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By
P ie t e r J a n R a a t s
Table of Contents
CH A P T E R O N E Introduction
CH A P T E R T W O Tuglibong
I. Tuglibong or the Woman
1 . Bagobo myths about Tuglibong
2. The name of Tuglibong
IT. The Mythical Beings
1 . Mythical beings and the scorching period
2. Aftermath of the firebrand period
III. Tuglibong and the Sky
1 . Sky and evil
2. Quarrels and progressive creation
3. Pestle and argument
IV . Rituals Connected with Pounding
1 . Bagobo ritual music
2. Subanon ritual music and dance
3. The palakpak and the pestle
V
C hapter O ne :INTRODUCTION
The Bagobo live in the interior of southeast Mindanao (west
and northwest of the Gulf of Davao) on the southwestern,
southern and eastern slopes of the volcano Mount Apo, the
highest mountain in the Philippines. They are among many
other tribes living in Mindanao which includes: the Manobo,
the Mandaya,the Mamanwa, the Bukidnon, the Subanon, and
others. This paper concerns the Bagobo and only occassionally
mentions the other tribes or some close neighbours of the
Bagobo who, like the Bagobo themselves, inhabit the region
between Sarangani Bay and the western shore of the Gulf of
Davao. These neighbours are the Kulaman, Tagakaolo, Bilaan
and Ata, all relatively small tribes, except the Bilaan. Today,
the Bagobo are not numerous either, perhaps not more than
2500 all together. In the past sixty years many have moved
to the town or city; they have either given up their old custo
mary way of life completely or have perhaps retained in these
more modern communities a little of their dialect and a few of
their religious customs and concepts only.
The Bagobo have come under stronger Western influence
since 1850 A.D. Before this time they have been influenced to
some extent by the Moslems and perhaps, before 1450 A.D.,
directly but slightly by the Hindu-Javanese. Words like “Di-
wata,” possibly borrowed from the islands of Sangi, Talaud or
Jolo,once strongholds of Madjapait, or absorbed through con
tacts with the Tagalog who probably were under some sort of
Javanese domination before 1450 A.D., seem to indicate such
Hindu-Javanese influence.
Of the anthropologists who lived with the Bagobo at the
beginning of this century and collected anthropological data,
Laura Estelle Watson Benedict1 (1861) should be mentioned
first. She worked there from 1906 to 1907. Most of her data
were gathered in the Talum area and in Santa Cruz, at the
time a settlement with a Bagobo character. Benedict was an
anthropologist of the school of Fr. Boas.2 She was also familiar
with the ideas of G. A. Wilken, A.W. Nieuwenhuis, Alb. C.
1 . Benedict, Ceremonial, p. 7.
,
2. Benedict, loc. cit. p . 134 (footn. 208), p . 188 (footn. 294) , p. 288
(footn. 362), Lowie, Ethnological Theory, p. 134, 131, 132.
4 PIETER JAN RAATS
Benedict and Cooper Cole were not the first to write about
the Bagobo. A missionary, Fr. Matteo Gisbert, S.J., discussed
the Bagobo in his letters edited in the “Carta de los Padres de
la Compania de Jesus” in Manila, 1889, translated and reprinted
by Blair & Robertson in V o l . 43 of the Philippine Islands,
Twenty vears later, the American ethnologists mentioned earlier
continued what Gisbert had begun.
Although Laura Watson Benedict noted that Bagobo reli
gion would soon die out/2 she herself and Fay-Cooper Cole were
able to collect a treasure of data. Benedict also systematized
(externally) the data concerning Bagobo religion. In the first
part of her book she discussed myths and beliefs; in the second,
the major rites or the formal ceremonial; and in the third, every
day forms of religious response. This scheme hardly reveals
the internal connection between the elements of Bagobo religion
although it keepf, the valuable objects together as a unit. As
far as the character of Bagobo religion is concerned Benedict
only briefly suggests that it is based on a simple spirit or demon
worship to which the Bagobo have clung steadfastly. They
would have, however, permitted Hindu and Buddhist elements
to fuse with their own old ideas, thus constituting a new reli
gious complex that was not at all Malay and far from pure
Indian in any phase.13 She noticed that the Indelible Elements
play somehow a role in Bagobo religion.14
Benedict appears to be correct in her opinion that the
Bagobo have absorbed some Indian lore and may have clung
to what she calls their underlying simple spirit or demon
worship. The question, however, is what that simple spirit or
demon worship may be, and/or how the data collected by her
would constitute a religious “complex” which is not a mere
accidental unit of many elements lying on top of each other or
in juxtaposition, but one that supposes an underlying principle
of order manifested by a mutual interrelationship of these
element that form perhaps a pattern, a system, a structure,
though not necessarily a completely logical or a perfectly con
clusive one. This system might be defective or imperfect,but
still something formative in itself the Bagobo could “cling to,”
2
1 . Bag:
obo M yths about T uglibong
A
In the beginning- Diwata made the sea and the land and
planted trees of many kinds. Then he took two lumps of earth
and shaped them like human figures; then he spat on them, and
they became man and woman. The old man was called Tuglav,
and the old woman, Tuglibong. The two were married and lived
together. Then Tuglay made a great house, and planted seeds
of different kinds that Diwata gave him, etc.
B
Long ago the sun hung low over the earth. And the old
woman called Mona said to the sky, “You go up high, because
I cannot pound my rice when you are in the way.” Then the
sky moved up higher. Mona 'vas the first woman and Tuglay
was the first man. There were at that time only one man and
one woman on the earth. Their eldest son was named Malaki;
their eldest daughter, Bia. They lived in the center of the earth.
C
Tuglay and Mona made all things in the world; but the
god made the woman and the man. Mona was also called
Tuglibong. Tuglay and Tuglibong got rice because they could
see the god. But the snake was there also, and he gave the
fruit to the man and the woman saying to them: “If you eat
the fruit, it will open your eyes.” Then they both ate the fruit.
This made the god angry. After this Tuglay and Tuglibong
could not see the god anymore.
D
In the beginning, when the world was made, the sky hung
too low over the earth. At this time the poor families called
Mona were living in the world. The sky hung so low that when
they wanted to pound their rice, they had to kneel down on the
ground to get a place for the arm. Then the poor woman called
Tuglibong said to the sky: “Go higher up! Don’t you see that
I cannot pound my rice well?” So the sky began to move up
wards. When it had gone up about five fathoms, the woman
said again, “Go higher up still more.” This made the sun angry
at the woman, and he rushed up very high.
E
In the old days when the sun as well as the sky were down,
the Mona had a deep hole in the ground as large as a house
into which they could creep to keep themselves from the fierce
heat of the sun. The Mona were very old; but after the sun
went up very high, they began to have babies.
