HHS Public Access: Mediation and Moderation of Divorce Effects On Children's Behavior Problems
HHS Public Access: Mediation and Moderation of Divorce Effects On Children's Behavior Problems
HHS Public Access: Mediation and Moderation of Divorce Effects On Children's Behavior Problems
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J Fam Psychol. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2016 October 05.
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Thomas Schofield
Department of Human Development and Family Studies, Iowa State University
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Abstract
Using data from the NICHD Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development, we examined
children’s internalizing and externalizing behavior problems from age 5 to age 15 in relation to
whether they had experienced a parental divorce. Children from divorced families had more
behavior problems compared with a propensity score-matched sample of children from intact
families according to both teachers and mothers. They exhibited more internalizing and
externalizing problems at the first assessment after the parents’ separation and at the last available
assessment (age 11 for teacher reports, or age 15 for mother reports). Divorce also predicted both
short-term and long-term rank-order increases in behavior problems. Associations between divorce
and child behavior problems were moderated by family income (assessed before the divorce) such
that children from families with higher incomes prior to the separation had fewer internalizing
problems than children from families with lower incomes prior to the separation. Higher levels of
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pre-divorce maternal sensitivity and child IQ also functioned as protective factors for children of
divorce. Mediation analyses showed that children were more likely to exhibit behavior problems
after the divorce if their post-divorce home environment was less supportive and stimulating, their
mother was less sensitive and more depressed, and their household income was lower. We discuss
avenues for intervention, particularly efforts to improve the quality of home environments in
divorced families.
Keywords
divorce; internalizing and externalizing behavior problems; longitudinal study
In today’s world, divorce is a normative event, affecting approximately half of all marriages
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in the U.S. (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004). Many of the children caught up in the experience of
divorce exhibit difficulties in functioning, including frequent behavior problems and
deficiencies in academic performance, even years following the event (Amato, 2001, 2010;
Amato & Keith, 1991; Lansford et al., 2006; Wood, Repute, & Rosh, 2004). Parental divorce
does not affect all children to the same extent, however. Some children ride out the
dissolution of their family relatively unscathed, whereas others continue to show difficulties
in behavioral and psychological adjustment (Amato, 1994, 2000, 2001; Hetherington, 1989,
1999; Kelly & Emery, 2003; Lansford, 2009). The developmental psychopathology
framework (Davies & Cicchetti, 2004; Sroufe & Rutter, 1984) informs this investigation of
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why some children function better than others following parental divorce. This framework
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growth-curve modeling to investigate how children adapt to their parents’ divorce over time
in terms of absolute change, or change in mean levels over time. Lansford et al. (2006)
examined trajectories of children’s internalizing and externalizing behavior problems from 1
year prior to 3 years following parental separation, using a group matched on ethnicity,
gender and socioeconomic (SES) status as a comparison. They found that separation/divorce
was related to trajectories of increasing internalizing and externalizing problems, though
there was some evidence of pre-divorce differences in externalizing problems. Using a
similar multi-level modeling approach, Magnusen and Berger (2009) also observed that
experiencing family status transitions, such as into a single-mother or step-father family, was
associated with increases in behavior problems over time. Magnuson and Berger also found
that individuals in divorced families differed from individuals in intact families in systematic
ways leading to selection biases. Longitudinal associations between divorce and children’s
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adjustment were also found in several other studies (Cherlin, Chase-Lansdale, & McRae,
1998; Ge, Natsuaki, & Conger, 2006; Strohschein, 2005). In sum, prior research shows that
divorce is associated with changes in child behavior problems, though these findings are
tempered by selection effects and preexisting differences between children in divorced
families and children in intact families. The current study contributes to this literature by
modeling absolute change in child behavior, while controlling for selection effects through
propensity score-based matching, which is rare in studies of divorce (Frisco, Muller, &
Frank, 2007).
