Social Change and Development Vol. XV No.

2, 2018

From Agriculture to Non-Farm: Agrarian Change

among the Scheduled Castes of Central Assam
Sarmistha Das*

Abstract

This paper examines how agrarian change and production relations have
been shaped by myriad factors like caste, landholding, and social position
and livelihood choices. While land is central to agricultural production, the
nature of its access as manifested through landownership and land tenure
defined by the agrarian relations of a society vary. Apart from the primitive
or simple societies, agrarian social relations are invariably hierarchical in
nature underscoring differential access of people to land. The paper aims
to understand the complex nature of such hierarchical relationships as well
as the nature of their transformation with the unfolding of changes in the
agrarian practices and other forms of livelihood in contemporary Assam vis-
à-vis India. Located in a multi-caste village of central Assam, the article
moves around the issues of land and livelihood, new alternatives to supplement
the traditional production process, the inter caste relationship and the nature
of landholding. The article is an attempt to understand the process of
transition- from being engaged in agriculture (what they were) to their
disinterest in the production process and the factors which contribute to
expedite this process.

Introduction

In recent times, the changing agrarian relations coupled with emerging livelihood
practices among the rural populace have brought about significant transformation in
the traditional Indian rural society. While some of these changes are the result of the
positive state intervention in the form of land reforms, pro-poor schemes, technological
inputs in agriculture, etc., some other changes in the rural society are the consequences
of state’s indifference as well as lopsided approach to development. Such initiatives,
while on the one hand, helped people counter some of the challenges of agrarian
backwardness, on the other, gave birth to a series of socio-economic problems arising
out of ambiguities in the legislations, slow bureaucratic procedures, ignorance and
insufficient resistance by the people (Mohanty, 2012).
*
Sramistha Das ([email protected]) is an Assistant Professor at the Department of
Sociology at Tezpur University.

18 ©OKDISCD
Vol. XV No.2, 2018 Social Change and Development

New studies on land ownership and reform from across the world present an interesting
picture of the changing agrarian economy vis-à-vis state. Boon (2014) in his discussion
on the relationship of state and land in the African context argues that struggle over
land and confrontation of state and citizens in the everyday affairs of African political
system has become an apparent reality today. Lund (2008) talks of the issues of land
and labour in the West African region. The issues of land and property determine the
political agenda at the local level. Borras et. al. (2007) on another account brings in
the discourse from Philippines and refers to the World Bank experiments in market led
agrarian reforms and its anti-poor outcome. Murray (2007) while referring to Indonesia
brings into focus the constraints that fail to improve the conditions of lives, livelihoods
and landscapes of the people and narrates how everyday issues of corruption, violence
remain the biggest challenge.

In the Indian context it is evident that the measures initiated by the Indian state such
as land reforms and agricultural modernization along with green revolution could not
remove social inequalities. Introduction of improved means of technology in agriculture
by the state gave birth to a new mode of production within the Indian economy (Rudra
1975; Thorner 1982; Patnaik 1976, Banaji 1976; Alavi 1981, Bhaduri 1973; Chandra
1974). Further, such change accentuated regional inequalities as green revolution and
its advanced technologies were introduced only in select pockets of the country
(Jodhka, 2004, Dhanagare 1991; Brass 1994). Thus, green revolution created binaries
across the country; the beneficiaries (farmers) not only dominated the rural areas but
also had a substantial influence in the state and regional politics and over time this
class started moving out into different non-agricultural activities (Karnath 1991). Some
had migrated to urban areas (Upadhya 1988) and some entered agricultural trade
(Harris-White 1996). The pauperised peasantry on the other hand became landless and
agricultural wage labourers and many also migrated to urban areas in search of livelihood.
These emerging processes changed many traditional relationships within the village
and social structure gradually became redundant. Aggarwal (1971), Breman (1974)
observe ‘depatronisation’ as a process being experienced in many areas which were
affected by the green revolution.

The process of rural outmigration peaked since the 1990s after structural adjustments
in the Indian economy. A visible outcome was the real estate boom and many youths
migrated to work in these nonfarm sectors. Parthasarathyet. al. (1998) argue that rural
unemployed go out searching for jobs and are willing to do whatever comes their way.
This process of rural outmigration became a pan Indian phenomenon. Chakravarti’s
(2018) ethnographic account of the lives of the Dalit agricultural labourers in Bihar
reflected through their stories of life brings out the crisis in accessing the basic
necessities such as health care, education for the marginalized. Though the village
under study remained unaffected by green revolution, yet rural outmigration remained
a major phenomenon there too, though the pattern was different. The youths moved
out of the traditional agrarian economy and started looking for alternatives beyond
agriculture. While some joined non-farm employment many migrated for joining the
informal sector.

©OKDISCD 19
Social Change and Development Vol. XV No.2, 2018

Focus of the paper

The paper is based on ethnographic account and analysis of the lives of people in
Dakhinpat Satra, a revenue village, under the Nagaon Sadar revenue circle, of Nagaon
district in Assam (which is located in the northeast of India). The village is 12 kms,
south west of Nagaon town1 and falls under Dakhinpat Gaon Panchayat and Pakhimoriya
mouza.