F
In the beginning the sky hung so low over the earth that
the people could not stand upright, nor do their work. For this
reason the man in the sky said to the sky, “Come up.” Then
the sky went to its present place.
2. The N am e o f T uglibong
1 . The S k y and E v il
and time) ; and finally, the making of “mortal” man with the
possibility of another life in another country. The mythical
quarrels which characterize the three myths form the link among
them. Quarrels, disputes or dialogues lead, so it seems, to a
definite settlement of things, and this must mean perhaps the
creation of the order we see in the universe.
The belief that dialogue was necessary as a foundation of
the universe could easily lead the Bagobo to conceive some of
their own domestic or local quarrels as ritual procedures re
presenting the primeval quarrel and thus sharing in its effective
ness to settle things for ever56.
Jensen, ibidem.
6 6
danao and some other places, related concepts. Was it the power
of the symbol (pounding* rice with a pestle) that placed the
Woman in the centre of the Bagobo creation myths, or was it the
dominant character of the Woman in Bagobo religion that
created the eminently female symbol of pounding rice? Actually
the Bagobo have also a rite where the Bagobo male handles a
ritual device used in a ceremony that perhaps reminds one of
the movements of the pestle.
symbol for rice and the female) while the planting ceremony
could stress the male by giving importance to the stick that
was associated with primeval scorching. Both ceremonies
(planting and harvesting) would be aptly symbolized now by
two instruments that belong- together as closely as man and
:
woman the mortar and the pestle. One could admire this
attempt to bring to a common denominator a multitude of things
in the cosmos: pestle and mortar, man and woman, upper and
lower regions, sky and earth, planting and harvest, rain and
seed, etc.
One should consider the circumstances in which the palak
pak appears, that is, during the ritual planting which goes from
North to South, the “orthodox direction” for the Bagobo"8 and
in the midst of a religious place. The Bagobo field is a clearing
out of the jungle. A small spirit-house or a tambara (a reli
gious item that should be discussed elsewhere) is put up in
the centre of the field. It seems to serve as an altar which
represents the centre of the world or the cosmos. Around this
centre the rice-mother6!) is planted together with all the “magic”
plants that must impart their special qualities to the rice. The
Kulaman70, neighbours of the Bagobo, also plant a pole in that
centre together with a sugar-cane stalk. The sugar-cane stalk
appears in a myth of the Bagobo71 as the only plant that had
survived the scorching period and thus points to the end of this
scorching period. This happened in mythical times in the place
where the Bagobo village Sibolan was. One could even say that
the sugar-cane stalk is the plant of Sibolan, the equivalent of
the central tree, and thus the centre where the Bagobo settle
ment and people started, and also where Tuglibong must have
pounded her rice. Because of this sacred plant, the clearing to
be cultivated would have all the likeness with the earth at the
end of the scorching period, as the fields are actually made at the
end of the dry season. It is in the environment just described
that the up and downwards moving palakpak appears. One
must think here of the mythical pestle. One might object that
the Subanon buklug requires one stick only while all the plan
6
8
ters have their individual sticks. All these sticks can perhaps
not possibly represent the centre,as the pole does in the buk-
lag. In this connection the custom of the Tagakaolo/2 also
neighbours of the Bagobo, can perhaps shed some light. When
the work is done, the Tagakaolo take some rice and form it into
a heap. Then they collect all the sticks used during planting
and plant them on the heap of rice. The sticks have now been
made to form a bundle in the centre, from where the whole field
has been cleaned,sowed and planted and the assembled sticks
are thus made to look like one pole. Next, the Tagakaolo pour
water over the sticks and the rice. Rain is the only thing lacking
for a prosperous growth and for ending the scorching or dry
season.
The palakpak is cut several months73 before planting is to
start and it must be a bamboo joint of a fixed size, exactly the
distance from a point of one’s arm to a certain point of one's
wrist. When work is over, the sticks and the palakpak are not
discarded74 but are stored in the house. Sticks whose size are
related to the individual man and sometimes ornamented with
feathers are also found in other places.75 The feather can sym
bolize the spirit (wind, breath) of a sacrifice especially of a
chicken offered to the gods. The sticks may well symbolize the
tree in which everybody has his personal limited share (life
span) since man became mortal.76 The tree that Mebuyan holds
and shakes is a tree of limited life for mankind on earth.77 The
palakpak made out of bamboo could represent this central tree,
and so can a bamboo growth. Even if the bundle of planting-
sticks placed by the Tagakaolo on the heap of rice would not
be the central “tree,,,it could represent a growth or a garden
of bamboo trees on a mountain top, which would mean the same.
Not only a tree but bamboo growths are sometimes associated
in the same way with the allotted life span of man, of which
a mysterious monkey is said to keep the record.78 (See Chapter
,,
Four I I I 4,page 58). The planting- stick of the Bagobo is
72. Cole, loc. a t ., p. 160.
73. Benedict, Ceremonial, p. 173.
74. Benedict, ibidem.
75. Demetrio,Death (Ph.S. 14), p. 382.
76. Demetrio, loc. cit” p. 377.
77. Benedict, Myths, p. 20.
78. Demetrio, Death p. 377
A STRUCTURAL STUDY OF BAGOBO MYTHS AND RITES 27
struments that the sky and underworld were made. The actions
and intrigues of the spirits will necessarily differ if a tribe
places pestle and mortar in the center, or a tree, a scaffold, or
a mountain. These items have probably all the same function
of beginning, and the spirits that are believed to operate or
handle them will be in function identical as well, although the
intrigues will differ.
Mebuyan will be discussed in detail in the next chapter.
Discussing here both characters, Tuglibong and Mebuyaii, has
been unavoidable if either is to be made clearer and better
understood.
V II. Summary
Among these are the Bagobo bolang bolang and the Subanon
buklug. Since the buklug is a rite for general purposes, while
the bolang bolang is played mainly during harvest feasts, it is
possible that the palakpak used in the Bagobo planting cere
mony is the counterpart of the bolang which is perhaps also
the instrument in the rites for Mebuyan, the deity of the under
world. It should be borne in mind that Tuglibong and Mebuyan
are probably identical. If this were so, it would also be more
understandable to say that Tuglibong is the goddess that in
stituted the Bagobo way of life as it supposes mortality. Much
would then be clarified but it is not possible to do so with
certainty. On the other hand, it is quita certain that quarrels,
as they are elsewhere also,are part of the Bagobo idea about
creation, either of sky and earth, sun and moon,upperworld
and underworld. They lead to separation which could explain
the origin of time and of space in the meaning of sky, under
world, and surface of the earth. In quarrels the more personal
contribution of creating spirits is emphasized above eventually
more mechanical activities or movements. Guided by H.
