provided by Cabello Valboa and,
hence, may derive from Molina. Morúa’s manuscript also includes full-length
portraits of each Inca and Coya to accompany the text. The effort to present
visual material as accompaniment to the narrative may be an attempt to restore
aspects of the genealogical genre. Guaman Poma, whose text and Morúa’s
exhibit certain dependencies, are alike in their inclusion of portraits and sepa-
rate accounts for Incas and Coyas (Guaman Poma [1615] 1987). As noted in
chapter 3, what they say about the Coyas is unique to their accounts, and
Morúa used material from a source on ancient Mexico in his (Rowe 1987).
Both authors wrote in the late sixteenth to early seventeenth century. Al-
though this format may well have been developed with the earlier genre in
mind, what we have been able to learn about the earlier genre suggests that the
development of a visual history at the end of the century would have been a
substantial innovation.

Chap. 10. They occupied some aban-
doned houses [in Matagua]. The town
was a marketplace. They got all dressed
up and tried to convince the people there
that they had come from the heavens and
that they were sons of the Sun. People
were impressed.
[Then he retells some of what he has al-
ready told with some different details.]
Mama Ocllo becomes pregnant. Ayar

Auca is sent back to Tambotoco to re-
trieve cups, etc., Tambo Chacay walls
him up, etc. The story is circulated that
Mama Ocllo is bearing a child of the
Sun. Sinchi Roca is born.
Ayar Cache is killed by a sorcerer with
poison. A new manner of mourning is
invented. They spend twenty years in
Matagua.
Neither Ayar Ucho nor Mama Ragua left
descendants.
Then the story about Mama Huaco and Chap. 3. They are in Matagua. The story
the two golden rods is told. One lands in about Mama Huaco and the two golden
Colcabamba and the other in Hua- rods is told. One lands in Colcabamba
naipata, a place near the gateway on the and the other in Huanaipata, a place near
road that goes to San Sebastián. the gateway on the road that goes to San
Sebastian.
Sinchi Roca is initiated. At three years Sinchi Roca is initiated.
of age they perform tocochicui, which is
when they pierce the ears. At four they
perform rutuchicuy, which is when they
cut the hair. At fifteen they perform
huarachicui, which is when a boy wears a
breechcloth.
Sinchi Roca is old enough for a wife. She Sinchi Roca engenders Manco Sapaca in
is Mama Coca, only daughter of Sutic Mama Coca, daughter of “su tía Hua-
Huaman, the lord of Saño. They have man” [Sutic Huaman], lord of Saño.
Manco Sapaca in Matagua.
Then they move on to Colcabamba. Then they move on to Colcabamba,
They test the land there. where the first golden rod had fallen.
They test the land there and find it not
good for planting.
They go on to Huamantianca. They go on to Huamantianca and Hua-
naypata, where the second rod fell.
The soil is better and they plant.
They found Cuzco, called Acamama,
here. The people in this place are Lares,
Poques, and Huallas.
In this place Mama Huaco kills one of Then they killed some of them and blew
the Huayllas with a knife and removes into their lungs. With bloody mouths,
his lungs and entrails, anointing the oth- they went to attack the Huallas. The
ers with his blood. Huallas fled, thinking they were
cannibals.
Copalimayta, the natural lord of Cuzco, Copalimayta, the lord of Cuzco, went
gathered as large a group as possible and out to meet them.
came out to meet them.
The Incas defended themselves at a small The Incas returned to Huanaypata,
arroyo and had to retreat to Huanaypata, where they remained until after the
where they remained until after harvest. harvest.
The harvest was good, and they went The harvest was good, and they went
back on the attack. They won and took back on the attack. They won and took
Copalimayta captive. Copalimayta captive. He turned over
He turned over his family and posses- his lands and possessions to Mama
sions to Mama Huaco and departed. Huaco and departed. [Direct speech
incorporated.]
The Incas settled at Coricancha, where The Incas settled at Coricancha, where
Santo Domingo is now. They built a Santo Domingo is now. They built a
temple dedicated to the Sun. temple of the Sun.
They established four neighborhoods, Manco Capac dies, leaving Sinchi Roca
calling them Quinti Cancha, Chumbi as his successor.
Cancha, Aranbui Cancha, and Sayri Can- Mentions again that Mama Huaco is his
cha. Manco Capac founds Cuzco in mother.
Chumbi Cancha. They also have a daughter, Chimpo
Ocllo, and a bastard son, Pachacuti.
Age at death, length of rule, calendar
year of death.
Chap. 4. Mama Huaco’s history begins.
[Nothing in it is in Cabello Valboa.]
[Reference to a plate showing this
Coya.]
Neither author had much to say about Sinchi Roca. Morúa reiterates the
names of Sinchi Roca’s parents and notes that this Inca was interested in war-
fare and expansion. Sarmiento often begins his accounts of particular Incas
this way (see the comparison later in the chapter). The material included in Ca-
bello Valboa about insignia (here) and ritual (in later lives) does not appear in
Morúa, indicating to us that this digression may have been an innovation by
Cabello Valboa.
Both Cabello Valboa and Morúa noted that Sinchi Roca produced a son
named Manco Sapaca with the daughter of the lord of Saño. Morúa tells us
that the next ruler, Lloque Yupanqui, was the son of Sinchi Roca and a sister
named Chimpo Coya. From this point onward, Morúa consistently adopts a
theory of sister-marriage. In the account of each ruler, he names a sister who
becomes Coya in the next generation. Cabello Valboa does not identify the
mother of Lloque Yupanqui.

Chap. 11. Sinchi Roca history begins. Chap. 5. Sinchi Roca history begins.
Mentions that Manco Capac and Mama
Huaco are his parents.
He was valiant and inclined to go to war.
He was the first to order the Incas to
pierce their ears.
Sinchi Roca and Mama Coca have Sinchi Roca and Chimpo Coya, his sis-
Manco Sapaca. ter, have Lloque Yupanqui.
[Reference to a plate showing this Inca.]
He was the first to use the borla called Chap. 6. Chimpo Coya history begins.
Masca Paycha, the Suntur Paucar, and [Nothing in it is in Cabello Valboa.]
the Capac Ongo, Tarco Gualca. [Reference to a plate showing this
Mentions Lloque Yupanqui. Coya.]
Age at death, calendar year of death.
The accounts are closely parallel except for Morúa’s naming of a different
Coya and inclusion of a chapter on her.

Lloque Yupanqui history begins. Chap. 7. Lloque Yupanqui history
begins.
Mentions again he is son of Sinchi Roca
and Chimpo Coya.
He marries Mama Cora, by another
name, Mama Anahuarque, his sister.
Chap. 12. Many lords come to serve Many lords come to serve Lloque
Lloque Yupanqui, the first and most Yupanqui, such as Huamac Samo,
important being Guaman Samo (of Pachachulla Viracocha, and the Ayar-
Guaro), Pachachulla Viracocha, the macas and the Quilescaches.
Ayarcamas, Tambo Vincais, and
Quiliscochas.
He had fathered no children. The Sun One day, the Sun appeared to him in hu-
appeared to him in human form to con- man form and told him he would be a
sole him, saying that he would be a great great lord and would yet father a son.
lord and would father a son. Manco A servant or a bastard brother named
Sapaca had told Pachachulla Viracocha of Manco Capaca took him to where the
this business, who took it to hand and Coya was one day and made him have
found Lloque Yupanqui a wife. intercourse with her. She got pregnant,
and the child that was born was Mayta
Capac.
Certain practices originated with him.
He marries Mama Cahua in an elaborate
ceremony.
Chap. 8. Mama Cora history begins.
Coya.]
Morúa ends the history of Lloque Yupanqui and tells the story of Mayta
Capac’s deeds as a boy in the next chapter, when the subject is Mayta Capac.
Cabello Valboa places this material in the lifetime of Lloque Yupanqui. Except
for this, the stories are closely parallel. Morúa includes a second Alcabiza at-
tack on Coricancha, bringing the total number of encounters to three. The last
encounter is away from Coricancha and involves supernatural intervention, as
in the final encounter described in Cabello Valboa. Morúa adds the invention
of a victory celebration that he calls huarichico. The royal insignia are also a
topic, one that Cabello Valboa includes in his discussion of Sinchi Roca and
returns to when the subject is Capac Yupanqui.

[Here, Cabello Valboa tells about Mayta Chap. 9. Maita Capac history begins.
Capac as a boy, although he has not Mentions again that Mamacora is his
ended the history of Lloque Yupanqui.] mother.
Describes his appearance and
disposition.
As a boy Mayta Capac fought with other As a boy Maita Capac fought with other
boys, injuring them and even killing boys from Cuzco, called Alcabizas
some. He fought with the sons of some [Alcayvisas] and Culunchima [Cullum-
Alcabizas [Allcayvillas] and Culunchima chima], killing some.
[Culluim Chima] lords, and they came The Alcabizas came to hate the Incas.
to hate the Incas.
They decided secretly to kill Lloque Yu- They decided secretly to kill Lloque
panqui and his son, choosing ten men to Yupanqui and his son, choosing ten men
ambush them at Coricancha. Mayta Ca- to ambush them at Coricancha. Maita

pac was there with his cousins Apoc Capac was there with other boys, playing
Conde Mayta and Taca Chungay playing with a certain kind of bolas called
with a certain kind of bolas called Cuchu.
Cuchu, accompanied by two dogs.
Mayta Capac could tell that the men Since he saw them come in with arms,
who had entered meant harm, and with with one bola, he killed two of them.
one bola he killed two of them. Lloque Those who were with him went to tell
Yupanqui, Mayta Capac, and others pur- Lloque Yupanqui, who came out with
sued the other eight, killing all but three. others and dogs and pursued them,
killing five. The others escaped to tell it
to Culunchima and Alcabizas, their
caciques. [Oration incorporated.]
The Alcavizas gathered a large number They got help from their neighbors.
of people. Lloque Yupanqui was upset Lloque Yupanqui was upset about the
about the trouble his son caused, but the trouble and called his son in to see him.
elders and religious specialists of the In- [Oration incorporated.] His captains
cas told him not to be, and Mayta Capac told him to leave the boy alone. Maita
was allowed to lead them out to battle. Capac, seeing that the Alcabizas were
The Incas managed to chase the Al- coming to attack, led them out to battle
cabizas back to their enclosures. and won.
The Alcabizas returned and entered
Coricancha on three sides. Maita Capac
and only a few others went out the door
to fight them and won.
He invented huarichico, which is a
victory celebration.
A second battle was fought. When they The Alcabizas attacked a third time. He
were fighting, a black cloud came and went out to meet them. This time it
separated them, keeping the Incas from hailed, and that is what defeated them.
defeating them. A lot of peoples, learning of this victory,
swore obedience to the Incas.
Describes Inca insignia.
He was married to Chimpo Urma, first
cousin.
Length of rule, calendar year of death of
Lloque Yupanqui.
The stories about Mayta Capac’s youth told, neither author has much to say
about his adulthood. Cabello Valboa digresses to talk about religious specialists.

Mayta Capac history begins.
Mayta Capac marries Mama Coca
Taucaraz.
Mentions Capac Yupanqui (successor) Mentions Capac Yupanqui (successor)
and Tarco Huaman. and Faico Huaman [Tarco Huaman] and
a daughter, Chimpo Ocllo.
A long description of different kinds of
religious specialists which have their
origin at about this time.
Length of rule, calendar year of death (at
beginning of chap. 13).
Mentions Capac Yupanqui.
Chap. 10. Chimpo Urma, also called
Mama Yacche, history begins.
Coya.]
Again, there appears to be little to say about the ruler. Cabello Valboa de-
scribes the royal insignia, and Morúa introduces a theological debate. The only
event worthy of mention is some kind of military action in Andesuyo.

Chap. 13. Capac Yupanqui history Chap. 11. Capac Yupanqui history
begins. begins.
He is valiant and bellicose.
Describes the royal insignia (Topa Yauri,
Tarco Gualca, Marca Pacha, Suntur Pau-
car).
Capac Yupanqui marries Curi Hilpay.
Mentions Inca Roca (successor) and Apo
Mayta.
When his sons are old enough to cam- He conquered the Cuyos [Suyos], which
paign, they campaign against the Cuyos, is the province of Andesuyo.
who, because they lived in the mountain-
ous Andes, imagined themselves to be
free of Inca rule. Capac Yupanqui was
offended and armed himself and his sons
and brought them back to obedience.

Their neighbors and confederates also
submitted.
He makes sophisticated arguments about
how the Sun cannot be the Creator be-
cause a cloud can cover it. He sends
envoys to Pachacamac.
[Oration incorporated.]
A miracle occurred at Cacha in Canas
and Canchis at this time.
Marries a sister named Cusi Chimpo
who kills him with poison. She is the
mother of Inca Roca.
[Reference to a plate of this Inca.]
Age at death, calendar year of death.
Chap. 12. Chimpo Ocllo (also called
Mama Cahua) history begins.
Coya.]
When Inca Roca is the topic, Cabello Valboa and Morúa include fairly simi-
lar information about efforts to expand the authority of Cuzco but sequence
it differently. Cabello Valboa puts marriage at the beginning of the account;
Morúa, at the end. Both describe building the canals of Hananchaca and
Hurinchaca, but for Cabello Valboa, a campaign against Wimpilla, Quisalla,
and Caytomarca is mentioned first; for Morúa, the campaign is sequenced
afterward. Wimpilla and Quisalla are both places in the Cuzco Valley on the
south side of the Huatanay River after the confluence with the Tullumayo.
Caytomarca, according to Sarmiento, is 20 km away.
There are other differences between the two authors. Morúa includes in-
formation about making a series of statues of the Incas. This topic is connected
to the division of Cuzco into Hanan and Hurin, since Morúa specifies which
Incas were Hanan and which Hurin. Cobo and several of the “short accounts”
also clarify which Incas were Hanan and which Hurin. The insertion of the
topic here may have some tie to the genealogical genre. Morúa also describes
a battle at Ocongate, a place to the east of Cuzco, that no one else mentions.
He also asserts that Inca Roca died of a poisoned arrow wound. Cabello Val-
boa introduces a unique account of a problem in the Mascas territory, south
of Cuzco. Cabello Valboa inserts the story about the young Yahuar Huacac at
about midpoint in his account of Inca Roca. Morúa puts it early in his account
of Yahuar Huacac.
CabelloValboa Morúa
Inca Roca history begins. Chap. 13. Inca Roca history begins.
A group of families called Mascas had
exempted themselves [from the Inca
confederation]. Inca Roca’s brother Apo
Mayta wanted to campaign against them
and asked for permission. He made war
against them, saying how, when they had
been remiss and late in their confedera-
tion with the Incas, they had been badly
advised. He defeated them, capturing
their captain, Guari Guaca. He marries
Mama Nicaz [Micay], daughter of the
lord of Guayllacan.
Mentions Yahuar Huacac (successor)
and Vica Quirao (Veca Quiroa).
His son Vica Quirao conquers Moyna
and its surrounding area, capturing its
lords, Moynapongo and Guamantopa.
When Yahuar Huacac was very young,
some lords from Andesuyo tried to steal
him from his cradle. When they got him
to their land, he cried tears of blood. Af-
ter a divination ceremony, they returned
him to the place they had taken him
from.
The sons of Inca Roca win more lands in
the area, including Wimpilla [Bimbilla],
Quisalla, and Caytomarca.
Inca Roca built the canals called Hanan- Inca Roca discovers the waters of Hurin-
chaca and Hurinchaca. chaca and Hananchaca.
Inca Roca divided Cuzco into Hanan He also divided Cuzco into Hanan
Cuzco and Hurin Cuzco. Cuzco and Hurin Cuzco.
He was generous and magnificent and
ordered that drinking parties be held in
public.
He also had a number of statues made of

the Incas. When they were found, the
first was the statue of Inca Roca, head of
Hanan Cuzco. The others, in order, were
Yahuar Huacac, Viracocha Inca, Topa
Inca Yupanqui, Huayna Capac, Huascar
Inca, and Manco Inca.
The statue was feared, and when it was
addressed, the speaker looked at the
ground. [There follows a description of
how they spoke to the statue and how it
responded.]
He conquers Wimpilla [Pimpila] and
Quisalla, near Cuzco, and Caytomarca.
He marries Cusi Chimpo. They have
Yahuar Huacac (successor), Paucar
Hinga, Hamantassi, Incas; Vica Quirao,
Inca; Cacachicha Vica Quirao, and Apo
Maita, and a daughter named Ypa
Huaco, by another name, Mama Chiqui.
After a battle with people near Cuzco
who were fortified at Ocongate, he was
injured by an arrow. An herbalist from
Hualla cured him, but he died several
Age at death, calendar year of death. days later of a fever.
Chap. 14. Cusi Chimpo, also called

Mama Micay, history begins.
Coya.]
Shorn of the story of his youth, the accounts include little about Yahuar
Huacac. Cabello Valboa indicates a proclivity for sexual experimentation,
something that is not even remotely a topic in the other accounts for any Inca.
Morúa includes some unusual information about three children this Inca had
with a non-Inca woman. He also talks about taking the huacas of conquered
people hostage. Since there are no references to any conquests whatever dur-
ing the time of Yahuar Huacac, this comment seems out of place.
Yahuar Huacac history begins. Chap. 15. Yahuar Huacac history begins.
His rule is brief, and there is not much As a boy, he had a sickness of the blood,
to say. and it came out his nose.
Some say that his enemies stole him
when he was a boy and took him to Vil-
cabamba, where they wanted to kill him.
He cried tears of blood. He had three
children with a yunga woman.
When he conquered a people, he took
their huaca hostage so they would not
rebel. The people also had to contribute
people and wealth for sacrifice.
Yahuar Huacac marries Mama Chiquia. He married Ypa Huaco, also called
Mama Chiquia.
Mentions Viracocha Inca. Mentions son, Viracocha Inca, and a
daughter, Mama Yunto Coya.
He was given to venereal delights, which
shortened his life by a number of years.
Chap. 16. Ipa Huaco Coya, also called
Mama Chiquia, history begins.
Coya.]
Morúa names Inca Urco as the second son of Viracocha Inca and Mama
Rondocaya, born after Pachacuti. Pachacuti is also the eldest in Cabello Valboa’s
account. Neither one agrees with Sarmiento that Inca Urco and another son
were born to a different woman ([1572], chap. 24; 1906 : 57). Morúa also notes
that “some say” that Viracocha Inca never married and that a brother, Inca
Yupanqui, succeeded.
Chap. 14. Viracocha Inca history begins. Chap. 17. Viracocha Inca history begins.
Mentions again that Mama Chiquia is He is valiant and full of energy; some say
his mother. he is bearded.
Some say the name Viracocha means He conquers many towns and
“sea foam,” but vira means lard and foam disappears.
is called puczu, so they are wrong.
Viracocha Inca marries Mama Rondo- Viracocha Inca marries Mama Yunto
caya of Canto [sic: Anta]. Coya and has five sons: Pachacuti Inca
Mentions Inca Yupanqui (successor). In Yupanqui, also called Inca Yupanqui,
the following story about campaigns at Urcu Inca, Inca Mayta, Coropanqui, and
Caytomarca and Calca, he mentions sons Capac Yupanqui.
Topa Huari and Inca Urco. Some say he never married, and after his
death, a brother named Inca Yupanqui
succeeded.
He was given to witchcraft and had an
infinity of sorcerers and diviners dedi-
cated to the cult to the huacas; they wore
their hair long and, by order of the Inca,
wore a long white shirt with a mantle
knotted at the shoulder. [More about
them.]
Viracocha Inca conquers Caytomarca Viracocha Inca conquers Marca Piña,
and Calca [Callca]; he conquers Tocay Ocapa, and Caquiamarca in Calca; he
Capac and Suayparmaca [Guaypar- conquers Tocay Capac and Huaypor-
marca]. He also brings Maras [Mallas] marca, Maras and Mollaca [Mullaca],
and Mollaca [Mullucan] to obedience, although some say that these victories
although some say that these victories were won by Inca Urco, his son.
were won by Topa Guarachiri and Ynga [Reference to a plate showing this Inca.]
Urco, accompanied by their uncles Inca
Sucsu and Inca Roca.
Viracocha Inca names Ynga Urco to suc-
ceed him, although by rights it should
have been the oldest brother, Ynga
Yupanqui.
At this time the Chancas had attacked
some Cuzco people who were working
lands that belonged to the Incas and the
Sun. Viracocha Inca names Ynga Yupan-
qui as general. He campaigns against
people who had been exempt, including
Pinao Capac, Cuyo Capac Chaguar
Chuchuca, and others of lesser name.
Then they approached the Chancas, who
had fortified themselves in the lands of
Quiachilli (to the rear of Ayavira). The
Incas beat them, and the Chancas re-
treated to Ychubamba (to the rear of
Xacxaguana), where they regrouped. The

Incas reinforced their army, and the
Chancas fled in shame back to Anda-
guayllas. Their captains, Tomayguaraca
and Astoguaraca, had been taken captive
by Ynga Yupanqui, who made cups out
of their heads.
The Ulti story.
Pachacuti conquers the Urubamba Valley
and puts the borla on his own head.
Pachacuti plots the murder of his brother
Inca Urco in a town called Canche.
Viracocha Inca dies of sadness.
Length of rule, calendar year of death.
Chap. 18. Mama Yunto Coya history
begins.
[Reference to a plate showing this Coya.]
Chap. 19. Pachacuti history begins. He
was married to Mama Anahuarqui.
He conquered the Cuzco area and the
Cuyos, destroying all of them. That
province of Cuyo Capac Chahuar Chu-
chuca was very large. The lords were
Cuyo Capac, Yanqui Lalama, and Pu-
canataqui. They gave him a wife.
The Ulti story.
Pachacuti conquers the Urubamba Valley
down to Vitcos and Vilcabamba.
Then the Chancas come to attack Cuzco,
as they had in the time of his father.
Pachacuti fought them in two battles,
one at Quialtichi, behind Yavira, and the
other at Sichupampa (behind Sacsa-
huana). The Incas were successful and
took Jumay Huaraca and Asto Huaraca
captive. Drinking cups were made from
their heads.
Pachacuti plots the murder of his brother
Ynga Urco at Cache. Viracocha Inca dies
of sadness.
We have seen sequencing problems before in our comparison of these two

historical narratives, but the problem is much more pronounced when the
topic is Viracocha Inca. The information they give about campaigns in Calca
and against Tocay Capac seem similar, although different place-names appear
in their coverage of these events. That Inca Urco participated in these cam-
paigns is mentioned by both; what is different is the sequencing of campaigns
against the Cuyos and the Chancas. Cabello Valboa puts both campaigns after
the naming of Inca Urco as Viracocha Inca’s successor. Then he tells the Ulti
story. Finally, he describes Pachacuti’s usurpation of his father’s authority and
the murder of his brother, followed by the death of Viracocha Inca. Morúa lo-
cates all of these events early in the rule of Pachacuti, and he sequences the Ulti
story between a campaign in Cuyos and the battles with the Chancas. The
events which follow—the murder of Inca Urco and the death of Viracocha
Inca—are given in the same order as by Cabello Valboa.
What do these differences tell us about an underlying text? In our compar-
ison of the events of the life of Pachacuti, clear similarities between the struc-
turing of Morúa and Cabello Valboa indicate a common, underlying text (see
tables 4.1– 4.3). Both Morúa and Cabello Valboa register the conquests of
Topa Inca in a similar way, and we can assume that the underlying text drew
from a source like the quipo that was read into the Memorial. When we exam-
ine their accounts of the earlier rulers, the most noteworthy difference be-
tween them is in the sequencing of certain events. For example, stories about
the childhood of Mayta Capac and Yahuar Huacac are sequenced during the
life of their fathers in Cabello Valboa and at the beginning of the accounts of
these rulers in Morúa. We have already examined differences in how the Ulti
story was sequenced. Since both authors appear to have imposed their own
chapter structure on what they wrote, some of the sequencing differences may
simply be due to their choice of where to end a chapter. The construction of a
single narrative from a series of life histories, choosing how to deal with events
that occurred before the death of an Inca but that were part of a life history of
the son, may have been features of Molina. In one instance—the place where
the story of origins ended and the story of Manco Capac proper began—the
narrative backtracks, indicating that no effort was made to impose a chrono-
logical order on the underlying material. Both authors incorporate informa-
tion about Inca insignia and rites, but not in a consistent way. Cabello Valboa,
especially, seems to elaborate on a subject matter that was present in an un-
derlying account but not treated with the same amount of detail.
We now have a guide to what the historical account of Molina was like. Ca-
bello Valboa and Morúa are so like each other and so different from either
Sarmiento or Cobo that we can use them to give us a rough idea of how
Molina would have differed from Sarmiento and Cobo.
sar miento, cabello valboa, and cobo
We will compare the material on earlier rulers from the accounts of Sar-
miento, Cabello Valboa, and Cobo. Since Cabello Valboa said he followed
Molina, and we have already established the similarities between his text
and Morúa’s, Cabello Valboa will stand in for Molina ([1586], pt. 3, chap. 9;
1951 : 259–260). Molina wrote just after the time Sarmiento composed his his-
torical narrative. In roughly the same period, then, Sarmiento and Molina col-
lected somewhat different accounts of the Inca past from native sources.
Cobo has been selected because he may have drawn his material from a nar-
rative by Polo de Ondegardo. If so, Polo wrote a narrative that was noticeably
shorter and less detailed than the accounts of Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa.
We cannot control for Cobo’s editing, and he certainly behaved more like a
modern historian than other authors of his time. One gets a sense, when read-
ing him, that he injected a fair degree of his own interpretation of the materi-
als he had at his disposal. When he says he could have gotten the same mate-
rial from Inca sources in the Cuzco of his own day, he is telling us that he was
comparing material from more than half a century earlier with what he was
hearing. It is hard to imagine that an active mind like Cobo’s would not be
influenced by what he heard or the voices in his other manuscripts. Perhaps the
biggest danger is that he may have reordered or suppressed events to bring a
text that he used for the basis of his account into line with what he “knew”
from other sources. When we put Cobo into our comparison, however, we see
enough similarities between his narrative and the other two to confirm that his
underlying source drew from some of the same fonts as Sarmiento and Cabello
Valboa/Molina.
Since the origin myth is the subject of a later chapter, and here we are pri-
marily interested in comparing the event structure of the lives of the early
rulers, we have chosen the departure of the Ayar siblings from Pacaritambo as
the starting point for our comparison. If we are right about where the origin
story ends (see the above comparison of Morúa and Cabello Valboa), we have
included a large part of it in our comparison. Since the account of Inca origins
has an event structure just like the lives of particular Incas, we should look at
its structure in the context of the account(s) of the early rulers.
Both Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa provide information in years (such as
age at death, age at succession, length of rule, and/or calendar year of death)
at the end of their accounts of each ruler. (The numerical material has been
gathered together in tabular form in a separate section in this chapter where it
is given full consideration.) Sarmiento and Cobo provide information about
the location of the body and the huaoque, a sacred object associated with each
ruler, at the end of their accounts. Both authors had information about where
these objects were when Polo found them (or did not find them) in Cuzco
more than a decade earlier (Hampe Martínez 1982). Whether information
about the location of the mummy of an Inca ruler had anything to do with an
Inca genre or not, it appears at the end of a life in some Spanish narratives and
thus is part of what ends each life history. Finally, spellings have been normal-
ized in the following comparisons, except where a variant is transparent. If a
spelling diverges to any great degree from the normalized version, the actual
spelling of a name in the text is enclosed in brackets the first time the name ap-
pears. Again, the accounts have been paraphrased.
Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa give accounts of the Ayar siblings’ journey to
Cuzco that are broadly similar as well as similar in many details. For example,
the itinerary the Incas followed in their gradual move from Pacaritambo to
Cuzco is roughly the same, as are the details about what happened in these
places. Sarmiento has a bit more detail; for example, he names the place at the
foot of Huanacauri where the Incas stopped. In Cabello Valboa, the Ayar sib-
lings speak to the sorcerer from Saño who was offering to their huaca. In
Sarmiento they speak to the huaca itself. Cabello Valboa and Sarmiento do
not agree on which brother was walled up at Tambotoco or on which brother
became a huaca at Huanacauri. Sarmiento says that Ayar Cache was walled
up at Tambotoco and Ayar Uchu became a huaca at Huanacauri. Later on in
Sarmiento’s narrative (see a later segment in the comparison), Ayar Auca be-
comes a huaca in Cuzco. Cabello Valboa, in contrast, says Ayar Auca was walled
up at Tambotoco, and Ayar Cache became a huaca at Huanacauri. Interest-
ingly enough, both are in agreement that the servant Tambo Chacay walled up
one of their brothers in Tambotoco.
Cobo only notes that “some say” a brother returned to the cave at Pacari-
tambo and never emerged again. He also notes that one brother became a
stone at Huanacauri, and another turned into a stone “not far from there,” but
“others say” all the brothers and sisters arrived in Cuzco, and only afterward
did a brother turn to stone there. Cobo gives no names. The confusion over
what became of the Ayar siblings is something that will be considered in the
chapter on the origin myth (chapter 8).
Both Cabello Valboa and Sarmiento account for the marriage of Manco
Capac to a sister, and they agree on Mama Ocllo. She bears Sinchi Roca, and
he is born in Tamboquiro. The itinerary is largely missing from Cobo, who
only mentions that the Incas went to Huanacauri, where they solemnly took
possession of Tawantinsuyo. He mentions the production of the next Inca
after he describes other versions of Inca origins, mentioning in passing that the
child was born to Manco Capac and Mama Huaco in Matagua.
Another difference between Cabello Valboa and Sarmiento is that the for-
mer attributes Ayar Auca’s hatred to disgust at the marriage of brother and
sister. This kind of interpretation of motive may well have been supplied by
Cabello Valboa. There are some narrative digressions in the text which are
clearly statements by the author and others, like this one, that cannot be iden-
tified as his voice with any certainty. Sarmiento is always quick to call the In-
cas tyrants or to spotlight political violence, but he is less apt to give the Incas
Christian consciences than Cabello.
Sarmiento Cabello Valboa Cobo

Chap. 12. The Ayar sib- Chap. 9. The Ayar sib- Chap. 3. The eight Ayar
lings leave Tambo Toco. lings leave Pacaritambo or siblings leave Pacaritambo
Manco takes Inti, an ob- Tambotoco. for a large hill called Hua-
ject shaped like a bird, They arrive at Pachete but nacauri. From there the
with him. don’t like it. eldest brother throws four
stones with his sling to
the four parts of the
world and takes posses-
sion of them.
At Guanacancha Manco They go on to Guaman-
Capac gets Mama Ocllo cancha, where Mama
pregnant. Ocllo gets pregnant.
They go to Tamboquiro, Then they go to Tambo
where Sinchi Roca is Oir [Tamboquiro], where
born. Sinchi Roca is born.
Then they go to Pallata,
nearby. Still not con-
tent, they go on to
Haysquisrro.
They make a plan to get Ayar Auca is disgusted Some say that one of the
rid of Ayar Cache. Manco and cannot disguise his brothers returned to
Capac sends him back for hatred. He is sent back to Pacaritambo, reentered
golden cups, a golden Tambotoco for some the cave, and never again
llama, and some seed. golden cups and some emerged.
Someone who had come seed with a servant named

with them, Tambo Cha- Tambo Chacay. The latter
cay, goes back with him walls him up inside the
and walls him up. cave.
Ayar Cache was famous Ayar Auca was trouble-
for creating quebradas some because he was able
with his sling. to create landslides by
They arrive at Quirir- throwing rocks.
manta, at the foot of the
hill that was later called
Huanacauri.
It was decided that Ayar
Uchu should remain there
as a huaca and that Ayar
Auca should go take pos-
session of the lands where
they would settle.
They see a rainbow, which They go to Huanacauri
they interpret it as a sign and see a rainbow, which
that the world would they interpret as a sign
never again be destroyed that the world would not
by flood. be destroyed by flood.
Near the top, where the Near the top they see a Two brothers become
rainbow was, there is a certain wizard from Saño stones, one at Huanacauri
huaca in the figure of a making sacrifices to a and the other not far from
person. They decide to re- huaca called Chimbo y there.
move it. Ayar Uchu sits Cagua [Chimboycagua].
on it and begins to con- They send Ayar Cache
verse with it. He finds he to capture him. He turns
cannot move his feet. Ayar Cache to stone.
When his siblings arrive, Ayar Cache tells them to
he asks them to be the sacrifice to him when they
first huaca to receive offer- perform huarachico.
ings when they perform
huarachico. He was named
Ayar Uchu Huanacauri.
The next segment of the story is about the sojourn of the Ayar siblings in
Matagua. They spend a period of two (Sarmiento) or twenty (Cabello Valboa)
years there. Although there is nothing in Cobo about this period, he mentions
the birth of Sinchi Roca in Matagua later as a flashback (see a later segment).
In identifying Matagua as Sinchi Roca’s birthplace, however, he contradicts

both Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa, who say Sinchi Roca was born at Tam-
boquiro, the first place the Ayar siblings stopped after they left Pacaritambo.
As we noted above, Cabello Valboa repeats elements of the story of what hap-
pened prior to the Incas’ arrival at Tamboquiro, perhaps to fill in the rather
long period he has them staying there.
Both Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa include information about the first
practice of rites associated with life passages. Cabello Valboa goes into the mat-
ter in far more detail than Sarmiento, and the details have not been reproduced
here. Cobo is quiet on these matters. The subject is tied to the initiation of
Sinchi Roca, and when that subject comes up in Cobo, he notes that rutuchico
and other practices associated with the succession of the Inca ruler originated
in Sinchi Roca’s initiation.
Both Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa tell a story about Mama Huaco, who
threw two golden rods with the apparent purpose of locating good land for
cultivation. One landed at Colcabamba, the name of a settlement where the
parish of San Sebastian was later founded (Rowe 1979 : 37; Julien 1998b:85).
Although the story tells us that the Incas settled at Colcabamba briefly, they
moved on to the place where the other rod fell, Huanaypata, near the gateway
called Arco Punco in the colonial period.1
Only Sarmiento tells us that Ayar Auca turned to stone in Cuzco. This event
occurred at the time the golden rods were thrown, while the Incas still lived in
Matagua, because Sarmiento later notes that only Manco Capac and his four
sisters are left while they are still in Matagua (see later segment). Cobo men-
tions a version of the story of the Ayar siblings where a brother turns to stone
in Cuzco after all of the brothers and sisters arrive, that is, only one brother
among the four ever becomes a huaca. In the Cabello Valboa and Morúa ac-
counts, two brothers become huacas before reaching Cuzco. Only Manco Ca-
pac is mentioned, however, in the narrative of events following the Inca arrival
in Cuzco, except that Cabello Valboa is very careful to note that Ayar Uchu,
the one brother of Manco Capac who did not become a huaca on the way to
Cuzco, did not leave descendants.

Chap. 13. They go to the They go to the foot of the
foot of the hill to a place hill to a place called
called Matagua. Here is Matagua. Here is where
where Sinchi Roca is initi- Sinchi Roca is initiated
ated. They give him ear and given ear spools. He

spools. This is called was the first to be initi-
huarachico. ated in the ceremony of
tocochicui. The name of
Ayar Cache was invoked
many times. Cabello
refers to “father Sun.”
This is also when Inca This is also when Inca
mourning and other rites mourning and other rites
originated (the dances originated (quicochico,
called capac raymis, when guarachico, rutuchico, and
they wear long purple auyscay, which is to cele-
robes; quicochico, the first brate a birth, when they
menstruation of a girl; drink and dance for four
guarachico, when the ears days).
are pierced; rutuchico, the
first haircut; and ayuscay,
to celebrate a birth, when
they drink for three to
four days).
Chap. 10. They occupy
some abandoned houses
[in Matagua]. The town
was a marketplace. They
get all dressed up and try
to convince people there
that they had come from
the heavens and are sons
of the Sun. People are
impressed.
[Then he retells some
of the story he has al-
ready told with some
different details.] Mama
Ocllo becomes pregnant.
Ayar Auca is sent back
to Tambotoco to retrieve
cups, and so on. Tambo
Chacay walls him up, and
so on. The story is cir-
culated that Mama Ocllo
is bearing a child of the
Sun. Sinchi Roca is

born.
Ayar Cache is killed by a
sorcerer with poison. A
new manner of mourning
is invented.
After two years, they de- They spend twenty years
cide to go to the upper in Matagua.
valley and look for good Neither Ayar Ucho nor
lands. Mama Ragua left
descendants.
Mama Huaco throws two Then the story about
golden rods toward the Mama Huaco and the two
north. One lands at Col- golden rods is told. One
cabamba but does not lands in Colcabamba and
dig in like it should. The the other in Huanaipata, a
other digs itself in well at place near the gateway on
Huanaypata. Another ver- the road that goes to San
sion is told. Back in Mata- Sebastián.
gua they plot to take the
land at Huanaypata away
from the people there.
[More repeating] Sinchi
Roca is initiated. At three
years of age they perform
tocochicui, which is when
they pierce the ears. At
four they perform rutu-
chicuy which is when they
cut the hair. At fifteen
they perform huarachicui,
which is when a boy first
wears a breechcloth.
From Matagua they can
see a stone marker near
what would later be Santo
Domingo. Since Ayar
Auca had been delegated
to take possession of the
land, Manco Capac sends
him there, where he turns
into stone and becomes a
sign of Inca possession.

The marker, in old
speech, was called cozco,
and that is where the
name Cuzco originated.
Another version is told
where Ayar Cache be-
comes the marker and the
name cozco is glossed as
“sad and fertile.”
In this part of the story the accounts of Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa
are closely parallel. Before the Incas leave Matagua, Sinchi Roca receives a
wife, who is the daughter of the lord of Saño. Both Sarmiento and Cabello
Valboa (and Morúa, too) call her Mama Coca and note that she produced
a son named Manco Sapaca first. Cobo calls the wife Mama Chura and—
like Cabello Valboa—does not specifically name her as the mother of Lloque
Yupanqui.
In the Cabello Valboa account, the Ayar siblings stop first at Colcabamba.
They move on to Huamantianca. Sarmiento has Guanaypata. Morúa treats
Huamantianca and Huanaypata as if they were the same place. The Incas de-
stroy the people, the Huallas, at this place and also confront the most impor-
tant lord in the area, Copalimayta. The first round of confrontation is indeci-
sive, but the Incas are able to retreat and plant at Huanaypata, which they then
occupy continuously afterward. Here or very near this place, Cuzco is
founded. However, the outcome of the conflict situation with Copalimayta
must be told before turning to the organization of the new settlement. The
distribution of land is part of the story of Manco Capac’s organization of the
new site, and Copalimayta turned over his land before leaving the valley so that
the Incas could occupy these lands as well as the lands of the Huallas.
Embedded in the Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa accounts is a story about
the very violent confrontation between the Incas and the Huallas. Mama
Huaco has a leading role in both stories, and the underlying story may be the
same, but the Spaniards offer different interpretations of Mama Huaco’s acts
which are not adequately reflected in the paraphrasing of their accounts given
above. Sarmiento uses her violent act to demonstrate the inhumanity of the In-
cas, while Cabello interprets what she did within a ritual framework.
Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa also embed the genealogical information
about the next Inca generation in their narratives. Cobo is silent on all counts.

Only Manco Capac and
the four women are left.
At this point Manco Ca- Sinchi Roca is old enough
pac gives Sinchi Roca a for a wife. She is Mama
wife. She is Mama Coca Coca, only daughter of
of Saño, daughter of Sutic Sutic Huaman, the lord of
Huaman. Later, they have Saño. They have Manco
Sapaca, who is the inven- Sapaca in Matagua.
tor of capac ucha, which is
the sacrifice of two chil-
dren, a boy and a girl, to
Huanacauri at the time of
initiation.
Then they move on to
Colcabamba. They test
the land there.
When they get to Hua- They go on to Huaman- Only Manco Capac and
naypata, which is near the tianca. In this place Mama his four sisters got to
gateway to the Charcas Huaco kills one of the Cuzco. Others say that all
province, they found the Huallas with a knife and eight brothers and sisters
Huallas. Mama Huaco removes his lungs and en- arrived in Cuzco. One be-
kills one of them and, trails, anointing the others came a stone there, and
with his heart and lungs with his blood. the other brothers took
in her mouth, attacks. To up residence.
cover up this cruelty, they
attempted to kill every
last Hualla.
They then encountered Copalimayta, the natural
Copalimayta, one of the lord of Cuzco, gathered as
three captains from the large a group as possible
area where the Ayar sib- and came out to meet
lings had originated, who them.
was now heading the
Sauaseras.
The siblings met with a The Incas defended them-
great deal of resistance selves at a small arroyo
and had to return to and had to retreat to Hua-
Huanaypata. naypata, where they re-
mained until after harvest.
A few months later, they The harvest was good,
tried again and captured and they went back on the
Copalimayta. He aban- attack. They won and

doned his property and took Copalimayta captive.
fled. He turned over his family
Mama Huaco and Manco and possessions to Mama
Capac took his houses, Huaco and departed.
land, and people.
In the description of early Cuzco, the parallels between Sarmiento and

Cabello Valboa are remarkable, down to the listing of the four canchas. The
lists are similar except for the very different spelling of Yarumbuy Cancha and
its order on the list. Cobo is concerned with temple building and the organi-
zation of space in Cuzco itself, but he does not mention the four neigh-
borhoods and notes only that Manco Capac divided Cuzco into Hanan and
Hurin. Cobo is caught in a contradiction when he returns to the subject in his
account of Inca Roca, because this Inca was also given credit for dividing
Cuzco. Just who was responsible for the saya division created confusion in the
Spanish narratives, owing perhaps to the contradictory nature of the sources
they compiled or to their treating later reform as if it were a first invention.
In Cobo, the chapter heading indicates that the history of Manco Capac
begins with the founding of Cuzco. Cobo’s narrative is structured so that
each chapter contains the history of each ruler, except in the case of some later
rulers who merit more than one chapter. The title of chapter 4, for example, is
called “On Manco Capac, the First King of the Incas,” where the history of this
Inca—as a separate matter from origins—begins. Right after, Cobo injects
some of the material that other accounts located at a more appropriate point
in the sequence, notably the information about Sinchi Roca’s birth, the insti-
tutions of rutuchico and initiation (huarachico), and Sinchi Roca’s marriage.
Cobo locates Sinchi Roca’s birthplace at Matagua, rather than Tamboquiro, as
noted above. Sinchi Roca’s marriage takes place in Cuzco, rather than in
Matagua. The placement may reflect the appropriateness of accounting for the
production of the next Inca generation in the account of each ruler. For ex-
ample, both Cabello Valboa and Sarmiento reiterate the information about
Sinchi Roca’s marriage during their story about his life. Cabello Valboa also
provides information about the production of an heir when he mentions
marriage. The volatility in the placement of information about this matter
and/or duplication probably reflects the problems the authors were having in
sequencing material.
Only Sarmiento tells about Manco Capac’s dealings with the Alcabizas.
This particular interest may relate to his participation in a series of interviews
with the non-Incas who lived in Cuzco conducted by Toledo when he arrived
in Cuzco (Levillier 1940, vol. 2 : 182 –195). Sarmiento also notes earlier that
Copalimayta had served as the leader of the Sauaseras. Again, Sarmiento may
have incorporated this information because of Toledo’s interview with this
group. A comparison of these interviews with what Sarmiento wrote about
the initial contacts between the Incas and these groups would be a fruitful ex-
ercise but is beyond the scope of the present analysis (but see Sherbondy
1992:53–54).
Once the lifetimes of particular rulers became a tool for structuring the nar-
rative, a certain format is developed to convey a series of details at the end of
each life, whether the end is also marked by a chapter ending or not. Both
Sarmiento and Cobo supply the name of each ruler’s panaca. Sarmiento gen-
erally tells us if they are Hanan or Hurin Cuzco and gives the names of some
living panaca members. This information has not been included in the com-
parison. Sarmiento also tells us if the ruler lived in Inticancha, which is gener-
ally the case before Inca Roca. Sarmiento and Cobo also include information
about where the body and the huaoque, a sacred object that had been the pos-
session of each ruler, were found. Each refers to Polo de Ondegardo’s search
for these items in 1559, when he was corregidor of Cuzco, and there is reason to
suspect textual borrowing, although establishing a pattern of borrowing may
be impossible. The problem will be taken up at an appropriate point in the dis-
cussion below.
One difference between the accounts of Cabello Valboa and Sarmiento is
that Sarmiento tells a story about Inti, the stone object that was the huaoque
of Manco Capac. He tells it in several installments, beginning at the time the
Ayar siblings leave Pacaritambo and continuing here and during the time of
Mayta Capac. This story is entirely absent from Cabello Valboa and may be an
example of Sarmiento’s skill in developing a narrative thread to unify what oth-
erwise would have been a disjointed compilation. In this case, he may have
taken a story and distributed parts of it to appropriate points in his narrative.

