COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT

By the time· you reach· adulthood· you have· learned a few things about how the
world works. You know· , for instance· , that you can’t walk· through walls
or leap· into the tops of trees . You know· that although you cannot see your car
keys they’ve got to be· around here someplace . What’s more , you know· that if
you want· to communicate· complex ideas like ordering a triple-shot soy vanilla
latte with chocolate sprinkles it’s better to use· words· with meanings attached to
them rather than simply gesturing and grunting . People accumulate all this
useful knowledge· through the process· of cognitive development· , which
involves a multitude· of factors , both inherent· and learned .

Cognitive development· in childhood is about change· From birth· to adolescence

a young person's mind· changes dramatically in many important· ways .

Cognitive development· refers to the development· of thinking across

the lifespan· . Defining thinking can be problematic· , because no clear boundaries
separate thinking from other mental activities . Thinking obviously involves the

1|Page
higher mental processes: problem· solving , reasoning , creating , conceptualizing ,
categorizing , remembering , planning , and so on . However , thinking also
involves other mental processes that seem· more basic and at which even toddlers
are skilled—such as perceiving objects and events in the environment· , acting
skillfully on objects to obtain· goals , and understanding and producing language· .
Yet other areas of human development that involve· thinking are not usually
associated with cognitive development· , because thinking isn’t a prominent
feature· of them—such as personality and temperament. As the name· suggests,
cognitive development· is about change· . Children’s thinking changes in dramatic
and surprising ways . Consider DeVries’s ( 1969 ) study· of
whether young·children understand· the difference· between appearance· and
reality . To find out , she brought an unusually even-tempered· cat· named
Maynard to a psychology laboratory and allowed the 3 - to 6 -year-old participants
in the study· to pet· and play· with him . DeVries then put· a mask· of
a fierce· dog· on Maynard’s head· , and asked the children what Maynard was .
Despite all of the children having identified Maynard previously as a cat· , now
most 3 -year-olds said that he was a dog· and claimed that he had a dog’s bones
and a dog’s stomach . In contrast , the 6 -year-olds weren’t fooled; they had
no doubt· that Maynard remained a cat· . Understanding how children’s thinking
changes so dramatically in just a few years· is one of the fascinating· challenges in
studying cognitive development . There are several main· types of theories
of child· development· . Stage theories , such asPiaget’s stage· theory·, focus on
whether children progress· through qualitatively different stages of development.
Sociocultural theories , such as that of Lev Vygotsky , emphasize·how
other people and the attitudes , values , and beliefs of the surrounding culture
, influence· children’s development· . Information processing theories , such as
that of David Klahr , examine· the mental processes that produce· thinking at any
one time· and the transition processes that lead· to growth· in that thinking . At the
heart of all of these theories, and indeed of all research· on cognitive development ,
are two· main· questions: ( 1 ) How do nature and nurture interact to produce
cognitive development ? ( 2 ) Does cognitive development· progress· through
qualitatively distinct stages ? In the remainder· of this module· , we examine· the
answers that are emerging regarding these questions , as well as ways in which
cognitive developmental research· is being used to improve· education.

2|Page
 Nature and Nurture
The most basic question· about child· development· is how nature and nurture
together shape development . Nature refers to our biological endowment, the
genes we receive from our parents . Nurture refers to the environments, social as
well as physical, that influence· our development, everything from the womb in
which we develop· before birth to the homes in which we grow up , the schools
we attend· , and the many people· with whom we interact. The nature-
nurture issue· is often presented as an either-or question: Is our intelligence· (for
example) due to our genes or to the environments in which we live· ? In fact· ,
however , every aspect· of development· is produced by the interaction of genes
and environment· . At the most basic level· , without genes , there
would be· no child· , and without an environment· to provide· nurture· , there also
would be· no child. The way· in which nature· and nurture· work· together
can be· seen in findings on visual development· . Many people· view· vision· as
something that people· either are born with or that is purely a matter· of
biological maturation· , but it also depends on the right· kind· of experience· at
the right· time. For example· , development· of depth· perception· , the ability· to
actively perceive· the distance· from oneself to objects in the environment ,
depends on seeing patterned light· and having normal brain activity in response· to
the patterned light· , in infancy ( Held, 1993 ) . If no patterned light· is received,
for example when a baby has severe· cataracts or blindness that is not surgically
corrected until later in development· , depth· perception· remains abnormal even
after the surgery· .
Adding to the complexity· of the nature-nurture interaction , children’s
genes lead· to their eliciting different treatment from other people· , which
influences their cognitive development. For example, infants’ physical
attractiveness and temperament· are influenced considerably by their