Schaerer, the author attempted to inquire whether the Bagobo
know of ritual quarrels in their social life. Very little data on
this point could be obtained; hence, it was not possible to settle
the question. However, the Bagobo customs of ordeal and of
competition in songs and practice during1their celebrations seem
to suggest so. The female spirits of Bagobo and other tribes
have something in common and their characteristics seem to
overlap. One can admit that Tuglibong and Mebuyan are
most probably identical. In that case Tuglibong would be a
great co-creatress and protector comparable to the female deities
of those other sometimes better known tribes in the archipelago.
Her pestle and her mortar are the symbols for the upperworld
and underworld as well as for the centre and horizon. What in
other myths is achieved by cutting or demolishing, is done by
bumping and scolding here. It is around symbols, like these
instruments, that the intrigues of the spirits are actually woven,
or in other words, the symbols often determine the character of
the creative personality and its action. In Bagobo mythology it
is a primeval dissatisfied Woman who argues and thus “creates”
while she pounds rice with a pestle.
36 PIETER JAN RAATS
1 . Introduction
Garvan, ibidem,
2
5
2. R elated K ites
to be one field for study, but it is the Bagobo and the Wemale
who show quite close similarities in their beliefs, myths and
rites. It is the popular belief among the Wemale that the
dance the Wemale mythical people performed when they con
ducted Hainuwele into the ground is the same as their Maro
dance today, a whirling or circling ritual dance. If the Bagobo
have a dance similar to the Wemale dance for occasions when
the beginning and thus Mebuyan— who has so much in common
with the goddesses of the Wemale and their deeds,— is cele
brated, it is reasonable to suppose that the Bagobo dance con
cerned is also as such intended to ‘‘celebrate’’ an event men
tioned in the myth of Mebuyan and similar to that of the
Wemale goddess. The Maro dance is a group dance since the
crowd danced Hainuwele into the ground. The Bagobo, especial
ly the drummers, perform their dance more individually while
many; only look on, but the drums used during this dance are
the mortars called bolang bolang. In the Wemale dance the
crowd was compelling, while the dance of the Bagobo would
be an imitation of Mebuyan moving her mortar so that it
virtually sucked the crowd behind her into the underworld.
F.C. Cole137 describes it thus: ‘‘The music goes faster, emphasiz
ing certain beats, until it becomes a compelling rhythm that
makes the feet of the onlooker move and suddenly a man or wo-
m.an begins to dance. At first she keeps time to the music by
raising toes and heels, bending the knees and twisting the body
from side to side, but soon she becomes more animated; the feet
are raised high above the floor and brought down with a sort of
shuffle that reminds one of the sound made by the feet of a
clog-dancer. Still swaying her body she begins to dance clock
wise, around the gongs, and soon she is joined by others until
all the dancing space is filled. The scene is most picturesque
because the dances generally occur at night in rooms illuminated
only by the flickering light of the torches. The rich clothing
of the dancers loses nothing of its beauty in this dim light
while the bells and rattles with which each dancer surrounds
arms and legs and ankles add to the din and the weirdness of
the occasion. Before the dance has progressed far the musicians
begin to keep time with their feet and frequently dance away
138. Benedict, Ceremonial, p. 146, footn. 213; 139, footn. 210; 129.
139. Benedict, Ceremonial, p. 85^ 27.
140. Cole, W ild Tribes^ p. 113.
141. Jensen, Drei Strome^ p. 92.
142. Benedict, Ceremonial, p. 117-124.
143. Jensen, Drei Strome3 p. 92.
A STRUCTURAL STUDY OF BAGOBO MYTHS AND RITES 57
Danum believe, still determines not only who will die but also
who will be born. Man did not become really independent. Her
power over the tree suggests this also. The Bagobo themselves
suggest in a myth to be recorded and discussed in Chapter Four,
,,
I I I 4 1,that primeval man risked and chose death with con
jugal love above a life in the “paradise.” This consequently
seems to include birth.
If one refers back to the myth of Tuglibong, one may be led
to the possibility of considering the two women, Tuglibong and
Mebuyan, as one great goddess. It is certain that they comple
ment each other in most of their functions and that their
symbols— — the pestle and the mortar~constitute one unit.
Mebuyan is a complex personality. Her symbols of tree
and rice belong to the indelible Elements and she is also asso
ciated with indelible water. The black river is her river. Her
character and activities, shaking, bathing, and whirling are
determined by the indelible Elements. She could be a personifi
cation of them, but penetrating into this problem would already
be beyond the scope of this article. At least she is associated
with these elements. Mebuyan is also and in much clearer
manner a psychopomp who guides the souls to a new life by
bathing them, strengthening them and putting them on the
path to Gimokudan.
In the myths of Mebuyan discord and quarrel also play a
role. It seems that being more determined, the woman again
gained the victory, and the dead, or most of them, will go to
her country, Gimokudan. If her antagonist, Lumabat, is finally
to be associated with the upperworld, the quarrel between the
two for the “souls” of men would be an old theme reappearing
in this peculiar form in Bagobo myths. To the Bagobo the
Mother in the underworld would seem more attractive then the
upperworld, which has proved less hospitable to mankind from
the beginning. Without the absolute moral issue, however, the
choice or destination of mankind for one of the two abodes will
not take the dramatic character it has in some world religions.
Mebuyan has the character of the fertile, good and wise “mother
E arth ,,’ who gives some hope to her faithful in the Beyond
but no reason for excitement. The sky country would eventually
also be just satisfactory for those who would for one reason or
the other prefer it. To reach one of the two seems to be a
60 PIETER JAN RAATS
time the people cut him, the knife took a little flesh. So all
thought Lumabat was like a god. One year after he killed the
deer he told all the people to come to his house, but they said
they could not because the house was small and the people
many. But Lumabat said there was plenty of room, so all
entered his house and were not crowded. The next morning
the diwata Tigyama and other spirits came and talked with him.
After that he told the people that all who believed that he was
powerful could go with him but all who did not would turn into
animals and buso. He went tq the place where the earth and
the sky meet. When he got there he saw that the sky kept going
up and down the same as a man opening and closing his jaws.
:
Lumabat said to the sky ‘‘You must go up, ” but the sky
replied. “N o!” At last Lumabat promised the sky that if he
let the others go through he might try to catch the last to pass.
The sky opened and the people went through; but when near
to the last the sky shut down and caught the bolo of the next
to the last man. The last one he caught and ate•”
This myth recorded by Cole has three parts:
1 . Lumabafs first trip to the horizon where he caught the
white deer and subsisted on bananas and camotes, miraculous
products. (Planter and Hunter)
2. Lumabat^ return home and his order to kill his father; the
way he revived h im ; finally his decision, after the killing of the
deer, to leave the place with all those who believed in him.
(Mortal Man.)