Furstenberg, 1989; Hetherington, 1999). Indeed, many researchers who have adopted this
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approach report that controlling for pre-divorce differences reduces or eliminates divorce
effects (Cherlin, Church-Lansdale & McRea, 1998; Størksen et al, 2005). If pre-divorce
differences are not controlled for, even longitudinal data cannot effectively speak to the
causal effect of divorce (Sun & Li, 2001). The present study contributes to this literature by
modeling both trajectories of absolute change in children from divorced and intact families,
as well as relative change, controlling for pre-divorce behavior.
tripartite model of protective factors, which includes (a) dispositional characteristics of the
child, (b) family characteristics, and (c) extrafamilial contexts. We limited our focus to the
first two areas, considering how their effects might buffer children from the effects of
divorce. Within the domain of dispositional attributes we examined child intelligence as a
potential moderating factor; within the domain of family characteristics we examined
positive parenting as a protective factor and higher family income prior to the divorce as a
potential buffer.
Child intelligence has often been identified as an important protective factor for children
experiencing adversity (Rutter, 2006). For example, Hawaiian children in Werner’s (1993)
study of resilience coped more effectively with extreme poverty when they had higher levels
of intelligence. In a similar manner, more intelligent children may be better equipped
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cognitively to handle the challenges presented by a parental divorce. They may be better able
to understand why their parents are separating and to reason about possible benefits of
divorce for their parents and perhaps themselves. Although intelligence is frequently studied
in research on child resilience, it is rarely considered as a protective factor for children of
divorce. In one study, Katz and Gottman (1997) did find that children’s intelligence partially
buffered them from the negative effects of marital conflict and dissolution in terms of peer
relations and academic achievement. In the present study, we extend Katz and Gottman’s
work by looking at the relation between child intelligence and post-divorce adjustment over
a longer and later age period rather than the 3-year period from age 5 to age 8 they observed.
Positive parenting, including being sensitive and responsive to the child’s needs, is likely to
protect children from the negative fallout associated with parental divorce because it
increases the child’s sense of stability and security in the parent-child relationship and can
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strengthen the child’s coping abilities when faced with the challenges of parental separation
(Amato, 2000; Hetherington, 1999; Kelly & Emery, 2003; Krishnakumar & Buehler, 2000).
Wolchik and colleagues (2000) reported that maternal acceptance of the child moderated
post-divorce stress and predicted fewer internalizing and externalizing problems in children
aged 8–12. However, this study lacked a comparison group of intact families, and the
researchers were not able to model longitudinal associations between parenting and child
adjustment. These limitations are addressed in the current study.
Adults have more trouble adjusting to divorce if they have less income (Amato, 2000; Booth
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& Amato, 1991; Duffy, Thomas & Trayner, 2002). Extending this finding to children of
divorce, one might expect that children from families with higher incomes prior to the
divorce would be less affected by their parents’ separation than children whose families had
fewer monetary resources, because they would be less likely to experience stresses from
poor housing, education, neighborhoods, and communities. The current study further
contributes to this research area by testing for moderating effects of these three factors.
Family income is likely to decline after a divorce (Fields, 2003), and parents with limited
resources generally experience greater stress and have less energy to devote to their children
and the children are more likely to have mental health difficulties (Barrett & Turner, 2005).
Parents are also likely to provide less sensitive care to their children following a divorce and
may experience more depressive symptoms as well (Whiteside & Becker, 2000). In addition,
the environment in the home of a divorced family may be less supportive of children’s
development (Poehlmann & Fiese, 1994), because parents are distracted and distressed and
unable to provide the same level of cognitive and social stimulation. Each of these factors
may offer a pathway through which divorce could result in adjustment difficulties in children
following a divorce.
determine if divorce related to the intercept or slope of problem behaviors; we modeled rank
order changes in problem behaviors by taking into account children’s pre-divorce level of
problem behaviors; and divorced and intact families were compared at the assessment
immediately before the divorce and again at the assessment immediately following the
divorce to examine the short-term effect of divorce, to complement the long-term effect of
divorce addressed by the first two approaches. Lastly, longitudinal assessments of family
characteristics make our findings particularly informative, as we were able to test for both
moderation (using pre-divorce assessments) and mediation (using post-divorce assessments)
To our knowledge, nowhere in the literature have such comprehensive analyses been
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children and children with sensitive mothers would be buffered from the
negative consequences of divorce. Finally, we anticipated that children
from more affluent families prior to the divorce would be less affected by
their parents’ separation because they had experienced less stress and
strain in their pre-divorce family.