3|Page
genetic inheritance, but it is also the case· that parents provide more sensitive
and affectionate care· to easygoing· and attractive infants than to difficult and less
attractive ones , which can contribute· to the infants’ later cognitive development
(Langlois et al., 1995 ; van den Boom & Hoeksma, 1994 ).
Also contributing to the complex interplay of nature· and nurture· is the role· of
children in shaping their own cognitive development· . From the first·days out of
the womb , children actively choose· to attend· more to some things and less to
others . For example· , even 1 -month-olds choose· to look· at their
mother’s face· more than at the faces of other women of the
same age· and general· level· of attractiveness· ( Bartrip, Morton, & de Schonen,
2001 ) . Children’s contributions to their own cognitive development·grow· larger
as they grow· older ( Scarr & McCartney, 1983 ) . When children are young· , their
parents largely determine· their experiences: whether they will attend· day care· ,
the children with whom they will have· play· dates , the books to which
they have· access· , and so on . In contrast , older children and
adolescents choose· their environments to a larger degree· . Their parents’
preferences largely determine· how 5 -year-olds spend· time· , but 15 -year-olds’
own preferences largely determine· when , if ever , they set foot· in a library .
Children’s choices often have· large· consequences . To cite· one example· , the
more that children choose· to read· , the more that their reading improves
in future· years· ( Baker, Dreher, & Guthrie, 2000 ) . Thus , the issue· is not
whether cognitive development· is a product· of nature· or nurture; rather ,
the issue· is how nature· and nurture· work· together to produce cognitive
development· .

4|Page
Does Cognitive Development Progress Through Distinct Stages?

Some aspects of the development· of living organisms , such as the growth· of

the width· of a pine tree· , involve· quantitative changes , with the tree· getting
a little· wider each year . Other changes , such as the life· cycle of a ladybug
, involve· qualitative changes , with the creature· becoming a totally
different type· of entity after a transition than before (Figure 1 ) . The existence· of
both gradual , quantitative changes and relatively sudden , qualitative changes in
the world has led researchers who study· cognitive development· to ask· whether
changes in children’s thinking are gradual and continuous or sudden
and discontinuous.

Figure 1 : Continuous and discontinuous development· . Some researchers see

development· as a continuous gradual process, much like a maple tree· growing
steadily in height and cross-sectional area. Other researchers see development· as
a progression of discontinuous stages, involving rapid discontinuous changes, such
as those in the life· cycle of a ladybug , separated by longer periods of slow· ,
gradual change· .

5|Page
The great· Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget proposed that children’s thinking
progresses through a series· of four discrete· stages . By “stages , ” he meant
periods during which children reasoned similarly about many superficially
different problems , with the stages occurring in a fixed order· and the thinking
within different stages differing in fundamental·ways . The four stages that Piaget
hypothesized were the sensorimotor stage· (birth to 2 years), the preoperational
reasoning stage· (2 to 6 or 7 years) , the concrete operational
reasoning stage· (6 or 7 to 11 or 12 years), and the formal operational
reasoning stage ( 11 or 12 years· and throughout the rest· of life) During the
sensor motor stage· , children’s thinking is largely realized through their
perceptions of the world and their physical interactions with it . Their mental
representations are very limited . Consider Piaget’s object· permanence task·,
which is one of his most famous· problems . If an infant younger than 9 months
of age· is playing with a favorite toy· , and another person· removes
the toy· from view· , for example· by putting it under an opaque cover· and not
letting the infant immediately reach· for it , the infant is very likely
to make· no effort· to retrieve it and to show· no emotional distress· ( Piaget,
1954 ) . This is not due to their being uninterested in
the toy· or unable· to reach· for it; if the same toy· is put·under a clear cover· ,
infants below 9 months readily retrieve it (Munakata, McClelland, Johnson, &
Siegler, 1997 ) . Instead, Piaget claimed that infants less than 9
months do· not understand· that objects continue· to exist· even when out of sight.
During the preoperational stage, according to Piaget , children can solve· not only
this simple problem· (which they actually can solve· after 9 months) but show· a
wide variety· of other symbolic-representation capabilities , such as those involved
in drawing and using language· . However , such 2 - to 7 -year-olds tend· to focus
on a single dimension· , even when solving problems would require· them
6|Page
to consider· multiple dimensions . This is evident in Piaget’s ( 1952 ) conservation
problems. For example , if a glass of water· is poured into a taller , thinner glass ,
children below age· 7 generally say· that there now is more water· than before .
Similarly , if a clay· ball· is reshaped into a long· , thin· sausage , they claim· that
there is now more clay· , and if a row· of coins is spread· out , they claim· that
there are now more coins . In all cases , the children are focusing on
one dimension· , while ignoring the changes in other dimensions (for example· ,
the greater width· of the glass and the clay· ball) .

