ISSUES IN INTEGRATIVE STUDIES

No. 18, pp. 27-43 (2000)

Peter Singer and the Lessons of the

German Euthanasia Program

by
Walter Wright

Clark University
Department of Philosophy

Abstract: If the German euthanasia program developed from that nation’s intellectual culture,
then the Nazi extension of it was not a unique horror and might be a relevant analogy for modern
euthanasia debates. In this context, the case of Peter Singer (an advocate of euthanasia) and his
criticisms of the Nazi analogy are particularly worthy of consideration. This article argues that
Singer’s criticisms fail, and that the analogy does in fact have contemporary relevance.

Introduction
BETWEEN 1939 AND THE END OF WORLD WAR II, Ger-
man doctors systematically killed more than 100,000 children and adult pa-
tients in hospitals and institutions throughout the country.1 This program had
wide support among physicians and intellectuals. Our question is simple:
does this German euthanasia program have anything to teach us about the
prospects for permitting euthanasia today? Some writers suggest that it can-
not. They say that the Nazi experience was a unique horror so distinct from
present social conditions that we cannot draw from it any useful parallels.
Others point to Germany’s preeminent position in the cultural and intellec-
tual life of Europe at the turn of the century. If such horrors were possible
there, they say, then they are possible anywhere and we must learn from this
example. I want to explore this question in three distinct ways. First, I will
examine the intellectual roots of this program. If the German euthanasia pro-
gram was a natural development of the nation’s intellectual culture, then we
cannot plausibly say that it was a unique, non-reproducible horror derived
from Nazi distortions. In that case, the German euthanasia experience might
be a relevant analogy for modern developments. Second, I will consider the
28 Walter Wright

case of Peter Singer and his criticisms of the Nazi analogy. I claim that the
failure of these criticisms will show that the analogy does have contempo-
rary relevance. Finally, I will draw out a few of the lessons the Nazi euthana-
sia experience might provide for contemporary issues.

I
Dr. Leo Alexander, a young Harvard-trained doctor, served as an advisor for
the prosecution at the Nuremberg Medical Trials. He later argued that Nazi
ideology had produced a perversion of the medical profession in Germany
(1980). Alexander used a metaphor from the historian Arnold Toynbee to
illustrate his argument that German medicine had traveled down a slippery
slope. He attributes to Toynbee the “law of the fall of civilizations.” This law
borrows three terms from the Greek historians to outline a process leading
from koros (excess, or surfeit), to hubris (pride), and finally, to ate (disaster).
Alexander identifies koros in our time as modernity’s overwhelming scien-
tific and technical progress. He suggests that this can lead to hubris, the over-
weening pride, which in the German case, led doctors to abandon traditional
values and understandings, claiming they had become outdated. He concluded,
“moral and physical disaster (ate) is the inevitable consequence” (p. 590).
Alexander then went on to identify Nazi propaganda, which was “highly
effective in perverting public opinion and public conscience in a remarkably
short time,” as the engine driving these developments (p. 571). Within the
medical profession, the crucial step leading toward this disastrous end was
the “barrage against the useless, incurably sick” (p. 39).
Alexander’s essay was the first systematic application of the Nazi analogy
to medical ethics. However, in blaming Nazi propaganda as the chief cause
of the ensuing “disaster,” Alexander understated the continuous developments
in German intellectual life that led toward the euthanasia program and its
ultimate excesses. The process that ended at Auschwitz had its roots in some
intrinsic developments within the German learned professions. Let me trace
a few strands of that history.
The first important strand is eugenics. Charles Darwin’s The Origin of Spe-
cies, written in 1859, fundamentally altered our ways of thinking about the
relation between human beings and the wider living world. Although Darwin
was primarily concerned about non-human animals, the application of his
work to human life was inevitable. Many scientists accepted Darwin’s no-
tion that species change and evolve through natural selection. They also re-
jected the competing Lamarckian theory, which held that acquired character-
istics are inheritable. While Lamarck’s theory is congenial to social reform-
Peter Singer and German Euthanasia 29