There they made a house The Incas settled at Curi- Chap. 4. Manco Capac
of the Sun, which they cancha, where Santo history begins. He di-
called inticancha. The land Domingo is now. They vided the population of
occupied the spot from built a temple dedicated Cuzco into Hanan Cuzco
Santo Domingo down to to the Sun. and Hurin Cuzco. He or-
the confluence of the ganized the religion and
rivers. built the temples. He as-
sembled all the lords from

Carmenca to the Angos-
tura called Ancoyacpuncu,
which were the limits of
his territory. Then he
assigned the lands to
himself, the huacas, his
people, and the residents
of the territory. He
taught the men what they
needed to know. The
Coya taught the women.
He founded towns.
Cuzco was divided into They established four
four canchas, like blocks, neighborhoods, calling
called Quinti Cancha, them Quinti Cancha,
Chumbi Cancha, Sayri Chumbi Cancha, Aranbui
Cancha, and Yarumbuy Cancha, and Sayri Can-
Cancha. They divided cha. Manco Capac popu-
them among themselves lated his city in Chumbi
and populated the city, Cancha.
which they called Cuzco.
Sinchi Roca, the son of
Manco Capac and Mama
Huaco, had been born in
Matagua before they ar-
rived in Cuzco. So that
the people recognize him
as successor and respect
him, Manco Capac or-
dered the celebration of
rutuchico, the first haircut.
This rite had never been
celebrated before.
When Sinchi Roca was
initiated, they assembled a
greater number of people
in Matagua than they had
for the rutuchico. In this
initiation they began to
perform the rituals that
would be used in later

succession rites.
When the prince arrived
at the age of marriage, a
marriage was arranged
with the daughter of Sutic
Guaman of Saño, here
named Mama Chura.
Manco Capac chose the
site of Coricancha and
began work on it.
Those of Hanan Cuzco
and Hurin Cuzco de-
scended from Manco
Capac. Cobo describes
how panacas were created
and how the body contin-
ued to hold the property
that had belonged to that
Inca in life.
Chap. 14. At the time
Manco Capac defeated
Copalimayta, there was
another group in Cuzco:
the Alcabizas. They were
settled near what became
Santa Clara. Manco Capac
wanted their land. They
had given him some, but
he wanted it all. Mama
Huaco tells him to take
their water, and he will
get their land. They also
wanted the lands of those
at Humanamean, between
Inticancha and Cayoca-
che, where another cap-
tain called Culunchima
lived. The attack on these
people and the Alcabizas
was successful, and they
were forced out and had

to resettle at Cayocache.
After that, the Alcabizas
served the Incas.
Inti was Manco Capac’s
huaoque. He leaves Inti
enclosed in a little chest.
Mentions Inca insignia
(topa yauri, suntur paucar,
napa).
Age at death, length in Age at death, length of
years of residence in the rule, calendar year of
places between Pacari- death.
tambo and Cuzco.
Describes his appearance
and character.
He turned to stone on his
death. Polo found the
statue.
Describes the huaoque and
how Manco Capac insti-
tuted this practice.
Manco Capac had ordered
that the ten groups who
had come with him from
Tambotoco and his own
lineage form a single
group to aid his son and
elect a successor.
Gives panaca name.
The panaca of Manco The panaca of Manco Ca-
Capac adored only the pac adored only the body
statue of Manco Capac and huaoque of Manco
and not the bodies of the Capac and not the bodies
other Incas, while the of the other Incas, while
other panaca members the other panaca members
universally adored the universally adored the
statue of Manco Capac. statue of Manco Capac.
The Incas took the statue
into battle with them.
Gives panaca name.
No body was ever found, Notes that a statue, not a

only the statue. body, was found by Polo.
Calendar year of death.
He lived in Inticancha.
No one has much to say about Sinchi Roca per se. Sarmiento says he was
not a warrior, and Cobo explains that his mother specifically advised him not
to expand Cuzco. Whether an Inca had expanded Cuzco or not was certainly
a topic in the accounts of rulers to come and was a topic here, even if the as-
sessment was negative.
Since all three authors have already noted that Sinchi Roca married the
daughter of Sutic Huaman, lord of Saño (though she is Mama Chura in Cobo
and Mama Coca in the others), Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa repeat in-
formation they have already given. At this point, Cabello Valboa notes that
their firstborn was Manco Sapaca. Sarmiento has already given this informa-
tion. Only Sarmiento states definitely that Lloque Yupanqui is the son of this
same pair.

Chap. 15. Sinchi Roca Chap. 11. Sinchi Roca his- Chap. 5. Sinchi Roca his-
history begins. tory begins. tory begins.
Mentions again that he He visits the towns in the
was son of Manco Capac Cuzco Valley. He in-
and Mama Ocllo. creases the lands planted
He was not a warrior, and to potatoes in the area
neither he nor any cap- around Cuzco. They
tains went out from reached as far as Cinga
Cuzco. [Senca] at this time.
Sinchi Roca and Mama
Coca have Manco Sapaca.
After Lloque Yupanqui is
born, Mama Huaco ad-
vises him not to expand
the territory he ruled.
When she died, she was
greatly mourned. The
rites lasted more than two
months. Sinchi Roca
spent most of his time
training his son. Some
lords submit to his au-

thority. The word got
around that the Incas are
children of the Sun, and
people send many gifts.
He was the first to use the This Inca invented the
borla called Masca Paycha, Suntur Paucar.
the Suntur Paucar, and
the Capac Ongo, Tarco
Gualca.
Sinchi Roca and Mama Mentions Lloque
Coca of Saño have Lloque Yupanqui.
Yupanqui.
Gives panaca name. Gives panaca name.
Age at death, age at ac- Age at death, calendar
cession, length of rule, year of death.
calendar year of death.
Mentions huaoque. He left Mentions huaoque. He left
a stone huaoque in the a stone huaoque in the
figure of a fish, called figure of a fish, called
Guanachiri Amaro. Huana-chiri-amaro. Polo
Polo found the body and found the body and
huaoque. huaoque.
The three accounts are strikingly parallel on the subject of Lloque Yupan-
qui. Although he did not extend the territory of Cuzco by warfare, a number
of lords from the area around Cuzco either communicated with the Incas as
equals or submitted peacefully to the authority of Cuzco at this time. Essen-
tially the same lords are named by Sarmiento, Cobo, and Cabello Valboa. In
all three accounts, the Sun appears to Lloque Yupanqui in human form and
tells him about the future greatness of his lineage. All three also represent the
agency of others, including the Sun, in finding this Inca a wife.
Sarmiento confirms that Lloque Yupanqui is the son of Sinchi Roca and
Mama Coca at the beginning of his account. He is fairly consistent in repeat-
ing this information, but it is absent in Cabello Valboa and Cobo.
Cabello Valboa presents the information about Mayta Capac’s youth before
he closes the account of Lloque Yupanqui. Where to put any significant mate-
rial about the next Inca’s youth is a problem again in the story about Inca Roca
and Yahuar Huacac.

Chap. 16. Lloque Yupan- Chap. 12. Lloque Yupan- Chap. 6. Lloque Yupan-
qui history begins. qui history begins. qui history begins.
Mentions again that
Lloque Yupanqui is son
of Sinchi Roca and Mama
Coca.
Manco Sapaca should
have succeeded because he
was older.
The Sun appears to
Lloque Yupanqui in the
figure of his grandfather
to show support.
Lloque Yupanqui does Many lords come to serve A number of peoples
not conduct any military Lloque Yupanqui, the come to Cuzco to submit
campaigns or do anything first and most important peacefully. The first who
worthy of note, except to being Guaman Samo (of came were those of
communicate with the Guaro), Pachachulla Vira- Guaro. The most impor-
provinces of Guaro Gua- cocha, the Ayarcamas, tant were Guamasano and
may Samo, Pachachulla Tambo Vincais, and Pachachulla Viracocha.
Viracocha, the Ayarmacas Quiliscochas. Then the Ayarmacas of
of Tambocunca, and the Tambocunca and the
Quilliscaches. Quilliscaches came. They
swore obedience in the
temple of Coricancha in
front of the Sun and the
Moon.
The Sun appeared to him He had fathered no chil- Lloque Yupanqui was old
in the figure of a person dren. The Sun appeared but still unmarried. Those
and told him his descen- to him in human form to around him called
dants would be great. At console him, saying that Pachachulla Viracocha,
this point Manco Sapaca he would be a great lord one of the lords of Guaro,
found a wife for him. and would father a son. who found him a bride in
Manco Sapaca had told Oma, about 10 km from
Pachachulla Viracocha of Cuzco.
this business, who took it
to hand and found Lloque
Yupanqui a wife.
Lloque Yupanqui marries He marries Mama Cahua He marries Mama Cahua
Mama Cahua of Oma. of Oma in an elaborate of Oma in an elaborate
Mentions Mayta Capac. ceremony. ceremony.
Lloque Yupanqui dies

when Mayta Capac is very
young. Before his death
he calls Apu Conde Mayta
and Tacac Huincay, sons
of Sinchi Roca, to serve as
regents.
His huaoque is called Apo
Mayta.
Age at death, age at suc-
cession, length of rule,
calendar year of death.
Polo found the body and Polo found the body and
huaoque. huaoque.
A big deal is made of the bravery of Mayta Capac as a boy. All three authors
describe the problem with the Alcabizas as owing to the aggressive play of
Mayta Capac with boys from that group. Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa in-
volve the Culunchimas as well as the Alcabizas. In their accounts, after the
adults get involved, an ambush and two battles take place, with a supernatural
intervention (a hailstorm or black cloud) occurring in the last one. Cobo in-
cludes only the Alcabizas and but a single battle in which the Incas attack the
Alcabizas. Mayta Capac, not Lloque Yupanqui, directs the Inca forces in all of
the encounters.
Sarmiento has already told of the Inca defeat of the Alcabizas in the time of
Manco Capac. Here, Culunchima is a lord. Manco Capac is successful, and the
Incas take the lands held by the Alcabizas away from them. They resettle at
Cayocache, a site which may be located at or near Coripata (Rowe 1994).
There are no details about location in the stories about an encounter in the
time of Mayta Capac, and whether the Incas displaced them again from their
lands is unclear.
Cabello Valboa includes a long section on religious specialists. It might be
that the additional material on religious practice came from Cristóbal de
Molina, but the material is missing from Morúa and may well have been some-
thing Cabello Valboa added.
Sarmiento mentions Inti, the huaoque of Manco Capac, picking up the
thread of a story that is absent in Cabello Valboa. Mayta Capac opens the box
containing the bird. His two predecessors were not known for their aggressive
behavior, and although there are no campaigns outside of Cuzco associated
with Mayta Capac, even later in life his bellicose spirit may reflect the dawn of
imperial expansion.

Chap. 17. Mayta Capac Chap. 7. Mayta Capac his-
history begins. tory begins.
He was born after only As a boy, Mayta Capac He was an aggressive
three months’ gestation fought with other boys, child, and his treatment
and already had teeth. At injuring them and even of the sons of other lords
a year, he looked like an killing some. when they played to-
eight year old. From two gether was getting him
years on, he fought with into trouble.
everybody.
Still a boy, he was playing He fought with the sons
with some boys from the of some Alcabizas [All-
Alcabizas and Culunchi- cayvillas] and Culunchi-
mas. He hurt them and mas [Culluim Chima]
killed some. Another day lords, and they came to
he broke the leg of the hate the Incas.
son of a captain of the Al-
cabizas and persecuted
others so much that they
stayed hidden in their
houses.
The Alcabizas chose ten They decided secretly to One day, the lords sent
men and went to the kill Lluque Yupanqui and armed men after him. He
house of the Sun to kill his son, choosing ten men went out to meet them
Lloque Yupanqui and to ambush them at Cori- without fear and recog-
Mayta Capac. Mayta Ca- cancha. Mayta Capac was nized them as Alcabizas
pac was playing bolas there with his cousins [Alcayviczas]. He killed a
with some boys when Apoc Conde Mayta and couple of them right
they came. When he saw Taca Chungay playing away, without even asking
armed men enter, he at- with a certain kind of bo- them their business. Then
tacked them, killing two las called Cuchu, accom- other people came run-
and causing the others to panied by two dogs. ning out, and the attack-
flee. Mayta Capac could tell ers fled.
that the men who had en-
tered meant harm, and
with one bola he killed

two of them. Lloque Yu-
panqui, Mayta Capac, and
others pursued the other
eight, killing all but three.
Out of fear, all of the The Alcabizas gathered a Others decided to join the
native residents of the large number of people. Alcabizas and kill him,
Cuzco Valley united to Lloque Yupanqui was up- thinking that he was too
get rid of the Incas. set about the trouble his young to know how to
Lloque Yupanqui was up- son caused, but the elders defend himself. Mayta
set, but the groups who and religious specialists of Capac found out about
were united with the In- the Incas told him not to the plan. He sent the
cas were pleased and told be, and Mayta Capac was messenger to tell the
him to let Mayta Capac allowed to lead them out Alcabizas that he wanted
be. Mayta Capac led them to battle. The Incas man- to go hunting. Their re-
into battle and won after aged to chase the Al- sponse was that they did
a long fight. cabizas back to their en- not recognize him as lord,
closures. and that they were in their
lands and he was in his.
He decided to teach them
a lesson and, with his
uncles and fifty men, at-
tacked them before they
could organize to defend
themselves.
A second battle was A second battle was
fought. Hail fell on the fought. When they were
Alcabizas, and they lost. fighting, a black cloud
came and separated them,
keeping the Incas from
defeating them.
He marries Mama Tan-
caray Yacchi.
Mayta Capac was a more
important lord than his
predecessor and used gold
and silver dishes.
Mayta Capac sent word to
the lords subject to him
that he wanted their chil-
dren to come to Cuzco to
serve him.
Length of rule, calendar

year of death of Lloque
Yupanqui.
Mayta Capac history
begins.
Mayta Capac marries Mayta Capac marries
Mama Tacucaray. Mama Coca Taucaraz.
Mentions Capac Yupan- Mentions Capac Yupan- Mentions Capac Yupan-
qui (legitimate), Tarco qui (successor) and Tarco qui (successor) and Tarco
Huaman, Apo Conde Huaman. Huaman.
Mayta, Queco Aucaylli,
and Roca Yupanqui.
A long description of
different kinds of religious
specialists which have
their origin at about this
time.
Mayta Capac was the first
to open the straw box in
which Inti [the huaoque
of Manco Capac] was
enclosed.
Age at death, calendar Length of rule, calendar He lived “many years.”
year of death. year of death (at begin-
ning of chap. 13).
Mentions Capac
Yupanqui.
Polo found the body and Polo found the body and
huaoque. huaoque.
Capac Yupanqui is the first Inca to conduct a campaign outside the Cuzco
Valley. Sarmiento names two places that cannot be located but at least gives us
an indication that they are at some distance from Cuzco. Both Cabello Valboa
and Cobo refer to a campaign against the Cuyos. Capac Yupanqui appears to
have gone there in person. No fighting takes place. Cobo says that Capac Yu-
panqui sends his brother Tarco Huaman there as governor. He also adds that
Capac Yupanqui conquered “Condesuyo.”
Cabello Valboa again incorporates material not found elsewhere. This time
his topic is the royal insignia.

Chap. 18. Capac Yupanqui Chap. 13. Capac Yupanqui Chap. 8. Capac Yupanqui
history begins. history begins. history begins.
Mentions again that Describes the royal in- Some of his illegitimate
Mayta Capac and Mama signia (topa yauri, tarco brothers have been given
Tacucaray are his parents. gualca, marca pacha, towns to govern, and
Capac Yupanqui wasn’t suntur paucar). they come to him to ask
the eldest; that was for certain exemptions.
Conde Mayta. He learns that they are
plotting to remove him
and give the rule to his
brother Tarco Huaman.
He assembles everyone
and speaks so lovingly of
his brothers that they for-
get the plot.
Capac Yupanqui marries
Curi Hilpay.
Mentions sons Inca Roca
(successor) and Apo
Mayta.
Leaves the Cuzco Valley When his sons are now When the Inca asks the
to conquer Cayumarca old enough to campaign, lord of Cuyos, in the An-
and Ancasmarca, about 20 there is a campaign des, for certain birds that
km from Cuzco. against the Cuyos they raise there in cages,
[Suyos], who, because the lord replies that they
they live in the mountain- have no such birds. The
ous Andes, imagine them- Inca is determined to
selves free of Inca rule. punish him, so he raises
Capac Yupanqui takes an army and goes there.
offense and arms himself There is no resistance. He
and his sons to restore takes the lords and their
them to obedience. Their families back to Cuzco
neighbors and confeder- and executes the lords.
ates also submit. Then he sends his brother
Tarco Huaman there to
be governor. The brother
sends 1,000 cages of birds
back to Cuzco.
Conquers Condesuyo.
Capac Yupanqui marries Capac Yupanqui marries
Curi Hilpay. Curi Hilpay Cahua.
Mentions sons Inca Roca Mentions sons Inca Roca

(legitimate), Apo Calla, (successor) and Apo
Humpiri, Apo Saca, Apo Mayta.
Chimachaui, and Uchun-
cunascallarando.
Apo Saca has a son called
Apo Mayta who, with
Vica Quirao, becomes fa-
mous in the time of Inca
Roca and Viracocha Inca.
Age at death, length of Age at death, calendar
rule, calendar year of year of death.
death.
Polo found the body and The huaoque has the same
huaoque. name.
Polo found the body and
huaoque.
Cobo discusses Hanan-
cuzco and Hurincuzco
here.
If length denotes importance, Inca Roca was the most important figure be-
fore the time of Viracocha Inca. Inca Roca continued to conquer beyond the
Cuzco Valley and developed canals to irrigate lands in Hanan Cuzco. His first
campaign, according to Sarmiento, is in the area of Mohina. The other two au-
thors stage this campaign later in his rule, probably because the leadership was
attributed to his sons. Cabello Valboa is the only author to talk about a prob-
lem with the Mascas, who had been part of an Inca confederation but who
wanted to withdraw from it. A brother, Mayta Capac, goes to war against
them and captures their captain.
Inca Roca is given credit both for dividing the waters of Hanan Chacan and
Hurin Chacan and for dividing Cuzco into Hanan and Hurin. Cobo does not
believe the story because the creation of Hanan Cuzco and Hurin Cuzco has
already been attributed to Manco Capac. Just prior to the beginning of this
chapter, at the end of his account of Capac Yupanqui, Cobo described the
Hanan /Hurin division. In some of the accounts which include genealogical
material and little else, a summary of the panacas and their division in Hanan
and Hurin is given in list form in the text. Since Cobo has given the panaca
names in their appropriate places, what he discusses here is the assignment of
different Incas to Hanan and Hurin. His reiteration of this material together
in one place may be a reflection of the genealogical genre.
Sarmiento notes that Inca Roca authored the Hanan /Hurin division and
that he was the first Inca who did not live in Inticancha: he and his descendants
built their own palaces and “began” the Hanan Cuzco band. Sarmiento also
notes that the descendants of Pachacuti also say that their forebear authored
the Hanan /Hurin division. Confronted with different stories, Sarmiento ex-
plains the apparent contradiction by noting that Pachacuti reformed Cuzco.
The creation of Hanan and Hurin, or the redefinition of urban Cuzco, was
also linked to a new distribution of water at this time. All three authors men-
tion the creation of the Hanan Chacan and Hurin Chacan canals. In the Cobo
account, the idea of bringing water originated with his wife, and the sub-
ject comes up immediately after Cobo mentions the marriage. Sarmiento and
Cabello Valboa locate the subject after the Caytomarca campaign.
The sequencing may have to do with the proper placement of the story
about Yahuar Huacac. Both Cabello Valboa and Sarmiento mention the
Yahuar Huacac kidnapping, although Cabello Valboa only gives a brief sum-
mary of it. Sarmiento, on the other hand, retells the story in great detail in two
chapters inserted between the account of Inca Roca and a chapter on the pe-
riod of Yahuar Huacac’s rule proper. Although we have incorporated the struc-
ture of this story into our comparison as if it were part of a longer narrative, it
may have been a story that was introduced into the text by Sarmiento in the
same manner as the Ulti story. We have already noted in our comparison of
Cabello Valboa and Morúa (above) that this story was sequenced differently
in those two accounts. Another clue that the kidnapping story was introduced
by authors who were compiling material is that Cobo does not include the
incident per se in his narrative. He does, however, mention the kidnapping at
the beginning of his account of Yahuar Huacac, but only in the context of ex-
plaining what the name means.
Cobo places an Inca campaign against the Chancas at the end of his account
of Inca Roca. Like the conquest of Condesuyo, no one else discusses anything
like it. He also describes a military campaign led by Yahuar Huacac in the
Andes. In the Cobo account the Inca expansion began generations before the
time of Pachacuti. It involved campaigning in regions adjacent to Cuzco and
led, perhaps inevitably, to conflict with the Chancas. The other accounts rep-
resent the beginnings of Inca imperial expansion as occurring only after the
defense of Cuzco from the Chancas in the time of Pachacuti. This difference
between Cobo and the other Cuzco accounts is a very important one and will
be discussed again below.

Chap. 19. Inca Roca his- Inca Roca history begins. Chap. 9. Inca Roca
tory begins. history begins.
Mentions again that Ca- He was said to be the first
pac Yupanqui and Curi Inca of Hanan Cuzco.
Hilpay are his parents. Cobo does not believe
this, because Manco Ca-
pac divided the city into
Hanan Cuzco and Hurin
Cuzco.
Inca Roca conquers A group of families called
Mohina [Muyna] and Mascas had exempted
Pinagua, 20 km from themselves [from the Inca
Cuzco, and killed their confederation]. Inca
captains, Muyna Pongo Roca’s brother Apo Mayta
and Vamantopa, although wants to campaign against
some say the latter fled them and asks Inca Roca
and was never seen again. for permission. He goes
to war against them, say-
ing that bad advice was to
blame for their being re-
miss and late in their con-
federation with the Incas.
He defeats them, captur-
ing their captain, Guari
Guaca.
He marries Mama Micay He marries Mama Nicaz He marries Mama Micay,
of Pataguayllacan. Be- [Micay], daughter of the a cacica of Guayllacan. She
cause of this marriage, lord of Guayllacan. notices that Cuzco lacks
there were wars with To- sufficient water for the
cay Capac, as will be told maize lands. Inca Roca
later. brought most of the water
to the city that is there to-
day. Because the project
originated with him, his
family was responsible for
the division of water.
Mentions sons Yahuar Mentions sons Yahuar Mentions sons Yahuar
Huacac (successor), Inca Huacac (successor) and Huacac (successor), Vica
Paucar Inca, Guaman Vica Quirao [Veca Quirao, and Apo Mayta.
Taysi Inca, and Vica Quiroa].
Quirao Inca.
Vica Quirao does famous

deeds in the time of Vira-
cocha Inca and Pachacuti
with Apo Mayta.
What happened between
Inca Roca and the Ayar-
macas will be told in the
life of Yahuar Huacac.
His son Vica Quirao con- This Inca conquers many
quers Mohina [Moyna] provinces; some submit
and its surrounding area, peacefully. He sends an
capturing its lords, army led by his sons to
Moynapongo and conquer the road to Col-
Guamantopa. lasuyo, beginning at Mo-
He also conquers Cayto- hina [Moina]. They cap-
marca, 20 km from ture the lord of Mohina
Cuzco. and another at Cayto-
marca. Another lord,
named Guaman Topa,
flees and is never heard
from again. It is said that
he disappeared into the la-
goon there. The sons con-
quer as far as Quiquijana,
30 km beyond Mohina.
When Yahuar Huacac was
very young, some lords
from Andesuyo tried to
steal him from his cradle.
When they got him to
their land, he cried tears
of blood. After a divina-
tion ceremony, they re-
turned him to the place
they had taken him
from.
The sons of Inca Roca
win more lands in the
area, including Bim-
billa, Quisalla, and
Caytomarca.
Inca Roca discovers and Inca Roca built the canals

channels the waters of called Hananchaca and
Hurinchacan and Hanan- Urinchaca.
chacan, used ever since to
irrigate the lands.
Inca Roca, seeing that his Inca Roca divided Cuzco
forebears had lived in into Hanan Cuzco and
lower Cuzco and were Hurin Cuzco.
Hurin Cuzcos, ordered
that, from then on, there
be a second division called
Hanan Cuzco.
Inca Roca and his descen-
dants are Hanan Cuzcos,
and they move out of the
house of the Sun and
build their own resi-
dences, leaving the prop-
erty and servants of their
fathers intact. The descen-
dants of Inca Roca were
and are Hanan Cuzco,
but Pachacuti reformed
the organization, and
some say he created the
division.
Shortly after, the Inca de-
cides to go to war against
the Chancas, some 170 km
from Cuzco. The Inca
attacks suddenly with a
large army and is victori-
ous. He has help from the
Canas and Canchis, who
were not his subjects.
Then he sends his son
Yahuar Huacac to war in
the provinces of the An-
des. He conquers Paucar-
tambo and the towns
around it.

Age at death, length of Age at death, calendar
death.
Polo found the body. Polo found the body and
huaoque, which had the
same name as the panaca.
Creating a concordance for Yahuar Huacac is more difficult than for any
other Inca. Cabello Valboa does not appear to have any life history material in
his account at all. Morúa puts a brief mention of the kidnapping story here.
When the subject is the adult Yahuar Huacac, Sarmiento describes cam-
paigns that appear to repeat what was told for Inca Roca and Viracocha Inca.
The first campaign, led by brother Vica Quirao, is to Mohina and Pinagua,
echoing the first campaign of Inca Roca. In the account of Yahuar Huacac, the
next campaign in sequence occurs in Mollaca, although no mention is made of
Vica Quirao. In Sarmiento’s account of Viracocha Inca, Vica Quirao and Apo
Mayta lead a campaign to Mohina and Pinagua. They capture the captains
named Moynapongo and Guaman Topa, exactly the same captains named in
the story about Inca Roca. The two Inca captains are sent out again, and Mol-
laca figures among the towns taken. Vica Quirao is the common denominator
in these stories. Rather than repeated campaigns, we may have a case for re-
peated mention of a single campaign led by Vica Quirao. Sarmiento includes
another round of campaigning without naming captains. He mentions places
in the Pisac area that do not appear elsewhere. Cobo had credited Yahuar Hua-
cac with a campaign in the Paucartambo area in the time of his father, but there
is no mention of anything like it in the other accounts.
One very remarkable difference between Cobo and the others is that Cobo
tells the story of the Chanca invasion in the lifetime of Yahuar Huacac. This
story, of course, is what begins the life history of Pachacuti in the accounts of
Sarmiento and Betanzos. Cobo begins without identifying the Inca at first,
telling the story of the appearance of the supernatural Viracocha to the young
prince at Susurpuquio. Viracocha describes himself as the universal Creator.
Then Cobo identifies the young prince as Viracocha Inca. Cobo has recast
Viracocha Inca as the brave son and defender of Cuzco, incorporating details
like the aid given to the Incas by the pururaucas, the stones that magically turn
into warriors, that echo the story told by Sarmiento. Why does the story ap-
pear here? Sarmiento, in an explanation of the meaning of Viracocha’s name,
describes a vision this Inca beheld at the huaca of Viracocha near Urcos.
Cobo—or his Polo source—may have conflated the two supernatural visions
and linked a supernatural Viracocha to the young prince. However, Cobo also
includes an attack on the Chancas in the time of Inca Roca, so he has laid the
narrative groundwork for Chanca retribution in the time of Yahuar Huacac.
There are several thorny problems embedded in this confusion, not the least
of which is the tendency of Spanish writers and possibly their Inca informants
to identify the supernatural Viracocha as a Prehispanic manifestation of the
Catholic God. The subject will be taken up in chapter 8.

Chaps. 20 –22. Story of Yahuar Huacac history Chap. 10. Yahuar Huacac
Yahuar Huacac’s youth begins. history begins.
begins. His rule is brief, and there His name means “he who
Mentions that Yahuar is not much to say. cries blood.” He was
Huacac is the son of Inca given this name because
Roca and Mama Micay. once, when he had been
A long, detailed story is captured, he was in so
told about the kidnapping much distress he cried
of Yahuar Huacac by the blood. He had a reputa-
Guayllacanes. tion for being a coward.
Because of bad omens, he
was afraid to go to war.
Yahuar Huacac succeeds
his father.
Before his father’s death Yahuar Huacac marries Yahuar Huacac marries
he marries Mama Chicya, Mama Chiquia. Mama Choque Chiquia
daughter of Tocay Capac; Mentions Viracocha Inca. Yupay.
and Tocay Capac marries She bears Viracocha Inca
Curi Ocllo, daughter of (successor).
Inca Roca.
Chap. 23. History of He was given to venereal
Yahuar Huacac’s rule delights, which shortened
begins. his life by a number of
Yahuar Huacac pardons years.
the Ayarmacas.
Then he sends an army to
conquer Mohina and
Pinagua, 20 km from
Cuzco, naming his
brother Vica Quirao as
captain.
He spends a long period

in Cuzco, during which
he conquers Mollaca.
Mentions sons Paucar
Ayllo, Pahuac Hualpa
Mayta (first named suc-
cessor), and Viracocha
Inca.
Yahuar Huacac had
named one of his three le-
gitimate sons as successor.
The Guayllacanes wanted
one of his natural sons to
succeed and attempted to
kill the son Yahuar Hua-
cac had named. They did,
and Yahuar Huacac pun-
ished them by killing
most of them.
Then he went off to con-
quer Pillauya, 15 km from
Cuzco in the Pisac Valley,
then Coyca in the same
area, and Yuco.
Then he took the towns
of Chillincay, Taocamarca,
and the Cabiñas and made
them pay tribute. He con-
quered ten towns, though
some say Viracocha Inca
was captain of some of
the campaigns.
Because his eldest son did
not have the character to
become Inca, he was sent
to Chita, 10 km from
Cuzco, where he was or-
dered to guard the live-
stock belonging to the
Sun.
During this period, the
Chancas rebelled, killing
the governors the Incas

had left. Then the Chan-
cas raised an army of
30,000 and headed for
Cuzco. Yahuar Huaca
fled.
The eldest son decided to
oppose the Chancas, re-
turning to the city to fight
with the few people who
had remained.
To get the people to sup-
port him, he told them a
story about while he was
resting one day in the
shadow of a stone, Vira-
cocha appeared to him as
a white, bearded man in a
long robe, complaining to
him that he was the uni-
versal creator and that he
had created the Sun, the
Thunder, and the Earth,
which had been more
greatly venerated than he
had been. If the prince
would raise an army in his
name, he would help
them.
The prince was Viracocha
Inca. He managed to raise
an army of 30,000. They
fought on a plain near
Cuzco. Because of all the
blood that was spilt, it
was afterward called
Yahuarpampa.
During this campaign, a
large number of bearded
men fought that only
Viracocha Inca could see.
The Chancas later heard
about this and agreed

that, without this kind of
help, there was no expla-
nation for the Inca vic-
tory. They gave the name
pururaucas to these
people. After fighting the
pururaucas became stones.
They were collected and
venerated.
Age at death, length of Length of rule, calendar
rule. year of death.
He says Polo did not find The body and huaoque
the body, and it is proba- were found in the town of
bly in the town of Paulo Paullu, near Calca.
with the huaoque, but wit-
nesses correct him and say
Polo found it.
Compared with the parallels between accounts of the lives of Lloque Yupan-
qui or Mayta Capac, for example, there is very little echo that can be heard be-
tween the different narrative accounts of Viracocha Inca. If we remember what
Sarmiento said about the composition of the earlier lives (that the accounts
from Manco Capac to Yahuar Huacac were composed at one time), then the
account of Viracocha Inca was a separate, later composition, and we might ex-
pect it to be different. By the same logic, the accounts of Pachacuti and Topa
Inca were separate, later compositions, but in these cases there are more paral-
lels between our authors.
The volatility in accounts about Viracocha Inca may be due to historical cir-
cumstances. If we take the content of the narratives into account, there was an
abrupt change in the transmission of power. Pachacuti became ruler long be-
fore his father’s death and may have defied his father’s role in naming a suc-
cessor. The problematic relationship between Viracocha Inca and Pachacuti
can have had an effect on what was transmitted about the former. Where there
is bias and interest, the result may be various stories rather than consensus.
Both Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa explain the meaning of the name Vira-
cocha Inca at the beginning of their treatment of this ruler. They place his cam-
paigning activity after his marriage to Mama Rondocaya of Anta. Cobo has al-
ready told the story about the Chanca invasion when the subject was Yahuar
Huacac. He has very little to say about Viracocha Inca’s campaigns. Sarmiento
and Cabello Valboa, and particularly the former, have much more to say. The
campaigns, however, are not led by Viracocha Inca but by two captains who
had served earlier Incas. As noted before, the early conquests echo what
Sarmiento has said about the conquests of the two generations immediately
preceding Viracocha Inca. Sarmiento’s account of later campaigning, directed
by the captain (not the ruler) Inca Roca, contains a great deal of information
not repeated in Cabello Valboa. Both Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa note cam-
paigns against Tocay Capac and in Mollaca, Cayto (Caytomarca), and Calca,
but the information is conveyed very differently and with an abundance of un-
corroborated details. Of the places mentioned by the others, Cobo mentions
Calca only.
Cobo, however, notes that Viracocha Inca conquered Canas and Canchis,
building a temple in Cacha, in Canas territory. Cieza de León provides infor-
mation about campaigns in this region by Viracocha Inca and about explora-
tion farther south ([1553], chaps. 41– 43; 1986 : 121–128). Again, Cobo is docu-
menting Inca forays into regions fairly distant from Cuzco in the period before
the rule of Pachacuti, although in this instance not before the Chanca invasion.

Chap. 24. Viracocha Inca Chap. 14. Viracocha Inca Chap. 11. Viracocha Inca
history begins. history begins. history begins.
The Guayllacanes had Mentions again that His father had not been a
killed the son chosen to Mama Chiquia is his great warrior, but Vira-
succeed Yahuar Huacac, mother. cocha Inca was.
so Viracocha Inca was Some say the name Vira-
chosen. cocha means “sea foam,”
but vira means lard, and
foam is called puczu, so
they are wrong.
Viracocha Inca marries Viracocha Inca marries
Mama Rondocaya of Mama Rondocaya of
Anta. Canto [sic: Anta].
Mentions Inca Yupanqui
(successor). In the follow-
ing story about cam-
paigns at Caytomarca and
Calca, he mentions sons
Topa Huari and Inca
Urco.
Once, when Viracocha

Inca was in Urcos, where
the great huaca of Ticci
Viracocha was, the super-
natural Viracocha ap-
peared to him at night.
The next day, Viracocha
Inca assembled the no-
bles, including Gualpa
Rimache, governor, and
told them that great suc-
cess was foreseen for the
Incas. Gualpa Rimache
saluted him, saying,
“O Viracocha Inca,” and
the name stuck.
Until this time, the Incas Until this time the towns
had done no more than near Cuzco were not sub-
rob and shed blood, but ject to it but, rather,
Viracocha Inca began to formed part of a confeder-
change all this. ation. Viracocha Inca be-
He had the help of Apo gan to change all this.
Mayta and Vica Quirao. Some say he went to war
with them because they
did not feel good about
his usurping rule from his
father and that he was try-
ing to change the religion,
preferring Viracocha to
the Sun.
Viracocha Inca and Mama

Rondocaya have Inca
Roca Inca, Topa Yupan-
qui, Inca Yupanqui, and
Capac Yupanqui. With
Curi Chulpa of Ayavilla,
he had Inca Urcon and
Inca Sucsu, whose de-
scendants say this mar-
riage was the legitimate
one.
Chap. 25. Viracocha Inca

sends Apo Mayta and
Vica Quirao to Pacay-
cacha in the Valley of
Pisac. It did not submit,
so the people and their
captain, Acamaqui, were
killed. Then they went af-
ter Mohina and Pinagua,
Casacancha and Rondo-
cancha, 25 short km from
Cuzco. Again the people
and their captains, named
Muyna Pongo and Gua-
man Topa, were killed.
Viracocha Inca names a Viracocha Inca conquers Viracocha Inca campaigns
son, Inca Roca, to go Caytomarca and Callca; in Calca, 20 km from
with the two captains on he conquers Tocay Capac Cuzco, and its environs in
the next campaign. They and Suayparmaca [Guay- the Yucay Valley.
also take Inca Yupanqui parmarca]. He also brings
along. They destroyed the Mallas and Mullucan to
town of Guayparmarca obedience, although some
and the Ayarmacas, killing say that these victories
their captains, Tocay Ca- were won by Topa
pac and Chiguay Capac, Guarachiri and Ynga
who had their seats near Urco, accompanied by
Cuzco. They also annexed their uncles Inca Sucsu
Mollaca and ruined the and Inca Roca.
town of Cayto, 20 km
from Cuzco, killing their
captain, Capac Chani.
They defeated the towns
of Socma and Chiraques
and killed their captains,
called Poma Lloque and
Illacumbe.
Then Calca and Caquia
Xaquixaguana, 15 km from
Cuzco, were conquered,
then Collocte and Camal.
They also conquered the
towns from Cuzco to
Quiquixana and their sur- Viracocha Inca marries

rounding areas, as well as Mama Ron[do]cay[a] of
Papres and other towns in Anta.
that area. After his marriage he con-
quers Canas and Canchis.
He builds a temple in
Cacha and places a statue
of Ticci Viracocha there.
Viracocha Inca is old and Viracocha Inca names
names Inca Urco to suc- Ynga Urco to succeed
ceed him. This choice is him, although by rights
opposed by other sons it should have been the
and by Apo Mayta and oldest brother, Ynga
Vica Quirao. Apo Mayta Yupanqui.
wanted to kill Viracocha
Inca because he had had
access to one of Viracocha
Inca’s wives. All of this
happens on the eve of the
Chanca invasion. At this
time Viracocha Inca, out
of fear of the Chancas,
flees Cuzco and hides at
Caquia Xaquixaguana.
At this time the Chancas
had attacked some Cuzco
people who were working
lands that belonged to the
Incas and the Sun. Vira-
cocha Inca names Ynga
Yupangui as general. He
campaigns against people
who had been exempt, in-
cluding Pinao Capac,
Cuyo Capac Chaguar
Chuchuca, and others of
lesser name. Then they
approached the Chancas,
who had approached the
lands of Quiachilli (to the
rear of Ayavira) and
fortified themselves there.