Piaget's Sensor motor and Pre-operational Reasoning stages

Children overcome· this tendency· to focus on a single dimension· during

the concrete operations stage, and think· logically in most situations . However,
according to Piaget , they still cannot think· in systematic scientific ways , even
when such thinking would be· useful . Thus , if asked to find· out which
variables influence· the period· that a pendulum takes to complete· its arc , and
given weights that they can attach· to strings in order· to do experiments with the
pendulum to find· out , most children younger than age· 12 , perform·biased
7|Page
experiments from which no conclusion· can be· drawn , and then conclude· that
whatever they originally believed is correct . For example· , if a boy believed
that weight· was the only variable that mattered , he might put· the
heaviest weight· on the shortest string and push· it the hardest , and
then conclude· that just as he thought , weight· is the only variable that matters
( Inhelder & Piaget, 1958 ). Finally , in the formal· operations period· ,
children attain· the reasoning power· of mature adults , which allows them
to solve· the pendulum problem· and a wide range· of other problems . However ,
this formal operations stage tends not to occur without exposure to formal
education in scientific reasoning , and appears to be· largely or completely absent
from some societies that do· not provide· this type· of education .Although
Piaget’s theory· has been very influential , it has not gone unchallenged . Many
more recent researchers have· obtained findings indicating that
cognitive development· is considerably more continuous than Piaget claimed .
For example, Diamond ( 1985 ) found that on the object
permanence task described above , infants show· earlier knowledge· if the
waiting period· is shorter . At age· 6 months , they retrieve the hidden object· if
the wait· is no longer than 2 seconds; at 7 months , they retrieve it if the wait· is no
longer than 4 seconds; and so on . Even earlier , at 3 or 4 months ,
infants show· surprise in the form· of longer looking times if objects
suddenly appear· to vanish· with no obvious cause· ( Baillargeon, 1987) . Similarly
, children’s specific experiences can greatly influence· when developmental
changes occur· . Children of pottery makers in Mexican villages ,
for example· , know· that reshaping clay· does not change· the amount· of clay· at
much younger ages than children who do· not have· similar experiences (P rice-
Williams, Gordon, & Ramirez, 1969 ).

8|Page
 Piaget's Concrete and Formal Operations stages

So , is cognitive development· fundamentally continuous or fundamentally

discontinuous ? A reasonable answer· seems to be· , “It depends on how
you look· at it and how often you look·. ” For example· , under relatively
facilitative circumstances· , infants show· early forms of object· permanence by 3
or 4 months , and they gradually extend· the range· of times for which they
can remember· hidden objects as they grow· older . However , on Piaget’s
original object· permanence task· , infants do· quite quickly change· toward
the end· of their first· year from not reaching for hidden toys to reaching for them ,
even after they’ve experienced a substantial· delay· before being allowed
to reach· . Thus , the debate between those who emphasize· discontinuous , stage-
like changes in cognitive development· and those who emphasize· gradual
continuous changes remains a lively one .