3. Lumabat’s trip with the mythical beings to the sky coun
try. This last part is full of trials, and it is the only part
found in the text of Benedict. (Psychopomp.)
All this is done with the same hopes and expectations, namely,
of a prosperous growth in this world and of an honest death
and the acquisition of a happy abode in the Beyond. If one could
demonstrate that the myth or rite of the Wemale and the
Bagobo show substantial similarities, the path would be open
to a discussion of similarities in religious background, and be
valuable especially in so far as celebrations of the Bagobo may
be also understood as representations of mythical times accord
ing to the idea of Jensen.
The last part of the myth of Lumabat will be compared
in section B. of the following paradigm with a rite still used by
a distinct part of the Wemale group, the so-called Kakihan152
secret society, with which the reader will become more familiar
in later chapters and paragraphs (Chapter F iv e ,1 2 3,page ,,
J04). What appears to be similar or identical in the myths and
rites compared here are only the elements that constitute the
intrigues, not the intrigues as such. They are often different
but their meaning will appear to be similar as well.
1 . P arad igm
S e c t io n A
Bagobo Wemale
1. 1.
Son of Tuglibong Daughter of Tuglibong M ulua Satene, great
who lives at the centre chthonic deity, arose out
of the earth. of unripe banana. H ainu
wele was born out of a
nut.
(Plant and man are
identical).
mentioned on
side column of
paradigm.) M u
leaves the earth
is buried in
underworld.
S e c t io n B
column aa column bb column cc
The people of the my Baths are mentioned The initiandi of the
thical Lumabat several times, e.g., the a) Kakihan society leave
a) leave the house with Bagobo take ritual the house of their
him. While traveling baths when they parents. First they
a long celebrate the festival take ceremonial
b ) path on foot they of Ginem153 or when d ) baths and are rub
are they contract marri bed with fragrant
c) challenged to reveal age. leaves. They have
the goal of their trip. a) They leave their c) to 'promise secrecy
If they do, they dis houses and descend and blind-folded take
solve at once into along a steep path a path to the place
the elements. First into a deep valley; e) in the forest (hori
they had also to they pour water drip zon ?).
cross the ping O n all approaches tabo
d) ocean, (water, d) from fragrant leaves signs warn man and
b a th ?). Finally they upon the heads of spirit.
reach the the participants f ) In the forest is a
e) horizon. e) whose faces are house,
f) Here is a gate that covered by loose g) in the flooring of
goes up and down hanging hairs, once which is a hole. The
likp the jaws of an facing West with 9 initiandi
animal (jaw, gate, downpours, once h) will have to jum p
hole, valley). The East with 9 or 8 through that hole.
travelers have to downpours. (West Under the house is
h ) jum p through that and East is a dark room (the
gate into the un e) horizon (? ) • But peo unknown).
known. ple stand in the cen i) A pig is killed dur
i ) The spirit demands tre between West ing the performance.
a sacrifice ( ? ) , one and
of the companions. f ) East and in a river
( gate ) , ( Mebuyan’s
characteristics).
The 9 downpours
are the 9 “deaths” of
M ulua S. (cf. No. 6,
paradigm, column aa,
sub e.)
The travelers reach their Sometimes the faithful The initiandi, together
destination are beaten with cere with their guides, jump
b ) but there are sharp monial bunches of leaves. c) into the hole (down
knives there, and the The chief minister in the wards)
a) spirits spit their riverbath seems to be a a) and are received by
“issue” on them woman. (Two identical fighting “spirits” who
which becomes sharp bunches recall the arms beat and wound them
as bolos. The travel of Hainuwele?) and
ers are badly receiv (This is a rite called b) cut them with their
ed. Pamalugu.) bamboo spears. Final-
A STRUCTURAL STUDY OF BAGOBO MYTHS AND RITES 67
9 . .
Lumabat becomes king Mebuyan is the chief of In the Wemale myth
of the sky country. a department in the un M ulua S. is queen of
derworld. the underworld.
,
as well as in Chapter Five: The Trip of Lumabat, I 3,page
,
106 ff.
4. by the antagonism between Lumabat and Mebuyan in the
myths of the Bagobo which is absent in the myth (and rite)
of the Wemale. In the latter, the two characters are both
chthonic; in the Bagobo myth Lumabat seems uranian, Mebu
yan chthonic.
able departure and the leaving of the old place in both the
intrigues, the threats used in both myths to stimulate the
participants (those who refuse will be “no-man”),the killing
of pig and deer, Mulua becoming the queen of the underworld
while Lumabat becomes the greatest of all the diwata (kings)
in the sky country.
3. the remainder of the elements in the myth of Hainu
wele (and in the rite of the Kakihan) is “carried” out by the
Bagobo Mebuyan. From the role of Hainuwele she has perhaps
also appropriated for herself the role of a provider of food.
The buried Hainuwele brought forth edible plants, particularly
yams, that sprouted out of her dismembered body. In correla
tion to Lumabat who, like Hainuwele, is associated with yams,
Mebuyan brings the rice. Both, man and woman, are culture
heroes. “Buried” or (disappearing) Mebuyan drops rice out
of her hands. From Mulua Satene, Mebuyan took over the office
of queen of a department of the underworld but she is again
correlated to Lumabat, king of the upperworld. Mebuyan has,
like Mulua, a special relation to little children, but she is also
correlated to her antagonist Lumabat who killed his father
but revived him until he became a little child.. As rice-girl she
seems similar to Hainuwele. However since she disappears into
the earth without being killed or having died, she seems more
like Mulua Satene. To be rice-girl (food-provider) without
having been killed is a phenomenon that occurs also elsewhere
as was mentioned before.
4. the scheme of the Kakihan secret society appears almost
completely in the myth of Lumabat but constitutes his trip to
the sky-country and his arrival there. In the myth of Lumabat
everything has seemingly a more ‘‘uranian’’ character. Some
of the elements of the intrigue of Lumabat appear now as the
inverted mirage of the Kakihan rite; the trip of Lumabat
seems also to be for heroes only.
Suffice it to state here that Mebuyan is, like Lumabat,
related to both Hainuwele and Mulua Satene, who ultimately
seem to be identical anyway. From the Kakihan ritual scheme
Mebuyan has reserved in her myth the bath and the hole in
the flooring. This hole can also serve as the hole in the myth
of Lumabat, but then it has an uranian character as it opens
into the sky. This shows how readily several of these elements
A s t r u c t u r a l s t u d y o f b a g o b o MYTHS AND RITES 71
male) have to expect later once they have chosen to follow the
path of Lumabat or Mulua. Mulua Satene beats only once with the
arms of Hainuwele but she explains that it means the nine
fold death and revivification. Lumabat does not speak but
makes his point by demonstrating it eight times. The beating
with the arm of Hainuwele entitles the Wemale to undergo the
process of the nine hills after death that leads finally in the
Beyond to rejuvenation not directly of the tribe but of the
individual who becomes there a child, that, so it seems, can
be sent back to earth however. The swinging by Lumabat
of his headgear seems to promise rejuvenation after the eight
fold death of a particular individual who probably represents
the tribe (the father). As a result of this choice the individuals
must die but the tribe will be continuously rejuvenated. Ulti
mately it must be fairly well the same.