The Incas beat them, and
the Chancas retreated to
Ychubamba (to the rear of
Xacxaguana), where they
regrouped. The Incas re-
inforced their army, and
the Chancas fled in shame
back to Andaguayllas.
Their captains, Tomay-
guaraca and Astoguaraca,
had been taken captive
by Ynga Yupanqui, who
made cups out of their
heads.
Ulti story.
Pachacuti conquers the
Urubamba Valley and
puts the borla on his own
head.
Viracocha Inca lives many Pachacuti plots the mur-
years after his son takes der of his brother Inca
possession of Cuzco. Urco in a town called
Canchi.
Viracocha Inca dies of
sadness.
Age at death, length of Length of rule, calendar
death left blank.
Supplies panaca name. Supplies panaca name.
Inventor of viracochato-
capu, a kind of clothing.
Body was burned by Body was burned by
Gonzalo Pizarro; Polo re- Gonzalo Pizarro; Polo re-
covered ashes and the covered ashes and the
huaoque, named Inca huaoque, named Inca
Amaro. [Wording nearly Amaro.
identical to Cobo.]
Cobo incorporates infor-
mation about his descen-
dants at the beginning of
chap. 12. Viracocha Inca

and Mama Chiquia have
Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui
(successor), Inca Roca,
Topa Yupanqui, and Ca-
pac Yupanqui. He does
not mention Inca Urco
until he describes his mur-
der by Pachacuti.
The Chanca invasion provokes a crisis in dynastic authority in both the

Betanzos and Sarmiento accounts. It precedes the imperial expansion, and it
catapults the young Pachacuti into power. How does it play in the other ac-
counts? As noted above, Cobo tells the story of the Chanca invasion during
the time of Yahuar Huacac, casting him in the role of the father who aban-
doned Cuzco and Viracocha Inca as the son who remained to defeat the en-
emy. There is no trace of the Chanca invasion or dealings with the Chancas in
Cobo’s account of Viracocha Inca or, subsequently, in his account of Pacha-
cuti, although he does reiterate the vision at Susurpuquio. Cabello Valboa, on
the other hand, describes Inca involvement with the Chancas during the rule
of Viracocha Inca in some detail. What he tells involves a battle very near
Cuzco and a Chanca retreat. Inca Yupanqui—Pachacuti—was the captain who
defeated the Chancas. When Cabello Valboa begins the narration of Pachacuti,
there is no story about the Chanca invasion. He tells the story as if it were an
unproblematic episode in the life of Viracocha Inca and not an abrupt turn in
the course of dynastic history. Sarmiento drew from a life history of Pachacuti
where the Chanca invasion is a highly dramatic event. Did the Molina and
other versions draw from the genealogical account, in which more informa-
tion about Inca-Chanca relations was included and each event was noted with-
out the dramatization of the defense of Cuzco given in the life history of
Pachacuti?
Another thread in the same story is Viracocha Inca’s choice of another
son—not Pachacuti—as his successor. Sarmiento notes that Viracocha Inca
and Mama Rondocaya have four sons, including Pachacuti. Viracocha Inca
and Curi Chulpa of “Ayavilla” have Inca Urco and Inca Sucsu. Their descen-
dants, named at the end of Sarmiento’s account, tell him that the sons of Curi
Chulpa are legitimate. Cabello Valboa provides information about Inca Urco’s
involvement in military campaigns in the time of his father, noting only at the
end of his account that Viracocha Inca had named this son to succeed him
when he should have named the eldest, Pachacuti. Cobo mentions Inca Urco
only during the account of Pachacuti’s life and, specifically, when Pachacuti
has him murdered. If, as Sarmiento indicates, the sons of Viracocha Inca by
Curi Chulpa are members of his panaca, and life history material was trans-
mitted by it, then we might expect that there would be differing stories about
Inca Urco and that, rather than being suppressed, his story might be told. Ef-
fectively, it was.
In cases like this one, trying to pin down when and under what circum-
stances a story changed may be a fruitless exercise. Disturbance in the trans-
mission of accounts of Viracocha Inca’s life is evident, however, especially
when compared to the life history material on Pachacuti in the Betanzos and
Sarmiento accounts and the briefer accounts of the lives of Lloque Yupanqui
and Mayta Capac, outlined above.
dates in sar miento and cabello valboa
Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa incorporate several kinds of measurements

in years into the texts of their narratives. For each Inca, Sarmiento generally
supplies figures for lifespan, age at accession, length of rule, and calendar year
of death; Cabello chooses either lifespan or length of rule and calendar year of
death (tables 5.1 and 5.2).2
Both authors had to have calculated a calendar year of death. Cabello Val-
boa specifically notes, when he supplies the date of death of Capac Yupanqui,
that he has arrived at it “by our reckoning” [a nuestra cuenta] ([1586], pt. 3,
chap. 12; 1951 : 291). There are a number of inconsistencies in the numbers each
author supplied. Sarmiento did a very poor job of calculating the calendar year
of death, since we can assume that he used the length of rule he supplies in
making his calculation. Recalculating the year of death back to the rule of
Mayta Capac, for whom the data are not provided, the new figures are still
out of line with those supplied by Cabello Valboa (table 5.3). The calendric se-
quences are out of synch by about three hundred years over a five-generation
span. Sarmiento’s estimates are the most outlandish, given that the lifespans
for all but the last two rulers are more than one hundred years.
From a comparison of their figures, it is clear that Sarmiento and Cabello
Valboa were working with different information. Moreover, since Morúa did
not provide any estimates in years, it is unlikely that Molina is the source of
Cabello Valboa’s calculations. Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa were working
on their own. In the case of the latter—and, to a less noticeable degree, the
table 5.1. Years in Sarmiento [1572]
Age at Length Year of

Inca Lifespan Accession of Rule Death
Manco Capac 144 44 665
Sinchi Roca 127 108 19 675
Lloque Yupanqui 132 21 111 786
Mayta Capac 112 896
Capac Yupanqui 104 15 89 985
Ynga Roca 123 20 103 1088
Yahuar Huacac 115 19 96
Viracocha Inca 110 18 101 [blank]
Pachacuti 125 22 103 1191
Topa Inca 85 18 67 1258
Huayna Capac 80 20 60 1524
table 5.2. Years in Cabello Valboa [1586]
Age at Length Year of

Inca Lifespan Accession of Rule Death
Manco Capac 91 60+ 1006
Sinchi Roca 77 1083
Lloque Yupanqui 78 1161
Mayta Capac 65 1226
Capac Yupanqui 80 1306
Ynga Roca 50+ 1356
Yahuar Huacac 30 1386
Viracocha Inca 50 1438
Pachacuti 36 1473
Topa Inca 22 1493
Huayna Capac 33 1525
table 5.3. Comparison of Sarmiento (Corrected) with Cabello Valboa
Inca Rule Death Corrected Cabello Valboa

Manco Capac 665 1006
Sinchi Roca 19 675 1083
Lloque Yupanqui 111 786 1161
Mayta Capac 896 1226
Capac Yupanqui 89 985 1008 1306
Ynga Roca 103 1088 1097 1356
Yahuar Huacac 96 1200 1386
Viracocha Inca 101 [blank] 1296 1438
Pachacuti 103 1191 1397 1473
Topa Inca 67 1258 1464 1493
Huayna Capac 60 1524 1524 1525
former—the reason for calculating the calendar year of death was to synchro-
nize Inca history with what was happening in Europe at the same time. This
concern is overwhelming in Cabello Valboa, who provides more material
about the European past than about the Incas.
Was the obvious interest of these authors in creating equivalent time scales
between the New World and the Old a reason for them to wholly invent in-
formation about the lifespan or length of rule of the Inca rulers? Or were their
calculations based in some way on underlying Inca source material? As a way
of moving toward an answer, let us pose a further question: if the calculations
were based on Inca knowledge, then what kind of knowledge?
During the time Sarmiento was collecting material for his narrative, Vice-
roy Toledo was also querying the Incas on a variety of matters. He used a
questionnaire designed to elicit information about burial practice, sacred ob-
jects (huacas), and “other customs” (dated Yucay, 2 June 1571; Levillier 1940,
vol. 2 : 122 –125). Question 16 asked:
16. If they know how many years Huayna Capac, Topa Inca, and his fa-
ther, Pachacuti, lived, and if they died as old or young men, more or less.
XVI. Si saben cuántos años vivió Guaynacapac y el Topainga Yupangui y

su padre Pachacuti Ynga Yupangui y si murieron viejos o mozos poco más
o menos. (Levillier 1940, vol. 2:125)
Only one group of respondents was able to provide an answer to this question.
It included several panaca members, among them Alonso Tito Atauchi and
Diego Cayo. They were interviewed in Cuzco on September 5, 1571.
Alonso Tito Atauchi was the son of another Tito Atauchi and a grandson of
Huayna Capac (Sariemento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 60; 1906 : 105; chap. 63;
1906 : 114; chap. 68; 1906 : 125; chap. 69; 1906 : 128). He was said to be forty
years old at the time of the interview (Levillier 1940, vol. 2 : 167). He had been
in charge of service to Huayna Capac’s mummy in the years before 1559 when
it was removed from panaca hands by Polo de Ondegardo. He appears listed
as a member of the panaca of Huascar in the list of Incas who authenticated
the Sarmiento manuscript in February 1572 (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572];
1906 : 132) either because he was Huascar’s full brother or because he had been
accorded that status. In the short statement identifying him in the text before
the questions appear, he noted that his father “had at times been in charge of
governing the kingdom.” Diego Cayo was a descendant of Pachacuti; he was
seventy (Levillier 1940, vol. 2 : 168). He also authenticated the Sarmiento text
(Sariento de Gamboa [1572]; 1906 : 132). In the statement identifying him be-
fore the questionnaire he noted that his father had been “second person” of
Huayna Capac. I will read their answer to question 16:
16. [In answer] to the sixteenth question the said don Diego Cayo and
don Alonso Tito Atauche said that they saw a tablet [or board] and quipos
where the ages of the said Pachacuti; Topa Inca, his son; and Huayna
Capac, son of Topa Inca, were recorded. From the said tablet and quipo
they saw that Pachacuti had lived one hundred years; Topa Inca, to fifty-
eight or sixty; and Huayna Capac, to seventy. The others said that they
knew nothing about the matter addressed in the question.
XVI. A las diez y seis preguntas dijeron los dichos don Diego Cayo y don
Alonso Tito Atauche, que ellos vieron una tabla y quipos donde estaban
sentadas las edades que hubieron los dichos Pachacuti Inga y Topa Inga
Yupangui su hijo, y Guayna Capac, hijo del dicho Topa Inga, y que por la
dicha tabla y quipo vieron que vivió Pachacuti Inga Yupangui cien años,
y Topa Inga Yupangui hasta cincuenta y ocho o sesenta años y Guayna
Capac hasta setenta años, y los demás dijeron que no saben de lo con-
tenido en la pregunta cosa alguna. (Levillier 1940, vol. 2 : 173)
How do we interpret the “tabla y quipo” on which the ages of the Incas
were recorded? Gary Urton describes the “reading” of tribute figures from a
quipo in sixteenth-century Bolivia. In order to arrive at the amount of tribute
that was to be paid, a calculation was made using stones. The quipo, concluded
Urton, encoded the list of what was paid and some multiplier. To answer the
question—how much was paid?—a calculation had to be made (1998 : 413–
421). Was the tablet a calculation device? Was the manner of storing informa-
tion similar to what Urton describes?
There is also reference to using quipos for recording information about the
length of time an Inca ruled. Cabello Valboa establishes a concordance be-
tween the years registered in quipo accounts and calendar dates at points in his
text where he records when the reigns of Manco Capac and Sinchi Roca be-
gan. First he establishes a concordance for Manco Capac:
Finding a concordance between our accounts and those the natives have
on their quipos and knots of their kings and ancient lords, and using these
accounts and their principles, it seems that around the year 945 of Christ
our Lord, with Pope Stephen, eighth of those of this name, having the
apostolic seat of Saint Peter in Rome [Manco Inca began his rule].
Concordadas las cuentas nuestras con las que estos naturales tienen por
sus Quipos, y ñudos de sus Reyes, y Señores antiguos y de la realidad y
principios de ellos parece resultar que cerca de los años de el nacimiento
de Christo nro. Redemptor de 945 teniendo la Apostolica Silla de Sant
Pedro en Roma el Papa Estefano octauo de los de este nombre. (Cabello
Valboa [1586], pt. 3, chap. 10; 1951:264)
Cabello can be obtuse, but he clearly intends for his reader to assume that a
concordance had been established between quipo records and the papal chro-
nology. His account of Sinchi Roca also begins with a similar statement.
And according to the quipos of the Indians and the conformity of the ages
and times with our history that has been found in the matters that we
have been talking about, which should be about 1006, more or less, Pope
John—the seventeenth of this name—had the holy apostolic see in Rome.
Y segun la cuenta de los Quipos de los Yndios, y la conformidad que con

nras. historias los han allado por la edades, y tiempos en este de que va-
mos ablando que deue (ser el de mil y seys poco mas o menos) tenia la
Silla apostolica en Roma el Papa Juan decimo septimo de este nombre.
(Cabello Valboa [1586], pt. 3, chap. 10; 1951 : 274 –275)
Let us suppose, for the sake of argument, that the ages of the Incas had been
recorded on a quipo. If there was a knowledge of the lifespan of the Inca rulers
(even if it was vaguely remembered by people like Diego Cayo and Alonso
Tito Atauchi), then this information may have been what Sarmiento and Ca-
bello used as the basis for their calculations. The issue is not whether the in-
formation was correctly remembered. Nor does it matter whether or not the
numbers recorded on a quipo were true measures of the lifespans of particular
individuals. The ages recorded can have been ridiculously long; remember that
Methuselah was said to have lived more than nine hundred years. The point is
that Diego Cayo and Alonso Tito Atauchi described a method of recording
ages that had nothing to do with European practice, and Cabello Valboa men-
tions using them in his calculations.
There is another estimate for the lifespan of Pachacuti that we should look
at. Betanzos, too, gives a figure for Pachacuti’s life (see table 5.4). However, it
table 5.4 Lifespan of last three Incas
Inca Cayo and Atauchi Sarmiento Betanzos

Pachacuti 100 125 120
Topa Inca 58– 60 85
Huayna Capac up to 70 80
Source: Betanzos [1551–57], pt. 1, chap. 32; 1987: 150.
is closer to the figure given by Sarmiento than to the hundred years mentioned
by Tito Atauchi and Cayo. Since Betanzos appears to have relied on a life his-
tory of Pachacuti, we should seriously consider whether or not there was local
knowledge about the lifespan of the Incas.
If some kind of information could be gleaned from Inca informants about
lifespan, then, in order to derive a series of calendar dates for the dynastic suc-
cession, either a figure for the age of each Inca at accession or for the length
of rule was also required. Sarmiento routinely supplies both, except for Mayta
Capac. What can be noted from the ages he gives for the succession of each
ruler is that, with the exception of the first two, all of the Incas succeeded as
young men, age fifteen to twenty. If Sarmiento had asked how old the Incas
were at the time of succession and was told they were young men, he could
have supplied the figure for their age at accession so that he could calculate
length of rule. Cabello Valboa gives lifespan information for five of the first six
Incas and length of rule for the next five. However, when you examine his cal-
culations, it is immediately apparent that he is using lifespan as if it were length
of rule. It is unfortunate that he does not supply lifespan figures for the last
three Incas. These figures might have been more in line with the ages given by
Alonso Tito Atauchi and Diego Cayo.
composit ion
Despite the latitude available to Spanish authors to impose their own order
on material drawn from Inca sources and to suppress, editorialize, and invent,
there are enough similarities between the narratives they composed to sub-
stantiate a claim that they drew from Inca genres. The only other acceptable
hypothesis is that these authors copied from each other, and the similarities are
due to textual borrowings. While there is no reason not to continue to look for
textual borrowing, comparison of the texts for their Inca content is long over-
due. Since we have seen the results of textual borrowing in the case of Morúa’s
and Cabello Valboa’s use of Molina, we can also hypothesize that textual bor-
rowing may tend to reproduce the structure of an underlying text to a greater
degree than would borrowing from an oral source. The differences between a
presumed Cobo/Polo source and Sarmiento, for example, will have more to
do with what these authors took from their Inca informants and, in the case of
generic material, from which genres. The same kind of archaeological meth-
ods that we use to uncover dependencies on written sources can be used to ex-
cavate oral sources, although the results are an approximation.
Our focus has been on two genres that were principal vehicles for a repre-
sentation of the Inca past, if we judge by what was incorporated in Spanish
historical narratives. They were certainly what the Incas of Cuzco responded
with when Spaniards began to be interested in what the Incas knew about their
own past. Moreover, the explicit statements that Spaniards like Betanzos and
Sarmiento make about the preservation and transmission of Inca genres fit
fairly well with the evidence from Spanish historical narratives about them.
Our entree into the subject was an Inca interest in genealogy. Genealogy is
a kind of history itself. There is another form of history which we know as bi-
ography. The Incas, too, had a kind of biography that had as its subject the life
history of Inca rulers. To unravel the subject matter of an Inca genre we have
examined what our sources said about Pachacuti and Topa Inca. The sheer
length of the accounts of these two Incas would suggest that they drew from
life history sources, even if we had no other way of making that argument.
Since we can extract a fairly clear picture of the life history of Pachacuti from
the account of Betanzos, we can begin to see the traces of a life history in the
much murkier material recorded in the Spanish narratives about Topa Inca.
Since these rulers were actively involved in expanding the authority of
Cuzco over distant regions, it stands to reason that their lives were fertile
sources for the production of detailed life histories, stories, and long lists of the
Andean lords, fortresses, and territories annexed to what had become an
empire. When the subject is earlier rulers, identifying life history material is a
different sort of problem. It may overlap to a greater degree with the genea-
logical genre, expecially if the two genres were composed at the same time.
Perhaps the accounts that drew from the life history sources are those which
contain evidence of underlying narratives, assuming, as we do, that the life his-
tory has a narrative basis. For example, the Lloque Yupanqui story has nar-
rative features. The Sun appears and talks with Lloque Yupanqui. There is a
story about how the problem of his marriage was solved. That Sarmiento, Ca-
bello Valboa, and Cobo drew from a similar underlying source is evident not
simply from the parallels between events but also from the list of local lords
who came to talk with Lloque Yupanqui. Are these features of a life history?
Likewise, the Mayta Capac story incorporates a narrative about a war with the
Alcabizas in which Mayta Capac shows his bellicose spirit. The young Inca
leads the Incas into battle. The narrative structure includes events leading up
to conflict, two battles, and a supernatural intervention. Is this the stuff of life
history? Whether there is an underlying narrative is less obvious in the case of
Capac Yupanqui. There are some parallels in the accounts of Cabello Valboa
and Cobo. Is it possible that they reflect life history material while Sarmiento
does not?
The problems multiply in the accounts of Inca Roca and later Incas. Cabello
Valboa has very little to say about Inca Roca. Sarmiento may be repeating what
he has included on other Incas. Cobo sequences his material differently and
includes information about the conquests of the rulers from Capac Yupanqui
onward that appears nowhere else, for example, Capac Yupanqui’s campaign
in Cuyos and his conquest of Condesuyo, Inca Roca’s alliance with the Canas
and Canchis and his campaign in Paucartambo, and Viracocha Inca’s con-
quest of Canas and Canchis. Both Cabello Valboa and Cobo contextualize
the Chanca attack on Pachacuti in a very different manner than Betanzos and
Sarmiento, who appear to have drawn from a life history. Perhaps at some
point we are dealing with differences between the life history and genealogical
genre, but how are we to know when this is the case, or when the difference is
due to how the Spanish authors dealt with generic material?
Although we have been able to identify two genres, it is only possible in cer-
tain cases to tell where the narratives drew from one or the other. We can be
fairly certain that Betanzos drew from a source within a particular panaca: the
life history. Other authors, like Sarmiento, had material from the genealogical
genre, including the story of Inca origins. The genealogical genre may have
had an event structure like the life histories. If the story of origins headed the
genealogical genre, it certainly did.
Sarmiento and Betanzos present problems, but we can feel more certain
about what they included. But what about Polo, if we can use Cobo as a guide
to a historical account. Could he have drawn from both the genealogical and
the life history? Polo was well acquainted with the panacas and found some of
the quipos said to be recordings of the deeds of Pachacuti. Would these have
been his principal sources, or is he rather the first author to marry the genea-
logical genre with the life history material? What about Molina? Will a com-
parison between Cobo, on the one hand, and Cabello Valboa/Morúa (after
the material from the quipo of the conquests of Topa Inca is removed), on the
other, produce a sharper image of the text of the genealogical genre?
We have noted in passing a number of specific cases where the sequencing

of events in the period of overlap between two lifetimes caused problems in the
narrative. The problems with sequencing explain one of the anomalies of the
corpus of historical narratives that has long bothered scholars interested in
the Incas: the repetition of events, particularly military campaigns. We can ex-
plain this repetition. If the Inca genre or genres that supplied them with ma-
terial followed a life history format, then the sequencing of events near the
accession or death of a ruler was done by the authors of Spanish narratives in
the creation of a seamless, temporally ordered narrative. We would thus expect
there to be problems in sequencing events that occurred during the overlap
in lifetimes between one ruler and the next. When, as in the case of Topa Inca,
the successor reached adulthood many years before the father died, a great deal
of repetition might be the result.
What is interesting to note is that sequencing was also a problem in the ac-
counts of the Incas prior to Pachacuti. The problems with sequencing are all
the more evident because of the interest shown in the early years of the future
ruler. A precocious interest in warfare or a demonstration of bravery was a
topic that seems more often than not to have outshown the deeds of the ma-
ture person, at least in the period before the Incas campaigned outside their
political neighborhood. For example, the most important events related about
Yahuar Huacac and Mayta Capac occurred during their youth and long before
the transfer of power. In the case of Sarmiento’s treatment of Yahuar Huacac’s
kidnapping, the account may have been a separate story, like the Ulti story.
However, other authors who do not tell this story in any detail at least men-
tion it (Cieza de León [1553], chap. 37; 1986 : 100), sequencing it in their narra-
tives differently from other authors.
So far, our concern with sequence has been with how Spanish authors
worked. If they were constructing a narrative from life histories, they would
have had to fuse the accounts for the period of overlap between lifetimes. But
what of the genealogical genre, especially the accounts of the first seven rulers?
Was it a single narrative or a sequence of life histories? We have argued that
Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa/Morúa (m2) had access to it. If the underlying
genre was a single narrative, temporally ordered, we would not expect the se-
quencing problems that we have seen. The genealogical genre may have been
a composite of life histories. Within a life history format, life events were used
to structure Inca accounts, so a sense of historical process may have been a fea-
ture even of the genealogical genre.
More comparative study can sharpen what we know about underlying
Inca genres, and questions certainly remain. Now we have some idea of what
the underlying Inca genres were like. Nonetheless, other issues only begin to
emerge as we read the Spanish historical narratives. As will become clear
when we start to read them, an awareness of the nature of Inca source materi-
als guides how we understand the themes and messages conveyed in them.
Since there are various voices in our texts, we want to try to distinguish be-
tween themes and messages communicated by the Spaniards and those of
their sources.
6 Emergence
Heretofore we have spoken of historical narratives in Spanish and

what we have called Inca genres. The texts we have are the former. In them are
the hazy reflections of the latter. So far we have treated the underlying Inca
sources like texts, but can we? The Inca genres we have identified were very
different from the written narratives which drew from them. Some were
unique products. A performance tradition was associated with them, and to
the extent that aspects of their content were linked to performance, we will
never fully know them. Still, like the plays that are performed on our stages,
there was a recorded version that could be transmitted independently. Re-
corded genres do not have to be performed to be transmitted. What we are
“reading” is not a performance tradition but an underlying text. Like texts,
we can assume there was a certain stability in the content of recorded genres
that would not characterize the products of memory alone. Texts can also be
changed, and whether these texts reflect the form they had when first com-
posed is an open question. When they were transmitted to Spaniards and
translated into Spanish, they evolved in other ways.
However, so long as the transmission process was in native hands, we can
consider these sources to be Inca genres. Certain events affected the keeping of
these genres: at some point the painted wooden tablets were removed from
their setting; Polo de Ondegardo collected the bodies of the Inca rulers in 1559
and perhaps removed the quipo records from the hands of the individuals who
kept them; individuals who had learned oral versions of a story or other ge-
neric material at some point failed to transmit it. However, even when records
were destroyed or removed from context, there was still memory. As long as
there was some benefit to be gained from genealogical calculation to the line
of descent from Manco Capac, the genealogy was transmitted. When Cobo
wrote in the mid–seventeenth century, he said he could still collect an account
from the Incas of Cuzco like the one told in his manuscript sources.
In our study of Inca genres we have privileged historical narratives that
drew from Inca sources in Cuzco. Some Spaniards, like Sarmiento and Betan-
zos, transmitted or compiled Inca generic material, subordinating their own
234 | e m e r g e n c e
voices to a degree. However, we do not know who their informants were or

how they had learned what they knew. When Betanzos wrote, the quipos of the
life history of Pachacuti were still held by his panaca. When Sarmiento came
to Cuzco twenty years later, he collected a version of this account that was
similar in general outline. That he could collect something similar in outline is
evidence for some kind of formal transmission process. Here we are speaking
of a specific life history, but what of the content of the painted history? If the
physical record had been destroyed, were its contents preserved in another for-
mat so that later accounts drew from some type of record, or was a knowledge
of it preserved through memory alone?
There are other questions as well. Sarmiento’s text is a compilation of Inca
source materials. We have assumed that the processing of Inca source material
into a new form of narrative was done by Sarmiento, but the compilation or
reconciliation of Inca source material may have been done to some extent by
those who kept and transmitted Inca genres, particularly as they learned about
European forms of scholarship. In the process of translating and recording this
material in Spanish, the stories may have been retold in answer to queries that
resulted in explanation. As will be seen, Sarmiento embodies an explanation of
the rise to power of the descent group of Manco Capac. He may have under-
stood what he heard as an explanation, the underlying account may have al-
ready incorporated an explanation, or the explanation was supplied by his in-
formants in the process of transmission. We cannot know how the explanation
was inserted into the text. Furthermore, we need to ask as well about how
changes in values or beliefs may have affected the transmission of generic ma-
terial. Such changes may affect the content of the narratives in subtle ways.
When we read, we have to read with these questions in mind.
There are messages embedded in the historical narratives, some of which
seem to transcend both the genealogical and the life history formats. At times
the authorial voice seems to have expert knowledge of the Inca past, a knowl-
edge which the Spanish author could not have had. For example, Sarmiento
gives voice to an overarching narrative about the Inca expansion that he does
not seem to understand. At other times, one part of his story cannot be
squared with another, and each sends messages about the organization of
Cuzco that would seem to reflect a rationale that was not Sarmiento’s own.
Sarmiento’s narrative accomplishes a number of tasks, aside from its essential
purpose in documenting the shallow time depth of the Inca empire, structured
by a string of only twelve rulers. It is a story about the emergence of the Incas.
It identifies the people descended from Manco Capac as well as the peoples
who inhabited Cuzco who were not Inca. In short, it answers the questions,
e m e r g e n c e | 235
Who are the inhabitants of Cuzco, and how did they come to be there?
Sarmiento also describes the expansion of Cuzco. Through the story of Inti,
he describes the emergence of Inca aggression in largely symbolic terms. The
symbols are not European, so he is giving voice to another interpretive system.
Finally, he describes a political landscape populated by other peoples recog-
nized as capac who, as the story is told, constituted obstacles to Inca hege-
mony. Sarmiento himself does not seem to understand the significance of the
term capac, so the narrator’s voice in this story is not his.
At the same time, the basic Inca sources he drew from — if we have cor-
rectly grasped their nature — are insufficient as vehicles for these messages.
Sarmiento had access to an Inca genealogical genre. He also had other materi-
als, for example, the life history of Pachacuti and a quipo recording the con-
quests of Topa Inca. He compiled a narrative from native sources, adding what
was known about the collection of the mummies and idols of particular rulers
and their descendants then alive. We cannot be certain of all the sources he
used, but — based on our understanding of the genealogical genre and life his-
tory genres — they do not permit the incorporation of threads of narrative that
span the sequence of rulers or explain the transformation of Cuzco and the
growth of Inca power. Nonetheless, the knowledge that would permit the in-
corporation of such features into the narrative did not come from Sarmiento.
In fact, Sarmiento knew very little about the Incas. He had only recently ar-
rived in Cuzco. What he writes when he is not representing Inca history is very
different in tone from what he wrote about the Incas: his compositions — even
his letters — display an erudition that creates a very different impression on the
reader than his narration of Inca history.1
In this chapter we will examine one of the messages embedded in Sarmien-
to’s text. We will look at what he says about the emergence of the Incas and the
expansion of Inca power. Our interest in the first half of the book was to detect
the Inca sources available to Spanish authors when they composed their nar-
ratives. From this point on, we are beginning the task of reading Inca history.
t he emergence of t he incas
The story is essentially local history until near the time of the Inca expan-
sion. Although we know that the Cuzco region had been inhabited for thou-
sands of years, the story only spans the time covered by eleven generations.
Even some of the Spaniards who transmitted the dynastic history, for example,
Cieza de León and Bernabé Cobo, were aware that there were ruins of build-
236 | e m e r g e n c e
ings from earlier times, times that the dynastic story did not reach (Cieza de
León [1550], chap. 102; 1984 : 278; chap. 105; 1984 : 282 –284; Cobo [1653], bk.
12, chap. 1; 1892:111–112).
The most universally repeated story about Inca origins describes the emer-
gence of four brothers and four sisters, two of whom were the progenitors of
the Inca dynastic descent group, from the central of three windows at a place
called Tambotoco or Pacaritambo (map 1). Sarmiento and Molina add an ear-
lier phase of creation, where a Creator god organizes the emergence of not
just the Incas but other Andean peoples (Molina [1576]; 1989 : 50 –55). An ac-
count of this earlier, universal creation phase is absent from the Discurso and
Las Casas. Cobo tells it after telling several other origin stories: the first about
the arrival of Manco Capac from the Lake Titicaca area; the second, the Pacari-
tambo origin story; and the third, the story of a universal creation by a Crea-
tor god. Gutiérrez tells the first of Cobo’s versions, extending the time that the
dynasty spent in the Lake Titicaca area.
Clearly, what was told about origins was in a state of flux. Some versions
may reflect the penetration of Christianity, which involved a belief that the
world was created all at once by a single Creator deity. There may have always
been competing versions in the earlier period, but the Inca genealogical genre
began with the Pacaritambo story. All of the accounts we have compared in-
clude it except Gutiérrez. Of course, the story of the Ayar brothers and sisters is
the logical starting point of an account of the descent group of Manco Capac.
The origin myth as myth will be analyzed in chapter 8. Here we will read
the story of the arrival of the Ayar siblings in Cuzco. Although versions of the
genealogical genre that have been transmitted through Spanish narratives dif-
fer in important details, the story — however it is told — incorporates a land-
scape that is real. Gary Urton, in a study of Pacaritambo that looks toward the
present and interprets the story in light of ethnographic research in Pacari-
tambo, reads it against the background of contemporary ethnography. In his
reading, he sees a reflection of the world as viewed from Pacaritambo. He also
relates the story to concrete places on the landscape in the Pacaritambo region
(1990 : 37–39, map 2). The story is about a journey from Pacaritambo to Cuzco.
Although the identity of some places is tentative (i.e., Matagua, but see Rowe
1944: fig. 1 and p. 43), Urton is clearly able to trace the itinerary of the Ayar
brothers and sisters from the area near Pacaritambo to Cuzco (1990 : 37– 41).
Moreover, the story of origins has an event structure like the life histories of
particular rulers and would be impossible to separate from the material related
to Manco Capac were it not for textual clues (see chapter 5). Although there
are other versions of origins, we will analyze the Pacaritambo story here.
e m e r g e n c e | 237
Yavira [Piccho]
CUZCO
Colcapampa [San Sebastián]
Choco
Anahuarqui
Matao
Huanacauri
Molle Molle R
Pallata
Pachecti
pu
A
rim Tambotoco
ac R Pacaritambo
Apuri
m
ac
R
Sa
Livit
nto
N
Tom
a
ac
R
sRá
0 10
KILOMETERS
Mountains
Villages
Map 1. Places associated with the story of Inca origins.
The painted history was said to have begun with a story of origins. If this
story was the Pacaritambo story, then we can apply the same theory of com-
position to it as we have done in the case of the genealogical genre and as the
life histories of the early rulers; that is, if we accept as a hypothesis that both
were composed by Pachacuti after the Inca expansion began, then this material
was composed in one or two specific composition episodes at approximately
the same time. The life history material recorded after the death of Viracocha,
Pachacuti, Topa Inca, and, possibly, Huayna Capac was composed in separate,
later episodes. Moreover, the later material may have been more strongly
influenced by memory at the time Inca historical traditions were being trans-
mitted to Spaniards. What Pachacuti recorded about earlier generations in the
Inca dynastic line may have involved working with memory alone, but we can-
not discount the possibility that some kind of formal record had been kept.
Regardless, Pachacuti could easily reshape these materials into a story that fore-
238 | e m e r g e n c e
shadowed the Inca imperial project in his own time. When we read the ac-
counts of the earlier rulers, we should not read these accounts as a pristine trans-
mission of a remote Inca past but as a story told after Inca power was a fact.
As we read the story of the emergence of the Incas we will keep this com-
positional history in mind, treating it as a hypothesis. First we will read the
story of origins for the image it contains of a historical landscape. Sarmiento
is our principal source and point of departure, so we will take the narrative line
from him, considering other sources when they confirm Sarmiento or present
other possibilities.
Sarmiento does not begin with Ayar origins but rather with a chapter on
the peoples who resided in the Cuzco Valley before the Incas came and then
another on the absence of natural lords in the Andean region. The second
chapter is clearly an addition motivated by the Toledo campaign to prove that
the Incas were not natural lords and that there had been none in the Andes.
The first may be as well. Near the time Sarmiento finished his work and prior
to the assembly of panaca members to authenticate it, Toledo collected tes-
timony from various groups of people from the ayllos which, as noted in Sar-
miento’s text, had resided in the Cuzco Valley at the time of Manco Capac’s
arrival. A standard questionnaire was administered to each of four groups,
named the Ayllo Sahuasiray, Quisco (or Ayllo Antasayac), the ayllo of Ayaru-
cho (or the Alcabizas), and the Huallas (spellings as in the original; Levillier
1940, vol. 2 : 182 –195). Sarmiento may have used some of the same people who
appeared before Toledo, but there are differences between what he narrated
and what the witnesses answered in their interviews. First, let us look at the
story Sarmiento told.
Sarmiento writes that the Incas emerged from the central window of Tam-
botoco and that two other lineages, called Maras and Sutic, emerged from the
windows on either side of it. People descended from these two lineages still
lived in Cuzco when Sarmiento wrote. People from other lineages in the Tam-
botoco area also accompanied the Ayar siblings to Cuzco. Sarmiento lists ten
such groups, including the descendants of two of Manco Capac’s brothers as
well as the Maras and Sutic groups ([1572], chap. 11; 1906 : 34):
Hanan Cuzco
Chauin Cuzco Ayllo, the lineage of Ayar Cache
Arayraca Ayllo Cuzco Callan, the lineage of Ayar Uchu
Tarpuntay Ayllo
Huacaytaqui Ayllo
Saño Ayllo
e m e r g e n c e | 239
Hurin Cuzco
Sutic Toco Ayllo, those who emerged from Sutic Toco
Maras Ayllo, those who emerged from Maras Toco
Cuycusa Ayllo
Masca Ayllo
Oro Ayllo
When the scene shifts to Cuzco, Sarmiento describes a number of groups

that were already settled near what would become the Inca city. Two had been
there for a long time, while three others had arrived in the more recent past
from the same area from which the Incas had come and were led by three cap-
tains. The first two groups were the Sauaseras and the Huallas. The Huallas
were settled near Arco Punco, the gate on the road to the Lake Titicaca region
(map 2). The Sauaseras were settled at the site of modern Santo Domingo.
Obviously, these were small groups. They were agriculturalists, and their fields
were adjacent to their houses. The Incas attacked the Huallas first, killing
everyone. They then threatened the Sauaseras, who had chosen one of the
three captains, named Copalimayta, to defend them. The Incas defeated Co-
palimayta and took what had belonged to him. They settled permanently on
Copalimayta’s site, where the temple of Coricancha was later built. From this
time forward, the Incas held the land between the Huatanay and Tullumayo
Rivers, where Cuzco was to develop (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 11;
1906 : 30; chap. 13; 1906 : 39– 40).
There are details in the testimony collected by Toledo that tell a different
story. For one thing, the witnesses from the ayllo of Sauasiray said they were
descended from Sauasiray, a captain from Sutic Toco. When this captain ar-
rived in the Cuzco Valley, he found only the Huallas. In Sarmiento’s story,
the “Sauaseras” are represented as non-Inca, or at least they are not identified
as having originated in Pacaritambo. According to the witnesses, the captain
Sauasiray settled at Quinticancha and Chumbicancha, later renamed Cori-
cancha by Pachacuti. Manco Capac displaced Sauasiray and his family, but
Pachacuti later organized a descent group of his descendants (Levillier 1940,
vol. 2:185).
Two groups remained, referred to as Alcabizas and Culunchimas in the
Sarmiento story, after the captains who had led them to the Cuzco area. Both
groups occupied lands on the other side of the Huatanay, the Alcabizas near
modern Santa Clara and the Culunchimas in the area northeast of Belén at its
first location in Coripata (map 2). The Incas took lands away from the Al-
cabizas by taking their source of irrigation water away. The Culunchimas were
240 | e m e r g e n c e
Sacsahuaman
Nazarenas
Hanan
Hurin
Arco
Punco
Hu
at
Tullu
an
ay
R
mayo
N Coricancha
R
[Santo Domingo]
0 100 200 300 400

METERS
Hanan Cuzco
Hurin Cuzco
Coripata
Map 2. Imperial Cuzco (after Niles 1999: fig. 3.5).
made to pay tribute (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 14; 1906 : 41– 42;
Rowe 1994 : 173–184).
Again, the Sarmiento story does not agree with the information given to
Toledo. The group of people identified as the ayllo of Ayar Ucho said they were
now called Alcabizas (Levillier 1940, vol. 2 : 186 –187). In Sarmiento’s list, the
descendants of Ayar Ucho belonged to the ayllo named Arayraca Ayllo Cuzco
Callan, a group that arrived in Cuzco with Manco Capac ([1572], chap. 11;
1906 : 34), while the Alcabizas were already present in the Cuzco Valley at the
time the Ayar siblings arrived.
Rather than try to reconcile these discrepancies, it is more productive to ask
why they exist, particularly since information about early Cuzco was collected
by both Sarmiento and Toledo at nearly the same time. Perhaps the best an-
swer is that Sarmiento took his information from the descendants of Manco
e m e r g e n c e | 241
Capac, since it was their story he was trying to tell, whereas Toledo inter-
viewed people from the other groups. Where the stories differ, the Inca ver-
sion portrays a group as being essentially foreign, whereas in the group’s own
testimony, a relationship to the Incas is evident. There is a bias in these stories,
although we do not have very sophisticated methods for interpreting it.
If we follow the account of the witnesses who belonged to groups present
in Cuzco when Manco Capac arrived, then everyone but the Huallas had some
kind of tie to the region from which the Incas came. Even Sarmiento tells us
that the Incas, the Alcabizas, and the Culunchimas have a common origin.
What we are not told, but what appears to underlie the story, is that the Ayar
siblings are part of a larger group that, by circumstance or design, had en-
croached on the lands in the Cuzco Valley, perhaps long before. In the story it
seems as if they are strangers, arriving in a new place. The Ayar siblings took
the lands of the Huallas — the only group who did not claim some relation-
ship — away by force, and the Huallas fled to an area remote from Cuzco,
where they were still settled in the time of the Toledo inquiry. The Ayar sib-
lings then took the lands of the “Sauaseras” away from them and built their
own settlement there, but the “Sauaseras” remained in the area. Is the Inca ver-
sion of their past a biased retelling of the expansion of a group of which they
were part, recasting peoples who were related to the Incas as foreigners to
foreshadow a later period when the Incas were to conquer foreign nations? If
so, the story hides the gradual shift of power from some other center of power
to Cuzco and suppresses any hint of the subordination of the Incas to a larger
political unit. This larger group fades into the background in the Inca account.
When the story shifts in the next generations to relations with other im-
portant local lords, the rest of the political landscape begins to emerge. The
Cuzco Valley is at the frontier between several groups competing at the re-
gional level. A very tentative map can be drawn with the approximate locations
of the groups mentioned in the Sarmiento narrative and from early colonial
documentation (map 3). Drawing such a map is extremely problematic be-
cause it relies on images from different parts of the story which may not be
contemporary with each other. Still, having some means of drawing even a
hazy image of the political landscape of the Cuzco region in the period before
the Inca expansion is a minor miracle.
That the Incas were part of a larger group can be argued on other grounds.
In chapter 3, information was cited from the accounts of Morúa and Fernán-
dez about who was “properly” Inca. There were four groups of Incas: Hanan
Cuzco, Hurin Cuzco, Tambo, and Masca.2 This answer could only have been
given after the two sayas of Cuzco were created. What is of interest here are
242 | e m e r g e n c e
Maras
GUAYLLACANES
AYARMACAS Pisac
Huarocondo
CUYOS
Zurite
ANTA
Cuzco
PINAGUAS
MASCAS
QUIGUARES
Yaurisque
N
CHILQUES
0 10
KILOMETERS
Paruro
Map 3. The Cuzco region.
the last two items on the list. There were two groups of people recognized as
Inca who were referred to as Tambo Inca in the account of Guaman Poma: one
in the Ollantaytambo area and the other in Pacaritambo. The name Mascas
appears in the name of the corregimiento organized in the area just south of
Cuzco, called the Corregimiento of Chilques and Mascas. The Mascas were re-
settled in Yaurisque at the time of the Toledo resettlement program (Julien
1991:map 9, p. 79; see also p. 83). Here again is a clue that confirms an Inca tie
to the Pacaritambo region.
In the Sarmiento narrative, the people who emerged from Sutic Toco were
Tambos, and they settled in the area around Tambotoco. The witnesses from
the Ayllo Sauasiray said they were from Sutic Toco. Are they telling us they are
part of the group also identified as Tambos? What we read into the witnesses’
testimony differs greatly from the interpretation of the Inca past that Toledo
was trying to present. Toledo wanted to cast the Incas as violent usurpers of
lands that belonged to someone else. The Inca story, with its portrayal of the
Ayar siblings as powerful conquerors who arrived from outside and took over
lands that did not belong to them and with its suppression of any hint that they
e m e r g e n c e | 243
might have been subordinate to other groups, served Toledo’s purposes. He

did, however, collect information, both through the interview of witnesses
and through Sarmiento, that gives us a somewhat different picture of who the
Incas were when they arrived in Cuzco.
Although the story of the rise to power of the Incas does not speak directly
about the early subordination of the Incas to other groups, it encodes infor-
mation that enables us to examine the changing position of the Incas within
the Cuzco region. In chapter 2, on the transmission of capac status, an argu-
ment was made that the Incas were affiliated through the male line. An ideol-
ogy of descent is clearly present. The dynastic line became a conduit for this
status; once the dynasty recognized its importance, the status was preserved
through marriage to a woman who was also descended from Manco Capac,
even a sister. We have assembled the genealogical information in a body of
historical narratives. Except for Guaman Poma and parts of the Murúa text
that document sister-marriage from the time of Manco Capac onward, the
other accounts name spouses who were not members of the dynastic descent
group for the period before the time of the tenth pair (tables 3.1–3.13). Certain
authors — among them Cieza, Las Casas, Cobo, Sarmiento, Cabello Valboa,
and Morúa (M2) — routinely provide information about the origins of this
woman. One of the possibilities inherent in the unilineal reckoning of de-
scent — when discretely bounded groups are defined — is that patterns of mar-
riage alliance between these groups will emerge, that is, that the women of cer-
tain groups are the preferred spouses of the men of others. Such alliance may
not be symmetrical. As noted in chapter 2, there are people in the Cuzco area
today who recognize a dominance hierarchy between “wife-givers” and “wife-
takers,” those in the former category being superior to those in the latter
(Webster 1977 : 36 – 40). Sarmiento and other Spaniards who drew from dy-
nastic sources were unaware of any status differences conferred through mar-
riage, although there is some evidence that such differences existed (Guaman
Poma de Ayala [1615], 1987 : 301 [303], 847 [861]– 848 [862]; Arriaga [1618];
1968 : 215). If we read the narratives about the period before the imperial ex-
pansion, the pattern of marriages tells us as much about alliance and subordi-
nation as the narrative itself, maybe more. The story of the rise of an impor-
tant power in the Cuzco area is a story of both conquest and alliance.
Let us now examine the Sarmiento account with both the pattern of mar-
riages and the information about conquest in mind. From this point on, we
assume that Sarmiento drew from life histories and/or other materials that
could be accommodated within the lifespan of a particular ruler, although
these materials can have been historicized by his informants. According to the
244 | e m e r g e n c e
Sarmiento narrative, the Incas established their dominance over the Cuzco
Valley in the fourth generation. We will focus first on this early period.
Manco Capac marries a sister, whether she is identified as Mama Huaco or
Mama Ocllo. They have a son at Tamboquiro, which Urton has identified as
a site near Pallata (1990:map 2, p. 38), before arriving at the site of Cuzco
(Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 12; 1906 : 35). This son, Sinchi Roca, mar-
ries Mama Coca of Saño, a place in the Cuzco Valley (map 1). However, one
of the groups said to have come with Manco Capac is Sañoc Ayllu. The people
of Saño, then, may have ties to the Tambo region. If so, then the first spouse
came from within the larger group of which the Incas form a part. Her father
is Sutic Guaman. If his name is a reference to Sutic Toco, then this woman may
be from the group the Incas called Tambos, since Sarmiento noted that they
emerged from Sutic Toco. Various authors confirm the origins of this woman
in Saño, and several name Sutic Guaman as her father (table 3.3).
If we posit a status differentiation between groups conferred through mar-
riage, then the Incas were subordinate to the Tambos or to some group within
the larger group. If this marriage reflects a preferred choice in a system of mar-
riage alliance, then women from a Tambo group were preferred spouses for
Inca men. Both interpretations are highly speculative but necessary correctives
to other interpretations of marriage that do not examine the development of
dynastic practice that can be read from the genealogy preserved by Inca genres
or take what we know about native practice elsewhere in South America into
account.
Sinchi Roca and Mama Coca produce a son, Lloque Yupanqui (table 3.3).
This Inca marries Mama Caua or Mama Cagua Pata from Oma, “two leagues
from Cuzco,” or approximately 10 km away (table 3.4). The distance measure-
ment is our only means of identifying this place.3 Lloque Yupanqui and Mama
Caua had Mayta Capac. Nothing much happened in this period, except that
the Sun appeared to Lloque Yupanqui in human form and told him that his
descendants would be great lords (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 16;
1906:45).
Things began to change in the next generation. Sarmiento incorporates a
story about a stone object in the form of a bird that was named Inti (Indi).
This object appears to have been related to Inca aggression, which began with
Manco Capac and became manifest again in the time of Mayta Capac. Manco
Capac brought this image with him from Tambotoco. Each Inca had some
kind of sacred object called a huaoque, or “brother,” that was handed down to
his descendants. Inti was the huaoque of Manco Capac. Manco Capac and a
number of generations that followed him resided at Inticancha. Where the
e m e r g e n c e | 245
term cancha is used, a type of architectural complex, consisting of houses ar-