Method
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Participants
Participants were the families in the National Institute of Child Health and Human
Development Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development. These families were
recruited in 1991, shortly after their child’s birth, from hospitals at 10 sites across the United
States (Little Rock, AR; Irvine, CA; Lawrence, KS; Boston, MA; Philadelphia, PA;
Pittsburgh, PA; Charlottesville, VA; Morganton, NC; Seattle, WA; and Madison, WI).
Specific recruitment procedures are detailed more thoroughly by the NICHD Early Child
Care Research Network (ECCRN) (2005). When infants were 1 month old, 1,364 mothers
completed a home interview and became part of the initial study sample. This sample
included a substantial proportion of low education parents (30% had no more than a high
school degree), ethnic minority families (13% were African American compared with the
national proportion of 12%), and the mean income level was the same as the U.S. average
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($37,000).
conducted when children were 1, 3, 9, 12, 15, 24, 36, 42, 46, 50, and 54 months old, in
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< .001; and to have a mother with more years of education, r(1361) = .14, p < .001.
For analyses, the entire sample was examined for reports of divorce. Of the original sample
(N = 1364), 770 mothers (56.5% of the original sample) reported being continuously
married at available time points and 260 (19.1%) mothers began the study married at 1
month and subsequently reported a separation or divorce. The remaining 334 families who
began the study at one month were excluded either because they reported cohabitating with a
partner (N = 153, 11.2%); were widowed or single parents at the first assessment(N = 150,
11%), reported an ambiguous change from married to partnered/living together (N = 18;
1.3%) began the study separated (N = 11, 0.8%), or had extensive missing data on the
marital status variable (N=2, 0.1%).
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These 260 families comprised the divorced sample for all analyses; the distribution of
children’s ages at the time of separation is presented in Table 1.
onto these six variables using logistic regression, all six showed unique predictive effects:
Exp (b) = .937, p < .001 for mother’s age, Exp (b) = 2.26, p < .001 for father’s ethnicity, Exp
(b) = .668, p = .003 for couple’s socioeconomic status, Exp (b) = 1.38, p < .001 for couple’s
marital conflict, Exp(b) = 1.02, p = .040 for mother’s depression, and Exp (b) = 1.02, p = .
029 for mother’s parenting stress. Therefore, the propensity score was created by saving the
predicted probability of divorce based on the logistic regression of divorce status onto these
six predictors. A high score represented a high probability of divorce (young age of mother,
low SES, African American father, high marital conflict, high maternal depression, and high
maternal parenting stress); propensity scores ranged from .07 to .78; M = .30, SD = .13. We
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then selected a sample of 260 intact married families (from the total sample of 770) matched
to the separated/divorced sample by propensity scores. Each of the 260 separated/divorced
families was manually matched to the intact family that was their nearest neighbor on the
propensity variable, with matching beginning at the families who had the highest propensity
to divorce (without replacement). Of these matches, 95% were within .10 on the propensity
score. The maximum distance between matched families required to match the final 5% of
the sample was .15.
through grade 6. These instruments are recognized as highly reliable and valid measures of
children’s behavior problems (Achenbach, 1991; 1992).
mother-child interactions involving play scenarios and problem-solving tasks were made at
each of the study’s 10 sites and sent to a single site for central coding, with coders blind to
other information about the families. Rating scales were designed to capture the mother’s
emotional and instrumental support for the child’s engagement with the task activities as
well as collaborative interactions between mother and child. Individual ratings were
combined at each age to represent maternal sensitivity in the interaction tasks. In order to
maintain an age-appropriate measure of the construct, maternal sensitivity indicators
changed somewhat over time, to reflect a developmentally appropriate measure of the same
construct at each time point. Inter-coder reliability was established by having two coders
assess approximately 20% of the tapes, randomly drawn from each assessment period.
Additional details regarding coding procedures, training and reliabilities is available in
NICHD ECCRN (1999, 2003 and 2006). For assessments at 6, 15, 24, and 36 months,
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sensitivity scores reflected the sum of three 4-point ratings: sensitivity to the child’s non-
distress signals, positive regard, and intrusiveness (reversed); these scores were recoded (by
assessments was r = .46). Averaging across all available pre-divorce assessments produces
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Child’s IQ: Wechsler Abbreviated Scale of Intelligence scores when the child was in grade
4; observed values ranged from 71 to 145 (M = 107.44; SD= 13.84).