Is the father of Lumabat “the tribe” that will remain young
and be continuously reborn ? Perhaps he is the ancestor indeed.
This could be an inconsistency but one should bear in mind that
the ‘‘M ona, ,by and by began to give birth to children. Lumabat
must be one of those. And if he is the only son he can even
easily be identical with the “father.” Lumabat, the “son, ,,was
“born, ” but he is also “sent” by the god, so that the position
of his “father” is somewhat unclear anyway. Or is he “the
father” of all those who “believe” in his son Lumabat? All
those who do not “believe” would become spirits or animals
and would not be “m an, ” mortal man. The rite of the Wemale
also seems to insinuate the existence of such sort of belief.
Would this necessarily mean foreign influence?
In Lumabat himself many Bagobo of today might see a
kind of magician who could perform tricks or show supernatural
power168 just as jugglers and magicians still do at fancy fairs
in the southern Philippines, but the myth of Lumabat is prob
ably quite old and genuine. It also appears in Java in the story
of the magic headkerchief of the Javanese hero; Adji Saka,
who changed into a child and whose servants killed each other
while Adji Saka liberated the island Java from a man-eating
monster167 and introduced there a new era of culture and civili
zation (cf. next paragraph 3). In this intrigue the same ele
ments appear, but Adji Saka has here more or less the function
of the Bagobo Tuglibong, and the monster seems to be the
equivalent of the Bagobo scorching sky. The coming to Java
of Indian civilization has found its setting in the shape or form
of this myth.
According to the myth, the primeval people now considered
Lumabat after his performance a “god” and thus certainly
able to change the state of the mythical beings. The killing and
raising up of Lumabat’s father would have been a demonstra
tion of what the Bagobo were to expect. In contrast to the
myth of the Wemale where full information comes after the
death of Hainuwele, the Bagobo story seems to suggest that
people were duly informed before they chose and only after a
choice was made did something final happen. Thus the eight
fold death of the father in itself would not be the decisive
moment that made man definitely “man,” mortal and fertile.168
It would only suppose death and be a warning or a promise, a
demonstration, with emphasis on rejuvenation.
So the deer alone would be left to eventually seal the
choice of the crowd under Lumabat and to make it definite,
with all its consequences. Thus when the deer (taken a prisoner
at the horizon) dies, it would be the first real death that would
place mankind definitely beyond the point of no-return. The
crowd warned beforehand would have to accept among other
things the path of Lumabat. They would have to “leave” the
place where they had lived because, by this killing or “sacrifice”
of the deer, rejuvenation of the tribe would be guaranteed but
(temporary?) “emigration” of the individuals to another coun
try (of the dead) would be a consequence.
Regarding the similarity between the actions and intentions
of Lumabat and Mulua Satene, at least in some essential re
spects, there can hardly be much doubt. The equivalent to
Hainuwele must be the deer. This deduction can perhaps be
made more probable by a closer study of the particular actors
in the dramas of the Wemale and Bagobo.
The myths of the Wemale and the Bagobo teach that ulti
mately the fate of mankind depended on the life or death of
animals, of a pig and a deer. Such mysterious animals are not
A STRUCTURAL STUDY OF BAGOBO MYTHS AND RITES 81
reflected the tree and the lizard. The dull-witted man tried
to catch the reflection of the lizard on the water but the wom
an, who knew better, scolded him and climbed the tree in order
to get the lizard from the branches.
Could the tree and lizard reflected on the water mean the
horizon where sky and earth meet? Anyway, the place far
away from home would seem to be the horizon, and this would
be essential for understanding the consequences. Reflections
in the water are still associated with death.173 The reflection
is supposed to be the left hand gimokud or soul which is
associated with the underworld and death, perhaps because
everything is upside down in the Beyond. One should, according
to the Bagobo, not laugh at one’s reflection for it would perhaps
mean laughing at the mysterious power of water usually asso
ciated with the underworld and death. The appearance of this
reflection could thus be the w arning; but this reference in the
myth certainly complicates matters. Where sky and earth meet,
the upper and lower regions are confounded ;174 perhaps this is
also why the water instead of the horizon appears in this myth.
The woman felt the results of her actions immediately.
While they were busy trying to catch the animal in the tree,
the man caught sight of his wife’s menstruation. “You have
sores, ” he said. He soon consulted Tuglai (a great spirit)
on the cure for her. Tuglai taught him the use of intercourse.
From then on, the two became perfectly happy, threw away
all they had, but became skinny and finally died. Here again
is a combination of hunting and (at least an attempt to) killing,
with fertility and death. (The Visayans say that after a fish
was caught and later died because it could not live in the house,
man was “condemned” to die also.) The attempt to kill or
simply to hunt was sufficient to make the first traces of fertility
appear. Soon the “spirits” taught man and woman intercourse
and this subsequently led the two to death. In brief, the two
gladly sacrificed the goods of “paradise” for the joy of the
married state but they also accepted death. All this happened
in and under a tree that hung above the water. In this one
myth, we find house, water, tree, man, woman and animal
together, and probably the horizon, where the attempt to climb
growth and keeps there, today, the record of the lifetime allotted
to everybody. When he cuts the last joint of one’s personal
“life-bamboo, ” which stands together with many others in a
growth, one has to die. This shows again how tree, (bamboo),
monkey, cutting, and dead are associated. The picture of the
monkey cutting the tree on a mountain is similar to the picture
of Mebuyan shaking the tree in the underworld. Underworld
and mountain are polar. Mebuyan holds the tree because she
opened the realm of death. It is not told how the monkey got
to the mountain in the growth. In the Bagobo story however
the killer of the monkey climbed a tree, which reminds us of
Lumabat, and the tree is the equivalent to the mountain.
Nothing is said about rejuvenation in these last stories.
In the myths of the Ifugao that relate the beginning and
the origin of their institutions right after the flood, the killing
of a rat is mentioned, also of a snake and even of a human
being. The gods decided that it should be a pig. The Ifugao
describe here the re-creation after the flood, and what they
seem to imply is that killing was always at the base of all that
has shape, of the world as well as of the institutions, also of
those before the big flood. The Bagobo seem to refer in the
myth of Lumabat directly to the real and first creation period
which would be antediluvial for the Ifugao, who talk about
the post-diluvial re-creation.