ranged around a court and sometimes enclosed by an exterior wall, can be un-
derstood (Gasparini and Margolies 1980 : 181–191). Inticancha may be a refer-
ence to the place where Inti resided. The object itself was kept in a chest made
of straw that was not opened until Mayta Capac, Manco Capac’s descendant
in the fifth generation, had the temerity to open it. Some sacred objects could
speak, and this one gave advice to Mayta Capac. At this time, the Alcabizas and
the Culunchimas still had some kind of autonomy; Inca domination of the
Cuzco Valley was not yet complete. Mayta Capac conquered them through
force of arms. The sacred object called Inti was related to warfare. Mayta Ca-
pac’s descendant, Capac Yupanqui, was the first Inca to conquer outside of
the immediate Cuzco area. The removal of Inti from its box, then, marks the
point at which the Incas began to exhibit the aggressive behavior that resulted
in the creation of an empire. Campaigns were undertaken by Capac Yupanqui
and subsequent Incas against various peoples located within about 20 km of
Cuzco, not yet very far away (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1575], chap. 14; 1906 :
41– 42; chap. 17; 1906 : 47; chap. 18; 1906 : 48).
Mayta Capac married Mama Tacucaray, who came from a town named
Tacucaray or Tancaray (table 3.5). Again, the information is problematic; not
even a distance measurement is given.4 The only author who tells who her fa-
ther was is Cobo; he says her father was a Collaguas lord. The Collaguas were
settled in the headwaters of the Colca River, a great distance from Cuzco. That
she came from so far away seems far-fetched, particularly when subsequent
generations are still marrying locally.5
From this period onward, the Incas begin to be actors on the regional
level, although their version does not tell us if they acted independently or as
subordinates of other, more dominant groups. Capac Yupanqui married Curi
Hilpay, daughter of an important lord of the Ayarmacas (table 3.6). By all ac-
counts, the Ayarmacas were the most important group in the region. The po-
litical head of the Ayarmacas was known as Tocay Capac. The term, as used
here, is a title, and the name referred to other individuals who held the title at
other times. From the fifth generation on, the historical account can be read
for information about marriage alliance with other other local powers, chief
among them, the Ayarmacas (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 27; 1987 : 131–
132; Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 11; 1987 : 33; chap. 48; 1987 : 18). If
the marriage of Capac Yupanqui with an important Ayarmaca woman is in-
terpreted in light of a status difference conferred through marriage, then the
Incas were allied with the Ayarmacas but subordinate to them.
A problem began to manifest itself when Capac Yupangui’s son Inca Roca
246 | e m e r g e n c e
married Mama Micay, a Guayllacan woman (table 3.7). Guayllacan was a re-
gional power occupying territory on the Urubamba River near what is now
Pisac (map 2). Mama Micay had been promised by the Guayllacanes to Tocay
Capac. When she was given to Inca Roca in marriage, hostilities broke out be-
tween the Guayllacanes and the Ayarmacas. While they were still going on,
Mama Micay bore Inca Roca a son. One of the conditions for peace was that
the Guayllacanes kidnap this child and present him to Tocay Capac. Through
treachery that may have been facilitated by the Ayarmaca affiliation of Curi
Hilpay, the son was captured and presented to Tocay Capac. The boy, Yahuar
Huacac, impressed and frightened Tocay Capac, who spared his life. With the
help of another regional power, occupying the plain of Anta, northwest of
Cuzco, the boy was freed. This story was told in great detail in the Sarmiento
narrative but was barely mentioned in Cabello Valboa and was absent from
Murúa (M2) (Cabello Valboa [1586], pt. 3, chap. 13; 1951 : 293–294; Morúa
[1590], chap. 9; 1946 : 66). Later, a marriage was forged between the Incas
and the Ayarmacas. A daughter of Inca Roca named Curi Ocllo was given
to Tocay Capac to marry, while Yahuar Huacca married a daughter of Tocay
Capac named Mama Chiquia. (table 3.8)
The marriage expresses the emergence of the Incas as a power vis-à-vis the
Ayarmacas. From a subordinate position, they had acquired a position of
equality or near equality. Marriage was more than an expression of relative sta-
tus, however. It was the foundation of a military alliance with the Ayarmacas.
In the campaigns conducted by Capac Yupanqui, the Incas appear to have
been subordinate to the Ayarmacas. During the period of the next two gener-
ations, the power relation shifts, and the Incas emerge as the most powerful
group in the Cuzco region. Viracocha, the son of Yahuar Huacac, goes to war
against Tocay Capac and is successful. In the Sarmiento narrative, this con-
quest is only one among many conquests in the local area ([1572], chap. 23;
1906 : 54 –55). Perhaps in light of later conquests, the importance of this one
diminishes; however, in the context of local power relations, it marked the
emergence of the Incas as the supreme power in the Cuzco region.
As noted in chapter 5, the account of the life of Viracocha was volatile, in
comparison with what was preserved about other Incas. In the narrative of
Cieza de León, more detail about the conquests of Viracocha is presented
than in other narratives. According to Cieza, Viracocha ventured far beyond
the Cuzco region, subordinating peoples up to 100 km away in the direction
of Lake Titicaca. Viracocha annexed the territory of Canas and Canchis, effec-
tively launching the Inca imperial expansion. As mentioned above, Viracocha
forayed into the Lake Titicaca region ([Cieza de León 1553], chaps. 42 – 43;
e m e r g e n c e | 247
1986 : 121–128). The Sarmiento story downplays Viracocha’s military accom-

plishments. The defeat of Tocay Capac was a signal event in the history of the
Inca expansion, but it, too, is not given a prominent place in Sarmiento’s nar-
rative ([1572], chaps. 24 –25; 1906 : 56 –59). What is given prominence is the at-
tack on Cuzco by the Chancas, a political power centered near Andahuaylas,
north of Cuzco, and the rise to power of Pachacuti, one of Viracocha’s sons.
Pachacuti is the principal actor in the version of Inca past narrated by Sar-
miento and Betanzos. Sarmiento appears to have relied heavily on a life history
of Pachacuti, perhaps allowing the importance given to the Chanca invasion in
the life history to overshadow the events of the prior period. Cieza’s account
supports a view that the Inca expansion began before the Chanca attack, with
campaigns in Canas and Canchis.
Viracocha married Mama Ronto Caya of Anta (table 3.9). At the time of his
father’s capture, there was a lord of Anta who appears to have acted indepen-
dently of Tocay Capac in helping the Incas to recover the young Yahuar Hua-
cac. Perhaps this marriage served to return this favor or to pay a debt.
An abrupt change in the pattern of Inca marriage occurs in the ninth gen-
eration. Pachacuti marries Anahuarqui, a woman from Choco (table 3.10). The
marriage occurs after the Chanca invasion but before any significant military
campaigns outside of Cuzco. We know no more about Anahuarqui than that
she came from a place very near Cuzco. She was very likely a member of the
same larger group as the descent group of Manco Capac. Why marry locally?
While over the several preceding generations the Incas had used marriage to
forge a role for themselves in regional politics, taking a wife from another
group involved subordination on a symbolic level, if not other obligations. By
marrying locally, Pachacuti did not involve the descent group in another such
alliance. In fact, no more such alliances were to be made. In the next genera-
tion, Pachacuti would marry a son to the son’s full sister (table 3.11).
ot her capacs
Pachacuti, during the long period of his rule, subjected many independent
groups to the political authority of Cuzco through his own campaign activi-
ties or through the campaigns of his brothers and sons. Cuzco was reorga-
nized, appropriate administrative forms were developed, and, arguably, art
styles began to reflect the prestige and power of the Inca elite. A change in dy-
nastic marriage is part of the transformation of Cuzco and will be the subject
of the next chapter. Our subject here is the emergence of Cuzco and the impe-
248 | e m e r g e n c e
rial expansion. From this point on, marriage is not part of a negotiation or al-
liance process with other groups. What we will read in the remainder of this
chapter is a story — embedded in the Sarmiento narrative — about the politi-
cal organization of the peoples the Incas encountered in their campaign to ex-
tend the authority of Cuzco.
Some very important information is encoded in Sarmiento’s narrative, that
is, who was considered to be capac. In chapter 2, we explored how capac status
was linked to a solar supernatural and was transmitted through the male line
of the dynastic descent group. If other groups were identified as capac by the
Incas, then perhaps some special status flowed through the elite of such
groups. Whether or not the Incas were marking other groups who claimed a
link to some supernatural, their attribution of capac status to other Andean
lords was a tacit acknowledgment of their power. Betanzos wrote that Pacha-
cuti planned to conquer and subject other Andean peoples to Cuzco and, par-
ticularly, “to remove the lords who were capac, because there was to be only
one capac — himself ” ([1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 28; 1987:87). A claim to capac
status — at least in Inca eyes — was exclusive. If so, claims by other lords to a
similar status constituted provocation.
Because sources which drew on Inca genres in their presentation of the Inca
expansion may reflect an image of Andean political organization, the focus
here will be on recovering what was recorded about the peoples who resisted
the Incas and, particularly, about the lords identified as capac. The source with
the most abundant information on this topic is Sarmiento, although Cabello
Valboa and Morúa (M2) refer to other Andean lords who were identified as
capac, perhaps because they drew from a similar quipo source (see chapter 4).
Unfortunately, these authors do not appear to have fully understood what the
word capac meant. Sarmiento uses the term when he provides certain infor-
mation at the end of a lifetime. He often gives the number of years an Inca was
“capac,” using the term as an equivalent for “king.” Betanzos, the source of our
own understanding of this concept, does not identify who had capac status be-
yond the Cuzco region. When the other authors use the term capac, it appears
to be part of a title, constructed by the use of a name followed by the term
capac. For example, both Chimo Capac and Colla Capac were titles that were
used to refer to more than one individual. In the case of the latter, we know
that one of the Colla Capacs was named Zapana.6
The first capac to be mentioned was, of course, Tocay Capac. Two others
in the region near Cuzco — Chiguay Capac and Pinao Capac — were also de-
feated in military campaigns during the time of Viracocha but do not figure
prominently in Sarmiento’s account ([1572], chap. 25; 1906 : 58). That Viraco-
e m e r g e n c e | 249
cha began to defeat local claimants to capac status is another indication that
the imperial expansion had already begun before Pachacuti’s rise to power.
Sarmiento notes that Pachacuti campaigned against Tocay Capac, resulting in
his capture and lifetime imprisonment. In the Sarmiento account, Pachacuti
creates Hanan Cuzco and Hurin Cuzco, and the expansion follows from this
creation:
[Pachacuti] called a gathering of his people and ayllos that were afterward
called Hanancuzcos and Hurincuzcos, and he conformed them in a single
body, so that, together, no one could or would act against them. And this
done, they entered into a council over what they should do, and they
agreed that they should unite and go out to conquer all of the nations of
the realm, and that those people who did not submit and serve voluntarily
should be destroyed totally; and above all else, they should go against
Tocay Capac, the captain of the Ayarmacas who was powerful and who
had not come to give recognition to Cuzco.
[Pachacuti] hizo ayuntamiento de sus gentes y ayllos, y hizo las parciali-

dades, que despues llamaron Hanancuzcos y Hurincuzcos, y conformolos
en un cuerpo, para que juntos nadie pudiese ni fuese parte contra ellos. Y
esto hecho, entraron en consejo sobre lo que debían hacer. Y acordaron
que todos se juntasen y saliesen á conquistar á todas las naciones del reino,
y que á los que de su voluntad no se les diesen y sirviesen, los destruyesen
totalmente; y que ante todas cosas fuesen contra Tocay Capac, cinche de
los Ayarmacas, que era poderoso y no había venido á hacer reconosci-
miento al Cuzco. ([1572], chap. 25; 1906 : 58; chap. 34; 1906 : 71–72)
Perhaps Tocay Capac had reasserted his independence in the wake of the
Chanca invasion.
The next lord encountered by Pachacuti with capac status was Cuyo Capac,
the lord who had his seat near Pisac and who may have held the lands in the
Urubamba Valley where Pachacuti and later Incas developed private estates.
He was conquered early in the reign of Pachacuti, just after the campaign
against Tocay Capac. In Cabello Valboa, the conquests of Pinao Capac and
Cuyo Capac occur during the rule of Viracocha but are directed by the young
Pachacuti. They occur prior to a battle with the Chancas that the Incas won
and that took place prior to the Chanca invasion of Cuzco. Sarmiento is silent
about Inca aggression against the Chancas prior to their attack on Cuzco and
Pachacuti’s usurpation of Inca rule. What the narratives record may not be suc-
250 | e m e r g e n c e
cessive rounds of conquest against the same groups but an overlap between the
life histories of Viracocha and Pachacuti clouded by Inca bias.
Betanzos, who appears to have a version of the Pachacuti life history that
followed an underlying Inca genre more closely than Sarmiento’s, highlights
the campaign against Soras. This campaign is either absent from Sarmiento or
it is part of the campaign against the Chancas headed by Pachacuti after he
took power. Betanzos describes the Soras campaign to the almost complete
exclusion of information about any others ([1551–1557], pt. 1, chaps. 18–19;
1987 : 87–97). The disjuncture between Betanzos, on the one hand, and
Sarmiento/Cabello Valboa/Morúa, on the other, is a real problem. One ex-
planation for the difference is that Betanzos did not draw from the genealogi-
cal genre, while the other accounts are nourished by information about con-
quests from that source. If so, the sequencing problems mentioned above are
evidence that even the genealogical genre was constructed around particular
lifetimes and that the same campaigns could be claimed by two individuals:
the ruling Inca and a son who carried out the campaign in his father’s lifetime.7
Sarmiento highlights a subsequent campaign against the Colla Capac. Soras
may have been significant to the Incas in ways that are not clear to us, but a
very large territory fell when the Incas conquered the Colla Capac of Hatun-
colla. They gained authority over the entire Lake Titicaca region and the terri-
tory southwest to the Pacific Coast (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 37;
1906 : 75–77). From this point on, their territorial reach was larger than that of
any other Andean polity. What had been a competition among groups in the
Cuzco area and their neighbors was now certainly an empire.
Although what Pachacuti accomplished may have been exaggerated because
of his success, the intent to subject the Andean area to the authority of Cuzco
was clearly manifest to other Andean peoples at this time. This conquest was
also a topic in Cieza, who traveled through the region. In fact, Cieza prefaces
his remarks with a digression on how he got what he wrote from native
sources, “from what they think, know, and understand.” He begins his story
of the conquest of Colla territory immediately afterward with the words “And
so, the orejones say . . .” (Cieza de León [1553], chap. 52; 1986 : 150). What fol-
lows is a story that includes elements of what Sarmiento and other writers at-
tribute to Topa Inca, except for the destruction of Ayaviri, which is something
only Cieza describes. Cieza gives due recognition to the conquest of Colla ter-
ritory: at the beginning of the next chapter he notes that, because of the fame
achieved by Pachacuti with this conquest, many groups came to Cuzco to rec-
ognize him and submit to Inca authority ([1553], chap. 53; 1986 : 153).
e m e r g e n c e | 251
At the same time, both Cieza and Sarmiento give us some indication that
the Incas were still bound in an alliance with the Chancas (Cieza de León
[1553], chap. 46; 1986 : 136; chap. 47; 1986 : 137). Marriage may have been in-
volved. Cieza notes that Pachacuti gave an Inca woman to Anco Ayllo, an im-
portant Chanca captain ([1553], chap. 47; 1986 : 137).8 Sarmiento mentions that
Capac Yupanqui, the brother of Pachacuti who led this campaign, was married
to a sister of Anco Ayllo ([1572], chap. 38; 1906 : 78), thus providing an indirect
indication of an alliance. Anco Ayllo was a captain of the Chancas, chosen by
the Incas to head the Chanca troops, since the Inca “gave each nation a captain
from its own people.” He had been captured during the Inca wars against the
Chancas and, during his captivity, had won Inca trust to the extent that they
“held him as a brother” (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 38; 1906 : 77).
Whatever the terms of the relationship were, the alliance with the Chancas
broke down during a campaign in Parcos, near modern Ayacucho, where con-
siderable resistance was met (Cieza de León [1550], chap. 90; 1984 : 254; [1553],
chaps. 48–50; 1986 : 143–145). The Chancas outshone the Inca orejones in battle
to such a degree that Pachacuti plotted treachery against them. Anco Ayllo
got wind of it and deserted with the Chanca army into the Chachapoyas low-
lands and was never heard from again (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 38;
1906 : 78–79).
Not only did Anco Ayllo desert and take his army, Capac Yupanqui then took
the Inca army farther north than he had been instructed to, provoking a con-
frontation with Cuzmango Capac and his ally, Chimo Capac. Cuzmango Ca-
pac, who held a territory in the area of modern Cajamarca, and Chimo Capac,
who had begun a program of expansion of his own in the coastal area to the
west from a center at modern Trujillo, together constituted a power that might
inflict a serious defeat on the Incas (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 38;
1906 : 77–79). Perhaps through a stroke of luck, Pachacuti’s brother defeated
these two lords in battle and captured them, ending what was a potentially dis-
astrous conflict almost as soon as it began (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572],
chap. 38; 1906 : 77– 80; Rowe 1946 : 206). Although other campaigns were
fought, no political power of this magnitude remained to confront the Incas.
While the consolidation of Inca authority over such a vast territory must
have required some time, the peoples who had been incorporated into the Inca
empire never successfully reasserted their independence. Attempts to rebel,
such as the rebellion of the Collas which broke out very soon after the con-
quest of Chimo Capac and Cuzmango Capac, were unsuccessful (Sarmiento
de Gamboa [1572], chaps. 40 – 41; 1906 : 80 – 84).
252 | e m e r g e n c e
In this and subsequent campaigns, Pachacuti left the leadership to others.

Late in his lifetime, his son Topa Inca led the Inca armies. One important cam-
paign against three lords identified as capac was carried out in the northern
highlands in what is now Ecuador. The lords — Pisar Capac, Cañar Capac, and
Chica Capac — offered resistance. Although these lords were said to have been
taken prisoner, one of them, Pisar Capac (or another individual called by that
title), subsequently offered resistance to the Incas at Tomebamba in alliance
with Pillaguaso, a captain of the people from the area of Quito. Even if Topa
Inca were responsible, the campaigns were sequenced in the period before
Pachacuti’s death (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 44; 1906 : 87; chap. 46;
1906 : 89).
No lords identified as capac figure in campaigns after the death of Pachacuti,
and Inca expansion slowed considerably. The Collas again tried to assert their
independence. This time, resistance was offered by the Collas of Umasuyo, a
subdivision of Colla territory north of Lake Titicaca. When the Collas were
first conquered, the military campaign was directed against the Collas of
Urcosuyo, an adjacent subdivision of Colla territory where the Colla Capac
resided (Julien 1983). At that time, the peoples of neighboring Umasuyo had
submitted peacefully. Perhaps because of the resistance in Umasuyo, Topa
Inca reorganized the area and created private estates there (Cieza de León
[1550], chap. 4; 1984:149–150; chaps. 41– 43; 1984:191–194; chaps. 52 –55;
1984 : 201–205; Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chaps. 49–50; 1906 : 96 –97).
Topa Inca carried the campaign against the Collas farther south, annexing a
number of peoples at this time, including the people of central Chile. The only
other campaign Topa Inca led was in Andesuyo, the densely forested region
east of Cuzco (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 49; 1906 : 95–96). Huayna
Capac did not add substantial territory. He campaigned at the Ecuadorean
frontier and annexed the province of Atacama, north of the region in Chile
where his father had once been. He also organized the defense of the Inca fron-
tier in the area east of what is now Sucre to repel incursions by independent
peoples living beyond the frontiers and referred to as Chiriguanaes by the In-
cas (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 58; 1906 : 104; chaps. 60 – 62; 1906 :
105–111; Rowe 1985b:215).
Although there were lords named in the narratives of Inca expansion who
were not referred to as capac, those who were were focal points of the story.
Their importance, however, was either not detected by Sarmiento or was
deliberately ignored. At one point, when Sarmiento mentions Chuchi Capac
or Colla Capac, he refers to him as cinche, that is, as a captain chosen when
defense is imminently needed:
e m e r g e n c e | 253
Chuchi Capac had oppressed and subjected more than 160 leagues [750
km] from north to south, because he was a cinche, or as he called himself,
capac or Colla Capac, from 20 leagues [100 km] away from Cuzco to
Chichas, and all of the jurisdiction of Arequipa and the coast toward
Atacama [from Acarí to the Loa River in Chile] and the mountainous
area above Mojos [the upper Beni River area].
Tenía Chuchi Capac opresas y subjetas más de ciento y sesenta leguas de

norte sur, porque era cinche, ó como el se nombraba: capac ó Collacapac,
desde veinte leguas del Cuzco hasta los Chichas y todos los términos de
Arequipa y la costa de la mar hacia Atacama y las montañas sobre los
Mojos. ([1572], chap. 37; 1906 : 76)
Sarmiento equates the status of cinche and capac! One of the points Sarmiento
was out to prove in his narrative was that not only had the Incas conquered
tyrannically in the recent past, but also there had been no natural lords in the
Andes in the period before the Inca expansion, so his equation of cinche with
capac may have been a deliberate attempt to portray earlier Andean organiza-
tion as barbarous, despite the fact that elsewhere he used the term capac as the
equivalent of “king.” Sarmiento must have known that he was deliberately
misrepresenting what he had been told, and we will return to his use of Inca
history in the conclusions. Regardless of his project, he appears not to have un-
derstood what the term capac meant. His text was a conduit for messages that
he did not understand.
We can read for the messages contained in a text, whether they were part of
an underlying Inca genre or not. In the case of the lords who were capac, we
may be reading a story that is implicit in the quipo lists of conquests by partic-
ular rulers in light of what Betanzos has told us about capac status. In this case,
the narrative line is a product of our reading. Another narrative — the story of
Inti — spans more than one lifetime and appears to override the constraints
imposed by genres formatted around particular lifetimes. What we may be
reading here is an Inca story that Sarmiento distributed to appropriate points
in the narrative, so that the narrative sense of the Inti story comes from an un-
derlying genre. Both interpretations of the messages contained in the Spanish
historical narratives may be valid, however. These kinds of questions emerge
as we read for themes and messages, keeping the various underlying genres, in-
cluding the Spanish historical narrative, in mind.
7 Transformation
Another major theme is the transformation of Cuzco. It was an

important topic in the life history of Pachacuti told by both Sarmiento and
Betanzos. The Spaniards who arrived with Francisco Pizarro in December
1533 were impressed with the Inca city. What they saw reflected a deliberate
effort to transform an earlier settlement into a monumental capital, like that
described in the narratives of Sarmiento and Betanzos. The physical plan of
Cuzco, the fine stonework, the numerous shrines in the city and in the valley
beyond — all reflect an ambitious program of construction designed to reflect
the power of the Inca elite. The transformation was more thoroughgoing than
the eye could see, however. It involved refashioning the residents of Cuzco
into an imperial elite, capable of heading military campaigns and carrying out
ambitious projects in foreign areas at great distances from their homeland. It
also involved educating and animating members of this elite to carry on the
goals of their forebears. How this was accomplished is one of the most im-
portant themes of the life history of Pachacuti encapsulated in Sarmiento and
Betanzos.
Before reading Betanzos’s and Sarmiento’s accounts of the transformation
of Cuzco, let us look at how the topic is handled by authors who wrote “long
accounts.” Both Cabello Valboa and Morúa give accounts of the change ef-
fected by Pachacuti that are also substantially alike; the transformation of
Cuzco was therefore a topic in Molina. It was simply not a topic in Cobo. Even
though he had access to the Molina account, Cobo clearly did not incorporate
material from Molina to supply what appears to have been missing in Polo. In
table 7.1 the events related to the transformation of Cuzco are listed in the same
shorthand used in table 4.1 (e.g., III ⫽ transformation of Cuzco; IIa–b ⫽
Pachacuti’s accession /marriage; V ⫽ death of Viracocha).
What is not evident from table 7.1 but can be seen clearly in table 4.3 is that
Sarmiento and Betanzos both treat the transformation of Cuzco as a single
long episode. In Sarmiento the topic occupies three chapters (chaps. 30 –32);
Betanzos devotes seven chapters to it (chaps. 11–17). Using Pachacuti’s ac-
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n | 255
table 7.1. Events related to the transformation of Cuzco
Sarmiento Betanzos Cabello Valboa Morúa Cobo

iia iiid iia iia v
iiia iiig v iib iia–b
iiib iiii iib iia
iiic iiif iiid v
iiid iiia iiid iiid
iiie iiij iiig iiid
iiif iia iiif iiig
iiig iib iiid iiif
iiih v iiil iiid
iiia iiie iiil
v iiig
iib iiic
iiid
cession and the death of Viracocha — events that are tied together in all of the
accounts — as a sequencing tool, both Sarmiento and Betanzos locate the
transformation of Cuzco prior to the definitive accession of Pachacuti. Cabello
Valboa and Morúa (m2) locate it afterward. Cabello Valboa and Morúa (m2)
also intersperse the story of the transformation of Cuzco with the various mili-
tary campaigns that extended Cuzco power. Logically, the transformation of
Cuzco and its elite would not have occurred until the Incas had successfully
launched an empire, so the version told by Cabello Valboa and Morúa is more
realistic. Since this part of the Betanzos narrative is, in all likelihood, the clos-
est approximation to a life history that we have, the foregrounding of the
transformation of Cuzco is probably a feature of that life history. A single long
episode may also be a feature of the underlying Inca text as well.
Although Sarmiento and Betanzos are structurally similar, as noted above,
their treatments of the transformation of Cuzco read very differently. First, the
Betanzos narrative follows a different sequence of events than Sarmiento’s. It
begins with the rebuilding of Coricancha and the making of cult images; then
turns to the organization of the province of Cuzco so that the residents could
be gone for long periods on campaign; then to changes in the initiation ritual
and the calendar; then to the rebuilding of the city; then to Pachacuti’s mar-
riage, the definitive transfer of power, and the death of Viracocha; then to the
organization of cults to earlier Incas and their endowment with lands and re-
tainers; and finally to the organization of collective memory about the earlier
Incas. Sarmiento begins with the rebuilding of Cuzco; then turns to the re-
form of lands in the Cuzco Valley; then to changes in the calendar; then to the
256 | t r a n s f o r m a t i o n
organization of an Inca shrine at Pacaritambo; then to the building of Cori-

cancha and the making of cult images; then to the organization of various rites
in Cuzco and the surrounding area; and finally to the removal of all the people
within 20 km of Cuzco and the appropriation of these lands to the city of
Cuzco. Although the list of topics covered by the two authors seems similar,
albeit in a different order, there is a logic to their ordering in Betanzos that is
missing in Sarmiento. What Betanzos describes is both the refashioning and
the consecration of Cuzco, both as a place and as a people.
Because of Betanzos’s closeness to Inca dynastic sources and his compe-
tence in the Inca language, his treatment of this theme may approximate its
treatment in an underlying Inca genre. Here we will read Betanzos closely and
try to develop an image of the transformation of Cuzco from his narrative.
Other sources have been incorporated to broaden the perspective gleaned
from Betanzos and to sharpen the image of those Incas who were not the fo-
cus of the Betanzos narrative.
t he new cuzco
Betanzos begins the story with the building of Coricancha (map 1). In the
preceding chapter, the image of Cuzco that was drawn from the Sarmiento
narrative is of a small agricultural community located on the site of Inticancha.
A small court where Manco Capac himself was said to have founded Cuzco —
named Caritambocancha — was named in the listing of Inca shrines in Cuzco
(Rowe 1979 :54). The court was located within the walls of what was later the
convent of Santo Domingo. Inticancha also appears on the list, described as a
small house where the sisters of the first Inca lived (Rowe 1979 : 56). In excava-
tions within Santo Domingo and just to the northwest in structures on the
Calle San Agustín, ceramics and architecture have been found that have stylis-
tic affiliations to the period before the development of imperial styles. The ar-
chaeological remains support the location of the early Inca settlement given in
Sarmiento (Rowe 1979: 54 –57; González Corrales 1984 : 37– 45).
Coricancha was built to house an image of the Sun. It was a new construc-
tion. Four rooms of the complex were reused in the construction of the
cloister of Santo Domingo, and two of them are fully exposed today (Rowe
1944 : 26 – 41, fig. 9; Gasparini and Margolies 1980 : 220 –234). Betanzos notes
that Pachacuti wanted to build a house for the Sun where an image of this
supernatural would reside and be ritually fed “in place of the Sun” ([1551–1557],
pt. 1, chap. 11; 1987 : 49). Sometimes Coricancha was called a “temple” in Span-
ish accounts, confusing the structure with a church, since this was the appro-
priate location for cult images. Coricancha does not figure in the listing of
shrines mentioned above but does appear on another shorter list, where it is
glossed as “house of gold” and described as a “house of the Sun” (Rowe
1979 : 72, appendix). The Sun held property and may have had wives. A resi-
dence would have been appropriate.
Principal players in the building and consecration of the house of the Sun
were the neighboring peoples who had helped Pachacuti defeat the Chancas.
When stones were measured in the quarry of Salu, the task of bringing the
stones and constructing the house was divided among these neighbors (Be-
tanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 11; 1987:50). Following construction, an endow-
ment was established to support the cult to the Sun. Pachacuti selected five
hundred women to serve the cult, named a majordomo, and then endowed the
cult with retainers (yanaconas) and lands (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 11;
1987 : 50).
Pachacuti then held a dedication ceremony. The Cuzco lords contributed
large quantities of maize, fine clothing and camelids as well as a certain num-
ber of boys and girls for sacrifice. A large fire was lit, and the maize, fine cloth-
ing, and camelids were burned. The children, in a type of sacrifice known as
capac ucha, were buried alive at the site. With the blood of the sacrificed ani-
mals, certain lines were drawn on the new building by Pachacuti and several of
his captains. Lines were also drawn by Pachacuti and the captains on the face
of the person who was to head the household of the Sun, called majordomo in
the documents, and on the faces of the five hundred women who were there
to serve him. Then the people of Cuzco, men and women, were to come and
make burnt offerings of maize and coca. When done, they, too, received facial
markings, this time from the majordomo. From that time until the image of
the Sun was finished, a fast was decreed, and the sacrificial fire was kept con-
stantly burning. When the image, the figure of a child executed in gold, was
finished, it was carefully dressed by the majordomo of the Sun and given var-
ious accessories. It was fed by making offerings in a fire before it, beginning a
custom that was to be carefully kept by the majordomo. From then on, only
important lords were admitted into the presence of this image. A stone repre-
sentation shaped like a sugar-loaf was set up in the main plaza of Cuzco. When
the principal image was first finished, however, it was paraded through Cuzco.
At the time of the dedication, miniature figures in gold, representing the lin-
eages descended from Manco Capac, were buried at the foot of the stone in
the main plaza. Camelids were sacrificed to the stone representation from that
day forward (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 11; 1987:50 –53).
Betanzos links the consecration of Cuzco to the treatment that was there-
after to be afforded to nobles in the provinces and to Cuzco. Incas from the
city of Cuzco were adored as members of the Sun’s descent group. Sacrifices
known as arpa were made before them. The city itself was sacred. Travelers, no
matter how important they were, had to approach the city carrying a burden
(Polo de Ondegardo [1561]; 1940 : 146). The points along the roads where trav-
elers first saw the city were huacas (Cobo [1653], bk. 13, chap. 13; 1892:20;
Rowe 1967: 62. n. 38; 1979:26 –27, 36 –37, 54 –55, 56 –57).
After consecrating Cuzco, Pachacuti’s attention turned to the Cuzco Valley.
He ordered the principal lords from the region around Cuzco who had sworn
obedience to him to come to Cuzco. He had devised a system to provision the
city and to permit the people of the territory around it to be gone on long
campaigns without losing their means of support at home. The plan involved
a redistribution of land, the marking of permanent boundaries, and the con-
struction of storage deposits. It also involved the provisioning of foodstuffs to
Cuzco. Initially these provisions were to support the people working on build-
ing projects in the valley. Soon after, Pachacuti organized the production of
tribute clothing, including cloths for carrying loads of earth and stone, so that
the people working on the building projects would not have to use their own
(Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 12; 1987 : 55–58; pt. 1, chap. 13; 1987: 59– 63).
Part of Pachacuti’s plan was to marry the lords of the Cuzco region to
women of his own descent group. Their descendants, who were to inherit the
lord’s authority, would thus be tied by affinal bonds to the dynastic descent
group (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 12; 1987:57). Another purpose may
have been to subordinate these lords. As we noted in chapter 2, the relation-
ship constructed through marriage between descent groups is not symmetri-
cal in the Cuzco area today, and the woman’s group occupies a superior pres-
tige position relative to the group into which she marries (Webster 1977 :
36 – 40). Pachacuti also sent his representatives to the territories of the lords
and married the young men of one group to the young women of another,
cementing bonds between groups. Perhaps the exchange of women between
groups served to promote equality and, consequently, tended to level any hier-
archical relationships that had existed. The people who were married received
gifts of clothing and the household items they would need (Betanzos [1551–
1557], pt. 1, chap. 13; 1987:63). The result of this social engineering project was
a hinterland of discrete groups, tied to Cuzco and to each other, who would
supply the basic needs of the urban population. Every four months, the people
dependent on Cuzco received what they needed from the tribute that was sup-
plied from this hinterland (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 13; 1987:63).
Betanzos then describes changes in Inca practice that reflect the new status
of Cuzco itself. Pachacuti redesigned male initiation, removing it from the pri-
vate realm and institutionalizing it in an elaborate round of public ritual as part
of the celebration called Capac Raymi (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 14;
1987 : 65–70). Betanzos then describes further reform to the ritual calendar
(chap. 15). A chapter on the rebuilding of the city itself follows (chap. 16). With
the rebuilding of Cuzco came a new spatial representation of the concentration
of capac status in Pachacuti’s own descendants. In his final chapter on the trans-
formation of Cuzco, Betanzos tells us about the new spatial representation,
but to interpret what he says, we must first examine how the reform affected
dynastic descent.
The linchpin of the reform was the redefinition of dynastic descent. We
have already reviewed the reckoning of descent in a summary way in chapter 2.
Here, our concern is with the institution of marriage to a woman in the dy-
nastic descent group. The institution of sister-marriage was an abrupt depar-
ture from the past. Marriage alliance with non-Inca peoples or with related
groups came to an end. What was the point? When we examine other circum-
stances surrounding the accession of Topa Inca, a motive becomes apparent.
Topa Inca was not the brother who was first chosen to succeed. Pachacuti had
initially named Amaro Topa, an older son who had already shown himself to
be an effective military commander. Then he changed his mind and named
Topa Inca, who had been kept hidden for fifteen or sixteen years in the house
of the Sun and whom no one had seen “except as a special favor” (Sarmiento
de Gamboa [1572], chap. 42; 1906 : 84). When it was time for Topa Inca’s ini-
tiation, his father invented an entirely new rite, building another four houses
for the Sun for the new ceremony. Finally, Amaro Topa was presented to his
brother. When he saw the wealth and the important lords surrounding Topa
Inca, he fell down in worship. Pachacuti then had Topa Inca taken to the main
square with all the other sacred images in a display more magnificent than had
ever been seen in Cuzco. Offerings to Topa Inca were burned in a sacrificial
fire. Topa Inca’s initiation followed, then marriage to his full sister Mama
Ocllo (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 43; 1906 : 85– 86).
Sister-marriage coincided with the recognition that the dynastic descent
group was a conduit of a status that marked them as a special class of sacred
beings. The Incas were descended from an important supernatural, the Sun.
Sister-marriage coincided with the full recognition of the meaning of capac sta-
tus. If the Incas chose to preserve the sacred status that passed through the
dynastic line, then the most indicated marriage partner was a full sister. Since
capac status also passed through others in the dynastic line, there were other
women in whom capac status may have been concentrated, so we can imagine
that there were other possible candidates should there not be a full sister. The
author Pachacuti noted that Manco Capac could not find anyone who was the
equal of his sister, and he married her to ensure that the Incas did not “lose
caste” [perder la casta] (Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua [early seventeenth cen-
tury]; 1993:fol. 8, p. 197). The idea of “losing caste” through marrying some-
one of lower status is prevalent in the narrative of Guaman Poma de Ayala,
who describes the ruinous state of affairs when new Spanish rules were applied
in Andean communities ([1615]; 1987 : 454, 505, 788). Clearly, marriage within
the dynastic group was a means of preserving the special status that passed
through the line of Manco Capac. Also, by marrying brother to sister, in-law
relationships were entirely avoided.
The avoidance of in-law relationships can also have been a strong motive
for the reorientation of marriage choice. When we read the story of the emer-
gence of the Incas (chapter 6), we noted that information about the growth of
Inca power is encoded in the historical narrative. Subordinate to the Ayarma-
cas at first, the Incas later achieved parity, as symbolized by the reciprocal ex-
change of women in the generation of Yahuar Huacac. The institution of
sister-marriage is coincident with the assertion of the dynastic descent group
of superiority over any competing groups, another aspect of capac status.
Because the inequality implied by marriage alliance was not made explicit
in the narrative, it must be advanced as a hypothesis only. However, on other
occasions, marriage appears to have been a major means of securing a superior
position over others. For example, Pachacuti’s father, Viracocha, intended to
defeat the principal lord of the Lake Titicaca region by allying with a local chal-
lenger to his authority. When he arrived in the Lake Titicaca area he found out
that the challenger had already defeated the lord. Relations with his potential
ally were friendly, but when offered a marriage with the ally’s daughter while
they were drinking, Viracocha quickly cried off, saying he was too old for
marriage (Cieza de León [1553], chap. 43; 1986 : 193–194). There were other
reasons not to accept this daughter by the logic of marriage alliance.
The behavior of Pachacuti in marrying women of his descent group to the
political leaders of groups annexed to the empire becomes transparent if sub-
ordination is a result of such a marriage. Betanzos notes on various occasions
that Pachacuti and his successors married Inca women to local lords in Cuzco
and elsewhere ([1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 16; 1987:77–78; pt. 1, chap. 34; 1987:
167; pt. 1, chap. 36; 1987 : 175; pt. 1, chap. 40; 1987 : 179). The succession was to
pass through a particular brother-sister pair, but Pachacuti himself took all of
his sisters as wives (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 47; 1906 : 93). Each
brother-sister pair formed a new segment of the dynastic descent group. Since
group affiliation was transmitted through the male line, there would have
been a premium on producing as many offspring as possible. Daughters would
have been particularly important: those who were descended from the line
of Manco Capac on both sides because the Incas themselves did not want to
“lose caste,” and those descended from Manco Capac on their father’s side
alone because such women were politically important capital beyond Cuzco
(Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 47; 1906 : 93; Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1,
chap. 16; 1987 : 78).
What was being husbanded was capac status. The transformation of Cuzco
involved a recognition of this status and new rules for determining the degree
of this status within the group of people identified as Inca. The recognition of
capac status also affected the physical environment. When Pachacuti developed
a new Cuzco, he divided it into two sayas named Hanan Cuzco and Hurin
Cuzco (map 1). Betanzos relates the two sayas to Pachacuti’s reform. After re-
building Cuzco, Pachacuti divided residential space among the various panacas
of the dynasty. All of the panacas before his own were to live in Hurin Cuzco,
in the area between the two rivers, from the houses of the Sun to the rivers’
confluence. This area was where the Incas had lived until the time of Inca
Roca. The three captains who had helped him to defeat the Chancas and to
consecrate Cuzco were to live there. The area of Hanan Cuzco, uphill from the
houses of the Sun, was to be populated by his own descendants (Betanzos
[1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 16; 1987:77–78). The inhabitants were to be descen-
dants of Manco Capac who could trace their descent backward through both
male and female lines. The inhabitants of Hurin Cuzco, in contrast, were de-
scendants of Manco Capac in the male line only.
The mothers of the three captains were not Inca. Neither were the female
forebears from which the other panacas sprang. The division into Hanan and
Hurin was more than just a division into two city districts. The city was now
divided spatially and conceptually in half: the old Cuzco, occupying the same
site as the early Inca settlement and peopled by the generations descended
from Manco Capac who were associated with the early history of the city; and
the new one, situated physically above the old Cuzco and peopled by the gen-
erations who were associated with the empire and in whom a status linked to
a solar supernatural was concentrated.
What Betanzos says about the reorganization of Cuzco itself is fairly
straightforward. What he says about the calendar is not particularly new, and
other aspects of his description echo what is written elsewhere. What is unique
in Betanzos is the insight he provides into the social engineering that accom-
panied the physical rebuilding of the city. Other writers — Sarmiento, Cabello
Valboa, and Morúa — attribute the division of Cuzco into Hanan and Hurin
to Manco Capac and/or Inca Roca. Spanish cities were divided into parishes,
so the territorial division of urban space was unremarkable. Betanzos is the
only author to provide us with a view of Pachacuti’s representation of the in-
creasing power of the descendants of Manco Capac in the design of urban
space. Hanan and Hurin may have existed prior to the general reorganization
of Cuzco, but Pachacuti took the opportunity of rebuilding the city and used
it to refashion and represent the dynastic past in urban space.
incas and huacas
Now we know that it would be a great mistake to consider the new Cuzco
to be simply a collection of monumental buildings. The monumental con-
struction is simply an outward and visible sign of a transformation of another
kind. The Incas claimed to be descendants of the Sun, an important super-
natural being. Their dynastic line was a conduit of capac status, transmitted
through the male line. Cuzco was rebuilt to reflect the sacred character of the
place and the special beings who inhabited it.
The Incas were in a position to define their relationship both to the other
peoples who inhabited the territory they governed and to the supernatural
world. When the individuals who had been adults at the time of the Spanish
arrival were interviewed or information was taken from some genre of Inca
historical tradition, aspects of an Inca view of their place in the universe were
encoded. Because of their loss of autonomy since the capture of Atahuallpa,
their perspective on the Prehispanic past can have evolved to accommodate
their subsequent history in ways that we cannot understand from the written
materials we possess. Their voices have also been altered through translation
into the Spanish language. However, even with these defects, when the mate-
rial that speaks to this subject is assembled, some fundamental aspects of the
Inca view of the universe emerge.
Cuzco itself was a sacred place, occupied by a special class of beings who
carefully traced their descent from an important Andean supernatural: the
Sun. The genealogical tie to this supernatural appears to have conferred a su-
pernatural status of some kind on the Incas. “They were more than men,” said
one Spanish administrator (Santillán [1563]; 1879 : 13, 30). The term capac when
it followed a name meant “very much more than king” (Betanzos [1551–1557],
pt. 1, chap. 27; 1987 : 132; cf. Cieza de León [1553], chap. 20; 1986 : 169–170).
This conclusion is abundantly supported by evidence for the parallel treatment