Post-divorce maternal depression: Mothers’ depression was assessed using the CES-D scale
(Radloff, 1977) when children were 6, 15, 24, 36, and 54 months old, in grades 1, 3, 5, and
6, and at age 15. To examine whether mothers’ depression mediated associations between
divorce and children’s behavior problems, we used an average from all post-divorce
assessments of depressive symptoms (M = 9.48; SD = 6.88, average correlation across
assessments was r = .55). Averaging across all available post-divorce assessments produces
an estimate that is more representative of the average home environment, and is more
reliable.
Post-divorce family income to needs ratio: The family’s income-to-needs ratio was
computed as the ratio between total family income and the poverty threshold for each year
the data were collected. The household income of the custodial parent was computed and
averaged across post-divorce assessments to create the post-divorce income variable (M =
3.81; SD = 2.84, average correlation across assessments was r = .82).
Data analytic strategy—We used Mplus Version 6 (Muthén & Muthén, 2006) to estimate
models using full-information maximum likelihood estimation (missingness was less than
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11% for every cell of the covariance matrix). Analyses focused on both absolute change as
well as relative change. Absolute change refers to changes in mean level over time, whereas
relative change refers to shifts in rank order (Caspi & Bem, 1990). It is possible for one of
these types of change to be present without the other. Therefore, to establish whether divorce
is associated with either absolute change or relative change, we assess both separately. We
also wanted to address whether divorce was associated with either short-term effects, or
long-term change. Consequently, three approaches were followed to assess the effect of
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First, models identifying latent intercepts and linear and quadratic slopes were fit to each of
the four child outcomes (standardized into T-scores) to model absolute change in children’s
behavior problems from kindergarten through sixth grade (teacher report) and eighth grade
(mother report). For example, the intercept of teacher externalizing was a latent factor with
loadings of 1 onto each assessment (kindergarten – grade 6). The linear slope of teacher
externalizing was a latent factor with loadings of −6 onto the kindergarten assessment, −5
onto the assessment at first grade, −4 onto the assessment at second grade, and so on. The
quadratic slope of teacher externalizing was a latent factor with loadings of 36 onto the
kindergarten assessment, 25 onto the assessment at first grade, 16 onto the assessment at
second grade, and so on. Growth models were centered at the last available timepoint (grade
6 for teacher reports, age 15 for mother reports), allowing us to examine their adjustment in
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adolescence. This specification meant that the event of parental divorce temporally preceded
the intercept, and occurred at some point either before or during the measured slope. This
also means that differences in the intercept associated with divorce represent a conservative
test, as the intercept is as temporally distant from the event of parental divorce as the data
allow.
matched control group. Because teacher-reported outcomes were available only from
kindergarten through sixth grade, these analyses of relative change were conducted only for
mother-reported problems.
Third, divorced and intact families were compared at the assessment immediately before the
divorce and again at the assessment immediately following the divorce (within 12 months of
divorce for 98% of families) to examine the immediate short-term effect of divorce, rather
than the long-term effect addressed by the first two approaches.
Moderators were tested by entering the variable representing divorce, the hypothesized
moderator (centered), and the product of the moderator and divorce. Mediation of divorce
was assessed by entering each hypothesized mediator into a regression analysis that allowed
the estimation of the indirect path from divorce status to child outcomes via the mediator.
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Results
Descriptive Analyses
Associations between Divorce and Child Problems—The first set of analyses tested
associations between divorce and the intercept and slope for each child outcome. Divorce
status was related to the intercept for all four outcomes but was not related to the slopes.
Children from divorced families had more internalizing problems at grade 6 reported by
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The second set of analyses tested the effect of divorce in a framework that modeled relative,
or rank order change, rather than absolute change. Rank-order stability refers to the
consistency of the relative ordering of individuals over time and provides an indicator of the
extent to which participants maintain their relative position in a group over time (Caspi &
Bem, 1990). Mother-reported internalizing at age 15 was regressed onto divorce status and
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Mother’s pre-divorce sensitivity: Mother’s sensitivity toward the child moderated the
effect of divorce on the intercept of teacher-reported externalizing problems, χ2 = 59.62, df
= 31, TLI =.973, RMSEA = .036; b = −.80, SE = .30. Moderation was also evident for the
quadratic slope of mother-reported child internalizing problems, b = .005, p = .001, mother-
reported child externalizing problems, b =.003, p = .022, and teacher-reported child
internalizing problems, b = .009, p = .031. In each instance, mother’s sensitivity functioned
as a protective factor buffering the effect of divorce (i.e., there were fewer problems or
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problems decreased more rapidly). When graphed (Figures 1–2), results for mother-reported
internalizing and externalizing reflected that maternal sensitivity was most protective during
middle to late childhood..