9|Page
 Applications to Education

Understanding how children think· and learn· has proven useful for
improving education· . One example· comes from the area· of reading . Cognitive
developmental research· has shown that phonemic awareness·—that is
, awareness· of the component· sounds within words—is a crucial skill· in learning
to read· . To measure· awareness· of the component·sounds within words· ,
researchers ask children to decide whether two words rhyme, to decide whether
the words start with the same sound, to identify the component sounds
within words, and to indicate what would be left if a given sound were removed
from a word. Kindergartners’ performance on these tasks is the
strongest predictor· of reading achievement· in third and fourth grade· , even
stronger than IQ or social class· background· (Nation, 2008 ) . Moreover , teaching
these skills to randomly chosen 4 - and 5 -year-olds results in their being better
readers years· later ( National Reading Panel, 2000 ).

Activities like playing games that involve· working with numbers and spatial
relationships can give· young children a developmental advantage· over peers
who have· less exposure· to the same concepts.

Another educational application· of cognitive developmental research involves

the area· of mathematics . Even before they enter· kindergarten, the
10 | P a g e
mathematical knowledge· of children from low-income backgrounds lags far
behind that of children from more affluent· backgrounds . Ramani and Siegler
( 2008 ) hypothesized that this difference· is due to the children in middle- and
upper-income families engaging more frequently in numerical activities ,
for example· playing numerical board· games such as Chutes and Ladders .
Chutes and Ladders is a game· with a number· in each square; children start· at
the number· one and spin· a spinner or throw· a dice· to determine· how far
to move· their token·. Playing this game· seemed likely to teach· children about
numbers , because in it , larger numbers are associated with greater values on
a variety· of dimensions . In particular· , the higher the number· that a
child’s token· reaches , the greater the distance· the token· will have· traveled from
the starting point· , the greater the number· of physical movements
the child· will have· made in moving the token· from one square to another , the
greater the number· of number-words the child· will have· said and heard , and the
more time· will have· passed since the beginning of the game· . These spatial ,
kinesthetic , verbal , and time-based cues provide· a broad-based ,
multisensory foundation· for knowledge· of numerical magnitudes (the sizes of
numbers) , a type· of knowledge· that is closely related to
mathematics achievement· test scores ( Booth & Siegler, 2006 ).
Playing this numerical board· game· for roughly 1 hour, distributed over a 2 -
week period· , improved low-income children’s knowledge· of numerical
magnitudes , ability· to read·printed numbers , and skill· at learning novel
arithmetic problems . The gains lasted for months after the game-
playing experience· ( Ramani & Siegler, 2008 ; S iegler & Ramani, 2009) .
An advantage· of this type· of educational intervention is that it has minimal if any
cost—a parent could just draw· a game· on a piece· of paper· .

11 | P a g e
Understanding of cognitive development· is advancing on many different fronts .
One exciting area· is linking changes in brain· activity· to changes in children’s
thinking ( Nelson et al., 2006) . Although
many people· believe· that brain· maturation· is something that occurs
before birth· , the brain· actually continues to change· in large· ways for
many years· thereafter . For example· , a part· of the brain· called the prefrontal
cortex , which is located at the front· of the brain· and is particularly involved with
planning and flexible· problem· solving , continues to develop· throughout
adolescence ( Blakemore & Choudhury, 2006 ) . Such new research·domains , as
well as enduring issues such as nature· and nurture· , continuity and discontinuity ,
and how to apply cognitive development· research· to education· , insure· that
cognitive development· will continue· to be· an exciting area· of research· in the
coming years·.
Conclusion
Research into cognitive development· has shown us that minds don’t
just form· according to a uniform blueprint or innate· intellect· , but through
a combination· of influencing factors . For instance· , if we want· our kids
to have· a strong· grasp· of language· we could concentrate· on
phonemic awareness· early on . If we want· them to be· good· at math
and science· we could engage· them in numerical games and activities early on .
Perhaps most importantly , we no longer think· of brains as empty· vessels waiting
to be· filled up with knowledge· but as adaptable organs that develop· all
the way· through early adulthood· .