of the Incas who were closely related to Manco Capac and other Andean
supernatural beings.
Supernatural beings, as well as sacred places and objects, as a class were
known as huacas. There were various important distinctions among them that
we do not fully understand. Most were stone. Some had human form — male
or female — and were children or wives of other huacas. Some were figures of
animals. They were cared for by particular individuals who spoke with them
and who were in charge of making offerings. Another class of huacas was the
mummified remains of a group’s forebears known as malquis. They also had in-
dividuals who cared for them and a particular ritual program. A third class of
huacas called konopas was sacred to particular households. One of the chil-
dren — male or female — received all of the sacred objects when they were
passed on; they were not divided among the offspring (Arriaga [1621], chap. 2;
1968 : 202 –204).
Inca rulers, from the time of Topa Inca onward, were treated in various
ways as if they were like some of the more important Andean huacas. Their su-
pernatural status probably derived from their relationship to the Sun and was
confirmed by their defeat of any rivals. It was said to increase after the funeral
rite known as purucaya was performed a year after the death of a reigning Inca.
The rite was also performed after the death of a sister-wife, as there are specific
references to the purucaya rite of Mama Ocllo, the daughter of Pachacuti who
was the sister-wife of Topa Inca. This rite was likened to “canonization” by sev-
eral authors, though the implied parallel between the mummies of the Incas
and Catholic saints is specious (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chaps. 30 –32; 1987:
141–150; pt. 1, chap. 39; 1987:177; pt. 1, chap. 44; 1987:189–190; Sarmiento de
Gamboa [1572], chap. 31; 1906 : 68; chap. 47; 1906 : 92 –93).
In the historical narrative of Sarmiento, Topa Inca is the first Inca to be
treated as a supernatural being in life. As noted in the preceding chapter, his
elder brother, upon seeing Topa Inca installed in the house of the Sun, with
service and treasure around him, fell to the ground and worshiped him and
made sacrifices to him. Shortly after, Topa Inca was initiated. According to
Sarmiento, the initiation was the most spectacular ritual event held in Cuzco
up to that time; since it was subsequent to the dedication of the new Cuzco,
we can assume that it surpassed the ceremony associated with that event. Topa
Inca was taken out of the temple in procession, along with the image of the
Sun, the mummies of his Inca forebears, and other important sacred objects
(Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chaps. 42 – 43; 1906 : 84 – 86).
He was also married to his full sister, Mama Ocllo, at this time. Given its
historical context, we can interpret the institution of sister-marriage both as an

expression of Inca power (the Incas would no longer accept the inferior status
implied by accepting women from outside the Inca patrilineage) and as an ex-
pression of the newly recognized supernatural status of the dynastic line: the
way to produce offspring who conserved the supernatural status to the fullest
degree was to marry full brothers and sisters or individuals descended as close
to the line of succession as possible.
Oblique references to Inca supernatural status are found in various written
sources. For example, Sarmiento tells us, in essence, that when Topa Inca went
on campaign in the north after his coronation, the people treated him like a
huaca. No one dared to look at his face. The people worshiped him from
the crests of the hills at a distance from the road he traveled. Offerings were
made as he passed. Some offered coca to him, and some pulled out their eye-
lashes and blew them in his direction. The latter type of offering was what even
the poorest people could offer to the Sun (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572],
chap. 44; 1906:87; Cobo [1653], bk. 13, chap. 22; 1893:83– 84; Arriaga [1621],
chap. 2; 1968 : 201). In the towns he visited, burnt offerings were made in
front of where he sat in the same way the Sun was “fed” (Sarmiento de Gam-
boa [1572], chap. 44; 1906 : 87; Cieza de León [1553], chap. 20; 1986 : 169–170).
The distance kept is one indication of the sacred status of the person of
the ruler. Cieza de León mentioned this treatment and noted that the rulers
were greatly feared and that if a veil slipped from the litter on which the ruler
was transported, a great hue and cry arose from the spectators. Elsewhere he
says that what they shouted out were various honorific forms of address as a
sign of adoration (Cieza de León [1553], chap. 13; 1986 : 160 –161; chap. 20;
1986 : 169–170).
The term Sarmiento used when referring to the treatment accorded Topa
Inca was mochar, a Spanish corruption of an Inca word for a particular kind of
worship. Mocha was a kind of sacrifice offered to huacas, performed by their
ritual specialists. It consisted of raising the left hand toward the huaca and
opening the fingers, “as if bestowing a kiss.” Only the specialists went near the
huaca itself. The common worshipers were assembled elsewhere and partici-
pated only in a ritual invocation afterward. Supernaturals like the Sun and
Thunder were worshiped in this manner, and so were the ruling Incas (Arriaga
[1621], chap. 5; 1968:213–214; Santillán [1563]; 1879:35; Cieza de León [1553],
chap. 10; 1986 : 26; chap. 14; 1986 : 35–36; chap. 20; 1986 : 58).
The Sun was ritually fed, and the ritual feeding (the making of burnt offer-
ings) of a live being who necessarily ate food like any other live being only
strengthened the parallel between the Sun and the Inca ruler. It was evident in
other ways as well. The Sun had houses in the center of the new Cuzco near
Inticancha, the residence of the first generations of Incas, and in many of the
provinces. A great number of women were assigned to serve the Sun, as were
retainers called yanaconas. To provide the offerings and to support the Sun’s
enormous household, the cult was endowed with lands and herds. Finally, the
Sun possessed a large personal treasure (Cieza de León [1553], chap. 27;
1986 : 176 –178; chap. 50; 1986 : 199–200; Santillán [1563]; 1879 : 31, 102 –103;
Polo de Ondegardo [1561]; 1940 : 183–185). Although we do not know the ex-
tent of the Sun’s holdings, land in each province was worked on behalf of this
supernatural, and some entire provinces were dedicated to his cult (Polo de
Ondegardo 1872 : 19). Perhaps the holdings were directly tied to the staff and
residences of the Sun in these areas. These holdings were managed by a close
relative of the ruling Inca. At the time of the Spanish arrival, the Sun’s major-
domo was Villa Oma, a brother of Huayna Capac (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 2,
chap. 29; 1987 : 291).
Each Inca had an estate that was endowed with similar resources, that is,
women, retainers, lands, herds, and treasure (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 2,
chap. 17; 1987 : 85– 86; Santillán [1563]; 1879 : 102 –103). Spouses may have had
similar properties, either within the corporate estate of the descent group or
outside it.1 The endowment of cults to earlier rulers was instituted, or at least
favored, by Pachacuti as he made gifts of property to the mummies of his fore-
bears (Cieza de León [1553], chap. 11; 1986:157–159; Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1,
chap. 17; 1987 : 85– 86). The properties of the Incas involved in the expansion
are most in evidence and involve some holdings located at a distance from
Cuzco (Niles 1999 : 150 –152). A description of the estate of Topa Inca provides
some idea of the extent and variety of these holdings. This estate, administered
by one of his great-grandsons at the time of the Spanish arrival in Cuzco, con-
sisted of palaces on the main square at Cuzco; palaces in the country near
Cuzco at Calispuquio, Chinchero, Urcos, and Huaillabamba; the province of
Parinacocha on the western slopes of the cordillera to the west of Cuzco, with
a subject population of 4,000 households; another province at Quipa and
Azángaro in the northern Lake Titicaca basin, with 4,500 subject households
as well as outlying communities located in the Carabaya area to the east of the
lake, there to wash gold; and another province at Achambi on the western
slopes of the Andean cordillera to the south of Cuzco, with 4,500 subject
households (Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1993 : 269; Anton Siguan and
Anton Tito, in Levillier 1940, vol. 2:113).
Some property may have been acquired through military conquest and de-
struction of the resident population. For example, Pachacuti had several prop-
erties in the Urubamba Valley. This Inca, after an attempt was made on his life
in the territory of the Cuyos near Pisac, destroyed the population and contin-
ued his campaign on down the Urubamba Valley. He developed several private
estates in the territory he conquered at this time (Sarmiento de Gamboa
[1572], chap. 34; 1906 : 71–72; Rowe 1990 : 144 –145). Topa Inca, when he put
down a Colla revolt at the time of his father’s death, faced resistance in Asillo,
the same area where he developed private holdings (Sarmiento de Gamboa
[1572], chap. 50; 1906 : 96 –97).
The corporate holdings of the Sun and particular Inca rulers were similar in
nature to the holdings of other important huacas, although it cannot be deter-
mined whether the Incas modeled their institution on existing corporate enti-
ties or began the practice of endowing huacas. Clearly, Inca rulers made gifts
of land, women, retainers, herds, and treasure to particular huacas. Important
huacas, represented by portable images, came to Cuzco each year. They were
to predict what would occur in the coming year. Huacas whose predictions
from the preceding year had borne fruit were greatly rewarded. Presumably,
huacas could also be punished. They could even be killed, and a huaca that
had been destroyed was referred to as atisca (Cieza de León [1553], chap. 29;
1986 : 87– 88; Santillán [1563]; 1879 : 34 –35; Albornoz [1581–1585]; 1989 : 164,
196). The Incas, the Sun, and a number of regional huacas had dealings with
each other that could include the transfer of property. For example, though the
Inca could give gifts of land to the Sun’s estate, it was also possible to win it
back through playing a game known as ayllusca. The object of the game was to
bring down a fabric snake that had been thrown up in the air with ayllus, or
bolas. The game could also be played with other supernaturals (Albornoz
[1581–1585]; 1989:175).
The parallels drawn between the Incas and important supernatural beings
blurred the line between the natural and the supernatural world. At the same
time, new lines were drawn. The descendants of Manco Capac were not the
only Incas. An explanation of the unique power of one segment of the larger
group served to elevate this group relative to the rest of the people who were
Incas.
t he ot her incas
Within the group of people identified as Inca, very real status differences ex-
isted. When we reviewed the stories of Inca origins based on Inca sources in
chapter 6, we noted that several groups were said to have resided in Cuzco at
the time Manco Capac and his siblings arrived in the valley that date to the
time of its “origins.” Some were related to him in some way while others were
not. According to the same story, Manco Capac brought ten groups of people
who were not his descendants with him. That list, however, included two who
were descended from his two brothers (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 11;
1906 : 34). The story, while it purports to be about what happened in the past,
is actually an accounting of who lived in Cuzco after the reorganization and
how they were related to each other. Sarmiento’s account establishes that de-
scendants of all the groups named on his list or in his narrative — except those
who either left Cuzco or were exterminated when the Incas came — were pres-
ent in Cuzco at the time he collected information from Inca sources.
Since the Incas of the dynastic descent group took care to preserve a ge-
nealogy and life histories of the individual Inca rulers, they are the individuals
who are prominent in Spanish narratives which drew from these sources.
Their lives — especially when they served as positive examples — were memo-
rialized. Other people enter into the story, and so an Inca account of their
past also contains glimpses of people and groups who made up the broader so-
ciety. Since all of the residents of Cuzco were linked to its ceremonial organi-
zation, sources about rituals also name non-Inca groups as participants. Since
we know that two were descended from Ayar brothers, blood ties linked at
least two of these groups with the dynastic descent group. The historical nar-
ratives identify additional peoples as part of a larger Inca group. Still others
were identified in the narratives as non-Incas who lived in the Cuzco Valley at
the time Manco Capac and those whom he brought to Cuzco arrived. Both
blood and other ties characterized the relations between the assortment of
peoples who were Inca in some larger sense.
A mosaic of statuses can be glimpsed, but the kind of documentation that
is needed for any nuanced treatment of these grades of difference is sadly lack-
ing. So far, the only kind of differentiation that has been made by scholars of
the Incas consists in defining a group of “Incas” presumed to have blood ties
to the dynastic descent group and another group of “Incas-by-privilege” who
are assumed to have been granted some kind of status like citizenship by the
imperial rulers.2 This classification is too simple.
The transformation of Cuzco, as described by Betanzos and Sarmiento, fol-
lows the revelation that the Incas were descended from a solar supernatural
and that a special status passed through the dynastic line that explained their
success at achieving power in the Cuzco region and beyond. Pachacuti re-
designed the social and ceremonial organization of Cuzco with the same free
hand he used to rebuild the city. Moreover, the physical layout of the city
reflected the history and special status of the dynastic descent group. Lurking
in the background are the other Incas. If one group became powerful, it could
redefine its relationship to the others. One way of accomplishing this redefini-
tion is to reconstruct the past to reflect the dominance of Manco Capac’s de-
scent group from the time of origins.
8 Origins
In the case of the Incas, different versions of an origin myth that ac-
counts for the emergence of the Inca dynasty and its relation to an important
supernatural have been preserved. One of them — the story about the emer-
gence of the Ayar siblings from the cave at Pacaritambo — was seamlessly at-
tached to an account of the past structured around a particular genealogy. Al-
though there were other stories about dynastic origins and myths about the
creation of the world that could be inserted at the beginning of a story about
the dynastic line, they are not what we will analyze here. Sarmiento gives a de-
tailed account of the Pacaritambo origin story, and our other Cuzco sources,
with the exception of Betanzos, follow suit. The Pacaritambo story was col-
lected several decades after authority over the Inca empire had been usurped
by the Spaniards. It may be a reflection of the profound changes that accom-
panied the Inca expansion and the transformation of Cuzco. The equally pro-
found changes that accompanied the Spanish invasion of the Andes may also
have worked an effect. When we begin to look closely at the origin story, we
find traces of other strata.
Gary Urton argues that the landscape described in the Pacaritambo story
only became concretized to the Pacaritambo region after the Spaniards ar-
rived, “perhaps as both a response to, and a ‘maneuver’ within, the increasingly
historicized and concretized representations of Inka mythohistory that were
being formulated during the mid– to late sixteenth century” (1990 : 124). He
notes that Sarmiento is the first of the authors of the historical narratives to
specify where Pacaritambo was: 6 leagues (30 km) to the south-southwest of
Cuzco (Urton 1990 : 19–20). The site of Tambotoco, a hill near Pacaritambo,
is about 26 km to the south of Cuzco. Sarmiento’s text postdates the testimony
of the Pacaritambo lord, don Rodrigo Callapiña, in 1569 which, Urton argues,
literally puts Pacaritambo on the map.1 He therefore suggests that what Sar-
miento wrote is a historicized version that reflects the claims of Pacaritambo
lords to noble status rather than an Inca representation of their origins.
At the same time, one point he makes — that none of the earliest versions of
the Pacaritambo origin myth locates this place in precise geographical terms
270 | o r i g i n s
(Urton 1990 : 2 –3) — must be revised. The Inca story may not have included
any distance measures, but the first Spaniard to precisely locate Pacaritambo was
not Sarmiento, it was Betanzos, who said that Pacaritambo was 7 leagues from
Cuzco ([1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 3; 1987:17). He does not say in which direction,
and the distance estimate is too large, but he was locating a real place. Two
other early authors, Polo de Ondegardo and Hernando de Santillán, also gave
distance measurements to Pacaritambo (cited in full below). Each spoke in the
context of Inca origins, so we can be sure they were referring to the Pacari-
tambo of the origin story. Polo was actively collecting information about the In-
cas when he was corregidor of Cuzco from 1559 to 1560. Santillán wrote in 1563.
By then, Pacaritambo was a well-known place. The Spanish residents of
Cuzco would all have known about it, because sacred sites near Cuzco were
systematically looted in the decade after the Spanish arrival. Cieza notes that
Hernando Pizarro and Diego de Almagro, son of Pizarro’s partner of the same
name, went on an expedition to loot Pacaritambo ([1550], chap. 94; 1984 : 262;
[1553], chap. 6; 1986 : 14), an event which must have taken place in the second
half of the decade of the 1530s. According to Sarmiento, Pachacuti personally
went to Tambotoco or Pacaritambo, “which is the same thing,” and adorned
it with golden doors. From this time onward it was venerated as an important
huaca. As such, it would have had retainers, women, yanaconas, land, and trea-
sure. The presence of precious metals lured bands of Spaniards out into the
countryside in the early years following the Pizarro arrival in Cuzco, and there
were major looting parties to Urcos and to Aconcagua near Yauri, as well as
to Pacaritambo. Pacaritambo would also have attracted Catholic evangelists,
who, not long after the Spanish occupation of Cuzco, began to search out
native shrines to destroy them (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 11; 1906 :
33; Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua [early seventeenth century]; 1993:fol. 8v,
p. 198; Guaman Poma de Ayala [1615]; 1987 : 79, 264; Bauer 1992 : 48–56;
Urton 1990 : 32 –35). Pacaritambo was “on the map” fairly early.
However, Urton is right in noting that Spanish narratives become more ge-
ographically precise only in the time of Sarmiento and Molina. Why? One rea-
son may be that the earliest accounts simply reproduce the dynastic genealogy
and include very little about the early Incas and their relations with other peo-
ples in the Cuzco region. The Discurso, for example, is brief and incorporates
detail only when the topic is the Inca expansion. Events in the Cuzco region
prior to the expansion are not a topic at all. Cobo, if he serves as a guide to the
lost work of Polo, contains more material about the dynastic past than the
Discurso but very little on local events prior to the time of the Inca expansion.
We can generalize this problem: very little concrete information about the
o r i g i n s | 271
Andean landscape appears in Spanish documentation until this same period.

One of the difficulties with early Spanish accounts of their own activities in the
Andes is that they contain almost no concrete information about location.
Spanish knowledge of the Andean area grew only slowly, and the increasing
use of native place-names as time passed probably reflects closer contact and
more communication with native people. For example, encomienda awards
were listed by the names of the Spaniards who held them until the 1560s. Only
after the time of the visita general of Viceroy Toledo (1571–1575) were the grants
given names that referred to the people awarded or to places. Localizing native
groups is a very complex task before this period (Julien 1991 : 2, 124). The
Spaniards who transmitted material from Inca genres may simply have re-
corded more information about the land as place-names came into use to refer
to encomienda awards.
What is important to us about Urton’s perspective is that it incorporates a
theory of change. Not only should we be cognizant of how the origin story
may have changed due to the transformation of Cuzco, we should not forget
that the story may reflect the maelstrom resulting from the defeat of the Incas
by an alien force with an alien supernatural. Here we will examine the Pacari-
tambo story using two different optics. One makes use of our analysis of the
Spanish historical narratives. The other finds its evidentiary base in informa-
tion collected about sacred places during the effort to evangelize native people
in the late sixteenth century.
t he or igin stor y
Evidence for change in the origin story can be found in the Spanish his-
torical narratives themselves. There are discrepancies between accounts that
appear to indicate alternate versions of the story, and we can make some in-
ferences about which version is the earliest.
Since we have examined the itinerary of the Ayar siblings embedded in
the origin story along with its event structure, what remains to be examined
are the characters themselves. We have already assembled genealogical infor-
mation about the Ayar siblings from the Spanish historical narratives (tables
3.1–3.13). While accounts could disagree about the woman through whom de-
scent was traced at various points in the genealogy (table 3.14), one of the most
serious discrepancies involves the identification of the sister who was the
spouse of Manco Capac. Most accounts name Mama Ocllo, but a number do
not. Cabello Valboa and Morúa (m2a) name Mama Huaco, indicating to us
272 | o r i g i n s
that the underlying Molina account named her as well. Cobo also names
Mama Huaco, indicating that Polo may have named her. Diego Fernández,
the Discurso, Guaman Poma, and the other Morúa (m1b) name Mama Huaco.
Cieza de León did not give the name of the sister who bore Sinchi Roca. The
controversies over the women through whom descent passed in the case of
the generations before sister-marriage was instituted are understandable, es-
pecially when these marriages symbolize a particular status relationship be-
tween the dynastic descent group and other local peoples. But why is there
such difficulty in naming the woman considered to be the progenitor of every-
one in the dynastic descent group?
The matter is related to how many Ayar siblings are named. Two of the au-
thors name six and not eight Ayar siblings. Cieza names either Mama Huaco
or Mama Ocllo. Las Casas names Mama Ocllo and not Mama Huaco. Of
course, someone else is also missing from their list of Ayar men. Cieza names
Ayar Manco and Ayar Ucho, then gives a composite name for the third
brother, combining both Ayar Cache and Ayar Auca into a single person. The
names Las Casas gives are harder to interpret. Ayar Manco is there. If Ayar
Ucio can be equated with Ayar Ucho and Ayar Ancha with Ayar Cache, then
Ayar Auca is the missing brother. Cobo gives us the names of four sisters but
only three brothers. He repeats the name of Ayar Manco as Manco Capac,
skipping Ayar Ucho. Cobo listed only seven Ayar siblings, reflecting his use of
an underlying Polo source.
Polo wrote in 1561 that either three or four men emerged from the cave at
Pacaritambo:
I came to understand that, in the beginning when the Incas went out to
conquer, the title that they had was a fable that their elders told them, that
after the flood — about which I heard all over the land — three or four
men from whom everyone else descended came out of a cave that they call
Pacaritambo, six or seven leagues [30 –35 km] from Cuzco, and, because
they were the first from whom everyone else descended, overlordship of
the rest would be theirs.
Vine a entender que al prinçipio que los ingas enpeçaron a conquistar el

título conque lo salieron a hazer fué una fábula que les dixeron sus viejos,
que después del diluvio, del qual en toda la tierra hallo yo entera notiçia,
de vna cueva que esta seis leguas del Cuzco, que ellos llamaron Pacari
tanbo, salieron tres o quatro hombres de donde se torno a multiplicar el
o r i g i n s | 273
mundo y que por aver sido ellos los primeros de donde todos avían salido
les perteneçiese el señorío. ([1561]; 1940:152)
Polo has cast the Ayar siblings as Adam and Eve, misunderstanding the dis-
avowal of a common origin of mankind that can be implied from the separate
origin stories of Andean peoples collected by other Spanish authors like Sar-
miento. He has also inserted a reference to the biblical flood, which may be his
attempt to reconcile Inca history to his own idea of universal history. What is
important to us is that he knew that there was a “short list” of Ayar men, like
the one in Cieza and Las Casas.
So did Hernando de Santillán. Santillán wrote in 1563, not long after Polo
was actively collecting material about the Inca past in Cuzco. Santillán notes
that three Ayar brothers emerged from Pacaritambo:
The origin of the Inca lords who ruled and conquered the provinces of
Peru, leaving aside some fanciful stories that some Indians tell, is that they
came from three brothers who emerged from a cave in the province of
Pacaritambo and other things that, because they are not real or likely, will
be left out. What seems closest to the truth and reasonable is that the first
Incas came from Pacaritambo, which is 7 leagues [35 km] from Cuzco.
El orígen de los señores ingas que señorearon y conquistaron las dichas

provincias del Perú, dejadas algunas ficciones e imaginaciones que algunos
indios dicen, que es haber procedido de tres hermanos que salían de una
cueva que está en la provincia de Pacaritambo, y otras cosas que por no ser
auténticas ni tener verisimilitud se dejan, lo que parece más verdad y lle-
gado a razón es, que los primeros ingas fueron naturales de dicho Pacari-
tambo, que es siete leguas del Cuzco. ([1563]; 1879 : 12)
Santillán, like Polo in his 1561 report, did not give their names.
Given the number of authors who mention an origin story with only three
Ayar brothers, we can hypothesize that there was a version of the origin myth
that involved three brothers and, possibly, three sisters. If the myth reflects the
social organization of Cuzco at a particular time, then we should look for con-
cordances between the story and the organization of Cuzco. Sarmiento is im-
portant in this regard because he tells us about the origins of the groups who
resided in Cuzco at the time he wrote and links three of them to the origin
myth. While his narrative is structured around the descent group of Manco
274 | o r i g i n s
Capac, Sarmiento also mentions that Ayar Cache and Ayar Uchu left descen-
dants in Cuzco and gives the names of two or three of those alive at the time
he wrote. Ayar Cache was the progenitor of Chauin Cuzco Ayllo, represented
in 1572 by Martín Chucumbi and don Diego Guaman Paucar. Ayar Uchu had
left a descent group called Arayraca Ayllo or Cuzco Callan; Juan Pizarro Yu-
panqui, don Francisco Quipi, and Alonso Tarma Yupanqui were named as
living descendants. The missing brother is Ayar Auca.
In the comparison of accounts of the early Inca rulers in chapter 5, infor-
mation about who among the Ayar brothers arrived in Cuzco and who became
huacas was extracted from the narratives of Sarmiento, Cabello Valboa, and
Cobo. This information, as well as parallel information from the Morúa (m2a)
account that appears to draw, like Cabello Valboa, from Molina, is given
in table 8.1. Cobo does not give names. Also, although he notes that one
brother reentered the cave at Pacaritambo “and never emerged again” and that
two brothers became huacas, one at Huanacauri, he is vague about where the
second brother was turned to stone. He says only that the site was “not very
far” from Huanacauri. An entry has been made in the table for this brother
in the same column as Sarmiento, following the assumption that Cobo and
Sarmiento are referring to the same narrative event.
Of course, if Ayar Auca left no descendants, then having him return to the
cave at Pacaritambo, never to emerge again, may be a narrative device for ex-
plaining how it came to be that he left no descendants. It may also be an arti-
fact of retelling a story with four brothers that had been told with three — the
progenitors of three Ayar descent groups. A brother was added to the story,
along with an explanation of why he left no descendants. One difficulty with
this interpretation is that it is Cabello Valboa and Morúa who tell us that
Ayar Auca went back to the cave; Sarmiento names Ayar Cache. Logically,
Sarmiento should have named Ayar Auca, since he is the Ayar brother who left
no descendants.
Which brothers reproduced and which did not is an issue that comes up
elsewhere. Cabello Valboa makes a statement to the effect that neither Ayar
Ucho nor Mama Rahua left descendants ([1586], pt. 3, chap. 10; 1951 : 268).
Since Ayar Auca was walled up at Pacaritambo and Ayar Cache became a huaca
at Huanacauri, he is telling us that only Manco Capac reproduced. Betanzos
tells us that Ayar Auca died without leaving any progeny ([1551–1557], chap. 5;
1987 : 21). Since Ayar Cache was walled up at Pacaritambo and Ayar Uchu be-
came a huaca at Huanacauri, again what is implied is that only Manco Capac
left any descendants.
If the story changed at some point, we can infer that the story with three
o r i g i n s | 275
table 8.1. Fates of the Ayar brothers
Walled up at Becomes Becomes a huaca

Pacaritambo Huanacauri in or near Cuzco
Sarmiento Ayar Cache Ayar Uchu Ayar Auca
Cabello Valboa Ayar Auca Ayar Cache
Morúa Ayar Auca Ayar Cache
Betanzos Ayar Cache Ayar Uchu
Cobo a brother a brother a brother
brothers is the earlier version. It explained the origins of existing social groups.
The authors who tell the story with three Ayar brothers are early. That the story
was captured in the years following the Spanish arrival may indicate that the
story had only been retold in the recent past. However, one of the earliest ac-
counts, the account of Betanzos, tells the story with a full complement of four
Ayar brothers. Since we can tie Betanzos’s material to Capac Ayllo, we can link
the origin story with four brothers to that panaca as well. Given the importance
of the transformation of Cuzco and the role cast for Capac Ayllo evident in it,
we may also link the story with four brothers and sisters to the new Cuzco.
What was the point of reforming the story of origins? Here it would be
helpful to know more about the social organization of Cuzco before its trans-
formation. However, the origin story may be our only source of information
on that topic. Pachacuti was said to have crafted an account of the Inca past.
The story we have is a retrospective account of the steady rise to power of the
descent group of Manco Capac. Given what we know about capac status, the
full brothers and sisters of Manco Capac would have shared in it to the same
degree as Manco Capac. The new story denies them that role. It overturned
the implied equality between the Ayar siblings and their descendants. Manco
Capac’s brothers appear, but they are quickly taken off the stage. The story that
unfolds is not the story of three lineages but of one. It explains why the de-
scendants of Manco Capac were uniquely destined to rule. If genealogy was
destiny, the new story denied the genealogical links of living Cuzco people
with their Ayar forebear and subverted their claims — claims that could be seen
to equal those of the descendants of Manco Capac.
ot her st rata, ot her stor ies
The origin story is a narrative. It can be analyzed for other strata by detect-
ing inconsistencies in the different versions of the story and by casting it
against the backdrop of what was recorded about Cuzco social organization by
276 | o r i g i n s
Spanish authors. When we focus on the characters alone and not the story line,
other sources come into play.
Two classes of sources are seldom used in explorations of the Inca origin
story: the lists of huacas in and near Inca Cuzco and descriptions of public rit-
ual in which these huacas play a role. Cobo copied a list of the huacas of Cuzco
into his text ([1653], bk. 13, chaps. 13–16; 1893) that may have been taken from
an earlier chart made by Polo de Ondegardo while he was corregidor of Cuzco
(1559–1560). Polo said there were more than 400 shrines ([1561]; 1940:183),
although Cobo included only 328. His list is therefore incomplete. Corro-
boration for this conclusion comes from a second and shorter list prepared
by Cristóbal de Albornoz, who was active in rooting out native belief in the
Cuzco region: eleven of the thirty-five huacas on the Albornoz list have no
equivalent in Cobo (Rowe 1979 : 4 –5). The list of huacas, because it is tied to
a series of physical places, probably has not been distorted by the inventive-
ness that may characterize narratives, even though items can be forgotten or
dropped from a list. Another source which sheds light on Inca origins is the
description of Cuzco rituals that was made by Cristóbal de Molina ([1576]
1989). It is extremely valuable, because Molina describes something familiar to
a great number of people. Inca narratives were often vehicles for the legitima-
tion of particular claims, and the origin myth itself legitimated the dynasty’s
claim to descent from an important supernatural. The description of Cuzco
ritual is less likely to be a vehicle for this kind of manipulation.
These sources have different capacities for conveying generic material. Nar-
ratives tell a story, while sources like the list of huacas may tell only about the
characters. Ritual may reenact the story line of a narrative in some way, or it
may relate what was once a story in a symbolic way. Our concern here is with
the character Huanacauri. Huanacauri played a major role in Capac Raymi and
Citua, two of the most important events of the Inca ritual calendar. He was
also represented as one of the Ayar brothers in the origin story. When we ex-
amine these events and the lists of huacas related to this supernatural, other
Huanacauris emerge.
Capac Raymi, as we have learned from the historical narratives, was when
male members of the dynastic descent group were initiated. The historical nar-
ratives locate the origins of this rite in the time of Manco Capac, at the time
his son Sinchi Roca was initiated. This initiation occured before the Ayar sib-
lings reached Cuzco, while they were still living in Matagua. Matagua is at the
foot of the hill Huanacauri (Rowe 1944: fig. 1 and p. 43). Before the Ayar sib-
lings arrived at Matagua, one of the brothers had been turned to stone at the
site of the huaca of Oma on Huanacauri. When the brother realized that he
o r i g i n s | 277
would remain there, he told the others that he should be the first huaca to re-
ceive their offerings when they performed initiation.
A very elaborate initiation rite was developed, embedded in a round of rit-
ual activities which occurred at precise intervals over a twenty-two-day period
in the month called Capac Raymi (Molina [1576]; 1989 : 98–110; Betanzos
[1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 14; 1987:66 – 67; Cieza de León [1553], chap. 7; 1986:
17–19). The authors who describe Capac Raymi note that it was organized by
Manco Capac (Cieza de León [1553], chap. 7; 1986 : 17; Molina [1576]; 1989 :
107, 114), with significant additions to the ritual made by Pachacuti (Betanzos
[1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 14; 1987:63; Molina [1576]; 1989:114). Molina, in his
account of Inca ritual, describes the events of Capac Raymi in more detail than
anyone else. After noting that Manco Capac invented the ceremonies in order
to initiate his son Sinchi Roca, he explains that a dance, called huari, was given
to the Ayar siblings by the Creator at the time they came out of the cave at
Pacaritambo. They were instructed to dance it at this event and no other
(Molina [1576]; 1989 : 107).
Betanzos says that Pachacuti redesigned male initiation rites as part of his
reorganization of Cuzco:
And another day in the morning, these lords [from around Cuzco] gath-
ered in the house of the Inca where he communicated to them about the
celebration that he wanted to hold, and so that there would be a perpetual
memory he told them that it would be a good idea to incorporate certain
ceremonies and fasts into the rite in which orejones were initiated, because
something similar to that which was a sign or insignia [would be part of
initiation] so that throughout the land they would be known from the
youngest to the oldest resident of the city as lords and descendants of the
Sun because it seemed to him that from that time forward the residents of
Cuzco had to be held in esteem and respected by those of the rest of the
land more than they had been before then and because they had to be
called descendants of the Sun he wanted them to be made orejones in the
celebration of the Sun with many ceremonies and fasts, because those
who had been initiated before that time, they and their fathers had pierced
their ears each one when they wanted to.
Y otro dia de mañana se juntaron estos señores en las casas del Ynga
donde comunico con ellos la fiesta que ansi quería hazer e para que della
vuiese memoria para siempre dijoles Ynga Yupangue que seria bien que
en esta fiesta se hiziesen los orejones con çiertas çerimonias y ayunos
278 | o r i g i n s
porque vna cosa semejante que aquello que hera señal y ynsignia para que por
toda la tierra fuesen conoçidos desde el menor hasta el mayor de aquella çiudad
por tales señores e hijos del sol porque le paresçia que desde alli adelante auian
de ser tenidos y rrespectados los de aquella çiudad por los de toda la tierra
mas que auian sido hasta alli e que porque auian de ser llamados hijos del
sol querían [sic: queria] que fuesen hechos y ordenados orejones en aque-
lla fiesta del sol con muchas çerimonias e ayunos porque los que auian
sido hechos orejones hasta alli ellos e sus padres les horadaban las orejas
cada e cuando que querian. ([1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 14; 1987 : 65) 2
The public initiation of males to adult status at a particular time each year,
then, was a new development related to the transformation of Cuzco.
The piercing of ears to receive golden ear spools was only part of the rite of
male initiation. Initiation marked the first wearing of the breechcloth, a rite
called huarachico in the historical narratives whose name incorporates the term
for breechcloth (huara). Sarmiento and Cabelo Valboa both note that Manco
Capac invented the rite of huarachico.3 Cabello Valboa also mentions the rite
of ear piercing, calling it tocochico, and attributes its invention to Manco Inca
at the same time as huarachico. Whether the wearing of golden ear spools was
a later addition to initiation, it is in the spirit of a rite that involves dressing the
person in adult clothing for the first time and other signs of initiation to adult
status. Males who were initiated received special clothing to be worn during
particular phases of the rite, but there were several occasions in which the rit-
ual act itself was the bestowal of gifts of clothing, ornaments, and weapons.
The rite also involved three pilgrimages by the initiates to different moun-
tains around the Cuzco Valley, each followed by an assembly in the main plaza
of Cuzco at which the ruling Inca, the images of the major supernaturals, the
residents of the city, and the initiates were present. The mountains visited, in
order, were Huanacauri, Anahuarqui, and Apo Yavira (map 1) (Molina [1576];
1989:98–110; Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 14; 1987:66 – 67; Cieza de León
[1553], chap. 7; 1986:17–19). One of the central purposes of the visits to Hua-
nacauri and Apo Yavira was to receive gifts associated with adult male status
from each huaca. Both of these huacas spoke. Anahuarqui was the site of a foot
race and did not have the power of speech. From Huanacauri, the initiates re-
ceived their first gifts: slings and bags made in the style used by the “first” In-
cas. They also got short haircuts. They received breechcloths from Apo Yavira
as well as golden ear spools, feather crowns, and other ornaments. Later, in the
main plaza, their relatives gave them the weapons they would use in war and
o r i g i n s | 279
substantial gifts of property. In Capac Raymi, then, Huanacauri and Apo

Yavira functioned as senior members of the dynastic descent group.
Huanacauri was also cast as a principal in the rite of Citua, but this time the
other members of the cast were not local mountains: they were supernaturals
like the Sun and the Thunder. Citua was a ritual cleansing of Cuzco held at the
beginning of the rainy season. A full complement of cult images of the most
important supernatural beings, worked in precious metals, was involved: the
Creator (Viracocha), the Sun (Apinpunchao) with two female companions
(Ynca Ocllo and Palpa Ocllo) and the woman (known as Coya Pacssa) who
was a sister of the ruling Inca taken as a wife by the Sun, and the Thunder
(Chuqui Ylla). The stone cult image of Huanacauri was also brought to the
plaza and played an active role. After the main cleansing rites, sanco, a dough
of ground maize, was prepared. It was put in fountains so that they would not
cause illness. The images of major supernaturals and the desiccated bodies of
lineage members were “warmed” with it, apparently by placing some on the
forehead:
Those responsible for the huaca called Huanacauri, which is a large stone
in the shape of a man, together with a ritual specialist, washed [the image]
and “warmed” it with sanco. Then the ruling Inca, after he had finished
washing, and his principal wife went to their places and put some of the
sanco on their foreheads.
Los que tenían a cargo la huaca llamada Huanacauri, que es una peña
grande figura de hombre, los criados de la dicha huaca juntamente con el
sacerdote della lavaban la dicha [?] lana y la calentavan con el çanco, y el
Inca, señor principal, desde que se acava de lavar y su mujer principal, se
ponían en su aposento y les ponían en las caueças, en las cauecas dellos el
dicho çanco. (Molina [1576]; 1989 : 77)
Later, Huanacauri and the other cult images were brought to the main plaza.
Huanacauri had an assigned place (Molina [1576]; 1989 : 78). Then the people
of Cuzco arrived, organized by “ayllo and parcialidad.” A celebration took
place which included worship of the major supernaturals as well as eating,
drinking, and dancing. At night everyone, including the images, went home
(Molina [1576]; 1989 : 78–79).
These events involved only the people of Cuzco. The next day, another cele-
bration was held to which people from the region of Cuzco were invited. A
280 | o r i g i n s
large number of animals were sacrificed. Four llamas — the most perfect —
were chosen for sacrifice to the Creator, the Thunder, the Sun, and Hua-
nacauri. Yahuarsanco (sanco prepared with the blood of the llamas) was set be-
fore the images in large golden dishes. So began a swearing of allegiance to the
supernaturals and to the Incas by the people assembled. The oath was admin-
istered before the yahuarsanco was ingested. To eat yahuarsanco, one dipped
three fingers into the dish and then placed the mixture in one’s mouth. All
those present partook of the mixture, including small children (Molina [1576];
1989 : 79– 80). Then the remaining animals were sacrificed, their lungs were ex-
amined for certain signs, and the people took the meat home, treating it as if
it were something sacred. On the next day the celebration was dedicated to the
Moon and the Earth. The same people participated. Then, on the fourth day,
people from subject nations entered: “They came worshiping the Creator; the
Sun; the Thunder; Huanacauri, the huaca of the Incas; and finally, the Inca,
who was also in the plaza at that time” [Yban haciendo reverencia al Hacedor
y Sol y Trueno y a Huanacauri, huaca de los yncas y luego al Ynca que a la
saçon estuvo ya en la plaza] (Molina [1576]; 1989:94). Huanacauri is clearly a
major supernatural and was presented to the peoples dominated by the Incas
as such. He was fed in the same manner as the Creator, the Sun, and the Thun-
der: they were fed three times a day, each time by the sacrifice and burning of
a camelid (Molina [1576]; 1989 : 98). The similar treatment is manifest in other
ways. Orations were composed to Huanacauri in which his name was listed
with the Creator, the Sun, the Thunder, and the Moon, and he was asked, as
the others were, to preserve the population of Cuzco and to give them what
they needed to assure their continued existence (Molina [1576]; 1989 : 101). Al-
though Huanacauri is always subordinate to the Creator and to the Sun, he oc-
cupies a place held by no other local supernatural.
Huanacauri was also listed by Molina as a place where human sacrifices
known as capac ucha were offered. He noted that a round of capac ucha sacri-
fices occurred at the beginning of each Inca’s rule. Some of the individuals in-
tended for sacrifice were dedicated in Cuzco and then sent to other places to
be sacrificed (Molina [1576]; 1989 : 122; Hernández Príncipe [1621–1622] 1923).
Molina first lists the major supernaturals who received this type of sacrifice,
then notes that the round of sacrifice begun in this manner involved all the sa-
cred places in the Cuzco Valley, no matter how small. His list included, in or-
der, the Creator, the Sun, the Thunder (Chuqui Ylla), the Earth (Pachamama),
and then Huanacauri (Molina [1576]; 1989 : 120 –128).
Huanacauri, then, was represented on two levels. He was represented in
Capac Raymi as one of three important local huacas. Like one of the others,
o r i g i n s | 281
Apo Yavira, he gave gifts to the new initiates. The gifts they were given sym-
bolized the past in some way — appropriate gifts from an Ayar brother who
wished to be remembered at Capac Raymi. This role was played largely before
the panacas and other residents of Cuzco. In the celebration of Citua he was
grouped with the principal supernaturals recognized by the Incas. The other
supernaturals were represented by cult images made of precious metals. The
image of Huanacauri was a stone huaca brought in from a local mountain.
This role was played before both the Cuzco residents and non-Inca people
from outside the city. Although his link to the dynastic Inca line may have been
apparent, his role as a principal supernatural — rather than a local figure — was
made manifest.
Let us now look at his role as a local figure. In Capac Raymi, both Hua-
nacauri and Apo Yavira are cast in similar roles. Apo Yavira is a character we
have not heard of before. He was not mentioned in either the origin story or
the historical narratives which drew from Inca sources. As a local huaca, he
was included in the list of huacas incorporated in Cobo along with Huanacauri
and Anahuarqui (Rowe 1979 : 28, 29, 46, 52). The items on Cobo’s list related
to these three huacas are summarized in the list below. The items themselves
and the numerical references to them are taken from the publication of Cobo’s
list by John Rowe (1979 : 23, 35, 39, 41, 47, 53, 55). Additional information about
the same huacas has been taken from Albornoz (cited in Rowe 1979 : 73, 75) and
Molina ([1576]; 1989 : 68– 69, 96, 98, 100 –101, 104, 106). The names of the
suyos are abbreviated (Chinchasuyo ⫽ Ch; Andesuyo ⫽ An; Collasuyo ⫽
Co; Condesuyo ⫽ Cu). Names and their spellings have been preserved as
they appear in the sources.
Ch-4 : 5 Guamancancha. Near the fortress on a small hill of this name.