It is thus not exceptional that in the beginnings an animal
is killed. But also other activities of the mythical beings like
cutting or shaking usually connected with trees or fruit, deter
mine the fate of man. The Bagobos have in the myth of Luma
bat the deer. Trees are usually associated with the centre. The
deer of Lumabat is associated with the horizon.
Kreichgauer, loc. cit., p. 272, 279, 284, 288, 290, 297, 302, 307-309.
8
5
Kreichgauer, ibidem.
88 PIETER JAN RAATS
On the kettle drum the deer is indeed caught but not killed,
as is normally done. The lasso is perhaps the equivalent of
the trap of the Bagobo and Visayans. One of the most impor
广
tant spirits of the Bagobo “Malaki” the protector of Bagobo
life, wealth and health, is a strangler and uses a device that
looks like a noose. He is a “good” spirit supposed to kill the
evil spirits of sickness. If the deer of Lumabat is really the
deer of death, it also released the spirits of sickness. The two
previous sub-paragraphs might prove that the “horizon” can
be a feature to be reckoned with in myths.
,
Trap water, noose, forest, all mentioned, e.g. in the myth
of the lizard, seem to symbolize one and the same thing, the
horizon. In many Indonesian myths the tree serves as the
ladder to, or the link with, the sky. It usually seems to stand
or to have stood in ‘‘the centre.” The liana, a cord made of
grass,100 or a mountain101 may take the place of a tree. Pole and
pestle may belong to the same category. The Visayans192 use
all these symbols in their myth of origin with an intrigue
different from that of the Bagobo yet similar in essential
respects. A pole, liana or tree are cut and thus the link be
tween the sky and earth is severed; the pestle achieves, by
pushing the sky upwards beyond reach, the same effect and
becomes identical with the cut liana, eventually with the cut pole,
the broken down scaffold or the demolished mountain. Among
the Bagobo some of these symbols are found in the centre as
well as at the horizon (forest). Perhaps this is in itself pos
sible because a circle (horizon) and the centre of a circle are
interdependent. In the myth of Tuglibong, the sky and earth
still meet193 at the horizon indeed. This must mean that the
horizon has the same function now that the centre once had.
Therefore Lumabat can go to the horizon in order to find
there either life or another rhythm of life, perhaps the rhythm
1 . Pi t and Pole
pit. The victim is first cut in two at the waist and then cut
into smaller pieces. It is interesting to read that the heroes
of the Isneg200 were accustomed during their great festival to
cleave a coconut in two. All the people would then rush
forward to get a small piece of the coconut meat and take it
home. The nut must be the equivalent of the “tree” (or the
human victim). What the Bagobo do in reality with the human
victim, the Isneg* seem to do with the tree in the form of a
nut. The Bagobo/01 too, take pieces of the victim home, and
the hands and feet were not buried in the kutkut but were
taken to the village to be dismembered further by the children.
This was their share in the sacrifice and perhaps the first part
of their initiation. The Bilaan202 permit their women and chil
dren to throw spears at the victim, which reminds us of a
sacrifical ceremony of the Dusun in North Borneo.203 The victim
is associated here with the path to the sky and back to the
earth which is here symbolized by a scaffold and a rope. In
the Dusun myth the scaffold is destroyed; in the Dusun rite
the rope is let loose so that the victim (pig) falls on the ground
which effect is similar to that if the rope were cut. One will
rarely see a case where the victim to die is so identical with
the primeval links between sky and earth. The ceremony is
called here “Lumobut.”
The Bagobo children were charged to cut the hands and
feet of the victim, an act expected to make them “courageous-”204
The Malay word for courageous is “berani” which is etymolog
ically the Bagobo word “bagani” and the Tagalog “bayani”.
These bagani and bayani are perhaps “peers” in the inter-
barangay (barangay is the Tagalog word for extended family)
relationship. The Bagobo bagani had killed and formed the
tribal nobility.
The fragments of hands and feet of the victim mentioned
were later buried on the graves of the dead205 in the village,
which shows a relation of the sacrifice with the dead. Some
o o o o o o
2
1 2
signs do not deceive us, hardly leave much doubt about its
meaning. It is probably the celebration of the first and violent
death which, for the Bagobo, is the ultimate consequence of
the actions around pestle and mortar and the celebration of
an event first performed and of an institution founded by the
ancestors at the end of the “earthly paradise” when “man”
became mortal and was to be rejuvenated (fertility) in his
descendants but had also to migrate (individually) into anotHer
world. The first ancestors would be the perpetrators of both
deeds, of death for the individual and of rejuvenation for the
tribe and this for all eras to come or at least for this era.
This first killing and the separation of sky and earth, because
of the identity of centre and horizon, would be celebrated in
the same act and with the same symbols. Pit and pole symbolize
the victim, the victim represents pit and pole or pestle and
mortar. The great “feast” of the Bagobo that embellishes the
celebrations would only show how intimately society and religion
are integrated. But there is more than just singing, dancing
and drinking as Christie thought (Chapter Two, IV, 2.).
There are many more ceremonies in the sacrificial rite of
the Bagobo than those mentioned here, some of them quite
remarkable, that would deserve to be discussed separately.
Several ceremonies as well as the name of the Bagobo festival,
“Kewayan, ,
,rem ind us of what the Javanese dalang of old
does before the Wayang performance in Java begins.
2, Id o ls o f the M ansaka.
head with eyes, ears and nose scantily incised. One cover has
the form of a roof (or mountain?) which, however, looks like
a human head. Houses with a similar type of roof are still
built in Alor, an island in the eastern part of the Lesser Sunda
Islands.210 Arms also appear on the jars or covers at times, but
only in relief, and the feet are always invisible. The human
figure looks as if it were sitting in the jar and the upper torso
rising out of it.
The idols of the Mansaka still have such a shape today.
However they are made out of one piece of solid wood. The
lower part usually has the form of a square-shaped container
which widens (like the burial jars) from the foot below to the rim
above. The very foot of the container is flattened a bit in
order that it may not tumble over. What should be the cover
on top is now one piece with the massive container, but looks
like a protuberance with a human head on it. It seems to pop
out of the jar with ears like half moons and a face like a full
moon not unsimilar to the figures on the vats discovered by
Kaudern in Celebes.211 On the “head” is a big comb like a
half moon. Eyes, nose and mouth are sometimes drawn but
not incised. The arms are in relief at the outside of th© con
tainer, the feet are lacking. The idols are further embellished
with beads, earrings, and other kinds of gaudy things. Often
these items are simply put in the basket that hangs at the
foot of the statue. The Ngaju Dayak have similar statues But
they make them of stone and place them on their graveyards.