The village is home to a number of castes and there are three wide-ranging residential
segregations based on caste. They are divided into Satra (neo-vaishnavite monastery)
chuk (corner), Besimari and Dakhinpat. While each segregation is a unit in itself, they
are also mutually dependent on each other in terms of their everyday socio-economic
activities which primarily revolved around agriculture. Satra chuk are at the centre
of the village and is surrounded by Dakhinpat on one side and Besimari on the other.
In terms of caste composition of the households, satra chuk is the most diverse with
castes like Brahmins, Kalitas (a middle caste groups in Assam) Koch (a detribalised
Hindu group) and kaibartas (a scheduled caste group). The Dakhinpat and Besimari
area of the village, however, are home to the kaibartas and hiras (two scheduled caste
groups in Assam).

The satra, traditionally was the fountainhead of religious, economic and political
authority of the village. The local narratives claim that the village was donated by a
tribal king in a process of detribalizing himself and sanskritizing into the Hindu fold.
Hence, all land including the water bodies in the village were under the control of the
satra. All major decisions on access to land, production process, share of the produce,
and control over produce etc.share to the satra was taken by the satradhikar (abbot).
The economy in the village revolved around the cultivation season in winter and
summer. The winter crops cultivated included mustard and pulses like the local variety
of kechari (lentil). During the summer, bau and lahi two different varieties of paddy
were grown in the village. Apart from paddy the village also has rich sugarcane and
mustard plantations.

The farming and agricultural life had been fairly good in the village earlier. Livelihood
in the village spun around agriculture, the labour required was supplemented by the
members from various castes, except the Brahmins, from the village. But as the traditional
authority of the satra declined, the land reforms left the traditional power house to
mere embellishments of traditional authority. Land was redistributed among the people.
This was also followed by the fissures in the traditional religious supremacy of the
satra. Towards the late 1970s there were religious assertions by lower castes in the
village and they were supported by their fellow caste members from neighbouring
villages. Today traditional arrangements have changed and new patterns of agriculture
and its alternatives have evolved with time. This paper deals with issues like land
fragmentation, changes in agrarian relationship and loss of traditional sources of
livelihood.
1
According to the Statistical Handbook of Assam 2011, Nagaon district is divided into three
subdivisions, 17 towns, 1412 villages and 239 Gaon Panchayats.

20 ©OKDISCD
Vol. XV No.2, 2018 Social Change and Development

Approach and method of study

Evidently, negotiating with issues as mentioned in the previous section called for a
certain amount of methodological flexibility and therefore informal discussions and
conversations with the villagers helped in understanding and collating the necessary
information and data for the study. However it was challenging to work as a non-
participant observer especially in the pockets dominated by the marginalised caste
group mostly the kaibartas. When I decided to stay in another kaibarta village located
some 4 km away from my study village, the villagers from my study area started
cooperating with me and came forward for discussions. They would huddle around me
and discuss their problems ranging from the infrequent visit of doctors at the primary
health care centre, to difficulties faced by them in procuring the job cards for various
schemes under Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act. The
villagers took me to be either a representative from some Non-Profit-Organisation
(NGO) or as representative of the government and hence expected some kind of
financial help from me. However, with time such perceptions about me gradually
changed and they understood my purpose of visit. As I started to spend more time with
the people in the village it became apparent that I was neither a benefactor nor a threat
to them. My task that seemed daunting became enjoyable.

Local Agrarian Economy and Caste

Agriculture was the backbone of the traditional village economy. The process of
agricultural production involved all the villagers but based on their castes affiliations
the individuals worked at various capacities. Besides agriculture, fishing was a
supplementary source of livelihood, but such activities were confined to the scheduled
castes only. Traditionally all the villagers irrespective of their caste affiliations were
engaged in the agricultural fields of the satra (Khatopathar) at different capacities; the
system though open yet production relations were stratified. While the kaibartas and
the hiras were engaged in activities like ploughing, the brahmins, kochand the kalitas
were placed in activities that were perceived higher in status compared to ploughing.
The brahmins and the kalitas did not directly work on the agricultural fields; they were
the officials appointed by the satradhikar (abbot) to oversee the agricultural work. The
satradhikar did not reside in the village, in his absence the production relations were
under the supervision of the members of the satra parichalana samity (satra management
committee). This committee comprised of the members of the upper caste who were
influential not only in their own village but also in the larger local social setting. The
brahmins numerically dominated the committee and were engaged in most of the
decision making because of their traditional influence in the satra. The satra was a
part of the brahmo sanghati (one of the four different sanghati of satra: purusa, kala,
nika and brahma. The distinction lies in the ideology and the philosophical orientation
of the satras which emerged in the sixteenth century. The brahma sanghatiis headed
by a Brahmin preceptor, together with Vedic rites and naamkirtan lays emphasis on
God. (Nath 2011:39). Presence of the brahmin preceptor gave an added advantage to
the brahmins in the village who traditionally exerted their influence. Thus, for the
sharecropper appeasing the satra and its officials was crucial as his good relations with

©OKDISCD 21
Social Change and Development Vol. XV No.2, 2018

them marked a way for his good share in kahtopathar and for which he may at times
had to put an extra effort to keep them contented. There are instances when a cropper
from kaibarta or a hirash community would go and work in brahmin houses as kamla
(daily labourer) without any economic remuneration (free labour service). In a certain
sense, for the sharecropper the satra as an institution was the lifeline, dominating their
major socio-economic relations.