COGNITIVE MILESTONES
Milestones help· you understand how your child· learns and grows. Cognitive development· is critical· to
a child’s growth. It describes how a child’s brain develops, and includes skills such as thinking, learning,

12 | P a g e
 exploring and problem solving. It also affects other areas of a child’s development·, including language
and social skills.

NEWBORN
 Sees objects that are eight to 12 inches away from his/her face·.
 Is sensitive· to sounds close· by.
 Startles to loud· noises by arching back , kicking legs and flailing arms .

1 MONTH
 Watches objects and faces briefly and follows moving object· with eyes .
 Startles to loud· noises by arching back , kicking legs and flailing arms .

2 MONTHS
 Follows moving object· , such as rattle or toy· , with eyes .
 Recognizes familiar· people· at a distance· .
 Cries or fusses if bored.
 Startles to loud· noises .

3 MONTHS
 Recognizes breast or bottle· .
 Follows movement· by turning head· .
 Startles at loud· noises .

4 MONTHS
 Watches moving objects , moves eyes from side· to side· to watch· .
 Communicates if happy· or sad .
 Watches faces and looks at your face· while feeding .
 Reaches for toys and brings toys to mouth· .

6 MONTHS
 Uses hands· and mouth· to explore· the world .
 Transfers objects from hand· to hand· .
 Tries to get· things that are out of reach· .
 Looks around at things.

13 | P a g e
 9 MONTHS
 Watches an object· as it falls .
 Looks for objects that he/she saw you hide· .
 Transfers things smoothly from hand· to hand· .
 Plays "peek-a-boo."
 Uses thumb and index· finger to pick· things up , such as cereal Os .
 Turns pages in a book· .
 Puts things in mouth· .

12 MONTHS
 Puts objects in and out of containers.
 Looks at the correct picture· when it's named .
 Bangs things together.
 Begins to use· common· objects correctly (drinks from a cup· , brushes hair) .
 Follows simple directions , such as “pick up your book· . ”
 Explores things by banging, shaking or throwing.
 Pokes with index· finger .
 Lets go· of things without help· .

18 MONTHS
 Scribbles with crayon or pencil.
 Points to at least one body· part· .
 Follows one-step directions without any gestures (for example· , sits when you say· “sit”) .
 Knows what common· objects are for , such as a phone· , brush· or spoon .
 Points to get· the attention· of others .
 Shows interest· in a stuffed animal· or doll , and plays pretend· .
 Enjoys books, stories and songs.
 Turns pages of a book· .

2 YEARS
 Builds a tower of four or more blocks.
 Finds things even when hidden under two· or more covers .
 Explores how things work· by touching them and trying them out .
 Begins to sort· shapes and colors .
 Follows two-step directions such as , “pick up your truck· and put· it on the shelf· . ”
 Plays simple pretend· or make-believe· games .
 Names items in a book· such as a dog· , cat· , car· or baby .
 Completes sentences and rhymes in familiar· books .

14 | P a g e
 3 YEARS
 Does puzzles with three· or four pieces .
 Draws or copies a circle· with crayon or pencil .
 Plays make-believe· with dolls , animals and people· .
 Uses imagination· to create· stories or play· .
 Matches and sorts objects by shape· and color· .
 Works toys with buttons , levers and moving parts (for example· , makes mechanical toys work) .
 Knows what “two” means.
 Turns pages one at a time· .
 Knows common· colors .
 Screws and unscrews jar lids, and turns door handles.

4 YEARS
 Copies simple shapes.
 Understands the concepts of “same” and “different.”
 Follows instructions with two· or three· steps .
 Understands the concept· of counting and may know· numbers .
 Draws a person· with two· to four body· parts .
 Begins to understand· time· .
 Knows basic colors.
 Uses scissors· .
 Copies letters.
 Plays board· games or card· games .
 Tells you what he thinks will happen· next· in a story· .

5 YEARS
 Counts 10 or more objects.
 Names at least four colors correctly.
 Understands items used every day such as food· or money· .
 Draws a person· with at least six body· parts .
 Copies a triangle and other geometric shapes.
 Understands the concept· of time· .
 Prints some letters and numbers.
 Recognizes own printed name· and may be· able to write· name.

15 | P a g e