The Mansaka put these idols on sticks placed in the ground or
in their house and hang small baskets on these sticks as recep
tacles for gifts. The implication can hardly be doubted. The
idol in jar-form must be a sacred object of worship. This would
be understandable if it would represent the underworld and
the upperworld, the pit and the pole, the realm of Lumabat as
well as of Mebuyan who made man as he actually is in this
earthly world, and who are also his guides and saviors in the
life to come. It would also represent all the glorified ancestors
who have undergone the required rites (see next chapter). It
would be a monument to creation and to the institution of death
other things is supposed to have planted the first plant and who
was able to resurrect the dead from the grave, two character
istics that remind us of Lumabat. The spirit Captan has his
residence in the sky and is close to the highest (Tagalog) god
Bathala. The Visayans also have a spirit Manguayan218 who
shares some of Captan’s powers but who ferries the dead to
the underworld across a stream. Lumabat is more similar to
Captan, and Manguayan more to the Bagobo Mebuyan, a wom
an, whose name reminds of Manguayan. There must, so it
seems, also be a relation between the Bagobo Lumabat and the
Ifugao Lumawig as well as the Dusun ceremony, Lumobut.210
It seems that personalities, functions and associations of spirits
can shift and also that tribes sometimes retain only one pole
of a former antagonism neglecting the other that withers away;
or they substitute this with a pole belonging to another antago
nism thus melting two sets of antagonisms together.
Lumabat was sent by Manama, perhaps the equivalent of
the Visayan sky god22,) “Abba•” Lumabat’s sister, Mebuyan, is
the daughter to Tuglibong and perhaps sent or delegated by
her. Ultimately these two would be close to the former two
and eventually coincide with them and be identified,one with
the earth and Tuglibong, the other with the sky and Manama.
They are an only son and an only daughter. They would just
set forth what the parents were. The Bagobo horizon would
be ultimately the equivalent of the sky, which is among the
Bagobo more associated with evil and suffering. Goodness and
wisdom are associated here usually with the underworld. This
could have induced the Bagobo to tear asunder the path of
the souls into two distinct paths. The benign effect would have
been attributed to the so-called path of Mebuyan the painful ;
aspect of the path of the souls would have become characteristic
of the path of Lumabat. This will be the topic of the next
chapter.
secret society and the Wapulane society. The Kakihan has the
rite of Haulu, while the Wapulane227 cherish the myth of Hainu
wele-Mulua Satene. A comparison of the two need not be made
here but it is a fact that the antagonism between the two socie
ties may foster a difference in their myth and rite. While the
Wemale now show a vertical division inside the tribe, like two
moieties,(Wapulane group versus Kahihan group), the Bagobo
have a horizontal division into classes and as far as is known,2"8
no division into moieties or clans. The separation between the
higher and the lower brackets of Bagobo society is in many
respects strong. The higher class is the ruler in worldly and
religious matters; its members are the leaders in politics and
rites. To this higher class belong the men who are warriors,
the Bagani,228 who have a special relation to the sky spirit called
Mandarangan,230 who will be discussed in another article. They
form an esoteric231 group within the society which has to be
studied further. All these show that the story of Lumabat as
a psychopomp to the sky-country is perhaps not merely a literary
requirement after all. The character of the story, as far as
it is associated with the sky, could have a meaning connected
with this Bagobo social phenomenon and thus be important for
a fuller understanding of things Bagobo. As in the case of
sacrifice and symbol it would not necessarily mean that antago
nism in myth or rite would have produced this social antagonism.
Returning now to the conclusion previously made,that the
main feature in the myth of Lumabat~the awful jaws— is
not exceptional in the stories of the Malay Archipelago,some
more similarities between the Bagobo myth and Wemale rite
will be discussed. One of these may be found in the trip to the
abode of the monster and the events that follow after passing it.
Cole, loc. cit., p. 96, Benedict, loc. cit” p . 10, 254, 255.
3
0
2
1
3
Indelible Elements.
The Bagobo arrive at the symplegades, the “doors” where
sky and earth meet, the entrance to the Beyond. The Wemale
arrive at the initiation house (gates) built in the forest. The
forest (tree) is here the end of the inhabitable world and (the be
ginning of) the horizon. The Wemale initiandi now enter the
house and find a dark menacing hole in the floor. This could
be a dramatization of the arrival of the followers of Lumabat
before the threatening jaws of the symplegades. The Bagobo
have to jump through the teeth of the monster, each one alone
and in his turn, into the nowhere, into darkness. Many fail
or are crushed by the jaws and disappear into eternal death.
Other tribes have an abyss to cross while balancing on liana or
rope. Those who lose balance and fall, vanish, or, e.g., if the
moral issue is known, might arrive in a pool of torment. The
liana or rope that cross an abyss are in a horizontal position,
but they are the same liana or rope that appears elsewhere in
a vertical position (earth and sky). Jaws and abysses are
also identical. The Bagobo who fail and disappear could be
the poor and the wretched,233or those who are not valiant, hence,
not “Bagani.” The Bagobo associate heroism with the sky.
The hole in the house of the Wemale is fearsome and each
one must jump into it alone. He hears the cries and the shouts
of those who have preceded him and have arrived in a dark
room where they are actually beaten up. The hole and the
subsequent beating of the Wemale seem to represent the (crush
ing) monster of the Bagobo.
The Wemale sacrifice a pig during the performance. Luma
bat offers a more precious victim. As he stands in front of the
doors, he deliberately allows the last man to follow him to be
snatched by the horrible jaws. The last man is, as far as the
Bagobo are concerned, perhaps the least man. Was this last
man intended as a victim, and was the “offer” of Lumabat to
the spirit of the doors intended as a sacrifice? It seems so.
Once through the gates, the Bagobo climb uphill in contrast
to the rite of the Wemale where everybody seems to go down
ward. In one version of the myth Lumabat sees (after he has
reached the Beyond) “sinful souls” tortured in pools of flames
and is like a second birth but backwards. The hole into which
the Visayan ferryman pushed the dead must be the symplegades
of Bagobo, but everything is inverted. Instead of the “soul”
being swallowed “by the gate, ’’ it is pitched “into the hole,"
as into a cauldron, by the ferryman. The ferryman is function
ally the equivalent of the Bagobo monster that sits ‘‘behind, ’ or
“in” the gate. This Visayan ferryman looks as ugly as the
monster but is not at all bad since the whole process is finally
intended for the well-being of the soul. I f the crossing of the
ocean could be considered the “wet” symplegades, the Visayan
hole would be the “hot” ones. Both ordeals challenge the dead
at the end as flood and heat once threatened life on earth in the
beginning.