The elderly men from the village narrated that such relations of production were
hereditary. The adhihars (sharecroppers) would inherit their titles. While they could
not transfer the land, they could pass on the right to cultivate in a piece of the satra
land to the members of the next generation.

The satra occupied the centre stage and owned the village land (it had a total of 651
bighas of land under its control till the land reforms). The traditional edifice started
losing its power with the implementation of land reforms since India’s independence
especially since 1973 (which were subsequently repealed and implemented again).
Thus, the upper castes men by being members of the satra parichalana samity exercised
control over the satra land and the rest of the villagers. The land reforms brought
alteration in the total acreage of land in the village. This was welcomed by most of
the villagers who were contented with the reforms. However, in terms of the total land
holding, the satra till date remains the biggest landholding institution in the village.

Agricultural engagement of the villagers today varies. Based on their contribution in

agriculture and ownership of land four categories can be found in the village. These
categories are not exclusive and can be inclined with the categories of Thorner (1973).
The categories regionally vary except the category of Mazdur who more or less has
a lot of similarity with the kamla.

i. Landowner: This category has maximum land in the village. On an average, they
own more than 15bighas of cultivable land. Some of them lease out and some
lease in land. This category is found across all the castes. While the primary
source of income revolves around agriculture, some are engaged in government
jobs, some in small businesses like grocery store, tea stalls, hardware shop
pharmacy, etc. in the village. This category can also be called as the small
farmers.

ii. Adhiar(share cropper): This is a category which is mostly found amongst the
middle and marginalised castes in the village. On an average, they own more than
10 bighas of land. Often the produce they generate from land is not enough for
them to sustain for a year. Hence, they also engage in other forms of income
generation besides engaging in agriculture.

iii. Haluwa(plough-man): This is a category which owns less land 5 bighas of

cultivable land. They work as wage labourers and the only supplementary skill
was with the hal (plough). But with an increase in the mechanised methods of
agriculture especially the use of tractors, they have started losing their traditional
occupation.

22 ©OKDISCD
Vol. XV No.2, 2018 Social Change and Development

iv. Kamla(daily wage labourers): They are landless and the only source of income
for them is by working as agricultural labour. Occasionally they also work under
MGNREGA, but this is not a regular source of income as the functioning of the
schemes is irregular.

Apart from the landowners, other categories include members from lower and marginal
castes. The households of the upper caste officials of the satra, which belong to the
brahmin and kalitas enjoyed usufruct rights over satra land provided to them by the
satra (by virtue of being members of the satra parichalana samity). With the enforcement
of Ceiling Act the satra had to surrender its land above the ceiling limits, but the land
under the possession of the upper caste households mentioned was not brought under
the purview of the Act. The land under their possession was treated as family land and
not as satra land even though such lands belonged to sattra. However, land owned by
these households was not large in sizes and it varied 10 to 15 bighas of land2. The
ceiling surplus land of the satra, however, was distributed among the villagers. Though
this provided many marginal and landless peasants, especially kaibartas and hiras with
some land, this was much less than what the upper castes secured after the redistribution
of land. As narrated by a kaibarta villager, he could get 12 bighas of land as his uncle
was close to the revenue officials. However, leaving out the land under the possession
of the upper caste, the satra and the wetland areas (which were declared as commons),
only 250 bighas of land was left for redistribution among more than 200 other families
of the village.

Besides agriculture, traditionally the commons (mostly wetlands) in the village were
an important source of supplementary income. Conventionally the commons were
accessed by all the castes with a certain edge administered by the satra and its
parichalana samity. However, over the years there has been a decline in an individual’s
access to such commons as most of the water bodies have dried up. The river which
contributed significantly as a supplementary source of income went under private
lease. The villagers now seek permission from the lessee to engage in fishing.

A young boy from the village in his early twenties narrates:

Agriculture is no longer an appealing area of livelihood for two reasons: it is

not as productive as it used to be and it is time taking. Moreover with
disappearance of the wetlands and the river Kolong which was the life line for
the villagers going under amahaldar (lease holder) people’s access to the
alternate sources of livelihood has become limited.

Thus, from being a common asset, the river today has not only become a private space
but in the process, has also weakened the supplementary source of income for the
villagers.