Child’s intelligence: The child’s IQ moderated the effect of divorce on the intercept of
teacher-reported child internalizing problems, χ2 = 62.19, df = 31, TLI =.986, RMSEA = .
043; b = 1.23, SE = .60, and the linear slope of teacher-reported child externalizing
problems, χ2 = 51.79, df = 31, TLI =.975, RMSEA = .049; b = −.16, SE = .08. Moderation
was also evident for the quadratic slope of mother-reported child internalizing problems, b
= .006, p = .016, and mother-reported child externalizing problems, b = .005, p = .018. In
each instance, IQ functioned as a protective factor; that is, the association between divorce
and high levels of behavior problems was weaker for more intelligent children (Figures 3–4).
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Discussion
In this study we analyzed children’s longitudinal adjustment to their parents’ divorce in
terms of internalizing and externalizing behavior problems rated by teachers and mothers,
modeled processes by which divorce leads to increases in behavior problems, and identified
protective factors that moderate the effects of divorce on children’s adjustment.
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As predicted, children from divorced families had significantly more behavior problems than
peers from intact families, and these problems were evident immediately after the separation
and later on, in early and middle adolescence. This is an important finding, because many
studies and reviews of divorce have concluded that children return to typical functioning
after the first two years following the divorce (Amato, 1994, 2001; Hetherington, 1999;
Kelly & Emery, 2003). Our results suggest that divorce effects can be quite persistent,
consistent with findings from two other longitudinal studies of children’s adjustment
trajectories (Cherlin et al., 1998, VanderValk, Spruijt, de Goede, Maas, & Meeus, 2005).
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Associations were small in size, but were in line with results of meta-analyses reported in
the literature (Amato, 2001; Amato & Keith, 1991). Effects were evident both at home as
reported by mothers and at school as reported by teachers, suggesting that the observed
differences were not the result of setting or informant bias.
Divorce did not lead to a faster increase in behavior problems. However, children from
divorced families did increase in their rank order of behavior problems in a relative change
model that took into account behavior problems immediately prior to the divorce. This
finding indicates that, relative to the rest of the sample, children from divorced families
increased in their ranking of behavior problems. Thus, for example, a child from a divorced
family may go from a relative rank of 7 in the sample to a ranking of 5 post-divorce. It is
rare in studies of divorce for researchers to control for children’s pre-divorce problems, and
this is an important contribution made by the current study.
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Analysis of moderators of divorce effects revealed that children were more likely to exhibit
externalizing behavior problems after their parents’ separation if they came from families
that had fewer financial resources before the separation. Thus, having greater family income
prior to the divorce appeared to buffer children from the negative consequences of divorce.
For children with lower incomes, the experience of stress due to family financial woes, lack
of educational and community resources, and perhaps neighborhood crime exacerbated
children’s difficulty adjusting to the divorce. Few researchers have analyzed pre-divorce
family income as a specific risk factor for children, instead focusing on the loss of resources
post-divorce (Gadalla, 2009; Fischer, 2007). This is another contribution made by the
present study, and it suggests that child advocates should make children from low-income
families a particular focus for intervention aimed at helping children adjust to divorce.
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We also found that mother’s pre-divorce sensitivity buffered the overall effect of divorce on
children’s externalizing problems reported by teachers. It also decreased children’s divorce-
related internalizing problems reported by teachers and internalizing and externalizing
problems reported by mothers. These findings extend the results of previous research and the
current study showing that good parenting after divorce has positive effects for children by
suggesting that mothers’ good parenting before the divorce also predicts better and more
rapid adjustment for children.