ers who argue that improving humanity is possible by education and cultiva-
tion, Darwin’s, in contrast, favors the conclusion that breeding is the only
way to improve humanity. British biologist Frances Dalton coined the term
eugenics in 1881 for a scientific program that aimed to improve human racial
stock through selective scientific breeding. This program became a social
movement which advocated many specific reforms including the develop-
ment of birth control to limit reproduction by the lower classes and the “un-
fit” and sterilization for those who were genetically undesirable (Sanger, 1932,
pp. 107-108). In the United States, the “eugenics movement” had powerful
and persuasive advocates, and it succeeded in creating eugenically based
programs for voluntary—and even involuntary—sterilization in several states.2
German medicine closely studied and even emulated these ideas. Originally
developed as a descriptive scientific study, eugenics in Germany eventually
came to be associated with Alfred Plötz’s ideas about Nordic racial superior-
ity (Friedlander, 1995, pp. 10ff). For the majority of German eugenicists,
improving the race by breeding came to mean preserving and fostering the
Nordic heritage against contamination by so-called foreign elements. Thus,
German racialist ideology received strong support from a well-respected seg-
ment of the scientific community. It was not solely the product of Nazi party
ideology.
A second important thread in Germany was an ongoing discussion of the
“the right to die,” and “death with dignity.” As nearly as I have been able to
determine, Alfred Jost started the discussion in his monograph “Das Recht
auf den Tod” published in 1895. Jost referred to the fact that Hume and
Rambach each wrote “serious and unprejudiced” works about “the question
of suicide’s permissibility under some conditions” (2000, p. 1). Neverthe-
less, Jost seemed to claim that he himself initiated serious discussion of the
question regarding a universal “right to die.”3 Jost appealed to a “scientific”
ethics, rather than one based on “outmoded theological ideas” and claimed
that incurably ill people have a right to self-determination.4 In particular, he
granted them a right to end their lives when they had nothing more in view
except pain and limitation. More dangerously, Jost also invoked social utility
as sometimes a permissible reason for granting “a merciful death.” He weighed
the benefit to society of “granting death” to the incurably ill against the small
advantages one might expect from contributions by those very few who might
miraculously recover. Jost was willing to draw the conclusion that even pa-
tients whose condition prevents them from requesting euthanasia can per-
missibly be killed, either “in their own best interest” or for the good of soci-
ety. Nevertheless, Jost’s immediate proposal was limited to granting a right
30 Walter Wright

to die for incurable patients who request death voluntarily and without con-
straint. Jost’s arguments found a willing audience. Others who followed con-
tinued to take up his suggestions and to argue for a social policy of permit-
ting euthanasia, mostly for reasons of our “right of self-determination.”5
The politics and policy proposals implicit in the eugenics and right-to-die
movements join forces in the influential 1920 publication Die Freigabe der
Vernichtung lebensunwerten Lebens: Ihr Mass und Form by Karl Binding
and Alfred Hoche (1992). Binding was the most distinguished legal scholar
of his time, and the author of many important books.6 Hoche was a professor
of medicine at Freiburg who did physiologically-based research on the ner-
vous system and opposed Freud’s psychoanalysis. The book contains sepa-
rate essays by each author. Both works support the idea that, under certain
conditions, physicians should be permitted to take the lives of their patients.
Binding made a careful, legally-detailed analysis of the question across
several related cases. He discussed issues such as suicide, assisting in a sui-
cide, responding to a request for death from a terminally ill patient, killing a
mentally ill person at the request of family members, and so on. He made
important distinctions while maintaining clear boundaries around the spe-
cific cases of killing he proposed to categorize as “not legally forbidden.”
Hence, for example, while he regarded suicide as “not legally forbidden,” he
thought that assisting in a suicide is actually the killing of a third party. In
this case, the consent of the victim does not remove the assisting person’s
legal liability.
However, Binding also introduced an innovation. He claimed that “termi-
nally ill or fatally wounded people” represent a new category. “Here there
clearly appears the idea that such a life no longer merits strict legal protec-
tion.” There are, he thought, three distinct cases of “lives not worth living.”
The first group consists of “those irretrievably lost as a result of illness or
injury, who, fully understanding their situation, possess and have somehow
expressed their urgent wish for release.” Binding believed we have “a duty
of legal mercy” that requires us to kill such people. His primary example was
the case of a fatally injured comrade on a battlefield or a mountaineering
expedition. Binding’s second group of “lives not worth living” included only
one group, the “incurable idiots” (Binding and Hoche, 1992, p. 247). Such
persons have the will neither to live nor to die. Here again, Professor Binding
found “no grounds—legally, socially, ethically, or religiously—for not per-
mitting the killing of these people who are the fearsome counter image of
true humanity, and who arouse horror in nearly everyone who meets them”
(p. 249).7 He restricted the right of application to the family caring for the
Peter Singer and German Euthanasia 31

handicapped patient or to the guardian. The third class of lives whose termi-
nation Binding defined as “not legally forbidden” consists of mentally sound
people who “through some event like a very severe, doubtless fatal wound”
have become comatose. Binding had no blanket rule for this last group of
cases, but he did offer a general guideline:

[O]nly those persons are candidates for having their deaths permitted who
are terminally ill and who, in addition to being beyond help, have either
requested death or consented to dying, or else would have requested or
consented, had they not fallen into unconsciousness at the critical time or
if they had been able to achieve awareness of the situation.8 (p. 250)

Binding also stated another constraint. “Every unforbidden killing of a third

person must be experienced as a release, at least by the victim; otherwise
allowing it is self-evidently ruled out” (p. 250). He then proposed a panel of
three experts to review all cases, with requirements for explicit reporting.
Only a qualified applicant—the patient, the patient’s physician, or someone
to whom the patient has entrusted this authority—may file requests, and the
board, after gathering evidence and hearing witnesses, issues a decree that:

may only say that, after thorough investigation on the basis of current sci-
entific opinion, the patient seems beyond help; that there is no reason to
doubt the sincerity of his consent; that accordingly no impediment stands
in the way of killing the patient; and that the petitioner is entrusted with
bringing about the patient’s release in the most expedient way. (pp. 251-
252)

Binding extended doctors’ rights by allowing the physician to kill before a

case is reviewed if circumstances make a review too difficult to obtain in
time. However, the doctor then must report the episode and establish that the
case meets the criteria, or he will be liable for criminal penalties.
Hoche’s essay, in contrast, addressed three themes, discussing them only
briefly. First, he discussed the general relation of physicians to killing and
injuring patients. Here he mentioned the conduct of dangerous surgery with
a statistical likelihood of fatal outcomes, the injury done by surgery itself,
and the necessary killing of babies to save mothers. Second, Hoche argued
that medicine has no explicitly defined ethical standards. Medical ethics de-
pend instead on peer opinion, which holds that “[p]hysicians are obligated to
32 Walter Wright

observe the universal ethical norms, and (as additional obligations) to heal
the sick, eliminate or mitigate pain, and preserve and prolong life as much as
possible” (p. 256).
However, these “rigid basic principles of medical ethics” conflict with “the
demands of a higher conception of life’s value” (Binding and Hoche, 2000,
p. 257). Hoche claimed that the physician’s commitment to preserve life is
“merely relative, alterable under new conditions” and “always open to ques-
tion” (p. 257). Third, Hoche dealt with the concept of “mental death.” When
people, either naturally from birth or later as a result of accident or disease,
have an absence of self-consciousness, lack productive relationships or ac-
complishments, have no clear ideas, feelings, or acts of will, they are men-
tally dead. They can make no claim to life and so killing them cannot be
wrong. When society is struggling under heavy economic burdens, as Ger-
many was at that time, killing such patients “is no crime, no immoral act, no
emotional cruelty, but is rather a permissible and useful act” (p. 262).
Their contemporaries discussed Binding’s and Hoche’s arguments exten-
sively. In fact, their work helped create a climate in the German medical
profession that permitted physicians to accept the idea of killing their pa-
tients. Many physicians adopted their views and brought forward proposals
for enacting them. After the war, participants in the T4 program appealed to
Binding’s and Hoche’s ideas to justify their actions. Clearly, Alexander was
wrong to attribute the euthanasia program solely to Nazi propagandizing.
Rather, the killing began because doctors wanted to do it. However, this re-
sult was not in contradiction with Alexander’s eventual conclusion. He wrote:

Whatever proportions these crimes finally assumed, it became evident to

all who investigated them that they started from very small beginnings.
The beginnings at first were merely a subtle shift in emphasis in the basic
attitude of physicians. It started with the acceptance of the attitude, basic
in the euthanasia movement, that there is such a thing as life not worthy to
be lived. This attitude in its early stages concerned itself merely with the
severely and chronically sick. Gradually the sphere of those to be included
in this category was enlarged to encompass the socially unproductive, the
ideologically unwanted, and finally all non-Germans. But it is important
to realize that the infinitely small, wedged-in lever from which this entire
trend of mind received its impetus was the attitude toward the
nonrehabilitable sick. (1980, p. 584)