2
Only in a single case, I found one brahmin landowner with 30 bighas of land.

©OKDISCD 23
Social Change and Development Vol. XV No.2, 2018

Lack of irrigation has been often cited as a major setback to agriculture. During the
late 20th century Kolong (the only river) which covered the length of the village had
been blocked at Hatimura in Kaliabor (a place which is at 54 km from village). During
one monsoon, the river created debacle in the downstream areas of Nagaon town,
following which the civic authorities had blocked the river at its mouth. This had a
severe effect on the downstream villages in the district. Further this has stopped the
constant flow of water from Brahmaputra to the river Kolong. Not only did it brush
off the inflow of water but also affected the aquatic life in these villages. Villagers (from
Dakhinpat) rue that the village which was once known for its fertile river beds is today
under extreme agricultural poverty. The river no longer continues the same flow and
can today be considered almost a dead river; this has further added to the livelihood
miseries of the youths in the village. The blockade of the river Kolong at its mouth
not only stopped the normal flow of the water in the river but the flood water that
replenished the wetlands periodically and also deposited fertile silt in the agricultural
fields in its flood plain had been cut off. Today, the wetlands have become a pale
shadow of their past self. Villagers, who once had flourishing fishing activity, today
hardly have anything worthwhile to offer. There are evidences that reflect the crisis
faced by the scheduled castes and the plight of their livelihood with the death of the
river (Bora:2004). Landlessness is also an important factor contributing to disinterest
amongst the scheduled caste villagers. Thus, shifts in livelihood practices and the
transition from agriculture to non-farm activities have become fashionable in the
village3.

Land Distribution and Fragmentation

A look at the caste wise land distribution in the village reveals that out of the total
610 bighas of land in the village, the SCs have maximum land under their possession.
Table I below represents caste wise distribution of land among the villagers. However,
the data on fragmentation of land (in figure I, II and III) portray a contrary picture.

Table 1: Caste wise distribution of land in 20134

Caste Land holding (in Bighas)
Scheduled Castes (Hirasand Kaibartas) 442.89
Others (Brahmins, Kalitas) 103.79
OBC (Koch, Sut) 63.62
Total 610.30
3
Since the late 1980s, there was a massive effort to step up irrigation for boosting agriculture
in the state by the then government under the aegis of the regional political party (Assam Gana
Parishad AGP). Shallow pumps were installed in the paddy fields for better irrigation. But the
programme was unsuccessful and the village still bears the relics of the program in the form
of unused irrigation pumps. The villagers lament that the pumps and pipes that were erected
in few fields had been stolen.
4
Table source: Land Documents, Revenue Records of the villagers at the Maujadars office at
Pakhimoriya

24 ©OKDISCD
Vol. XV No.2, 2018 Social Change and Development

Figure 1: Fragmentation of land among OBC

Figure 2: Fragmentation of land among SC

Figure 3: Fragmentation of land among Others

To understand the story of land fragmentation in the village, 1973 has been taken base
year (as land reforms were initiated that year in the village). The data on land holding
indicates that the SCs have the maximum land. However, the data on land fragmentation

©OKDISCD 25
Social Change and Development Vol. XV No.2, 2018

indicate a different picture. The figures I, II and III indicate that the SCs have had
maximum land fragmentation in between 1973 to 2013. There has been an increase of
200% in the total fragmentation of land. Compared to the SCs the Others and OBCs
(numerically less) have only 50% land fragmentation records. Hence, despite having
access to land the SCs in the village continue to be the marginal landholders.

The gaonbura( village headman) narrates:

Although every caste in the village has undergone land fragmentation, but
when it comes to continuing the agricultural practices most groups stay together.
It is only among the SCs that there is a split in agricultural land which means
a divide in their production activities as well. As a result, agricultural activities
become unproductive for them. Adding to this unproductive agricultural cycle,
the disappearance of the erstwhile commons has further multiplied the crisis
by limiting their livelihood choices. Such instances act as pre-cursor hastening
the inclination towards non-farm activities.

While fragmentation of land in general has affected the entire village, it was much
adverse in case of the scheduled castes. Since the members of other castes have found
permanent employment outside the village because of their education, there is much
less pressure on their land stemming the process of land fragmentation. The scheduled
castes, however, because of their limited life choices and low educational attainment,
have hardly found any sustainable permanent employment outside the village. As a
result, there is increasing pressure on their agricultural land leading to its fragmentation.
This has compelled the poor scheduled caste villagers to look for unskilled and
semiskilled livelihood opportunities in distant places as opportunities in the vicinities
of the village are either limited or non exitent. This is testified by the fact that today
the incidences of landlessness among the Scheduled Castes in village are quite high,
and there are as many as 40 landless families among them.