Enclosure with two huts where fasting took place during initiation
rites.
Guamancancha. A heap of stones above Carmenca.
Guamancancha. A place at the foot of Yavira where the initiates
spent the night prior to their visit to Yavira.
Ch-5 : 7 Chaca Huanacauri. Small hill on the way to Yucay where young
men preparing themselves to be orejones went for a certain grass
which they carried on their lances.
Molina mentions obtaining grass for seating from Huanacauri
itself, the month before Capac Raymi.
Chaca huanacauri. A stone over the fortress.
Ch-7 : 7 Churucana. Hill where sacrifices to the Creator were made.
282 | o r i g i n s
Churucani Huanacauri. A large stone surrounded by little stones

called cachavis.
Ch-8 : 2 Mancochuqui. Chacara of Huanacauri; proceeds sacrificed
to him.
Ch-9 : 6 Apu Yavira. Stone on the hill of Picho [Piccho]. They believed it
was one of those who emerged from the earth with Huanacauri,
and that after having lived for a long time he climbed up there and
turned to stone. All the ayllos went to worship there during the
festival of Raymi. Molina notes that this huaca was the principal
huaca of the people of Maras. Pachacuti was said to have
incorporated Yavira into the initiation ritual as the place where
those to be made orejones received breechcloths. Huascar was said
to have given the cult image its latest form: two stones shaped like
falcons placed together on an altar.
Yauirac. Many stones together.
An-4 : 7 Maycha Huanacauri. Stone shaped like the hill of Huanacauri,
ordered to be placed in Andesuyo.
An-9 : 5 Ata Huanacauri. Certain stones placed next to a hill, an ancient
shrine.
Co-1 : 6 Atpitan. Certain stones in a ravine where one loses sight of
Huanacauri. These stones were men who were sons of that hill,
and in a certain misfortune they turned to stone.
Co-6 : 7 Huanacauri. Among the most important shrines in the whole
kingdom; oldest shrine after the window [cave] of Pacaritambo
and where the most sacrifices were made. Hill with a stone figure
said to be one of the brothers of the first Inca.
Co Queros Huanacauri, Omotu Yanacauri [Huanacauri]. Hills where
they sacrificed in May, on a route to Vilcanota, via Pomacanche.
Co-7 : 5 Matoro. Slope near Huanacauri with ancient buildings where
those who went out from Huanacauri slept.
Matagua. Place at the foot of Huanacauri where initiates slept
prior to their visit to Huanacauri on the eighth day of the
month.
Cu-1 : 7 Anahuarqui. Big hill next to Huanacauri with many idols, each of
which had its origin and history. Molina notes that it was the
principal huaca of the people of Choco and Cachona. He also
notes that a race was run there at the time orejones were made
because the huaca Anahuarqui was known to be so light that it ran
like a bird flies.
o r i g i n s | 283
Cu-1 : 8 Chatahuarqui. Small stone on a little hill next to that other one
[Anahuarqui].
Cu-1 : 10 Anahuarqui Huaman. Stone on a hill next to the one above
[Anahuarqui].
Cu-2 : 4 Rauaraya. Small hill where the Indians finished running on the
feast of Raymi. Also a place of punishment.
Rauraua. The initiates slept at a “despoblado” called Rauraua the
night of the fourteenth day and from it began the day of the races
up Anahuarqui. Rauaraua is 1 league from Cuzco, and
Anahuarqui is 2. The next day, after lunch at Quilliyacolca, they
went up to Anahuarqui and sacrificed five llamas to the Hacedor,
Sun, Thunder, Moon, and Inca. Then the girls ran back to
Rauraua and waited for the boys, calling to them. They dance
huari, remove the huaracas [slings] from the yauris, and whip the
arms and legs of the newly initiated. Then they return to Cuzco
behind the raymi napa and the suntur paucar instead of the royal
insignia.
Cu-5 : 5 Cumpu Huanacauri. Hill in line with Choco with ten stones on
top of it that were sent from Huanacauri.
Information from Albornoz about huacas with similar names in neighboring

valleys ([1581–1585]; 1989:179–180) is summarized in the following list.
Valley of Caquijahuana
Huanacauri, Anahuarqui, and Auiraca [Yavira]. Three stones on a hill in
memory of those of Cuzco.
Marahuasi Huanacauri. Stone where they made many sacrifices in
remembrance of Huanacauri of Cuzco.
Huaypon Huanacauri. Stone near a lake where the Cuzcos pierced their
ears.
Chinchero Huanacauri. Stone near the other one [Huaypon
Huanacauri].
Pancha Huanacauri. A stone on the hill of Pancha near the lake of
Pongo.
Racra Huanacauri. Huaca on a neighboring hill [to Pancha
Huanacauri].
Valley of Calca
Vitcos Huanacauri. Stone like an Indian on a hill above the town of
Amaybamba. Said to be the son of the Creator.
284 | o r i g i n s
Though the references to Huanacauri are diverse, all of the objects

identified with this huaca — or with Yavira and Anahuarqui — are hills or
stones associated with hills. Huanacauri was represented by a single cult im-
age. On the hill of Anahuarqui there was a collection of stone huacas, but there
was also some kind of supernatural being named Anahuarqui who was very
swift and who was fed by sacrifices. One or more of the stones may have been
a physical representation of this being. A huaca could be represented by more
than one stone, since Yavira (Ch-9 : 6) was apparently represented by two,
carved in the shape of falcons.
We cannot assume that all the stones to which the name Huanacauri was
attached were related in some way to the Huanacauri that was the principal
huaca of Cuzco, but some certainly were. One place, Cumpu Huanacauri
(Cu-5 : 5), was the site of multiple stones sent there by Huanacauri. Another,
Maycha Huanacauri (An-4 : 7), was a stone shaped like the hill of Huanacauri
said to have been ordered to be placed in Andesuyo. While the description does
not tell us who gave the orders, elsewhere in the list of huacas such orders were
given by particular Inca rulers. One group of ten stones at Atpitan (Co-1 : 6)
were “sons of Huanacauri.” Other stones or hills were simply called by a com-
posite name that incorporated Huanacauri, like Chaca Huanacauri (Ch-5 : 7),
Churucani Huanacauri (Ch-7 : 7), Ata Huanacauri (An-9 : 5), and Queros
Huanacauri, as well as Omotu Huanacauri in Collasuyo. Some of these places
were associated with initiation or with Capac Raymi, so if there is a common
underlying relation among them, it may be that they were connected with ini-
tiation in some way.
Outside of Cuzco there were other stones named Huanacauri, particularly
in Jaquijahuana, on the plain of Anta. A group of stones named after the three
hills in Cuzco which were the focus of Capac Raymi were said to have been
established there “in memory of ” their counterparts in Cuzco. If the public
celebration of Inca initiation — Capac Raymi — incorporated pilgrimages to
the three Cuzco hills, and this celebration originated with the transforma-
tion of Cuzco, then the commemoration of the Cuzco hills in Jaquijaguana
dates to this period or later. Ata Huanacauri in Cuzco was said to be “ancient.”
There may be different agents involved in the establishment of cults to the par-
ticular huacas known as Huanacauri, and more than one period of time may be
represented.
What is interesting is that some of the information given about the moun-
tain huacas reflects a particular version of Inca origins and the establishment of
the Ayar siblings in Cuzco. Cobo described Huanacauri as a hill where there
was a stone figure said to be one of the brothers of the first Inca who emerged
o r i g i n s | 285
from the earth with Huanacauri, and that after having lived for a long time he
climbed a mountain and turned to stone (Rowe 1979 : 47). Cobo’s historical
narrative was vague about which brother became a huaca and where. One be-
came a huaca at Huanacauri, while another became a huaca “not far from
there,” and we have assumed that he meant somewhere between Huanacauri
and Cuzco since the story moves in that direction. Sarmiento mentions a
brother who became a huaca in Cuzco. It may be that both Sarmiento and
Cobo are giving us accounts of Yavira. Betanzos, Cabello Valboa, and Morúa
tell a different story.
Yavira was a huaca that was sacred to the people of Maras, a region located
between the pampa of Anta and the Urubamba Valley and the home of the
Ayarmaca, whose chief lord was Tocay Capac, a major character in the Inca
story of early Cuzco. Sarmiento notes that the people of Maras also emerged
from one of the three “windows” at Pacaritambo, called Maras Toco ([1572],
chap. 11; 1906 : 33). We have tried to link Yavira to the story of Inca origins, and
the version told by Cobo is certainly elastic enough to include this character.
However, we may have run across a character who belongs in another story as
well. The stories are explanations, and we can expect that important huacas
would be explained by different groups in different ways.
Moreover, there is another huaca on Cobo’s list who is also connected with
Inca origins named Michos Amaro (Ch-1 : 1) and located in Totocache (now
the neighborhood of Belén). Yavira was located on the hill of Piccho, so the
two are not the same. Michos Amaro was said to have emerged “with the first
Inca, Manco Capac, from the cave of Pacaritambo.” The sacrifices made to him
“were very ancient.” Further, one of the Ayar women was said to have killed
“him” because of the disrespect he showed her (Rowe 1979 : 15). The Totocache
area was where the Huallas had lived. Both Sarmiento and Cabello Valboa
describe the killing of one of the Huallas by Mama Huaco. If the huaca of
Michos Amaro commemorated this person, the Incas nonetheless made sacri-
fices to him. What is new in the description from Cobo’s list is that this person
was said to have emerged from the cave of Pacaritambo. In the Inca story, the
Huallas are non-Incas.
Clearly, the landscape around Cuzco reflects other stories of social origins
and other explanations of the past. The list of huacas contains traces of other
stories or, alternatively, of other strata. Although the origin myth relates Hua-
nacauri to the story of dynastic origins (Huanacauri is Ayar Ache turned to
stone), the list of shrines and the Capac Raymi rite provide indications that the
dynastic version is not the only one. Huanacauri was a complex character.
From an analysis of the materials we have, it appears that he had some lon-
286 | o r i g i n s
gevity in the Cuzco area. There are other characters on the landscape who were
important to the Incas and, perhaps, to other groups. Quite naturally, the
story of dynastic origins — told retrospectively by the members of the dynas-
tic descent group about their uniquely powerful forebears — tends to obscure
what can be learned about other stories.
viracoch a
The story of Inca origins changed when the Incas began their meteoric rise.
Did it change again after their meteoric fall? There are two sources of change
that we should not confuse. There are attempts by Spanish authors to frame
the Inca past within their own conceptions of universal history. When Polo
tried to describe the Pacaritambo origin story, he located it with reference to
the flood and universalized the Inca origin story across the Andes. Two sys-
tems of explanation collided, and we can expect turbulence as a result. The
other source of change is internal. When Sarmiento drew from Inca sources in
the early 1570s, the materials he collected had been transmitted during several
decades of the Spanish occupation of Cuzco. During this time, the Incas were
grappling with their own defeat. The success of the Spaniards and the new
corpus of belief that buttressed Spanish action may have posed new questions
for explanation, prompting new responses.
So far we have assumed that the Pacaritambo origin story is the one that
rightly begins the genealogical genre that was painted on wooden tablets. The
Spanish historical narratives, however, incorporate other stories of origins.
These stories offer explanations not just of the origins of the Inca dynastic de-
scent group but of the origins of everything. A story that explains the creation
of the world by its very nature covers the same territory as the story that
launches biblical history, a story told in the book of Genesis. One of the prob-
lems we have, even if there is an Andean substratum for a creation story, is that
Christian belief in the universality of biblical history would tend to rewrite any
local account of creation to stress those points which confirmed or paralleled
the biblical story, even if it meant adding them to bring the old story into line
with what Christians knew had happened.
Let us ask a simple question here. Did the dynastic account begin with such
a story, or is the creation story an example of pasticcio? Both Sarmiento and
Betanzos tell an account of the creation of the sun and the moon and all of the
world’s peoples. Sarmiento locates the story after the universal flood. Al-
though some people (the Cañares) told him about how their ancestors had
o r i g i n s | 287
survived the flood, the Incas said everyone perished and that Viracocha began
to create the people anew. So Sarmiento tells the story under the heading “sec-
ond age and creation” ([1572], chaps. 6 –7; 1906 : 23–28). Betanzos tells a some-
what different story. Viracocha emerged from Lake Titicaca when it was still
dark. Then Betanzos backtracked to say that this was the second time he
had come and that he had created the sky and the earth the first time. He had
also created people, but these people had displeased him, and he turned
them to stone. The second time he created the sun and the day, as well as a new
batch of people. There is no mention of a flood (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1,
chaps. 1–2; 1987 : 11–15).
The creator is named Ticci Viracocha in Sarmiento and Contiti Viracocha
in Betanzos, but they are obviously the same personage. In both accounts, the
scene moved from Lake Titicaca to Tiahuanaco, then to Cacha in Canas terri-
tory (Gasparini and Margolies 1980 : 234 –254), and then to Urcos near Cuzco.
After traversing the Andes, this being disappeared out to sea from the coast
of Ecuador. Viracocha had helpers. In Tiahuanaco he created all of the peoples
of the Andes and sent them to caves, springs, and so on, from which they
emerged. Both Betanzos and Sarmiento then proceed to tell the Pacaritambo
origin story. The origin story flows logically from the creation myth. Only our
natural skepticism of the implied parallels between the Andean past and bibli-
cal history prevents us from concluding that the Inca genre did not begin with
a story about the creation of the universe.
One account lends credence to our interpretation that the addition of the
Viracocha story is an example of pasticcio. Cristóbal de Molina wrote a his-
torical narrative of the Inca past soon after Sarmiento that we have argued
was used by Cabello Valboa in his historical narrative. The parallels between
Cabello Valboa and one of the Morúa texts (m2) have allowed us to recon-
struct Molina’s account in general outline. Molina also wrote an account of the
fables and rites of the Incas for the bishop of Cuzco, Sebastián Lartaún, in
1576. This account was written after the historical narrative since Molina refers
to the historical narrative in it ([1576]; 1989 : 49, 58, 107). The account of fables
and rites contains a version of the universal creation myth that is broadly simi-
lar to the tale told in Sarmiento and Betanzos; that is, the story locates the cre-
ation at Tiahuanaco, and the various peoples of the Andes are sent from there
to the places from which they would emerge and found lineages. Molina adds
an episode in which the Sun reveals to Manco Capac that the Incas are his chil-
dren, and the Ayar siblings emerge from Pacaritambo on the day the Sun first
rises. Molina, like Sarmiento, then tells the story about Cañar origins ([1576];
1989 : 50 –56).
288 | o r i g i n s
Since the text of Molina’s historical narrative is not available, we might as-
sume that it incorporated a version of the creation myth at its beginning. How-
ever, neither Cabello Valboa nor Morúa tell a story of the creation of mankind
by Viracocha. Cabello Valboa, right after noting Molina as the source of his ac-
count, launches it with the Pacaritambo origin story. Morúa says the people
tell “diverse fables” about Inca origins but then tells his fairly detailed version
of the Pacaritambo story. Molina told us that the painted genre began with a
story of Inca origins. His historical narrative, as transmitted by Cabello Val-
boa and Morúa, incorporates material from this genre. It is therefore especially
significant that Molina began the story with the emergence of the Ayar siblings
from Pacaritambo and not with the creation of the universe by Viracocha.
Why was there a difference between the two Molina texts? Both were rela-
tively late, compared with authors like Betanzos or Cieza. The difference must
be due to a difference in purpose on the part of the author: Molina transmit-
ted material from Inca sources in his historical narrative; what he wrote for
the bishop was an explanation of Andean belief. In the former he took what he
was given. In the latter he posed a new question — how do they explain the
origins of everything? — and selected material that would give an answer.
Molina knew there was a supreme Creator; therefore, how had the Incas ex-
plained his creation? Molina also knew there had been a flood; ergo, how had
it manifested itself in the Andes? The assumption that these questions were
fundamental and could be answered in the Andes provoked new explanations
based on Andean source materials.4
An insertion of this kind in Sarmiento is not surprising. Its insertion in the
Betanzos account is much more problematic. Is Betanzos telling a new story
of creation constructed of Andean materials selected and read with theories of
a supreme Creator and universal history in the background, or had those who
relayed source material from Inca genres done this job for him? Had the re-
interpretation of origins affected the stories circulated by the panacas?
What Andean materials could have lent themselves to this purpose? The
link with the Lake Titicaca region that is so clear in the story about universal
creation is an indication that we should look beyond Cuzco for some of the
materials that were incorporated in this story. Because, in a similar story that
was told by Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti, the leading character was named
Tunupa, it may be that a story with another leading character was the basis of
the Viracocha creation story.5 This question deserves much fuller consider-
ation than can be given here. Our purpose is more limited. To understand the
Inca origin story, we have examined sites on the Cuzco landscape that reveal
o r i g i n s | 289
the complexity of one of the characters — Huanacauri — and open vistas into
other stories and periods. The same sources help us to recast Viracocha.
Like Huanacauri, there is more than one Viracocha on the landscape. The
principal sources that contribute to this question are Albornoz and Molina.
Molina gives a list of the sons and brothers of Viracocha in a very free and de-
scriptive translation of one of the orations performed during the animal sacri-
fices of Citua ([1576]; 1989 : 83– 84). The items that appear in Molina, coupled
with parallel information from Albornoz ([1581–1585]; 1989 : 180) are given in
the following list:
Chanca Viracochan. Huaca in Chuquichaca where Manco Inca was.

Atun Viracochan. The huaca of Urcos where there was an eagle and a
falcon of stone at the doorway. Inside there was a bust of a man with a
white shirt and hair to his waist. And the stones of the eagle and falcon
cried each day at midday. Their attendants said they cried because
Viracocha was hungry.
This image had the following sons and brothers:
Corcos Viracocha.
Apotin Viracochan. In Amaybamba, behind [Ollantay]tambo.
Urusayua Vriracochan. In Tambo?
Chuquichanca Viracochan. In Huaypar.
Apotinia Viracocha. A stone they say is the son of the Creator on a hill
above the town of Amaybamba.
Unfortunately, Albornoz does not cover the region south of Urcos, so if

there was a huaca at Cacha, where Ticci Viracocha was said to have performed
a miracle and a large Inca hall was erected (Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 2;
1987 : 13–14; pt. 1, chap. 45; 1987:191–192; Cieza de León [1550], chap. 98;
1984 : 269–271; Garcilaso de la Vega [1609], bk. 5, chap. 22; 1990 : 203–205), it
is not mentioned in his account.
Although the list is not long, there are indications that these huacas are simi-
lar in nature and kind to the huacas associated with Huanacauri. For one thing,
some were stones. For another, there were a number of huacas which incorpo-
rated the name Viracocha as part of a longer name; as in the composite names
for Huanacauri, the name Viracocha followed another name that designated
which one. Also, there were multiple beings with this name, some defined as
offspring of others. The huaca of Urcos is clearly the most important of those
on the list, as indicated by its name: Atun Viracocha. This Viracocha, like the
290 | o r i g i n s
Viracocha of the Tiahuanaco creation story, had attendants. There may have
been a story associated with this huaca that could be retold with a Lake Titi-
caca basin backdrop. The obverse is also possible: aspects of a story from the
Lake Titicaca region may have been superimposed on a local huaca associated
with creation.
Once we reach this point, the complexity begins to elude our analysis. What
we can detect is that the story about Viracocha as supreme Creator created tur-
bulence in the historical narratives based on Inca sources. A clear example is
the ambiguity over the nature of the supernatural most closely related to the
dynastic descent group that surfaces in Betanzos. He writes:
Although they hold that there is one who is the Creator whom they call
Viracocha Pachayachachi, which means “maker of the world,” and they
hold that this [Creator] made the Sun and everything that is created in the
sky and on the earth, as you have heard, lacking writing and being blind
in understanding and knowledge, [they] may vary in this [idea] as in
everything else because sometimes they hold the Sun for Creator and
other times they say it is Viracocha.
Aunque ellos tienen que ay vno que es el hazedor a quien ellos llaman
Viracocha Pacha Yachachic que dize hazedor del mundo que ellos tienen
que este hizo el sol y todo lo que es criado en el çielo e tierra como ya
aueis oydo careçiendo de letras e siendo çiegos del entendimiento e en el
sauer casi mudos varian en esto en todo y por todo porque vnas vezes
tienen al sol por hazedor y otras vezes dizen que el Viracocha. (Betanzos
n.d. [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 11; 1987:49)
The reason the confusion pops up here is that Betanzos had identified the su-
pernatural who had appeared to Pachacuti at Susurpuquio as Viracocha, while
here he is describing the construction to be dedicated to this being as a “house
of the Sun” ([1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 8; 1987:32; pt. 1, chap. 11; 1987:49–50).
Betanzos was not alone in his confusion. Sarmiento describes the figure
at Susurpuquio as a person “like the Sun” ([1572], chap. 27; 1906 : 62). Sar-
miento also notes that some of his Cuzco informants told him that the Sun and
Viracocha Pachayachachic were separate beings, but others said they were one
and the same (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 10; 1906 : 33). Cristóbal de
Molina includes dialogue in his narrative of the apparition at Susurpuquio
in which the supernatural identifies himself as the Sun ([1576]; 1989 : 60 – 61).
o r i g i n s | 291
There are other indications of a confusion between the Sun and a supernatural
thought to be the equivalent of the Christian supreme Creator. Sarmiento is
positive that Viracocha is the supreme Creator. He refers to the Incas a num-
ber of times as “sons of the Sun” (his translation of intipchurin), but he calls
them “sons of Viracocha” at one point. He identifies the Inca shrine on the is-
land of Titicaca as a “temple of the Sun and the huaca of Ticci Viracocha”
(Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 59; 1906 : 105). The island was strongly as-
sociated with the solar cult, and Sarmiento has simply confused Ticci Vira-
cocha with the Sun. The confusion is also evident in Polo’s effort to locate the
house of Viracocha. He says he searched Cuzco for the house of Viracocha
without ever finding it but notes that he was told it was in the same place as
the houses of the Sun (Polo de Ondegardo [1571]; 1872 : 58–59).
Despite the confusion over the identification of this supernatural in the his-
torical narratives, we may be able to supply our own identification. In the Be-
tanzos account, as noted in chapter 4, there are parallels between Viracocha’s
sweep through the Andes and the march of the Inca armies. These parallels are
not a result of contact with a foreign system of explanation. They are an An-
dean motif that assimilates the Inca conquest to the actions of the supernatural
most closely associated with the dynastic descent group. Let us look for a mo-
ment at how Betanzos describes the path of the Creator Viracocha. After the
progenitors of all the peoples of the Andes were taken out by “viracochas” —
helpers of the Creator Viracocha — to the caves, rivers, and springs from
which they were to emerge, a process of calling them forth took place:
They say he sent the two [viracochas] who had remained with him in the
town of Tiahuanaco out to call and bring forth the people in the manner
you have already heard about, dividing these two in this fashion: he sent
one to the region and province of Condesuyo, which is, standing in
Tiahuanaco, your back to the place where the sun rises, on the left hand,
so that they, in this manner — no more, no less — would go do that to
which the first [viracochas] had gone to do and that they would call out the
Indians and natives of Condesuyo; and similarly he sent the other to the
region and province of Andesuyo, which is on the right hand, standing in
the manner aforesaid, back toward where the sun rises, and these two,
having been sent off, they say he went straight down to Cuzco, a route
between these two provinces, coming there on the royal road that passes
through the highlands toward Cajamarca; along the road he, too, went
calling and getting the people out in the manner you have been told.
292 | o r i g i n s
Dizen que los dos que ansi quedaron con el alli en el pueblo de Tiagua-
naco que los enbio ansimismo a que llamasen y sacasen las gentes en la
manera que ya aveis hoydo deuidiendo estos dos en esta manera que enbio
el vno por la parte y prouinçia de Condesuyo que es estando en este
Tiaguanaco las espaldas do el sol sale a la mano yzquierda para que ansi ni
mas ni menos fuesen a hazer lo que auían ydo los primeros y que ansi-
mismo llamasen los indios y naturales de la prouinçia de Condesuyo y que
lo mismo enbio el otro por la parte y prouinçia de Andesuyo que es a la
otra mano derecha puesto en la manera dicha las espaldas hazia do el sol
sale y estos dos ansi despachados dizen que el ansimismo se partio por
el derecho de hazia el Cuzco que es por el medio de estas dos provincias
viniendo por el camino rreal que ba por la sierra hazia Caxamalca por el
cual camino yva el ansimismo llamando y sacando las gentes en la manera
que ya aueis hoydo. (Betanzos n.d. [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 2, fol. 4;
1987 : 13)
Although the Creator Viracocha traveled the Inca road called Collasuyo, and
it followed a northwest route from Tiahuanaco, the solar imagery is there.
When one stands with one’s back to where the sun rises and keeps Condesuyo
on the left and Andesuyo on the right, one is following the course of the sun.
The Viracocha of the Betanzos “creation” story has features that suggest a so-
lar supernatural.
There are other strata in the story of this personage/being that belong to
the period before the Spanish arrival, but they will be difficult to read because
the Spaniards and Andeans who are retelling the story have accepted Christian
explanations of creation. One question that has remained hanging throughout
our narrative is, How did the Incas construct their relationship to the Sun? By
calling themselves intipchurin, they were phrasing this relationship in terms of
descent. Was there a story that explained this tie? Was the story of “creation”
by a solar supernatural in the Lake Titicaca region a story of the creation of all
Andean peoples or only a story of the descent of a particular group of special
beings? We have observed that a story of the Inca past subordinated other
groups, even those who claimed descent from other Ayar brothers. An Inca
story of their relationship to this solar forebear — if we were to imagine it from
what we have learned about Inca genres — very likely put the dynastic descent
group in the foreground and forgot the rest.
9 Conclusions
It has been my express purpose to identify Inca sources that trans-

mit a memory of the past. Memory is selective, and it should not be lost on the
reader that a study of memory is intimately bound to a story of what was for-
gotten. Perhaps it is remarkable that the sources which tell us about the Inca
past tell us so much about what the Inca dynastic line was trying to hide: Inca
Urcon, the other Ayar brothers, even the Ayarmacas are all lurking in the back-
ground. The Inca story, if Cieza and Sarmiento were right, did not have much
longevity. Just under the surface were other stories and other explanations.
One of the ideas put forward in the introduction — that the story that was told
about the rise to power of the descendants of Manco Capac was crafted only
after an imperial expansion was launched — explains why there are fragments
of other stories to be found. They were near in time to the time of the arrival
of Spaniards in Cuzco.
Now that we have reread the origin myth it can be seen that the version of
the origin story that found its way into Spanish historical narratives benefited
a particular segment of the larger group identified as Inca. It reflects a per-
spective on the past that supports the claims to power of a particular group
while systematically undermining others. It was part of a larger narrative, com-
posed of a string of life histories arranged in genealogical order and painted on
wooden tablets. The incorporation of some kind of story about the involve-
ment of each Inca in contests for power provides a rough indication of how
the stage on which the Incas acted changed as the political context shifted from
the local, to the regional, to the pan-Andean level. The content of this narra-
tive account provides a rough indication of when the descendants of Manco
Capac emerged as more powerful than the other segments of the larger group
to which they belonged: events associated with the youth of Mayta Capac
mark a distinct change in the claims to power of the dynastic descent group vis-
à-vis other members of the larger group to which the descendants of Manco
Capac belonged and the other inhabitants of the Cuzco Valley.
If we read Inca history (this time the life history of Pachacuti), we are told
that the ninth Inca, Pachacuti, constructed the painted history of his forebears
294 | c o n c l u s i o n s
to the seventh generation, as well as had a life history composed for each. To
test this theory of composition we must ask if it accords with the perspective
we find in the Inca genres themselves. It does, and for several reasons. Viewed
as a representation of the unimpeded rise to power of one group not only
within a larger group but to a much higher level, the composition had to have
occurred after the dynastic group began to claim authority over a much larger
Andean territory. The origin story itself, which accounts for the demise of the
other Ayar siblings or their lack of descendants even though some of their de-
scendants could still be found in Cuzco, reflects a particular perspective that
would only be truly convincing after the spectacular rise to power of the dy-
nastic descent group. The version of origins collected by Sarmiento and oth-
ers reflects a perspective that postdates the establishment of Inca dominance
over other Cuzco groups and that may not have been enshrined as official
myth until the period of imperial expansion, when it spoke truth about the
power of Manco Capac’s line.
The theory of composition contained in the life history of Pachacuti ac-
cords well with the material on the earlier rulers incorporated into Spanish
narratives like those of Sarmiento, Cabello Valboa, and Cobo. The life history
of Pachacuti would have been composed at his death. If so, it was composed
almost within the time spanned by the memories of some of the older residents
of Cuzco alive during the years when material for the Spanish narratives was
collected. What was told to Cieza and Sarmiento about the composition of
Inca history may have been memory transmitted across only one generation.
However, because Betanzos describes Pachacuti’s efforts to construct a record
of the Inca past, there is reason to think that the topic was part of Pachacuti’s
life history.
Let us accept, for the sake of argument, the theory of composition we read
in the Spanish narratives. What is interesting to note is that the retelling of the
origin story does not explain the tie to the solar supernatural. A new story
could have linked the dynastic descent group to a solar supernatural from the
outset rather than revealing this tie through a series of apparitions or dreams.
The discrepancies between versions of the origin story that were incorporated
in Spanish historical narratives — if they can be interpreted as evidence for suc-
cessive versions of the same story — indicate to us that the retelling of the story
involved only minor changes — changes, nonetheless, that upset the claims of
those most closely related to the dynastic descent group. An earlier story line
could have been similar in general outline to the story of the Inca emergence
at Pacaritambo that was told to the Spaniards, except that it may have launched
a story about three lineages and not just one.
c o n c l u s i o n s | 295
Issues like this are important to our understanding of whether there was
something we could call Inca history. What we call history works with what
people know and believe about their past. Its “truth” is fundamentally a prod-
uct of its ability to reflect what is known and believed. The growth of dynastic
power was believable; history could be rewritten to reflect and explain it.
Nonetheless, a new version would have to work with what the people of
Cuzco understood of their past. It would therefore embed its messages in a
corpus of material that would be recognized by its audience. We will return to
these issues below.
One of the criticisms of a historicist interpretation of the Spanish historical
narratives was that not enough attention was paid to the question of values
(Ossio 1970). That criticism can be expanded. For us to understand what now
appear to be the various forms that recorded Inca memory took, we would
need to penetrate the system of values and meanings that gave these stories
their reflective or explanatory power. That may or may not be possible, since
the translation of the interpretation of Inca forms into Spanish may prove to
be an insurmountable barrier to understanding what was meant in the origi-
nal. Our efforts perforce have concentrated at a much more elementary level:
that of identifying the Inca sources that underlie Spanish historical narratives.
If they can be identified, we can learn something about their form and content.
We can then begin to consider whose voices we hear in the Spanish narratives:
the voices of the Spanish authors or the voices of their Inca sources. If we can
learn something about the circumstances of composition of the narratives, we
can at least construct a theory about the perspectives of those who composed
them. Histories appear to be about the past, but they also reveal a great deal
about the time of their composition: they encapsulate two different periods.
We must take into consideration the perspective of those who composed the
Inca sources.
One large assumption underlies this study, and that is that the Incas pos-
sessed some kind of historical consciousness. Of course, if they did not, then
there is a prima facie case that Inca history is impossible. That the Incas had
no historical consciousness is not something that has been explicitly argued by
anyone, but underlying assumptions about this matter color the interpreta-
tions of all those who interpret the Spanish historical narratives. It is important
to develop an analysis that attempts to discover the forms that Inca historical
consciousness took because, through them, we may develop an understanding
of its nature and purpose.
History has a purpose, even if that purpose is simple reflection. In the case
of Inca history, we have kept the question of purpose very much open as we
tried to identify and define particular genres. We began this study by explor-
ing the cultural logic in which the practice of preserving a record of genealogy
was embedded. Genealogy is a form of history, but it is a form which also char-
acterizes the historical practices of the Spaniards who wrote the narratives on
the Inca past, so an Inca cultural logic for this practice must be identified. The
Inca account recorded who was descended from Manco Capac and his sister in
the male line. A knowledge of genealogy was important to the dynasty because
it was used in the calculation of a status which flowed through this patrilin-
eage. A claim that its members were capac was asserted. Roughly coincident
with the assertion of this claim, the genealogy of the dynastic descent group
was painted on wooden tablets and housed where the rulers could control
what was represented on them. It was an official history of dynastic descent.
Inca practice was intelligible to the Spaniards, but the logic guiding it es-
caped them. We do not fully understand the semantic domain of the term
capac, but we do know that the Spaniards misunderstood what it meant; capac
status was not the same as the divine status of European kings in the sixteenth
century. The fact that Betanzos had to tell his audience that it did not mean
what other authors thought indicates to us that we are dealing with something
that was not like the divinity accorded to European kings. As Betanzos said, it
meant “very much more than king.” Capac status flowed through both males
and females descended from the pair of dynastic progenitors. The strong pref-
erence for marrying the ruler to someone whose line of descent was traced
to the patrilineage or even matched his own exactly was not a characteristic of
European practice. Because each Inca generation defined a corporate group
within the larger group identified as Inca, the matter of identifying the woman
through whom descent passed was of extreme importance to the dynasty, and
the genealogical account very carefully identifies who she was. Because mar-
riage alliance was asymmetric (at least as far as we can detect from the earlier
pattern of marriage in the Inca ruling line), the point came where marriage
partners had to come from within the dynastic descent group and as close to
the ruling line as possible so that no other group could assert claims over the
Incas. Women were important in European houses and could similarly be used
to construct external alliances. The new practice was less intelligible to the
Spaniards than the alliance rule that appears to have characterized dynastic
marriage in earlier generations.
A fundamental change occurred in dynastic practice as one group became
increasingly powerful. Marriage preference changed, but with it came a new
logic for reckoning status. That the descendants of Manco Capac were capac
was not known all along to the Incas. Their special status was revealed to them.
One of the stories told by Sarmiento de Gamboa is about Inti, a stone bird that
was the huaoque of Manco Capac. This huaca, perhaps like other sacred objects
that passed and still pass down through the generations of particular families,
appears to have been connected to Inca aggression. The story, then, tells us
about when and how the aggressive behavior responsible for the imperial ex-
pansion developed. Their connection to a powerful object was there from the
beginning, but the recognition of a tie to a solar supernatural had to be re-
vealed to them. Beginning in the third generation, a supernatural appeared be-
fore an Inca and told him that, even though the Incas were not yet dominant,
they would be. When the supernatural appeared again to the young Pachacuti,
the ninth ruler, the revelation was fully understood. Inca power had grown be-
cause of the link to a very powerful supernatural. The relationship was framed
in terms of descent, indicating that it had been there all along, that power was
latent in the line that descended from Manco Capac and his sister.
If we are right about the number and nature of Inca genres, we have pieced
this explanation together from three different underlying sources: the Inti
story, the genealogical genre, and the life history of Pachacuti. The explana-
tion, then, is ours. It accords with what we know of Inca meanings and values,
but it is a hypothesis of our own. We are not reading the Spanish historical nar-
ratives for their resonance with European ideas about kingship and succession.
Instead, we are attempting to read their underlying sources for the themes and
messages they contain.
We do have to understand the Spaniards. How the Spaniards composed
their narratives is of fundamental concern to us, and so is their understanding
of history. Franklin Pease has assessed the latter, and his assessment provides
a useful counterpoint for understanding how an Inca understanding of the
past differed from that of their interpreters. Pease describes sixteenth-century
Spanish historical practice. A linear concept of time was embedded in it: his-
tory began with creation and would end with the second coming of Christ.
Biblical creation had given rise to a unique history consisting of singular
events executed by concrete persons, whether as individuals or not. The events
could be ordered and understood as a process. Over time the story came to be
increasingly secular. Divinity was transferred to the persons of kings, and the
story became a litany of the acts of these individuals. Royal genealogy ex-
plained the generation and maintenance of royal rights. Historical writing was
also characterized by an assumption that ordered civil life derived from Greek
urban organization and Roman law (Pease García Yrigoyen 1995 : 96).
Two aspects of Spanish belief affected the story they told about the Incas.
One is the idea that mankind was created by a Creator God in a single, rela-
tively brief creation episode. A story about an Andean Creator God respon-
sible for creating the physical world and mankind appears at the head of some
of the Spanish historical narratives, where the book of Genesis appears in the
Bible. Sarmiento had difficulty with the Inca account of creation because he
noted that their Creator had created everything anew after the destruction of
the world by the flood. In some ways, their deficient understanding of creation
is coherent with his argument that they misunderstood natural law and de-
served to be governed by Spain. Authors are also concerned with identifying
local knowledge about the biblical flood since that, too, was universal.
Other aspects of the Inca story clearly contradicted what the Spaniards
knew to be true, but the Inca story was told anyway. The Spaniards believed
that all mankind descended from Adam and Eve. Sarmiento and authors like
Joseph de Acosta had to explain how the descendants of Adam and Eve could
have arrived in the Americas; hence theories about Atlantis or a land passage
from Asia were quick to emerge. When Sarmiento explained that the Incas
crawled out of a cave only eleven generations before the Spaniards arrived, he
was not imposing his own ideas on the Inca past but telling a story that directly
contradicted them. Although eleven generations is fairly long in comparison
to the time depth of other oral accounts of the past (some groups go back to
the time of origins in as little as one generation before the present generation
of adults [Vansina 1985 : 24], it was extremely short by European standards.
Some later accounts of the Inca past attempt to extend the period covered by
Inca history to a span that coincides more nearly with the biblical time frame
(Guaman Poma de Ayala [1615] 1987; Montesinos [c. 1644] 1882). We can be
more certain that authors who tell the Pacaritambo story are transmitting an
Inca version of origins precisely because they knew that that story had to be
wrong.
What the Spaniards who wrote knew and believed affects their interpreta-
tion of Inca source material. Moreover, although we are familiar with biblical
creation and still accept a theory that posits the common origin of mankind,
the practice of history in the twentieth century has changed in fundamental
ways from the time when Cristóbal de Molina or Pedro Sarmiento de Gam-
boa wrote. For example, we have various descriptions of the being that ap-
peared before Pachacuti at Susurpuquio. Molina describes this apparition as
being dressed like an Inca, with the headgear of an Inca, but with a puma on
its back whose arms extend over the shoulders of the being, with snakes
wrapped around the place near where its arms joined its body, and the head of
a puma extending from the region of its genitalia ([1576]; 1989 : 60). We can
read Molina without assuming that the being he described was the Devil —
an assumption that most sixteenth-century Spaniards would have made. Not

just religious belief but what could be called science has also changed. When
Sarmiento described Atlantis in the preface to his Inca history, he was speak-
ing as Toledo’s cosmographer, and he was discussing a theory that was then
tenable as scientific explanation.
Reading the Spanish historical narratives is more than simply hearing what-
ever resonance exists between our understanding of history and the conceptual
apparatus in the head of a Bartolomé de las Casas or a Pedro Sarmiento de
Gamboa. It is also important to read with a knowledge of their purpose in
writing and of their audience. For example, let us examine what Las Casas and
Sarmiento wrote about the arrival of the Ayar siblings in Cuzco with their pur-
poses in mind.
Las Casas and Sarmiento make a good example because their purposes are
antithetical. In fact, Sarmiento wrote in part to counter the vision of the Incas
constructed by Las Casas. Las Casas used sources that drew from the Inca
past to argue that the Incas were the natural lords of the land. Sarmiento was
out to prove that — to the contrary — they were not. Las Casas lists six Ayar
siblings (table 3.1). After carefully noting that they did not have carnal rela-
tions with each other but, rather, behaved like brothers and sisters ought to,
he traces their itinerary to Cuzco. His story is shorn of any details about their
trip, except that at Huanacauri two of the brothers and sisters simply disap-
peared. He notes in passing at this point that the women may have been wives
rather than sisters, perhaps because he has to explain the union of two of them
to produce the next Inca generation. What is important to us is that, accord-
ing to Las Casas, when Ayar Manco got to Cuzco, he was received with good-
will and given land to build houses and to cultivate. Because he seemed to be
just and have a good sense of how to govern, they chose him as their king by
unanimous consent ([1562 –1564], chap. 250; 1967, vol. 2 : 573–574).
Sarmiento, on the other hand, uses nearly the same cast and virtually the
same story line to construct his argument that they were tyrants. He lists eight
Ayar siblings (table 3.1). Before telling the story of their emergence from the
cave at Pacaritambo he describes the settlement of the Cuzco Valley at the time
of their arrival, devoting a chapter to the “first inhabitants of the Valley of
Cuzco.” Some time before the Ayar siblings arrive, three foreign lords had ar-
rived in the valley and were welcomed by the ancient inhabitants. Later, when
the Ayar siblings arrive, Sarmiento is able to explain how the Incas gradually
took the lands that belonged to these groups away from them by force ([1572],
chaps. 9–14; 1906 : 30 – 43). That the Incas took possession of lands that be-
longed to others — and to the same others that Sarmiento identifies — is also
narrated by Cabello Valboa and Morúa (M2), indicating that the same story
was told in the underlying account of Cristóbal de Molina. However, Sar-
miento is the only author who crafts a chapter about these people and the an-
tiquity of their claims to the land. Sarmiento takes pains to represent the Inca
advent in Cuzco as the tyrannical overthrow of groups who had stronger
claims than they did to the land. Setting the stage with a chapter on who in-
habited the Cuzco Valley before the Incas served Sarmiento’s purpose. The Inca
story — the genealogical genre painted on tablets — began in Pacaritambo.
Let us take a moment to examine Sarmiento’s project in the light of what
we have learned about Inca history. There is a fundamental contradiction in
his project that we can detect four centuries later. Sarmiento, as noted above,
had to develop a historical image of the pre-Inca occupation of the Cuzco Val-
ley so that he could argue that the Incas had tyrannically usurped the lands of
its peaceful inhabitants. In a preliminary chapter, he develops a much broader
view of the pre-Inca past, encompassing the entire Andean territory. In order
to argue that there were no natural lords in the Andes (in Cuzco or anywhere
else), he characterizes the pre-Inca past as a time of behetría, a Spanish term
that signifies a form of organization where no overlord is recognized. At the
time Sarmiento wrote, to call something behetría was to acknowledge that it
was an earlier and more primitive form of organization. In the Spanish past,
behetría had coexisted with señorío, a form of local territorial organization
headed by a noble. To further elaborate the Andean equivalent of behetría, he
defined the cinche as a captain chosen when people needed a military leader.
Like the preliminary account he gives of who inhabited the Cuzco Valley be-
fore the Ayar siblings came, the discussion of behetría and cinches is found no-
where else. Sarmiento certainly explained the pre-Inca past through reference
to his own conceptual repertory.
What is not immediately apparent is that this vision of the pre-Inca past was
a deliberate falsification. What gives the lie to Sarmiento’s creation is the story
of the Inca expansion contained in his own narrative. For it is in the account
of Sarmiento that we find the identification of other lords in the Andes who
were capac, that is, as we understand it, conduits for a status that made them
powerful and that was transmitted through a dynastic line. Sarmiento tells
us of how the Incas dealt with the Colla Capac and how a large territory fell
when the Incas defeated this lord and took his sons prisoner ([1572], chap. 37;
1906 : 75–77). Sarmiento also tells us about the surprise military defeat of Cuz-
mango Capac and Chimo Capac, who together constituted a large confedera-
tion on the north coast and adjacent highlands. When Sarmiento described the
defeat of the Colla Capac (also called Chuchi Capac), he equated the meaning
of the terms capac and cinche (see chapter 6 for a direct citation). Supposing for
a moment that Sarmiento was ignorant of what the term capac meant (that he
had not read Betanzos), he still defined a large Andean territory, as large as
some modern republics, under the authority of a single lord. Sarmiento the
cosmographer was not ignorant of the physical expanse of this territory. He
casts the Colla Capac as a cinche, even when his narrative suggests to us that this
is absurd.
Sarmiento’s contradiction opens a space through which we can see the
Andes from an Inca perspective. There were other lords who were capac who
were obstacles to the expansion of Inca power. The world of cinches and
behetrías vanishes, and another political landscape emerges. How the Span-
iards misunderstood and misrepresented the Inca past is there for us to find,
but it is something that has to be studied, not assumed. Nor should we assume
a priori that the Spaniards had a higher standard of truth than the Incas.
Some scholars who are interested in the Spanish historical narratives accuse
their authors of misunderstanding what they heard and recasting it in confor-
mance with their own understandings of the past. There is more at work in the
rewriting of the Inca past than simple misunderstanding, however. The struc-
ture of an Inca story can be used to launch antithetical arguments about what
happened. We should read past these manipulations, however, and try to re-
cover the structure of an Inca story.
One question that has been raised here but that has not been given the at-
tention it deserves is whether or not Inca genres served to explain the past. The
version of the origin myth and the stories about earlier rulers preserved in the
narrative of Sarmiento can be read as an explanation of the clear superiority of
the descendants of one pair of Ayar siblings over any others and over everyone
else they encountered. It suppresses other claims and conceals the subordina-
tion of Manco and other early Incas to other local groups. If we accept that
stories about Inca origins or about the past deeds of important rulers consti-
tute explanations of how things came to be or why some are powerful and oth-
ers are not, then it is a short step to accepting that Inca genres reflect what the
Incas thought actually happened, at least as a backdrop to the messages that
were also incorporated. Ideas about the supernatural that reflect belief rather
than explanation were also present.
The incorporation of belief into explanation and the relation between both
and a relative standard of truth is no less a concern of Spanish or colonial Inca
accounts of the Inca past. If you believe in the creation of the world by a uni-
versal Creator God and that that God laid the framework in the minds of all
mankind to understand Christian truth and observe natural law, then local
practice everywhere should reflect the existence of such a framework. Since