This is a slippery-slope argument. Once doctors accept the idea that there
Peter Singer and German Euthanasia 33

actually are “lives not worthy to be lived,” it is possible to justify ending

such lives. The basic category of “lives not worthy to be lived” is sufficiently
vague to allow for a gradual extension to new and less clear cases once the
basic principle has been granted. In Germany, the kinds of lives regarded as
“not worth living” multiplied, and the killing followed. For Alexander, only
an absolute prohibition on medical killing prevents such a development. Only
the “stake in the ground” of an absolute commitment to life prevents the
journey to the bottom. That the impetus toward killing comes from German
medicine’s eugenic tendencies rather than Nazi propaganda does not change
the fundamental logic of Alexander’s analysis.
Indeed, Alexander clearly understood that Nazi ideology was not the only
possible engine for a progression to wider killing. Looking at his own time,
Alexander saw that the increasing importance of economic criteria in medi-
cal decision making represented the seed for a similar slide. (Indeed, one
may add that our time, fifty years later, shows similar worrisome signs.) He
writes: “The killing center is the reductio ad absurdum of all health planning
based only on rational principles and economy and not on human compas-
sion and divine law” (1980, p. 46).
Alexander’s point here is not speculative, as we can see from Varda Burstyn’s
chilling discussion of German critical responses to the new reproductive tech-
nologies (1993). She cites molecular biologist Paula Bradish who reminds us
that “the pressures of the market are as forceful and destructive, if not more
so, than what we have had in the past” (p. 16). If my analysis here is plau-
sible, then we can say with confidence that the German euthanasia program
was not the result of Nazi fanaticism or a lack of respect for rationality. It
was not a unique, non-reproducible horror. Rather, this program was a direct
and logical result of European intellectual culture in the early twentieth cen-
tury, and its relevance for contemporary ethical discussions cannot be simply
excluded.

II
Establishing the possibility that the German euthanasia program might be
relevant to thinking about contemporary ethical problems does not mean that
it actually is so. One good way to engage the question of relevance is to look
at what contemporary critics have actually said against the analogy.
Consider the case of Peter Singer. For at least two decades now, Peter Singer
has been one of our most influential (and controversial) English-speaking
applied ethicists, serving until recently as the Director of the Center for Hu-
man Bioethics at Monash University in Melbourne, Australia. Singer played
34 Walter Wright

a very important role in the early animal-rights movement by arguing for

extending moral status to non-human creatures based on their ability to ex-
perience pain. In his important first paper, he argued that each citizen of an
affluent society (certainly including nearly all readers of this journal) has a
fundamental moral obligation to sacrifice his or her own resources to allevi-
ate the problem of world hunger. Singer’s personal conduct has generally
been broadly consistent with his intellectual views.9 He gives twenty percent
of his annual income to famine relief, and he has been a persistent advocate
for the relief of suffering. Singer’s philosophizing tends to be analytic, utili-
tarian, and influential. More than once, however, he has become a lighten-
ing-rod for very public and very vocal protest.
First, in February 1988, Singer accepted an invitation to a European Sym-
posium on Bioengineering, Ethics, and Mental Disability to be held in
Marburg, West Germany. Two advocacy organizations for handicapped people
jointly organized this conference, and it was held under the auspices of two
more.10 The program was to have included the German Minister of Family
Affairs and a wide range of scientists, theologians, and philosophers. Singer
let colleagues know that he would be in Europe that spring, and so he re-
ceived an additional invitation from Dr. Christolph Anstötz, a professor of
special education at the University of Dortmund. Singer’s topic for that lec-
ture was to have been, “Do severely disabled newborn infants have a right to
life?”
Singer had made his position on such questions very clear. His book Prac-
tical Ethics (1979), which included discussions of these matters, had recently
appeared in a German translation. In Practical Ethics, Singer argued that
infants lack self-consciousness, rationality, and autonomy and therefore have
a less strong claim to life than do others who possess these characteristics.
He also claimed that we should permit active euthanasia of severely disabled
newborns at the parents’ request. He draws a strong conclusion: “[K]illing a
defective infant is not morally equivalent to killing a person. Very often it is
not wrong at all” (1979, p. 138). Singer’s talks at the conference and the
Dortmund lecture would almost certainly have explained, developed, and
applied these views.
To set the context of this crisis even more specifically, we should note that
serious philosophical work on normative questions about modern medicine
and biotechnology came later to Germany than to the United States. In the
early 1980s, there were some discussions about appropriate protection for
animals used in research, in vitro fertilization, and human embryo research.
The first of these topics is one to which Singer’s early work on animal rights
Peter Singer and German Euthanasia 35