Although, the satra lost most of its land after the enactment of the land ceiling act,
it continued to be the biggest institutional landholder in the village with 50 bighas
of agricultural land. The landless (mentioned above) families besides depending on the
better off scheduled caste villagers’ agricultural land, also heavily depend on the satra
land (khatopathar) as sharecroppers and also as kamlas. It needs to be mentioned that
today only in the satra land sharecropping is exclusively practiced. The other landowners
in the village practice both sharecropping and a new system of contractual arrangement
(chukti) with those who lease in land this new practice is much more favourable to the
landholders than the landless peasants. In chukti, irrespective of the produce, a peasant
should give a fixed amount to the landowner. This system puts pressure on a peasant
because even in case of a crop failure, he is bound and obliged to pay the landowner
in terms of produced or in cash as agreed and fixed by the contract. This practice takes
away whatever human considerations that existed in the erstwhile sharecropping (adhi)
system where a sharecropping peasant had to give half of whatever was produced. It
is no wonder therefore that the scheduled caste landless and the marginal peasants still
prefer to work in khatopathar.

26 ©OKDISCD
Vol. XV No.2, 2018 Social Change and Development

Emerging Livelihood Practices

There has been an ongoing change in the production relations in the village. Changes
in landholding patterns, fragmentation of land across caste groups, landlessness, and
loss of commons are usually the primary reasons. With these emerging changes there
is a need for the people to look for an alternative. Apart from the move towards nonfarm
activities like poultry and piggery (which are far and few in the village) there is also
a surge in outmigration from the village. The failure of the state to bring about the
desired change and the pauperization of the poor rural masses had been subjects of
great debates and discussions in the India in the 1970s and 1980s. But such discussions
are far and few since the early 1990s when the Indian state changed its socialist path
of development and to neo-liberal process of development. Studies (Shiva 199; 2004)
indicate, with the inception of the neo-liberal economy in India since 1991, the plight
of the peasantry has worsened over the years. There has been an escalation in the
incidents of landlessness amongst the peasants, suicides, mono cropping and monopolies
by the capitalist giants. Further there are also instances of growing indebtedness
amongst the small and marginal farmers, development-induced regional disparities in
the wake of integration with the global economy. This adds to the burning agrarian
crisis and increases the number of farmer’s suicides (Despande and Aurora, 2010). In
the context of our village under study, though there is a crisis looming in the agrarian
economy of the village, the villagers have been coping with the challenges of cycles
of continuous agricultural failure and indifference in agricultural activities. Yet there
has been no cases of farmers suicide reported in the village essentially because of the
social organisation of the villages in Assam are different from other Indian villages. The
traditional patron client relationship is usually not present in the villages. As discussed
the land ceiling act had taken most of the land from the satra, but it continues to be
the biggest institutional landholder with maximum land and people under its protection
and control.

In the village under study, while on one hand, there is large acreage of agricultural land
which lies fallow, on the other, there are many young men in the village who are jobless
and seeks alternative livelihood outside agriculture. The poor villagers lamented that
production of rice (the principal agricultural crop) has become unproductive because
of uncertainty in rainfall, lack of irrigation, dwindling agricultural subsidies on paddy
saplings, fertilizers, etc. Moreover, since every family below the poverty line (BPL) gets
35 kg of subsidised rice (Rs. 3/- per kg) under the Public Distribution System (PDS)
of the state, the basic requirement of staples is ensured. This security of food grain is
also another reason for people moving out of agriculture in the village.

Out-migration

Young unemployed men from the BPL( Below Poverty Line) migrate out of village to
the various urban centres like Noida (in the National Capital Region of Delhi), Silvia
(capital of Dadra and Nagar Haveli), and Surat and Gandhi Nagar (in Gujarat) in search
of employment. The lure of better opportunities in cities also has its own demonstration
effect and there is a negative attitude among the youths towards agriculture. The end
result is a crisis of agricultural labour in the village.

©OKDISCD 27
Social Change and Development Vol. XV No.2, 2018

As narrated by the Gaonbura:

There is a crisis of labour in the village. Agricultural works like ploughing the
fields, threshing the paddy, etc. were traditionally carried out by the family
labour. Today, such family labour is not found as most of the youths have moved
out of the village. The educated youths have become teachers, clerks, etc. in
other areas of the state while the ‘under matriculates have become labourer
outside the state.

He further adds that the government is also responsible for creating this crisis in
agriculture. According to him, the schemes like MGNREGA, AAY, IAY, etc. have had
a negative effect on agriculture. However, one needs to critically evaluate whether such
schemes have affected the rural agrarian economy in the village. It needs to be
mentioned that social security benefits of the government ushering change in rural
landscape and subsequently changing the agrarian economy across villages is not
limited to the village under study but is a general phenomenon across villages in India.

This issue of out migration from agriculture has been studied in depth by many
scholars. A section of scholars argue that this outmigration is an outcome of the process
of change that has occurred in the traditional agrarian sector (Arjan De Haan, 2002).
The latter is breaking up under the onslaught of new forces of production and paving
the way for a new production relation in the country side. The scholars uphold the view
that migration is a welcome and a necessary process of change. There are scholars who
contradict such claims are critical of this process of rural outmigration. They argue that
the process has been hastened not by the availability of some better and sustainable
opportunities outside agriculture, but because of an extremely sluggish agricultural
sector without the necessary government support including irrigational facility, subsidised
power, minimum support price, etc. turning agriculture into an unproductive sector.
This has induced growth of alternative opportunities of employment in the informal
economy. However, the challenge for this informal sector of the Indian economy lies
in the fact that it is impossible to demarcate it as a separate category and any such
attempt would lead to inconsistency in the larger framework (Breman:1976).