mankind was only created once, and since it was destroyed once by a universal
flood, then support for these historical facts should be encountered locally.
When Las Casas and Sarmiento tell us about an Andean Creator God who
made everything and about a universal flood, they agreed with each other;
they agreed because they shared a common understanding of how things had
“happened.” How we interpret what was written about the Incas is not simply
a matter of assessing whether a particular version of the past actually happened
or not. That the eating of an apple caused the downfall of mankind is not in-
herently more true than the story about the Ayar siblings crawling out of a cave
in Pacaritambo. It was and is enough for a story to represent what people can
accept as true, whether its truth derives from belief or knowledge.
Finally, memory alone is not history. At its most basic, history is the cre-
ation of a formal process of recording and transmitting a story that reflects the
past in a believable way. We need to identify a format for representing the past
or preserving historical knowledge before we can talk of history. The Incas had
developed their own forms of recording and transmitting representations of
their past, forms that responded to a native historical consciousness. There is
an Inca history.
Notes
2. capac
1. Anthropologists have used a great deal of ink to describe affiliation practice in light of
general models. Recent criticism of the theoretical construct of “primitive society” (Ku-
per 1988) causes one to enter this field with some trepidation. One of the most serious
criticisms is that the models are essentially static. Where temporality is incorporated, it is
the conjectural history of evolution (Thomas 1989). I am using the analysis of a specific
status over time to shed light on the logic of Inca practice. This analysis may be relevant
to other groups, especially since the Incas recognize other peoples as claiming capac sta-
tus, but, in accordance with recent critiques of classical anthropological studies of social
organization (Schneider 1984:97–112; Trautmann 1987), I do not wish to create a gen-
eralizable model from Inca practices.
2. Rowe concluded in 1946 that “evidence for descent in the male line is overwhelming”
(254), although in recent years parallel descent (reckoning through both the male and fe-
male lines) has gained acceptance (Zuidema 1967 :240 –255; Lounsbury 1986 : 131; Silver-
blatt 1987:4 –5). Here my concern is with dynastic practice. That the Incas reckoned de-
scent from apical ancestors through the male line is abundantly evident.
The issue of whether patrilineal reckoning has survived is not a topic in this book, but
it is one that comes readily to mind when Inca practice is examined. It should be ad-
dressed by those who work with the lapse of time between the sixteenth century and the
present. The reckoning of some statuses through the father’s line has been noted by
ethnographers who work in the upper Amazon. For example, patrilineal reckoning is
common in the Vaupés region of lowland Ecuador and Colombia (Arnhem 1981; Horn-
borg 1988).
In Pacaritambo, in the highland Andes, a continuity in ayllo structure can be traced
from the sixteenth to the twentieth century (Urton 1990 : 72, 76 –77). The ayllos are “re-
produced primarily in patrilineal fashion,” children being considered members of the
ayllo of their father (Urton 1990:76). The ayllo functions principally as a corporate land-
holding institution. Certain parcels of land are jointly owned by members, and though
the property resembles private property in terms of transmission from one generation to
the next, the land may not be sold or alienated. These same corporate groups redistrib-
ute high-altitude potato lands (Urton 1990 :78). In Kaata, in the highland region on the
border between Peru and Bolivia east of Lake Titicaca, claims to land are also reckoned
through the patrilineage (Bastien 1978:159). On the island of Taquile in Lake Titicaca,
descent is reckoned in the male line (Matos Mar 1956 : 215).
In Q’ero, a highland community on the eastern flanks of the Andes near Cuzco, the
term ayllo refers to the whole community. Within the larger community are groups that
persist over several generations whose members trace descent in the male line from a sib-
ling group, a seeming parallel to Inca practice. The definition of affines — cacay — is also
similar to Inca practice. Cacay are both mother’s brothers and wife’s fathers, a situation
common when women marry into one group from another. Webster notes the classi-
fication of people into groups of “wife-givers” and “wife-takers” (1977 : 33, 36 – 42). He
does not clarify whether the definition of these groups reflects the perspective of the in-
dividual, in which case a kindred is what is reckoned, or whether there is a system of mar-
riage alliances among discrete kin groups (but see p. 41). Several Spanish terms, includ-
ing yerno, are used in Q’ero as substitutes for Quechua equivalents while preserving their
304 | n o t e s t o pa g e s 2 6 – 2 7
Quechua meanings. Webster also notes the widespread definition of affinal groups in the
Andean highlands (1977:39). In Tangor kin is reckoned bilaterally, but there is a strong
tendency toward patrilocality. People with the same last name concentrate in particular
neighborhoods. Tangorinos associate certain qualities of character with these residential
groups and say they are “family” as opposed to other such groups whom they term hapa,
or “not family” (Mayer 1974:304 –305).
3. The work of Gary Urton in Pacaritambo, the place associated with the emergence of
Manco Capac and his siblings in the historical narratives, is a noteworthy exception. Ur-
ton appends a document to his study that makes an argument from genealogy, but it
does not lead to an understanding of the contribution of women to the status defined by
descent. There is a serious problem with the claims made in the document as well as with
its date. It is a copy of an original purportedly composed in 1569, copied first in 1692 and
again in 1718 (Urton 1990:129–140). The original, however, must postdate 1572 since it
refers more than once to the “eight parishes of Cuzco,” a fact which only became true in
that year. The parish of San Jerónimo is specifically mentioned; that parish did not exist
until 1572 (Urton 1990:133). Perhaps 1569 was a mistranscription of 1579, since “sesenta”
was often mistaken for “setenta” when a document was copied. However, the 1569 date
is mentioned five times in the document, so the error would have had to have been
repeated each time the date was transcribed. The other problem is that the petitioner,
Rodrigo Sutec Callapiña, argues only that he is descended from don Fernando Chuqui
Sutic of the ayllo Anchacari of Pacaritambo, his paternal grandfather, and don Martín Yu-
panqui of the ayllo Carhuacalla of Pacaritambo, his maternal grandfather. His claim that
he is “directly descended” from Manco Capac through the male line requires him to
name a panaca, but his naming of the ayllo of Anchacari precludes that possibility.
Sutec Callapiña’s argument is vague at best, but the document may still be a copy
of an original — even if it has been doctored — made sometime after 1576, when Gabriel
Paniagua de Loaysa was appointed corregidor. He began to exact tambo and other services
from Inca nobles who had been previously exempt, stimulating a series of complaints
from those who claimed descent from Manco Capac (Archivo General de Indias, Lima
472). Pacaritambo or groups within it may well have been accorded a special status by
the Incas that had continued during the early colonial period. If so, it was granted on
some other basis than that the claimants were descendants of Manco Capac, if we are
right in our assessment of Callapiña’s claims.
What is intriguing about the document is the information provided about Sutec
Callapiña’s maternal line. He traces the descent of his mother through her father to her
grandfather Quilaco Yupanqui of the ayllo Carhuacalla. The name of Quilaco Yupanqui’s
spouse, Callapiña’s great-grandmother, is Coya Cori Coca. If the word coya is a title, this
woman may have been someone who traced her descent from Manco Capac on both fa-
ther’s and mother’s side (see the section on Inca women, this chapter). In the Betanzos
narrative, Pachacuti is said to have given his daughters to the lords of the Cuzco region
for wives ([1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 12; 1987:57). Cori Coca died during the rule of Huayna
Capac, so it is possible that she was one of these daughters. Guaman Poma was very
aware of the importance of his own paternal grandmother, Juana Curi Ocllo coya, a
daughter of Topa Inca ([1615; 1987:[832 – 833]), so the lack of any argument about the sta-
tus of Cori Coca is noteworthy.
4. Sarmiento de Gamboa ([1572], chap. 37; 1906 :75–76; chap. 38; 1906 : 79; chap. 40;
1906:82; chap. 44; 1906:87; chap. 46; 1906 :91 and Julien (1998a : 26 –33). Pachacuti
Yamqui Salcamaygua also uses the term principally as a title. In his story about the Inca
n o t e s t o pa g e s 3 0 – 4 2 | 305
foundation of Cuzco on its present site, he notes that the place came to be called “Cuzco
pampa and Cuzco llacta, and the Incas afterward titled themselves Cuzco capac or Cuzco
ynca” (1993:fol. 8). The term is also used repeatedly in connection with Inca insignia.
Like Sarmiento, Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua also names Andean lords by their titles,
such as Tocay Capac, Chuchi Capac, and so on.
5. Here and elsewhere I am referring to the progenitors of the dynastic line as “Manco Ca-
pac and his sister-wife.” She is named as Mama Ocllo in some accounts (Sarmiento) and
as Mama Huaco in others (see chapter 3). The discrepancies suggest not a disagreement
over who she “was” but change in the origin story (see chapter 8).
6. What Betanzos wrote cannot be reconciled with what we know about Vica Quirao,
whose name was used to refer to the panaca of Inca Roca, the sixth Inca. Inca Roca was
the first Inca to build his own houses; they were in Hanan Cuzco. In the context of this
statement, we can understand Betanzos to mean that purity became a concern and, in ef-
fect, that those born before this time were Hurin in the sense of tracing their ancestry
back to an Inca pair where only the man was a descendant of Manco Capac.
7. Again, Betanzos is using a term counter to its meaning in other sources. Capac Ayllo was
the panaca of Topa Inca, not Pachacuti. However, in that Topa Inca and Mama Ocllo
were Pachacuti’s children and the concentration of capac status began with them, all of
the descendants of this pair were descended in a direct line from Pachacuti. In a very real
way the members of Capac Ayllo were his descendants, too.
8. The underlined portion was not transcribed in the 1987 edition of Betanzos but is pres-
ent in the original manuscript.
9. Another term supplied by Betanzos that begs for attention is pacsa. Coya pacsa was
glossed by Cristobal de Molina as the woman of the Sun, and she was the sister or daugh-
ter of the ruler ([1576]; 1989:77). Could this person also be the principal wife of the ruler
at the same time? A memorial dated to 1551 describes the “principal woman” as paxia, per-
haps the same term (Rowe 1966:38). Betanzos translated the word pacsa as “moon.”
Cristóbal de Molina also mentioned a statue of the moon called Pacsa Mama ([1576];
1989:100), so that the name referred to more than one personage, in any event. The
word for moon in Aymara is pacsi (Doctrina christiana 1585: chap. 7, fol. 9v).
10. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco (1993:135): “muger legitima en su ley que fue de Ynga
Yupangui señor que fue deste reyno.”
11. The three brothers are Amaro Topa, Topa Yupanqui, and Topa Inca Yupanqui (Rowe
1985b:223). Two authors mention specifically that they are the sons of both Pachacuti
and Anahuarqui (Murúa [1611–1615], bk. 1, chap. 21; 1987 : 80; Sarmiento de Gamboa
[1572], chap. 37; 1906:77; chap. 40; 1906: 83; chap. 42; 1906 : 84; chap. 47; 1906 : 93).
12. Susan Niles argues convincingly that Betanzos (or Angelina) slips Yamqui Yupanqui into
the place occupied by Amaro Topa Inca. Retelling the story was possible in part because
Capac Ayllo had been decimated by Atahuallpa’s generals and was easy prey; not only its
land but its history could be stolen (Niles 1999 :19).
13. Tito Cusi, in his narration of events that took place during the life of his father, relates
an incident in which Gonzalo Pizarro demanded that Manco give him the coya. Manco
substituted a very principal woman, named Ynguill, the companion of “his sister, the
coya, who resembled her in almost every way” and whom he dressed like the coya (Tito
Cussi Yupanqui 1988:179–184). This may have been Francisca Ynguill, who became the
wife of Juan Pizarro, or another woman. In any event, the story illustrates the impor-
tance of these women to the Incas and the knowledge on the part of the Pizarros of what
it meant to espouse a woman with this status.
306 | n o t e s t o pa g e s 4 3 – 5 5
14. Equeco, a town near Anta, was divided into Hanan and Hurin Cuzco, so it is not in-
conceivable that Anta also had these divisions (Rowe 1995 : 124).
15. Cf. Temple (1948a:117–118, 123) for other references to this event. She follows Ocampo
on the date of the baptism and is mistaken.
3. genealogy
1. Gasca mentions a Cayo Topa who was a grandson of Huayna Capac in a letter (27 June
1547; CDIHE 1842 –1895, vol. 49: 309). A Cayo Topa described himself as a “son of Tupa
Inca Yupanqui and a nephew of Huayna Capac” in a donation of land to the Mercedar-
ian order (8 October 1549; Barriga 1938–1954, vol. 2: 161–166). He may have been the
son of Auqui Topa Inca, a brother of Huayna Capac (Rowe 1993–1994 : 103).
2. Cobo also dealt with Inca religion (book 13), incorporating material similar to what
Acosta included in his publication of Polo (1585). Perhaps this was what he got from Polo
and not the Inca history. However, what he says in his introductory chapter seems to in-
dicate otherwise. He frames the presentation of Polo’s work in a discussion of Inca his-
tory. First he notes that the common people knew very little about the past:
They do not know how to answer or even if there had been Inca kings in this land,
and asking the same [questions] to any of those who, of the lineage of the Incas,
live in Cuzco, they immediately give a very punctual account of everything, of the
number of kings there were, of their descendants and conquests, and of the families
and lineages who remain. So it is that only the accounts on this subject that have
been gathered in the city of Cuzco should be heeded, from which I will not depart
in all of this writing, and especially from the account that, ordered by the viceroy
don Andrés Hurtado de Mendoza, the marquis of Cañete, and by the first arch-
bishop of Lima, don Jerónimo de Loaysa, was done by the licenciado Polo Onde-
gardo in 1559 when he was corregidor of that city, gathering together for the purpose
[of writing it] all of the old Indians who had been alive at the time of their gentility,
including principal Incas and their priests and quipocamayos or historians of the
Incas. They could not have been ignorant of Inca government, rites, and customs,
since they were alive during the time of the Inca kings and were actively involved
in all the things they were examined about, and because [they had] the testimony
of their quipos and paintings which were still in existence [then].
No saben responder ni aun si hubo reyes Incas en esta tierra; y preguntando lo

mismo a cualquiera de los que del linaje de los Incas moran en el Cuzco, al punto
da muy cumplida razón de todo, del número de reyes que hubo, de su descendencia
y conquistas, y de las familias y linajes que déllos han quedado; y así no hay que
hacer caso más que de las informaciones que desta materia se han hecho en la dicha
ciudad del Cuzco; de las cuales no me apartaré yo en toda esta escritura, en especial
de la que por mandado del virrey don Andrés Hurtado de Mendoza, marqués de
Cañete, y del primer arzobispo de Lima, don fray Jerónimo de Loaysa, hizo el
licenciado Polo Ondegardo el año de 1559, siendo corregidor de aquella ciudad,
haciendo junta para ella de todos los indios viejos que habían quedado del tiempo
de su gentilidad, así de los Incas principales como de los sacerdotes y quipocamayos
o historiadores de los Incas. Los cuales no podían ignorar lo tocante al gobierno,
n o t e s t o pa g e 5 5 | 307
ritos y costumbres de los suyos, por haber alcanzado el tiempo de los reyes Incas y
ejercitado en él todo aquello sobre que fueron examinados, y por los memoriales
de sus quipos y pinturas que aún estaban en pie. (Cobo [1653], bk. 12, chap. 2; 1956,
vol. 2 :59)
The question of whether Polo incorporated a genealogical account of the dynastic

line similar to what is found in other Spanish historical accounts should be posed here.
After Cobo mentions the Polo manuscript, he mentions two others, one by Sarmiento
(though he does not mention Sarmiento by name) and the other by Molina. In chapter
4 we compare the event structures of Sarmiento, Cobo, Cabello Valboa, and one of the
Murúa manuscripts (see table 4.3). The latter two are structurally very similar and appear
to have followed the event structure of the lost Molina manuscript (see chapter 5). Cobo’s
narrative does not reflect the structure of any of the other narratives of Inca history he
mentions. He could have begun anew, as he notes that the Incas of Cuzco still gave an
account of their dynastic line similar to what his authors had recorded:
It would be very simple for me to follow in the footsteps of serious authors, worthy
of our faith, without trying to conduct a new investigation into this subject; how-
ever, on account of having resided some time in the city of Cuzco, and at a time
so close to the time of the Inca kings that I met more than a few Indians who had
been alive during the time of their government, and many of them descendants [of
these kings] in whom I found a fresh memory of those times. Taking advantage
of the opportunity, I informed myself from these sources as much as I wanted to
know about this particular, and I found nothing that contradicted what Polo had
found out. I principally knew and communicated with an important Indian of Inca
blood who, because of a certain matter he had with the viceroy, had made a report
of his descent which I read; and I found the same line and number of Inca kings
that the licenciado Polo had put in his report.
Bien pudiera irme yo por los pasos de autores tan graves y dignos de toda fe, sin
tratar de hacer nueva pesquisa sobre esta materia; mas, por haber residido en la
ciudad del Cuzco algún tiempo, y éste tan cercano a el de los reyes Incas, que al-
cancé no pocos indios que gozaron de su gobierno, y muchos déllos descendientes
suyos, en quienes hallé muy fresca la memoria de sus cosas; aprovechándome de la
ocasión, me informé déllos cuanto deseé saber en este particular, y no hallé cosa en
contra de lo averiguado por el licenciado Polo. Porque, primeramente, conocí y
comuniqué mucho a un indio principal de la sangre real de los Incas, que para
cierta pretensión que con el virrey tenía, hizo información de su asendencia, la cual
me leyó él mismo y hallé la misma linea y número de Incas reyes que pone en su
relación el licenciado Polo. (Cobo [1653], bk. 12, chap. 2 ; 1956, vol. 2 : 60 – 61)
Cobo confirmed the details of a dynastic genealogy incorporated in the Polo manuscript,
a genealogy which Cobo has already noted was similar to what could be found in
Sarmiento and Molina. Cobo said he could collect a genealogical account from living In-
cas. Did he collect the structure of his Inca history, a narrative account of the Inca past
that includes quite a bit more than just the dynastic genealogy? Or did Polo supply the
story line? Even if he used Polo for the story line, he appears to have taken some mate-
rial from other authors, for example, the information about Mayta Capac’s wife which is
308 | n o t e s t o pa g e s 5 6 – 5 9
also found in Oré, a source Cobo had. Cobo’s dependence on various manuscripts in-
hibits our reading of his Inca history as a direct transmission from a lost manuscript of
Polo, but because of what we know about his dependence on manuscript sources, the
likelihood that he used one of his manuscripts to structure his account of the Inca past is
correspondingly greater.
3. Sarmiento had been commissioned to collect information for a geographical description
of the Andean region. The manuscript was in preparation (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572];
1906:xxxiii) and may have been completed. Its whereabouts are unknown.
4. Toledo mentioned that the cloths were painted by “Indian painters” in a letter to the king
in June 1572. He noted as well that they “did not have the curiosity” of those in Spain and
also that, to hire them, it was only necessary to provide them with food and a mantle
(Iwasaki Cauti 1986:67).
5. There were two Molina manuscripts, one, as Cobo says, done soon after Sarmiento
collected his Inca history and the other a manuscript on the “fables and rites” of the
Incas. Cobo does not distinguish between them, but Molina does. He notes in the first
paragraph of his work on “fables and rites” that he had already given a manuscript to
Lartaún:
Because the account that I gave to your Illustrious Lordship of the dealings, the
origin, life, and customs of the Incas, former lords of this land, and how many
there were and who were their women and of the laws they gave and the wars they
had and of the peoples and nations they conquered, and in some parts of the ac-
count I deal with the ceremonies and cults they invented, although not in any de-
tail, it seemed appropriate to me now, especially since your Reverend Lordship has
ordered me to do it, to take on a bit more work so that your Reverend Lordship
could have some idea of the ceremonies, cults, and idolatries that these Indians had.
For that purpose I gathered together a number of the ancient people who saw and
carried out the said ceremonies and cults in the time of Huayna Capac, and of
Huascar Inca and Manco Inca, and some of those who had been teachers and
religious practitioners in those times.
Porque la relación que a vuestra Señoría Ilustríssima di de el trato, del origen, vida
y costumbres de los Ingas, señores que fueron de esta tierra y quántos fueron y
quién fueron sus mugeres y las leyes que dieron y guerras que tuvieron y gentes y
naciones que conquistaron y en algunos lugares de la relación trato de las ceremo-
nias y cultos que ynventaron aunque no muy especificadamente, parecióme ahora
principalmente, por mandármelo vuestra Señoría Reverendísima, tomar algún
tanto de travajo para que vuestra Señoría Reverendísima vea las ceremonias cultos y
ydolatrías que estos yndios tuvieron. Para lo qual, hize juntar cantidad de algunos
viejos antiguos que vieron y hizieron en tiempo de Huaynacapac y de Huascarynca
y Mancoynca hazer las dichas ceremonias y cultos, y algunos maestros y sacerdotes
de los que en aquel tiempo eran. (Molina [1576]; 1989 : 49)
The other manuscript already existed; if we can at least trust the sequencing in Cobo’s
chapter on sources, Molina’s other account was written sometime between 1572 and 1576.
6. One of the Morúa texts has been published under the name Murúa ([1611–1615] 1987). I
have kept that spelling in the bibliographic entry but have consistently used Morúa to re-
fer to this author in my text.
n o t e s t o pa g e s 6 0 – 8 7 | 309
7. Las Casas used Bartolomé de Segovia, whom he called “el buen seglar,” a work by
Cristóbal de Castro, published works by Xérez and Cieza de León, and other sources
written by Dominicans, whom he refers to as “nuestros religiosos” (John Rowe, per-
sonal communication).
8. The account of Montesinos, with its long king list, has not been included. It obviously
cannot be reconciled with the list of twelve generations that was so frequently collected
in the early decades of the Spanish occupation of Cuzco, and it is much later. Because an
Inca version of their own past was so short, some authors tried to extend it. Montesinos
tried to extend it through multiplying the Inca dynastic list (Pease García Yrigoyen
1995:48). Guaman Poma stretched the dynastic list to span the entire Christian era:
Sinchi Roca, the second Inca, ruled at the time of the birth of Christ (Guaman Poma
[1615]; 1987:91).
9. Philip Ainsworth Means was the first to call attention to the story about how the Ayar
siblings tricked the people into accepting them as “sons of the Sun” by wearing garments
that reflected the sun’s rays (1928). The story appears in Cabello Valboa ([1586] 1951), Oré
([1598] 1992), the Discurso ([1602 –1608] 1920), Ramos Gavilán ([1621] 1988), Anello
Oliva ([c. 1630] 1895), and Montesinos ([1642] 1906). The idea that the Incas tricked
people into accepting them was probably not part of an Inca account; it appears only in
late-sixteenth-century/early-seventeenth-century accounts.
10. Román y Zamora follows Las Casas in his presentation of the panacas ([1575], chap. 11;
1897:25–26), as we would expect (Pease García Yrigoyen 1995 : 312).
11. Right before Fernández presents his panaca list in a summary treatment of Capac Raymi,
when male initiation rites were held, he notes that “only the Incas” were involved and
describes them as belonging to four groups: “Anan Cuzco, Hullin Cuzco, Tambo, and
Maxca” ([1571], vol. 165, bk. 3, chap. 6; 1963 :84). Despite the spellings, he is naming
Hanan Cuzco and Hurin Cuzco along with two groups from the region south of Cuzco.
Morúa includes this material right after his panaca list; he gives the names of four groups
of people who were the “true” Incas: “Hanan Cuzco, Urin Cuzco, Tambo, and Marca
[Masca]” ([1605], bk. 1, chap. 15; 1946:80). Morúa’s spellings of certain names on the
panaca list (“Piauragua,” “Vaca Capac,” “Aoca,” and “Hatren”) also indicate a textual de-
pendency.
12. Neither Las Casas nor Gutiérrez were ever in Peru. A written text probably underlies
both accounts, one that they consulted outside of the Andes.
13. Rowe has an explanation for the incorporation of the name don Juan Tambo Mayta
Panaca in a Polo account: while Polo was corregidor of Cuzco, he heard a lawsuit to which
this person was a party (1993–1994:104). This person, then, was alive at the time Polo
was collecting historical material about the Incas. He was also mentioned by Sarmiento
as a living member of the descent group of Mayta Capac. Sarmiento also notes that Tarco
Huaman was a son of Mayta Capac ([1572], chap. 17; 1906 : 47– 48). Is it possible that
Acosta used a Polo source or sources that included a panaca list and/or an account of
the genealogy of don Juan Tambo Maytapanaca? Rather than arguing that Polo got it
wrong, it seems more likely that Acosta misunderstood Polo.
What Acosta and Cobo wrote was different enough to support a conclusion that the
two used different Polo texts. Acosta met Polo in 1575, the year of Polo’s death, and may
have gotten several manuscripts from him at this time. According to Cobo, Polo had sent
his Inca history to Archbishop Loaysa in 1559. When Acosta returned to Lima after meet-
ing Polo, Loaysa was dead. Perhaps Acosta did not have access to the manuscript Loaysa
had, a manuscript that Cobo later used.
310 | n o t e s t o pa g e s 1 2 9 – 2 4 4
4. life history
1. The remains of the Inca rulers were in Lima when Toledo arrived (Hampe Martínez
1982), so if there was still a connection between quipos and the Inca mummies, this ma-
terial was examined in Lima. Sarmiento does not explicitly note where he conducted his
interviews, although it seems most likely that he worked on his history in Cuzco in 1571
([1572], chap. 9; 1906:31–32).
2. He is less clear about the division of the suyos within the Hanan /Hurin division, since his
interpretation is given in terms of the “North Sea” and “South Sea” — the Atlantic and
the Pacific. One clue is that he describes Andesuyo as “above, toward the mountains.”
Perhaps Condesuyo was “below, toward the ocean.”
3. False Estete (1924:55). This account has been attributed to Miguel de Estete (Pease Gar-
cía Yrigoyen 1995:18–20). The attribution has caused confusion because there was more
than one Miguel de Estete.
4. Susan Niles has described some of these performances in more detail than is offered here
(1999:9–11, 28–51). Our concern is with how Inca history was imprisoned in the book.
Niles looks much more broadly at the reenactment of the Inca past and its physical
memorialization; she does so as a backdrop to her study of Huayna Capac’s building pro-
gram in the Cuzco region.
5. composition
1. Remains of the arch were located by John Rowe on the street that leads from Limac-
pampa to the Avenida de la Cultura (personal communication).
2. Cabello Valboa’s numbers were used by John Rowe in 1945 to suggest a plausible
chronology for the length of rule of the last three Incas and hence the duration of the pe-
riod of empire. Many students of the Incas have used those dates uncritically. The dates
themselves are not important. What is important is whether or not the Spanish histori-
cal narratives record a series of actual rulers or not. If the rulers ruled and succeeded each
other in the order given, then any dates that reflect a time span that is not out of line for
real people who lived for some period of time after they reached adulthood would be
plausible. This matter is one of the more difficult issues among specialists of the Incas,
some of whom want to overturn the historical sequence implicit in the Spanish histori-
cal narratives without adequately testing it against the material record.
6. emergence
1. Sarmiento wrote various relations, memorials, and letters. His own style is full of refer-
ences to other scholarly works, particularly those of classical writers (Sarmiento de Gam-
boa 1988:23–26).
2. Morúa has Tambo and Marca ([1605], bk. 1, chap. 15; 1946 : 79– 80; cf. Fernández [1571],
vol. 166, bk. 3, chap. 7; 1963:84).
3. Pietschmann cites Paz Soldán (1877:960). Bauer (1999 : 55) refers to an Omaspampa, cit-
ing Cornejo Bouroncle (1957). Niles also finds the identification of Oma with Omas-
pampa to be reasonable (personal communication).
n o t e s t o pa g e s 2 4 5 – 2 7 8 | 311
4. Tancaray may be the Tawqaray above the modern Cuzco airport (Susan Niles, personal
communication).
5. The name of the spouse of Mayta Capac and her Collaguas origin may have been taken
from Luis Jerónimo de Oré (Rowe in Hamilton 1979 : ix–xi; [1598], chap. 9; 1992:
fol. 41).
6. Sarmiento refers to him most frequently as Chuchi Capac ([1572], chap. 37; 1906 : 75–77).
In Cieza he is called Zapana ([1553], chap. 37, p. 110; chap. 41; 1986 : 121).
7. Where another source of information about campaigns was available, for example, the
quipo recording the conquests of Topa Inca, perhaps the sequencing problems could be
remedied.
8. Cieza says he gave her “una palla del Cuzco” ([1553], chap. 47; 1986 : 137). Garcilaso pro-
vides a context for the term palla. The coyas were daughters of the ruler “por participación
de la madre,” that is, they were descended from the ruler and a woman of his bloodline.
He then describes pallas as the “concubines of the ruler who were of his descent group
[parentela]” or “women of royal blood” ([1609], bk. 1, chap. 26; 1990 : 45). The defini-
tion fits women who are descended from the line of Manco Capac on the father’s side
alone or women who were Inca on both sides but not first-generation descendants of a
ruling pair.
7. transform ation
1. The spouse of Pachacuti was given two small towns near Cuzco, women, and yanaconas
(Betanzos [1551–1557], pt. 1, chap. 17; 1987:85). Pachacuti’s huaoque also had houses, land,
women, and yanaconas (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572], chap. 47; 1906 : 94). On holdings
of particular Inca women, see Niles (1999:150 –152).
2. Garcilaso called them “estos incas, hechos por privelegio” [1609], bk. 1, chap. 23;
1990:41), and others have adopted this designation, calling this group “Incas by privi-
lege” (Rowe 1946:189, 261; Zuidema 1995:222, 252 –253; Urton 1990 : 28; Pease García
Yrigoyen 1992 :72).
8. origins
1. There is a problem with the 1569 date of the document (see note 3, chapter 2).
2. The transcription has been made from the original manuscript. In addition to other
small changes, a fairly lengthy passage was left out of the 1987 edition of Betanzos. The
italics indicate the skipped passage.
3. The accounts we have say very little about female initiation, although both Sarmiento
and Cabello Valboa mention that it was invented by Manco Capac. If it coincided with
the first menstruation, as others note, it may have been impossible to coordinate it with
the ritual calendar. At Capac Raymi, women of the same age as the male initiates were
involved in the events, particularly in a pilgrimage to the mountain of Anahuarqui. They
were given clothing similar in patterning and origin to the clothing provided to the male
initiates. The clothing worn by the girls was appropriate to adult women. These girls
could have been newly initiated. In the description of Capac Raymi Molina says nothing
about female initiation, though the manner in which young women were incorporated
into the event suggests a connection.
312 | n o t e s t o pa g e 2 8 8
4. Elsewhere the reference to Viracocha Pachayachachic as a supreme Creator deity has

been credited (Rowe 1960; Pease 1973). The question will be difficult to resolve, and the
exploration of the issues involved in this matter here does not pretend to address the mat-
ter fully.
5. Aspects of the story told about Viracocha are similar to stories told about Tunupa and
may have been the basis for the Viracocha creation story (Gisbert 1994 : 35–39; Pachacuti
Yamqui Salcamaygua [early seventeenth century]; 1993: fols. 3v– 6v, 9v, 15r–16r).
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Index
Acamama: first name of Cuzco, 172 Angaraes, 136, 149

Acamaqui, 219 Angostura, 196
Acarí, 145, 150 Anta, 43, 73, 182, 216 –218, 219, 247, 284,
Achache: brother of Topa Inca, 142, 145 306n. 14
Achambi, 165 Antarqui: sorcerer, 138
acllas, 145–146 Aparamti, García, 41
Aconcagua: near Yauri, looting of, 270 Apelope, 138
Acos, 114, 149 Apia, 137
Acosta, Joseph de, 16, 54 –55, 86 – 89, 298, Apinpunchao, 279
306, 309n. 13 Apo Achachi: see Achache
affiliation, 34, 303; dynastic descent reckon- Apo Calla, 207
ing, 23 Apo Chimachaui, 207
agricultural terraces, 103 Apo Conde Mayta: son of Sinchi Roca,
Aguatona, 140 202 –203
Ahuayni Ayllo, 85, 86 Apo Curimache, 141
Albornoz, Cristóbal de: list of huacas, 21, Apo Mayta, 30 –31, 100, 177, 179–180,
276, 283 206 –207, 209–210, 212, 218–220
Alcabizas, 175–176, 194, 197–198, 202 –204, Apo Paucar Usno: see Paucar Usno
238, 240 –241, 245 Apo Saca, 207
Almagro, Diego de: gives the fringe to Apo Tambo, 62
Paullo Inca, 44; trip to Chile, 43, 47 Apo Yavira, 278–279, 281–285
Amaro: town in Andesuyo, 141 Apoc Auqui, 135
Amaro Topa, 175–176, 194, 197–198, Apoc Chauan Callo, 137
202 –204, 238, 240 –241, 245 Apoc Conde Mayta, 176
amaru: snake, 113 Apocanto, 137
Amaybamba, 135, 283, 298 Apotin Viracochan, 289
Amazon, 303n. 2 Apotinia Viracocha, 289
Amparaes, 159 Apurimac valley: bridge over, 112
Anahuarqui, 25, 37– 40, 73, 75, 112, 117–118, Arapa, 142, 153–154
183, 247, 305n. 11 Araucanos, 160
Anahuarqui: mountain near Cuzco, 278, Arayraca Ayllo Cuzco Callan, 238, 240
281–283, 311n. 3 archaeology, 8
Anahuarqui Huaman, 283 Arco Punco, 189, 239
Añas Collque, 43 Arequipa, 150, 155, 162, 253
Anchacari, 304n. 3 arpa: sacrifice, 105, 258
Anco Ayllo: Chanca captain, 117, 149, 251 Asillo, 142, 151, 153–154, 266
Ancovilca, 100 Asto Huaraca, 183, 221
Ancoyacpuncu, 196 Astoguaraca: see Asto Huaraca
Andahuaylas, 221, 247 Ata Huanacauri, 282, 284
Andes, 140, 142, 152, 206, 208, 211, 291, Atacama, 155, 252 –253
303n. 2 Atahuallpa, 5, 39, 53, 76, 78, 163, 262,
Andesuyo, 132, 161–162, 179, 210, 281–282, 305n. 12; children of, 45
291, 310n. 2; campaign in, 113, 121–122, Atlantis, 299
140, 149, 151–154, 161, 177, 252; revolt Atpitan, 282
after Pachacuti’s death, 123 Atun Viracochan, 289
326 | i n d e x
Aullagas, 155, 162 247–248, 250, 253–256, 258–261, 267,

Auqui Topa Inca: brother of Huayna 269–270, 274 –275, 277–278, 285–288,
Capac, 306n. 1 290 –292, 294, 296, 301, 305n. 6, 19, 12,
Auqui Yupanqui: brother of Topa Inca, 311n. 2; complete manuscript discovered,
122, 135, 137, 139 15; dates, 227–228; knowledge of the Inca
auquicona, 43 language, 49
auyscay: see ayuscay Bible, 298
Avenida de la Cultura, 310n. 1 biography, 229
Ayacucho, 251 Bombon, 150, 156
Ayar Auca, 169, 172, 186 –188, 191, 272, borla: fringe worn by the Inca ruler, 44, 151,
274 –275 153, 163, 174, 183, 221
Ayar Cache, 170, 172, 186 –188, 190 –192, Bororo, 9
272, 274 –275; ayllo of, 238 boundaries: markers set up in the Cuzco
Ayar Manco, 272, 299, 301 valley, 106
Ayar siblings, 5, 21, 61– 64, 169–173, 185– Bracamoros, 156
195, 236, 238, 240, 269, 271–273, 275–277, bulto, 164
281, 284, 287, 292 –294, 299–302
Ayar Ucho: 172, 186, 188, 191, 272, 274 –275; Cabello Valboa, Miguel, 13–15, 49, 58–59,
ayllo of, 238, 240 64, 66 – 68, 70, 73, 79, 82, 86, 91–92, 98,
Ayar Uchu: see Ayar Ucho 123–134, 134 –147, 148, 166 –168, 229–231,
Ayarmacas, 68, 72, 114, 174, 201, 210, 219, 243, 246, 248, 254 –255, 262, 271, 274,
245, 249, 260 278, 285, 287–288, 294, 300, 307n. 2,
Ayavaca, 157 309n. 9, 310n. 2, 311n. 3; comparison
Ayavilla, 218, 222 with Morúa, 168–185; comparison with
Ayavira, 220 Sarmiento and Cobo, 185–223; dates,
Ayaviri, 150, 250 223–228; manuscripts in his possession,
Ayllo Antasayac, 238 14; use of lost history by Cristóbal de
Ayllo Sahuasiray, 238, 242 Molina, 58–59, 134
ayllos: bolas, 266 Cabiñas, 214
ayllos: group, 57, 126, 238, 279, 282, 303– caca, 24, 37
304n. 2 Cacachicha Vica Quirao, 180
ayllusca, 266 cacacuzcos, 25, 37
Aymoray, 109 cacay, 24, 303
ayuscai: see ayuscay Cacha: in Canas and Canchis, 178, 217, 220,
ayuscay, 170, 190 287, 289
Azángaro: near Huamanga, 149 cachavis, 282
Azángaro: near Puno, 151–152, 265 Cache: see Canche
Aztecs, 8 Cachimapaca Macus Yupanqui, 139
Azuay, 137 Cachona, 282
Cajamarca, 136 –137, 139, 145, 156, 251, 291
balsas, 138 Cajatambo, 150
Bauer, Brian, 310 Calca, 182, 184, 217, 219, 283
behetría, 300 –301 calendar: European, 9; Mayan, 8–10
Belén: Cuzco parish, 239 Calispuquio, 265
Beni river, 253 Callapiña, Rodrigo Sutec, 269, 304n. 3
Betanzos, Juan de, 17, 18, 20 –21, 27, 29, Camal, 219
33–35, 37– 40, 52, 54, 62, 64, 66, 68, 73, Camata, 141
78, 91–93, 98–125, 129–132, 143, 147–160, canals: canalization of the Huatanay river,
162 –168, 212, 222, 230, 233–234, 106
i n d e x | 327
Cañar Capac, 136 –137, 252 Caxamarca: see Cajamarca