was especially germane. According to Bettina Schöne-Seifert and Klaus Rippe

(1991), the late 1980s saw an increasing interest in applied ethics. There
were meetings and lectures on these topics. Institutions established ethics
boards to review human experimentation and, among other institutes, the
Akademie für Ethik in der Medizin was established in 1986 as a “forum for
research, discussion, and teaching in medical ethics” (p. 20). Graduate stu-
dents worked in this field, and university jobs in applied ethics were on the
horizon. Singer’s talks were to take place within this active and fertile aca-
demic movement, which was still new and largely unknown to the educated
public.
When the news spread about Singer’s invitations, a coalition of activist
groups from both the left and the right came together to oppose his talks.
Handicapped Students Organization, the Federal Association of Handicapped,
Initiatives for Cripples (a self-ascribed term adopted by some handicapped
activists), women’s groups, university professors, church organizations, and
the German Society for Social Psychiatry, among others, voiced their pro-
tests. These groups held public meetings, wrote angry letters to the organiz-
ers and institutions, and published statements and fliers. All of them demanded
the cancellation of Singer’s appearances. Some went on to attack the institu-
tions that invited Singer, even calling for Professor Anstötz’s removal. The
two most obvious outcomes were the cancellation of Singer’s appearance
and a fierce debate on the appropriate balance between free speech and the
protection of vulnerable individuals and groups. One handicapped represen-
tative for the protesting groups said, “We cannot tolerate that people should
speak about whether we may live or not” (Singer, 1990, p. 35).11 Schöne-
Seifert and Rippe cite “anti-bioethicist” Oliver Tolmein, who described
Singer’s views as “deny[ing] the right to life of the disabled” (1991, p. 21).
Tolmein also introduced the Nazi analogy, claiming that debating Singer’s
views would be “as senseless as to debate a theory arguing for the superiority
of the Aryan race. In both cases it is the cognitive will at the theory’s founda-
tion that must be attacked” (Schöne-Seifert and Rippe, 1991, p. 21). Singer
responded, claiming that his views were being misrepresented and misun-
derstood. He went further to say that “the protesters have themselves shown
the kind of fanaticism and lack of respect for rational debate that was a nec-
essary precondition of the Nazi atrocities” (Singer, 1990, p. 42).12
A second, similar episode occurred in Spring 1998. When Princeton Uni-
versity appointed Singer to a position at its Institute for Human Values, pro-
life and disability advocates again organized a mail campaign against this
appointment, as well as threatening to picket Singer’s classrooms. Many pub-
36 Walter Wright

lications, including the New York Times, reported this conflict, with strong
editorial positions appearing on both sides.13
In these two cases, the issues were essentially the same. That Singer wished
simultaneously (1) to do everything possible to protect animals from suffer-
ing, and (2) to permit the killing of profoundly retarded and handicapped
children, seemed (and still seems) to his opponents to be callous and inhu-
mane.14 Singer’s utilitarianism, his claim that there can be such a thing as
human “lives that are not worth living,” and in particular his proposal to
begin with “defective” children, were (and are) for the disability advocates,
ominously similar to the rhetoric and practice which led to Nazi death camps
and genocide. In the case of Singer’s canceled invitations in Germany, at
least he and his defenders responded with a similar invocation of the Nazi
period to characterize the behavior and views of his opponents.
Clearly, for many contemporary Germans, the excesses of their recent his-
tory are very much alive in current thinking about public policy questions. In
their view we need to learn from the Nazi experience by rejecting social
policies that permit killing citizens because their lives are regarded as not
worth living. However, have they gone too far?
One might say yes. Indeed, a very attractive and popular response to the
use of the Nazi analogy is to discount it altogether. As Courtney Campbell
says, “[The analogy’s] occasional indiscriminate invocation constitutes a
cheapening or trivializing of moral discourse. . . . [T]o characterize an oppo-
nent as a ‘Nazi’ or to accuse a person of advocating Nazi-like proposals rep-
resents a radical indictment or even a denial of his or her humanity” (1992, p.
25). Many utilitarian thinkers like Singer, for example James Rachels and
Joseph Fletcher, have tended to discount the Nazi experience as a unique
horror that is no longer relevant and has nothing to teach us today. Singer
denies that what the Nazis did was a euthanasia program at all.15 However,
such responses fail to address the conditions under which this analogy might
succeed. Nor do they investigate the extent to which these conditions might
be satisfied in the German case. Until they do so, their uncritical acceptance
is premature. We must evaluate Alexander’s argument before we simply re-
ject it.
In Practical Ethics, Singer attempts such an evaluation. He rejects
Alexander’s notion that admitting the existence of lives not worthy to be
lived is the essential step toward Nazi killing. He says: “A life of physical
suffering, unredeemed by any form of pleasure or by a minimal level of self-
consciousness, is not worth living” (1979, p. 214). He also rejects Alexander’s
idea that only an absolute prohibition of medical killing can stop the disaster.
Peter Singer and German Euthanasia 37