Though migration is not a new social phenomenon and mostly has a pattern, many
people migrate because of the remittance economy which grows with migration. The
desire for better life and income attracts the people to move out and explore new
avenues. However, the factors that trigger such outmigration of the villagers make for
an interesting study. An important thing to be noted here is that the spread of the stories
of opportunities associated with the large scale rural outmigration from Assam to other
Indian states in recent years has acted as the immediate trigger for such outmigration
from the village. Because of this outmigration, a crisis for agricultural labour has
unfolded in the village.

Migration can also be a strategy of different groups for creating remittance income (De
Haan 2002). The youths perceive the process of moving out of the village as a strategy
to cope with uncertainty in livelihood opportunities however whether migration has

28 ©OKDISCD
Vol. XV No.2, 2018 Social Change and Development

been a gainful bargain remains a question. It has been observed that often remittances
sent by migrants are not sufficient for the families back home and experiences of
people from rural Bangladesh reveals how people in households where there is
outmigration cope with their indigenous ways of meeting the household requirements
(Katy1995).

Interaction with the youths5of the study village revealed that income generated from
agriculture is not enough to sustain their families for the year. Apart from the landless
and marginal farmers who are compelled to depend on the rice distributed under the
PDS, the other villagers prefer to consume rice from their own agricultural field. Among
those raising their own paddy, a section of the households produce more than what is
required for their domestic consumption, while for the rest of the households, it is
barely enough to last for the whole year. Those who produce surplus do not find a
market which can fetch a fair price for their produce and therefore, are compelled to
sell their produce at a cheaper price to the middleman (mostly the Bihari traders from
outside). On the other hand, those who do not produce more than their consumption
requirement find it extremely tough to run their families as they do not have any other
alternative source of income outside agriculture. Both groups of farmers are seasonally
unemployed but, lack of locally available alternative sources of income compels them
to remain out of work during the lean agricultural season.

The locally available alternative sources of livelihood in the district like the brick
kilns, stone crushing units, etc. are sites of seasonal migrants from Bihar, poor immigrant
Muslim community from within the state but they do not attract the local villagers.
There is perceived sense of shame among the villagers to seek work in these places.
At the same time, the expectation of better work and income also continue to elude
the seasonally unemployed cultivators in the village. Therefore, the only alternative
as revealed by the villagers is to move out of the village for durable employment from
where they can earn income that would exceed their income from agriculture. Across
village households, it was observed that unless there is one member of the household
with a permanent job, youths have moved out from the village in search of livelihood.
Also it was found that families which have a steady income from other sources
including services continue with their engagement in agriculture in the village.

Studies from Punjab and Uttar Pradesh indicate that with rural outmigration from these
states, there has been a transformation in the traditional village economy. Adi-dharmis
and the Jats in Jalandhar are now engaged in various non-traditional works such as
running telephone booths, grocery stores, eateries, etc. Many of them also stitch
footballs for various multinational companies (Abbi and Singh, 1997). It is evident that
the most pronounced trend in the Indian villages today is the move from the shackles
of caste and agriculture (Gupta 2005). Further the traditional notion of unchanging and
idyllic village has changed across India as people have started moving out of the
traditional occupations breaking the stereotypes associated with their traditional
5
The information was gathered from the Focus Group Discussion (FGD) conducted amongst
the youths in the village.

©OKDISCD 29
Social Change and Development Vol. XV No.2, 2018

occupations. At the same time, employment in non-farm sector is largely determined

by the socio-economic position of the household and recent trend across Indian
villages shows that caste based occupational arrangements have withered (Gupta 2005).

Although the villagers from Dakhinpat Satra did not have many options with respect
to the traditional occupations, yet there was a relationship of dependence which
revolved around the authority of land. As discussed earlier, all land traditionally
belonged to the Satra and therefore the villagers had to surrender themselves to the
absolute authority of the Satra. Hemendra, a young Kaibarta boy, from Dakhinpat in
his 30s while narrating the nature of outmigration from the village identified some
critical factors which according to him were responsible for people moving out of the
village. Decline in agricultural productivity was the primary reason behind the
outmigration of the villagers, and he argued that outmigration has not only helped
them earn an income, but also has helped them move out of the traditional stereotyped
occupations in the village. He further adds that increasing aspiration for upward
mobility among the scheduled caste youths has also contributed to the process of their
outmigration. Thus aspiration for better life and social position is a also emerging as
a prime factor for rural outmigration among the youths.

