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CHAPTER 1: LITERACIES ON
A HUMAN SCALE
Ong on the Differences between Orality and Literacy
CHAPTER 2: LITERACIES'
PURPOSES
Walter Ong characterises the main differences between the languages of oral and literate cultures in
these terms:
CHAPTER 3: LITERACIES
PEDAGOGY [It] is possible to generalize somewhat about the psychodynamics of primary oral cultures, that is, of oral
cultures untouched by writing. … Fully literate persons can only with great difficulty imagine what a
CHAPTER 4: DIDACTIC
primary oral culture is like, that is, a culture with no knowledge whatsoever of writing or even of the
LITERACY PEDAGOGY
possibility of writing. Try to imagine a culture where no one has ever ‘looked up’ anything. In a primary
oral culture, the expression ‘to look up something’ is an empty phrase: it would have no conceivable
CHAPTER 5: AUTHENTIC
meaning. Without writing, words as such have no visual presence, even when the objects they represent
LITERACY PEDAGOGY
are visual. They are sounds. You might ‘call’ them back—’recall’ them. But there is nowhere to ‘look’ for
them. They have no focus and no trace (a visual metaphor, showing dependency on writing), not even a
CHAPTER 6: FUNCTIONAL
trajectory. They are occurrences, events.
LITERACY PEDAGOGY

CHAPTER 7: CRITICAL
LITERACY PEDAGOGY In a primary oral culture, thought and expression tend to be of the following sorts.

CHAPTER 8: LITERACIES AS (i) Additive rather than subordinate

MULTIMODAL DESIGNS FOR
MEANING
A familiar instance of additive oral style is the creation narrative in Genesis 1:1-5, which is indeed a text but one preserving
recognizable oral patterning. The Douay version (1610), produced in a culture with a still massive oral residue, keeps close in many
CHAPTER 9: MAKING ways to the additive Hebrew original … :
MEANING BY READING
In the beginning God created heaven and earth. And the earth was void and empty, and darkness was upon the face of the deep;
and the spirit of God moved over the waters. And God said: Be light made. And light was made. And God saw the light that it was
CHAPTER 10: MAKING
good; and he divided the light from the darkness. And he called the light Day, and the darkness Night; and there was evening and
MEANING BY WRITING
morning one day.
CHAPTER 11: MAKING VISUAL Nine introductory ‘ands’. Adjusted to sensibilities shaped more by writing and print, the New American Bible (1970) translates:
MEANINGS
In the beginning, when God created the heavens and the earth, the earth was a formless wasteland, and darkness covered the
CHAPTER 12: MAKING abyss, while a mighty wind swept over the waters. Then God said, ‘Let there be light’, and there was light. God saw how good the
SPATIAL, TACTILE, AND light was. God then separated the light from the darkness. God called the light ‘day’ and the darkness he called ‘night’. Thus
GESTURAL MEANINGS evening came, and morning followed – the first day.

CHAPTER 13: MAKING AUDIO Two introductory ‘ands’, each submerged in a compound sentence. The Douay renders the Hebrew we or wa (‘and’) simply as ‘and’.
AND ORAL MEANINGS The New American renders it ‘and’, ‘when’, ‘then’, ‘thus’, or ‘while’ to provide a flow of narration with the analytic, reasoned
subordination that characterizes writing (Chafe 1982) and that appears more natural in twentieth-century texts. … Written discourse
CHAPTER 14: LITERACIES TO develops more elaborate and fixed grammar than oral discourse does because to provide meaning it is more dependent simply upon
THINK AND TO LEARN linguistic structure, since it lacks the normal full existential contexts which surround oral discourse and help determine meaning in oral
discourse somewhat independently of grammar. …
CHAPTER 15: LITERACIES
AND LEARNER DIFFERENCES (ii) Aggregative rather than analytic

CHAPTER 16: LITERACIES

This characteristic is closely tied to reliance on formulas to implement memory. The elements of orally based thought and expression
STANDARDS AND
tend to be not so much simple integers as clusters of integers, such as parallel terms or phrases or clauses, antithetical terms or
ASSESSMENT
phrases or clauses, epithets. Oral folk prefer, especially in formal discourse, not the soldier, but the brave soldier; not the princess, but
the beautiful princess; not the oak, but the sturdy oak. Oral expression thus carries a load of epithets and other formulary baggage
KEYWORDS which high literacy rejects as cumbersome and tiresomely redundant because of its aggregative weight (Ong 1977, pp. 188-212). …

(iii) Redundant or ‘copious’

Thought requires some sort of continuity. Writing establishes in the text a ‘line’ of continuity outside the mind. If distraction confuses or
obliterates from the mind the context out of which emerges the material I am now reading, the context can be retrieved by glancing
back over the text selectively. Backlooping can be entirely occasional, purely ad hoc. The mind concentrates its own energies on
moving ahead because what it backloops into lies quiescent outside itself, always available piecemeal on the inscribed page. In oral
discourse, the situation is different. There is nothing to backloop into outside the mind, for the oral utterance has vanished as soon as it
is uttered. Hence the mind must move ahead more slowly, keeping close to the focus of attention much of what it has already dealt with.
Redundancy, repetition of the just-said, keeps both speaker and hearer surely on the track.