Singer says that we can set criteria for deciding when a life is not worth
living and that we may permissibly take it. In no case, he thinks, will this
include already born people who are aware that they exist or who are capable
of thinking about their situations. In no case will it lead to the disaster that
Alexander has predicted. Thus, he holds that the links in Alexander’s analy-
sis are questionable, that we have not sufficiently established the historical
story, and that the concept of “lives not worth living” can be defined in a way
that prevents bad consequences.
Singer goes on to cite the example in Holland, where euthanasia is illegal
but still widely practiced. After listing the guidelines that Dutch courts have
developed, he asserts that:

Euthanasia in these circumstances is strongly supported by the Royal Dutch

Medical Association, and by the general public in the Netherlands. The
guidelines make murder in the guise of euthanasia rather far-fetched, and
there is no evidence of an increase in the murder rate in the Netherlands.16
(1979, p. 197)

Singer asserts that the Dutch experience of permitting euthanasia supports

the claim that the German experience was a unique, one-time occurrence and
not a precedent for the future. Although Singer does not say so, one might
also note that these same Dutch physicians only a few decades earlier had
most courageously resisted any participation in the Nazi euthanasia program.
If they now support the practice, surely there must be a discontinuity be-
tween the two situations.
Placing so much weight on the Dutch experience is a risky strategy. True,
Singer is right that euthanasia is popular in Holland. He is also right that no
equivalent to the Nazi Holocaust has happened there. However, his citation
of the murder rate is just rhetoric. No statistics of this kind would include
even dubious medical killings (should there be such); and how we should
think about these killings is exactly the question at issue. Moreover, when we
examine the details, this example actually works against Singer’s view.
During the last two decades in Holland, the categories of patients for whom
physician-assisted dying was “not legally forbidden” (to use Binding’s phrase)
have been extended beyond the initial guidelines.17 The 1981 Rotterdam de-
cision established the basic rules. Among others, they included the following
factors: (1) the patient must be conscious and experiencing unbearable pain;
(2) there must be no other reasonable solutions; and (3) the patient must
make a well-informed, entirely voluntary, and durable request for death. Fur-
38 Walter Wright

ther, (4) the doctor must consult with an independent professional and this
person must concur. Today, however, the situation has evolved. Cases of per-
mitted killing have been extended to include transient, psychological as well
as persistent physical distress, chronic as well as terminal illness, and invol-
untary as well as voluntary euthanasia. In each case, these extensions are
supported by the argument that it would be discriminatory and unfair to al-
low euthanasia for some, and to deny it to other closely similar cases. This is
just the kind of slippage that Alexander predicted, should his “peg” be re-
moved.
The Dutch government, supported by the Royal Dutch Medical Associa-
tion, has conducted two formal studies of their euthanasia program (1990
and 1995). In each case, researchers promised that participating physicians
would be immune from prosecution for anything they revealed. Both reports
documented the prevalence of involuntary euthanasia, as well as the fact that
doctors, rather than patients, are increasingly making end-of-life decisions in
Holland. Although the investigators presented their results as showing that
the euthanasia program was a success, a number of disturbing facts emerged
in the two reports. Herbert Hendlin (1997) summarizes the points as follows:

1. According to the 1990 report, 2,300 people who requested it were

killed by doctors.
2. Additionally, doctors killed 1040 people who did not know or con-
sent to what was happening. Fourteen percent of these were fully
competent, and 72 percent had never given any indication that they
would want their lives terminated.
3. Sixty percent of euthanasia cases in Holland go unreported. In these
cases, doctors intentionally falsified death certificates to show death
by natural causes. Of course, such falsifications make regulation of
euthanasia impossible.
4. In the 1995 studies, physicians indicated that they consulted an-
other physician in only 11 percent of unreported cases.
5. Almost 20 percent of unreported cases in that report involved end-
ing a life without the patient’s consent.
6. Twenty-five percent of physicians reported that they had “termi-
nated the lives of patients without an explicit request” from the pa-
tient to do so.
7. Although the Dutch investigators claimed that such cases decreased
between 1990 and 1995, they reached this result by citing only the
number of “without explicit request” cases. They ignored another
Peter Singer and German Euthanasia 39

category on the list, cases in which physicians gave pain medica-

tion with the explicit intent of ending a patient’s life. These cases
increased from 1350 to nearly 1900. In more than 80 percent of
these cases, there was no request for death. If we view such deaths
as non-voluntary, then there has been an increase in the number of
cases terminated without request. (pp. 22-23)

While Holland has not experienced mass killings on the scale of the Holo-
caust, these facts suggest that the practice of euthanasia in the Netherlands
has escaped its initially tight controls and evolved toward wider, less regu-
lated, and sometimes almost certainly undesirable killing. The guidelines of
the Dutch court called explicitly for a persistent and repeated request by pa-
tients as one condition of permitting their deaths; but, in many hundreds of
cases, doctors are ignoring this requirement with impunity. Instead of in-
creasing patient autonomy, permitting physician-assisted death has actually
reduced it in Holland. An increasing number of Dutch citizens are undergo-
ing euthanasia without having requested death. Thus, the Dutch experience
too provides evidence for the idea that, once permitted, the rate of killing will
increase. This independent, contemporary example supports the argument
that what happened in Germany may not be a unique and exceptional cir-
cumstance. Evidently, there are lessons to learn from these experiences for
contemporary debates about physician-assisted death.