Echoing similar views Tikendra, another Kaibarta boy from Dakhinpat, in his early 20s,
who himself has been a migrant also holds that the fragmentation of land among the
Scheduled Caste families was the main reason for migration among the Scheduled
Caste youths. The income varies with the type and place of occupation and a majority
of the youths who had migrated from the village have an income earning varying
between Rs.3000/- to Rs.6500/-. As revealed by him, often this income is insufficient
to meet the monthly expenses at the new city. Tikendra had left the village in early
2013 but returned in March of 2015.

He maintains that as the income generated from agriculture is less, the youths are
compelled to look beyond agriculture and in the absence of other alternative avenues
for supplementary income in the area there is a growing tendency to move out of the
village. Interestingly, Tikendra discloses that the fascination among the youths about
certain places, specially the developed urban centres of the country such as Delhi,
Ahmedabad, Hyderabad etc. and the perception about the economic opportunities in
them also triggers the tendency to migrate to these places. Be that as it may, it is clear
from the accounts of Hemendra and Tikendra that youths move out of the village in
search of better livelihood.

Social divisions and alternative livelihood

A section of youths (scheduled caste) from the village have taken up non-agricultural
activities like poultry, fishery and piggery in partnership. The village has three poultry
farms, two piggeries and a fishery. These businesses were started with the financial
assistance taken from State Institute of Rural Development (SIRD), National Bank for
Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD), besides occasional loans from the
village households who were economically and financially better off.

30 ©OKDISCD
Vol. XV No.2, 2018 Social Change and Development

The initial financial assistance as start-up fund from SIRD and NABARD are subsidised
and the subsequent financial requirements are met from borrowings sanctioned by a
nationalized bank either on the recommendation of a guarantor or in lieu of mortgage
of property. The two piggery farms that were started in the village in early 2013 with
financial assistance and loan, burden of repayment of loan availed from the SIRD
forced closure of one of the piggeries. The piggery farm that continues also has been
facing challenges. The poultry farms have had successful run. It is interesting to note
that that traditionally the villagers neither reared chicken nor pig and neither the
villagers consumed chicken or pork. It was only under the state government’s self
employment programme that youths in the village started the poultry and piggery
farms. Although a section of the elderly in the village does not prefer the activities as
they would pollute the clean and pure environment of the village nevertheless, there
is no resistance as self employment would bind the village youths within the village
and put a hold on outmigration. Thus economic activities which otherwise had been
unacceptable within the social norms in the village, tend to change in the wake of
changing nature of social crisis (outmigration) induced by economic crisis faced by the
village.

However these new farming activities do not find any enthusiasm among the upper
castes households from the village6. On the contrary, these households have been
engaging in speculative land market that has been steadily growing in the periphery
of Nagaon town and investing their resources in for acquiring new lands. Engaging in
such farm practices has never been part of the socio-economic life of the higher caste
households and such activities had been carried by people from lower castes. The
stereotyping of activities by castes and absence of mutual trust across caste hierarchy
still continues in the village. Social exclusion thus creates barrier in creating gainful
livelihood opportunity within the village economy itself.

There is no doubt that agriculture is un- remunerative today, yet it still holds the
prospects for a sustainable source of income. Despite the crisis, many villagers continue
with agriculture as the main or only source of livelihood. The withdrawal from
agriculture is not always a result of non sustainability, but also a result of a wave of
information dissemination about the prospects of other opportunities in cities and
towns which may accentuate the outmigration given the ongoing crisis in agriculture.
The rural economy with high share on agricultural farming has failed to diversify over
the years into other non- farm activities have contributed in a significant way in the

6
These households stay close to the vicinity of the sattra. Also there is a general unwillingness
on their part of to take up these activities even though the households have the required land.
Often problem of supervision is cited as a reason if farms are located at a distance within the
village. They also stressed that for such farms they would have to depend on the scheduled
castes from the village who might not be honest. When asked about why they do not invest
in fisheries (which is not restricted in the vicinity of the sattra), they mentioned, that water
bodies in the village which were previously connected to the river are not available as they
have dried up and the village as a whole has become somewhat water deficient. So, for them,
fisheryis not a profitable venture.

©OKDISCD 31
Social Change and Development Vol. XV No.2, 2018

current crisis facing the agrarian sector today. The villagers especially the youths today
remain discontented with fragmentation of land and falling income from agriculture,
absence of alternative livelihood avenues in the village. Therefore, a moving out
beyond the village seemed more rewarding.

Conclusion

The study of Dakhinpat Satra brings out a nuanced change taking place across
villages in the state. Factors like caste, landholding which determine social position
and livelihood choices have undergone transformation. The socio-economic life of the
village reflects the crisis- from bounteous agriculture the fields today have turned non
remunerative. Various state supports and institutional reforms (land reforms, irrigation)
could not lead to desired optimal changes and social and economic transformation.
Despite redistributing the ceiling surplus land of the satra among the landless villagers
it only led to marginal change in the economic relations of the scheduled castes but
over the years have not contributed in improve their agricultural production and the
satra continued its dominance with its total land.