Cañares, 118, 136 –137, 149, 152, 156 –157, Caxaroma, 152
286 –287 Caxas, 152
Cañaribamba, 137 Cayambi, 157
Cañaripampa, 151 Cayara, 126
Canas, 154, 211, 217, 220, 230, 246, 287 Cayo, Diego, 225–228
canchas, 194, 245 Cayo Topa, 306n. 1; informant of Cieza, 4,
Canche: place of Inca Urco’s death, 183, 221 53
Canchi: see Canche Cayocache, 197–198, 202
Canchis, 60, 211, 217, 220, 230, 246 Cayto: see Caytomarca
Canta, 150 Caytomarca, 178, 180, 182, 210, 217, 219
Canta Guancuru, 141 Chaca Huanacauri, 281, 284
cantares: mentioned in Cieza, 11, 163–164 chacaras, 282
capa: defined by Betanzos, 28 Chachapoyas, 135–136, 143, 145, 149, 157, 251
çapa, defined by Betanzos, 28–29, 115 Chalco Yupanqui, 140 –141
capac: defined by Betanzos, 28–29; men- Chanca Viracochan, 289
tioned by Sarmiento, 253, 301 Chancas: alliance with, 116 –117, 150; attack
capac apo: defined by Guaman Poma, 43 on Cuzco, 5, 30, 91, 99, 100 –102, 124 –
Capac Ayllo, 17, 27, 34, 38, 40, 43, 46, 54, 125, 129, 134, 153, 182 –183, 213–217, 220 –
86, 275, 305n. 7, 12 222, 230, 247, 257; campaign against, 184,
Capac Chani, 219 208, 211, 213, 249–251; see also Ancovilca,
capac ongo, 174, 200 Anco Ayllo, Uscovilca, Hanan Chanca,
Capac Raymi, 109, 163, 190, 259, 276 –279, Hurin Chacan
281, 284 –285, 311n. 3 Chancay, 150
capac status, 17–18, 20 –21, 23–35, 37, 39, 42, Charapoto, 138
45– 46, 49, 78, 243, 247–249, 252, 259– Charcas, 143, 159
262, 296 –297, 303n. 1; attributed to non- Chasquito, 169
Incas, 26 Chatahuarqui, 283
Capac Toco, 104 Chauin Cuzco Ayllo, 238
capac ucha, 104, 108, 193, 257, 280 Chazmal, 136 –137
Capac Yupanqui, 68, 70, 83, 85, 175, 177, Chica Capac, 136 –137, 252
205–207, 209–216, 223, 230, 245; brother chicha, 113
of Pachacuti, 116, 148–149, 151, 156, 218, Chichas, 116, 155, 162, 253
222, 251; cousin of Topa Inca, 142 Chiguay Capac, 219, 248
capacuna: defined by Betanzos, 28 Chilca, 150
Caquia Xaquixaguana, 101–102, 111, 219– Chile, 135, 143–144, 153, 155, 159, 161, 252
220 Chileños, 143, 159
Caquiamarca, 182 Chillincay, 214
Caquijahuana: see Jaquijaguana Chima Panaca, 86
Carabaya, 143, 265 Chimbos, 137
Carangas, 155, 159, 162 Chimboycagua, 170, 188
Carangui, 157 Chimo: see Chimor
Carhuacalla, 304n. 3 Chimo Capac, 27, 248, 251, 300
Cari, 152 Chimor, 117, 136, 138–139, 150, 158
Caritambocancha, 256 Chimpo Coya: mother of Lloque Yupan-
Carmenca, 196, 281 qui, 174
Casavindo, 155, 162 Chimpo Ocllo, 68, 76 –77, 173; daughter of
caste, 41, 260 –261 Manco Capac, 173; daughter of Mayta
Castro, Cristóbal de, 309n. 7 Capac, 177
328 | i n d e x
Chimpo Urma, 176 –177 213, 229–230, 233, 235, 243, 245, 254, 270,
Chincha, 145, 158–159 272 –274, 276, 281, 285, 294, 306n. 2,
Chincha Huarco, 150 308n. 5, 309n. 13; comparison with Sar-
Chinchacocha, 150 miento and Cabello Valboa, 185–223; list
Chinchasuyo, 132, 161–162, 281, 291, 310n. of huacas, 21, 276
2; campaigns in, 116 –118, 132, 135–137, coca, 160
140, 142 –143, 149, 153–154, 156 Cochabamba, 159
Chinchero, 147, 160, 265 Colcabamba, 172, 189, 191, 193
Chinchero Huanacauri, 283 Colla Capac, 27, 114, 248, 250, 252 –253,
Chiponauas, 141 300 –301, 305n. 4, 311n. 6; sons of, 117
Chiraques, 219 Colla revolt, 141–142, 151–153, 156, 266
Chiriguanaes, 54, 155, 252 Collaguas, 63, 311n. 5
Chita: plain near Cuzco, 100, 214 Collao, 150, 152, 155
Choco, 37, 73, 112, 247, 282 –283 Collasuyo, 132, 161–162, 281, 284, 291,
Chocorbos, 149 310n. 2; campaigns in, 114 –116, 141–
Chonos, 139 142, 148–149, 152, 154, 159–161
Chotas, 137 Collocte, 219
Christian era, 309 composition, 293–294
Christian God, 291 Conchucos, 150
Christianity, 49; creation story, 21, 292 Conde Mayta, 205–206
Christians, 286 Conde Yupanqui, 132, 142
Chucachuca, 142 Condesuyo, 84, 132, 161–162, 281, 291, 310n.
Chuchi Capac: see Colla Capac 2; campaigns in, 113–114, 161–162,
Chucuito, 152, 154 –155, 159 205–206, 208, 230,
Chumbi Cancha, 173, 196, 239 Condin Xabana, 141
Chumbivilcas, 143 Contiti Viracocha: see Ticci Viracocha
Chunchos, 141, 152 Copacabana, 47
Chuncomarca, 136 Copacopa, 151
Chungara, 154 Copalimayta, 173, 192 –193, 195, 239
chuqui, “gold” in Aymara, 80 Copan, 9
Chuqui Huipa, 78 Copayapo, 155
Chuqui Sota, 135–136 Coquimbo, 143, 159
Chuqui Ylla: thunder, image of, 108, 279 Corcos Viracocha, 289
Chuquiabo, 143; gold mines, 155 cori: “gold” in Quechua, 80
Chuquichaca, 289 Cori Coca, 304n. 3
Chuquis Guaman, 136 Cori Ilpay, 68, 70, 80, 177, 206, 209, 245
Chuquisaca, 136 Coricancha, 171, 173, 176, 195, 197, 201, 239,
churi, 24, 36 –37 255–257; “house of the Sun,” 104, 109,
Churucana, 281 119
Churucani Huanacauri, 282, 284 Coripata, 202, 239
Cieza de León, Pedro de, 5, 11–12, 53, 61– Cornejo Bouroncle, Jorge, 310n. 3
62, 64 – 65, 67–70, 73, 76, 78, 82, 148– Coropanqui, 182
160, 164, 217, 235, 243, 246, 250 –251, 264, corregidor, 13, 126, 195, 270, 304n. 3, 306n.
272 –273, 288, 293–294, 309n. 7, 311n. 6, 2, 309n. 13
8; on Inca history, 3–5 corregimiento, 242
cinche, 253, 301 Corregimiento of Chilques and Mascas, 242
Citua, 276, 279–281, 289 Council of the Indies, 54, 56
Cobo, Bernabé, 4, 55, 58, 61, 65– 66, 68–70, cousin, 41
73, 78– 86, 98, 131, 143, 148–160, 178, 185, Coya Pacssa, 279
i n d e x | 329
Coyas, 24, 35, 37–38, 45, 59, 89, 124, 171, Dominicans, 309n. 7
305, 311; chapters on in Guaman Poma doña Juana: daughter of Paullo Inca, 45
and Morúa, 171 dual kingship, 10, 16
Coyca, 214 dualism, 10
cozco: marker near Santo Domingo, 192 Duviols, Pierre: on dual kingship, 10, 16
Creator deity, 16, 53, 99–100, 103, 108, 236,
277, 280, 281, 283, 287–290, 297–298, Earth, 280
301–302, 312n. 4 empire, 22
Cuchu: a kind of bolas, 176, 203 encomienda, 44, 271
Culunchima, 175, 197, 202 –203, 239–245 Equeco, 306n. 14
Cumpu Huanacauri, 283–284 Esquivel, María de, 46
curacas, 145–146 Estete, Miguel de, 310n. 3
Curahuasi, 112
Curamba, 136 fables, 5– 6, 21, 53, 58
Curi Chulpa, 218, 222 –223 False Estete, 310n. 3
Curi Hilpay: see Cori Ilpay Fernández, Diego, 64 – 65, 68– 69, 72 –73,
Curi Ocllo, 213, 246 84 – 86, 272, 309n. 11
Curi Ocllo, Juana, 304n. 3
Cusi Chimbo, 70, 178, 180 García, Gregorio, 54
Cusi Huarcay, 78 Garcilaso de la Vega: see Garcilaso Inca de
Cusi Huarcay, María, 45– 46 la Vega
Cusi Inca Yupanqui: see Pachacuti Garcilaso Inca de la Vega, 5– 6, 60, 64, 70,
Cusi Rimay, 73 72 –73, 78, 311n. 8, 2
Cusi Rimay Ocllo: see Angelina Yupanqui Gasca, Pedro de la, 53, 306n. 1
Cusibamba, 137 Ge, 9
Cutervos, 137 genealogical genre, 51, 89, 166 –167, 230,
Cuycusa Ayllo, 239 267
Cuyo Capac, 183, 249 genealogy, 8, 12, 17–18, 23, 46, 49–50, 52 –
Cuyo Capac Chaguar Chuchuca, 182, 220 53, 55, 166, 229, 286, 296, 298; painted on
Cuyos, 124, 177, 183–184, 205–206, 230, cloth, 45, 56
266 Genesis, 286, 298
Cuyuchi, 142 genre, 18
Cuzco, ix, 3, 5, 8, 10, 17, 21, 22, 33–34, 56, gift-giving: associated with marriage, 107
103–109, 137, 139–140, 143–144, 149– guacchaconcha, 31–32, 36
150, 152, 154 –155, 157–160, 162, 170, 194, Guachalla, 138
235–236, 254 –262, 265, 267–269, 305n. 4; Guaina Yupanqui, 154
airport, 311n. 4; consecration of, 21; early Gualpa Rimache, 152, 218
years, 20; name, 196; sacred place, 258, Gualpache, 154
262; social organization, 6, 259, 261, 273, Guaman Achachi, 138
275; spatial organization, 108–109, 146; Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe, 33, 43, 59,
transformation of, 20 –21 62, 64 – 65, 67, 68–70, 72, 73, 76, 78, 171,
Cuzmango Capac, 251, 300 242 –243, 260, 272, 304n. 3, 309n. 8; de-
scription of the four suyos, 161–162
Desaguadero, 154 Guaman Rimache, 41
Devil, 298–299 Guaman Samo, 174, 201
Diez de Betanzos, Juan: see Juan de Guamancancha, 281
Betanzos Guamanta Issi Capac, 41
Discurso, 60, 64, 68– 69, 73, 80 – 82, Guamantopa, 179, 209–210, 212, 219
84 – 86, 148, 236, 270, 309n. 9 Guambos, 137
330 | i n d e x
Guamo, 138 180 –182, 196, 218, 225, 263–264, 270,

Guanachiri Amaro: huaoque of Sinchi 274, 279–285, 289–291, 297; Ayar broth-
Roca, 200 ers become, 186, 188–189; endowment of
Guañape, 138 cult to, 266; list in Cobo, 21, 276; list in
Guancabamba, 137, 139 Albornoz, 276
Guancavanbo, 157 Huacaytaqui Ayllo, 238
Guancavillcas, 138 huaccha coyac, 36
Guarabilca, 149 huahua, 24
Guarco story, 159 Huaillabamba, 265
Guari Guaca, 179 Huallas, 172 –173, 180, 192 –193, 238–239,
Guaro, 174, 201 241, 285
Guayacundos, 130 Huaman Cancha, 169
Guayllacanes, 68–70, 179, 209, 213–214, Huamanga, 144, 149
217, 246 Huamantianca, 172, 192
Guayllapucara, 136 Huanacauri, 170, 186 –188, 276 –285, 289
Guayoy Aclla, 145 Huanaypata, 172 –173, 189, 191–193
Guayparmarca, 182, 219 Huancas, 149–150
Guayro, 160 Huánuco, 156
Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Pedro, 59, 64 – huaoque: “brother” in Quechua, 24
66, 68– 69, 72 –73, 78, 80 – 82, 84, 86, 88, huaoque: sacred object, 108, 124, 186, 195,
148, 236, 309n. 12 198, 202, 207, 216, 221, 244, 297, 311n. 1;
definition by Sarmiento, 198–199
Hacedor, 283 Huara, 150
Hamantassi, 180 huara, 278
Hanan, 166 huaracas, 283
Hanan Chacan, 178–179, 207, 211 huarachico, 120, 170, 188, 190 –191, 194,
Hanan Chanca, 100 278
Hanan Cuzco, 30 –31, 41, 43– 44, 55, 82 – Huarco, 143, 145
84, 86 – 87, 108, 112, 138, 161–162, 178– huari, 277, 283
180, 194 –195, 197, 207–209, 211, 241, huarichico, 176
249, 261, 306n. 14, 309n. 11, 310n. 2; huarmichuri, 24
called Hanansaya, 115 Huascar, 5, 17, 29, 39– 40, 45, 47– 48, 53,
Hananchaca: see Hanan Chacan 73, 75, 78–79, 85, 87, 126, 180, 225, 282,
Hanansaya, 115 308n. 5
Hatun Ayllo: see Iñaca Panaca Huatanay river, 178, 239
Hatuncolla, 115, 152, 155, 162, 250 Huaylas: birthplace of Añas Collque,
Hauachumbi, 138 43– 44
Herrera y Tordesillas, Antonio, 54 Huayna Capac, 5, 28, 29–30, 39, 40 – 42,
history, 3–5, 7; biblical, 297–298; composi- 48, 53, 55, 58, 73, 77–78, 84 – 85, 87, 137,
tion, 14; defined in sixteenth-century 145, 147, 150, 152, 156 –157, 159–160, 180,
Spanish practice, 22, 297–298; explana- 225–226, 237, 252, 265, 304n. 3, 306n. 1,
tion in, 301–302; historical method, 308n. 5, 310n. 4; birth of, 122; Pachacuti
13–14; historicity, 7, 10 –11; integrity of names as successor, 119, 121–122; styles
sources, 13; Mesoamerican, 8–9; Maya, associated with, 8
8–9; purpose, 295–296; standard of Huaypar, 289
truth, 15, 295, 298, 300 –302; tacitly held Huaypon Huanacauri, 283
assumptions, 14 –15 Huaytará, 159
huacas, 56, 116, 118, 121, 135, 146, 170, Humanamean, 197
i n d e x | 331
Humpiri, 207 painted on tablets, 17–19; performance

Hurin, 166 tradition, 13, 51, 163–164; purpose of, 16;
Hurin Chacan, 178–179, 207, 211 sequencing problems, 19, 231, 255, 311;
Hurin Cuzco, 30 –31, 36, 39, 44, 55, 73, 78, themes and messages, 51; values and
82 – 84, 86 – 87, 89, 108, 112, 161–162, meanings, 51; women, 35– 42
178–180, 194 –195, 197, 207–209, 211, 241, Inca Mayta, 182
249, 261, 306n. 14, 309n. 11, 310n. 2; Inca, Melchor Carlos, 46 – 47, 60
called Hurinsaya, 115 Inca mummies, 105–106, 111, 163, 164, 263,
Hurinchaca: see Hurin Chacan 310; collected by Pachacuti, 235; cult to,
Hurtado de Mendoza, Andres, Marqués de 167; endowment of cult to, 111; recovered
Cañete, 54, 306n. 2 by Polo, 54, 124, 235; songs composed
about, 111
Ica, 145, 150 Inca Paucar Inca, 209
ideology: of descent, 50 Inca nobles: descendants of Manco Capac,
Illacumbe, 219 35; “of the common sort,” 31–32, 35; used
images, 139, 180, 279–282; of the Sun, 257– to govern provinces, 114
258, 263; of the Thunder, 108, 279; statue Inca Roca, 41– 42, 47, 68, 71, 86, 178–180,
of Manco Capac, 198 194 –195, 200, 206 –213, 245–246,
Iñaca Panaca, 38 261–262
Inca: aggression, 297, 299–300; astron- Inca Roca: brother of Pachacuti, 112,
omy, 11; banquets, 106 –107; captives, 217–219, 222
101, 113; civil war, 40, 44, 49, 78; creator Inca Roca: brother of Viracocha Inca,
deity, 16; dates, 168, 185–186, 223–228; 182
drinking bouts, 163; empire, 6, 8, 13; Inca Sucsu, 182, 218–219, 222
fringe, also called borla, 109, 119; initia- Inca Urco: see Inca Urcon
tion, 29, 108, 259; language, 52; marriage, Inca Urcon, 75, 100, 109–110, 112, 181–184,
102, 115, 120 –121; mathematics, 11; mili- 217, 218, 220, 222 –223, 293; death of,
tary campaigns, 131–149; ruler, 29, 45, 52, 110 –111
57, 89, 171, 280, 283; sacrifice, 121; serving Inca Yupanqui, 33
vessels, 114; social organization, 6, 21–22; Inca Yupanqui: brother of Viracocha Inca,
sovereignty, 13, 17, 44 – 46; succession, 181–184
110, 118, 163 Inca Yupanqui: see Pachacuti
Inca administration: census, 106; field culti- Incas: “by-privilege,” 266 –267, 311n. 2;
vated for the Inca, 146; Inca nobles used dynastic origins, 21; endowment of cult
as governors, 114; labor assignment, 146; to, 264; intipchurin or “sons of the Sun,”
ordinances, 116; organization of mer- 106, 111; non-dynastic Incas, 29, 266 –267
chants, 146; provisioning the Cuzco val- Indian painters, 308n. 4
ley, 106; resettlement, 117; textile tribute, initiation, 276 –279, 284, 309n. 11; of Topa
107; under Topa Inca, 145–146 Inca, 263
Inca, Carlos, 46 – 47 Inkarrí, 5
Inca history: 21–22, 104, 162 –163; as expla- Inti: huaoque of Manco Capac, 202 –203,
nation, 17; change in, 51; collected by 205, 297; Manco brings from Tambo-
Sarmiento, 125–126; composition, 19, toco, 244; stone shaped like a bird, 187,
167–168; dates, 52; denial of, 6 –10; event 198, 244 –245
structure, 51; genealogical genre, 18–19, Inti Raymi, 109
21; genres, 12 –13, 93, 166, 233, 294; his- inti usus, 36 –37
torical consciousness, 9, 295, 302; life his- Inticancha, 103, 195, 197, 200, 202, 208,
tory genre, 18–19, 21; official account, 17; 244 –245, 256
332 | i n d e x
intipchurin, 103, 291–292 looting, 270

Ipa Huaco, 72 Lucanas, 113, 149
Lunahuaná, 143, 145, 150
Jalca, 137
Jaquijaguana, 283–284 Mala, 150
Jauja, 136, 144, 149, 156, 158 Mallas: see Maras
Javanta, 137 malquis, 263
Jumay Huaraca, 183 Mama Aclla, 145
Mama Cahua, 66 – 68, 175, 201, 244; also
Kaata, 303 called Chimpo Ocllo, 178
king, 22, 28–29, 248, 253; capac synony- Mama Caua: see Mama Cahua
mous with, 46 Mama Chiquia, 70, 72, 213, 222, 246
konopas, 263 Mama Chura, 65– 66, 192, 197, 199
Mama Coca, 64, 172, 192 –193, 199–201,
La Barranca, 150 244
Lake Titicaca, 141–142, 151, 159, 246, 250, Mama Coca Taucaray, 177
252, 260, 287–288, 290, 303n. 2; cam- Mama Cora, 174 –175
paign, 114 –115; origin story involving, Mama Cura: see Mama Chura
236 Mama Huaco, 64, 169–174, 187, 191–194,
Lamana, Gonzalo, 44 196 –197, 244, 271–272, 285, 305n. 5
Larapa, 41 Mama Micay, 68– 69, 71, 179, 209, 213; also
Lares, 172 called Cusi Chimpo, 180
Larico, 142 Mama Nicay: see Mama Micay
Lartaún, Sebastián de: bishop of Cuzco, 58, Mama Ocllo: sister-wife of Manco Capac,
308n. 5 49, 64 – 65, 169–172, 186 –187, 190, 199,
Las Casas, Bartolomé de, 59– 62, 65–70, 73, 244, 271–272, 305n. 5
78, 80 – 82, 84, 86, 88, 148, 236, 243, Mama Ocllo: sister-wife of Topa Inca, 28,
272 –273, 299, 302, 309n. 7, 10, 12 33, 38–39, 73, 76, 120 –121, 137, 145, 151–
Latacunga, 157 152, 156, 263, 305n. 7
legitimacy, 36, 45, 46 Mama Ragua: see Mama Rahua
life history, 91–93, 163–164, 166 –167, 229, Mama Rahua, 172, 191, 274
231, 237, 243–244, 255, 267, 293–294; Mama Rondocaya: see Mama Ronto Caya
ending, 129–132 Mama Ronto Caya, 73–74, 181–182, 216 –
Lima, 144, 150 219, 247
Limacpampa, 310n. 1 Mama Tacucaray, 67– 69, 204 –206, 245
literary borrowing, 10 Mama Tancarry Yachi: see Mama Tacucaray
Llallaua, 142 Mama Yunto, 181–183: see Mama Ronto
Llapcho, 39 Caya
Llaucanes, 137 maman huarmi, 36
Llimpita Usca Mayta, 139 Manari, 141
Llipi, 155 Manco Capac, 5, 17, 23–24, 29–30, 32, 35,
Lloque Yupanqui, 66, 85, 174 –176, 192, 37, 40 – 41, 45, 47, 55, 61– 65, 83– 84, 86,
199–202, 204 –205, 216, 223, 229–230, 89, 109, 111, 165–174, 184, 192 –199, 202,
244 205, 216, 226, 233–234, 236, 239, 241,
Loa river, 253 243–245, 256, 260 –263, 265, 267–268,
Loarte, Gabriel, 46 271–278, 293–294, 296 –297, 304n. 3,
Loaysa, Jerónimo de: archbishop of Lima, 305n. 5, 6, 311n. 3
54, 55, 306n. 2, 309n. 13 Manco Inca, 5, 41– 46, 85, 163, 180, 278,
Loayza, Francisco de, 58 289, 308n. 5
i n d e x | 333
Manco Sapaca, 172, 175, 192 –193, 199, 201 mochar, 264
Mancochuqui, 282 Mohina, 179, 209, 212, 213, 219
Manosuyo, 141 Mojos, 152, 253
Manta, 138 Molina, Cristóbal de, 12, 14, 21, 49, 52, 57–
Mapocho, 159 58, 62, 64, 79, 82, 86, 89, 92, 94, 98, 124,
Mara, 145 166, 168, 229, 236, 270, 276 –277, 280 –
Marahuasi Huanacauri, 283 289, 298, 300, 305n. 9, 307n. 2, 308n. 5,
Maras, 182, 219, 282, 285 311n. 3; lost history, 94 –95, 98, 134,
Maras Ayllo, 238–239 168–185, 254, 272, 287–288
Maras Toco, 239 Mollaca, 182, 212, 214, 216, 219
Marca Pacha, 177 montaña, 156
Marca Piña, 182 Montesinos, 309
Marcapata, 152 Moon, 201, 280, 283: see also pacsa
Marqués de Cañete: see Andrés Hurtado de Moroy Urco, 108–109, 121, 135
Mendoza Morúa, Martín de, 14 –15, 58–59, 62 –70,
marriage: alliance, 33, 243, 246, 258; 72 –73, 76, 78, 82, 86, 91–92, 98, 123–134,
brother-sister, 29–30, 42; redefinition of, 147–148, 166 –168, 189, 192, 228–231, 243,
32; men of one province married to 248, 254 –255, 262, 271–272, 274, 285,
women of another, 107 287–288, 308n. 6, 309n. 13, 310n. 2; com-
Masca, 241 parison with Cabello Valboa, 168–185;
Masca Ayllo, 239 relationship with Guaman Poma, 59; use
masca paycha, 174, 200, 206 of Mexican material, 59, 171; use of Mo-
Mascas, 178–179, 242, 309n. 11 lina, 134
Matagua, 171–172, 187–194, 196, 276, 282 Moscoso y Peralta, Manuel, 5
Matoro, 282 Moyna: see Mohina
Maule river, 143, 153, 155, 159–160 Moyna Pongo, 179, 209, 210, 212, 219
Mayas, 8 Murúa, Martín de: see Martín de Morúa
Maycha Huanacauri, 282, 284 myth, 7
Mayosmayos, 154
Mayta Capac, 65, 67– 69, 85, 87, 175–177, napa, 198
184, 195, 200, 202 –206, 216, 223, 228, narrative, 229–230; Spanish historical nar-
230, 231, 244 –245, 293, 307n. 2, 309n. 13, ratives, 14 –15, 19–20, 23, 52 – 61
311n. 5 Nasca, 145, 150, 159
Mayta Capac: brother of Inca Roca, 207 Nepos, 136
Means, Philip Ainsworth, 50, 309n. 9 Niles, Susan, 310n. 4
Memorial: of the conquests of Topa Inca, Ninachumbi, 138
132 –148, 153, 184 Ninan Coyoche, 73
memoriales: texts used by Sarmiento, 98 Nuestra Señora de los Remedios: Cuzco
memory, 11–13, 17, 148, 302 parish, 58
Mercedarians, 306 Nutanguari, 141
Mesoamerica: dates and writing, 8;
stelae, 9 Ocampo, Baltasar de, 306n. 15
mestizo, 43, 46 Ocapa, 182
Michimalongo, 143 Ocoña, 145
michos, 145 Ocongate, 178, 180
Michos Amaro, 285 Oliva, Anello, 309n. 9
mitimas, 117, 143, 151–152, 154, 157 Ollantaytambo, 242, 289
Mixtecs, 8 Oma, 66, 201, 244, 276, 310n. 3
mocha, 264 Omaspampa, 310n. 3
334 | i n d e x
Omasuyo, 151 panacas, 7– 8, 34, 39, 41, 52, 54, 61, 82 –90,
Omutu Huanacauri, 282, 284 98, 124, 126, 129, 131, 148, 162 –164, 195,
Opatari, 141 197–198, 200, 202, 205, 207, 216, 221, 225,
oral sources: borrowing from, 98–99; re- 230, 238, 261, 275, 281, 304n. 3, 305n. 6,
covered from textual analysis, 12, 19, 309n. 11; as sources of Sarmiento’s his-
228–229 tory, 56; membership reckoned, 38, seg-
Oré, Jerónimo de, 308n. 2, 309n. 9, 311n. 5 mentation of, 24
orejones, 28–29, 33–34, 250, 277, 281 Pancha Huanacauri, 283
Oro Ayllo, 239 Paniagua de Loaysa, Gabriel, 304n. 3
Oroncota, 143, 159 paños: painted history, 45, 47, 56, 89;
Oruro, 151 authentification of, 56 –57
Otorongo Achachi, 140 –142, 154 Papres, 220
parallel descent, 25
Pacamoros, 139 Paramonguilla, 158
Pacaritambo, 21, 53, 61, 64, 104, 169–170, Parcos, 144, 149, 251
185–187, 195, 236, 242, 255, 269–274, 282, pareceres, 54
287, 294, 298–300, 303n. 2 Paria, 155, 159
Pacasmayo, 136 Parinacochas, 149, 265
Pacaycacha, 218 Pataguayllacan, 68, 209: see also
Pacha Mama Achi, 62 Guayllacanes
Pachacamac, 135, 150, 158, 178; Topa Inca patrilineal descent, 26, 30 –31, 34
builds temple at, 144 Paucar Ayllo, 214
Pachachulla Viracocha, 174 –175, 201 Paucar Hinga, 180
Pachacuti, 18–20, 24, 28, 30, 32, 38– 40, 42, Paucar Usno, 116 –118
48, 73, 75, 91–125, 131, 149–154, 160 –163, Paucartambo, 143, 153, 211
166 –168, 182 –184, 208, 216, 218, 220 – Paullo Inca, 43– 47, 60; purucaya of, 164
226, 229–231, 234 –235, 237, 239, 247–252, Paulo, 216
254 –262, 265–267, 277, 298–294, 296, Paytiti, 141
298, 305n. 7, 11, 311n. 1; styles associated Paz Soldán, Mariano Felipe, 310n. 3
with, 8 Pease, Franklin, 296; study of historical
Pachacuti: son of Manco Capac, 173 writing, 12
Pachacuti Coaquiri, 142 Phillip II, 45, 56
Pachacuti Inca: name taken by Colla leader, Piccho, 282
142 Picoy, 149
Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Juan de Pietschmann, Richard, 310n. 3
Santa Cruz, 60, 62, 67, 69, 72 –73, 76, 82, Pilcopata, 141
124, 260, 288, 304n. 4 Pillaguamarca, 136
Pachete, 169, 187 Pillaguaso, 137–138, 252
pacsa, 305n. 9 Pillauya, 214
Pahuac Huallpa Mayta, 214 Pillco Huaco, 73
painted history, 12, 34, 57–58, 89, 104, 166 – Pinagua, 209, 212 –213, 219
167, 293, 296, 300 Pinao Capac, 182, 220, 248–249
palla, 311n. 8 Pinau Capac: see Pinao Capac
Palla Coca, 39, 78 Piquaza, 138
Pallata, 187 Pisac, 212, 214, 219, 249, 266
Palpa Ocllo, 279 Pisar Capac, 136 –137, 252
Paltas, 137 Pisco, 150
pana, 24 piwi huarmi, 36
i n d e x | 335
Pizarro, Francisco, 13, 17, 21–22, 26, 44, 51, quicochico, 170, 190
163, 254, 270 Quigual topa, 138, 142
Pizarro, Gonzalo, 221, 305n. 13; rebellion Quilaco Yupanqui, 304n. 3
(1544 –1548), 53 Quilacos, 73, 138
Pizarro, Hernando, 270 Quilliscaches, 174, 201
Pizarro, Juan, 40, 42 Quilliscachi Urco Guaranga: see Quillis-
Pizarro, Juan, 305n. 13 cachi Urco Huaranga
Pohechos, 139 Quilliscachi Urco Huaranga, 30 –31, 100
Polo de Ondegardo, 54 –55, 58, 81, 86 – 87, Quilliyacolca, 283
92, 98, 124, 131, 148, 233, 254, 270, 272 – Quinchicaxa, 136 –137
273, 276, 306n. 2; corregidor of Cuzco, Quinti Cancha, 173, 196, 239
126, 128, 309, n. 13; effort to locate house Quipa, 265
of Sun, 291; lost history, 185, 229–230, quipocamayos, 55, 64, 306n. 2
306n. 2; on Inca history, 16; recovered quipos, 11–13, 49, 55, 124, 127, 129, 132, 163,
huaoques, 186, 195; recovered Inca mum- 167, 226 –227, 230, 248, 253, 306n. 2,
mies, 186, 195, 200, 202, 205, 207, 212, 310n. 1, 311n. 7; military campaigns
216, 221, 225; recovered statue of Manco recorded on, 19, 147, 184, 235; ordinances
Capac, 198–199 recorded on, 19; recovered with mummy
Poma Lloque, 219 of Pachacuti, 128–129, 131
Pomacanche, 282 Quiquijana, 210, 220
Pomallacta, 137 Quiquixana: see Quiquijana
Pongo, 283 Quirirmanta, 188
Poquen Cancha, 57–58 Quisalla, 178–180, 210
Poques, 172 Quisco Ayllo, 238
Porco, 143, 155 Quisin, 138
primitive society, 303n. 1 Quito, 73, 120, 122, 137–138, 144, 149, 152,
prisons, 145 157, 252
Pucanataqui, 183
Pucara, 142, 153 Racra Huanacari, 283
Pucarani, 154 Rahua Ocllo, 39, 73, 78
Puerto Viejo, 136, 138, 143, 158 raimis, 169
pumapchupa, 30 rainbow: seen at Huanacauri, 188
Puna, 138 Ramos Gavilán, Alonso, 309n. 9
Pure, 160 Rauraua, 283
Puruaes, 137, 157 raymi, 109, 282
purucaya, 106, 164, 167, 263 raymi napa, 283
pururaucas, 49, 212, 216 Raymibamba, 136
reading, 15–16
Q’ero, 303n. 2 Roca Yupanqui, 205
quebradas: created by Ayar Cache, 188 Roman law, 297
Quechua language, 303n. 2 Román y Zamora, Jerónimo, 60 – 61, 66,
Queco Aucaylli, 205 69–70, 78, 309n. 10
queen, 35 romances: mentioned in Cieza, 11
Queros Huanacauri, 282, 284 Romans, 6, 9
Quiachilli, 182, 220 Rowe, John Howland, 15, 58, 131–132, 134,
Quialtichi, 183 281, 303, 309n. 13
Quichuas, 136 royal incest, 29–30
Quiço Mayta, 139 Ruiz de Navamuel, Alvaro, 57
336 | i n d e x
Ruqui Capana: see Zapana social organization, 273, 275

rutuchico, 170, 189–191, 194, 196 Socma, 219
Sopono Yupanqui, 154
sacrifice, 104, 257–259, 264; arpa, 105 Soras, 149, 153, 161, 250; campaign against,
Sacsahuaman, 183 112 –113, 115, 123
Sacsahuana: see Sacsahuaman Spanish arrival: as false boundary, 13
Saire Topa, 45– 46, 85 Spanish historical canons, 5– 6
Saire Topa, Felipe, 46 spatial organization, 259, 261
Salu: quarry, 257 St. James, 5
San Agustín: Cuzco street, 256 storehouses, 106, 108, 147, 258
San Jerónimo: Cuzco parish, 41, 304n. 3 structuralism, 9–10
San Sebastián: Cuzco parish, 172, 189, 191 Sucre, 252
sanco, 279–280 Sun, 99–100, 103, 114, 163, 201, 218, 262,
Saño, 64 – 65, 68, 170, 172, 186, 192 –193, 277, 279–280; appears to Lloque Yupan-
197, 199–200 qui, 174 –175, 229; cannot be Creator,
Saño Ayllo, 238 178; Chancas attack people working
Santa Clara, 197, 239 Sun’s lands, 182; confusion with Ticci
Santillán, Hernando de, 270, 273 Viracocha, 290 –291; endowment of cult
Santo Domingo, 173, 191, 195, 256 to, 257, 264; four new houses built for
Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro, 11–16, 18– Topa Inca’s initiation, 120; gifts to, 118;
20, 45, 52, 56 –57, 64, 67– 68, 70, 73, 79, house of the Sun, 102 –104, 108, 115, 134,
82, 84, 86, 89, 91–93, 98–126, 128–132, 140, 150, 158, 167, 195, 256 –257, 263, 290;
134 –148, 165–168, 171, 229–231, 233–236, images of, 104 –105, 256; Incas as “sons
238–244, 246 –256, 262 –264, 267, 269– of Sun,” 115; livestock belonging to, 214;
270, 274, 278, 285–287, 290 –291, 293– majordomo of, 257; offerings to, 114,
294, 296, 298–302, 305n. 4, 307n. 2, 122
308n. 3, 310n. 1, 311n. 6; authentification suntur paucar, 174, 177, 198, 200, 206, 283
of manuscript, 225; comparison with Surucoto, 154
Cabello Valboa and Cobo, 185–223; Susurpuquio, 99, 122, 290, 298
cosmographer, 56; dates, 223–228; Sutic Ayllo, 238–239
naming capacs, 27 Sutic Huaman, 64, 172, 193, 197, 199
Sauaseras, 193, 195, 239, 241 Sutic Toco, 239, 242
Sayapayas, 145 suyos, 132, 153, 161–162, 310n. 2
sayas, 111, 261; division of Cuzco, 241: see
also Hanan Cuzco, Hurin Cuzco Taca Chungay, 176
Sayre Cancha, 173, 196 Tacac Huincay: son of Sinchi Roca,
Sayri Cancha: see Sayre Cancha 202 –203
Segovia, Bartolomé de, 309n. 7 tambo, 155
Senca, 199 Tambo, 241, 289
señorío, 300 Tambo Chacay, 170, 172, 186 –187, 190
shining mantle story, 64, 309n. 9 Tambo Inca, 242
Sichupampa, 183 Tambo Maytapanaca, Juan, 87, 309n. 13
Silverblatt, Irene, 24 Tambo Topa, 154
Sinchi Roca, 54, 64 – 66, 169–174, 187, 189, Tambo Vincais: see Tambocunca
191–194, 196, 199–201, 226, 244, 272, Tambocunca, 174, 201
276, 309n. 8 Tamboquiro, 169, 187–188, 194, 244
Siquilla Pucara, 136 Tambos, 242, 244, 309n. 11
sister marriage, 174, 243, 247, 259–261 Tambotoco, 57, 169, 172, 186 –187, 198, 236,
Situa: see Citua 242, 269
i n d e x | 337
Tancar, 67 Topa Amaro, 5, 44 – 45, 59

Tancaray, 311n. 4 Topa Ayar Manco: son of Pachacuti,
Tangalongo, 143 117–118
Tangor, 304n. 2 Topa Capac, 135, 139, 145
Taocamarca, 214 Topa Cusi Huallpa: see Huascar
Taquile, 303n. 2 Topa Guarachiri, 182, 219
taquis, 163 Topa Huari, 217; son of Viracocha, 182
Tarapacá, 143, 150 Topa Inca, 18–19, 24, 27–28, 33, 38– 40, 42,
tarco gualca, 174, 177, 200, 206 48, 73, 76, 86, 92, 117–119, 121, 124, 130 –
Tarco Huaman, 87, 177, 205–206, 309n. 13 162, 166, 180, 216, 225–226, 229–231, 235,
Tarma, 150, 156 237, 251–252, 259, 263, 265–266, 304n. 3,
Tarpuntay Ayllo, 238 305n. 7, 11, 306n. 1; builds fortress, 144,
Tawantinsuyo, 22, 187 146 –147, 156; conducts visita, 144; con-
Tawqaray, 311n. 4 quests of, 123–124; initiation, 121, 263;
Third Church Council (1583), 24, 87 marriage, 263–264; Pachacuti names as
Thunder, 278–279, 283: see also Chuqui successor, 119–120; quipo recording con-
Ylla quests of, 13, 15, 311n. 7; receives the
Tiahuanaco, 21, 159–161, 287, 290 –291 fringe, 120; succession, 140; treatment as
Ticci Viracocha, 53, 57, 99–100, 103, 107, huaca, 122, 263–264
161–162, 212 –213, 218, 279, 287–292, topa yauri, 177, 198, 206
312n. 4, 5; appears to Viracocha, 215; Topa Yupanqui, 218, 222, 305n. 11
confusion with Sun, 290 –291; huaca at Topa Yupanqui: brother of Topa Inca,
Urcos, 212, 218; statue at Cacha, 220 140 –141
Tiçcicanche, 157 topacusi, 169–170
Tikal, 9 translation, 6, 11
Tilca Yupanqui: brother of Topa Inca, 122, Trujillo, 251
135, 137, 139 Tuaman Taysi Inca, 209
Tiocaxas, 137 Tucapel, 160
Titicaca island, 291 tucuricos, 145–146
Tito Atauche, Alonso, 225–228 Tullumayo river, 178, 239
Tito Cusi, 305 Tumbes, 138, 158
Tito Cusi Hualpa: see Huayna Capac Tumebamba: see Tomebamba
Titu Cusi Yupanqui: son of Manco Inca, Tumibamba: see Tomebamba
46, 169 Tunupa, 288, 312
Tocay Capac, 112, 182, 209, 213, 217, 219, Turuca, 138
245–249, 305n. 4 Tuta Palla, 73
tocochico: see tocochicui
tocochicui, 169, 190, 278 Uchuncunascallarando, 207
Tocto Ussica, Catalina: wife of Paullo Inca, Ulti story, 92, 94, 112, 124 –125, 183–184,
47 208, 221, 231
Tohara, 136 Umalla, 152
Toledo, Francisco de: viceroy of Peru, 20, Umasuyo, 252
45– 46, 48, 50, 56 –57, 89, 98, 126 –128, Urco Guaranga, Anton Ruiz, 41– 42
136, 194 –195, 225, 238–243, 271, 299, Urcocolla, 136
308n. 4, 310n. 1 Urcos, 265, 287, 289; looting of huaca,
Tomayguaraca, 182, 221 270
Tomebamba, 137, 150 –151, 156 –157, 252 Urcosuyo, 252
Tongoche, 154 Urton, Gary, 49, 226, 234, 244, 269, 271,
Tono, 141 304n. 3; on content of quipos, 11
338 | i n d e x
Urubamba river, 246 Yaguarcocha, 152

Urubamba valley, 112, 124 –125, 183, 249, Yahuar Huacac, 68, 72, 167, 179–181, 184,
266 200, 208–210, 212 –217, 231, 246, 260;
Urusayhua Viracochan, 289 kidnapping, 208, 212
Uscovilca, 100 yahuarsanco, 280
ususi: see huarmichuri Yamqui Yupanqui, 28, 40, 115–120, 148–
149, 151, 154, 156, 305; son of, 116, 119, 123
Vaca de Castro, Cristóbal, 60, 64 yanaconas, 103, 257, 265, 270, 311n. 1
Vica Quirao, 30 –31, 100, 179–180, 207, Yanaximes, 141
209–210, 213, 218–220 Yanayaco, 145, 160
Vica Quirao panaca, 86 Yancan Mayta, 139
Vila Oma: majordomo of the Sun, 265 Yanqui Lalama, 183
Vilcabamba, 44, 181, 183 Yarobamba, 60
Vilcanota, 282 Yarumbuy Cancha, 173, 194, 196
Vilcas, 149, 156 yauris, 283
villancicos, 11 Yaurisque, 242
Vinchi Cayna, 141 Yauyas, 149
Viracocha: see either Viracocha Inca (8th Yavira, 183
Inca ruler) or Ticci Viracocha (deity) Ychubamba, 182, 221
viracocha: “sea foam,” 181 yerno, 303
Viracocha Inca, 21, 47, 73–74, 91, 99–102, Ynca Ocllo, 279
109, 111, 126, 147, 167, 168, 180, 181–184, Ynga Achache, 152
212, 213, 215–223, 230, 237, 246, 255, Ynga Yupangui: see Pachacuti
260 Ynguill, 305n. 13
Viracocha Pachayachachic: see Ticci Ynguill, Francisca, 40 – 42, 305n. 13
Viracocha Ypa Huaco: also known as Mama Chiquia,
viracochatocapu, 221 180 –181
Virgin Mary, 5 Yucay, 56, 219
visita, 56, 137, 143, 145 Yuco, 214
visita general, 271 yungas, 149, 181
visitadores, 137 Yupanqui, Angelina: wife of Juan de
Vitcos, 183 Betanzos, 38– 40, 53, 89, 125, 305n. 12
Vitcos Huanacauri, 283 Yupanqui, Juan, 135
Wimpilla, 178–180, 210 Zapana, 115, 152, 248, 311n. 6

Zaraguro, 137
Xacxaguana, 183, 221 Zuidema, Reiner Tom, 7–10, 55; theory of
Xérex, 309 parallel descent, 24 –25
Xipixapa, 138 Zuries, 155

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What is the book about?

What is the book about?

What information is provided on pages 2 and 4?

What information is provided on pages 2 and 4?

Inca

The publication of this book was generously

The Burnham Macmillan Fund of the Department

Printed on acid-free paper

going on in his field. I am also grateful to my department for granting me time

Hatuncolla Lake Titicaca

same way as conventional history (Morley 1983 [ﬁrst published in 1946]).

controlled, edited quality of the transmissions and the conscious forgetting of

all grounded in genealogy, we begin by exploring the calculation of a particu-

a note on ter ms and spelling

viduals asserted claims based on principles of descent or afﬁliation. The terms

quiere dezir capac segun que yo dello entiendo y de su hablar. (Betanzos

1951; Murúa [1611–1615] 1987; Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua [early seven-

Hordeno y mando que los de su linaje y deçendientes siendo propiamente

Betanzos speaks of another status designator: the wearing of two feathers.

Y mando Topa Ynga Yupangue despues de la muerte de su padre que

Children born to Inca men and non-Inca women were to be distinguished

Pallacoca and Rahua Ocllo

a group of Inca witnesses who supplied information about her genealogy.

new rulers, new rules

Melchor Carlos Inca

Following the historical trajectory of capac status through the period of

a straightforward genealogy, or was it more? Did it articulate an ideology of

spanish histor ical n ar rat ives

An interest in using Inca source materials or using them as the backbone of

nically subjected all of the natives of these kingdoms” (Montesinos [1642];

Y tenían en una casa de el Sol llamada Poquen Cancha, que es junto al

dyn ast ic genealogy

First let us look at the genealogical information in the historical narratives

table 3.1. The Ayar siblings

Source Ayar Brothers Ayar Sisters

gz Mango Inga Zapalla Mama Ocllo

Source Ayar Brothers Ayar Sisters

p [Progenitors: Apo Tambo and Pacha Mama Achi]

provides names similar to those found in other accounts of the Pacaritambo

table 3.2. First pair

Source First Pair

table 3.3. Second pair

Source Second Pair

table 3.4. Third pair

Source Third Pair

cl Lloque Yupangue and woman from Çaño have Mayta Capa.

table 3.5. Fourth pair

Source Fourth Pair

table 3.6. Fifth pair

Source Fifth Pair

cl Capac Yupangue and the Coya have Ynga Roque Ynga.

Source Sixth Pair

table 3.8. Seventh pair

Source Seventh Pair

Source Eighth Pair

Source Ninth Pair

table 3.11. Tenth pair

Source Tenth Pair

cl Topa Ynga and Mama Ocllo, sister, have Guayna Capac.