III
What admonitions may we draw from the German and Dutch experiences to
inform contemporary discussions of physician-assisted death? By way of
concluding, I will suggest three. The first concerns the role of the physician
as a healer. As several others have argued, it is wrong for doctors intention-
ally to kill their patients.18 Doing so not only violates the Hippocratic Oath, it
also undermines patient trust. We can see this from another Dutch study. In
1993, the Protestant Christian Elderly Society in Holland conducted a survey
on general health-care issues, with no special mention of euthanasia. They
received responses from several thousand elders. Still, ten percent of the re-
spondents reported being afraid that they would be killed without their con-
sent. Hans Holmans, director of the Society, offered this explanation: “They
are afraid that at a certain moment, on the basis of age, a treatment will be
considered no longer economically viable, and an early end to their lives will
be made” (Elderly Dutch afraid, 1993). When physicians begin to kill, it
causes confusion and uncertainty. The resulting distrust can undermine phy-
40 Walter Wright

sicians’ abilities to function in their appropriate role as healers. The first ad-
monition, therefore, is that we be very careful before breaching the funda-
mental premise of medical ethics, that preserving the health and life of the
patient is a physician’s controlling duty.
In the second place, we must look carefully at the frequently invoked idea
that “quality of life” can be used as a measure to decide who should live and
who should die. This idea has always permeated discussions of euthanasia.
However, euthanasia advocates, from Jost to Singer, often miss the fact that
“quality of life” is not a simple property inherent in individuals. It is rather a
relational property describing how we as a society care for one another, espe-
cially the most vulnerable among us. The low quality of life ascribed to many
people with differences is less a result of clinical medical facts than of social
attitudes and policies towards these people.19 In the United States, given the
concern for reducing health-care expenditures and the large numbers of un-
insured and under-insured people, invocations of the patients’ “right to choose”
inevitably seems dangerously hollow. The second admonition is this. Until
every seriously ill or disabled person has a right to the health care and sup-
port services necessary to provide a good quality of life, talk about their “right
to die” is dangerous, discriminatory, and unjust. 20
Finally, simply, and most importantly, the examples of Germany and Hol-
land should remind us that it can happen here. Neither education and culture
nor scientific progress and social wealth confer immunity from wrongdoing.
In the early decades of the twentieth century, Germans had the most advanced
medical science on the earth. They were leaders in all aspects of intellectual
and cultural life. By the midpoint of that century, they had become the icon
for totalitarian barbarism. Not for the first time, the “best and brightest” be-
came agents for the “stupidest and worst.” As Leo Alexander wrote, “the first
step to disaster is overweening pride” (1980, p. 46). The final admonition,
then, is that we never forget our common humanity. What human beings
have done before can be done again, both for good and for ill. We must not
imagine that we are different.

Biographical note: Walter Wright is Associate Professor and Chair of Philosophy at

Clark University. He is the editor of Idealistic Studies: An International Journal of
Philosophy. His most recent publication “Historical Analogies, Slippery Slopes, and
the Question of Euthanasia” appeared in The Journal of Law, Medicine, and Ethics. A
Fichte scholar, his translation of Fichte’s 1804 lectures on the Wissenschaftslehre is
currently in preparation.
Peter Singer and German Euthanasia 41