Another protective factor was children’s intelligence. If children had higher IQ scores, this
buffered the effect of divorce on internalizing problems reported by teachers and the rate of
decrease in teacher-reported externalizing behaviors. Previous research has indicated that
child intelligence buffers children from negative effects of divorce (Guidubaldi &
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Duckworth, 2001; Hetherington, 1989; Katz & Gottman, 1997; Kraynak, 1997; Wallerstein
& Kelly, 1980), although the present study suggests that intelligence, and maternal
sensitivity as well, may not be sufficient to fully inoculate children from problems
associated with divorce, as children at age 15 still evinced behavior difficulties.
Analysis of mediators of divorce effects revealed that children were more likely to exhibit
behavior problems after the divorce because their post-divorce home environment was less
supportive and stimulating, their mother was less sensitive and more depressed, and their
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household income was lower. Other studies have also shown that good parenting after
divorce has positive effects for children (Amato, 2000; Lengua, Wolchik, Sandler, & West,
2000; Ruschena, Prior, Sanson, & Smart, 2005; Wolchik, Wilcox, Tein, & Sandler, 2000). In
the present study, the quality of the home environment was a particularly strong, consistent,
and independent mediator of internalizing problems, suggesting that after parents separate
their children are likely to become anxious, withdrawn, and depressed because their daily
living becomes more chaotic, their daily routines fall by the wayside, and their parents
provide less emotional support and fewer avenues for cognitive and social stimulation
(Hetherington & Kelly, 2002; Poehlmann & Fiese, 1994). This finding indicates that divorce
itself may not be as detrimental for children as the circumstances that accompany it and
suggests a possible avenue for intervention—helping divorced parents provide a supportive
and stimulating home environment. This kind of intervention is more feasible than
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The findings from this study hint that although individual and family characteristics may
indeed be protective earlier in a child’s life, the effects of divorce may still remain years
following the event. Overall, the picture that emerges from this research is one of complex
associations between divorce, pre- and post-divorce family and home characteristics, and
children’s behavior problems over time. In general, the quality of the home environment
following divorce offers a positive and concrete avenue for intervention efforts. Additionally,
the associations between divorce and problem behaviors may be less severe for more
intelligent children and children of more sensitive mothers, but such children would also
likely benefit from therapeutic programs.
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However, the study had limitations. Because children could not be randomly assigned to
divorcing parents, findings are necessarily correlational. It is possible that other, unexplored
variables could account for observed associations. Furthermore, due to the longitudinal
nature of the study, attrition was an issue in the study and the sample that completed the
study was not identical in risk factors to those who began the study. This may have
implications for the longitudinal interpretation of our findings. A particularly important
limitation was our lack of information about fathers’ behavior following parental separation.
These children all remained with their mothers following separation, and data were not
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collected from non-resident fathers. Furthermore, this study was limited by a lack of
information on contextual details, such as the family structure following divorce and the
details of custody and living arrangements. Additionally, although at recruitment the sample
was not queried regarding sexual orientation, it is assumed that the sample represents
heterosexual couples, thus limiting our ability to generalize to children experiencing
separations in same-sex couples. Continued study of individual differences in children’s
adjustment to parental separation is clearly necessary if we are to fully understand the
processes of adjustment to divorce and provide support for children who experience it.
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Figure 1.
Moderation of maternal sensitivity on mother-reported internalizing
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Figure 2.
Moderation of maternal sensitivity on mother-reported externalizing
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Figure 3.
Moderation of child IQ on mother-reported externalizing
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Figure 4.
Moderation of child IQ on teacher-reported externalizing
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Table 1
Mean Levels of Child Problems for Children in Separated Versus Intact Families
Table 2
Unstandardized Effect Sizes From Models Testing For Mediation of Parental Divorce
Mediated by post-divorce family income 0.20* 0.02* 0.09 0.02 0.41 0.46 0.37 0.43
Mediated by post-divorce maternal depression 0.20* 0.02* 0.13 0.06 0.78 0.93*A 1.88* 0.73*A
Mediated by post-divorce maternal sensitivity 0.18* 0.04* 0.20* 0.06*A 1.38* 0.43* 1.66* 0.96*
Mediated by post-divorce home environment 0.12 0.09*A 0.16* 0.10*A 1.28 0.42 1.11 1.46*A