While agrarian change had its impact on the entire village economy, the socially
marginalized scheduled castes were its worst victims. Two processes were concurrent
in scheduled caste household-on one hand, agriculture became unproductive and on
the other, increases in land fragmentation pushed them out of agriculture. To mitigate
the crisis, these households either took up non-farm activities like poultry and piggery
or migrated out of village. As opportunities for nonfarm activities remain limited given
the investment cost and other operational aspects within the village, youths have
migrated to other places where work opportunities are available.

As an outcome of the decline in agriculture as a source of income in the village there

has been a growth in outmigration of the youth in rural areas of Assam. Since the last
one and half decade, the state has witnessed an unprecedentedly large-scale outmigration
from its rural areas to other states of India on account of the breaking down of its rural
economy. One cannot testify whether such outmigration has been a boon for the state
economy as remittance income continues to be low. Outmigration cannot be a long run
solution to the problems of the crisis emerging in rural areas. This calls for a revival
of the rural economy. In a socially and ethnically diverse society such as Assam, an
attempt at the revival of the rural economy needs a holistic multi-pronged approach
taking into account the specific character and needs of the local economies and the
communities and instead of the stereotyped ‘one size fits all’ policy.

REFERENCES:
Agarwal, Bina(1994). A field of One’s Own: Gender and Land Right in South Asia.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Boone, Catherine, Property and Political Order in Africa: Land Rights and The Structure
of Politics, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 93, No. 6, November/December 2014, Pp. 206-
207

32 ©OKDISCD
Vol. XV No.2, 2018 Social Change and Development

Barbara Harris White, (1996).A Political Economy Of Agricultural Markets In South

India, Sage, New Delhi
Breman Jan,”A Dualistic Labour System-A Critique Of The Informal Sector Concept-
Ii aFragmented Labour, Market”Vol. 11, Issue No. 49, 04 Dec, 1976,Special
Articles
Bora, Mahim (2004-05). Ekhon Nadir Mrityu. Banalatr, Dibrugarh
Brass, Tom. “Introduction: The New Farmer’s Movement in India.” The Journal of
Peasant Studies 21.3-4 (1994): 3-26.
ChakravartiAnand, (2018)Is This ‘Azaadi’? Everyday Lives of Dalit Agricultural
Labourers in a Bihar Village, Tulika Books
deHaan, A. “Migration and Livelihoods in Historical Perspective: A Case Study of
Bihar, India.” Journal of Developmental Studies 38.5 (2002): 115-142.
Dhanagare, D.N. The Model of Agrarian Classes in India in Social Stratification in
Dipankar Gupta, (Eds).(1991) Delhi: Oxford UP.
Gardner, Katy 1999, Global Migrants, Local Lives: Travel and Transformation in Rural
Bangladesh, Oxford
Jodhka, S.S.(2004) “Agrarian Structures and their Transformations” in Oxford Handbook
of Indian Sociology. Veena Das, (eds.) New Delhi: Oxford University Press
Mohanty, B.B (2012). Agrarian Change and Mobilisation. New Delhi: Sage
Mech, A. (2015)”Growth and Composition of Rural-Non Farm Employment in Assam:
A Post Reform Scenario.” Journal of Business Management and Social Science
4.12, 711-716
Nath, D. (2011)Religion and Society In North East India, DVS, Guwahati
Patnaik, Utsa. (1976)”Class Differentiation within the Peasantry: An approach to analysis
of Indian Agriculture.” Economic and Political Weekly 11. 29: 82-101
Parthasarathy, G., et al. (1998) “Determinants of Rural Non-Agricultural Employment:
The Indian Case.” Indian Journal of Agrarian Economics, 53: 139-153
Rudra, Ashok.(1978) “Class Relations: in Indian Agriculture I.” Economic and Political
Weekly 13.22:916-923
Rudra, Ashok.(1978) “Class Relations: in Indian Agriculture II.” Economic and Political
Weekly 13.23:963-968
Rudra, Ashok.(1978)”Class Relations: in Indian Agriculture III.” Economic and Political
Weekly 13.24: 998-1004
Shiva,Vandana.(2004,April 5) The Suicide Economy of Global Capitalism. http://
www.countercurrents.org/glo-shiva050404.htm.

©OKDISCD 33
Social Change and Development Vol. XV No.2, 2018

Saturnino M. Borras, Jr., Danilo Carranza and Jennifer C. Franco (2007), “Anti-Poverty
or Anti-Poor? The World Bank’s Market-Led Agrarian Reform Experiment in the
Philippines”, Third World Quarterly, Vol. 28, No. 8, Market-Led Agrarian Reform:
Trajectories and Contestations, Pp. 1557-1576
Tania Murray Li, (2007), The Will To Improve: Governmentality, Development, and
The Practice of Politics, Duke University Press.
Upadhya Carol, The Farmer-Capitalists Of Coastal Andhra Pradesh, Vol. 23, Issue No.
27, 02 July, 1988.

34 ©OKDISCD