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linearity. Sparsely linear or analytic thought and speech is an artificial creation, structured by the technology of writing. Eliminating
redundancy on a significant scale demands a time-obviating technology, writing, which imposes some kind of strain on the psyche in
preventing expression from falling into its more natural patterns. The psyche can manage the strain in part because handwriting is
physically such a slow process—typically about one-tenth of the speed of oral speech (Chafe 1982). With writing, the mind is forced into
a slowed-down pattern that affords it the opportunity to interfere with and reorganize its more normal, redundant processes. …

(iv) Conservative or traditionalist

Since in a primary oral culture conceptualized knowledge that is not repeated aloud soon vanishes, oral societies must invest great
energy, in saying over and over again what has been learned arduously over the ages. This need establishes a highly traditionalist or
conservative set of mind that with good reason inhibits intellectual experimentation. Knowledge is hard to come by and precious, and
society regards highly those wise old men and women who specialize in conserving it, who know and can tell the stories of the days of
old. By storing knowledge outside the mind, writing and, even more, print downgrade the figures of the wise old man and the wise old
woman, repeaters of the past, in favor of younger discoverers of something new.

Writing is of course conservative in its own ways. Shortly after it first appeared, it served to freeze legal codes in early Sumeria. But by
taking conservative functions on itself, the text frees the mind of conservative tasks, that is, of its memory work, and thus enables the
mind to turn itself to new speculation (Havelock 1963, pp. 254-305). Indeed, the residual orality of a given chirographic culture can be
calculated to a degree from the mnemonic load it leaves on the mind, that is, from the amount of memorization the culture’s educational
procedures require (Goody 1968a, pp. 13-14). …

(v) Close to the human lifeworld

In the absence of elaborate analytic categories that depend on writing to structure knowledge at a distance from lived experience, oral
cultures must conceptualize and verbalize all their knowledge with more or less close reference to the human lifeworld, assimilating the
alien, objective world to the mort immediate, familiar interaction of human beings. A chirographic (writing) culture and even more a
typographic (print) culture can distance and in a way denature even the human itemizing such things as the names of leaders and
political divisions in an abstract, neutral list entirely devoid of a human action context. An oral culture has no vehicle so neutral as a list.
…

(vi) Agonistically toned

Many, if not all, oral or residually oral cultures strike literates as extraordinarily agonistic in their verbal performance and indeed in their
lifestyle. Writing fosters abstractions that disengage knowledge from the arena where human beings struggle with one another. It
separates the knower from the known. By keeping knowledge embedded in the human lifeworld, orality situates knowledge within a
context of struggle. Proverbs and riddles are not used simply to store knowledge but to engage others in verbal and intellectual combat:
utterance of one proverb or riddle challenges hearers to top it with a more apposite or a contradictory one (Abrahams 1968; 1972). …

(vii) Empathetic and participatory rather than objectively distanced

For an oral culture learning or knowing means achieving close, empathetic, communal identification with the known (Havelock 1963, pp.
145-6), ‘getting with it’. Writing separates the knower from the known and thus sets up conditions for ‘objectivity’, in the sense of
personal disengagement or distancing. …

(viii) Homeostatic

By contrast with literate societies, oral societies can be characterized as homeostatic (Goody and Watt 1968, pp. 31-4). That
 is to
say, oral societies live very much in a present which keeps
 itself in equilibrium or homeostasis by sloughing off memories which no
longer have present relevance. … Print cultures have invented dictionaries in which the various meanings of a word as it occurs in
datable texts can be recorded in formal definitions. Words thus are known to have layers of meaning, many of them quite irrelevant to
ordinary present meanings. Dictionaries advertise semantic discrepancies.

Oral cultures of course have no dictionaries and few semantic disagreements. The meaning of each word is controlled By what Goody
and Watt (1968, p. 29) call ‘direct semantic ratification’, that is, by the real-life situations in which the word is used here and now. The
oral mind is uninterested in definitions (Luria 1976, pp. 48-99). Words acquire their meanings only from their always insistent actual
habitat, which is not, as in a dictionary, simply other words, but includes also gestures, vocal inflections, facial expression, and the
entire human, existential setting in which the real, spoken word always occurs. Word meanings come continuously out of the present …
.

(ix) Situational rather than abstract

All conceptual thinking is to a degree abstract. So ‘concrete’ a term as ‘tree’ does not refer simply to a singular ‘concrete’ tree but is an
abstraction, drawn out of, away from, individual, sensible actuality; it refers to a concept which is neither this tree nor that tree but can
apply to any tree. Each individual object that we style a tree is truly ‘concrete’, simply itself, not ‘abstract’ at all, but the term we apply to
the individual object is in itself abstract. Nevertheless, if all conceptual thinking is thus to some degree abstract, some uses of concepts
are more abstract than other uses. Oral cultures tend to use concepts in situational, operational frames of reference that are minimally
abstract in the sense that they remain close to the living human lifeworld.

Ong, Walter J. 1982. Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word. London: Methuen, pp.31, 37-49. || Amazon || WorldCat

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