Although the Bagobo also have “heat” as an ordeal at the
beginning, they do not give it a conspicuous place, as the Visayan
do at the end for the reabsorption. The Bagobo symplegades
are mainly the entrance, the mouth of something that “devours”
such as a monster, a dangerous or nasty spirit. Destructive or
devouring by nature however are all the elements, of water as well
as of fire, earth and darkness. They can all be represented by one
devouring monster. In some myths or rites the monster appears
linked to the element earth, in others to water or fire, but
in this sort of stories all the elements will always somehow
narrow, decrease or endanger and swallow life. The Bagobo
have a devouring spirit called Mandarangan240 associated with
heat, with the sky and the volcano Mount Apo, that perhaps
should have appeared here in the myth of Lumabat instead of
the monster that grinds to sand (earth). Actually the horizon
is associated with both sky and earth, and the element “heat”
appears anyway when Lumabat has passed the symplegades
(the flames and the acid).
The Bagobo associated the earthly Buso241 with the decay
of the bodies. Perhaps they have reserved for the spirits of
the other elements the more immaterial process the dead man
undergoes after he has expired. The element earth seems to be
for many Bagobo the principal devouring element, eventually
for souls as well as for bodies, but the much feared Buso are
associated with earth and darkness and take care principally
Mebuyan only says that the dead lose their earthly desires to
eat and to generate. The power to do so, however, was situated
in the organs of the body. Thus, as cited earlier, the visible
decay of the body could suggest a “disembowelment” to be
undergone by the dead (soul) in the Beyond, an immaterial
process that transforms the dead into a sky or underworld being
with different desires. A tribe in Palawan is used to carry
the dead body to a river first and to submerge it. After this
ceremony the dead is buried. This custom could be the ceremony
a dead body has to undergo in order that the “soul” might
go through a parallel experience (the crossing of “the ocean ”)
of diappearing and rising again on a higher level. The custom
of the secondary burial practised by many tribes could be
interpreted in an analogous way. Here the (Indelible) Element
Earth would be the active element. What happens in the grave
would happen to the soul as well; the final exhumation and
re-burial (secondary burial) in the jars would represent visibly
the final transformation of the soul on the other level. Crema
tion (with “fire” as transforming element) would also have
been understood by the Bagobo.
Thus the return of the body to its elements is partially
responsible for the Bagobo picture of the path of the dead
(“the soul” )who leaves behind his former existence and travels
to regain the sources of life, the primeval elements,in the
centre or horizon, for a new life of different nature without
the necessity to eat or the power to generate, the two charac
teristics of the life in the Beyond that seem to the Bagobo
“spiritual” enough. This would be the dangerous path to the
soul strewn with obstacles, narrowed by alleys of Elements like
water and fire, through gates and along abysses where jumping
and balancing are necessary before one can reach final “salva-
tio n ,
” the transformation into another being belonging to
another world and feeling happy to be there.
of the choice the tribe had made once in order to gain fertility
or rejuvenation for the tribe instead of the “immortality” on
earth of the individuals. This immortality ceased with the first
killing. The living society, however, so the myth seems to
teach, that now enjoys the gift of this life as it is, has the
duty to conduct the individual through the gate of the Beyond
where the Indelible Elements, for one reason or other, must
be continuously activated to absorb the dead as well as to give
new life to them. The sacrifice that now celebrates and activates
the life-giving aspect of the beginnings, also commemorates
and apparently stimulates the re-absorption of the dead in the
process of revivification. This would be consequent, because if
the sacrifice is salutary for the tribe in this life it must also be
useful for the dead individuals who are the result or consequ
ence of this primeval choice of mankind. Almost everybody
takes transformation and life after death for granted. Sacrifice
therefore would support and bolster the whole course and struc
ture of this world to which it gave its shape, including life on
earth and the processes of death in the Beyond. It is not surpris
ing then to read that the dead of the Visayans244 can only be
rescued from the heat in the Beyond into which they have pro
ceeded, and find rest in the tree-covered mountains far away,
if a sacrifice is offered by the family and friends of the dead.
The dead are supposed,so it seems, to be lingering somewhere
beyond the point of no return enclosed in the dark hot cauldron
and without the help of an activating sacrifice they would not
be able to get the process of their revivification into the new
country finished. Some believe that this may be the reason why
they are not yet completely departed and are able to bother the
living. Life on earth would wither away if the Bagobo would
not offer sacrifices to stimulate it from time to time,245 and so
must life in the Beyond.
The spirits associated with the elements involved in the “life
in death” process are not exactly kind and friendly, are usually
voracious, and often gullible but not all bad. The necessity of
4
4
GLOSSARY
abaca, (Musa textilis) plant looking like the banana, the fibers of
which are made into hemp.
agon, percussion music instrument
Alor, one of the Lesser Sunda Islands, Indonesia.
Anito ,spirit, usually of ancestor.
Apo, lord; volcano in Bagobo land.
Ata, a tribe, neighbours of the Bagobo.
bagani, brave man of the Bagobo, same as magani.
balian, ministers for religious rites,usually female, sometimes male.
barrio, village.
Bia,female mythical beings, daughters of Mona (Mebuyan).
Bilaan’ a neighbouring tribe of Bagobo (West).
bolang bolang, drum made by putting board on an empty mortar.
Bukidnon, tribe in Mindanao, neighbours of the Bagobo (North).
bolo, sword
buklug, ceremonial dancing floor and dance of the Subanon.
Buso, feared spirit associated with darkness, death, etc.
camote, sweet potato.
Cibulan, village of origin of Bagobo; also Sibulan.
datu, chief.
dewata, diwata, general Bagobo term for spirit.
Dusun, tribe in Sabah.
gimokud, “soul”,“dead man”.
gimokudan, residence of the dead in the Beyond, underworld of
Mebuyan.
ginem, festival of the Bagobo lasting 4 days.
gunungan ,“hill”— — requisite of Wayang in Java.
Ifugao, tribe in Luzon.
Isneg, tribe in Luzon.
Jolo, island and principal town on this island in the southern part
of the Philippines.
Kakihan, moiety of Wemale tribe.
Kekayon, another word for Gunungan, Wayang requisite, “Tree, ’.
Kulaman’ tribe in Mindanao, neighbours of the Bagobo (South).
Lamet, tribe in Laos.
mabalianf male or female minister, same as balian.
magani,same as bagani.
Malaki, a Bagobo spirit usually associated with water.
Mamanwa, tribe in Northeastern Mindanao.
Manama,Bagobo deity (sky?).
Mandaya, tribe in Mindanao, neighbours of the Bagobo (Southeast).
Mandarangan, great spirit of the Bagobo associated with heat.
Manobo, tribe in Mindanao occupying an area northeast of Bagobo.
Maro, ceremonial dance of the Wemale,
A STRUCTURAL STUDY OF BAGOBO MYTHS AND RITES 129
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