Notes
1. Friedlander estimates 70,000 deaths during the official “T4” euthanasia program
and at least that many again during the “wild euthanasia” program following Hitler’s
“stop order” in 1941. The last victim, four-year-old Richard Jenne, was killed 21 days
after Germany’s unconditional surrender (1995, p. 163).
2. “In 1907 Indiana passed the first laws allowing sterilization of the mentally ill and
criminally insane . . . . By 1939 more than 30,000 people in twenty-nine American
states had been sterilized on eugenic grounds; nearly half of the operations (12,941)
were carried out in California” (Proctor, 1988, p. 97).
3. Jost says nothing about Seneca or other early writers who deal with this question.
4. Jost’s choice of “incurability” as a critical criterion is both striking and peculiar.
Many “incurable” diseases are not immediately or constantly painful and are compat-
ible with long, comfortable, and productive life. This is typical of a lack of care about
important details that characterizes Jost’s entire discussion.
5. Three such works are mentioned by Karl Binding: the “legally weak” essay by
Hiller, Das Recht über sich Selbst (1908); the “legally inadequate ‘criminal study’”
by Elizabeth Rupp, also entitled Das Recht auf den Tod (1913); and Alfred Hoche’s
lecture Von Sterben (n.d.). I have not yet examined any of these texts. Hoche’s lecture
is available in a few U.S. libraries, but they have so far proven unwilling to circulate
or copy it. From the references to it in Binding’s essay, he and Hoche do not seem to
depend on the argument from self-determination as heavily as do Hiller and Rupp.
6. These include a four volume series (1872-1920) Die Normen und ihre Übertretung
(Norms and Their Transgression); and Lehrbuch des gemeinen deutschen Strafrechts
(A Textbook of Common German Criminal Law) (1902-1905).
7. While one might think that no one would ever actually assign moral status based
on the outward appearance of the entity under consideration, Binding is not alone in
doing so. This consideration also surfaced in American discussions of eugenics.
8. Patrick Derr pointed out to me in conversation that this, in effect, is allowing
euthanasia by what we would call “substituted judgment.” He notes ironically that
this is a very “advanced” idea indeed.
9. A recent profile in New Yorker, by Michael Specter (1999), includes several ex-
amples of serious inconsistencies between Singer’s beliefs and actions in the context
of a very interesting discussion of Singer’s life, person, and activities.
10. According to Singer, the organizers were Lebenshilfe and the Bishop Bekkers
Institute, respectively German and Dutch organizations for the parents of cognitively
disabled children. The groups under whose auspices the Conference was to be held
were the International League of Societies for Persons with Mental Handicaps and
the International Association for the Scientific Study of Mental Deficiency.
11. As a result of the conflicts around Singer’s proposed visit, universities were
pressured to curtail activities in this field. While a variety of new ventures in medical
and biomedical ethics were undertaken, Germany had remained quite conservative in
its approach to bioethical questions. The German high court has always referred to
the Nazi era in justifying its reluctance to accept lethal social activities. Likewise, the
42 Walter Wright

recently established journal, Biomedical Ethics, Newsletter of the European Network

for Biomedical Ethics, has approached questions of euthanasia and medical killing
very carefully and thoughtfully but always with a strong tendency against such possi-
bilities.
12. Bioethics remains a very sensitive issue in Germany. See Alison Abbott (1997).
One point I have been attempting to make is that fanaticism and a lack of respect for
rational debate are not preconditions for the occurrence of atrocities. See Walter Wright
(2000).
13. For various advocacy positions also see Katha Pollitt (1999, p. 10); Terry Golway
(1998, p. 4); and Francis Canavan (1999) among many.
14. Proctor detects a similar confluence of views in the thought of Nazi medical
theorists in the 1930s. “Nazi philosophers also commonly expressed concerns about
cruelty toward animals. In early 1933, Nazi representatives in the Prussian parlia-
ment called for legislation banning vivisection” (1988, p. 277).
15. “In fact the Nazis did not have a euthanasia program, in the proper sense of the
word. Their so-called euthanasia program was not motivated by concern for the suf-
fering of those killed” (Singer, 1979, p. 215). While true, this begs the question as to
whether, first, the discussion and subsequently, the general approval of the idea of
euthanasia in the proper sense helped create an environment in which the Nazis’ later
involuntary killing became possible. This latter is the point made by Friedlander and
others.
16. Euthanasia and physician-assisted suicide are permitted under guidelines devel-
oped in a series of court cases. The controlling precedent is from the Court of Rotterdam
(1 December 1981). See J. K. M. Gevers (1996).
17. The statistics that follow are cited from Hendlin (1997), although the essential
points are available in many places.
18. See Leon Kass (1989) and Edmund Pelligrino (1992).
19. This is a point that Tom Koch has made repeatedly in his writings.
20. The other modern example is the state of Oregon, which permits physicians to
prescribe lethal drug doses under certain conditions. This law has been in place a very
short time, and the results are inconclusive. However, advocates point to the small
number of such prescriptions written since the law was enacted and the fact that one-
third of them remains unused. They fail to mention that Oregon is also the only U.S.
state that will not pay for antiviral drug treatment for AIDS patients. Apparently, the
two-year median survival rate of these patients is not judged to be worth the social
cost of providing treatment.

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